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+Project Gutenberg's The Histories of Polybius, Vol. I (of 2), by Polybius
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Histories of Polybius, Vol. I (of 2)
+
+Author: Polybius
+
+Contributor: Friedrich Otto Hultsch
+
+Translator: Evelyn Shirley Shuckburgh
+
+Release Date: November 8, 2013 [EBook #44125]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS, VOL I ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Delphine Lettau, Turgut Dincer and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+  Transcriber's note:
+
+  This book was published in two volumes, of which this is the first.
+  The second volume was released as Project Gutenberg ebook #44126,
+  available at http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/44126.
+
+  Bold characters are enclosed in plus (+) signs.
+  Gesperrt text is enclosed in equal (=) signs.
+
+
+
+
+THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS
+
+[Illustration]
+
+
+   THE
+
+   HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS
+
+   TRANSLATED FROM THE TEXT OF F. HULTSCH
+
+   BY
+
+   EVELYN S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A.
+
+   LATE FELLOW OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
+
+   IN TWO VOLUMES
+
+   VOL. I
+
+   LONDON
+
+   MACMILLAN AND CO.
+
+   AND NEW YORK
+
+   1889
+
+   _All rights reserved_
+
+
+
+   TO
+
+   F. M. S.
+
+   IN GRATITUDE FOR MUCH PATIENT HELP
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+This is the first English translation of the complete works of Polybius
+as far as they are now known. In attempting such a task I feel that I
+ought to state distinctly the limits which I have proposed to myself
+in carrying it out. I have desired to present to English readers a
+faithful copy of what Polybius wrote, which should at the same time
+be a readable English book. I have not been careful to follow the
+Greek idiom; and have not hesitated to break up and curtail or enlarge
+his sentences, when I thought that, by doing so, I could present his
+meaning in more idiomatic English. Polybius is not an author likely
+to be studied for the sake of his Greek, except by a few technical
+scholars; and the modern complexion of much of his thought makes
+such a plan of translation both possible and desirable. How far I
+have succeeded I must leave my readers to decide. Again, I have not
+undertaken to write a commentary on Polybius, nor to discuss at length
+the many questions of interest which arise from his text. Such an
+undertaking would have required much more space than I was able to
+give: and happily, while my translation was passing through the press,
+two books have appeared, which will supply English students with much
+that I might have felt bound to endeavour to give—the Achaean league
+by Mr. Capes, and the sumptuous Oxford edition of extracts by Mr.
+Strachan-Davidson.
+
+The translation is made from the text of Hultsch and follows his
+arrangement of the fragments. If this causes some inconvenience to
+those who use the older texts, I hope that such inconvenience will
+be minimised by the full index which I have placed at the end of the
+second volume.
+
+I have not, I repeat, undertaken to write a commentary. I propose
+rather to give the materials for commentary to those who, for various
+reasons, do not care to use the Greek of Polybius. I have therefore in
+the first five complete books left him to speak for himself, with the
+minimum of notes which seemed necessary for the understanding of his
+text. The case of the fragments was different. In giving a translation
+of them I have tried, when possible, to indicate the part of the
+history to which they belong, and to connect them by brief sketches of
+intermediate events, with full references to those authors who supply
+the missing links.
+
+Imperfect as the performance of such a task must, I fear, be, it has
+been one of no ordinary labour, and has occupied every hour that
+could be spared during several years of a not unlaborious life. And
+though I cannot hope to have escaped errors, either of ignorance or
+human infirmity, I trust that I may have produced what will be found
+of use to some historical students, in giving them a fairly faithful
+representation of the works of an historian who is, in fact, our sole
+authority for some most interesting portions of the world’s history.
+
+It remains to give a brief account of the gradual formation of the text
+of Polybius, as we now have it.
+
+The revival of interest in the study of Polybius was due to Pope
+Nicholas V (1447-1455), the founder of the Vatican Library. Soon after
+his election he seems to have urged Cardinal Perotti to undertake a
+Latin translation of the five books then known to exist. When Perotti
+sent him his translation of the first book, the Pope thus acknowledges
+it in a letter dated 28th August 1452:—[1]
+
+   “_Primus Polybii liber, quem ad nos misisti, nuper a te de Graeca
+   in Latinam translatus, gratissimus etiam fuit et jucundissimus:
+   quippe in ea translatione nobis cumulatissime satisfacis. Tanta
+   enim facilitate et eloquentia transfers, ut Historia ipsa nunquam
+   Graeca, sed prorsus Latina semper fuisse videatur. Optimum igitur
+   ingenium tuum valde commendamus atque probamus, teque hortamur ut
+   velis pro laude et gloria tua, et pro voluptate nimia singulare
+   opus inchoatum perficere, nec labori parcas. Nam et rem ingenio
+   et doctrina tua dignam, et nobis omnium gratissimam efficies; qui
+   laborum et studiorum tuorum aliquando memores erimus.... Tu vero,
+   si nobis rem gratam efficere cupis, nihil negligentiae committas
+   in hoc opere traducendo. Nihil enim nobis gratius efficere
+   poteris. Librum primum a vertice ad calcem legimus, in cujus
+   translatione voluntati nostrae amplissime satisfactum est._”
+
+On the 3d of January 1454 the Pope writes again to Perotti thanking him
+for the third book; and in a letter to Torelli, dated 13th November
+1453, Perotti says that he had finished his translation of Polybius in
+the preceding September. This translation was first printed in 1473.
+The Greek text was not printed till 1530, when an edition of the first
+five books in Greek, along with Perotti’s translation, was published at
+the Hague, _opera Vincentii Obsopaei_, dedicated to George, Marquess of
+Brandenburg. Perotti’s translation was again printed at Basle in 1549,
+accompanied by a Latin translation of the fragments of books 6 to 17 by
+Wolfgan Musculus, and reprinted at the Hague in 1598.
+
+The chief fragments of Polybius fall into two classes; (1) those
+made by some unknown epitomator, who Casaubon even supposed might be
+Marcus Brutus, who, according to Plutarch, was engaged in this work
+in his tent the night before the battle of Pharsalus. The printing of
+these began with two insignificant fragments on the battle between
+the Rhodians and Attalus against Philip, Paris, 1536; and another _de
+re navali_, Basle, 1537. These fragments have continually accumulated
+by fresh discoveries. (2) The other class of fragments are those
+made by the order of Constantinus Porphyrogenitus (911-959), among
+similar ones from other historians, which were to be digested under
+fifty-three heads or tituli; one of which (the 27th) has come down
+to us, discovered in the sixteenth century, containing the _selecta
+de legationibus_; and another (the 50th) _de virtute et vitio_. The
+printing of the first of these begins with the edition of Fulvius
+Ursinus, published at Antwerp in 1582. This was supplemented in
+1634 (Paris) by an edition by Valesius of _excerpta ex collectaneis
+Constantini Augusti Porphyrogeneti_. The first edition of something
+like a complete text of Polybius, containing the five entire books,
+the _excerptae legationes_, and fragments of the other books, was
+that of Isaac Casaubon, Paris, 1609, fo. It was accompanied by a new
+and very brilliant Latin translation, and a preface which has been
+famous among such works. It contains also a Latin translation of
+Aeneas Tacticus. Altogether it is a splendid book. Some additional
+_annotationes_ of Casaubon’s were published after his death in 1617,
+Paris.[2] Other editions followed; that of Gronovius, Amsterdam, 1670:
+of Ernesti, Leipsic, 1764, containing Casaubon’s translation more or
+less emended, and additional fragments. But the next important step
+in the bibliography of Polybius was the publication of the great
+edition of Schweighaeuser, Leipsic, 1789-1795, in nine volumes, with
+a new Latin translation,—founded, however, to a great extent on
+Casaubon,—a new recension of the text, and still farther additions
+to the fragments; accompanied also by an excellent Lexicon and
+Onomasticon. This great work has been the foundation from which all
+modern commentaries on Polybius must spring. Considerable additions
+to the fragments, collected from MSS. in the Vatican by Cardinal Mai,
+were published in 1827 at Rome. The chief modern texts are those of
+Bekker, 1844; Duebner (with Latin translation), 1839 and 1865; Dindorf,
+1866-1868, 1882 (Teubner). A new recension of the five books and all
+the known fragments—founded on a collation of some twelve MSS. and all
+previous editions, as well as all the numerous works of importance on
+our Author that have appeared in Germany and elsewhere—was published
+by F. Hultsch, Berlin, 1867-1872, in four volumes. This must now be
+considered the standard text. A second edition of the first volume
+appeared in 1888, but after that part of my translation had passed
+through the press.
+
+Of English translations the earliest was by Ch. Watson, 1568, of the
+first five books. It is entitled _The Hystories of the most famous
+Cronographer Polybios; Discoursing of the warres betwixt the Romanes
+and Carthaginenses, a rich and goodly work, conteining holsome counsels
+and wonderful devices against the inconstances of fickle Fortune.
+Englished by C[hristopher] W[atson] whereunto is annexed an Abstract,
+compendiously coarcted out of the life and worthy Acts perpetrate
+by oure puissant Prince King Henry the fift. London, Imprinted by
+Henry Byneman for Tho. Hacket, 1568_, 8vo. See Herbert’s _Ames_, p.
+895. Another translation of the five books was published by Edward
+Grimestone, London, 1634, of which a second and third edition appeared
+in 1648 and 1673. A translation of the Mercenary War from the first
+book was made by Sir Walter Raleigh, and published after his death
+in 1647 (London, 4to). Next, a new translation of the five books was
+published in London, 1693 (2 vols. 8vo), by Sir H[enry] S[hears],
+with a preface by Dryden. In 1741 (London, 4to) appeared “A fragment
+of the 6th book containing a dissertation on government, translated
+from the Greek of Polybius, with notes, etc., by A Gentleman.” This
+was followed by the first English translation, which contained any
+part of the fragments, as well as the five books, by the Rev. James
+Hampton, London, 4to, 1756-1761, which between that date and 1823
+(2 vols., Oxford) went through at least seven editions. Lastly, a
+translation of Polybius’s account of Hannibal’s passage of the Alps is
+appended by Messrs. Church and Brodribb to their translation of Livy,
+21-22. There is a German translation by A. Haakh and Kraz, Stuttgart,
+1858-1875. And a French translation by J. A. C. Buchon, Paris, 1842,
+Orléans, 1875. For the numerous German essays and dissertations on
+the text, and particular questions arising from the history, I must
+refer my readers to Engelmann’s _Bibliotheca_. In England such studies
+are rare. Mr. Strachan-Davidson published an essay on Polybius in
+Hellenica; and his edition of extracts of the text (Oxford, 1888)
+contains several dissertations of value. Mr. Capes (London, 1888) has
+published an edition of extracts referring to the Achaean league,
+with an introductory essay on the author and his work. And a very
+admirable article on Polybius appears in the recent edition of the
+_Encyclopædia Britannica_ by Mr. H. F. Pelham. There is also a good
+paper on Polybius in the _Quarterly Review_ for 1879, No. 296.
+Criticisms on Polybius, and estimates of his value as an historian,
+will be found in Thirlwall’s _History of Greece_, vol. viii.; Arnold’s
+_History of Rome_; Mommsen’s _History of Rome_, book iv. c. xiii.;
+Freeman’s _History of Federal Government_ and _Essays_; Bunbury’s
+_Ancient Geography_, vol. ii. p. 16; Law’s _Alps of Hannibal_. For
+the Roman side of his history, besides the works mentioned by Mr.
+Strachan-Davidson, a good list of the literature on the 2d Punic war
+is given by Mr. W. T. Arnold in his edition of Dr. Arnold’s history of
+that period [London, Macmillan, 1886].
+
+Finally, I have to express my warm thanks to Dr. Warre, Head Master of
+Eton, for aiding me with his unique knowledge of ancient and modern
+tactics in clearing up many points very puzzling to a civilian. To
+Mr. W. Chawner, Fellow and Tutor of Emmanuel College, for reading
+part of the translation in proof, and making valuable corrections and
+suggestions. And to Professor Ridgway, of Queen’s College, Cork, for
+corrections in the geographical fragments of book 34.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+                                       PAGES
+
+   INTRODUCTION                      xvii-lx
+
+   BOOKS I TO IX                       1-602
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+I. POLYBIUS
+
+
+Fortune cast the life of Polybius in stirring times. His special claim
+to our admiration is that he understood the importance in the history
+of the world of the changes which were passing under his eyes, and
+exerted himself to trace the events which immediately preceded them,
+and from which they sprang, while it was yet possible to see and
+question surviving participators in them; to examine places, before
+they had lost all marks of the great events of which they had been
+the scene; and records or monuments before time had cast a doubt upon
+their meaning or authenticity. Nor is this ordinary praise. Men are
+apt to turn their eyes upon the past, as holding all that is worthy of
+contemplation, while they fail to take note of history “in the making,”
+or to grasp the importance of the transactions of their own day. But
+as every year has its decisive influence on the years which succeed
+it, the greatest benefactor of posterity is the man who understands
+and records events as they pass with care and sincerity. Laborious
+compilation, from the study and comparison of ancient records and
+monuments, has its value: it may often be all that it is possible to
+obtain; it may not unfrequently even serve to correct statements of
+contemporaries which have been deformed by carelessness or coloured by
+prejudice. But the best compilation is infinitely inferior in interest
+and instructiveness to the barest report of a contemporary. And when
+such a man is also an eye-witness of much that he relates; when he knew
+and conversed with many of the chief actors in the great events which
+he records; when again he tells us of transactions so remote in time,
+that all written documents have necessarily perished, and those in more
+durable bronze and stone all but followed in their train, then indeed
+the interest rises to the highest pitch. Like Herodotus and Thucydides,
+then, Polybius tells us of his own times, and of the generations
+immediately preceding them. It is true that the part of his work which
+has survived in a complete form deals with a period before his own
+day, just as the greater part of the history of Herodotus does, but in
+the larger part of the fragments he is writing with even more complete
+personal knowledge than Thucydides. He had, again, neither the faculty
+for story-telling possessed by Herodotus nor the literary and dramatic
+force of Thucydides. The language which he spoke and wrote had lost
+the magic of style; had lost the lucidity and grace of Sophocles, and
+the rugged vigour and terseness of Thucydides. Nor had he apparently
+acquired any of those artifices which, while they sometimes weary us
+in the later rhetoricians, yet generally serve to make their writings
+the easiest and pleasantest of reading. Equally remote again is his
+style from the elaborate and involved manner of Plutarch, with its huge
+compound words built up of intricate sentences, more like difficult
+German than Greek. Polybius had no tricks of this sort;[3] but his
+style lacks logical order and clearness. It seems rather the language
+of a man of affairs, who had had neither leisure to study style, nor
+taste to read widely with a view to literature as such. But after all
+it is Greek, and Greek that still retained its marvellous adaptability
+to every purpose, to every shade of thought, and every form of
+literature. Nor is his style in the purely narrative parts of his work
+wanting in a certain force, derived from singleness and directness of
+purpose. He “speaks right on,” and turns neither to the right hand nor
+the left. It is when he reflects and argues and moralises, that his
+want of literary skill sometimes makes him difficult and involved;
+and though the thought is essentially just, and his point of view
+wonderfully modern, we continually feel the want of that nameless charm
+which the Greeks called χάρις.
+
+His bent for historical composition was fortunately encouraged by the
+circumstances of his life, which gave Polybius special opportunities
+of satisfying his curiosity and completing his knowledge. Not only was
+he the son of a man who had held the highest office in the league, and
+so must have heard the politics and history of Achaia discussed from
+his earliest youth; not only from early manhood was he himself in the
+thick of political business; but he knew the sovereigns of Egypt and
+Pergamus, of Macedonia and Syria, and the Roman generals who conquered
+the latter. He had visited a Roman camp and witnessed its practical
+arrangements and discipline. And his enforced residence of sixteen
+years in Italy and Rome was, by the good fortune of his introduction to
+Aemilius Paullus and his sons, turned into an opportunity of unrivalled
+advantage for studying the laws, military discipline, and character
+of the imperial people whose world conquest he chronicles. Unlike his
+fellow-exiles, he did not allow his depressing circumstances to numb
+his faculties, exasperate his temper, or deaden his curiosity. He won
+the confidence of the leading men at Rome; and seems, while pushing on
+his inquiries with untiring vigour, to have used his influence for the
+benefit of his countrymen, and of all Greek subjects of Rome.
+
+But, like so many of the writers of antiquity, he has had no one to
+perform for him the service he had done for others in rescuing their
+achievements and the particulars of their career from oblivion. Of the
+many _testimonia_ collected by Schweighaeuser and others from ancient
+writers, scarcely one gives us any details or anecdotes of the writer,
+whose work they briefly describe or praise. We are reduced as usual to
+pick out from his own writings the scattered allusions or statements
+which help us to picture his character and career.
+
+[Sidenote: Birth of Polybius.]
+
+Polybius of Megalopolis was the son of Lycortas, the friend and
+partisan of Philopoemen, who had served the Achaean league in several
+capacities: as ambassador to Rome in B.C. 189, along with Diophanes,
+on the question of the war with Sparta,[4] and to Ptolemy Epiphanes
+in B.C. 186,[5] and finally as Strategus in B.C. 184-183. Of the year
+of his birth we cannot be certain. He tells us that he was elected
+to go on embassy from the league to Ptolemy Epiphanes in the year of
+the death of that monarch (B.C. 181), although he was below the legal
+age.[6] But we do not know for certain what that age was; although
+it seems likely that it was thirty, that apparently being the age at
+which a member of the league exercised his full privileges.[7] But
+assuming this, we do not know how much under that age he was. Two years
+previously (B.C. 183) he had carried the urn at Philopoemen’s funeral.
+This was an office usually performed by quite young men (νεανίσκοι)[8],
+probably not much over twenty years old. As we know that he lived to
+write a history of the Numantine war, which ended B.C. 133[9], and that
+he was eighty-two at the time of his death[10], we shall not, I think,
+be probably far wrong if we place his birth in B.C. 203 and his death
+in B.C. 121 as Casaubon does, who notes that the latter is just sixteen
+years before the birth of Cicero. But though this is a good working
+hypothesis, it is very far from being a demonstrated fact.
+
+Between B.C. 181-168 he was closely allied with his father in politics;
+and if we wish to have any conception of what he was doing, it is
+necessary to form some idea of the state of parties in the Peloponnese
+at the time.
+
+The crowning achievement of Philopoemen’s career had been the uniting
+of Sparta to the Achaean league, after the murder of the tyrant Nabis
+by the Aetolians who had come to Sparta as his allies (B.C. 192). In
+B.C. 191 the Achaeans were allowed to add Messene and Elis to their
+league, as a reward for their services to Rome in the war against
+Antiochus. The Aetolian league, the chief enemy and opponent of Achaia,
+was reduced to a state of humble dependence on Rome in B.C. 189, after
+the defeat of Antiochus at Thermopylae (B.C. 191) and the Aetolian
+war (B.C. 191-189). From B.C. 190 then begins the time during which
+Polybius says that the “name of the Achaeans became the universal one
+for all the inhabitants of the Peloponnese” (2, 42). But though Sparta
+was included in the league she was always a restive and dissatisfied
+member; and the people of Elis and Messene, who were not very willing
+members either, were told by Flamininus that if they had any reason to
+complain of the federal government they were to appeal to him.[11] Now,
+by a treaty of alliance with Rome, decreed at Sikyon in B.C. 198, it
+was provided that Rome should receive no envoys from separate states of
+the league, but only from the league itself.[12] Flamininus, therefore,
+if he said what Livy reports him to have said, was violating this
+treaty. And this will be a good instance to illustrate the divisions
+of parties existing during the period of Polybius’s active political
+life (B.C. 181-169). We have seen that in B.C. 198 the Achaean league
+became an ally of Rome as a complete and independent state; that this
+state was consolidated by the addition of Sparta (192) and Elis and
+Messene (191) so as to embrace the whole of the Peloponnese; that its
+chief enemy in Greece, the Aetolian league, was rendered powerless
+in B.C. 189. The Macedonian influence in the Peloponnese had been
+abolished after the battle of Cynoscephalae (197) by the proclamation
+of Greek freedom by Flamininus (196). But all this seeming liberty
+and growth in power really depended upon the favour of Rome, and was
+continually endangered not only by the appeals to the Senate from
+separate states in the league, who conceived themselves wronged, but by
+treasonable representations of her own envoys, who preferred a party
+triumph to the welfare and independence of their country[13]. In these
+circumstances, there were naturally differences of opinion as to the
+proper attitude for the league government to assume towards a state,
+which was nominally an equal ally, but really an absolute master. There
+was one party who were for submissively carrying out the will of the
+Roman officers who from time to time visited the Peloponnese; and for
+conciliating the Senate by displaying a perpetual readiness to carry
+out its wishes, without putting forward in any way the rights which
+the treaty of 198 had secured to them. The leaders of this party, in
+the time of Philopoemen, were Aristaenos and Diophanes. The other
+party, headed till his death by Philopoemen, equally admitting that the
+Roman government could not be safely defied, were yet for aiming at
+preserving their country’s independence by strictly carrying out the
+terms of the Roman alliance, and respectfully but firmly resisting any
+encroachment upon those terms by the officers representing the Roman
+government. On Philopoemen’s death (B.C. 183) Lycortas, who had been
+his most devoted follower, took, along with Archon, the lead of the
+party which were for carrying out his policy; while Callicrates became
+the most prominent of the Romanising party. Lycortas was supported
+by his son Polybius when about B.C. 181 he began to take part in
+politics. Polybius seems always to have consistently maintained this
+policy. His view seems to have been that Rome, having crushed Philip
+and Antiochus, was necessarily the supreme power. The Greeks must
+recognise facts; must avoid offending Rome; but must do so by keeping
+to a position of strict legality, maintaining their rights, and neither
+flattering nor defying the victorious Commonwealth. He believed that
+the Romans meant fairly by Greece, and that Greek freedom was safe
+in their hands[14]. But the straightforward policy of the Senate, if
+it was ever sincere, was altered by the traitor Callicrates in B.C.
+179; who, being sent to Rome to oppose what the league thought the
+unconstitutional restitution of certain Spartan exiles, advised the
+Senate to use the Romanising party in each state to secure a direct
+control in Achaia[15]. Acting on this insidious advice, the Roman
+government began to view with suspicion the legal and independent
+attitude of the other party, and to believe or affect to believe
+that they were enemies of the Roman supremacy. Lycortas, Archon,
+and Polybius, finding themselves the objects of suspicion, not less
+dangerous because undeserved, to the Roman government, appear to have
+adopted an attitude of reserve, abstaining from taking an active or
+prominent part in the business of the assemblies. This, however, did
+not succeed in averting Roman jealousy; and the commissioners, Gaius
+Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius, who visited the Peloponnese in B.C. 169,
+gave out that those who held aloof were as displeasing to the Senate
+as those who openly opposed it. They were said to have resolved on
+formally impeaching the three statesmen before the Achaean assembly
+as being enemies of Rome; but when the assembly met at Aegium, they
+had failed to obtain any reasonable handle against them, and contented
+themselves with a speech of general exhortation.[16] This was during
+the war with Perseus, when the Romans kept a vigilant eye on all parts
+of Greece, and closely inquired which politicians in the several
+states ventured to display the least sympathy with the Macedonian
+king, or were believed to secretly nourish any wish for his success.
+It speaks strongly both for the independent spirit still surviving in
+the league, as well as for the character of Archon and Polybius, that
+they were elected, apparently in the same assembly, the one Strategus
+and the other Hipparch for the year B.C. 169-168.[17] In this office
+Polybius doubtless hoped to carry out the principles and discipline
+of Philopoemen, under whom he had probably served in the cavalry, and
+whose management of this branch of the service he had at any rate
+minutely studied.[18] But there was little occasion for the use of the
+Achaean cavalry in his year. Being sent on a mission to Q. Marcius
+Philippus at Heracleia to offer the league’s assistance in the war
+with Perseus, when their help was declined, he remained behind after
+the other ambassadors had returned, to witness the campaign.[19] After
+spending some time in the Roman camp, he was sent by Q. Marcius to
+prevent the Achaeans from consenting to supply five thousand men to
+Appius Claudius Cento in Epirus. This was a matter of considerable
+delicacy. He had to choose between offending one or the other powerful
+Roman. But he conducted the affair with prudence, and on the lines
+he had always laid down, those, namely, of strict legality. He found
+the Achaean assembly in session at Sicyon; and he carried his point
+by representing that the demand of Appius Claudius did not bear on
+the face of it the order of the Senate, without which they were
+prohibited from supplying the requisitions of Roman commanders.[20] He
+thus did not betray that he was acting on the instigation of Quintus
+Marcius, and put himself and the league in an attitude of loyalty
+toward the Senate.[21] In the same cautious spirit he avoided another
+complication. Certain complimentary statues or inscriptions had been
+put up in various cities of the league in honour of Eumenes, king of
+Pergamus, and on some offence arising had been taken down. This seems
+to have annoyed Eumenes exceedingly; and Polybius persuaded the people
+that it had been ordered by Sosigenes and Diopeithes, as judges, from
+feelings of personal spite, and without any act of Eumenes unfriendly
+to the league. He carried his point, and thus avoided offending a
+king who at that time was on very friendly terms with Rome.[22] But
+while thus minded to avoid unnecessary offence, Polybius and his party
+were in favour of strengthening the league by alliances which could
+be entered upon with safety. Egypt at this time was under the joint
+government of two Ptolemies, Philometor and Physcon, who were being
+threatened with an invasion by Antiochus Epiphanes. The friendship
+of the league with the kings of Egypt had been of long standing, as
+far back as the time of Aratus; and though that friendship had been
+afterwards interrupted by the Macedonian policy of Aratus, just before
+his death the father of these kings had presented the league with ten
+ships and a sum of money. The two kings now sent to beg for aid; and
+asked that Lycortas should come as commander-in-chief, and Polybius
+as hipparch. Lycortas and Polybius were in favour of supplying the
+assistance asked.[23] But the measure was opposed by Callicrates and
+his partisans, on the specious ground that their whole efforts should
+be directed to aid the Romans against Perseus. Lycortas and Polybius
+replied that the Romans did not require their help; and that they were
+bound, by gratitude, as well as by treaty, to help the Ptolemies. They
+carried with them the popular feeling: but Callicrates outwitted them
+by obtaining a dispatch from Q. Marcius, urging the league to join the
+senate in effecting a reconciliation between Antiochus and the kings
+of Egypt. Polybius gave in, and advised compliance. Ambassadors were
+appointed to aid in the pacification; and the envoys from Alexandria
+were obliged to depart without effecting their object. They contented
+themselves with handing in to the magistrates the Royal letters,
+in which Lycortas and Polybius were invited by name to come to
+Alexandria.[24]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 167.]
+
+Careful, however, as he had ever been to avoid giving just offence to
+Rome, he and his party had long been marked by the Senate as opponents
+of that more complete interference in the details of Achaean politics
+which it wished to exercise. This was partly owing to the machinations
+of Callicrates; but it was also the result of the deliberate policy of
+the Senate: and it was doubtless helped by the report of every Roman
+officer who had found himself thwarted by the appeal to legality,
+under the influence of the party in the league with which Polybius was
+connected.[25] Accordingly, soon after the final defeat of Perseus
+by Aemilius Paulus in B.C. 168, and the consequent dismemberment of
+Macedonia, the Senate proceeded to execute its vengeance upon those
+citizens in every state in Greece who were believed to have been
+opposed to the Roman interests. The commissioners entrusted with
+the settlement and division of Macedonia were directed to hold an
+inquiry into this matter also. From every city the extreme partisans
+of Rome were summoned to assist them, men who were only too ready to
+sacrifice their political opponents to the vengeance of the power to
+which they had long been paying a servile and treacherous court. From
+Boeotia came Mnasippus; from Acarnania, Chremes; from Epirus, Charops
+and Nicias; from Aetolia, Lyciscus and Tisippus; and from Achaia,
+Callicrates, Agesias, and Philippus.[26] Instigated by these advisers,
+the commissioners ordered the supposed covert enemies of Rome in the
+several states to proceed to Italy to take their trial. To Achaia
+two commissioners, Gaius Claudius and Gnaeus Domitius, were sent. An
+Achaean assembly being summoned to meet them, they announced that there
+were certain men of influence in the league who had helped Perseus by
+money and other support. They required that a vote should be passed
+condemning them all to death; and said that, when that was done, they
+would publish the names. Such a monstrous perversion of justice was
+too much for the assembly, who refused to vote until they knew the
+names. The commissioners then said that all the Strategi who had been
+in office since the beginning of the war were involved. One of them,
+Xeno, came forward, declared his innocence, and asserted that he was
+ready to plead his cause before any tribunal, Achaean or Roman. Upon
+this the commissioners required that all the accused persons should go
+to Rome. A list of one thousand names was drawn up, under the guidance
+of Callicrates, of those who were at once to proceed to Italy[27] (B.C.
+167). The court of inquiry, before which they were to appear, was never
+held. They were not allowed even to stay in Rome, but were quartered
+in various cities of Italy, which were made responsible for their safe
+custody: and there they remained until B.C. 151, when such of them as
+were still alive, numbering then somewhat less than three hundred, were
+contemptuously allowed to return.[28] Among these detenus was Polybius.
+We do not hear that Lycortas was also one, from which it has been with
+some probability supposed that he was dead. More fortunate than the
+rest, Polybius was allowed to remain at Rome. He had made, it seems,
+the acquaintance of Aemilius Paulus and his two sons in Macedonia, and
+during the tour of Amelius through Greece after the Macedonian war.[29]
+And on their return to Italy he was allowed by their influence to
+remain in Rome; and, acting as tutor to the two boys,[30] became well
+acquainted with all the best society in the city. The charming account
+which he gives[31] of the mutual affection existing between him and
+the younger son of Aemilius (by adoption now called Publius Scipio
+Africanus Aemilianus) bears all the marks of sincerity, and is highly
+to the credit of both. To it we may add the anecdote of Plutarch, that
+“Scipio, in observance of the precept of Polybius, endeavoured never to
+leave the forum without having made a close friend of some one he met
+there.”
+
+But much as he owed to the friendship of the sons of Aemilius, he
+owed it also to his own energy and cheerful vigour that these sixteen
+years of exile were not lost time in his life. He employed them, not
+in fruitless indulgence in homesickness, or in gloomy brooding over
+his wrongs, but in a careful and industrious study of the history and
+institutions of the people among whom he was compelled to reside[32];
+in ingratiating himself with those members of the Senate who he thought
+might be useful to his countrymen; and in forming and maturing his
+judgment as to the course of policy they ought to pursue. Nor was he
+without means of gratifying lighter tastes. He was an active sportsman:
+and the boar-hunting in the district of Laurentum not only diverted his
+attention from the distressing circumstances of his exile, and kept
+his body in vigorous health, but obtained for him the acquaintance of
+many men of rank and influence. Thus for instance his intimacy with
+the Syrian prince Demetrius, afterwards king Demetrius Soter, was made
+in the hunting-field[33]: and the value which this young man attached
+to his advice and support is some measure of the opinion entertained
+generally of his wisdom, moderation, and good judgment. We have no
+further details of his life in Rome; but we have what is better,—its
+fruits, in the luminous account of its polity, the constitution of its
+army, and the aims of its statesmen.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 151. Release of the detenus.]
+
+At last the time came when he was once more free to visit his own
+country, or to extend his knowledge by visiting the countries which
+he wished to describe. After repeated applications to the Senate
+by embassies from Achaia, made without avail, in B.C. 151 Polybius
+appeared in person to plead the cause before the Fathers. There was
+now, it was thought, no reason for retaining these unfortunate men. The
+original thousand had shrunk to less than three hundred; middle-aged
+men had become in sixteen years old and decrepit; they had lost
+connexions and influence in the Peloponnese; they had learnt by bitter
+experience the impossibility of resisting the power of Rome, and were
+no longer likely to venture on organising any opposition. Their longer
+detention could only be a measure of vengeance, and useless vengeance.
+Still the debate in the Senate was long and doubtful, until it was
+brought to a conclusion by the contemptuous exclamation of Cato: “Are
+we to sit here all day discussing whether some old Greek dotards are
+to be buried by Italian or Achaean undertakers?” Polybius, elated by
+a concession thus ungraciously accorded, wished to enter the Senate
+once more with a further request for a restitution of their property in
+Achaia. But Cato bluntly bade him “remember Ulysses, who wanted to go
+back into the cave of the Cyclops to fetch his cap and belt.”[34]
+
+[Sidenote: Coss. L. Marcius Censornius, Manius Manilius, B.C. 149.
+Polybius sent for to Lilybaeum.]
+
+Polybius seems to have returned to the Peloponnese at once, and to have
+remained there until B.C. 149, when he was suddenly summoned to serve
+the government whose enforced guest he had been so long. It was the
+year in which the Senate had determined to commence their proceedings
+against Carthage, which were not to be stayed until she was levelled
+with the ground. In B.C. 150 the victory of Massanissa had restored the
+oligarchs, who had been superseded by the popular anti-Roman party in
+Carthage. These men hastened to make every possible offer of submission
+to Rome. The Senate had made up its mind for war; and yet did not at
+once say so. After demanding that full satisfaction should be made to
+Massanissa, it next decreed that the Carthaginians must at once give
+three hundred of their noblest youths as hostages to the Roman consuls
+Manilius and Censorinus, who had sailed to Lilybaeum with secret orders
+to let no concession induce them to stop the war until Carthage was
+destroyed.[35] There was naturally some hesitation in obeying this
+demand at Carthage; for the hostages were to be given to the Romans
+absolutely without any terms, and without any security. They felt
+that it was practically a surrender of their city. To overcome this
+hesitation Manilius sent for Polybius, perhaps because he had known and
+respected him at Rome, and believed that he could trust him; perhaps
+because his well-known opinion, as to the safety in trusting the Roman
+_fides_, might make him a useful agent. But also probably because he
+was known to many influential Carthaginians, and perhaps spoke their
+language.[36] He started for Lilybaeum at once. But when he reached
+Corcyra he was met with the news that the hostages had been given up
+to the consul: he thought, therefore, that the chance of war was at an
+end, and he returned to the Peloponnese.[37]
+
+He must soon have learnt his mistake. The Consul, in accordance with
+his secret instructions,—first to secure the arms in Carthage, and
+then to insist on the destruction of the town,—gradually let the
+wretched people know the extent of the submission required of them.
+These outrageous demands resulted in the Carthaginians taking the
+desperate resolution of standing a siege. Censorinus and his colleague
+accordingly began operations; but they were not capable of so great
+an undertaking. The eyes of the whole army were turned upon Scipio
+Aemilianus, who was serving as a military tribune. The siege lingered
+through the summer of B.C. 148 without any result; and when in the
+autumn Scipio left for Rome, to stand for the Aedileship, he started
+amidst loud expressions of hope that he might return as Consul, though
+below the legal age.[38]
+
+The loss of so much of Polybius’s narrative at this point leaves us
+uncertain when he arrived in Africa: but as he met and conversed with
+Massanissa,[39] who died in B.C. 148, it seems likely that he did join
+the army after all in B.C. 149. At any rate he was in Scipio’s train
+in B.C. 147-146, when he was in chief command of the army, first as
+consul, and then as proconsul; advised him on sundry points in the
+formation of his siege works; stood by his side when Carthage was
+burning; and heard him, as he watched the dreadful sight, utter with
+tearful eyes the foreboding of what might one day befall Rome.[40]
+Scipio is also said to have supplied him with ships for an exploring
+expedition round the coast of Africa;[41] and it seems most likely that
+this was in his year of consulship (147), as after the fall of Carthage
+Polybius went home.
+
+The destruction of Carthage took place in the spring of B.C. 146. When
+Scipio went back to celebrate his triumph, Polybius seems to have
+returned to the Peloponnese, there to witness another act of vengeance
+on the part of Rome, and to do what he could to lighten the blow to his
+countrymen, and to preserve the fragments of their shattered liberties.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 148.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 147.]
+
+Among the restored Achaean exiles were Diaeus, Damocritus, Alcamenes,
+Theodectes, and Archicrates. They had returned with feelings embittered
+by their exile; and without any of the experience of active life, which
+might have taught them to subordinate their private thirst for revenge
+to the safety of their country. Callicrates died in B.C. 148, and
+Diaeus was Strategus in B.C. 149-148, 147-146. The appearance of the
+pseudo-Philip (Andriscus) in Macedonia, and the continued resistance
+of Carthage during his first year of office (148), encouraged him
+perhaps to venture on a course, and to recommend the people to adopt
+a policy, on which he would otherwise not have ventured. Troubles
+arising out of a disgraceful money transaction between the Spartan
+Menalchidas, Achaean Strategus, and the Oropians, who had bribed him
+to aid them against the Athenians, had led to a violent quarrel with
+Callicrates, who threatened to impeach him for treason to the league
+in the course of an embassy to Rome. To save himself he gave half the
+Oropian money to Diaeus, his successor as Strategus (B.C. 149-148).
+This led to a popular clamour against Diaeus: who, to save himself,
+falsely reported that the Senate had granted the Achaeans leave to try
+and condemn certain Spartans for the offence of occupying a disputed
+territory. Sparta was prepared to resist in arms, and a war seemed to
+be on the point of breaking out. Callicrates and Diaeus, however, were
+sent early in B.C. 148 to place the Achaean case before the Senate,
+while the Spartans sent Menalchidas. Callicrates died on the road. The
+Senate heard, therefore, the two sides from Diaeus and Menalchidas, and
+answered that they would send commissioners to inquire into the case.
+The commissioners, however, were slow in coming; so that both Diaeus
+and Menalchidas had time to misrepresent the Senate’s answer to their
+respective peoples. The Achaeans believed that they had full leave to
+proceed according to the league law against the Spartans; the Spartans
+believed that they had permission to break off from the league. Once
+more, therefore, war was on the point of breaking out.[42] Just at
+this time Q. Caecilius Metellus was in Macedonia with an army to crush
+Andriscus. He was sending some commissioners to Asia, and ordered them
+to visit the Peloponnese on their way and give a friendly warning. It
+was neglected, and the Spartans sustained a defeat, which irritated
+them without crushing their revolt. When Diaeus succeeded Damocritus as
+Strategus in B.C. 147, he answered a second embassy from Metellus by
+a promise not to take any hostile steps until the Roman commissioners
+arrived. But he irritated the Spartans by putting garrisons into some
+forts which commanded Laconia; and they actually elected Menalchidas as
+a Strategus in opposition to Diaeus. But finding that he had no chance
+of success Menalchidas poisoned himself.[43]
+
+Then followed the riot at Corinth.[44] Marcus Aurelius Orestes at the
+head of a commission arrived at last at Corinth, and there informed the
+magistrates in council that the league must give up Argos, Corinth,
+and Sparta. The magistrates hastily summoned an assembly and announced
+the message from the Senate; a furious riot followed, every man in
+Corinth suspected of being a Spartan was seized and thrown into prison;
+the very residence of the Roman commissioners was not able to afford
+such persons any protection, and even the persons of Orestes and his
+colleagues were in imminent danger.
+
+Some months afterwards a second commission arrived headed by Sextus
+Julius Caesar, and demanded, without any express menace, that the
+authors of the riot should be given up. The demand was evaded; and when
+Caesar returned to Rome with his report, war was at once declared.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 147-146.]
+
+The new Strategus, elected in the autumn of B.C. 147, was Critolaus.
+He was a bitter anti-Romanist like Diaeus: and these statesmen and
+their party fancied that the Romans, having already two wars on hand,
+at Carthage and in Spain, would make any sacrifice to keep peace with
+Achaia. They had not indeed openly declined the demands of Sextus,
+but, to use Polybius’s expressive phrase, “they accepted with the left
+hand what the Romans offered with the right.”[45] While pretending to
+be preparing to submit their case to the Senate, they were collecting
+an army from the cities of the league. Inspired with an inexplicable
+infatuation, which does not deserve the name of courage, Critolaus even
+advanced northwards towards Thermopylae, as if he could with his petty
+force bar the road to the Romans and free Greece. He was encouraged,
+it was said, by a party at Thebes which had suffered from Rome for its
+Macedonising policy. But, rash as the march was, it was managed with at
+least equal imprudence. Instead of occupying Thermopylae, they stopped
+short of it to besiege Trachinian Heracleia, an old Spartan colony,[46]
+which refused to join the league. While engaged in this, Critolaus
+heard that Metellus (who wished to anticipate his successor Mummius)
+was on the march from Macedonia. He beat a hasty retreat to Scarpheia
+in Locris,[47] which was on the road leading to Elateia and the south;
+here he was overtaken and defeated with considerable slaughter.
+Critolaus appears not to have fallen on the field; but he was never
+seen again. He was either lost in some marshes over which he attempted
+to escape, as Pausanias suggests, or poisoned himself, as Livy says.
+Diaeus, as his predecessor, became Strategus, and was elected for the
+following year also. Diaeus exerted himself to collect troops for
+the defence of Corinth, nominally as being at war with Sparta. He
+succeeded in getting as many as fourteen thousand infantry and six
+hundred cavalry, consisting partly of citizens and partly of slaves;
+and sent four thousand picked men under Alcamenes to hold Megara, while
+he himself occupied Corinth. When Metellus approached, however, this
+outpost at Megara hastily retreated into Corinth. Metellus took up his
+position in the Isthmus, and offered the Achaeans the fairest terms.
+Diaeus, however, induced them to reject all offers; and Metellus was
+kept some time encamped before Corinth.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 146. Arrival of Mummius.]
+
+It was now late in the spring of B.C. 146, and the new Consul, Lucius
+Mummius, arrived at the Roman camp. He at once sent Metellus back to
+Macedonia, and quietly awaited the arrival of fresh troops, which he
+had sent for from Crete and Pergamum, as well as from Italy.[48] He
+eventually had an army of about thirty thousand men, nearly double
+of the Greek army in Corinth. Nothing apparently was done till the
+late summer, or autumn. But then the final catastrophe was rapid and
+complete. The Roman officers regarded the Achaean force with such
+contempt, that they did not take proper precautions, so that Diaeus
+won a slight advantage against one of the Roman outposts. Flushed with
+this success, he drew out for a pitched battle, in which he was totally
+defeated. He made his way to Megalopolis, where, after killing his
+wife, he poisoned himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Polybius saves some statues of national interest.]
+
+Thus by a series of imprudent measures, which Polybius denounces,
+but was not at home to oppose, the Achaean league had drifted into
+downright war with Rome; and, almost without a struggle, had fallen
+helplessly at her feet, forced to accept whatever her mercy or contempt
+might grant. Mercy, however, was to be preceded by stern punishment.
+Corinth was given up to plunder and to fire, and Polybius returned
+from Africa in time to witness it.[49] The destruction or deportation
+of works of art, of pictures, statues, and costly furniture, he could
+not prevent; but he spoke a successful word to preserve the statues of
+Philopoemen in the various cities from destruction; and also begged
+successfully for the restoration of some of the Eponymous hero Achaeus,
+and of Philopoemen and Aratus, which had already been transported as
+far as Acarnania on their way to Italy.[50] He also dissuaded his
+friends from rushing to take their share in the plunder by purchasing
+the confiscated goods of Diaeus, which were put to auction and could be
+bought at low rates; and he refused to accept any of them himself.[51]
+
+[Sidenote: The new settlement of the Peloponnese, B.C. 146-145.]
+
+The settlement of the territories of the league was put into the hands
+of a commission of ten men who were sent out after the sack of Corinth;
+while Mummius, after seeing that such towns in the Peloponnese as had
+joined in the war were deprived of their fortifications and arms, and
+after inflicting punishment upon other towns in Greece which had shown
+active sympathy with Perseus, especially Thebes and Chalcis, returned
+home to celebrate his triumph, which was adorned with marble and bronze
+statues and pictures from Corinth.[52] The commissioners who had been
+sent out to make a final settlement of Greece, or Achaia, as it was
+henceforth to be called in official language, settled the general
+plan in conjunction with Mummius; but the commissioners continued
+their labours for six months, at the end of which time they departed,
+leaving Polybius to settle with each town the details of their local
+legislation. The general principles which the commissioners laid down
+were first, the entire abolition of all the leagues, and consequently
+of the league assemblies; each town, with its surrounding district,
+which had once formed a canton in the league, was to be separate and
+independent: its magistrates, secondly, were to be selected according
+to a fixed assessment of property, the old equality or democracy
+being abolished: thirdly, no member of one canton might own property
+in another: fourthly, the Boeotians were ordered to pay a heavy
+compensation to the Heracleots and Euboeans, and the Achaeans to the
+Spartans: lastly, a fixed tribute to Rome was imposed on all states
+in Greece.[53] Some of these measures were in a few years’ time
+relaxed, the fines were mitigated, the rule against inter-possession of
+property was abolished, and the league assemblies were again allowed
+for certain local purposes. But this was the end of the league as a
+free federation. It is often said that “Greece was now reduced to the
+form of a Roman province under the name of Achaia.” This is true in a
+sense, and yet is misleading. Achaia did not become a province like
+the other provinces, yearly allotted to a proconsul or propraetor or
+legatus, until the time of Augustus. Such direct interference from a
+Roman magistrate as was thought necessary was left to the governor of
+Macedonia.[54] Yet in a certain sense Achaia was treated as a separate
+entity, and had a “formula,” or constitution, founded on the separate
+local laws which the commissioners found existing, or imposed, with the
+help of Polybius, on the several states; it paid tribute like other
+provinces, and was in fact, though called free, subject to Rome.
+
+Polybius performed his task of visiting the various towns in the
+Peloponnese, explaining when necessary the meaning of the new
+arrangements, and advising them, when they had to make others for
+themselves, so much to the satisfaction of every one, that there was
+a universal feeling that he had been a benefactor to his country, and
+had made the best of their situation that could be made. Statues of him
+are mentioned by Pausanias in several places in the Peloponnese: in
+Mantinea[55] and at Megalopolis,[56] with an inscription in elegiacs
+to the effect that “he had travelled over every land and sea; was an
+ally of the Romans, and mitigated their wrath against Greece.” Another
+in the temple of Persephone, near Acacesium,[57] under which was a
+legend stating that “Greece would not have erred at all if she had
+obeyed Polybius; and that when she did err, he alone proved of any
+help to her.” There were others also at Pallantium,[58] Tegea,[59] and
+Olympia.[60]
+
+In these services to his country Polybius was occupied in B.C. 145.
+Of his life after that we have no detailed record. He is believed
+to have visited Scipio while engaged on the siege of Numantia (B.C.
+134-132), on which he wrote a separate treatise.[61] We know also
+that he visited Alexandria in the reign of Ptolemy Physcon (B.C.
+146-117), and expressed his contempt for the state of the people and
+their rulers.[62] These years must have been also much occupied with
+the extension of his history, which he originally intended should
+end with the fall of the Macedonian kingdom (B.C. 168),[63] but
+which was afterwards continued to the fall of Carthage and Greece
+(B.C. 146);[64] for even if the history had been completed up to its
+originally intended limit, and the notice of extension afterwards
+inserted, there still was enough to do to occupy some years of a busy
+life; especially as he seems to have carried out his principle that an
+historian ought to be a traveller, visiting the localities of which
+he speaks, and testing by personal inspection the possibility of the
+military evolutions which he undertakes to describe. His travels appear
+certainly to have embraced the greater part of Gaul, and it even seems
+possible from one passage that he visited Britain.[65] His explorations
+on the African coast were doubtless extensive, and he appears to have
+visited Phoenicia, Cilicia, and Asia Minor. We hear of him at Sardis,
+though we cannot fix the date of the visit.[66] Lastly, Lucian tells us
+that, “returning from the country, he had a fall from his horse, the
+effects of which he died at the age of eighty-two.” No place is given,
+and no clue which may help us to be certain of the date.[67] Polybius,
+besides the general history, had written a treatise on Tactics,[68] a
+panegyric on Philopoemen,[69] a history of the Numantine war,[70] and
+perhaps a treatise on public speaking (δημηγορία).[71]
+
+
+§ 2.—THE SOURCES OF POLYBIUS’S HISTORY
+
+Polybius always maintains that the study of documents is only one, and
+not the most important, element in the equipment of an historian. The
+best is personal experience and personal inquiry.
+
+[Sidenote: Personal knowledge.]
+
+Of the sources of his own history, then, the first and best may be set
+down as knowledge acquired by being actually present at great events,
+such as the destruction of Carthage and the sack of Corinth; visits to
+the Roman army in camp; assisting at actual debates in his own country;
+personal knowledge of and service under men of the first position
+in Achaia; personal visits to famous localities; voyages and tours
+undertaken for the definite object of inspection and inquiry; and,
+lastly, seeing and questioning the survivors of great battles, or the
+men who had played a leading part in conspicuous political transactions.
+
+From his earliest youth Polybius had enjoyed some special advantages
+in these respects. As he himself says, “the events in Greece fell
+within his own generation, or that immediately preceding his own,—and
+he therefore could relate what he had seen, or what he had heard from
+eye-witnesses” (4, 2). And of the later period he “was not only an eye
+witness, but in some cases an actor, and in others the chief actor”
+(3, 4). When he was probably under twenty we hear of his being present
+at an important interview between Philopoemen and Archon;[72] and his
+election as hipparch in B.C. 169, soon after he reached the legal age,
+was in consequence of his having thrown himself with vigour into the
+practical working of the cavalry under Philopoemen. In regard to Roman
+history and polity, we have Cicero’s testimony that he was _bonus
+auctor in primis_,[73] and more particularly in regard to chronology,
+_quo nemo fuit in exquirendis temporibus diligentius_.[74] Nor is
+this praise undeserved, as is shown by his energy in pushing minute
+and personal inquiries. Thus he learnt the details of the Hannibalic
+war from some of the survivors of those actually engaged; visited the
+localities, and made the pass of the Alps used by Hannibal;[75] studied
+and transcribed the stele or bronze tablet placed by Hannibal on the
+Lacinian promontory;[76] travelled through Libya, Spain, Gaul, and the
+seas which washed their shores (perhaps even as far as Britain), in
+order to give a true account of them.[77] Conversed with Massanissa
+on the character of the Carthaginians, as well as with many of the
+Carthaginians themselves.[78] Carefully observed Carthagena.[79]
+Inspected the records at Rhodes,[80] and the Archives at Rome;[81]
+and studied and transcribed the treaties preserved there.[82] Visited
+Sardis,[83] Alexandria,[84] and Locri Epizephyrii.[85] To this, which
+is by no means an exhaustive account of his travels and inquiries,
+may be added the fact that his intimacy with the younger Africanus,
+grandson by adoption and nephew by marriage of the elder Scipio,
+must have placed at his disposal a considerable mass of information
+contained in the family archives of the Scipios, as to the Hannibalian
+war, and especially as to the campaigns in Spain.[86]
+
+Such were some of the means by which Polybius was enabled to obtain
+accurate and trustworthy information.
+
+[Sidenote: Use of previous writers by Polybius.]
+
+It remains to inquire how far Polybius availed himself of the writings
+of others. He looks upon the study of books as an important part of
+an historian’s work, but, as we have seen, not the most important.
+His practice appears to have been conformable to his theory. The
+greater part of his information he gained from personal observation
+and personal inquiry. Nevertheless, some of his history must have been
+learnt from books, and very little of it could have been entirely
+independent of them. Still, as far as we have the means of judging from
+the fragments of his work that have come down to us, his obligations
+to his predecessors are not as extensive as that of most of those who
+wrote after him; nor is the number of those to whom he refers great.[87]
+
+[Sidenote: The Punic wars.]
+
+Of his preliminary sketch contained in books 1 and 2, the first book,
+containing the account of the first Punic war and the Mercenary war,
+appears to have been derived mainly from the writings of Fabius Pictor
+(b. circ. B.C. 260), and Philinus of Agrigentum (contemporary and
+secretary of Hannibal). He complains that they were violent partisans,
+the one of Rome, the other of Carthage.[88] But by comparing the two,
+and checking both by documents and inscriptions at Rome, he, no doubt,
+found sufficient material for his purpose.
+
+[Sidenote: Illyrians and Gauls.]
+
+[Sidenote: Achaia.]
+
+The second book contains an account of the origin of the war between
+Rome and Illyricum; of the Gallic or Celtic wars from the earliest
+times; and a sketch of Achaean history to the end of the Cleomenic
+war. The first two of these must have been compiled with great labour
+from various public documents and family records, as well as in part
+from Pictor. The sketch of Achaean history rested mainly, as far as
+it depends on books, on the Memoirs of Aratus; while he studied only
+to refute the writings of Phylarchus the panegyrist of Cleomenes. He
+complains of the partiality of Phylarchus: but in this part of the
+history it was perhaps inevitable that his own views should have been
+coloured by the prejudices and prepossessions of a politician, and one
+who had been closely connected from boyhood with the patriotic Achaean
+party, led by Philopoemen, which was ever at enmity with all that
+Cleomenes did his utmost to establish.
+
+[Sidenote: Sicilian history.]
+
+For his account of Sicilian affairs he had studied the works of Timaeus
+of Tauromeniun. Although he accuses him bitterly, and at excessive
+length,[89] of all the faults of which an historian can be guilty, he
+yet confesses that he found in his books much that was of assistance to
+him[90] in regard both to Magna Graecia and Sicily; for which he also
+consulted the writings of Aristotle, especially it appears the now lost
+works on Polities (πολιτείαι), and Founding of Cities (κτίσεις). The
+severity of his criticism of Timaeus is supported by later authors.
+He was nicknamed ἐπιτίμαιος, in allusion to the petulance of his
+criticism of others;[91] and Plutarch attacks him for his perversion
+of truth and his foolish and self-satisfied attempts to rival the best
+of the ancient writers, and to diminish the credit of the most famous
+philosophers.[92]
+
+[Sidenote: Greek history.]
+
+As far as we possess his writings, we find little trace in Polybius of
+a reference to the earliest historians. Herodotus is not mentioned,
+though there may be some indications of acquaintance with his work;[93]
+nor the Sicilian Philistus who flourished about B.C. 430. Thucydides
+is mentioned once, and Xenophon three times. Polybius was engaged in
+the history of a definite period, and had not much occasion to refer to
+earlier times; and perhaps the epitomator, in extracting what seemed
+of value, chose those parts especially where he was the sole or best
+authority.
+
+[Sidenote: Macedonia.]
+
+For the early history of Macedonia, he seems to have relied mostly on
+two pupils of Isocrates, Ephorus of Cumae and Theopompus of Chios;
+though the malignity of the latter deprived his authority of much
+weight.[94] He also studied the work of Alexander’s friend and victim,
+Callisthenes; and vehemently assailed his veracity, as others have
+done. More important to him perhaps were the writings of his own
+contemporaries, the Rhodians Antisthenes and Zeno; though he detects
+them in some inaccuracies, which in the case of Zeno he took the
+trouble to correct: and of Demetrius of Phalerum, whose writings he
+seems to have greatly admired.
+
+[Sidenote: Egypt and Syria.]
+
+For the contemporary history of Egypt and Syria he seems to have
+trusted principally to personal inquiry. He expressly (2, 37) declines
+entering on the early history of Egypt on the ground of its having been
+fully done by others (referring, perhaps, to Herodotus, Manetho, and
+Ptolemy of Megalopolis). For the Seleucid dynasty of Syria he quotes no
+authorities.
+
+[Sidenote: Geography.]
+
+On no subject does Polybius seem to have read so widely as on
+geography: doubtless as preparing himself not only for writing, but for
+being able to travel with the knowledge and intelligence necessary to
+enable him to observe rightly. He had studied minutely and criticised
+freely the writings of Dicaearchus, Pytheas, Eudoxus, and Eratosthenes.
+He was quick to detect fallacies in these writers, and to reject their
+dogmatising on the possibilities of nature; yet he does not seem to
+have had in an eminent degree the topographical faculty, or the power
+of giving a graphic picture of a locality. Modern research has tended
+rather to strengthen than weaken our belief in the accuracy of his
+descriptions, as in the case of Carthagena and the site of the battle
+of Cannae; still it cannot be asserted that he is to be classed high in
+the list of topographers, whether scientific or picturesque.
+
+[Sidenote: General Literature.]
+
+He appears to have been fairly well acquainted with the poets; but
+his occasions for quoting them, as far as we have his work, are not
+very frequent. He seems to have known his Homer, as every Greek was
+bound to do. He quotes the Cypria of Stasinus, who, according to
+tradition, was son-in-law of Homer; Hesiod, Simonides of Ceos, Pindar,
+Euripides, and Epicharmus of Cos. He quotes or refers to Plato, whom
+he appears chiefly to have studied for his political theories; and
+certain technical writers, such as Aeneas Tacticus, and Cleoxenos and
+Democlitus, inventors of a new system of telegraphy, if they wrote it
+rather than taught it practically.
+
+Even allowing for the loss of so great a part of his work, the list
+of authors is not a long one: and it suggests the remark, which his
+style as well as his own professions tend to confirm, that he was
+not primarily a man of letters, but a man of affairs and action, who
+loved the stir of political agitation, and unbent his mind by the
+excitement of travel and the chase. Nothing moves his contempt more
+than the idea of Timaeus living peaceably for fifty years at Athens,
+holding aloof from all active life, and poring over the books in
+the Athenian libraries as a preparation for writing history; which,
+according to him, can only be worth reading when it springs, not from
+rummaging Record offices, but from taking a personal share in the
+political strife of the day; studying military tactics in the camp and
+field; witnessing battles; questioning the actors in great events; and
+visiting the sites of battles, the cities and lands which are to be
+described.
+
+
+§ 3. THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE[95]
+
+To the student of politics the history of Greece is chiefly interesting
+as offering examples of numerous small states enjoying complete local
+autonomy, yet retaining a feeling of a larger nationality founded in a
+community of blood, language, and religion; a community, that is, in
+the sense that, fundamentally united in these three particulars, they
+yet acknowledged variations even in them, which distinguished without
+entirely separating them. From some points of view the experiment may
+be regarded as having been successful. From others it was a signal
+failure. Local jealousies and mutual provocations not only continually
+set city against city, clan against clan, but perpetually suggested
+invitations sent by one city, or even one party in a city, to foreign
+potentates or peoples to interfere in their behalf against another city
+or party, which they hated or feared, but were too weak to resist. Thus
+we find the Persians, Macedonians, Syrians, and Romans successively
+induced to interfere in Greek politics with the assurance that there
+were always some states, or some party in each state, who would welcome
+them. From time to time men of larger views had conceived the idea of
+creating a united Empire of Hellas, which might present an unbroken
+front to the foreigner. From time to time philosophers had preached the
+impossibility of combining complete local independence with the idea of
+a strong and vigorous nationality. But the true solution of the problem
+had never been successfully hit upon: and after various abortive
+attempts at combination, Greece was left, a helpless collection of
+disjointed fragments, to fall under the intrigues of Macedonia and Rome.
+
+The Achaean league was not the first attempt at such a formation;
+though it was the first that ever arrived at anything like a complete
+scheme of federalism (unless the Aetolian preceded it); and was in
+many respects a fresh departure in Hellenic policy, and the first
+experiment in federation which seemed to contain the elements of
+success. From the earliest times certain Greek states had combined more
+or less closely, or loosely, for certain specific purposes. Such were
+the various Amphictyonies, and especially the Amphictyonic league of
+Thermopylae and Delphi. The object of these was primarily religious:
+the worship of a particular deity, the care of a particular temple; the
+first condition of membership being therefore community of blood. But
+though this was the origin of their being, there were elements in their
+constitution which might have developed into some form of federalism,
+had it not been for the centrifugal forces that always tended to keep
+Greek states apart. Thus we can conceive the idea of the Pylagorae from
+the various states gradually giving rise to the notion of a central
+parliament of elected representatives; and the sphere of its activity
+gradually extending to matters purely political, beginning with those
+which were on the borderland of religion and politics. And, indeed,
+the action of the great Amphictyonic league at times seemed to be
+approaching this.[96]
+
+But the forces tending to decentralisation were always the stronger:
+and though the league continued to exist for many centuries, it became
+less and less political, and less and less influential in Greece. So
+too with other combinations in Greece. The community (τὸ κοινὸν) of the
+Ionians, beginning with a common meeting for worship at the Panionium,
+on one memorable occasion at least seemed for a brief space to promise
+to develop into a federation for mutual succour and defence. In the
+Ionian revolt in B.C. 500, the deputies (πρόβουλοι) of the Ionian
+states met and determined to combine against the enemy; they even went
+so far as to appoint a common general or admiral. But the instinct
+of separation was too strong; at the first touch of difficulty and
+hardship the union was resolved into its elements.[97]
+
+The constitution of the Boeotian league was somewhat more regular and
+permanent. The Boeotarchs appear to have met at regular intervals, and
+now and again to have succeeded in mustering a national levy. There
+were also four regularly constituted “Senates” to control them, though
+we know nothing of their constitution.[98] But the league had come to
+nothing; partly from the resistance of the towns to the overweening
+pretensions of Thebes, and later from the severity of the treatment
+experienced by it at the hands of Alexander and his successors.
+
+Thessaly, again, was a loose confederacy of towns or cantons, in which
+certain great families, such as the Aleuadae and Scopadae, held the
+direction of their local affairs; or some tyrannus, as Alexander of
+Pherae, obtained sovereign powers. Still, for certain purposes, a
+connexion was acknowledged, and a Tagus of Thessaly was appointed, with
+the power of summoning a general levy of men. For a short time prior
+to the Roman conquest these officers appear to have gained additional
+importance; but Thessaly never was united enough to be of importance,
+in spite of its famous cavalry, even among Greek nations, far less to
+be capable of presenting a firm front to the foreigner.
+
+One other early attempt at forming something like a Panhellenic
+union ought to be noticed. When the Persian invasion of B.C. 480 was
+threatening, deputies (πρόβουλοι) met at the Isthmus, sat there in
+council for some months, and endeavoured to unite Greece against the
+foreigner.[99] But the one expedition which was sent solely by their
+instigation proved a failure.[100] And when the danger was over,
+principally by the combined exertion of Athens and Sparta, this council
+seems to have died a natural death. Still for a time it acted as a
+supreme parliament of Greece, and assumed the power to punish with fine
+or death those Greeks who had medised.[101]
+
+Besides these rudimentary leagues, which might, but did not, issue
+in some form of Panhellenic government, there were periods in Greek
+history in which the Hegemone of one state did something towards
+presenting the appearance of union. Thus Polycrates of Samos seemed
+at one time to be likely to succeed in forming a great Ionian Empire.
+And in continental Greece, before the Persian wars, we find Sparta
+occupying the position of an acknowledged court of reference in
+international questions,[102]—a position in which she probably had been
+preceded by Argos. And after those wars, by means of the confederacy
+of Delos, formed at first for one specific purpose—that of keeping the
+Aegean free of the Persians—Athens gradually rose to the position of
+an imperial city, claiming active control over the external politics
+of a considerable portion of Greece and nearly all the islands (B.C.
+478-404). But this proved after all but a passing episode in Greek
+history. Athens perhaps misused her power; and Sparta took up the
+task with great professions, but in a spirit even less acceptable to
+the Greek world than that of Athens; and by the peace of Antalcidas
+(B.C. 387) the issue of the hundred years’ struggle with Persia left
+one of the fairest portions of Hellas permanently separated from the
+main body. Asiatic Greece never became Hellenic again. The fall of the
+Persian empire before the invasion of Alexander for a while reunited it
+to a semi-Greek power; but Alexander’s death left it a prey to warring
+tyrants. It lost its prosperity and its commerce; and whatever else it
+became, it was never independent, or really Hellenic again.
+
+For a few years more Sparta and then Thebes assumed to be head of
+Greece, but the Macedonian supremacy secured at Chaeronea (B.C.
+338), still more fully after the abortive Lamian war (B.C. 323),
+left Greece only a nominal freedom, again and again assured to it by
+various Macedonian monarchs, but really held only on sufferance. The
+country seemed to settle down without farther struggle into political
+insignificance. The games and festivals went on, and there was still
+some high talk of Hellenic glories. But one after another of the
+towns submitted to receive Macedonian garrisons and governors; and
+Athens, once the brilliant leader in national aspirations, practically
+abandoned politics, and was content to enjoy a reputation partly
+founded on her past, and partly on the fame of the philosophers who
+still taught in her gardens and porches, and attracted young men from
+all parts of the world to listen to their discourses, and to sharpen
+their wits by the acute if not very useful discussions which they
+promoted.[103] Sparta, far from retaining her old ascendency, had been
+losing with it her ancient constitution, which had been the foundation
+of her glory, as well perhaps as in some respects the source of her
+weakness; and for good or evil had ceased to count for much in Hellenic
+politics.
+
+In the midst of this general collapse two portions of the Hellenic race
+gradually formed or recovered some sort of united government, which
+enabled them to play a conspicuous part in the later history of Greece,
+and which was essentially different from any of the combinations of
+earlier times of which I have been speaking. These were the Aetolians
+and Achaeans.
+
+[Sidenote: Aetolian league.]
+
+With regard to the former our information is exceedingly scanty.
+They were said to have been an emigration from Elis originally;[104]
+but they were little known to the rest of Greece. Strange stories
+were told of them, of their savage mode of life, their scarcely
+intelligible language, their feeding on raw flesh, and their fierceness
+as soldiers. They were said to live in open villages, widely removed
+from each other, and without effective means of combination for
+mutual protection. Their piracies, which were chiefly directed to the
+coasts of Messenia, caused the Messenians to seize the opportunity
+of Demosthenes being in their neighbourhood in B.C. 426, with a
+considerable Athenian army, to persuade him to invade the Aetolians,
+who were always on the look-out to attack Naupactus, a town which the
+Athenians had held since B.C. 455,[105] and which was naturally an
+object of envy to them as commanding the entrance to the Corinthian
+gulf. But when Demosthenes attempted the invasion, he found to his
+cost that the Aetolians knew how to combine, and he had to retire
+beaten with severe loss.[106] The separate tribes in Aetolia seem soon
+afterwards to have had, if they had not already, some form of central
+government; for we find them negotiating with Agesilaus in B.C. 390,
+with the same object of obtaining Naupactus,[107] when the Athenians
+had lost it, and it had fallen into the hands of the Locrians.[108] The
+Aetolians appear to have gradually increased in importance: for we find
+Philip making terms with them and giving them the coveted Naupactus in
+B.C. 341, which had at some time previous come into the possession of
+the Achaeans.[109] But their most conspicuous achievement, which caused
+them to take a position of importance in Greece, was their brilliant
+defeat of the invading Gauls at Delphi in B.C. 279.[110] By this
+time their federal constitution must in some shape have been formed.
+The people elected a Strategus in a general meeting, usually held at
+Thermus, at the autumn equinox, to which apparently all Aetolians
+were at liberty to come, and at which questions of peace and war and
+external politics generally were brought forward; though meanwhile the
+Strategus appears to have had the right of declaring and carrying on
+war as he chose. There was also a hipparch and a secretary (21, 32);
+and a senate called Apocleti (20, 1); and a body called _Synedri_
+(_C. I. G._ 2350), which seem to have been judicial, and another
+called _Nomographi_ (13, 1, _C. I. G._ 3046), who were apparently an
+occasional board for legislation. They produced some writers, but their
+works are lost. Accordingly, as Professor Mahaffy observes, “we know
+them entirely from their enemies.” Still the acknowledged principle on
+which they acted, ἄγειν λάφυρον ἀπὸ λαφύρου[111]—that is, that where
+spoils were going, whether from friend or foe, they were justified in
+taking a part, speaks for itself, and is enough to stamp them as at
+least dangerous and unpleasant neighbours.
+
+[Sidenote: Achaean league.]
+
+The Achaeans have a different and more interesting history.
+
+The original Achaean league consisted of a federation of twelve
+cities and their respective territory (μέρος): Pellene, Aegira,
+Aegae, Bura, Helice, Aegium, Rhypes, Patrae, Pharae, Olenus, Dyme,
+Tritaea.[112] This league was of great antiquity, but we know nothing
+of its history, or how it differed from other leagues, such as I have
+already mentioned, in adding political to religious unity. In B.C.
+454 it submitted to Athens; but was restored to its original position
+in the same year on the signing of the thirty years’ truce between
+Sparta and Athens;[113] and though the Athenians demanded that their
+authority over it should be restored to them in B.C. 425, when they
+had caught the Spartan army at Sphacteria, no change appears to have
+been made.[114] Thucydides certainly seems to speak of it, not as
+entirely free, but as in some special manner subject to the supremacy
+of Sparta. Polybius, however, claims for them, at an early period, a
+peculiar and honourable place in Greek politics, as being distinguished
+for probity and honour. Thus they were chosen as arbitrators in the
+intestine of Magna Graecia (about B.C. 400-390); and again, after the
+battle of Leuctra (B.C. 371) to mediate between Sparta and Thebes.[115]
+They must therefore, between B.C. 425-390, have obtained a virtual
+independence. They shared, however, in the universal decline of
+Hellenic activity during the Macedonian period (B.C. 359 to about B.C.
+285), and Polybius complains that they were systematically depressed
+by the intrigues of Sparta and Macedonia; both which powers took care
+to prevent any Achaean of promising ability from attaining influence
+in the Peloponnese.[116] The same influence was exerted to estrange
+the Achaean cities from each other. They were garrisoned by Macedonian
+troops, or fell under the power of tyrants; and to all appearance the
+league had fared as other such combinations had fared before, and had
+been resolved into its original elements.
+
+[Sidenote: Revival of the league, B.C. 284-280.]
+
+But the tradition of the old union did not die out entirely. Eight
+of the old cities still existed in a state of more or less vigour.
+Olenus and Helice had long ago disappeared by encroachments of the sea
+(before B.C. 371), and their places had not been filled up by others.
+Two other towns, Rhypes and Aegae, had from various causes ceased to be
+inhabited, and their places had been taken in the league (before the
+dissolution) by Leontium and Caryneia. There were therefore ten cities
+which had once known the advantages and disadvantages of some sort of
+federal union; as well as the misfortunes which attached to disunion,
+aggravated by constant interference from without.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 284. First union of Dyme, Patrae, Tritaea, Pharae.]
+
+[Sidenote: Adherence of Aegium, B.C. 279.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 279-255.]
+
+[Sidenote: Margos of Caryneia first sole Strategus, B.C. 255.]
+
+The first step in an attempt to resuscitate the league was taken in
+the 124th Olympiad (B.C. 284-280). Macedonia was at the time weakened
+by the troubles of a disputed succession: Pyrrhus was absorbed in
+his futile Italian expedition: a change in the sovereign of Egypt
+opened a way to a possible change of policy at Alexandria: and the
+death of Lysimachus gave the monarchs something else to do than to
+trouble themselves about the Peloponnese. At this period four of the
+Achaean towns, Dyme, Patrae, Tritaea, and Pharae, formed a league
+for mutual help. This proving, after a trial of five years, to have
+some stability, it was joined by Aegium, from which the Macedonian
+garrison was expelled. At intervals, of which we are not informed, this
+was again joined by Bura and Caryneia. These seven cities continued
+to constitute the entire league for twenty-five years; the federal
+magistrates consisting of two Strategi, elected by each city in turns,
+and a secretary. As to the doings of the league during this period
+we are entirely in the dark. The next step that we hear of is the
+abolition of the dual presidency and the election of Margos of Caryneia
+as sole Strategus. We are not told the reasons of the change; but it
+is clear that a divided command might often give room for delay, when
+delay was fatal; and for the conflict of local interests, where the
+interests of the community should be the paramount consideration. At
+any rate the change was made: and Margos, who had been a loyal servant
+of the league, was the first sole Strategus. His immediate successors
+we do not know. The next fact in the history of the league was the
+adherence of Sicyon, a powerful town and the first of any, not in the
+number of the old Achaean federation, to join. This therefore was
+a great step in the direction of extending the federation over the
+Peloponnese; and it was the work of the man destined to do much in
+moulding the league into the shape in which it attained its greatest
+effectiveness, Aratus of Sicyon. He found it weak; its cities poor
+and insignificant; with no aid from rich soil or good harbourage to
+increase its wealth or property;[117] he left it, not indeed free
+from serious dangers and difficulties,—in part the result of his own
+policy in calling in the aid of the Macedonians, in part created by
+the persistent hostility of Aetolia and Sparta,—but yet possessed of
+great vitality, and fast becoming the most powerful and influential of
+all the Greek governments; although at no time can it be spoken of as
+Panhellenic without very considerable exaggeration. Aratus had been
+brought up in exile at Argos, after the murder of his father Cleinias
+(B.C. 271); and, when twenty years of age, by a gallant and romantic
+adventure, had driven out the tyrant Nicocles from Sicyon (B.C. 251).
+He became the chief magistrate of his native town, which he induced to
+join the Achaean league, thus causing, as I have said, the league to
+take its first step towards embracing all the Peloponnese. It seems
+that for five years Aratus remained chief magistrate of Sicyon, but
+a private citizen of the league. In B.C. 245 (though of the exact
+year we have no positive information), he appears to have been first
+elected Strategus of the league. But it was not until his second year
+of office, B.C. 243-242, that he began putting in practice the policy
+which he proposed to himself,—the expulsion of the Macedonian garrisons
+and the despots from the cities of the Peloponnese, with the view of
+their joining the league. He began with the Acrocorinthus. Corinth,
+freed from the foreign garrison, joined the league, and was followed
+soon after by Megara[118] (B.C. 240). From this time Aratus was
+Strategus of the league in alternate years to the time of his death,
+the federal law not allowing two consecutive years of office.[119]
+
+[Sidenote: Cleomenic war, B.C. 227-221.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 226-221.]
+
+The death of Antigonus Gonatas (B.C. 239) led to a new departure.
+Hitherto the Aetolians had been in league with the Macedonians to
+vex and harry the Achaeans. The two leagues now made peace, and
+the Aetolians aided the Achaeans in their resistance to Gonatas’s
+successor, Demetrius (B.C. 239-229). Still the despots in many of the
+Peloponnesian towns held out, trusting to the support of Demetrius.
+When he died (B.C. 229) there was a general movement among them to
+abdicate and join their cities to the league. Lydiades of Megalopolis
+had done so during Demetrius’s lifetime; and now Aristomachus of Argos,
+Xeno of Hermione, and Cleonymus of Phlius did the same. The rapid
+extension of the Achaean league, however, could not fail to excite the
+jealousy of the Aetolians, to whose league belonged certain Arcadian
+cities such as Mantinea, Tegea, and Orchomenus. These they imagined to
+be threatened by the policy of Aratus, which was apt to proceed on the
+line that even a forcible attachment of a Peloponnesian town to the
+league was in reality a liberation of its people from a constraining
+power. The Spartan jealousy was aroused by the same fear. And then, as
+Polybius puts it, the Aetolians connived at the extension of Spartan
+power, even at the expense of cities in league with themselves, in
+order to strengthen Cleomenes in his attitude of opposition to the
+Achaeans.[120] Aratus, however, resolved to wait for some definite act
+of hostility before moving. This was supplied by Cleomenes building
+a fort (the Athenaeum) at Belbina, in the territory of Megalopolis,
+a league city. Upon this the league necessarily proclaimed war with
+Sparta. Thus does Polybius, a warm friend of the league, state the case
+in its behalf. The league, he argues, had been growing by the voluntary
+adherence of independent towns: it had shown no sign of an intention
+to attack Laconian territory, or towns in league with Aetolia: while
+Cleomenes had committed an act of wanton aggression and provocation
+by building a hostile fort in its territory. But what the other side
+had to say may be gathered from Plutarch’s life of Cleomenes, founded
+principally on the work of Phylarchus the panegyrist of Cleomenes.[121]
+Here the case is put very differently. Aratus, according to him, had
+made up his mind that a union of the Peloponnesus was the one thing
+necessary for the safety of the league. In a great measure he had been
+already successful; but the parts which still stood aloof were Elis,
+Laconia, and the cities of Arcadia which were under the influence of
+Sparta.[122] He therefore harassed these last by every means in his
+power; and the erection or fortification of the Athenaeum at Belbina
+by Cleomenes was in truth only a measure of necessary defence. Aratus,
+indeed, held that some of these Arcadian cities had been unfairly
+seized by Cleomenes, with the connivance of the Aetolians;[123] but to
+this Cleomenes might reply that, if the league claimed the right of
+extending its connexion with the assent, often extorted, of the various
+cities annexed, the same right could not justly be denied to himself.
+A series of military operations took place during the next five years,
+in which Cleomenes nearly always got the better of Aratus; who, able
+and courageous in plots and surprises, was timid and ineffective in
+the field. The one important blow struck by Aratus, that of seizing
+Mantinea, was afterwards nullified by a counter-occupation of it by
+the Lacedaemonians; and in spite of troubles at home, caused by his
+great scheme of reform, Cleomenes was by B.C. 224 in so superior a
+position that he could with dignity propose terms to the league. He
+asked to be elected Strategus, therefore.[124] At first sight this
+seemed a means of effecting the desired union of the Peloponnese; and
+as such the Achaeans were inclined to accept the proposal. Aratus,
+however, exerted all his influence to defeat the measure: and, in
+spite of all his failures, his services to the league enabled him to
+convince his countrymen that they should reject the offer; and he was
+himself elected Strategus for the twelfth time in the spring of B.C.
+223. Aratus has been loudly condemned for allowing a selfish jealousy
+to override his care for the true interests of his country, in thus
+refusing a prospect of a united Achaia, in which some one besides
+himself should be the leading man.[125] But I think there is something
+to be said on the other side. What Aratus had been working for with a
+passionate eagerness was a union of free democratic states. Cleomenes,
+in spite of his liberal reforms at home, was a Spartan to the back
+bone. Aratus would have no manner of doubt that a league, with Sparta
+supreme in it, would inevitably become a Spartan kingdom. The forces
+of Sparta would be used to crush dissenting cities; and soon to put
+down the free institution which would always be disliked and feared
+by the Spartan government. Security from Macedonian influence, if it
+were really obtained,—and that was far from certain,—would be dearly
+purchased at the price of submission to Spartan tyranny, which would
+be more galling and oppressive in proportion as it was nearer and
+more unremitting. With these views Aratus began to turn his eyes to
+the Macedonian court, as the only possible means of resisting the
+encroaching policy of Cleomenes. The character of Antigonus Doson, who
+was then administering Macedonia, gave some encouragement to hope for
+honest and honourable conduct on his part; and after some hesitation
+Aratus took the final step of asking for his aid.[126] I do not expect
+to carry the assent of many readers when I express the opinion that
+he was right; and that the Greek policy towards Macedonia had been
+from the first a grievous error,—fostered originally by the patriotic
+eloquence of Demosthenes, and continued ever since by that ineradicable
+sentiment for local autonomy which makes Greek history so interesting,
+but inevitably tended to the political annihilation of Greece. Had some
+_modus vivendi_ been found with the series of very able sovereigns who
+ruled Macedonia, a strong Greek nation might have been the result,
+with a central government able to hold its own even in the face of
+the great “cloud in the West,” which was surely overshadowing Greek
+freedom. But this was not to be. The taste for local freedom was too
+strong; and showed itself by constant appeals to an outside power
+against neighbours, which yet the very men who appealed to it would not
+recognise or obey. The Greeks had to learn that nations cannot, any
+more than individuals, eat their cake and have it too. Local autonomy,
+and the complete liberty of every state to war with its neighbours as
+it chooses, and of every one to speak and act as he pleases, have their
+charms; but they are not compatible with a united resistance to a great
+centralised and law-abiding power. And all the eloquence of all the
+Greek orators rolled into one could not make up for the lack of unity,
+or enable the distracted Greeks to raise an army which might stand
+before a volley of Roman pila or a charge of Roman legionaries.
+
+The help asked of Antigonus Doson was given with fatal readiness; but
+it had to be purchased by the admission of a Macedonian garrison into
+the Acrocorinthus, one of those “fetters of Greece,” the recovery of
+which had been among Aratus’s earliest and most glorious triumphs.
+The battle of Sellasia (B.C. 221) settled the question of Spartan
+influence. Cleomenes fled to Alexandria and never returned. Sparta was
+not enslaved by Antigonus; who on the contrary professed to restore her
+ancient constitution,—probably meaning that the Ephoralty destroyed
+by Cleomenes was to be reconstituted, and the exiles banished by him
+recalled. Practically she was left a prey to a series of unscrupulous
+tyrants who one after the other managed to obtain absolute power,
+Lycurgus (B.C. 220-210), Machanidas, B.C. 210-207; Nabis, B.C. 207-192;
+who, though differing in their home administrations, all agreed in
+using the enmity of the Aetolians in order to harass and oppress the
+Achaeans in every possible way.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 213. Death of Aratus.]
+
+Aratus died in B.C. 213. The last seven years of his life were
+embittered by much ill success in his struggles with the Aetolians;
+and by seeing Philip V., of whose presence in the Peloponnese he was
+the main cause, after rendering some brilliant services to the league,
+both in the Peloponnese and the invasion of Aetolia, develop some of
+the worst vices of the tyrant; and he believed himself, whether rightly
+or wrongly, to be poisoned by Philip’s order: “This is the reward,” he
+said to an attendant when he felt himself dying, “of my friendship for
+Philip.”[127]
+
+The history of the league after his death followed the same course for
+some years. The war with the Aetolians went on, sometimes slackly,
+sometimes vigorously, as Philip V. was or was not diverted by
+contests with his barbarian neighbours, or by schemes for joining the
+Carthaginian assaults upon the Roman power.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 208-183, Philopoemen.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 193.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 195-194.]
+
+The next phase of vigorous action on the part of the league is that
+which corresponds with the career of Philopoemen, who had already
+shown his energy and skill at the battle of Sellasia. He was elected
+Hipparch in B.C. 210, and Strategus in B.C. 209. In his first office
+he did much to reorganise the Achaean cavalry and restore them to
+some discipline,[128] and he extended this as Strategus to the whole
+army.[129] His life’s work, however, was the defeating and either
+killing or confining to their frontier the tyrants of Sparta. But while
+he was absent from the country after B.C. 200 a new element appeared in
+the Peloponnese. In 197 the battle of Cynoscephalae put an end for ever
+to Macedonian influence, and Flamininus proclaimed the liberty of all
+Greece in B.C. 195 at the Nemean festival. But Nabis was not deposed;
+he was secured in his power by a treaty with Rome; and when Philopoemen
+returned from Crete (B.C. 193), he found a fresh war on the point of
+breaking out owing to intrigues between that tyrant and the Aetolians.
+They suggested, and he eagerly undertook to make, an attempt to
+recover the maritime towns of which he had been deprived by the Roman
+settlement.[130][Sidenote: 193-192.] Nabis at once attacked Gythium:
+and seemed on the point of taking it and the whole of the coast towns,
+which would thus have been lost to the league. Philopoemen, now again
+Strategus (B.C. 192), failed to relieve Gythium; but by a skilful
+piece of generalship inflicted so severe a defeat on Nabis, as he was
+returning to Sparta, that he did not venture on further movements
+beyond Laconia; and shortly afterwards was assassinated by some
+Aetolians whom he had summoned to his aid.
+
+[Sidenote: 189-187.]
+
+But the comparative peace in the Peloponnese was again broken in
+B.C. 189 by the Spartans seizing a maritime town called Las; the
+object being to relieve themselves of the restraint which shut them
+from the sea, and the possible attacks of the exiles who had been
+banished by Nabis, and who were always watching an opportunity to
+effect their return. Philopoemen (Strategus both 189 and 188 B.C.)
+led an army to the Laconian frontier in the spring of B.C. 188, and
+after the execution of eighty Spartans, who had been surrendered on
+account of the seizure of Las, and of the murder of thirty citizens
+who were supposed to have Achaean proclivities—Sparta submitted to his
+demand to raze the fortifications, dismiss the mercenaries, send away
+the new citizens enrolled by the tyrants, and abolish the Lycurgean
+laws, accepting the Achaean institutions instead. This was afterwards
+supplemented by a demand for the restoration of the exiles banished by
+the tyrants. Such of the new citizens (three thousand) as did not leave
+the country by the day named were seized and sold as slaves.[131]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 188.]
+
+[Sidenote: 188-183.]
+
+Sparta was now part of the Achaean league, which at this time reached
+its highest point of power; and its alliance was solicited by the most
+powerful princes of the east. It is this period which Polybius seems to
+have in mind in his description of the league at its best, as embracing
+the whole of the Peloponnese.[132][Sidenote: Lycortas Strategus, B.C.
+184-182.] And it was in this third period of the existence of the
+renewed league that his father Lycortas came to the front, and he
+himself at an early age began taking part in politics.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 179.]
+
+But the terms imposed on Sparta were essentially violent and unjust,
+and, as it turned out, impolitic. Cowed into submission, she proved
+a thorn in the side of the league. The exiles continually appealed
+to Rome; and after Philopoemen’s death (B.C. 183) the affairs of the
+league began more and more to come before the Roman Senate. As usual,
+traitors were at hand ready to sell their country for the sake of
+the triumph of their party; and Callicrates, sent to Rome to plead
+the cause of the league,[133] employed the opportunity to support
+himself and his party by advising the Senate to give support to “the
+Romanisers” in every state. This Polybius regards as the beginning of
+the decline of the league. And the party of moderation, to which he and
+his father Lycortas belonged, and which wished to assert the dignity
+and legal rights of their country while offering no provocation to the
+Romans, were eventually included under the sweeping decree which caused
+them, to the number of a thousand, to be deported to Italy. We have
+already seen, in tracing the life of Polybius, how the poor remnants of
+these exiles returned in B.C. 151, embittered against Rome, and having
+learnt nothing and forgotten nothing. And how the old quarrels were
+renewed, until an armed interference of Rome was brought upon them; and
+how the victory of Mummius at Corinth (B.C. 146), and the consequent
+settlement of the commissioners, finally dissolved the league into
+separate cantons, nominally autonomous, but really entirely subject to
+Rome.[134]
+
+The constitution of the league presents many points of interest to the
+student of politics, and has been elaborately discussed by more than
+one English scholar. I shall content myself here with pointing out some
+of the main features as they are mentioned by Polybius.[135]
+
+The league was a federation of free towns, all retaining full local
+autonomy of some form or other of democracy, which for certain purposes
+were under federal laws and federal magistrates, elected in a federal
+assembly which all citizens of the league towns might if they chose
+attend. All towns of the league also used the same standards in coinage
+and weights and measures (2, 37). The assembly of the league (σύνοδος)
+met for election of the chief magistrate in May of each year, at first
+always at Aegium, but later at the other towns of the league in turn
+(29, 23); and a second time in the autumn.[136] And besides these
+annual meetings, the Strategus, acting with his council of magistrates,
+could summon a meeting at any time for three days (_e.g._ at Sicyon,
+23, 17); and on one occasion we find the assembly delegating its powers
+to the armed levy of league troops, who for the nonce were to act as an
+assembly (4, 7). Side by side with this general assembly was a council
+(βουλή), the functions and powers of which we cannot clearly ascertain.
+It seems to have acted as representing the general assembly in foreign
+affairs (4, 26; 22, 12); and, being a working committee of the whole
+assembly, it sometimes happened that when an assembly was summoned on
+some subject which did not rouse popular interest, it practically was
+the assembly (29, 24). Its numbers have been assumed to be one hundred
+and twenty, from the fact that Eumenes offered them a present of one
+hundred and twenty talents, the interest of which was to pay their
+expenses. But this, after all, is not a certain deduction (22, 10).
+
+The officers of the league were: First, a President or Strategus who
+kept the seal of the league (4, 7), ordered the levy of federal troops,
+and commanded it in the field. He also summoned the assemblies, and
+brought the business to be done before them, which was in the form
+of a proposal to be accepted or rejected, not amended. He was not
+chairman of the assembly, but like an English minister or a Roman
+consul brought on the proposals. He was assisted by a kind of cabinet
+of ten magistrates from the several towns, who were called Demiurgi
+(δημιουργοὶ 23, 5).[137] This was their technical name: but Polybius
+also speaks of them under the more general appellation of οἱ ἄρχοντες
+(5, 1), οἱ συνάρχοντες (23, 16), αἱ ἀρχαὶ (22, 13), αἱ συναρχίαι (27,
+2). Whether the number ten had reference to the ten old towns of the
+league or not, it was not increased with the number of the towns; and,
+though we are not informed how they were elected, it seems reasonable
+to suppose that they were freely selected without reference to the
+towns from which they came, as the Strategus himself was. There was
+also a vice-president, or hypo-strategus, whose position was, I think,
+wholly military. He did not rule in absence of the Strategus, or
+succeed him in case of death, that being reserved for the Strategus
+of the previous year; but he took a certain command in war next the
+Strategus (5, 94; 4, 59). Besides these we hear of a Hipparch to
+command the league cavalry (5, 95; 7, 22), an office which seems to
+have been regarded as stepping-stone to that of Strategus. This proved
+a bad arrangement, as its holder was tempted to seek popularity by
+winking at derelictions of duty among the cavalry who were voters.[138]
+There was also a Navarch to command the regular squadron of federal
+ships (5, 94), who does not seem to have been so important a person.
+There are also mentioned certain judges (δίκασται) to administer the
+federal law. We hear of them, however, performing duties closely
+bordering on politics; for they decided whether certain honorary
+inscriptions, statues, or other marks of respect to king Eumenes should
+be allowed to remain in the Achaean cities (28, 7).
+
+The Strategus, on the order of the assembly, raised the federal army
+(4, 7). The number of men raised differed according to circumstances.
+A fairly full levy seems to have been five thousand infantry and five
+hundred cavalry (4, 15). But the league also used mercenaries to a
+great extent. And we hear of one army which was to consist of eight
+thousand mercenary infantry, with five hundred mercenary cavalry; and
+in this case the Achaean levy was only to be three thousand infantry,
+with three hundred cavalry (5, 91).
+
+The pay of the mercenaries and other league expenses were provided for
+by an εἰσφορά or contribution from all the states (5, 31, 91). The
+contributing towns appear to have been able to recover their payments
+as an indemnification for damage which the federal forces had failed to
+avert (4, 60).
+
+The regular federal squadron of ships for guarding the sea-coasts
+appears to have consisted of ten triremes (2, 9; δεκαναία μακρῶν πλοίων
+22, 10).
+
+Such was the organisation of the Federal Government. It was in form
+purely democratic, all members of thirty years old being eligible for
+office, as well as possessing a vote in the assemblies. But a mass
+assembly where the members are widely scattered inevitably becomes
+oligarchic. Only the well-to-do and the energetic will be able or will
+care to come a long journey to attend. And as the votes in the assembly
+were given by towns, it must often have happened that the votes of many
+towns were decided by a very small number of their citizens who were
+there. No doubt, in times of great excitement, the attendance would be
+large and the vote a popular one. But the general policy of the league
+must have been directed by a small number of energetic men, who made
+politics their profession and could afford to do so.
+
+
+  ROMAN CAMP FOR TWO LEGIONS
+
+  CONTAINING 4,068,289 SQUARE FEET
+
+                    REAR (ἡ ὄπισθεν ἐπιφάνεια).
+  +----------------------------    -----------------------------+
+  |            200         Porta Praetoria.       200           |
+  |            ft.                                ft.           |
+  |       +----+--------------+    +---------------+----+       |
+  |       |    |      EP      |    |       EP'     |    |       |
+  |       | V  +--------------+ 50 +---------------+ V' |       |
+  |       |    |      EE      | ft.|       EE'     |    |       |
+  |       +----+--------------+    +---------------+----+       |
+  |                                                       50    |
+  |       +---+--+           +------+           +---+---+ ft.   |
+  |       |PE |PP|           |      |           |PP'|PE'|       |
+  |       +---+--+     F     |  P*  |     Q     +---+---+       |
+  |700    |PE |PP|           |      |           |PP'|PE'|       |
+  |ft.    +---+--+           +------+           +---+---+       |
+  |                 ......              ......                  |
+  |      T-----------------------------------------------T'     |
+   Porta                                                   Porta
+   Principalis                          100 ft.      Principalis
+   Dextra.             Principia.                      Sinistra.
+  |        +---+--+ +-+-+ +-+-+ +--+--+ +--+--+ +---+---+       |
+  |        |PS |ES| |H|P| |T|E| |E'|T'| |P'|H'| |ES'|PS'|       |
+  |        +---+--+ +-+-+ +-+-+ +--+--+ +--+--+ +---+---+       |
+  |        |PS |ES| |H|P| |T|E| |E'|T'| |P'|H'| |ES'|PS'|       |
+  |        +---+--+ +-+-+ +-+-+ +--+--+ +--+--+ +---+---+       |
+  |200 ft. |PS |ES| |H|P| |T|E| |E'|T'| |P'|H'| |ES'|PS'|200 ft.|
+  |        +---+--+ +-+-+ +-+-+ +--+--+ +--+--+ +---+---+       |
+  |        |PS |ES| |H|P| |T|E| |E'|T'| |P'|H'| |ES'|PS'|       |
+  |        +PS +ES+ +-+-+ +-+-+ +--+--+ +--+--+ +---+---+       |
+  |        |PS |ES| |H|P| |T|E| |E'|T'| |P'|H'| |ES'|PS'|       |
+  |        +---+--+ +-+-+ +-+-+ +--+--+ +--+--+ +---+---+       |
+  |                        Via Quintana.    50 ft.              |
+  |        +---+--+ +-+-+ +-+-+ +--+--+ +--+--+ +---+---+       |
+  |        |PS |ES| |H|P| |T|E| |E'|T'| |P'|H'| |ES'|PS'|       |
+  |        +---+--+ +-+-+ +-+-+ +--+--+ +--+--+ +---+---+       |
+  |        |PS |ES| |H|P| |T|E| |E'|T'| |P'|H'| |ES'|PS'|       |
+  |        +---+--+ +-+-+ +-+-+ +--+--+ +--+--+ +---+---+       |
+  |        |PS |ES| |H|P| |T|E| |E'|T'| |P'|H'| |ES'|PS'|       |
+  |        +---+--+ +-+-+ +-+-+ +--+--+ +--+--+ +---+---+       |
+  |        |PS |ES| |H|P| |T|E| |E'|T'| |P'|H'| |ES'|PS'|       |
+  |        +---+--+ +-+-+ +-+-+ +--+--+ +--+--+ +---+---+       | 2017
+  |        |PS |ES| |H|P| |T|E| |E'|T'| |P'|H'| |ES'|PS'|       | ft.
+  |        +---+--+ +-+-+ +-+-+ +--+--+ +--+--+ +---+---+       |
+  |              50ft. 50ft. 50ft.   50ft.   50ft.              |
+  |       200                                                   |
+  |       ft.             Porto Decumana.                       |
+  +----------------------------    -----------------------------+
+       2017 ft.        FRONT (τὸ πρόσωπον).
+
+
+       P*. Praetorium.
+     T T'. Tents of the Tribuni Militum of two legions.
+     E E'. Equites of two legions.
+     P P'. Principes   ”     ”
+     H H'. Hastati     ”     ”
+     T T'. Triarii     ”     ”
+   ES ES'. Equites of Socii of two legions.
+   PS PS'. Pedites      ”       ”     ”
+   PE PE'. Equites of the Praetorian Cohort of two legions.
+   PP PP'. Pedites     ”      ”       ”         ”      ”
+   EP EP'. Pedites extraordinarii of two legions.
+   EE EE'. Equites      ”             ”     ”
+        Q. Quaestorium.
+        F. Forum or market-place.
+     V V'. Foreigners or volunteers.
+
+
+
+
+THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS
+
+
+
+
+BOOK I
+
+
+[Sidenote: Introduction. The importance and magnitude of the subject.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 219-167.]
+
++1.+ Had the praise of History been passed over by former Chroniclers
+it would perhaps have been incumbent upon me to urge the choice and
+special study of records of this sort, as the readiest means men can
+have of correcting their knowledge of the past. But my predecessors
+have not been sparing in this respect. They have all begun and ended,
+so to speak, by enlarging on this theme: asserting again and again
+that the study of History is in the truest sense an education, and a
+training for political life; and that the most instructive, or rather
+the only, method of learning to bear with dignity the vicissitudes
+of fortune is to recall the catastrophes of others. It is evident,
+therefore, that no one need think it his duty to repeat what has been
+said by many, and said well. Least of all myself: for the surprising
+nature of the events which I have undertaken to relate is in itself
+sufficient to challenge and stimulate the attention of every one,
+old or young, to the study of my work. Can any one be so indifferent
+or idle as not to care to know by what means, and under what kind of
+polity, almost the whole inhabited world was conquered and brought
+under the dominion of the single city of Rome, and that too within
+a period of not quite fifty-three years? Or who again can be so
+completely absorbed in other subjects of contemplation or study, as to
+think any of them superior in importance to the accurate understanding
+of an event for which the past affords no precedent.
+
+[Sidenote: Immensity of the Roman Empire shown by comparison with
+Persia, Sparta, Macedonia. 1. Persia.]
+
+[Sidenote: 2. Sparta. B.C. 405-394.]
+
+[Sidenote: 3. Macedonia.]
+
++2.+ We shall best show how marvellous and vast our subject is by
+comparing the most famous Empires which preceded, and which have
+been the favourite themes of historians, and measuring them with the
+superior greatness of Rome. There are but three that deserve even to
+be so compared and measured: and they are these. The Persians for a
+certain length of time were possessed of a great empire and dominion.
+But every time they ventured beyond the limits of Asia, they found
+not only their empire, but their own existence also in danger. The
+Lacedaemonians, after contending for supremacy in Greece for many
+generations, when they did get it, held it without dispute for barely
+twelve years. The Macedonians obtained dominion in Europe from the
+lands bordering on the Adriatic to the Danube,—which after all is but
+a small fraction of this continent,—and, by the destruction of the
+Persian Empire, they afterwards added to that the dominion of Asia. And
+yet, though they had the credit of having made themselves masters of a
+larger number of countries and states than any people had ever done,
+they still left the greater half of the inhabited world in the hands of
+others. They never so much as thought of attempting Sicily, Sardinia,
+or Libya: and as to Europe, to speak the plain truth, they never even
+knew of the most warlike tribes of the West. The Roman conquest, on
+the other hand, was not partial. Nearly the whole inhabited world was
+reduced by them to obedience: and they left behind them an empire not
+to be paralleled in the past or rivalled in the future. Students will
+gain from my narrative a clearer view of the whole story, and of the
+numerous and important advantages which such exact record of events
+offers.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 220-217. The History starts from the 140th Olympiad,
+when the tendency towards unity first shows itself.]
+
++3.+ My History begins in the 140th Olympiad. The events from which it
+starts are these. In Greece, what is called the Social war: the first
+waged by Philip, son of Demetrius and father of Perseus, in league with
+the Achaeans against the Aetolians. In Asia, the war for the possession
+of Coele-Syria which Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopator carried on
+against each other. In Italy, Libya, and their neighbourhood, the
+conflict between Rome and Carthage, generally called the Hannibalian
+war. My work thus begins where that of Aratus of Sicyon leaves off. Now
+up to this time the world’s history had been, so to speak, a series
+of disconnected transactions, as widely separated in their origin
+and results as in their localities. But from this time forth History
+becomes a connected whole: the affairs of Italy and Libya are involved
+with those of Asia and Greece, and the tendency of all is to unity.
+This is why I have fixed upon this era as the starting-point of my
+work. For it was their victory over the Carthaginians in this war, and
+their conviction that thereby the most difficult and most essential
+step towards universal empire had been taken, which encouraged the
+Romans for the first time to stretch out their hands upon the rest, and
+to cross with an army into Greece and Asia.
+
+[Sidenote: A sketch of their previous history necessary to explain the
+success of the Romans.]
+
+Now, had the states that were rivals for universal empire been
+familiarly known to us, no reference perhaps to their previous history
+would have been necessary, to show the purpose and the forces with
+which they approached an undertaking of this nature and magnitude.
+But the fact is that the majority of the Greeks have no knowledge of
+the previous constitution, power, or achievements either of Rome or
+Carthage. I therefore concluded that it was necessary to prefix this
+and the next book to my History. I was anxious that no one, when fairly
+embarked upon my actual narrative, should feel at a loss, and have to
+ask what were the designs entertained by the Romans, or the forces and
+means at their disposal, that they entered upon those undertakings,
+which did in fact lead to their becoming masters of land and sea
+everywhere in our part of the world. I wished, on the contrary, that
+these books of mine, and the prefatory sketch which they contained,
+might make it clear that the resources they started with justified
+their original idea, and sufficiently explained their final success in
+grasping universal empire and dominion.
+
+[Sidenote: The need of a comprehensive view of history as well as a
+close study of an epoch.]
+
++4.+ There is this analogy between the plan of my History and the
+marvellous spirit of the age with which I have to deal. Just as Fortune
+made almost all the affairs of the world incline in one direction,
+and forced them to converge upon one and the same point; so it is my
+task as an historian to put before my readers a compendious view of
+the part played by Fortune in bringing about the general catastrophe.
+It was this peculiarity which originally challenged my attention, and
+determined me on undertaking this work. And combined with this was the
+fact that no writer of our time has undertaken a general history. Had
+any one done so my ambition in this direction would have been much
+diminished. But, in point of fact, I notice that by far the greater
+number of historians concern themselves with isolated wars and the
+incidents that accompany them: while as to a general and comprehensive
+scheme of events, their date, origin, and catastrophe, no one as far
+as I know has undertaken to examine it. I thought it, therefore,
+distinctly my duty neither to pass by myself, nor allow any one else to
+pass by, without full study, a characteristic specimen of the dealings
+of Fortune at once brilliant and instructive in the highest degree. For
+fruitful as Fortune is in change, and constantly as she is producing
+dramas in the life of men, yet never assuredly before this did she work
+such a marvel, or act such a drama, as that which we have witnessed.
+And of this we cannot obtain a comprehensive view from writers of mere
+episodes. It would be as absurd to expect to do so as for a man to
+imagine that he has learnt the shape of the whole world, its entire
+arrangement and order, because he has visited one after the other the
+most famous cities in it; or perhaps merely examined them in separate
+pictures. That would be indeed absurd: and it has always seemed to me
+that men, who are persuaded that they get a competent view of universal
+from episodical history, are very like persons who should see the limbs
+of some body, which had once been living and beautiful, scattered
+and remote; and should imagine that to be quite as good as actually
+beholding the activity and beauty of the living creature itself. But
+if some one could there and then reconstruct the animal once more, in
+the perfection of its beauty and the charm of its vitality, and could
+display it to the same people, they would beyond doubt confess that
+they had been far from conceiving the truth, and had been little better
+than dreamers. For indeed some idea of a whole may be got from a part,
+but an accurate knowledge and clear comprehension cannot. Wherefore we
+must conclude that episodical history contributes exceedingly little to
+the familiar knowledge and secure grasp of universal history. While it
+is only by the combination and comparison of the separate parts of the
+whole,—by observing their likeness and their difference,—that a man can
+attain his object: can obtain a view at once clear and complete; and
+thus secure both the profit and the delight of History.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 264-261. I begin my preliminary account in the 129th
+Olympiad, and with the circumstances which took the Romans to Sicily.]
+
++5.+ I shall adopt as the starting-point of this book the first
+occasion on which the Romans crossed the sea from Italy. This is just
+where the History of Timaeus left off; and it falls in the 129th
+Olympiad. I shall accordingly have to describe what the state of their
+affairs in Italy was, how long that settlement had lasted, and on what
+resources they reckoned, when they resolved to invade Sicily. For this
+was the first place outside Italy in which they set foot. The precise
+cause of their thus crossing I must state without comment; for if I let
+one cause lead me back to another, my point of departure will always
+elude my grasp, and I shall never arrive at the view of my subject
+which I wish to present. As to dates, then, I must fix on some era
+agreed upon and recognised by all: and as to events, one that admits
+of distinctly separate treatment; even though I may be obliged to go
+back some short way in point of time, and take a summary review of the
+intermediate transactions. For if the facts with which one starts are
+unknown, or even open to controversy, all that comes after will fail
+of approval and belief. But opinion being once formed on that point,
+and a general assent obtained, all the succeeding narrative becomes
+intelligible.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 387-386. The rise of the Roman dominion may be traced
+from the retirement of the Gauls from the city. From that time one
+nation after another in Italy fell into their hands.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Latini.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Etruscans, Gauls, and Samnites.]
+
+[Sidenote: Pyrrhus, B.C. 280.]
+
+[Sidenote: Southern Italy.]
+
+[Sidenote: Pyrrhus finally quits Italy, B.C. 274.]
+
++6.+ It was in the nineteenth year after the sea-fight at Aegospotami,
+and the sixteenth before the battle at Leuctra; the year in which the
+Lacedaemonians made what is called the Peace of Antalcidas with the
+King of Persia; the year in which the elder Dionysius was besieging
+Rhegium after beating the Italian Greeks on the River Elleporus; and
+in which the Gauls took Rome itself by storm and were occupying the
+whole of it except the Capitol. With these Gauls the Romans made a
+treaty and settlement which they were content to accept: and having
+thus become beyond all expectation once more masters of their own
+country, they made a start in their career of expansion; and in the
+succeeding period engaged in various wars with their neighbours. First,
+by dint of valour, and the good fortune which attended them in the
+field, they mastered all the Latini; then they went to war with the
+Etruscans; then with the Celts; and next with the Samnites, who lived
+on the eastern and northern frontiers of Latium. Some time after this
+the Tarentines insulted the ambassadors of Rome, and, in fear of the
+consequences, invited and obtained the assistance of Pyrrhus. This
+happened in the year before the Gauls invaded Greece, some of whom
+perished near Delphi, while others crossed into Asia. Then it was that
+the Romans—having reduced the Etruscans and Samnites to obedience,
+and conquered the Italian Celts in many battles—attempted for the
+first time the reduction of the rest of Italy. The nations for whose
+possessions they were about to fight they affected to regard, not in
+the light of foreigners, but as already for the most part belonging and
+pertaining to themselves. The experience gained from their contests
+with the Samnites and the Celts had served as a genuine training in the
+art of war. Accordingly, they entered upon the war with spirit, drove
+Pyrrhus from Italy, and then undertook to fight with and subdue those
+who had taken part with him. They succeeded everywhere to a marvel, and
+reduced to obedience all the tribes inhabiting Italy except the Celts;
+after which they undertook to besiege some of their own citizens, who
+at that time were occupying Rhegium.
+
+[Sidenote: The story of the Mamertines at Messene, and the Roman
+garrison at Rhegium, Dio. Cassius _fr._]
+
++7.+ For misfortunes befell Messene and Rhegium, the cities built on
+either side of the Strait, peculiar in their nature and alike in their
+circumstances.
+
+[Sidenote: 1. Messene.]
+
+[Sidenote: Agathocles died, B.C. 289]
+
+Not long before the period we are now describing some Campanian
+mercenaries of Agathocles, having for some time cast greedy eyes upon
+Messene, owing to its beauty and wealth, no sooner got an opportunity
+than they made a treacherous attempt upon that city. They entered the
+town under guise of friendship, and, having once got possession of
+it, they drove out some of the citizens and put others to the sword.
+This done, they seized promiscuously the wives and children of the
+dispossessed citizens, each keeping those which fortune had assigned
+him at the very moment of the lawless deed. All other property and the
+land they took possession of by a subsequent division and retained.
+
+[Sidenote: 2. Rhegium, Livy Ep. 12.]
+
+[Sidenote: Pyrrhus in Sicily, B.C. 278-275.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 271. C. Quintus Claudius, L. Genucius Clepsina, Coss.]
+
+The speed with which they became masters of a fair territory and
+city found ready imitators of their conduct. The people of Rhegium,
+when Pyrrhus was crossing to Italy, felt a double anxiety. They
+were dismayed at the thought of his approach, and at the same time
+were afraid of the Carthaginians as being masters of the sea. They
+accordingly asked and obtained a force from Rome to guard and support
+them. The garrison, four thousand in number, under the command of a
+Campanian named Decius Jubellius, entered the city, and for a time
+preserved it, as well as their own faith. But at last, conceiving the
+idea of imitating the Mamertines, and having at the same time obtained
+their co-operation, they broke faith with the people of Rhegium,
+enamoured of the pleasant site of the town and the private wealth of
+the citizens, and seized the city after having, in imitation of the
+Mamertines, first driven out some of the people and put others to the
+sword. Now, though the Romans were much annoyed at this transaction,
+they could take no active steps, because they were deeply engaged
+in the wars I have mentioned above. But having got free from them
+they invested and besieged the troops. They presently took the place
+and killed the greater number in the assault,—for the men resisted
+desperately, knowing what must follow,—but took more than three hundred
+alive. These were sent to Rome, and there the Consuls brought them into
+the forum, where they were scourged and beheaded according to custom:
+for they wished as far as they could to vindicate their good faith in
+the eyes of the allies. The territory and town they at once handed over
+to the people of Rhegium.
+
+[Sidenote: Effect of the fall of the rebellious garrison of Rhegium on
+the Mamertines.]
+
++8.+ But the Mamertines (for this was the name which the Campanians
+gave themselves after they became masters of Messene), as long as
+they enjoyed the alliance of the Roman captors of Rhegium, not
+only exercised absolute control over their own town and district
+undisturbed, but about the neighbouring territory also gave no little
+trouble to the Carthaginians and Syracusans, and levied tribute from
+many parts of Sicily. But when they were deprived of this support,
+the captors of Rhegium being now invested and besieged, they were
+themselves promptly forced back into the town again by the Syracusans,
+under circumstances which I will now detail.
+
+[Sidenote: The rise of Hiero. He is elected General by the army, B.C.
+275-274.]
+
+Not long before this the military forces of the Syracusans had
+quarrelled with the citizens, and while stationed near Merganè elected
+commanders from their own body. These were Artemidorus and Hiero, the
+latter of whom afterwards became King of Syracuse. At this time he was
+quite a young man, but had a certain natural aptitude for kingcraft
+and the politic conduct of affairs. Having taken over the command,
+and having by means of some of his connexions made his way into the
+city, he got his political opponents into his hands; but conducted
+the government with such mildness, and in so lofty a spirit, that the
+Syracusans, though by no means usually acquiescing in the election of
+officers by the soldiers, did on this occasion unanimously approve
+of Hiero as their general. His first step made it evident to close
+observers that his hopes soared above the position of a mere general.
+
+[Sidenote: Secures support of Leptines by marrying his daughter.]
+
+[Sidenote: His device for getting rid of mutinous mercenaries.]
+
+[Sidenote: Fiume Salso.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hiero next attacks the Mamertines and defeats them near
+Mylae, B.C. 268.]
+
++9.+ He noticed that among the Syracusans the despatch of troops,
+and of magistrates in command of them, was always the signal for
+revolutionary movements of some sort or another. He knew, too, that
+of all the citizens Leptines enjoyed the highest position and credit,
+and that among the common people especially he was by far the most
+influential man existing. He accordingly contracted a relationship by
+marriage with him, that he might have a representative of his interests
+left at home at such times as he should be himself bound to go abroad
+with the troops for a campaign. After marrying the daughter of this
+man, his next step was in regard to the old mercenaries. He observed
+that they were disaffected and mutinous: and he accordingly led out an
+expedition, with the ostensible purpose of attacking the foreigners
+who were in occupation of Messene. He pitched a camp against the enemy
+near Centuripa, and drew up his line resting on the River Cyamosorus.
+But the cavalry and infantry, which consisted of citizens, he kept
+together under his personal command at some distance, on pretence of
+intending to attack the enemy on another quarter: the mercenaries he
+thrust to the front and allowed them to be completely cut to pieces by
+the foreigners; while he seized the moment of their rout to affect a
+safe retreat for himself and the citizens into Syracuse. This stroke of
+policy was skilful and successful. He had got rid of the mutinous and
+seditious element in the army; and after enlisting on his own account a
+sufficient body of mercenaries, he thenceforth carried on the business
+of the government in security. But seeing that the Mamertines were
+encouraged by their success to greater confidence and recklessness in
+their excursions, he fully armed and energetically drilled the citizen
+levies, led them out, and engaged the enemy on the Mylaean plain near
+the River Longanus. He inflicted a severe defeat upon them: took their
+leaders prisoners: put a complete end to their audacious proceedings:
+and on his return to Syracuse was himself greeted by all the allies
+with the title of King.
+
+[Sidenote: Some of the conquered Mamertines appeal to Rome for help.]
+
+[Sidenote: The motives of the Romans in acceding to this
+prayer,—jealousy of the growing power of Carthage.]
+
++10.+ Thus were the Mamertines first deprived of support from
+Rhegium, and then subjected, from causes which I have just stated,
+to a complete defeat on their own account. Thereupon some of them
+betook themselves to the protection of the Carthaginians, and were
+for putting themselves and their citadel into their hands; while
+others set about sending an embassy to Rome to offer a surrender of
+their city, and to beg assistance on the ground of the ties of race
+which united them. The Romans were long in doubt. The inconsistency
+of sending such aid seemed manifest. A little while ago they had put
+some of their own citizens to death, with the extreme penalties of
+the law, for having broken faith with the people of Rhegium: and now
+so soon afterwards to assist the Mamertines, who had done precisely
+the same to Messene as well as Rhegium, involved a breach of equity
+very hard to justify. But while fully alive to these points, they yet
+saw that Carthaginian aggrandisement was not confined to Libya, but
+had embraced many districts in Iberia as well; and that Carthage was,
+besides, mistress of all the islands in the Sardinian and Tyrrhenian
+seas: they were beginning, therefore, to be exceedingly anxious lest,
+if the Carthaginians became masters of Sicily also, they should find
+them very dangerous and formidable neighbours, surrounding them as
+they would on every side, and occupying a position which commanded all
+the coasts of Italy. Now it was clear that, if the Mamertines did not
+obtain the assistance they asked for, the Carthaginians would very
+soon reduce Sicily. For should they avail themselves of the voluntary
+offer of Messene and become masters of it, they were certain before
+long to crush Syracuse also, since they were already lords of nearly
+the whole of the rest of Sicily. The Romans saw all this, and felt
+that it was absolutely necessary not to let Messene slip, or allow the
+Carthaginians to secure what would be like a bridge to enable them to
+cross into Italy.
+
+[Sidenote: The Senate shirk the responsibility of decision. The people
+vote for helping the Mamertines.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 264. Appius Claudius Caudex. M. Fulvius Flaccus, Coss.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hiero joins Carthage in laying siege to the Mamertines in
+Messene. Appius comes to the relief of the besieged, B.C. 264.]
+
+[Sidenote: After vain attempts at negotiation, Appius determines to
+attack Hiero.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hiero is defeated, and returns to Syracuse.]
+
++11.+ In spite of protracted deliberations, the conflict of motives
+proved too strong, after all, to allow of the Senate coming to any
+decision; for the inconsistency of aiding the Messenians appeared to
+them to be evenly balanced by the advantages to be gained by doing so.
+The people, however, had suffered much from the previous wars, and
+wanted some means of repairing the losses which they had sustained
+in every department. Besides these national advantages to be gained
+by the war, the military commanders suggested that individually they
+would get manifest and important benefits from it. They accordingly
+voted in favour of giving the aid. The decree having thus been passed
+by the people, they elected one of the consuls, Appius Claudius, to
+the command, and sent him out with instructions to cross to Messene
+and relieve the Mamertines. These latter managed, between threats and
+false representations, to oust the Carthaginian commander who was
+already in possession of the citadel, invited Appius in, and offered
+to deliver the city into his hands. The Carthaginians crucified their
+commander for what they considered to be his cowardice and folly in
+thus losing the citadel; stationed their fleet near Pelorus; their land
+forces at a place called Synes; and laid vigorous siege to Messene.
+Now at this juncture Hiero, thinking it a favourable opportunity for
+totally expelling from Sicily the foreigners who were in occupation of
+Messene, made a treaty with the Carthaginians. Having done this, he
+started from Syracuse upon an expedition against that city. He pitched
+his camp on the opposite side to the Carthaginians, near what was
+called the Chalcidian Mount, whereby the garrison were cut off from
+that way out as well as from the other. The Roman Consul Appius, for
+his part, gallantly crossed the strait by night and got into Messene.
+But he found that the enemy had completely surrounded the town and were
+vigorously pressing on the attack; and he concluded on reflection that
+the siege could bring him neither credit nor security so long as the
+enemy commanded land as well as sea. He accordingly first endeavoured
+to relieve the Mamertines from the contest altogether by sending
+embassies to both of the attacking forces. Neither of them received
+his proposals, and at last, from sheer necessity, he made up his mind
+to hazard an engagement, and that he would begin with the Syracusans.
+So he led out his forces and drew them up for the fight: nor was
+the Syracusan backward in accepting the challenge, but descended
+simultaneously to give him battle. After a prolonged struggle, Appius
+got the better of the enemy, and chased the opposing forces right up
+to their entrenchments. The result of this was that Appius, after
+stripping the dead, retired into Messene again, while Hiero, with a
+foreboding of the final result, only waited for nightfall to beat a
+hasty retreat to Syracuse.
+
+[Sidenote: Encouraged by this success, he attacks and drives off the
+Carthaginians.]
+
++12.+ Next morning, when Appius was assured of their flight, his
+confidence was strengthened, and he made up his mind to attack the
+Carthaginians without delay. Accordingly, he issued orders to the
+soldiers to despatch their preparations early, and at daybreak
+commenced his sally. Having succeeded in engaging the enemy, he killed
+a large number of them, and forced the rest to fly precipitately to
+the neighbouring towns. These successes sufficed to raise the siege
+of Messene: and thenceforth he scoured the territory of Syracuse and
+her allies with impunity, and laid it waste without finding any one to
+dispute the possession of the open country with him; and finally he sat
+down before Syracuse itself and laid siege to it.
+
+[Sidenote: Such preliminary sketches are necessary for clearness, and
+my readers must not be surprised if I follow the same system in the
+case of other towns.]
+
+Such was the nature and motive of the first warlike expedition of
+the Romans beyond the shores of Italy; and this was the period at
+which it took place. I thought this expedition the most suitable
+starting-point for my whole narrative, and accordingly adopted it as
+a basis; though I have made a rapid survey of some anterior events,
+that in setting forth its causes no point should be left obscure. I
+thought it necessary, if we were to get an adequate and comprehensive
+view of their present supreme position, to trace clearly how and when
+the Romans, after the disaster which they sustained in the loss of
+their own city, began their upward career; and how and when, once
+more, after possessing themselves of Italy, they conceived the idea of
+attempting conquests external to it. This must account in future parts
+of my work for my taking, when treating of the most important states,
+a preliminary survey of their previous history. In doing so my object
+will be to secure such a vantage-ground as will enable us to see with
+clearness from what origin, at what period, and in what circumstances
+they severally started and arrived at their present position. This is
+exactly what I have just done with regard to the Romans.
+
+[Sidenote: Subjects of the two first books of the Histories. 1. War
+in Sicily or first Punic War, B.C. 264-241. 2. The Mercenary or
+“inexpiable” war, B.C. 240-237. 3. Carthaginian movements in Spain,
+B.C. 241-218. 4. Illyrian war, B.C. 229-228. 5. Gallic war, B.C.
+225-221. 6. Cleomenic war, B.C. 227-221.]
+
++13.+ It is time to have done with these explanations, and to come to
+my subject, after a brief and summary statement of the events of which
+my introductory books are to treat. Of these the first in order of
+time are those which befell the Romans and Carthaginians in their war
+for the possession of Sicily. Next comes the Libyan or Mercenary war;
+immediately following on which are the Carthaginian achievements in
+Spain, first under Hamilcar, and then under Hasdrubal. In the course
+of these events, again, occurred the first expedition of the Romans
+into Illyria and the Greek side of Europe; and, besides that, their
+struggles within Italy with the Celts. In Greece at the same time the
+war called after Cleomenes was in full action. With this war I design
+to conclude my prefatory sketch and my second book.
+
+[Sidenote: The first Punic war deserves more detailed treatment,
+as furnishing a better basis for comparing Rome and Carthage than
+subsequent wars.]
+
+To enter into minute details of these events is unnecessary, and would
+be of no advantage to my readers. It is not part of my plan to write a
+history of them: my sole object is to recapitulate them in a summary
+manner by way of introduction to the narrative I have in hand. I will,
+therefore, touch lightly upon the leading events of this period in a
+comprehensive sketch, and will endeavour to make the end of it dovetail
+with the commencement of my main history. In this way the narrative
+will acquire a continuity; and I shall be shown to have had good reason
+for touching on points already treated by others: while by such an
+arrangement the studiously inclined will find the approach to the story
+which has to be told made intelligible and easy for them. I shall,
+however, endeavour to describe with somewhat more care the first war
+which arose between the Romans and Carthaginians for the possession of
+Sicily. For it would not be easy to mention any war that lasted longer
+than this one; nor one in which the preparations made were on a larger
+scale, or the efforts made more sustained, or the actual engagements
+more numerous, or the reverses sustained on either side more signal.
+Moreover, the two states themselves were at the precise period of
+their history when their institutions were as yet in their original
+integrity, their fortunes still at a moderate level, and their forces
+on an equal footing. So that those who wish to gain a fair view of the
+national characteristics and resources of the two had better base their
+comparison upon this war rather than upon those which came after.
+
+[Sidenote: This is rendered more necessary by the partisan
+misrepresentations of Philinus and Fabius Pictor.]
+
++14.+ But it was not these considerations only which induced me to
+undertake the history of this war. I was influenced quite as much
+by the fact that Philinus and Fabius, who have the reputation of
+writing with the most complete knowledge about it, have given us an
+inadequate representation of the truth. Now, judging from their lives
+and principles, I do not suppose that these writers have intentionally
+stated what was false; but I think that they are much in the same
+state of mind as men in love. Partisanship and complete prepossession
+made Philinus think that all the actions of the Carthaginians were
+characterised by wisdom, honour, and courage: those of the Romans by
+the reverse. Fabius thought the exact opposite. Now in other relations
+of life one would hesitate to exclude such warmth of sentiment: for a
+good man ought to be loyal to his friends and patriotic to his country;
+ought to be at one with his friends in their hatreds and likings. But
+directly a man assumes the moral attitude of an historian he ought to
+forget all considerations of that kind. There will be many occasions on
+which he will be bound to speak well of his enemies, and even to praise
+them in the highest terms if the facts demand it: and on the other hand
+many occasions on which it will be his duty to criticise and denounce
+his own side, however dear to him, if their errors of conduct suggest
+that course. For as a living creature is rendered wholly useless if
+deprived of its eyes, so if you take truth from History what is left is
+but an idle unprofitable tale. Therefore, one must not shrink either
+from blaming one’s friends or praising one’s enemies; nor be afraid
+of finding fault with and commending the same persons at different
+times. For it is impossible that men engaged in public affairs should
+always be right, and unlikely that they should always be wrong. Holding
+ourselves, therefore, entirely aloof from the actors, we must as
+historians make statements and pronounce judgment in accordance with
+the actions themselves.
+
+[Sidenote: Philinus’s misrepresentations.]
+
++15.+ The writers whom I have named exemplify the truth of these
+remarks. Philinus, for instance, commencing the narrative with his
+second book, says that the “Carthaginians and Syracusans engaged in
+the war and sat down before Messene; that the Romans arriving by
+sea entered the town, and immediately sallied out from it to attack
+the Syracusans; but that after suffering severely in the engagement
+they retired into Messene; and that on a second occasion, having
+issued forth to attack the Carthaginians, they not only suffered
+severely but lost a considerable number of their men captured by
+the enemy.” But while making this statement, he represents Hiero as
+so destitute of sense as, after this engagement, not only to have
+promptly burnt his stockade and tents and fled under cover of night
+to Syracuse, but to have abandoned all the forts which had been
+established to overawe the Messenian territory. Similarly he asserts
+that “the Carthaginians immediately after their battle evacuated their
+entrenchment and dispersed into various towns, without venturing any
+longer even to dispute the possession of the open country; and that,
+accordingly, their leaders seeing that their troops were utterly
+demoralised determined in consideration not to risk a battle: that the
+Romans followed them, and not only laid waste the territory of the
+Carthaginians and Syracusans, but actually sat down before Syracuse
+itself and began to lay siege to it.” These statements appear to me to
+be full of glaring inconsistency, and to call for no refutation at all.
+The very men whom he describes to begin with as besieging Messene, and
+as victorious in the engagements, he afterwards represents as running
+away, abandoning the open country, and utterly demoralised: while those
+whom he starts by saying were defeated and besieged, he concludes by
+describing as engaging in a pursuit, as promptly seizing the open
+places, and finally as besieging Syracuse. Nothing can reconcile
+these statements. It is impossible. Either his initial statement,
+or his account of the subsequent events, must be false. In point of
+fact the latter part of his story is the true one. The Syracusans and
+Carthaginians _did_ abandon the open country, and the Romans _did_
+immediately afterwards commence a siege of Syracuse and of Echetla,
+which lies in the district between the Syracusan and Carthaginian
+pales. For the rest it must necessarily be acknowledged that the
+first part of his account is false; and that whereas the Romans were
+victorious in the engagements under Messene, they have been represented
+by this historian as defeated. Through the whole of this work we shall
+find Philinus acting in a similar spirit: and much the same may be said
+of Fabius, as I shall show when the several points arise.
+
+I have now said what was proper on the subject of this digression.
+Returning to the matter in hand I will endeavour by a continuous
+narrative of moderate dimensions to guide my readers to a true
+knowledge of this war.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 264.]
+
+[Sidenote: (Continuing from chap. xii.), B.C. 263, Manius Valerius
+Maximus, Manius Otacilius Crassus, Coss. The Consuls with four legions
+are sent to Sicily. A general move of the Sicilian cities to join them.
+Hiero submits.]
+
++16.+ When news came to Rome of the successes of Appius and his
+legions, the people elected Manius Otacilius and Manius Valerius
+Consuls, and despatched their whole army to Sicily, and both Consuls
+in command. Now the Romans have in all, as distinct from allies, four
+legions of Roman citizens, which they enrol every year, each of which
+consists of four thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry: and
+on their arrival most of the cities revolted from Syracuse as well
+as from Carthage, and joined the Romans. And when he saw the terror
+and dismay of the Sicilians, and compared with them the number and
+crushing strength of the legions of Rome, Hiero began, from a review
+of all these points, to conclude that the prospects of the Romans
+were brighter than those of the Carthaginians. Inclining therefore
+from these considerations to the side of the former, he began sending
+messages to the Consuls, proposing peace and friendship with them. The
+Romans accepted his offer, their chief motive being the consideration
+of provisions: for as the Carthaginians had command of the sea, they
+were afraid of being cut off at every point from their supplies, warned
+by the fact that the legions which had previously crossed had run very
+short in that respect. They therefore gladly accepted Hiero’s offers
+of friendship, supposing that he would be of signal service to them
+in this particular. The king engaged to restore his prisoners without
+ransom, and to pay besides an indemnity of a hundred talents of silver.
+The treaty being arranged on these terms, the Romans thenceforth
+regarded the Syracusans as friends and allies: while King Hiero, having
+thus placed himself under the protection of the Romans, never failed
+to supply their needs in times of difficulty; and for the rest of his
+life reigned securely in Syracuse, devoting his energies to gaining
+the gratitude and good opinion of the Greeks. And in point of fact no
+monarch ever acquired a greater reputation, or enjoyed for a longer
+period the fruits of his prudent policy in private as well as in public
+affairs.
+
+[Sidenote: The Carthaginians alarmed at Hiero’s defection make great
+efforts to increase their army in Sicily.]
+
+[Sidenote: They select Agrigentum as their headquarters.]
+
++17.+ When the text of this treaty reached Rome, and the people had
+approved and confirmed the terms made with Hiero, the Roman government
+thereupon decided not to send all their forces, as they had intended
+doing, but only two legions. For they thought that the gravity of the
+war was lessened by the adhesion of the king, and at the same time
+that the army would thus be better off for provisions. But when the
+Carthaginian government saw that Hiero had become their enemy, and that
+the Romans were taking a more decided part in Sicilian politics, they
+conceived that they must have a more formidable force to enable them
+to confront their enemy and maintain their own interests in Sicily.
+Accordingly, they enlisted mercenaries from over sea—a large number
+of Ligurians and Celts, and a still larger number of Iberians—and
+despatched them to Sicily. And perceiving that Agrigentum possessed
+the greatest natural advantages as a place of arms, and was the most
+powerful city in their province, they collected their supplies and
+their forces into it, deciding to use this city as their headquarters
+for the war.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 262.]
+
+[Sidenote: The new Consuls, Lucius Postumius Megellus and Quintus
+Mamilius Vitulus, determined to lay siege to Agrigentum.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Carthaginians make an unsuccessful sally.]
+
+On the Roman side a change of commanders had now taken place. The
+Consuls who made the treaty with Hiero had gone home, and their
+successors, Lucius Postumius and Quintus Mamilius, were come to Sicily
+with their legions. Observing the measure which the Carthaginians were
+taking, and the forces they were concentrating at Agrigentum, they made
+up their minds to take that matter in hand and strike a bold blow.
+Accordingly they suspended every other department of the war, and
+bearing down upon Agrigentum itself with their whole army, attacked it
+in force; pitched their camp within a distance of eight stades from
+the city; and confined the Carthaginians within the walls. Now it was
+just harvest-time, and the siege was evidently destined to be a long
+one: the soldiers, therefore, went out to collect the corn with greater
+hardihood than they ought to have done. Accordingly the Carthaginians,
+seeing the enemy scattered about the fields, sallied out and attacked
+the harvesting-parties. They easily routed these; and then one portion
+of them made a rush to destroy the Roman entrenchment, the other to
+attack the pickets. But the peculiarity of their institutions saved the
+Roman fortunes, as it had often done before. Among them it is death for
+a man to desert his post, or to fly from his station on any pretext
+whatever. Accordingly on this, as on other occasions, they gallantly
+held their ground against opponents many times their own number; and
+though they lost many of their own men, they killed still more of the
+enemy, and at last outflanked the foes just as they were on the point
+of demolishing the palisade of the camp. Some they put to the sword,
+and the rest they pursued with slaughter into the city.
+
++18.+ The result was that thenceforth the Carthaginians were somewhat
+less forward in making such attacks, and the Romans more cautious in
+foraging.
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans form two strongly-entrenched camps.]
+
+[Sidenote: A relief comes from Carthage to Agrigentum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hanno seizes Herbesus.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans faithfully supported by Hiero.]
+
+Finding that the Carthaginians would not come out to meet them at close
+quarters any more, the Roman generals divided their forces: with one
+division they occupied the ground round the temple of Asclepius outside
+the town; with the other they encamped in the outskirts of the city on
+the side which looks towards Heracleia. The space between the camps on
+either side of the city they secured by two trenches,—the inner one
+to protect themselves against sallies from the city, the outer as a
+precaution against attacks from without, and to intercept those persons
+or supplies which always make their way surreptitiously into cities
+that are sustaining a siege. The spaces between the trenches uniting
+the camps they secured by pickets, taking care in their disposition
+to strengthen the several accessible points. As for food and other
+war material, the other allied cities all joined in collecting and
+bringing these to Herbesus for them: and thus they supplied themselves
+in abundance with necessaries, by continually getting provisions living
+and dead from this town, which was conveniently near. For about five
+months then they remained in the same position, without being able to
+obtain any decided advantage over each other beyond the casualties
+which occurred in the skirmishes. But the Carthaginians were beginning
+to be hard pressed by hunger, owing to the number of men shut up in the
+city, who amounted to no less than fifty thousand: and Hannibal, who
+had been appointed commander of the besieged forces, beginning by this
+time to be seriously alarmed at the state of things, kept perpetually
+sending messages to Carthage explaining their critical state, and
+begging for assistance. Thereupon the Carthaginian government put on
+board ship the fresh troops and elephants which they had collected,
+and despatched them to Sicily, with orders to join the other commander
+Hanno. This officer collected all his war material and forces into
+Heracleia, and as a first step possessed himself by a stratagem of
+Herbesus, thus depriving the enemy of their provisions and supply of
+necessaries. The result of this was that the Romans found themselves in
+the position of besieged as much as in that of besiegers; for they were
+reduced by short supplies of food and scarcity of necessaries to such a
+condition that they more than once contemplated raising the siege. And
+they would have done so at last had not Hiero, by using every effort
+and contrivance imaginable, succeeded in keeping them supplied with
+what satisfied, to a tolerable extent, their most pressing wants. This
+was Hanno’s first step. His next was as follows.
+
+[Sidenote: Hanno tempts the Roman cavalry out and defeats them.]
+
+[Sidenote: After two months, Hanno is forced to try to relieve
+Agrigentum,]
+
+[Sidenote: but is defeated in a pitched battle, and his army cut to
+pieces.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal escapes by night; and the Romans enter and plunder
+Agrigentum.]
+
++19.+ He saw that the Romans were reduced by disease and want, owing
+to an epidemic that had broken out among them, and he believed that
+his own forces were strong enough to give them battle: he accordingly
+collected his elephants, of which he had about fifty, and the whole
+of the rest of his army, and advanced at a rapid pace from Heracleia;
+having previously issued orders to the Numidian cavalry to precede
+him, and to endeavour, when they came near the enemies’ stockade,
+to provoke them and draw their cavalry out; and, having done so,
+to wheel round and retire until they met him. The Numidians did as
+they were ordered, and advanced up to one of the camps. Immediately
+the Roman cavalry poured out and boldly charged the Numidians: the
+Libyans retired, according to their orders, until they reached Hanno’s
+division: then they wheeled round; surrounded, and repeatedly charged
+the enemy; killed a great number of them, and chased the rest up to
+their stockade. After this affair Hanno’s force encamped over against
+the Romans, having seized the hill called Torus, at a distance of
+about a mile and a quarter from their opponents. For two months they
+remained in position without any decisive action, though skirmishes
+took place daily. But as Hannibal all this time kept signalling and
+sending messages from the town to Hanno,—telling him that his men were
+impatient of the famine, and that many were even deserting to the enemy
+owing to the distress for food,—the Carthaginian general determined to
+risk a battle, the Romans being equally ready, for the reasons I have
+mentioned. So both parties advanced into the space between the camps
+and engaged. The battle lasted a long time, but at last the Romans
+turned the advanced guard of Carthaginian mercenaries. The latter fell
+back upon the elephants and the other divisions posted in their rear;
+and thus the whole Punic army was thrown into confusion. The retreat
+became general: the larger number of the men were killed, while some
+effected their escape into Heracleia; and the Romans became masters
+of most of the elephants and all the baggage. Now night came on, and
+the victors, partly from joy at their success, partly from fatigue,
+kept their watches somewhat more carelessly than usual; accordingly
+Hannibal, having given up hope of holding out, made up his mind that
+this state of things afforded him a good opportunity of escape. He
+started about midnight from the town with his mercenary troops, and
+having choked up the trenches with baskets stuffed full of chaff, led
+off his force in safety, without being detected by the enemy. When
+day dawned the Romans discovered what had happened, and indeed for a
+short time were engaged with Hannibal’s rear; but eventually they all
+made for the town gates. There they found no one to oppose them: they
+therefore threw themselves into the town, plundered it, and secured
+a large number of captives, besides a great booty of every sort and
+description.
+
+[Sidenote: This success inspires the Senate with the idea of expelling
+the Carthaginians from Sicily.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 261.]
+
++20.+ Great was the joy of the Roman Senate when the news of what had
+taken place at Agrigentum arrived. Their ideas too were so raised that
+they no longer confined themselves to their original designs. They were
+not content with having saved the Mamertines, nor with the advantages
+gained in the course of the war; but conceived the idea that it was
+possible to expel the Carthaginians entirely from the island, and that
+if that were done their own power would receive a great increase: they
+accordingly engaged in this policy and directed their whole thoughts to
+this subject. As to their land forces they saw that things were going
+on as well as they could wish. For the Consuls elected in succession to
+those who had besieged Agrigentum, Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Titus
+Otacilius Crassus, appeared to be managing the Sicilian business as
+well as circumstances admitted. Yet so long as the Carthaginians were
+in undisturbed command of the sea, the balance of success could not
+incline decisively in their favour. For instance, in the period which
+followed, though they were now in possession of Agrigentum, and though
+consequently many of the inland towns joined the Romans from dread of
+their land forces, yet a still larger number of seaboard towns held
+aloof from them in terror of the Carthaginian fleet. Seeing therefore
+that it was ever more and more the case that the balance of success
+oscillated from one side to the other from these causes; and, moreover,
+that while Italy was repeatedly ravaged by the naval force, Libya
+remained permanently uninjured; they became eager to get upon the sea
+and meet the Carthaginians there.
+
+It was this branch of the subject that more than anything else induced
+me to give an account of this war at somewhat greater length than I
+otherwise should have done. I was unwilling that a first step of this
+kind should be unknown,—namely how, and when, and why the Romans first
+started a navy.
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans boldly determine to build ships and meet the
+Carthaginians at sea.]
+
+[Sidenote: A Carthaginian ship used as a model.]
+
+It was, then, because they saw that the war they had undertaken
+lingered to a weary length, that they first thought of getting a fleet
+built, consisting of a hundred quinqueremes and twenty triremes. But
+one part of their undertaking caused them much difficulty. Their
+shipbuilders were entirely unacquainted with the construction of
+quinqueremes, because no one in Italy had at that time employed vessels
+of that description. There could be no more signal proof of the
+courage, or rather the extraordinary audacity of the Roman enterprise.
+Not only had they no resources for it of reasonable sufficiency;
+but without any resources for it at all, and without having ever
+entertained an idea of naval war,—for it was the first time they had
+thought of it,—they nevertheless handled the enterprise with such
+extraordinary audacity, that, without so much as a preliminary trial,
+they took upon themselves there and then to meet the Carthaginians
+at sea, on which they had for generations held undisputed supremacy.
+Proof of what I say, and of their surprising audacity, may be found in
+this. When they first took in hand to send troops across to Messene
+they not only had no decked vessels but no war-ships at all, not so
+much as a single galley: but they borrowed quinqueremes and triremes
+from Tarentum and Locri, and even from Elea and Neapolis; and having
+thus collected a fleet, boldly sent their men across upon it. It was on
+this occasion that, the Carthaginians having put to sea in the Strait
+to attack them, a decked vessel of theirs charged so furiously that it
+ran aground, and falling into the hands of the Romans served them as a
+model on which they constructed their whole fleet. And if this had not
+happened it is clear that they would have been completely hindered from
+carrying out their design by want of constructive knowledge.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 260. Cn. Cornelius Scipio Asina, C. Duilius, Coss.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cornelius captured with the loss of his ships.]
+
+[Sidenote: The rest of the Roman fleet arrive and nearly capture
+Hannibal.]
+
++21.+ Meanwhile, however, those who were charged with the shipbuilding
+were busied with the construction of the vessels; while others
+collected crews and were engaged in teaching them to row on dry land:
+which they contrived to do in the following manner. They made the men
+sit on rower’s benches on dry land, in the same order as they would sit
+on the benches in actual vessels: in the midst of them they stationed
+the Celeustes, and trained them to get back and draw in their hands all
+together in time, and then to swing forward and throw them out again,
+and to begin and cease these movements at the word of the Celeustes.
+By the time these preparations were completed the ships were built.
+They therefore launched them, and, after a brief preliminary practice
+of real sea-rowing, started on their coasting voyage along the shore
+of Italy, in accordance with the Consul’s order. For Gnaeus Cornelius
+Scipio, who had been appointed by the Roman people a few days before
+to command the fleet, after giving the ship captains orders that as
+soon as they had fitted out the fleet they should sail to the Straits,
+had put to sea himself with seventeen ships and sailed in advance to
+Messene; for he was very eager to secure all pressing necessaries for
+the naval force. While there some negotiation was suggested to him for
+the surrender of the town of Lipara. Snatching at the prospect somewhat
+too eagerly, he sailed with the above-mentioned ships and anchored
+off the town. But having been informed in Panormus of what had taken
+place, the Carthaginian general Hannibal despatched Boōdes, a member
+of the Senate, with a squadron of twenty ships. He accomplished the
+voyage at night and shut up Gnaeus and his men within the harbour.
+When day dawned the crews made for the shore and ran away, while
+Gnaeus, in utter dismay, and not knowing in the least what to do,
+eventually surrendered to the enemy. The Carthaginians having thus
+possessed themselves of the ships as well as the commander of their
+enemies, started to rejoin Hannibal. Yet a few days afterwards, though
+the disaster of Gnaeus was so signal and recent, Hannibal himself was
+within an ace of falling into the same glaring mistake. For having
+been informed that the Roman fleet in its voyage along the coast of
+Italy was close at hand, he conceived a wish to get a clear view of
+the enemy’s number and disposition. He accordingly set sail with fifty
+ships, and just as he was rounding the “Italian Headland” he fell in
+with the enemy, who were sailing in good order and disposition. He
+lost most of his ships, and with the rest effected his own escape in a
+manner beyond hope or expectation.
+
+[Sidenote: The “corvi” or “crows” for boarding.]
+
++22.+ When the Romans had neared the coasts of Sicily and learnt the
+disaster which had befallen Gnaeus, their first step was to send for
+Gaius Duilius, who was in command of the land forces. Until he should
+come they stayed where they were; but at the same time, hearing that
+the enemy’s fleet was no great way off, they busied themselves with
+preparations for a sea-fight. Now their ships were badly fitted out
+and not easy to manage, and so some one suggested to them as likely to
+serve their turn in a fight the construction of what were afterwards
+called “crows.” Their mechanism was this. A round pole was placed in
+the prow, about twenty-four feet high, and with a diameter of four
+palms. The pole itself had a pulley on the top, and a gangway made
+with cross planks nailed together, four feet wide and thirty-six feet
+long, was made to swing round it. Now the hole in the gangway was
+oval shaped, and went round the pole twelve feet from one end of the
+gangway, which had also a wooden railing running down each side of it
+to the height of a man’s knee. At the extremity of this gangway was
+fastened an iron spike like a miller’s pestle, sharpened at its lower
+end and fitted with a ring at its upper end. The whole thing looked
+like the machines for braising corn. To this ring the rope was fastened
+with which, when the ships collided, they hauled up the “crows,” by
+means of the pulley at the top of the pole, and dropped them down
+upon the deck of the enemy’s ship, sometimes over the prow, sometimes
+swinging them round when the ships collided broadsides. And as soon
+as the “crows” were fixed in the planks of the decks and grappled the
+ships together, if the ships were alongside of each other, the men
+leaped on board anywhere along the side, but if they were prow to prow,
+they used the “crow” itself for boarding, and advanced over it two
+abreast. The first two protected their front by holding up before them
+their shields, while those who came after them secured their sides by
+placing the rims of their shields upon the top of the railing. Such
+were the preparations which they made; and having completed them they
+watched an opportunity of engaging at sea.
+
+[Sidenote: Victory of Duilius at Mylae, B.C. 260.]
+
++23.+ As for Gaius Duilius, he no sooner heard of the disaster which
+had befallen the commander of the navy than handing over his legions
+to the military Tribunes he transferred himself to the fleet. There
+he learnt that the enemy was plundering the territory of Mylae, and
+at once sailed to attack him with the whole fleet. No sooner did the
+Carthaginians sight him than with joy and alacrity they put to sea
+with a hundred and thirty sail, feeling supreme contempt for the Roman
+ignorance of seamanship. Accordingly they all sailed with their prows
+directed straight at their enemy: they did not think the engagement
+worth even the trouble of ranging their ships in any order, but
+advanced as though to seize a booty exposed for their acceptance. Their
+commander was that same Hannibal who had withdrawn his forces from
+Agrigentum by a secret night movement, and he was on board a galley
+with seven banks of oars which had once belonged to King Pyrrhus. When
+they neared the enemy, and saw the “crows” raised aloft on the prows
+of the several ships, the Carthaginians were for a time in a state of
+perplexity; for they were quite strangers to such contrivances as these
+engines. Feeling, however, a complete contempt for their opponents,
+those on board the ships that were in the van of the squadron charged
+without flinching. But as soon as they came to close quarters their
+ships were invariably tightly grappled by these machines; the enemy
+boarded by means of the “crows,” and engaged them on their decks;
+and in the end some of the Carthaginians were cut down, while others
+surrendered in bewildered terror at the battle in which they found
+themselves engaged, which eventually became exactly like a land fight.
+The result was that they lost the first thirty ships engaged, crews and
+all. Among them was captured the commander’s ship also, though Hannibal
+himself by an unexpected piece of luck and an act of great daring
+effected his escape in the ship’s boat. The rest of the Carthaginian
+squadron were sailing up with the view of charging; but as they were
+coming near they saw what had happened to the ships which were sailing
+in the front, and accordingly sheered off and avoided the blows of the
+engines. Yet trusting to their speed, they managed by a manœuvre to
+sail round and charge the enemy, some on their broadside and others on
+their stern, expecting by that method to avoid danger. But the engines
+swung round to meet them in every direction, and dropped down upon them
+so infallibly, that no ships could come to close quarters without being
+grappled. Eventually the Carthaginians turned and fled, bewildered at
+the novelty of the occurrence, and with a loss of fifty ships.
+
+[Sidenote: Further operations in Sicily.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hamilcar.]
+
+[Sidenote: Segesta and Macella.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal in Sardinia.]
+
++24.+ Having in this unlooked-for manner made good their maritime hopes
+the Romans were doubly encouraged in their enthusiasm for the war. For
+the present they put in upon the coast of Sicily, raised the siege of
+Segesta when it was reduced to the last extremity, and on their way
+back from Segesta carried the town Macella by assault. But Hamilcar,
+the commander of the Carthaginian land forces happened, after the
+naval battle, to be informed as he lay encamped near Panormus that the
+allies were engaged in a dispute with the Romans about the post of
+honour in the battles: and ascertaining that the allies were encamped
+by themselves between Paropus and Himeraean Thermae, he made a sudden
+attack in force as they were in the act of moving camp and killed
+almost four thousand of them. After this action Hannibal sailed across
+to Carthage with such ships as he had left; and thence before very long
+crossed to Sardinia, with a reinforcement of ships, and accompanied
+by some of those whose reputation as naval commanders stood high. But
+before very long he was blockaded in a certain harbour by the Romans,
+and lost a large number of ships; and was thereupon summarily arrested
+by the surviving Carthaginians and crucified. This came about because
+the first thing the Romans did upon getting a navy was to try to become
+masters of Sardinia.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 259.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 258. Coss. A. Atilius Calatinus, C. Sulpicius,
+Paterculus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hippana and Myttistratum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Camarina.]
+
+During the next year the Roman legions in Sicily did nothing worthy
+of mention. In the next, after the arrival of the new Consuls, Aulus
+Atilius and Gaius Sulpicius, they started to attack Panormus because
+the Carthaginian forces were wintering there. The Consuls advanced
+close up to the city with their whole force, and drew up in order of
+battle. But the enemy refusing to come out to meet them, they marched
+away and attacked the town of Hippana. This they carried by assault:
+but though they also took Myttistratum it was only after it had stood a
+lengthened siege owing to the strength of its situation. It was at this
+time, too, that they recovered Camarina, which had revolted a short
+time previously. They threw up works against it, and captured it after
+making a breach in its walls. They treated Henna, and sundry other
+strong places which had been in the hands of the Carthaginians, in the
+same way; and when they had finished these operations they undertook to
+lay siege to Lipara.
+
+[Sidenote: Fighting off Tyndaris.]
+
+[Sidenote: Coss. C. Atilius Regulus, Cn. Cornelius, Blasio II. B.C.
+257.]
+
++25.+ Next year Gaius Atilius, the Consul, happened to be at anchor
+off Tyndaris, when he observed the Carthaginian fleet sailing by
+in a straggling manner. He passed the word to the crews of his own
+ships to follow the advanced squadron, and started himself before the
+rest with ten ships of equal sailing powers. When the Carthaginians
+became aware that while some of the enemy were still embarking, others
+were already putting out to sea, and that the advanced squadron were
+considerably ahead of the rest, they stood round and went to meet them.
+They succeeded in surrounding and destroying all of them except the
+Consul’s ship, and that they all but captured with its crew. This last,
+however, by the perfection of its rowers and its consequent speed,
+effected a desperate escape. Meanwhile the remaining ships of the
+Romans were sailing up and gradually drawing close together. Having got
+into line, they charged the enemy, took ten ships with their crews, and
+sunk eight. The rest of the Carthaginian ships retired to the Liparean
+Islands.
+
+[Sidenote: Winter of B.C. 257-256.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 256. Coss. L. Manlius, Vulso Longus, M. Atilius Regulus
+II. (Suff.).]
+
+The result of this battle was that both sides concluded that they were
+now fairly matched, and accordingly made more systematic efforts to
+secure a naval force, and to dispute the supremacy at sea. While these
+things were going on, the land forces effected nothing worth recording;
+but wasted all their time in such petty operations as chance threw in
+their way. Therefore, after making the preparations I have mentioned
+for the approaching summer, the Romans, with three hundred and thirty
+decked ships of war, touched at Messene; thence put to sea, keeping
+Sicily on their right; and after doubling the headland Pachynus passed
+on to Ecnomus, because the land force was also in that district. The
+Carthaginians on their part put to sea again with three hundred and
+fifty decked ships, touched at Lilybaeum, and thence dropped anchor at
+Heracleia Minoa.
+
+[Sidenote: Preparations for the Battle of Ecnomus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Roman forces. 330 ships, with average of 420 men (300 rowers
++ 120 marines) = 138,600 men.]
+
+[Sidenote: Carthaginian numbers, 150,000 men.]
+
++26.+ Now it was the purpose of the Romans to sail across to Libya and
+transfer the war there, in order that the Carthaginians might find the
+danger affecting themselves and their own country rather than Sicily.
+But the Carthaginians were determined to prevent this. They knew that
+Libya was easily invaded, and that the invaders if they once effected
+a landing would meet with little resistance from the inhabitants; and
+they therefore made up their minds not to allow it, and were eager
+rather to bring the matter to a decisive issue by a battle at sea. The
+one side was determined to cross, the other to prevent their crossing;
+and their enthusiastic rivalry gave promise of a desperate struggle.
+The preparations of the Romans were made to suit either contingency, an
+engagement at sea or a disembarkation on the enemy’s soil. Accordingly
+they picked out the best hands from the land army and divided the
+whole force which they meant to take on board into four divisions.
+Each division had alternative titles; the first was called the “First
+Legion” or the “First Squadron,”—and so on with the others. The fourth
+had a third title besides. They were called “Triarii,” on the analogy
+of land armies. The total number of men thus making up the naval force
+amounted to nearly one hundred and forty thousand, reckoning each ship
+as carrying three hundred rowers and one hundred and twenty soldiers.
+The Carthaginians, on the other hand, made their preparations almost
+exclusively with a view to a naval engagement. Their numbers, if we
+reckon by the number of their ships, were over one hundred and fifty
+thousand men. The mere recital of these figures must, I should imagine,
+strike any one with astonishment at the magnitude of the struggle, and
+the vast resources of the contending states. An actual view of them
+itself could hardly be more impressive than the bare statement of the
+number of men and ships.
+
+[Sidenote: The Roman order at Ecnomus.]
+
+Now the Romans had two facts to consider: First, that circumstances
+compelled them to face the open sea; and, secondly, that their enemies
+had the advantage of fast sailing vessels. They therefore took every
+precaution for keeping their line unbroken and difficult to attack.
+They had only two ships with six banks of oars, those, namely, on
+which the Consuls Marcus Atilius and Lucius Manlius respectively were
+sailing. These they stationed side by side in front and in a line with
+each other. Behind each of these they stationed ships one behind the
+other in single file—the first squadron behind the one, and the second
+squadron behind the other. These were so arranged that, as each ship
+came to its place, the two files diverged farther and farther from
+each other; the vessels being also stationed one behind the other with
+their prows inclining outwards. Having thus arranged the first and
+second squadrons in single file so as to form a wedge, they stationed
+the third division in a single line at its base; so that the whole
+finally presented the appearance of a triangle. Behind this base they
+stationed the horse-transports, attaching them by towing-ropes to the
+ships of the third squadron. And to the rear of them they placed the
+fourth squadron, called the Triarii, in a single line, so extended as
+to overlap the line in front of them at both extremities. When these
+dispositions were complete the general appearance was that of a beak
+or wedge, the apex of which was open, the base compact and strong;
+while the whole was easy to work and serviceable, and at the same time
+difficult to break up.
+
+[Sidenote: The disposition of the Carthaginian fleet.]
+
+[Sidenote: ch. 19.]
+
+[Sidenote: ch. 25.]
+
+[Sidenote: The battle.]
+
++27.+ Meanwhile the Carthaginian commanders had briefly addressed their
+men. They pointed out to them that victory in this battle would ensure
+the war in the future being confined to the question of the possession
+of Sicily; while if they were beaten they would have hereafter to fight
+for their native land and for all that they held dear. With these words
+they passed the word to embark. The order was obeyed with universal
+enthusiasm, for what had been said brought home to them the issues at
+stake; and they put to sea in the full fervour of excited gallantry,
+which might well have struck terror into all who saw it. When their
+commanders saw the arrangement of the enemies’ ships they adapted their
+own to match it. Three-fourths of their force they posted in a single
+line, extending their right wing towards the open sea with a view of
+outflanking their opponents, and placing their ships with prows facing
+the enemy; while the other fourth part was posted to form a left wing
+of the whole, the vessels being at right angles to the others and
+close to the shore. The two Carthaginian commanders were Hanno and
+Hamilcar. The former was the general who had been defeated in the
+engagement at Agrigentum. He now commanded the right wing, supported
+by beaked vessels for charging, and the fastest sailing quinqueremes
+for outflanking, the enemy. The latter, who had been in the engagement
+off Tyndaris, had charge of the left wing. This officer, occupying
+the central position of the entire line, on this occasion employed a
+stratagem which I will now describe. The battle began by the Romans
+charging the centre of the Carthaginians, because they observed that it
+was weakened by their great extension. The ships in the Carthaginian
+centre, in accordance with their orders, at once turned and fled with
+a view of breaking up the Roman close order. They began to retire
+with all speed, and the Romans pursued them with exultation. The
+consequence was that, while the first and second Roman squadrons were
+pressing the flying enemy, the third and fourth “legions” had become
+detached and were left behind,—the former because they had to tow the
+horse-transports, and the “Triarii” because they kept their station
+with them and helped them to form a reserve. But when the Carthaginians
+thought that they had drawn the first and second squadron a sufficient
+distance from the main body a signal was hoisted on board Hamilcar’s
+ship, and they all simultaneously swung their ships round and engaged
+their pursuers. The contest was a severe one. The Carthaginians had
+a great superiority in the rapidity with which they manœuvred their
+ships. They darted out from their line and rowed round the enemy: they
+approached them with ease, and retired with despatch. But the Romans,
+no less than the Carthaginians, had their reasons for entertaining
+hopes of victory: for when the vessels got locked together the contest
+became one of sheer strength: their engines, the “crows,” grappled all
+that once came to close quarters: and, finally, both the Consuls were
+present in person and were witnesses of their behaviour in battle.
+
++28.+ This was the state of affairs on the centre. But meanwhile Hanno
+with the right wing, which had held aloof when the first encounter
+took place, crossing the open sea, charged the ships of the Triarii
+and caused them great difficulty and embarrassment: while those of the
+Carthaginians who had been posted near the land manœuvred into line,
+and getting their ships straight, charged the men who were towing the
+horse-transports. These latter let go the towing-ropes, grappled with
+the enemy, and kept up a desperate struggle.
+
+[Sidenote: Three separate battles.]
+
+[Sidenote: First with Hamilcar’s squadron.]
+
+[Sidenote: Second squadron under Regulus.]
+
+So that the engagement was in three separate divisions, or rather there
+were three sea-fights going on at wide intervals from each other. Now
+in these three engagements the opposing parties were in each case
+fairly matched, thanks to the original disposition of the ships, and
+therefore the victory was in each case closely contested. However the
+result in the several cases was very much what was to be expected where
+forces were so equal. The first to engage were the first to separate:
+for Hamilcar’s division at last were overpowered and fled. But while
+Lucius was engaged in securing his prizes, Marcus observing the
+struggle in which the Triarii and horse-transports were involved, went
+with all speed to their assistance, taking with him all the ships of
+the second squadron which were undamaged. As soon as he had reached and
+engaged Hanno’s division, the Triarii quickly picked up courage, though
+they were then getting much the worst of it, and returned with renewed
+spirits to the fight. It was now the turn for the Carthaginians to be
+in difficulties. They were charged in front and on the rear, and found
+to their surprise that they were being surrounded by the relieving
+squadron. They at once gave way and retreated in the direction of the
+open sea.
+
+[Sidenote: Third squadron relieved by Regulus and Manlius.]
+
+While this was going on, Lucius, who was sailing back to rejoin his
+colleague, observed that the third squadron had got wedged in by the
+Carthaginians close in shore. Accordingly he and Marcus, who had by
+this time secured the safety of the transports and Triarii, started
+together to relieve their imperilled comrades, who were now sustaining
+something very like a blockade. And the fact is that they would long
+before this have been utterly destroyed had not the Carthaginians been
+afraid of the “crows,” and confined themselves to surrounding and
+penning them in close to land, without attempting to charge for fear
+of being caught by the grappling-irons. The Consuls came up rapidly,
+and surrounding the Carthaginians captured fifty of their ships with
+their crews, while some few of them managed to slip away and escape by
+keeping close to the shore.
+
+[Sidenote: General result.]
+
+Such was the result of the separate engagements. But the general upshot
+of the whole battle was in favour of the Romans. Twenty-four of their
+vessels were destroyed; over thirty of the Carthaginians. Not a single
+Roman ship was captured with its crew; sixty-four of the Carthaginians
+were so taken.
+
+[Sidenote: Siege of Aspis. (Clupea.)]
+
++29.+ After the battle the Romans took in a fresh supply of victual,
+repaired and refitted the ships they had captured, bestowed upon the
+crews the attention which they had deserved by their victory, and
+then put to sea with a view of continuing their voyage to Libya.
+Their leading ships made the shore just under the headland called
+the Hermaeum, which is the extreme point on the east of the Gulf of
+Carthage, and runs out into the open sea in the direction of Sicily.
+There they waited for the rest of the ships to come up, and having
+got the entire fleet together coasted along until they came to the
+city called Aspis. Here they disembarked, beached their ships, dug a
+trench, and constructed a stockade round them; and on the inhabitants
+of the city refusing to submit without compulsion, they set to work to
+besiege the town. Presently those of the Carthaginians who had survived
+the sea-fight came to land also; and feeling sure that the enemy, in
+the flush of their victory, intended to sail straight against Carthage
+itself, they began by keeping a chain of advanced guards at outlying
+points to protect the capital with their military and naval forces.
+But when they ascertained that the Romans had disembarked without
+resistance and were engaged in besieging Aspis, they gave up the idea
+of watching for the descent of the fleet; but concentrated their
+forces, and devoted themselves to the protection of the capital and its
+environs.
+
+[Sidenote: Aspis taken.]
+
+[Sidenote: M. Atilius Regulus remains in Africa, winter of B.C.
+256-255.]
+
+Meanwhile the Romans had taken Aspis, had placed in it a garrison
+to hold it and its territory, and had besides sent home to Rome to
+announce the events which had taken place and to ask for instructions
+as to the future,—what they were to do, and what arrangements they
+were to make. Having done this they made active preparations for a
+general advance and set about plundering the country. They met with
+no opposition in this: they destroyed numerous dwelling houses of
+remarkably fine construction, possessed themselves of a great number
+of cattle; and captured more than twenty thousand slaves whom they
+took to their ships. In the midst of these proceedings the messengers
+arrived from Rome with orders that one Consul was to remain with an
+adequate force, the other was to bring the fleet to Rome. Accordingly
+Marcus was left behind with forty ships, fifteen thousand infantry, and
+five hundred cavalry; while Lucius put the crowd of captives on board,
+and having embarked his men, sailed along the coast of Sicily without
+encountering any danger, and reached Rome.
+
++30.+ The Carthaginians now saw that their enemies contemplated a
+lengthened occupation of the country. They therefore proceeded first
+of all to elect two of their own citizens, Hasdrubal son of Hanno,
+and Bostarus, to the office of general; and next sent to Heracleia a
+pressing summons to Hamilcar. He obeyed immediately, and arrived at
+Carthage with five hundred cavalry and five thousand infantry. He was
+forthwith appointed general in conjunction with the other two, and
+entered into consultation with Hasdrubal and his colleague as to the
+measures necessary to be taken in the present crisis. They decided
+to defend the country and not to allow it to be devastated without
+resistance.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 256-255. The operations of Regulus in Libya.]
+
+[Sidenote: Defeat of the Carthaginians near Adys.]
+
+A few days afterwards Marcus sallied forth on one of his marauding
+expeditions. Such towns as were unwalled he carried by assault and
+plundered, and such as were walled he besieged. Among others he came to
+the considerable town of Adys, and having placed his troops round it
+was beginning with all speed to raise siege works. The Carthaginians
+were both eager to relieve the town and determined to dispute the
+possession of the open country. They therefore led out their army;
+but their operations were not skilfully conducted. They indeed seized
+and encamped upon a piece of rising ground which commanded the enemy;
+but it was unsuitable to themselves. Their best hopes rested on their
+cavalry and their elephants, and yet they abandoned the level plain
+and cooped themselves up in a position at once steep and difficult of
+access. The enemy, as might have been expected, were not slow to take
+advantage of this mistake. The Roman commanders were skilful enough to
+understand that the best and most formidable part of the forces opposed
+to them was rendered useless by the nature of the ground. They did not
+therefore wait for them to come down to the plain and offer battle, but
+choosing the time which suited themselves, began at daybreak a forward
+movement on both sides of the hill. In the battle which followed the
+Carthaginians could not use their cavalry or elephants at all; but
+their mercenary troops made a really gallant and spirited sally. They
+even forced the first division of the Romans to give way and fly: but
+they advanced too far, and were surrounded and routed by the division
+which was advancing from the other direction. This was immediately
+followed by the whole force being dislodged from their encampment.
+The elephants and cavalry as soon as they gained level ground made
+good their retreat without loss; but the infantry were pursued by
+the Romans. The latter however soon desisted from the pursuit. They
+presently returned, dismantled the enemy’s entrenchment, and destroyed
+the stockade; and from thenceforth overran the whole country-side and
+sacked the towns without opposition.
+
+[Sidenote: Tunes.]
+
+Among others they seized the town called Tunes. This place had many
+natural advantages for expeditions such as those in which they were
+engaged, and was so situated as to form a convenient base of operations
+against the capital and its immediate neighbourhood. They accordingly
+fixed their headquarters in it.
+
+[Sidenote: Distress at Carthage, which is heightened by an inroad of
+Numidians.]
+
+[Sidenote: Spring of B.C. 255. Regulus proposes harsh terms.]
+
+[Sidenote: The terms rejected.]
+
++31.+ The Carthaginians were now indeed in evil case. It was not long
+since they had sustained a disaster at sea: and now they had met with
+one on land, not from any failure of courage on the part of their
+soldiers, but from the incompetency of their commanders. Simultaneously
+with these misfortunes, they were suffering from an inroad of the
+Numidians, who were doing even more damage to the country than the
+Romans. The terror which they inspired drove the country folk to flock
+for safety into the city; and the city itself had to face a serious
+famine as well as a panic, the former from the numbers that crowded
+into it, the latter from the hourly expectation of a siege. But Regulus
+had different views. The double defeat sustained by the Carthaginians,
+by land as well as by sea, convinced him that the capture of Carthage
+was a question of a very short time; and he was in a state of great
+anxiety lest his successor in the Consulship should arrive from Rome
+in time to rob him of the glory of the achievement. He therefore
+invited the Carthaginians to make terms. They were only too glad of
+the proposal, and sent their leading citizens to meet him. The meeting
+took place: but the commissioners could not bring their minds to
+entertain his proposals; they were so severe that it was almost more
+than they could bear to listen to them at all. Regulus regarded himself
+as practically master of the city, and considered that they ought to
+regard any concession on his part as a matter of favour and pure grace.
+The Carthaginians on the other hand concluded that nothing worse could
+be imposed on them if they suffered capture than was now enjoined.
+They therefore returned home without accepting the offers of Regulus,
+and extremely exasperated by his unreasonable harshness. When the
+Carthaginian Senate heard the conditions offered by the Roman general,
+though they had almost relinquished every hope of safety, they came to
+the gallant and noble resolution that they would brave anything, that
+they would try every possible means and endure every extremity, rather
+than submit to terms so dishonourable and so unworthy of their past
+history.
+
+[Sidenote: Arrival of the Spartan Xanthippus in Carthage.]
+
++32.+ Now it happened that just about this time one of their recruiting
+agents, who had some time before been despatched to Greece, arrived
+home. He brought a large number of men with him, and among them a
+certain Lacedaemonian named Xanthippus, a man trained in the Spartan
+discipline, and of large experience in war. When this man was informed
+of their defeat, and of how it had taken place, and when he had
+reviewed the military resources still left to the Carthaginians, and
+the number of their cavalry and elephants, he did not take long to
+come to a decided conclusion. He expressed his opinion to his friends
+that the Carthaginians had owed their defeat, not to the superiority
+of the Romans, but to the unskilfulness of their own commanders. The
+dangerous state of their affairs caused the words of Xanthippus to get
+abroad quickly among the people and to reach the ears of the generals;
+and the men in authority determined to summon and question him. He
+appeared, and laid his views before the magistrates; in which he showed
+to what they owed their present disasters, and that if they would
+take his advice and keep to the flat parts of the country alike in
+marching, encamping, and giving battle, they would be able with perfect
+ease to secure safety for themselves and to defeat their opponents in
+the field. The generals accepted the suggestion, resolved to follow
+his advice, and there and then put their forces at his command. Among
+the multitude the observation of Xanthippus was passed from mouth to
+mouth, and gave rise, as was to be expected, to a good deal of popular
+rumour and sanguine talk. This was confirmed when he had once handled
+the troops. The way in which he got them into order when he had led
+them outside the town; the skill with which he manœuvred the separate
+detachments, and passed the word of command down the ranks in due
+conformity to the rules of tactics, at once impressed every one with
+the contrast to the blundering of their former generals. The multitude
+expressed their approbation by loud cheers, and were for engaging
+the enemy without delay, convinced that no harm could happen to them
+as long as Xanthippus was their leader. The generals took advantage
+of this circumstance, and of the extraordinary recovery which they
+saw had taken place in the spirits of the people. They addressed
+them some exhortations befitting the occasion, and after a few days’
+delay got their forces on foot and started. Their army consisted of
+twelve thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry, and nearly a hundred
+elephants.
+
+[Sidenote: The new strategy of the Carthaginians.]
+
+[Sidenote: The dispositions for the battle.]
+
++33.+ The Romans at once noticed a change. They saw that the
+Carthaginians chose level country for their line of march, and flat
+places for their encampments. This novelty puzzled and rather alarmed
+them, yet their prevailing feeling was an eager desire to come to
+close quarters with the enemy. They therefore advanced to a position
+about ten stades from them and employed the first day in pitching a
+camp there. Next day, while the chief officers of the Carthaginians
+were discussing in a council of war what dispositions were called for,
+and what line of strategy they were to adopt, the common soldiers, in
+their eagerness for the engagement, collected in groups, shouted out
+the name of Xanthippus, and showed that their opinion was in favour of
+an immediate forward movement. Influenced by the evident enthusiasm
+and eagerness of the army, and by the appeals of Xanthippus that they
+should not let the opportunity slip, the generals gave orders to the
+men to get ready, and resigned to Xanthippus the entire direction of
+affairs, with full authority to act as he thought most advantageous.
+He at once acted upon this authority. He ordered out the elephants,
+and placed them in a single line in front of the whole army. The heavy
+phalanx of the Carthaginians he stationed at a moderate interval in
+the rear of these. He divided the mercenaries into three corps. One
+he stationed on the right wing; while the other two, which consisted
+of the most active, he placed with the cavalry on both wings. When
+the Romans saw that the enemy were drawn up to offer them battle
+they readily advanced to accept it. They were however alarmed at
+the elephants, and made special arrangements with a view to resist
+their charge. They stationed the velites in the van, and behind them
+the legionaries, many maniples deep, while they divided the cavalry
+between the two wings. Their line of battle was thus less extended
+than usual, but deeper. And though they had thereby made a sufficient
+provision against the elephants, yet being far out-numbered in cavalry,
+their provision in that part of the field was altogether inadequate.
+At length both sides had made their dispositions according to their
+respective plans of operation, and had placed their several men in the
+posts assigned to them: and now they were standing drawn up in order,
+and were each of them watching for the right moment for beginning the
+attack.
+
+[Sidenote: The battle.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans are beaten and annihilated.]
+
+[Sidenote: Regulus made prisoner.]
+
++34.+ No sooner had Xanthippus given the order to the men on the
+elephants to advance and disperse the lines in front of them, and to
+his cavalry to outflank both wings and charge the enemy, than the Roman
+army—clashing their shields and spears together after their usual
+custom, and simultaneously raising their battle-cry—charged the enemy.
+The Roman cavalry being far out-numbered by the Carthaginians were soon
+in full retreat on both wings. But the fortune of the several divisions
+of the infantry was various. Those stationed on the left wing—partly
+because they could avoid the elephants and partly because they thought
+contemptuously of the mercenaries—charged the right wing of the
+Carthaginians, succeeded in driving them from their ground, and pursued
+them as far as their entrenchment. Those stationed in front of the
+elephants were less fortunate. The maniples in front were thrown into
+utter confusion by the crushing weight of the animals: knocked down and
+trampled upon by them they perished in heaps upon the field; yet owing
+to its great depth the main body remained for a time unbroken. But it
+was not for long. The maniples on the rear found themselves outflanked
+by the cavalry, and were forced to face round and resist them: those on
+the other hand who forced their way to the front through the elephants,
+and had now those beasts on their rear, found themselves confronted
+by the phalanx of Carthaginians, which had not yet been in action and
+was still in close unbroken order, and so were cut to pieces. This was
+followed by a general rout. Most of the Romans were trampled to death
+by the enormous weight of the elephants; the rest were shot down in
+their ranks by the numerous cavalry: and there were only a very few who
+attempted to save themselves by flight. But the flatness of the country
+was unfavourable to escape in this manner. Some of the fugitives were
+destroyed by the elephants and cavalry; while only those who fled with
+the general Regulus, amounting perhaps to five hundred, were after a
+short pursuit made prisoners with him to a man.
+
+On the Carthaginian side there fell about eight hundred of the
+mercenaries, those namely who had been stationed opposite the left wing
+of the Romans. On the part of the Romans about two thousand survived.
+These were those whom I have already described as having chased the
+Carthaginian right wing to their entrenchment, and who were thus not
+involved in the general engagement. The rest were entirely destroyed
+with the exception of those who fled with Regulus. The surviving
+maniples escaped with considerable difficulty to the town of Aspis. The
+Carthaginians stripped the dead, and taking with them the Roman general
+and the rest of their prisoners, returned to the capital in a high
+state of exultation at the turn their affairs had now taken.
+
+[Sidenote: Eurip. fr.]
+
++35.+ This event conveys many useful lessons to a thoughtful observer.
+Above all, the disaster of Regulus gives the clearest possible warning
+that no one should feel too confident of the favours of Fortune,
+especially in the hour of success. Here we see one, who a short time
+before refused all pity or consideration to the fallen, brought
+incontinently to beg them for his own life. Again, we are taught the
+truth of that saying of Euripides—
+
+   One wise man’s skill is worth a world in arms.
+
+For it was one man, one brain, that defeated the numbers which were
+believed to be invincible and able to accomplish anything; and restored
+to confidence a whole city that was unmistakably and utterly ruined,
+and the spirits of its army which had sunk to the lowest depths of
+despair. I record these things in the hope of benefiting my readers.
+There are two roads to reformation for mankind—one through misfortunes
+of their own, the other through those of others: the former is the most
+unmistakable, the latter the less painful. One should never therefore
+voluntarily choose the former, for it makes reformation a matter of
+great difficulty and danger; but we should always look out for the
+latter, for thereby we can without hurt to ourselves gain a clear view
+of the best course to pursue. It is this which forces us to consider
+that the knowledge gained from the study of true history is the best
+of all educations for practical life. For it is history, and history
+alone, which, without involving us in actual danger, will mature our
+judgment and prepare us to take right views, whatever may be the crisis
+or the posture of affairs.
+
+[Sidenote: Xanthippus quits Carthage.]
+
++36.+ To return to our narrative. Having obtained this complete success
+the Carthaginians indulged in every sign of exultation. Thanksgivings
+were poured out to God, and joyful congratulations interchanged among
+themselves. But Xanthippus, by whose means such a happy change had
+been brought about and such an impulse been given to the fortunes of
+Carthage, did not remain there long, but took ship for home again. In
+this he showed his wisdom and discernment. For it is the nature of
+extraordinary and conspicuous achievements to exasperate jealousies
+and envenom slander; against which a native may perhaps stand with the
+support of kinsfolk and friends, but a foreigner when exposed to one
+or the other of them is inevitably overpowered before long and put
+in danger. There is however another account sometimes given of the
+departure of Xanthippus, which I will endeavour at a more suitable
+opportunity to set forth.
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans prepare a fleet to relieve their beaten army.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 255. Coss. Ser. Fulvius Paetinus Nobilior, M. Aemilius
+Paullus.]
+
+Upon this unlooked-for catastrophe in the Libyan campaign, the Roman
+government at once set to work to fit out a fleet to take off the men
+who were still surviving there; while the Carthaginians followed up
+their success by sitting down before Aspis, and besieging it, being
+anxious to get the survivors of the battle into their hands. But
+failing to capture the place, owing to the gallantry and determined
+courage of these men, they eventually raised the siege. When they
+heard that the Romans were preparing their fleet, and were intending
+to sail once more against Libya, they set about shipbuilding also,
+partly repairing old vessels and partly constructing new. Before very
+long they had manned and launched two hundred ships, and were on the
+watch for the coming of their enemies. By the beginning of the summer
+the Romans had launched three hundred and fifty vessels. They put them
+under the command of the Consuls Marcus Aemilius and Servius Fulvius,
+and despatched them. This fleet coasted along Sicily; made for Libya;
+and having fallen in with the Carthaginian squadron off Hermaeum, at
+once charged and easily turned them to flight; captured a hundred and
+fourteen with their crews, and having taken on board their men who had
+maintained themselves in Libya, started from Aspis on their return
+voyage to Sicily.
+
+[Sidenote: The fleet is lost in a storm.]
+
+[Sidenote: Between June 28 and July 26.]
+
++37.+ The passage was effected in safety, and the coast of Camarina
+was reached: but there they experienced so terrible a storm, and
+suffered so dreadfully, as almost to beggar description. The disaster
+was indeed extreme: for out of their three hundred and sixty-four
+vessels eighty only remained. The rest were either swamped or driven
+by the surf upon the rocks and headlands, where they went to pieces
+and filled all the seaboard with corpses and wreckage. No greater
+catastrophe is to be found in all history as befalling a fleet at one
+time. And for this Fortune was not so much to blame as the commanders
+themselves. They had been warned again and again by the pilots not to
+steer along the southern coast of Sicily facing the Libyan sea, because
+it was exposed and yielded no safe anchorage; and because, of the two
+dangerous constellations, one had not yet set and the other was on the
+point of rising (for their voyage fell between the rising of Orion and
+that of the Dog Star). Yet they attended to none of these warnings;
+but, intoxicated by their recent success, were anxious to capture
+certain cities as they coasted along, and in pursuance of this idea
+thoughtlessly exposed themselves to the full fury of the open sea. As
+far as these particular men were concerned, the disaster which they
+brought upon themselves in the pursuit of trivial advantages convinced
+them of the folly of their conduct. But it is a peculiarity of the
+Roman people as a whole to treat everything as a question of main
+strength; to consider that they must of course accomplish whatever they
+have proposed to themselves; and that nothing is impossible that they
+have once determined upon. The result of such self-confidence is that
+in many things they do succeed, while in some few they conspicuously
+fail, and especially at sea. On land it is against men only and their
+works that they have to direct their efforts: and as the forces against
+which they exert their strength do not differ intrinsically from
+their own, as a general rule they succeed; while their failures are
+exceptional and rare. But to contend with the sea and sky is to fight
+against a force immeasurably superior to their own: and when they trust
+to an exertion of sheer strength in such a contest the disasters which
+they meet with are signal. This is what they experienced on the present
+occasion: they have often experienced it since; and will continue to do
+so, as long as they maintain their headstrong and foolhardy notion that
+any season of the year admits of sailing as well as marching.
+
+[Sidenote: The Carthaginians renew operations in Sicily.]
+
++38.+ When the Carthaginians heard of the destruction which had
+befallen the Roman fleet, they made up their minds that as their late
+victory had made them a match for their enemy on land, so now the
+Roman catastrophe had made them a match for him at sea. Accordingly
+they devoted themselves with still greater eagerness than before to
+their naval and military preparations. And first, they lost no time in
+despatching Hasdrubal to Sicily, and with him not only the soldiers
+that they had already collected, but those also whom they had recalled
+from Heracleia; and along with them they sent also a hundred and forty
+elephants. And next, after despatching him, they began fitting out two
+hundred ships and making all other preparations necessary for a naval
+expedition. Hasdrubal reached Lilybaeum safely, and immediately set to
+work to train his elephants and drill his men, and showed his intention
+of striking a blow for the possession of the open country.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 254. Coss. Gn. Cornelius Scipio Asina II., Aulus
+Atilius, Calatinus II.]
+
+The Roman government, when they heard of this from the survivors of the
+wreck on their arrival home, felt it to be a grievous misfortune; but
+being absolutely resolved not to give in, they determined once more
+to put two hundred and twenty vessels on the stocks and build afresh.
+These were finished in three months, an almost incredibly short time,
+and the new Consuls Aulus Atilius and Gnaeus Cornelius fitted out the
+fleet and put to sea. As they passed through the straits they took up
+from Messene those of the vessels which had been saved from the wreck;
+and having thus arrived with three hundred ships off Panormus, which
+is the strongest town of all the Carthaginian province in Sicily, they
+began to besiege it. They threw up works in two distinct places, and
+after other necessary preparations brought up their battering rams. The
+tower next the sea was destroyed with ease, and the soldiers forced
+their way in through the breach: and so what is called the New Town was
+carried by assault; while what is called the Old Town being placed by
+this event in imminent danger, its inhabitants made haste to surrender
+it. Having thus made themselves masters of the place, the army sailed
+back to Rome, leaving a garrison in the town.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 253. Coss. Gn. Servilius Caepio, G. Sempronius Blaesus.]
+
++39.+ But next summer the new Consuls Gnaeus Servilius and Gaius
+Sempronius put again to sea with their full strength, and after
+touching at Sicily started thence for Libya. There, as they coasted
+along the shore, they made a great number of descents upon the country
+without accomplishing anything of importance in any of them. At length
+they came to the island of the Lotophagi called Mēnix, which is not
+far from the Lesser Syrtis. There, from ignorance of the waters, they
+ran upon some shallows; the tide receded, their ships went aground,
+and they were in extreme peril. However, after a while the tide
+unexpectedly flowed back again, and by dint of throwing overboard all
+their heavy goods they just managed to float the ships. After this
+their return voyage was more like a flight than anything else. When
+they reached Sicily and had made the promontory of Lilybaeum they cast
+anchor at Panormus. Thence they weighed anchor for Rome, and rashly
+ventured upon the open sea-line as the shortest; but while on their
+voyage they once more encountered so terrible a storm that they lost
+more than a hundred and fifty ships.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 252.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 251. Coss. Lucius Caecilius Metellus, G. Furius
+Pacilus.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 252-251.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 250.]
+
+The Romans after this misfortune, though they are eminently persistent
+in carrying out their undertakings, yet owing to the severity and
+frequency of their disasters, now yielded to the force of circumstances
+and refrained from constructing another fleet. All the hopes still left
+to them they rested upon their land forces: and, accordingly, they
+despatched the Consuls Lucius Caecilius and Gaius Furius with their
+legions to Sicily; but they only manned sixty ships to carry provisions
+for the legions. The fortunes of the Carthaginians had in their turn
+considerably improved owing to the catastrophes I have described. They
+now commanded the sea without let or hindrance, since the Romans had
+abandoned it; while in their land forces their hopes were high. Nor
+was it unreasonable that it should be so. The account of the battle
+of Libya had reached the ears of the Romans: they had heard that the
+elephants had broken their ranks and had killed the large part of those
+that fell: and they were in such terror of them, that though during
+two years running after that time they had on many occasions, in the
+territory either of Lilybaeum or Selinus, found themselves in order of
+battle within five or six stades of the enemy, they never plucked up
+courage to begin an attack, or in fact to come down upon level ground
+at all, all because of their fear of an elephant charge. And in these
+two seasons all they did was to reduce Therma and Lipara by siege,
+keeping close all the while to mountainous districts and such as were
+difficult to cross. The timidity and want of confidence thus displayed
+by their land forces induced the Roman government to change their minds
+and once more to attempt success at sea. Accordingly, in the second
+consulship of Caius Atilius and Lucius Manlius, we find them ordering
+fifty ships to be built, enrolling sailors and energetically collecting
+a naval armament.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 251.]
+
+[Sidenote: Skirmishing at Panormus.]
+
++40.+ Meanwhile Hasdrubal noticed the terror displayed by the Romans
+whenever they had lately found themselves in the presence of the
+enemy. He learnt also that one of the Consuls had departed and gone
+to Italy, and that Caecilius was lingering in Panormus with the other
+half of the army, with the view of protecting the corn-crops of the
+allies just then ripe for the harvest. He therefore got his troops in
+motion, marched out, and encamped on the frontier of the territory
+of Panormus. Caecilius saw well enough that the enemy had become
+supremely confident, and he was anxious to draw him on; he therefore
+kept his men within the walls. Hasdrubal imagined that Caecilius
+dared not come out to give him battle. Elated with this idea, he
+pushed boldly forward with his whole army and marched over the pass
+into the territory of Panormus. But though he was destroying all the
+standing crops up to the very walls of the town, Caecilius was not
+shaken from his resolution, but kept persistently to it, until he had
+induced him to cross the river which lay between him and the town. But
+no sooner had the Carthaginians got their elephants and men across,
+than Caecilius commenced sending out his light-armed troops to harass
+them, until he had forced them to get their whole army into fighting
+order. When he saw that everything was happening as he designed it,
+he placed some of his light troops to line the wall and moat, with
+instructions that if the elephants came within range they should pour
+volleys of their missiles upon them; but that whenever they found
+themselves being forced from their ground by them, they should retreat
+into the moat, rush out of it again, and hurl darts at the elephants
+which happened to be nearest. At the same time he gave orders to the
+armourers in the market-place to carry the missiles and heap them up
+outside at the foot of the wall. Meanwhile he took up his own position
+with his maniples at the gate which was opposite the enemy’s left
+wing, and kept despatching detachment after detachment to reinforce
+his skirmishers. The engagement commenced by them becoming more and
+more general, a feeling of emulation took possession of the officers
+in charge of the elephants. They wished to distinguish themselves in
+the eyes of Hasdrubal, and they desired that the credit of the victory
+should be theirs: they therefore, with one accord, charged the advanced
+skirmishing parties of the enemy, routed them with ease, and pursued
+them up to the moat. But no sooner did the elephants thus come to
+close quarters than they were wounded by the archers on the wall, and
+overwhelmed with volleys of pila and javelins which poured thick and
+fast upon them from the men stationed on the outer edge of the moat,
+and who had not yet been engaged,—and thus, studded all over with
+darts, and wounded past all bearing, they soon got beyond control. They
+turned and bore down upon their own masters, trampling men to death,
+and throwing their own lines into utter disorder and confusion. When
+Caecilius saw this he led out his men with promptitude. His troops were
+fresh; the enemy were in disorder; and he charged them diagonally on
+the flank: the result was that he inflicted a severe defeat upon them,
+killed a large number, and forced the rest into precipitate flight. Of
+the elephants he captured ten along with their Indian riders: the rest
+which had thrown their Indians he managed to drive into a herd after
+the battle, and secured every one of them. This achievement gained him
+the credit on all hands of having substantially benefited the Roman
+cause, by once more restoring confidence to the army, and giving them
+the command of the open country.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 250. C. Caecilius Regulus II., L. Manlius Vulso II.]
+
++41.+ The announcement of this success at Rome was received with
+extreme delight; not so much at the blow inflicted on the enemy by
+the loss of their elephants, as at the confidence inspired in their
+own troops by a victory over these animals. With their confidence
+thus restored, the Roman government recurred to their original plan
+of sending out the Consuls upon this service with a fleet and naval
+forces; for they were eager, by all means in their power, to put a
+period to the war. Accordingly, in the fourteenth year of the war,
+the supplies necessary for the despatch of the expedition were got
+ready, and the Consuls set sail for Sicily with two hundred ships.
+They dropped anchor at Lilybaeum; and the army having met them there,
+they began to besiege it by sea and land. Their view was that if they
+could obtain possession of this town they would have no difficulty in
+transferring the seat of war to Libya. The Carthaginian leaders were
+of the same opinion, and entirely agreed with the Roman view of the
+value of the place. They accordingly subordinated everything else to
+this; devoted themselves to the relief of the place at all hazards; and
+resolved to retain this town at any sacrifice: for now that the Romans
+were masters of all the rest of Sicily, except Drepana, it was the only
+foothold they had left in the island.
+
+To understand my story a knowledge of the topography of the district
+is necessary. I will therefore endeavour in a few words to convey
+a comprehension to my readers of its geographical position and its
+peculiar advantages.
+
++42.+ Sicily, then, lies towards Southern Italy very much in the same
+relative position as the Peloponnese does to the rest of Greece. The
+only difference is that the one is an island, the other a peninsula;
+and consequently in the former case there is no communication except
+by sea, in the latter there is a land communication also. The shape
+of Sicily is a triangle, of which the several angles are represented
+by promontories: that to the south jutting out into the Sicilian Sea
+is called Pachynus; that which looks to the north forms the western
+extremity of the Straits of Messene and is about twelve stades from
+Italy, its name is Pelorus; while the third projects in the direction
+of Libya itself, and is conveniently situated opposite the promontories
+which cover Carthage, at a distance of about a thousand stades:
+it looks somewhat south of due west, dividing the Libyan from the
+Sardinian Sea, and is called Lilybaeum. On this last there is a city
+of the same name. It was this city that the Romans were now besieging.
+It was exceedingly strongly fortified: for besides its walls there was
+a deep ditch running all round it, and on the side of the sea it was
+protected by lagoons, to steer through which into the harbour was a
+task requiring much skill and practice.
+
+[Sidenote: Siege of Lilybaeum, B.C. 250.]
+
+The Romans made two camps, one on each side of the town, and connected
+them with a ditch, stockade, and wall. Having done this, they began
+the assault by advancing their siege-works in the direction of the
+tower nearest the sea, which commands a view of the Libyan main.
+They did this gradually, always adding something to what they had
+already constructed; and thus bit by bit pushed their works forward
+and extended them laterally, till at last they had brought down not
+only this tower, but the six next to it also; and at the same time
+began battering all the others with battering-rams. The siege was
+carried on with vigour and terrific energy: every day some of the
+towers were shaken and others reduced to ruins; every day too the
+siege-works advanced farther and farther, and more and more towards
+the heart of the city. And though there were in the town, besides the
+ordinary inhabitants, as many as ten thousand hired soldiers, the
+consternation and despondency became overwhelming. Yet their commander
+Himilco omitted no measure within his power. As fast as the enemy
+demolished a fortification he threw up a new one; he also countermined
+them, and reduced the assailants to straits of no ordinary difficulty.
+Moreover, he made daily sallies, attempted to carry or throw fire
+into the siege-works, and with this end in view fought many desperate
+engagements by night as well as by day: so determined was the fighting
+in these struggles, that sometimes the number of the dead was greater
+than it ordinarily is in a pitched battle.
+
+[Sidenote: Attempted treason in Lilybaeum.]
+
++43.+ But about this time some of the officers of highest rank in the
+mercenary army discussed among themselves a project for surrendering
+the town to the Romans, being fully persuaded that the men under their
+command would obey their orders. They got out of the city at night,
+went to the enemy’s camp, and held a parley with the Roman commander on
+the subject. But Alexon the Achaean, who on a former occasion had saved
+Agrigentum from destruction when the mercenary troops of Syracuse made
+a plot to betray it, was on this occasion once more the first to detect
+this treason, and to report it to the general of the Carthaginians.
+The latter no sooner heard it than he at once summoned a meeting of
+those officers who were still in their quarters; and exhorted them to
+loyalty with prayers and promises of liberal bounties and favours, if
+they would only remain faithful to him, and not join in the treason
+of the officers who had left the town. They received his speech with
+enthusiasm, and were there and then commissioned by him, some to go
+to the Celts accompanied by Hannibal, who was the son of the Hannibal
+killed in Sardinia, and who had a previous acquaintance with that
+people gained in the expedition against them; others to fetch the rest
+of the mercenary troops, accompanied by Alexon, because he was liked
+and trusted by them. These officers then proceeded to summon a meeting
+of their men and address them. They pledged their own credit for the
+bounties promised them severally by the General, and without difficulty
+persuaded the men to remain staunch. The result was that when the
+officers, who had joined in the secret mission, returned to the walls
+and tried to address their men, and communicate the terms offered by
+the Romans, so far from finding any adherents, they could not even
+obtain a hearing, but were driven from the wall with volleys of stones
+and darts. But this treason among their mercenaries constituted a
+serious danger: the Carthaginians had a narrow escape from absolute
+ruin, and they owed their preservation from it to that same Alexon
+whose fidelity had on a former occasion preserved for Agrigentum her
+territory, constitution, and freedom.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal relieves Lilybaeum.]
+
++44.+ Meanwhile the Carthaginians at home knew nothing of what was
+going on. But they could calculate the requirements of a besieged
+garrison; and they accordingly filled fifty vessels with soldiers,
+furnished their commander Hannibal, a son of Hamilcar, and an officer
+and prime favourite of Adherbal’s, with instructions suitable to the
+business in hand, and despatched him with all speed: charging him to
+be guilty of no delay, to omit no opportunity, and to shrink from no
+attempt however venturesome to relieve the besieged. He put to sea with
+his ten thousand men, and dropped anchor at the islands called Aegusae,
+which lie in the course between Lilybaeum and Carthage, and there
+looked out for an opportunity of making Lilybaeum. At last a strong
+breeze sprang up in exactly the right quarter: he crowded all sail and
+bore down before the wind right upon the entrance of the harbour, with
+his men upon the decks fully armed and ready for battle. Partly from
+astonishment at this sudden appearance, partly from dread of being
+carried along with the enemy by the violence of the gale into the
+harbour of their opponents, the Romans did not venture to obstruct the
+entrance of the reinforcement; but stood out at sea overpowered with
+amazement at the audacity of the enemy.
+
+The town population crowded to the walls, in an agony of anxiety as to
+what would happen, no less than in an excess of joy at the unlooked-for
+appearance of hope, and cheered on the crews as they sailed into the
+harbour, with clapping hands and cries of gladness. To sail into the
+harbour was an achievement of great danger; but Hannibal accomplished
+it gallantly, and, dropping anchor there, safely disembarked his
+soldiers. The exultation of all who were in the city was not caused
+so much by the presence of the reinforcement, though they had thereby
+gained a strong revival of hope, and a large addition to their
+strength, as by the fact that the Romans had not dared to intercept the
+course of the Carthaginians.
+
+[Sidenote: A sally from Lilybaeum.]
+
+[Sidenote: It fails.]
+
++45.+ Himilco, the general in command at Lilybaeum, now saw that both
+divisions of his troops were in high spirits and eager for service,—the
+original garrison owing to the presence of the reinforcement, the newly
+arrived because they had as yet had no experience of the hardships of
+the situation. He wished to take advantage of the excited feelings
+of both parties, before they cooled, in order to organise an attempt
+to set fire to the works of the besiegers. He therefore summoned
+the whole army to a meeting, and dwelt upon the themes suitable to
+the occasion at somewhat greater length than usual. He raised their
+zeal to an enthusiastic height by the magnitude of his promises for
+individual acts of courage, and by declaring the favours and rewards
+which awaited them as an army at the hands of the Carthaginians. His
+speech was received with lively marks of satisfaction; and the men
+with loud shouts bade him delay no more, but lead them into the field.
+For the present, however, he contented himself with thanking them and
+expressing his delight at their excellent spirit, and bidding them go
+early to rest and obey their officers, dismissed them. But shortly
+afterwards he summoned the officers; assigned to them severally the
+posts best calculated for the success of the undertaking; communicated
+to them the watchword and the exact moment the movement was to be made;
+and issued orders to the commanders to be at the posts assigned with
+their men at the morning watch. His orders were punctually obeyed:
+and at daybreak he led out his forces and made attempts upon the
+siege-works at several points. But the Romans had not been blind to
+what was coming, and were neither idle nor unprepared. Wherever help
+was required it was promptly rendered; and at every point they made a
+stout resistance to the enemy. Before long there was fighting all along
+the line, and an obstinate struggle round the entire circuit of the
+wall; for the sallying party were not less than twenty thousand strong,
+and their opponents more numerous still. The contest was all the
+hotter from the fact that the men were not fighting in their regular
+ranks, but indiscriminately, and as their own judgment directed; the
+result of which was that a spirit of personal emulation arose among
+the combatants, because, though the numbers engaged were so great,
+there was a series of single combats between man and man, or company
+and company. However, it was at the siege-works themselves that the
+shouting was loudest and the throng of combatants the densest. At
+these troops had been massed deliberately for attack and defence. The
+assailants strove their utmost to dislodge the defenders, the defenders
+exerted all their courage to hold their ground and not yield an inch
+to the assailants,—and with such emulation and fury on both sides,
+that they ended by falling at their posts rather than yield. But
+there were others mingled with these, carrying torchwood and tow and
+fire, who made a simultaneous attack upon the battering-rams at every
+point: hurling these fiery missiles against them with such audacity,
+that the Romans were reduced to the last extremity of danger, being
+quite unable to overpower the attack of the enemy. But the general
+of the Carthaginians, seeing that he was losing large numbers in the
+engagement, without being able to gain the object of the sortie,
+which was to take the siege-works, ordered his trumpeters to sound a
+recall. So the Romans, after coming within an ace of losing all their
+siege-gear, finally kept possession of the works, and were able to
+maintain them all without dispute.
+
++46.+ After this affair Hannibal eluded the enemy’s watch, and sailed
+out of the harbour by night with his ships to Drepana, to join the
+Carthaginian Commander-in-Chief, Adherbal. Drepana is about one hundred
+and twenty stades from Lilybaeum, and was always an object of special
+care to the Carthaginians from the convenience of its position and the
+excellence of its harbour.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal the Rhodian offers to run the blockade.]
+
+Now the Carthaginian government were anxious to learn the state of
+affairs at Lilybaeum, but could not do so because the garrison was
+strictly blockaded, and the Romans were exceedingly vigilant. In this
+difficulty a nobleman, called Hannibal the Rhodian, came to them, and
+offered to run the blockade, to see what was going on in Lilybaeum with
+his own eyes, and to report. The offer delighted them, but they did
+not believe in the possibility of its fulfilment with the Roman fleet
+lying at the very entrance of the channel. However, the man fitted out
+his own private vessel and put to sea. He first crossed to one of the
+islands lying off Lilybaeum. Next day he obtained a wind in the right
+quarter, and about ten o’clock in the morning actually sailed into the
+harbour in the full view of the enemy, who looked on with amazement
+at his audacity. Next day he lost no time in setting about a return
+voyage. The Roman Consul had determined on taking extra precautions
+for watching the sea near the channel: with this view he had during
+the night got ready his ten fastest-sailing vessels, and taking up a
+position on shore close to the harbour mouth, was watching with his own
+eyes what would happen. The whole army was watching also; while the
+ships on both sides of the mouth of the channel got as close to the
+shallows as it was possible to approach, and there rested with their
+oars out, and ready to run down and capture the ship that was about to
+sail out. The Rhodian, on his side, attempted no concealment. He put
+boldly to sea, and so confounded the enemy by his audacity, and the
+speed of his vessel, that he not only sailed out without receiving any
+damage to ship or crew, scudding along the bows of the enemy as though
+they were fixed in their places, but even brought his ship to, after
+running a short way ahead, and, with his oars out and ready, seemed
+to challenge the foe to a contest. When none of them ventured to put
+out to attack him, because of the speed of his rowing, he sailed away:
+having thus with his one ship successfully defied the entire fleet of
+the enemy. From this time he frequently performed the same feat, and
+proved exceedingly serviceable both to the government at Carthage and
+the besieged garrison. To the former by informing them from time to
+time of what was pressingly necessary; and to the latter by inspiring
+them with confidence, and dismaying the Romans by his audacity.
+
+[Sidenote: His example is followed by others.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Rhodian is at length captured.]
+
++47.+ What contributed most to encourage him to a repetition of the
+feat was the fact that by frequent experience he had marked out the
+course for himself by clear land marks. As soon as he had crossed
+the open sea, and was coming into sight, he used to steer as though
+he were coming from Italy, keeping the seaward tower exactly on his
+bows, in such a way as to be in a line with the city towers which
+faced towards Libya; and this is the only possible course to hit the
+mouth of the channel with the wind astern. The successful boldness of
+the Rhodian inspired several of those who were acquainted with these
+waters to make similar attempts. The Romans felt themselves to be
+in a great difficulty; and what was taking place determined them to
+attempt blocking up the mouth of the harbour. The greater part of the
+attempted work was a failure: the sea was too deep, and none of the
+material which they threw into it would hold, or in fact keep in the
+least compact. The breakers and the force of the current dislodged and
+scattered everything that was thrown in, before it could even reach the
+bottom. But there was one point where the water was shallow, at which
+a mole was with infinite labour made to hold together; and upon it a
+vessel with four banks of oars and of unusually fine build stuck fast
+as it was making the outward passage at night, and thus fell into the
+hands of the enemy. The Romans took possession of it, manned it with a
+picked crew, and used it for keeping a look out for all who should try
+to enter the harbour, and especially for the Rhodian. He had sailed in,
+as it happened, that very night, and was afterwards putting out to sea
+again in his usual open manner. He was, however, startled to see the
+four-banked vessel put out to sea again simultaneously with himself.
+He recognised what ship it was, and his first impulse was to escape
+her by his superior speed. But finding himself getting overhauled by
+the excellence of her rowers, he was finally compelled to bring to and
+engage at close quarters. But in a struggle of marines he was at a
+complete disadvantage: the enemy were superior in numbers, and their
+soldiers were picked men; and he was made prisoner. The possession of
+this ship of superior build enabled the Romans, by equipping her with
+whatever was wanted for the service she had to perform, to intercept
+all who were adventurous enough to try running the blockade of
+Lilybaeum.
+
+[Sidenote: A storm having damaged the siege-works, the Lilybaeans
+succeed in burning them.]
+
++48.+ Meanwhile, the besieged were energetically carrying on
+counterworks, having abandoned the hope of damaging or destroying the
+constructions of the enemy. But in the midst of these proceedings a
+storm of wind, of such tremendous violence and fury, blew upon the
+machinery of the engines, that it wrecked the pent-houses, and carried
+away by its force the towers erected to cover them. Some of the Greek
+mercenaries perceived the advantage such a state of things offered
+for the destruction of the siege-works, and communicated their idea
+to the commander. He caught at the suggestion, and lost no time in
+making every preparation suitable to the undertaking. Then the young
+men mustered at three several points, and threw lighted brands into the
+enemy’s works. The length of time during which these works had been
+standing made them exactly in the proper state to catch fire easily;
+and when to this was added a violent wind, blowing right upon the
+engines and towers, the natural result was that the spreading of the
+fire became rapid and destructive; while all attempts on the Roman side
+to master it, and rescue their works, had to be abandoned as difficult
+or wholly impracticable. Those who tried to come to the rescue were
+so appalled at the scene, that they could neither fully grasp nor
+clearly see what was going on. Flames, sparks, and volumes of smoke
+blew right in their faces and blinded them; and not a few dropped down
+and perished without ever getting near enough to attempt to combat
+the fire. The same circumstances, which caused these overwhelming
+difficulties to the besiegers, favoured those who were throwing the
+fire-brands in exactly the same proportion. Everything that could
+obscure their vision or hurt them was blown clean away and carried into
+the faces of the enemy; while their being able to see the intervening
+space enabled the shooters to take a good aim at those of the enemy who
+came to the rescue, and the throwers of the fire-brands to lodge them
+at the proper places for the destruction of the works. The violence
+of the wind, too, contributed to the deadly effect of the missiles by
+increasing the force of their blows. Eventually the destruction was
+so complete, that the foundations of the siege-towers and the blocks
+of the battering-rams were rendered unusable by the fire. In spite of
+this disaster, though they gave up the idea of assaulting the place
+any longer by means of their works, the Romans still persisted. They
+surrounded the town with a ditch and stockade, threw up an additional
+wall to secure their own encampment, and left the completion of their
+purpose to time. Nor were the besieged less determined. They repaired
+the part of their walls which had been thrown down, and prepared to
+endure the siege with good courage.
+
+[Sidenote: The Roman army is reinforced.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 249. Coss. P. Claudius Pulcher, L. Junius Pullus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Claudius sails to attack Drepana.]
+
++49.+ When the announcement of these events at Rome was followed by
+reiterated tidings that the larger part of the crews of the fleet had
+been destroyed, either at the works, or in the general conduct of the
+siege, the Roman government set zealously to work to enlist sailors;
+and, having collected as many as ten thousand, sent them to Sicily.
+They crossed the straits, and reached the camp on foot; and when they
+had joined, Publius Claudius, the Consul, assembled his tribunes,
+and said that it was just the time to sail to the attack of Drepana
+with the whole squadron: for that Adherbal,[139] who was in command
+there, was quite unprepared for such an event, because he as yet knew
+nothing of the new crews having arrived; and was fully persuaded
+that their fleet could not sail, owing to their loss of men in the
+siege. His proposition met with a ready assent from the council of
+officers, and he immediately set about getting his men on board, the
+old crews as well as those who had recently joined. As for marines, he
+selected the best men from the whole army, who were ready enough to
+join an expedition which involved so short a voyage and so immediate
+and certain an advantage. Having completed these preparations, he set
+sail about midnight, without being detected by the enemy; and for the
+first part of the day he sailed in close order, keeping the land on
+his right. By daybreak the leading ships could be seen coming towards
+Drepana; and at the first sight of them Adherbal was overwhelmed with
+surprise. He quickly recovered his self-possession however: and, fully
+appreciating the significance of the enemy’s attack, he determined to
+try every manœuvre, and hazard every danger, rather than allow himself
+and his men to be shut up in the blockade which threatened them.
+He lost no time in collecting his rowing-crews upon the beach, and
+summoning the mercenary soldiers who were in the town by proclamation.
+When the muster had taken place, he endeavoured to impress upon them
+in a few words what good hopes of victory they had, if they were bold
+enough to fight at sea; and what hardships they would have to endure
+in a blockade, if they hesitated from any fear of danger and played
+the coward. The men showed a ready enthusiasm for the sea-fight, and
+demanded with shouts that he would lead them to it without delay. He
+thanked them, praised their zeal, and gave the order to embark with all
+speed, to keep their eyes upon his ship, and follow in its wake. Having
+made these instructions clear as quickly as he could, he got under
+weigh himself first, and guided his fleet close under the rocks, on the
+opposite side of the harbour to that by which the enemy were entering.
+
+[Sidenote: Unexpected resistance of Adherbal. The Roman fleet checked.]
+
++50.+ When the Consul Publius saw, to his surprise, that the enemy, so
+far from giving in or being dismayed at his approach, were determined
+upon fighting him at sea: while of his own ships some were already
+within the harbour, others just in the very entrance channel, and
+others still on their way towards it; he at once issued orders to all
+the ships to turn round and make the best of their way out again. The
+result of this was that, as some of the ships were in the harbour,
+and others at the entrance, they fouled each other when they began
+reversing their course; and not only did a great confusion arise among
+the men, but the ships got their oars broken also in the collisions
+which occurred. However, the captains exerted themselves to get the
+ships into line close under the shore, as they successively cleared
+the harbour, and with their prows directed towards the enemy. Publius
+himself was originally bringing up the rear of the entire squadron; but
+he now, while the movement was actually in execution, turned towards
+the open sea and transferred himself to a position on the left wing of
+the fleet. At the same moment Adherbal succeeded in outflanking the
+left of his opponents with five vessels furnished with charging beaks.
+He turned his own ship with its prow towards the enemy, and brought to.
+As each of the others came up, and fell into line with him, he sent
+orders to them by his staff officers to do the same as he had done.
+Thus they all fell in and formed a complete line. The signal which had
+been agreed upon before was given, and an advance was begun, which was
+made at first without disarranging the line. The Romans were still
+close in-shore, waiting for the coming out of their ships from the
+harbour; and this proximity to the land proved of infinite disadvantage
+to them in the engagement.
+
+[Sidenote: The battle.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans beaten.]
+
++51.+ And now the fleets were within a short distance of each other:
+the signals were raised from the ships of the respective commanders;
+the charge was made; and ship grappled with ship. At first the
+engagement was evenly balanced, because each fleet had the pick of
+their land forces serving as marines on board. But as it went on
+the many advantages which, taking it as a whole, the Carthaginians
+possessed, gave them a continually increasing superiority. Owing to the
+better construction of their ships they had much the advantage in point
+of speed, while their position with the open sea behind them materially
+contributed to their success, by giving them freer space for their
+manœuvres. Were any of them hard pressed by the enemy? Their speed
+secured them a sure escape, and a wide expanse of water was open to
+their flight. There they would swing round and attack the leading ships
+which were pursuing them: sometimes rowing round them and charging
+their broadsides, at other times running alongside them as they lurched
+awkwardly round, from the weight of the vessels and the unskilfulness
+of the crews. In this way they were charging perpetually, and managed
+to sink a large number of the ships. Or was one of their number in
+danger? They were ready to come to the rescue, being out of danger
+themselves, and being able to effect a movement to right or left, by
+steering along the sterns of their own ships and through the open sea
+unmolested. The case of the Romans was exactly the reverse. If any of
+them were hard pressed, there was nowhere for them to retreat, for they
+were fighting close to the shore; and any ship of theirs that was hard
+driven by the enemy either backed into shallow water and stuck fast,
+or ran ashore and was stranded. Moreover, that most effective of all
+manœuvres in sea fights,—sailing through the enemy’s line and appearing
+on their stern while they are engaged with others,—was rendered
+impossible for them, owing to the bulk of their vessels; and still more
+so by the unskilfulness of their crews. Nor, again, were they able
+to bring help from behind to those who wanted it, because they were
+hemmed in so close to the shore that there was not the smallest space
+left in which those who wished to render such help might move. When
+the Consul saw how ill things were going for him all along the line;
+when he saw some of his ships sticking fast in the shallows, and others
+cast ashore; he took to flight. Thirty other ships which happened to be
+near him followed him as he sailed from the left, and coasted along the
+shore. But the remaining vessels, which amounted to ninety-three, the
+Carthaginians captured with their crews, except in the case of those
+who ran their ships ashore and got away.
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans not discouraged send the Consul L. Junius with a
+large supply of provisions in 800 transports, convoyed by 60 ships of
+war to Lilybaeum.]
+
++52.+ The result of this sea fight gave Adherbal a high reputation at
+Carthage; for his success was looked upon as wholly due to himself,
+and his own foresight and courage: while at Rome Publius fell into
+great disrepute, and was loudly censured as having acted without due
+caution or calculation, and as having during his administration, as
+far as a single man could, involved Rome in serious disasters. He was
+accordingly some time afterwards brought to trial, was heavily fined,
+and exposed to considerable danger. Not that the Romans gave way in
+consequence of these events. On the contrary, they omitted nothing
+that was within their power to do, and continued resolute to prosecute
+the campaign. It was now the time for the Consular elections: as soon
+as they were over and two Consuls appointed; one of them, Lucius
+Junius,[140] was immediately sent to convey corn to the besiegers of
+Lilybaeum, and other provisions and supplies necessary for the army,
+sixty ships being also manned to convoy them. Upon his arrival at
+Messene, Junius took over such ships as he found there to meet him,
+whether from the army or from the other parts of Sicily, and coasted
+along with all speed to Syracuse, with a hundred and twenty ships, and
+his supplies on board about eight hundred transports. Arrived there,
+he handed over to the Quaestors half his transports and some of his
+war-ships, and sent them off, being very anxious that what the army
+needed should reach them promptly. He remained at Syracuse himself,
+waiting for such of his ships as had not yet arrived from Messene, and
+collecting additional supplies of corn from the allies in the central
+districts of the island.
+
+[Sidenote: Carthalo tries to intercept the transports.]
+
++53.+ Meanwhile Adherbal sent the prisoners he had taken in the sea
+fight, and the captured vessels, to Carthage; and giving Carthalo his
+colleague thirty vessels, in addition to the seventy in command of
+which he had come, despatched him with instructions to make a sudden
+attack upon the enemy’s ships that were at anchor off Lilybaeum,
+capture all he could, and set fire to the rest. In obedience to
+these instructions Carthalo accomplished his passage just before
+daybreak, fired some of the vessels, and towed off others. Great was
+the commotion at the quarters of the Romans. For as they hurried to
+the rescue of the ships, the attention of Himilco, the commander of
+the garrison, was aroused by their shouts; and as the day was now
+beginning to break, he could see what was happening, and despatched
+the mercenary troops who were in the town. Thus the Romans found
+themselves surrounded by danger on every side, and fell into a state of
+consternation more than usually profound and serious. The Carthaginian
+admiral contented himself with either towing off or breaking up some
+few of their vessels, and shortly afterwards coasted along under the
+pretence of making for Heracleia: though he was really lying in wait,
+with the view of intercepting those who were coming by sea to the
+Roman army. When his look-out men brought him word that a considerable
+number of vessels of all sorts were bearing down upon him, and were
+now getting close, he stood out to sea and started to meet them: for
+the success just obtained over the Romans inspired him with such
+contempt for them, that he was eager to come to an engagement. The
+vessels in question were those which had been despatched in advance
+under the charge of the Quaestors from Syracuse. And they too had
+warning of their danger. Light boats were accustomed to sail in advance
+of a squadron, and these announced the approach of the enemy to the
+Quaestors; who being convinced that they were not strong enough to
+stand a battle at sea, dropped anchor under a small fortified town
+which was subject to Rome, and which, though it had no regular harbour,
+yet possessed roadsteads, and headlands projecting from the mainland,
+and surrounding the roadsteads, so as to form a convenient refuge.
+There they disembarked; and having set up some catapults and ballistae,
+which they got from the town, awaited the approach of the enemy. When
+the Carthaginians arrived, their first idea was to blockade them:
+for they supposed that the men would be terrified and retreat to the
+fortified town, leaving them to take possession of the vessels without
+resistance. Their expectations, however, were not fulfilled; and
+finding that the men on the contrary resisted with spirit, and that the
+situation of the spot presented many difficulties of every description,
+they sailed away again after towing off some few of the transports
+laden with provisions, and retired to a certain river, in which they
+anchored and kept a look out for the enemy to renew their voyage.
+
++54.+ In complete ignorance of what had happened to his advanced
+squadron, the Consul, who had remained behind at Syracuse, after
+completing all he meant to do there, put to sea; and, after rounding
+Pachynus, was proceeding on his voyage to Lilybaeum. The appearance of
+the enemy was once more signalled to the Carthaginian admiral by his
+look-out men, and he at once put out to sea, with the view of engaging
+them as far as possible away from their comrades. Junius saw the
+Carthaginian fleet from a considerable distance, and observing their
+great numbers did not dare to engage them, and yet found it impossible
+to avoid them by flight because they were now too close. He therefore
+steered towards land, and anchored under a rocky and altogether
+dangerous part of the shore; for he judged it better to run all risks
+rather than allow his squadron, with all its men, to fall into the
+hands of the enemy. The Carthaginian admiral saw what he had done;
+and determined that it was unadvisable for him to engage the enemy,
+or bring his ships near such a dangerous place. He therefore made for
+a certain headland between the two squadrons of the enemy, and there
+kept a look out upon both with equal vigilance. Presently, however,
+the weather became rough, and there was an appearance of an unusually
+dangerous disturbance setting in from the sea. The Carthaginian pilots,
+from their knowledge of the particular localities, and of seamanship
+generally, foresaw what was coming; and persuaded Carthalo to avoid
+the storm and round the promontory of Pachynus.[141] He had the good
+sense to take their advice: [Sidenote: The Roman fleet is wrecked.] and
+accordingly these men, with great exertions and extreme difficulty,
+did get round the promontory and anchored in safety; while the Romans,
+being exposed to the storm in places entirely destitute of harbours,
+suffered such complete destruction, that not one of the wrecks even was
+left in a state available for use. Both of their squadrons in fact were
+completely disabled to a degree past belief.
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans abandon the sea.]
+
++55.+ This occurrence caused the Carthaginian interests to look up
+again and their hopes to revive. But the Romans, though they had met
+with partial misfortunes before, had never suffered a naval disaster
+so complete and final. They, in fact, abandoned the sea, and confined
+themselves to holding the country; while the Carthaginians remained
+masters of the sea, without wholly despairing of the land.
+
+[Sidenote: Lucius Junius perseveres in the siege. B.C. 248.]
+
+[Sidenote: Eryx.]
+
+Great and general was the dismay both at Rome and in the camp at
+Lilybaeum. Yet they did not abandon their determination of starving
+out that town. The Roman government did not allow their disasters
+to prevent their sending provisions into the camp overland; and the
+besiegers kept up the investment as strictly as they possibly could.
+Lucius Junius joined the camp after the shipwreck, and, being in a
+state of great distress at what had happened, was all eagerness to
+strike some new and effective blow, and thus repair the disaster which
+had befallen him. Accordingly he took the first slight opening that
+offered to surprise and seize Eryx; and became master both of the
+temple of Aphrodite and of the city. This is a mountain close to the
+sea-coast on that side of Sicily which looks towards Italy, between
+Drepana and Panormus, but nearer to Drepana of the two. It is by far
+the greatest mountain in Sicily next to Aetna; and on its summit, which
+is flat, stands the temple of Erycinian Aphrodite, confessedly the
+most splendid of all the temples in Sicily for its wealth and general
+magnificence. The town stands immediately below the summit, and is
+approached by a very long and steep ascent. Lucius seized both town and
+temple; and established a garrison both upon the summit and at the foot
+of the road to it from Drepana. He kept a strict guard at both points,
+but more especially at the foot of the ascent, believing that by so
+doing he should secure possession of the whole mountain as well as the
+town.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 247.]
+
+[Sidenote: Occupation of Hercte by Hamilcar.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 247-244.]
+
++56.+ Next year, the eighteenth of the war, the Carthaginians
+appointed Hamilcar Barcas general, and put the management of the
+fleet in his hands. He took over the command, and started to ravage
+the Italian coast. After devastating the districts of Locri, and the
+rest of Bruttium, he sailed away with his whole fleet to the coast of
+Panormus and seized on a place called Hercte, which lies between Eryx
+and Panormus on the coast, and is reputed the best situation in the
+district for a safe and permanent camp. For it is a mountain rising
+sheer on every side, standing out above the surrounding country to a
+considerable height. The table-land on its summit has a circumference
+of not less than a hundred stades, within which the soil is rich
+in pasture and suitable for agriculture; the sea-breezes render it
+healthy; and it is entirely free from all dangerous animals. On the
+side which looks towards the sea, as well as that which faces the
+central part of the island, it is enclosed by inaccessible precipices;
+while the spaces between them require only slight fortifications,
+and of no great extent, to make them secure. There is in it also an
+eminence, which serves at once as an acropolis and as a convenient
+tower of observation, commanding the surrounding district. It also
+commands a harbour conveniently situated for the passage from Drepana
+and Lilybaeum to Italy, in which there is always abundant depth of
+water; finally, it can only be reached by three ways—two from the land
+side, one from the sea, all of them difficult. Here Hamilcar entrenched
+himself. It was a bold measure: but he had no city which he could
+count upon as friendly, and no other hope on which he could rely; and
+though by so doing he placed himself in the very midst of the enemy,
+he nevertheless managed to involve the Romans in many struggles and
+dangers. To begin with, he would start from this place and ravage the
+seaboard of Italy as far as Cumae; and again on shore, when the Romans
+had pitched a camp to overawe him, in front of the city of Panormus,
+within about five stades of him, he harassed them in every sort of
+way, and forced them to engage in numerous skirmishes, for the space
+of nearly three years. Of these combats it is impossible to give a
+detailed account in writing.
+
++57.+ It is like the case of two boxers, eminent alike for their
+courage and their physical condition, engaged in a formal contest
+for the prize. As the match goes on, blow after blow is interchanged
+without intermission; but to anticipate, or keep account of every feint
+or every blow delivered is impossible for combatants and spectators
+alike. Still one may conceive a sufficiently distinct idea of the
+affair by taking into account the general activity of the men, the
+ambition actuating each side, and the amount of their experience,
+strength, and courage. The same may be said of these two generals. No
+writer could set down, and no reader would endure the wearisome and
+profitless task of reading, a detailed statement of the transactions
+of every day; why they were undertaken, and how they were carried out.
+For every day had its ambuscade on one side or the other, its attack,
+or assault. A general assertion in regard to the men, combined with the
+actual result of their mutual determination to conquer, will give a far
+better idea of the facts. It may be said then, generally, that nothing
+was left untried,—whether it be stratagems which could be learnt from
+history, or plans suggested by the necessities of the hour and the
+immediate circumstances of the case, or undertakings depending upon
+an adventurous spirit and a reckless daring. The matter, however, for
+several reasons, could not be brought to a decisive issue. In the first
+place, the forces on either side were evenly matched: and in the second
+place, while the camps were in the case of both equally impregnable,
+the space which separated the two was very small. The result of this
+was that skirmishes between detached parties on both sides were always
+going on during the day, and yet nothing decisive occurred. For though
+the men actually engaged in such skirmishes from time to time were cut
+to pieces, it did not affect the main body. They had only to wheel
+round to find themselves out of the reach of danger behind their own
+defences. Once there, they could face about and again engage the enemy.
+
+[Sidenote: Siege of Eryx, B.C. 244.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 243-242.]
+
++58.+ Presently however Fortune, acting like a good umpire in the
+games, transferred them by a bold stroke from the locality just
+described, and the contest in which they were engaged, to a struggle
+of greater danger and a locality of narrower dimensions. The Romans,
+as we have said, were in occupation of the summit of Eryx, and had a
+guard stationed at its foot. But Hamilcar managed to seize the town
+which lay between these two spots. There ensued a siege of the Romans
+who were on the summit, supported by them with extraordinary hardihood
+and adventurous daring: while the Carthaginians, finding themselves
+between two hostile armies, and their supplies brought to them with
+difficulty, because they were in communication with the sea at only one
+point and by one road, yet held out with a determination that passes
+belief. Every contrivance which skill or force could sustain did they
+put in use against each other, as before; every imaginable privation
+was submitted to; surprises and pitched battles were alike tried: and
+finally they left the combat a drawn one, not, as Fabius says, from
+utter weakness and misery, but like men still unbroken and unconquered.
+The fact is that before either party had got completely the better of
+the other, though they had maintained the conflict for another two
+years, the war happened to be decided in quite a different manner.
+
+[Sidenote: The obstinate persistence of the Romans and Carthaginians.]
+
+Such was the state of affairs at Eryx and with the forces employed
+there. The two nations engaged were like well-bred game-cocks that
+fight to their last gasp. You may see them often, when too weak to
+use their wings, yet full of pluck to the end, and striking again
+and again. Finally, chance brings them the opportunity of once more
+grappling, and they hold on until one or other of them drops down dead.
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans once more fit out a fleet.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 242. Coss. C. Lutatius Catulus, A. Postumius Albinus.]
+
++59.+ So it was with the Romans and Carthaginians. They were worn out
+by the labours of the war; the perpetual succession of hard fought
+struggles was at last driving them to despair; their strength had
+become paralysed, and their resources reduced almost to extinction by
+war-taxes and expenses extending over so many years. And yet the Romans
+did not give in. For the last five years indeed they had entirely
+abandoned the sea, partly because of the disasters they had sustained
+there, and partly because they felt confident of deciding the war by
+means of their land forces; but they now determined for the third time
+to make trial of their fortune in naval warfare. They saw that their
+operations were not succeeding according to their calculations, mainly
+owing to the obstinate gallantry of the Carthaginian general. They
+therefore adopted this resolution from a conviction that by this means
+alone, if their design were but well directed, would they be able to
+bring the war to a successful conclusion. In their first attempt they
+had been compelled to abandon the sea by disasters arising from sheer
+bad luck; in their second by the loss of the naval battle off Drepana.
+This third attempt was successful: they shut off the Carthaginian
+forces at Eryx from getting their supplies by sea, and eventually put
+a period to the whole war. Nevertheless it was essentially an effort
+of despair. The treasury was empty, and would not supply the funds
+necessary for the undertaking, which were, however, obtained by the
+patriotism and generosity of the leading citizens. They undertook
+singly, or by two or three combining, according to their means, to
+supply a quinquereme fully fitted out, on the understanding that they
+were to be repaid if the expedition was successful. By these means a
+fleet of two hundred quinqueremes were quickly prepared, built on the
+model of the ship of the Rhodian. Gaius Lutatius was then appointed
+to the command, and despatched at the beginning of the summer. His
+appearance on the coasts of Sicily was a surprise: the whole of the
+Carthaginian fleet had gone home; and he took possession both of the
+harbour near Drepana, and the roadsteads near Lilybaeum. He then
+threw up works round the city on Drepana, and made other preparations
+for besieging it. And while he pushed on these operations with all
+his might, he did not at the same time lose sight of the approach of
+the Carthaginian fleet. He kept in mind the original idea of this
+expedition, that it was by a victory at sea alone that the result of
+the whole war could be decided. He did not, therefore, allow the time
+to be wasted or unemployed. He practised and drilled his crews every
+day in the manœuvres which they would be called upon to perform; and
+by his attention to discipline generally brought his sailors in a very
+short time to the condition of trained athletes for the contest before
+them.
+
+[Sidenote: The Carthaginians send Hanno with a fleet.]
+
+[Sidenote: 10th March B.C. 241. A strong breeze is blowing.]
+
+[Sidenote: Lutatius however decides to fight.]
+
++60.+ That the Romans should have a fleet afloat once more, and
+be again bidding for the mastery at sea, was a contingency wholly
+unexpected by the Carthaginians. They at once set about fitting out
+their ships, loaded them with corn and other provisions, and despatched
+their fleet: determined that their troops round Eryx should not run
+short of necessary provisions. Hanno, who was appointed to command the
+fleet, put to sea and arrived at the island called Holy Isle. He was
+eager as soon as possible, if he could escape the observation of the
+enemy, to get across to Eryx; disembark his stores; and having thus
+lightened his ships, take on board as marines those of the mercenary
+troops who were suitable to the service, and Barcas with them; and
+not to engage the enemy until he had thus reinforced himself. But
+Lutatius was informed of the arrival of Hanno’s squadron, and correctly
+interpreted their design. He at once took on board the best soldiers
+of his army, and crossed to the Island of Aegusa, which lies directly
+opposite Lilybaeum. There he addressed his forces some words suitable
+to the occasion, and gave full instructions to the pilots, with the
+understanding that a battle was to be fought on the morrow. At daybreak
+the next morning Lutatius found that a strong breeze had sprung up on
+the stern of the enemy, and that an advance towards them in the teeth
+of it would be difficult for his ships. The sea too was rough and
+boisterous: and for a while he could not make up his mind what he had
+better do in the circumstances. Finally, however, he was decided by the
+following considerations. If he boarded the enemy’s fleet during the
+continuance of the storm, he would only have to contend with Hanno,
+and the levies of sailors which he had on board, before they could be
+reinforced by the troops, and with ships which were still heavily laden
+with stores: but if he waited for calm weather, and allowed the enemy
+to get across and unite with their land forces, he would then have to
+contend with ships lightened of their burden, and therefore in a more
+navigable condition, and against the picked men of the land forces; and
+what was more formidable than anything else, against the determined
+bravery of Hamilcar. He made up his mind, therefore, not to let the
+present opportunity slip; and when he saw the enemy’s ships crowding
+sail, he put to sea with all speed. The rowers, from their excellent
+physical condition, found no difficulty in overcoming the heavy sea,
+and Lutatius soon got his fleet into single line with prows directed to
+the foe.
+
+[Sidenote: The battle of Aegusa.]
+
+[Sidenote: Victory of the Romans.]
+
++61.+ When the Carthaginians saw that the Romans were intercepting
+their passage across, they lowered their masts, and after some words of
+mutual exhortation had been uttered in the several ships, closed with
+their opponents. But the respective state of equipment of the two sides
+was exactly the converse of what it had been in the battle off Drepana;
+and the result of the battle was, therefore, naturally reversed also.
+The Romans had reformed their mode of shipbuilding, and had eased
+their vessels of all freight, except the provisions necessary for the
+battle: while their rowers having been thoroughly trained and got well
+together, performed their office in an altogether superior manner, and
+were backed up by marines who, being picked men from the legions, were
+all but invincible. The case with the Carthaginians was exactly the
+reverse. Their ships were heavily laden and therefore unmanageable in
+the engagement; while their rowers were entirely untrained, and merely
+put on board for the emergency; and such marines as they had were raw
+recruits, who had never had any previous experience of any difficult or
+dangerous service. The fact is that the Carthaginian government never
+expected that the Romans would again attempt to dispute the supremacy
+at sea: they had, therefore, in contempt for them, neglected their
+navy. The result was that, as soon as they closed, their manifold
+disadvantages quickly decided the battle against them. They had fifty
+ships sunk, and seventy taken with their crews. The rest set their
+sails, and running before the wind, which luckily for them suddenly
+veered round at the nick of time to help them, got away again to Holy
+Isle. The Roman Consul sailed back to Lilybaeum to join the army, and
+there occupied himself in making arrangements for the ships and men
+which he had captured; which was a business of considerable magnitude,
+for the prisoners made in the battle amounted to little short of ten
+thousand.
+
+[Sidenote: Barcas makes terms.]
+
+[Sidenote: The treaty, B.C. 242.]
+
++62.+ As far as strength of feeling and desire for victory were
+concerned, this unexpected reverse did not diminish the readiness of
+the Carthaginians to carry on the war; but when they came to reckon up
+their resources they were at a complete standstill. On the one hand,
+they could not any longer send supplies to their forces in Sicily,
+because the enemy commanded the sea: on the other, to abandon and, as
+it were, to betray these, left them without men and without leaders
+to carry on the war. They therefore sent a despatch to Barcas with
+all speed, leaving the decision of the whole matter in his hands.
+Nor was their confidence misplaced. He acted the part of a gallant
+general and a sensible man. As long as there was any reasonable hope
+of success in the business he had in hand, nothing was too adventurous
+or too dangerous for him to attempt; and if any general ever did so,
+he put every chance of victory to the fullest proof. But when all his
+endeavours miscarried, and no reasonable expectation was left of saving
+his troops, he yielded to the inevitable, and sent ambassadors to
+treat of peace and terms of accommodation. And in this he showed great
+good sense and practical ability; for it is quite as much the duty of
+a leader to be able to see when it is time to give in, as when it is
+the time to win a victory. Lutatius was ready enough to listen to the
+proposal, because he was fully aware that the resources of Rome were at
+the lowest ebb from the strain of the war; and eventually it was his
+fortune to put an end to the contest by a treaty of which I here give
+the terms. “_Friendship is established between the Carthaginians and
+Romans on the following terms, provided always that they are ratified
+by the Roman people. The Carthaginians shall evacuate the whole of
+Sicily: they shall not make war upon Hiero, nor bear arms against the
+Syracusans or their allies. The Carthaginians shall give up to the
+Romans all prisoners without ransom. The Carthaginians shall pay to the
+Romans in twenty years 2200 Euboic talents of silver._”[142]
+
++63.+ When this treaty was sent to Rome the people refused to accept
+it, but sent ten commissioners to examine into the business. Upon their
+arrival they made no change in the general terms of the treaty, but
+they introduced some slight alterations in the direction of increased
+severity towards Carthage. Thus they reduced the time allowed for the
+payment of the indemnity by one half; they added a thousand talents to
+the sum demanded; and extended the evacuation of Sicily to all islands
+lying between Sicily and Italy.
+
+[Sidenote: Greatness of the war.]
+
+Such were the conditions on which the war was ended, after lasting
+twenty-four years continuously. It was at once the longest, most
+continuous, and most severely contested war known to us in history.
+Apart from the other battles fought and the preparations made, which
+I have described in my previous chapters, there were two sea fights,
+in one of which the combined numbers of the two fleets exceeded five
+hundred quinqueremes, in the other nearly approached seven hundred.
+In the course of the war, counting what were destroyed by shipwreck,
+the Romans lost seven hundred quinqueremes, the Carthaginians five
+hundred. Those therefore who have spoken with wonder of the sea-battles
+of an Antigonus, a Ptolemy, or a Demetrius, and the greatness of
+their fleets, would we may well believe have been overwhelmed with
+astonishment at the hugeness of these proportions if they had had
+to tell the story of this war.[143] If, further, we take into
+consideration the superior size of the quinqueremes, compared with the
+triremes employed by the Persians against the Greeks, and again by the
+Athenians and Lacedaemonians in their wars with each other, we shall
+find that never in the whole history of the world have such enormous
+forces contended for mastery at sea.
+
+These considerations will establish my original observation, and show
+the falseness of the opinion entertained by certain Greeks. It was
+_not_ by mere chance or without knowing what they were doing that the
+Romans struck their bold stroke for universal supremacy and dominion,
+and justified their boldness by its success. No: it was the natural
+result of discipline gained in the stern school of difficulty and
+danger.
+
++64.+ And no doubt the question does naturally arise here as to why
+they find it impossible in our days to man so many ships, or take
+the sea with such large fleets, though masters of the world, and
+possessing a superiority over others many times as great as before.
+The explanation of this difficulty will be clearly understood when
+we come to the description of their civil constitution. I look
+upon this description as a most important part of my work, and one
+demanding close attention on the part of my readers. For the subject
+is calculated to afford pleasure in the contemplation, and is up to
+this time so to speak absolutely unknown, thanks to historians, some
+of whom have been ignorant, while others have given so confused an
+account of it as to be practically useless. For the present it suffices
+to say that, as far as the late war was concerned, the two nations
+were closely matched in the character of the designs they entertained,
+as well as in the lofty courage they showed in prosecuting them: and
+this is especially true of the eager ambition displayed on either side
+to secure the supremacy. But in the individual gallantry of their
+men the Romans had decidedly the advantage; while we must credit the
+Carthaginians with the best general of the day both for genius and
+daring. I mean Hamilcar Barcas, own father of Rome’s future enemy
+Hannibal.
+
+[Sidenote: War between Rome and Falerii.]
+
+[Sidenote: The mercenary war, B.C. 241.]
+
++65.+ The confirmation of this peace was followed by events which
+involved both nations in a struggle of an identical or similar nature.
+At Rome the late war was succeeded by a social war against the
+Faliscans, which, however, they brought to a speedy and successful
+termination by the capture of Falerii after only a few days’ siege.
+The Carthaginians were not so fortunate. Just about the same time
+they found themselves confronted by three enemies at once, their own
+mercenaries, the Numidians, and such Libyans as joined the former
+in their revolt. And this war proved to be neither insignificant
+nor contemptible. It exposed them to frequent and terrible alarms;
+and, finally, it became a question to them not merely of a loss of
+territory, but of their own bare existence, and of the safety of the
+very walls and buildings of their city. There are many reasons that
+make it worth while to dwell upon the history of this war: yet I must
+give only a summary account of it, in accordance with the original plan
+of this work. The nature and peculiar ferocity of the struggle, which
+has been generally called the “truceless war,” may be best learnt from
+its incidents. It conveys two important lessons: it most conspicuously
+shows those who employ mercenaries what dangers they should foresee
+and provide against; and secondly, it teaches how wide the distinction
+is between the character of troops composed of a confused mass of
+uncivilised tribes, and of those which have had the benefit of
+education, the habits of social life, and the restraints of law. But
+what is of most importance to us is, that we may trace from the actual
+events of this period the causes which led to the war between Rome and
+Carthage in the time of Hannibal. These causes have not only been a
+subject of dispute among historians, but still continue to be so among
+those who were actually engaged; it is therefore a matter of importance
+to enable students to form an opinion on this matter as nearly as
+possible in accordance with the truth.
+
+[Sidenote: Evacuation of Sicily.]
+
+[Sidenote: The mercenaries sent to Sicca.]
+
++66.+ The course of events at Carthage subsequent to the peace was
+as follows: As soon as possible after it was finally ratified Barcas
+withdrew the troops at Eryx to Lilybaeum, and then immediately laid
+down his command. Gesco, who was commandant of the town, proceeded
+to transport the soldiers into Libya. But foreseeing what was likely
+to happen, he very prudently embarked them in detachments, and did
+not send them all in one voyage. His object was to gain time for the
+Carthaginian government; so that one detachment should come to shore,
+receive the pay due to them, and depart from Carthage to their own
+country, before the next detachment was brought across and joined
+them. In accordance with this idea Gesco began the transportation of
+the troops. But the Government—partly because the recent expenses
+had reduced their finances to a low ebb, partly because they felt
+certain that, if they collected the whole force and entertained them
+in Carthage, they would be able to persuade the mercenaries to accept
+something less than the whole pay due to them—did not dismiss the
+detachments as they landed, but kept them massed in the city. But
+when this resulted in the commission of many acts of lawlessness by
+night and day, they began to feel uneasy at their numbers and their
+growing licentiousness; and required the officers, until such time as
+arrangements for discharging their pay should have been made, and the
+rest of the army should have arrived, to withdraw with all their men
+to a certain town called Sicca, receiving each a piece of gold for
+their immediate necessities. As far as quitting the city was concerned
+they were ready enough to obey; but they desired to leave their heavy
+baggage there as before, on the ground that they would soon have to
+return to the city for their wages. But the Carthaginian government
+were in terror lest, considering the length of their absence and their
+natural desire for the society of wives or children, they would either
+not quit the city at all; or, if they did, would be sure to be enticed
+by these feelings to return, and that thus there would be no decrease
+of outrages in the city. Accordingly they forced them to take their
+baggage with them: but it was sorely against the will of the men, and
+roused strong feelings of animosity among them. These mercenaries
+being forced to retire to Sicca, lived there as they chose without any
+restraint upon their lawlessness. For they had obtained two things
+the most demoralising for hired forces, and which in a word are in
+themselves the all-sufficient source and origin of mutinies,—relaxation
+of discipline and want of employment.[144] For lack of something better
+to do, some of them began calculating, always to their own advantage,
+the amount of pay owing to them; and thus making out the total to be
+many times more than was really due, they gave out that this was the
+amount which they ought to demand from the Carthaginians. Moreover they
+all began to call to mind the promises made to them by the generals
+in their harangues, delivered on various occasions of special danger,
+and to entertain high hopes and great expectations of the amount of
+compensation which awaited them. The natural result followed.
+
+[Sidenote: The beginning of the outbreak, B.C. 241.]
+
++67.+ When the whole army had mustered at Sicca, and Hanno, now
+appointed general in Libya, far from satisfying these hopes and the
+promises they had received, talked on the contrary of the burden of
+the taxes and the embarrassment of the public finances; and actually
+endeavoured to obtain from them an abatement even from the amount of
+pay acknowledged to be due to them; excited and mutinous feelings at
+once began to manifest themselves. There were constant conferences
+hastily got together, sometimes in separate nationalities, sometimes
+of the whole army; and there being no unity of race or language
+among them, the whole camp became a babel of confusion, a scene
+of inarticulate tumult, and a veritable revel of misrule. For the
+Carthaginians being always accustomed to employ mercenary troops of
+miscellaneous nationalities, in securing that an army should consist
+of several different races, act wisely as far as the prevention of
+any rapid combinations for mutiny, or difficulty on the part of the
+commanders in overawing insubordination, are concerned: but the
+policy utterly breaks down when an outburst of anger, or popular
+delusion, or internal dissension, has actually occurred; for it makes
+it impossible for the commander to soothe excited feelings, to remove
+misapprehensions, or to show the ignorant their error. Armies in such a
+state are not usually content with mere human wickedness; they end by
+assuming the ferocity of wild beasts and the vindictiveness of insanity.
+
+This is just what happened in this case. There were in the army
+Iberians and Celts, men from Liguria and the Balearic Islands, and
+a considerable number of half-bred Greeks, mostly deserters and
+slaves; while the main body consisted of Libyans. Consequently it was
+impossible to collect and address them _en masse_, or to approach
+them with this view by any means whatever. There was no help for it:
+the general could not possibly know their several languages; and to
+make a speech four or five times on the same subject, by the mouths
+of several interpreters, was almost more impossible, if I may say so,
+than that. The only alternative was for him to address his entreaties
+and exhortations to the soldiers through their officers. And this Hanno
+continually endeavoured to do. But there was the same difficulty with
+them. Sometimes they failed to understand what he said: at others they
+received his words with expressions of approval to his face, and yet
+from error or malice reported them in a contrary sense to the common
+soldiers. The result was a general scene of uncertainty, mistrust,
+and misunderstanding. And to crown all, they took it into their heads
+that the Carthaginian government had a design in thus sending Hanno to
+them: that they purposely did not send the generals who were acquainted
+with the services they had rendered in Sicily, and who had been the
+authors of the promises made to them; but had sent the one man who had
+not been present at any of these transactions. Whether that were so or
+not, they finally broke off all negotiations with Hanno; conceived a
+violent mistrust of their several commanders; and in a furious outburst
+of anger with the Carthaginians started towards the city, and pitched
+their camp about a hundred and twenty stades from Carthage, at the town
+of Tunes, to the number of over twenty thousand.
+
+[Sidenote: The mercenaries at Tunes.]
+
+[Sidenote: Attempts to pacify them.]
+
+[Sidenote: The demands of the mercenaries.]
+
+[Sidenote: The dispute referred to the arbitration of Gesco.]
+
++68.+ The Carthaginians saw their folly when it was too late. It was a
+grave mistake to have collected so large a number of mercenaries into
+one place without any warlike force of their own citizens to fall back
+upon: but it was a still graver mistake to have delivered up to them
+their children and wives, with their heavy baggage to boot; which they
+might have retained as hostages, and thus have had greater security for
+concerting their own measures, and more power of ensuring obedience to
+their orders. However, being thoroughly alarmed at the action of the
+men in regard to their encampment, they went to every length in their
+eagerness to pacify their anger. They sent them supplies of provisions
+in rich abundance, to be purchased exactly on their own terms, and
+at their own price. Members of the Senate were despatched, one after
+the other, to treat with them; and they were promised that whatever
+they demanded should be conceded if it were within the bounds of
+possibility. Day by day the ideas of the mercenaries rose higher. For
+their contempt became supreme when they saw the dismay and excitement
+in Carthage; their confidence in themselves was profound; and their
+engagements with the Roman legions in Sicily had convinced them, that
+not only was it impossible for the Carthaginians to face them in the
+field, but that it would be difficult to find any nation in the world
+who could. Therefore, when the Carthaginians conceded the point of
+their pay, they made a further claim for the value of the horses they
+had lost. When this too was conceded, they said that they ought to
+receive the value of the rations of corn due to them from a long time
+previous, reckoned at the highest price reached during the war. And
+in short, the ill-disposed and mutinous among them being numerous,
+they always found out some new demand which made it impossible to
+come to terms. Upon the Carthaginian government, however, pledging
+themselves to the full extent of their powers, they eventually agreed
+to refer the matter to the arbitration of some one of the generals who
+had been actually engaged in Sicily. Now they were displeased with
+Hamilcar Barcas, who was one of those under whom they had fought in
+Sicily, because they thought that their present unfavourable position
+was attributable chiefly to him. They thought this from the fact that
+he never came to them as an ambassador, and had, as was believed,
+voluntarily resigned his command. But towards Gesco their feelings were
+altogether friendly. He had, as they thought, taken every possible
+precaution for their interests, and especially in the arrangements for
+their conveyance to Libya. Accordingly they referred the dispute to the
+arbitration of the latter.
+
+[Sidenote: Spendius.]
+
+[Sidenote: Mathōs.]
+
+[Sidenote: Spendius and Mathōs cause an outbreak.]
+
++69.+ Gesco came to Tunes by sea, bringing the money with him. There he
+held a meeting first of the officers, and then of the men, according
+to their nationalities; rebuked them for their past behaviour, and
+endeavoured to convince them as to their duty in the present: but
+most of all he dwelt upon their obligation in the future to show
+themselves well-disposed towards the people whose pay they had been
+so long enjoying. Finally, he proceeded to discharge the arrears of
+pay, taking each nationality separately. But there was a certain
+Campanian in the army, a runaway Roman slave named Spendius, a man of
+extraordinary physical strength and reckless courage in the field.
+Alarmed lest his master should recover possession of him, and he should
+be put to death with torture, in accordance with the laws of Rome,
+this man exerted himself to the utmost in word and deed to break off
+the arrangement with the Carthaginians. He was seconded by a Libyan
+called Mathōs, who was not a slave but free, and had actually served
+in the campaign. But he had been one of the most active agitators in
+the late disturbances: and being in terror of punishment for the past,
+he now gave in his adhesion to the party of Spendius; and taking the
+Libyans aside, suggested to them that, when the men of other races
+had received their pay, and taken their departure to their several
+countries, the Carthaginians would wreak upon them the full weight of
+the resentment which they had, in common with themselves, incurred;
+and would look upon their punishment as a means of striking terror
+into all the inhabitants of Libya. It did not take long to rouse the
+men by such arguments, nor were they at a loss for a pretext, however
+insignificant. In discharging the pay, Gesco postponed the payment
+of the valuations of rations and horses. This was enough: the men at
+once hurried to make a meeting; Spendius and Mathōs delivered violent
+invectives against Gesco and the Carthaginians; their words were
+received with every sign of approval; no one else could get a hearing;
+whoever did attempt to speak was promptly stoned to death, without the
+assembly so much as waiting to ascertain whether he intended to support
+the party of Spendius or no.
+
+[Sidenote: βάλλε.]
+
+A considerable number of privates as well as officers were killed in
+this manner in the various _émeutes_ which took place; and from the
+constant repetition of this act of violence the whole army learnt the
+meaning of the word “throw,” although there was not another word which
+was intelligible to them all in common. The most usual occasion for
+this to happen was when they collected in crowds flushed with wine
+after their midday meal. On such occasions, if only some one started
+the cry “throw,” such volleys were poured in from every side, and with
+such rapidity, that it was impossible for any one to escape who once
+ventured to stand forward to address them. The result was that soon
+no one had the courage to offer them any counsel at all; and they
+accordingly appointed Mathōs and Spendius as their commanders.
+
+[Sidenote: Gesco and his staff seized and thrown into chains.]
+
++70.+ This complete disorganisation and disorder did not escape
+the observation of Gesco. But his chief anxiety was to secure the
+safety of his country; and seeing clearly that, if these men were
+driven to exasperation, the Carthaginians would be in danger of total
+destruction, he exerted himself with desperate courage and persistence:
+sometimes summoning their officers, sometimes calling a meeting of
+the men according to their nationalities and remonstrating with them.
+But on one occasion the Libyans, not having received their wages as
+soon as they considered that they ought to have been paid to them,
+approached Gesco himself with some insolence. With the idea of rebuking
+their precipitancy he refused to produce the pay, and bade them “go
+and ask their general Mathōs for it.” This so enraged them, that
+without a moment’s delay they first made a raid upon the money that
+was kept in readiness, and then arrested Gesco and the Carthaginians
+with him. Mathōs and Spendius thought that the speediest way to secure
+an outbreak of war was for the men to commit some outrage upon the
+sanctity of law and in violation of their engagements. They therefore
+co-operated with the mass of the men in their reckless outrages;
+plundered the baggage of the Carthaginians along with their money;
+manacled Gesco and his staff with every mark of insolent violence,
+and committed them into custody. Thenceforth they were at open war
+with Carthage, having bound themselves together by oaths which were at
+once impious and contrary to the principles universally received among
+mankind.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 240.]
+
+This was the origin and beginning of the mercenary, or, as it is
+also called, the Libyan war. Mathōs lost no time after this outrage
+in sending emissaries to the various cities in Libya, urging them to
+assert their freedom, and begging them to come to their aid and join
+them in their undertaking. The appeal was successful: nearly all the
+cities in Libya readily listened to the proposal that they should
+revolt against Carthage, and were soon zealously engaged in sending
+them supplies and reinforcements. They therefore divided themselves
+into two parties; one of which laid siege to Utica, the other to Hippo
+Zarytus, because these two cities refused to participate in the revolt.
+
+[Sidenote: Despair at Carthage.]
+
++71.+ Three things must be noticed in regard to the Carthaginians.
+First, among them the means of life of private persons are supplied by
+the produce of the land; secondly, all public expenses for war material
+and stores are discharged from the tribute paid by the people of Libya;
+and thirdly, it is their regular custom to carry on war by means
+of mercenary troops. At this moment they not only found themselves
+unexpectedly deprived of all these resources at once, but saw each one
+of them actually employed against themselves. Such an unlooked-for
+event naturally reduced them to a state of great discouragement and
+despair. After the long agony of the Sicilian war they were in hopes,
+when the peace was ratified, that they might obtain some breathing
+space and some period of settled content. The very reverse was now
+befalling them. They were confronted by an outbreak of war still more
+difficult and formidable. In the former they were disputing with Rome
+for the possession of Sicily: but this was a domestic war, and the
+issue at stake was the bare existence of themselves and their country.
+Besides, the many battles in which they had been engaged at sea had
+naturally left them ill supplied with arms, sailors, and vessels.
+They had no store of provisions ready, and no expectation whatever
+of external assistance from friends or allies. They were indeed now
+thoroughly taught the difference between a foreign war, carried on
+beyond the seas, and a domestic insurrection and disturbance.
+
++72.+ And for these overpowering miseries they had themselves to thank
+more than any one else. During the late war they had availed themselves
+of what they regarded as a reasonable pretext for exercising their
+supremacy over the inhabitants of Libya with excessive harshness. They
+had exacted half of all agricultural produce; had doubled the tribute
+of the towns; and, in levying these contributions, had refused to show
+any grace or indulgence whatever to those who were in embarrassed
+circumstances. Their admiration and rewards were reserved, not for
+those generals who treated the people with mildness and humanity, but
+exclusively for those who like Hanno secured them the most abundant
+supplies and war material, though at the cost of the harshest treatment
+of the provincials.
+
+[Sidenote: Revolt of the country people.]
+
+These people therefore needed no urging to revolt: a single messenger
+sufficed. The women, who up to this time had passively looked on
+while their husbands and fathers were being led off to prison for the
+non-payment of the taxes, now bound themselves by an oath in their
+several towns that they would conceal nothing that they possessed;
+and, stripping off their ornaments, unreservedly contributed them to
+furnish pay for the soldiers. They thus put such large means into the
+hands of Mathōs and Spendius, that they not only discharged the arrears
+due to the mercenaries, which they had promised them as an inducement
+to mutiny, but remained well supplied for future needs. A striking
+illustration of the fact that true policy does not regard only the
+immediate necessities of the hour, but must ever look still more keenly
+to the future.
+
+[Sidenote: Hanno’s management of the war.]
+
++73.+ No such considerations, however, prevented the Carthaginians
+in their hour of distress from appointing Hanno general; because he
+had the credit of having on a former occasion reduced the city called
+Hecatompylos, in Libya, to obedience. They also set about collecting
+mercenaries; arming their own citizens who were of military age;
+training and drilling the city cavalry; and refitting what were left of
+their ships, triremes, penteconters, and the largest of the pinnaces.
+Meanwhile Mathōs, being joined by as many as seventy thousand Libyans,
+distributed these fresh troops between the two forces which were
+besieging Utica and Hippo Zarytus, and carried on those sieges without
+let or hindrance. At the same time they kept firm possession of the
+encampment at Tunes, and had thus shut out the Carthaginians from
+the whole of outer Libya. For Carthage itself stands on a projecting
+peninsula in a gulf, nearly surrounded by the sea and in part also by
+a lake. The isthmus that connects it with Libya is three miles broad:
+upon one side of this isthmus, in the direction of the open sea and at
+no great distance, stands the city of Utica, and on the other stands
+Tunes, upon the shore of the lake. The mercenaries occupied both
+these points, and having thus cut off the Carthaginians from the open
+country, proceeded to take measures against Utica itself. They made
+frequent excursions up to the town wall, sometimes by day and sometimes
+by night, and were continually throwing the citizens into a state of
+alarm and absolute panic.
+
+[Sidenote: Fails to relieve Utica.]
+
++74.+ Hanno, however, was busying himself with some success in
+providing defences. In this department of a general’s duty he showed
+considerable ability; but he was quite a different man at the head of
+a sally in force: he was not sagacious in his use of opportunities,
+and managed the whole business with neither skill nor promptitude. It
+was thus that his first expedition miscarried when he went to relieve
+Utica. The number of his elephants, of which he had as many as a
+hundred, struck terror into the enemy; yet he made so poor a use of
+this advantage that, instead of turning it into a complete victory,
+he very nearly brought the besieged, as well as himself, to utter
+destruction. He brought from Carthage catapults and darts, and in
+fact all the apparatus for a siege; and having encamped outside Utica
+undertook an assault upon the enemy’s entrenchment. The elephants
+forced their way into the camp, and the enemy, unable to withstand
+their weight and the fury of their attack, entirely evacuated the
+position. They lost a large number from wounds inflicted by the
+elephants’ tusks; while the survivors made their way to a certain hill,
+which was a kind of natural fortification thickly covered with trees,
+and there halted, relying upon the strength of the position. But Hanno,
+accustomed to fight with Numidians and Libyans, who, once turned, never
+stay their flight till they are two days removed from the scene of the
+action, imagined that he had already put an end to the war and had
+gained a complete victory. He therefore troubled himself no more about
+his men, or about the camp generally, but went inside the town and
+occupied himself with his own personal comfort. But the mercenaries,
+who had fled in a body on to the hill, had been trained in the daring
+tactics of Barcas, and accustomed from their experience in the Sicilian
+warfare to retreat and return again to the attack many times in the
+same day. They now saw that the general had left his army and gone into
+the town, and that the soldiers, owing to their victory, were behaving
+carelessly, and in fact slipping out of the camp in various directions:
+they accordingly got themselves into order and made an assault upon
+the camp; killed a large number of the men; forced the rest to fly
+ignominiously to the protection of the city walls and gates; and
+possessed themselves of all the baggage and apparatus belonging to the
+besieged, which Hanno had brought outside the town in addition to his
+own, and thus put into the hands of the enemy.
+
+[Sidenote: Hanno’s continued ill success.]
+
+But this was not the only instance of his incompetence. A few days
+afterwards, near a place called Gorza, he came right upon the enemy,
+who lay encamped there, and had two opportunities of securing a
+victory by pitched battles; and two more by surprising them, as they
+changed quarters close to where he was. But in both cases he let the
+opportunities slip for want of care and proper calculation.
+
+[Sidenote: Hamilcar Barcas takes the command.]
+
++75.+ The Carthaginians, therefore, when they saw his mismanagement
+of the campaign, once more placed Hamilcar Barcas at the head of
+affairs; and despatched him to the war as commander-in-chief, with
+seventy elephants, the newly-collected mercenaries, and the deserters
+from the enemy; and along with them the cavalry and infantry enrolled
+from the citizens themselves, amounting in all to ten thousand men.
+His appearance from the first produced an immediate impression. The
+expedition was unexpected; and he was thus able, by the dismay which
+it produced, to lower the courage of the enemy. He succeeded in
+raising the siege of Utica, and showed himself worthy of his former
+achievements, and of the confidence felt in him by the people. What he
+accomplished on this service was this.
+
+[Sidenote: He gets his men across the Macaras.]
+
+A chain of hills runs along the isthmus connecting Carthage with the
+mainland, which are difficult of access, and are crossed by artificial
+passes into the mainland; of these hills Mathōs had occupied all the
+available points and posted guards there. Besides these there is a
+river called Macaras (Bagradas), which at certain points interrupts
+the passage of travellers from the city to the mainland, and though
+for the most part impassable, owing to the strength of its stream,
+is only crossed by one bridge. This means of egress also Mathōs was
+guarding securely, and had built a town on it. The result was that, to
+say nothing of the Carthaginians entering the mainland with an army,
+it was rendered exceedingly difficult even for private individuals,
+who might wish to make their way through, to elude the vigilance of
+the enemy. This did not escape the observation and care of Hamilcar;
+and while revolving every means and every chance of putting an end to
+this difficulty about a passage, he at length hit upon the following.
+He observed that where the river discharges itself into the sea its
+mouth got silted up in certain positions of the wind, and that then
+the passage over the river at its mouth became like that over a marsh.
+He accordingly got everything ready in the camp for the expedition,
+without telling any one what he was going to do; and then watched
+for this state of things to occur. When the right moment arrived,
+he started under cover of night; and by daybreak had, without being
+observed by any one, got his army across this place, to the surprise
+of the citizens of Utica as well as of the enemy. Marching across the
+plain, he led his men straight against the enemy who were guarding the
+bridge.
+
+[Sidenote: And defeats Spendius.]
+
++76.+ When he understood what had taken place Spendius advanced into
+the plain to meet Hamilcar. The force from the city at the bridge
+amounted to ten thousand men; that from before Utica to more than
+fifteen thousand men; both of which now advanced to support each
+other. When they had effected a junction they imagined that they
+had the Carthaginians in a trap, and therefore with mutual words of
+exhortation passed the order to engage, and at once commenced. Hamilcar
+was marching with his elephants in front, his cavalry and light troops
+next, while his heavy armed hoplites brought up the rear. But when he
+saw the precipitation of the enemy’s attack, he passed the word to
+his men to turn to the rear. His instructions were that the troops in
+front should, after thus turning to the rear, retire with all speed:
+while he again wheeled to the right about what had been originally
+his rear divisions, and got them into line successively so as to face
+the enemy. The Libyans and mercenaries mistook the object of this
+movement, and imagined that the Carthaginians were panic-stricken and
+in full retreat. Thereupon they broke from their ranks and, rushing
+forward, began a vigorous hand to hand struggle. When, however, they
+found that the cavalry had wheeled round again, and were drawn up close
+to the hoplites, and that the rest of the army also was being brought
+up, surprise filled the Libyans with panic; they immediately turned
+and began a retreat as precipitate and disorderly as their advance.
+In the blind flight which followed some of them ran foul of their own
+rear-guard, who were still advancing, and caused their own destruction
+or that of their comrades; but the greater part were trampled to death
+by the cavalry and elephants who immediately charged. As many as six
+thousand of the Libyans and foreign troops were killed, and about two
+thousand taken prisoners. The rest made good their escape, either to
+the town on the bridge or to the camp near Utica. After this victory
+Hamilcar followed close upon the heels of the enemy, carried the town
+on the bridge by assault, the enemy there abandoning it and flying to
+Tunes, and then proceeded to scour the rest of the district: some of
+the towns submitting, while the greater number he had to reduce by
+force. And thus he revived in the breasts of the Carthaginians some
+little spirit and courage, or at least rescued them from the state of
+absolute despair into which they had fallen.
+
+[Sidenote: Mathōs harasses Hamilcar’s march.]
+
++77.+ Meanwhile Mathōs himself was continuing the siege of Hippo
+Zarytus, and he now counselled Autaritus, the leader of the Gauls,
+and Spendius to stick close to the skirts of the enemy, avoiding
+the plains, because the enemy were strong in cavalry and elephants,
+but marching parallel with them on the slopes of the mountains,
+and attacking them whenever they saw them in any difficulty. While
+suggesting these tactics, he at the same time sent messengers to the
+Numidians and Libyans, entreating them to come to their aid, and not to
+let slip the opportunity of securing their own freedom. Accordingly,
+Spendius took with him a force of six thousand men, selected from each
+of the several nationalities at Tunes, and started, keeping along a
+line of hills parallel to the Carthaginians. Besides these six thousand
+he had two thousand Gauls under Autaritus, who were all that were
+left of the original number, the rest having deserted to the Romans
+during the period of the occupation of Eryx. Now it happened that, just
+when Hamilcar had taken up a position in a certain plain which was
+surrounded on all sides by mountains, the reinforcements of Numidians
+and Libyans joined Spendius. The Carthaginians, therefore, suddenly
+found a Libyan encampment right on their front, another of Numidians
+on their rear, and that of Spendius on their flank; and it seemed
+impossible to escape from the danger which thus menaced them on every
+side.
+
+[Sidenote: Hamilcar is joined by the Numidian Narávas.]
+
+[Sidenote: Again defeats Spendius.]
+
++78.+ But there was at that time a certain Narávas, a Numidian of
+high rank and warlike spirit, who entertained an ancestral feeling of
+affection for the Carthaginians, rendered especially warm at that time
+by admiration for Hamilcar. He now thought that he had an excellent
+opportunity for an interview and association with that general; and
+accordingly came to the Carthaginian quarters with a body of a hundred
+Numidians, and boldly approaching the out-works, remained there waving
+his hand. Wondering what his object could be Hamilcar sent a horseman
+to see; to whom Narávas said that he wished for an interview with
+the general. The Carthaginian leader still showing hesitation and
+incredulity, Narávas committed his horse and javelins to the care of
+his guards, and boldly came into the camp unarmed. His fearlessness
+made a profound impression not unmixed with surprise. No further
+objection, however, was made to his presence, and the desired interview
+was accorded; in which he declared his goodwill to the Carthaginians
+generally, and his especial desire to be friends with Barcas. “This
+was the motive of his presence,” he said; “he was come with the full
+intention of taking his place by his side and of faithfully sharing
+all his actions and undertakings.” Hamilcar, on hearing these words,
+was so immensely charmed by the young man’s courage in coming, and
+his honest simplicity in the interview, that he not only consented to
+accept his co-operation, but promised also with an oath that he would
+give him his daughter in marriage if he kept faith with Carthage to
+the end. The agreement having been thus made, Narávas came with his
+division of Numidians, numbering two thousand. Thus reinforced Hamilcar
+offered the enemy battle; which Spendius, having joined forces with
+the Libyans, accepted; and descending into the plain engaged the
+Carthaginians. In the severe battle which followed Hamilcar’s army was
+victorious: a result which he owed partly to the excellent behaviour
+of the elephants, but particularly to the brilliant services rendered
+by Narávas. Autaritus and Spendius managed to escape; but of the rest
+as many as ten thousand were killed and four thousand taken prisoners.
+When the victory was complete, Hamilcar gave permission to those of
+the prisoners who chose to enlist in his army, and furnished them with
+arms from the spoils of the enemy’s slain: those who did not choose to
+accept this offer he summoned to a meeting and harangued them. He told
+them that the crimes committed by them up to that moment were pardoned,
+and they were permitted to go their several ways, wheresoever they
+chose, but on condition that none of them bore arms against Carthage
+again: if any one of them were ever caught so doing, he warned them
+distinctly that he would meet with no mercy.
+
+[Sidenote: Mutiny in Sardinia.]
+
++79.+ This conspiracy of Mathōs and Spendius caused an outbreak about
+this same time in another quarter. For the mercenaries who were
+in garrison in Sardinia, inspired by their example, attacked the
+Carthaginians in the island; beleaguered Bostarus, the commander of
+the foreign contingent, in the citadel; and finally put him and his
+compatriots to the sword. The Carthaginians thereupon sent another army
+into the island under Hanno. But the men deserted to the mutineers; who
+then seized Hanno and crucified him, and exercising all their ingenuity
+in the invention of tortures racked to death every Carthaginian in
+the island. Having got the towns into their power, they thenceforth
+kept forcible possession of the island; until they quarrelled with the
+natives and were driven by them into Italy. This was the way in which
+Carthage lost Sardinia, an island of first rate importance from its
+size, the number of its inhabitants, and its natural products. But as
+many have described it at great length, I do not think that I need
+repeat statements about which there is no manner of dispute.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 239. Plan of Spendius for doing away with the good
+impression made by the leniency of Barcas.]
+
+To return to Libya. The indulgence shown by Hamilcar to the captives
+alarmed Mathōs and Spendius and Autaritus the Gaul. They were afraid
+that conciliatory treatment of this sort would induce the Libyans,
+and the main body of the mercenaries, to embrace with eagerness the
+impunity thus displayed before their eyes. They consulted together,
+therefore, how they might by some new act of infamy inflame to
+the highest pitch of fury the feelings of their men against the
+Carthaginians. They finally determined upon the following plan. They
+summoned a meeting of the soldiers; and when it was assembled, they
+introduced a bearer of a despatch which they represented to have been
+sent by their fellow conspirators in Sardinia. The despatch warned them
+to keep a careful watch over Gesco and all his fellow prisoners (whom,
+as has been stated, they had treacherously seized in Tunes), as certain
+persons in the camp were secretly negotiating with the Carthaginians
+for their release. Taking this as his text, Spendius commenced by
+urging the men not to put any trust in the indulgence shown by the
+Carthaginian general to the prisoners of war, “For,” said he, “it is
+with no intention of saving their lives that he adopted this course
+in regard to the prisoners; his aim was, by releasing them, to get
+us into his power, that punishment might not be confined to some of
+us, but might fall on all at once.” He went on to urge them to be on
+their guard, lest by letting Gesco’s party go they should teach their
+enemies to despise them; and should also do great practical damage to
+their own interests, by suffering a man to escape who was an excellent
+general, and likely to be a most formidable enemy to themselves. Before
+he had finished this speech another courier arrived, pretending to have
+been sent by the garrison at Tunes, and bearing a despatch containing
+warnings similar to that from Sardinia.
+
+[Sidenote: Murder of Gesco.]
+
++80.+ It was now the turn of Autaritus the Gaul. “Your only hope,”
+he said, “of safety is to reject all hopes which rest on the
+Carthaginians. So long as any man clings to the idea of indulgence
+at their hands, he cannot possibly be a genuine ally of yours. Never
+trust, never listen, never attend to anyone, unless he recommend
+unrelenting hostility and implacable hatred towards the Carthaginians:
+all who speak on the other side regard as traitors and enemies.” After
+this preface, he gave it as his advice that they should put to death
+with torture both Gesco and those who had been seized with him, as
+well as the Carthaginian prisoners of war who had been captured since.
+Now this Autaritus was the most effective speaker of any, because he
+could make himself understood to a large number of those present at
+a meeting. For, owing to his length of service, he knew how to speak
+Phoenician; and Phoenician was the language in which the largest number
+of men, thanks to the length of the late war, could listen to with
+satisfaction. Accordingly his speech was received with acclamation, and
+he stood down amidst loud applause. But when many came forward from the
+several nationalities at the same time; and, moved by Gesco’s former
+kindnesses to themselves, would have deprecated at least the infliction
+of torture, not a word of what they said was understood: partly because
+many were speaking at the same time, and partly because each spoke in
+his own language. But when at length it was disclosed that what they
+meant was to dissuade the infliction of torture, upon one of those
+present shouting out “Throw!” they promptly stoned to death all who had
+come forward to speak; and their relations buried their bodies, which
+were crushed into shapeless masses as though by the feet of elephants.
+Still they at least were buried. But the followers of Spendius now
+seized Gesco and his fellow prisoners, numbering about seven hundred,
+led them outside the stockade, and having made them march a short
+distance from the camp, first cut off their hands, beginning with
+Gesco, the man whom a short while before they had selected out of all
+Carthage as their benefactor and had chosen as arbitrator in their
+controversy. When they had cut off their hands, they proceeded to lop
+off the extremities of the unhappy men, and having thus mutilated them
+and broken their legs, they threw them still alive into a trench.
+
++81.+ When news of this dreadful affair reached the Carthaginians, they
+were powerless indeed to do anything, but they were filled with horror;
+and in a transport of agony despatched messengers to Hamilcar and the
+second general Hanno, entreating them to rally to their aid and avenge
+the unhappy victims; and at the same time they sent heralds to the
+authors of this crime to negotiate for the recovery of the dead bodies.
+But the latter sternly refused; and warned the messengers to send
+neither herald nor ambassador to them again; for the same punishment
+which had just befallen Gesco awaited all who came. And for the future
+they passed a resolution, which they encouraged each other to observe,
+to put every Carthaginian whom they caught to death with torture; and
+that whenever they captured one of their auxiliaries they would cut
+off his hands and send him back to Carthage. And this resolution they
+exactly and persistently carried out. Such horrors justify the remark
+that it is not only the bodies of men, and the ulcers and imposthumes
+which are bred in them, that grow to a fatal and completely incurable
+state of inflammation, but their souls also most of all. For as in
+the case of ulcers, sometimes medical treatment on the one hand only
+serves to irritate them and make them spread more rapidly, while if,
+on the other hand, the medical treatment is stopped, having nothing
+to check their natural destructiveness, they gradually destroy the
+substance on which they feed; just so at times it happens that similar
+plague spots and gangrenes fasten upon men’s souls; and when this is
+so, no wild beast can be more wicked or more cruel than a man. To men
+in such a frame of mind if you show indulgence or kindness, they regard
+it as a cover for trickery and sinister designs, and only become more
+suspicious and more inflamed against the authors of it; while if you
+retaliate, their passions are aroused to a kind of dreadful rivalry,
+and then there is no crime too monstrous or too cruel for them to
+commit. The upshot with these men was, that their feelings became so
+brutalised that they lost the instincts of humanity: which we must
+ascribe in the first place, and to the greatest extent, to uncivilised
+habits and a wretchedly bad early training; but many other things
+contributed to this result, and among them we must reckon as most
+important the acts of violence and rapacity committed by their leaders,
+sins which at that time were prevalent among the whole mercenary body,
+but especially so with their leaders.
+
+[Sidenote: Quarrels of Hanno and Hamilcar.]
+
+[Sidenote: Revolt of Hippo Zarytus and Utica.]
+
++82.+ Alarmed by the recklessness displayed by the enemy, Hamilcar
+summoned Hanno to join him, being convinced that a consolidation of
+the two armies would give him the best chance of putting an end to
+the whole war. Such of the enemy as he took in the field he put to
+execution on the spot, while those who were made prisoners and brought
+to him he threw to the elephants to be trampled to death; for he now
+made up his mind that the only possibility of finishing the war was
+to entirely destroy the enemy. But just as the Carthaginians were
+beginning to entertain brighter hopes in regard to the war, a reverse
+as complete as it was unexpected brought their fortunes to the lowest
+ebb. For these two generals, when they had joined forces, quarrelled so
+bitterly with each other, that they not only omitted to take advantage
+of chances against the enemy, but by their mutual animosity gave the
+enemy many opportunities against themselves. Finding this to be the
+case, the Carthaginian government sent out instructions that one of the
+generals was to retire, the other to remain, and that the army itself
+was to decide which of them it should be. This was one cause of the
+reverse in the fortunes of Carthage at this time. Another, which was
+almost contemporaneous, was this. Their chief hope of furnishing the
+army with provisions and other necessaries rested upon the supplies
+that were being brought from a place to which they give the name of
+Emporiae: but as these supplies were on their way, they were overtaken
+by a storm at sea and entirely destroyed. This was all the more fatal
+because Sardinia was lost to them at the time, as we have seen,
+and that island had always been of the greatest service to them in
+difficulties of this sort. But the worst blow of all was the revolt of
+the cities of Hippo Zarytus and Utica, the only cities in all Libya
+that had been faithful to them, not only in the present war, but also
+at the time of the invasion of Agathocles, as well as that of the
+Romans. To both these latter they had offered a gallant resistance;
+and, in short, had never at any time adopted any policy hostile to
+Carthage. But now they were not satisfied with simply revolting to
+the Libyans, without any reason to allege for their conduct. With all
+the bitterness of turncoats, they suddenly paraded an ostentatious
+friendship and fidelity to them, and gave practical expression to
+implacable rage and hatred towards the Carthaginians. They killed every
+man of the force which had come from Carthage to their aid, as well as
+its commander, and threw the bodies from the wall. They surrendered
+their town to the Libyans, while they even refused the request of the
+Carthaginians to be allowed to bury the corpses of their unfortunate
+soldiers. Mathōs and Spendius were so elated by these events that
+they were emboldened to attempt Carthage itself. But Barcas had now
+got Hannibal as his coadjutor, who had been sent by the citizens
+to the army in the place of Hanno,—recalled in accordance with the
+sentence of the army, which the government had left to their discretion
+in reference to the disputes that arose between the two generals.
+Accompanied, therefore, by this Hannibal and by Narávas, Hamilcar
+scoured the country to intercept the supplies of Mathōs and Spendius,
+receiving his most efficient support in this, as in other things, from
+the Numidian Narávas.
+
+[Sidenote: Friendly disposition of Rome.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hiero of Syracuse.]
+
++83.+ Such being the position of their forces in the field, the
+Carthaginians, finding themselves hemmed in on every side, were
+compelled to have recourse to the help of the free states in alliance
+with them.[145] Now Hiero, of Syracuse, had during this war been all
+along exceedingly anxious to do everything which the Carthaginians
+asked him; and at this point of it was more forward to do so than
+ever, from a conviction that it was for his interest, with a view
+alike to his own sovereignty and to his friendship with Rome, that
+Carthage should not perish, and so leave the superior power to work
+its own will without resistance. And his reasoning was entirely sound
+and prudent. It is never right to permit such a state of things; nor
+to help any one to build up so preponderating a power as to make
+resistance to it impossible, however just the cause. Not that the
+Romans themselves had failed to observe the obligations of the treaty,
+or were showing any failure of friendly dispositions; though at first
+a question had arisen between the two powers, from the following
+circumstance. At the beginning of the war, certain persons sailing from
+Italy with provisions for the mutineers, the Carthaginians captured
+them and forced them to land in their own harbour; and presently had
+as many as five hundred such persons in their prisons. This caused
+considerable annoyance at Rome: but, after sending ambassadors to
+Carthage and recovering possession of the men by diplomatic means, the
+Romans were so much gratified that, by way of returning the favour,
+they restored the prisoners made in the Sicilian war whom they still
+retained; and from that time forth responded cheerfully and generously
+to all requests made to them. They allowed their merchants to export
+to Carthage whatever from time to time was wanted, and prohibited
+those who were exporting to the mutineers. When, subsequently, the
+mercenaries in Sardinia, having revolted from Carthage, invited their
+interference on the island, they did not respond to the invitation; nor
+when the people of Utica offered them their submission did they accept
+it, but kept strictly to the engagements contained in the treaty.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 238. Hamilcar, with assistance from Sicily, surrounds
+Mathōs and Spendius.]
+
++84.+ The assistance thus obtained from these allies encouraged the
+Carthaginians to maintain their resistance: while Mathōs and Spendius
+found themselves quite as much in the position of besieged as in that
+of besiegers; for Hamilcar’s force reduced them to such distress
+for provisions that they were at last compelled to raise the siege.
+However, after a short interval, they managed to muster the most
+effective of the mercenaries and Libyans, to the number in all of fifty
+thousand, among whom, besides others, was Zarzas the Libyan, with his
+division, and commenced once more to watch and follow on the flank of
+Hamilcar’s march. Their method was to keep away from the level country,
+for fear of the elephants and the cavalry of Narávas; but to seize in
+advance of him all points of vantage, whether it were rising ground or
+narrow pass. In these operations they showed themselves quite a match
+for their opponents in the fury of their assault and the gallantry of
+their attempts; but their ignorance of military tactics frequently
+placed them at a disadvantage. It was, in fact, a real and practical
+illustration of the difference between scientific and unscientific
+warfare: between the art of a general and the mechanical movements of
+a soldier. Like a good draught-player, by isolating and surrounding
+them, he destroyed large numbers in detail without coming to a general
+engagement at all; and in movements of more importance he cut off
+many without resistance by enticing them into ambushes; while he
+threw others into utter dismay by suddenly appearing where they least
+expected him, sometimes by day and sometimes by night: and all whom he
+took alive he threw to the elephants. Finally, he managed unexpectedly
+to beleaguer them on ground highly unfavourable to them and convenient
+for his own force; and reduced them to such a pitch of distress that,
+neither venturing to risk an engagement nor being able to run away,
+because they were entirely surrounded by a trench and stockade, they
+were at last compelled by starvation to feed on each other: a fitting
+retribution at the hands of Providence for their violation of all laws
+human and divine in their conduct to their enemies. To sally forth to
+an engagement they did not dare, for certain defeat stared them in the
+face, and they knew what vengeance awaited them if they were taken; and
+as to making terms, it never occurred to them to mention it, they were
+conscious that they had gone too far for that. They still hoped for the
+arrival of relief from Tunes, of which their officers assured them, and
+accordingly shrank from no suffering however terrible.
+
+[Sidenote: Spendius and Autaritus fall into the hands of Hamilcar.]
+
++85.+ But when they had used up for food the captives in this horrible
+manner, and then the bodies of their slaves, and still no one came to
+their relief from Tunes, their sufferings became too dreadful to bear;
+and the common soldiers broke out into open threats of violence against
+their officers. Thereupon Autaritus, Zarzas, and Spendius decided
+to put themselves into the hands of the enemy and to hold a parley
+with Hamilcar, and try to make terms. They accordingly sent a herald
+and obtained permission for the despatch of an embassy. It consisted
+of ten ambassadors, who, on their arrival at the Carthaginian camp,
+concluded an agreement with Hamilcar on these terms: “The Carthaginians
+may select any ten men they choose from the enemy, and allow the rest
+to depart with one tunic a-piece.” No sooner had these terms been
+agreed to, than Hamilcar said at once that he selected, according
+to the terms of the agreement, the ten ambassadors themselves. The
+Carthaginians thus got possession of Autaritus, Spendius, and the other
+most conspicuous officers. The Libyans saw that their officers were
+arrested, and not knowing the terms of the treaty, believed that some
+perfidy was being practised against them, and accordingly flew to seize
+their arms. Hamilcar thereupon surrounded them with his elephants and
+his entire force, and destroyed them to a man. This slaughter, by which
+more than forty thousand perished, took place near a place called the
+Saw, so named from its shape resembling that tool.
+
+[Sidenote: Siege of Mathōs in Tunes.]
+
+[Sidenote: Defeat and death of Hannibal.]
+
++86.+ This achievement of Hamilcar revived the hopes of the
+Carthaginians who had been in absolute despair: while he, in
+conjunction with Narávas and Hannibal, employed himself in traversing
+the country and visiting the cities. His victory secured the submission
+of the Libyans; and when they had come in, and the greater number of
+the towns had been reduced to obedience, he and his colleagues advanced
+to attack Tunes, and commenced besieging Mathōs. Hannibal pitched his
+camp on the side of the town nearest to Carthage, and Hamilcar on the
+opposite side. When this was done they brought the captives taken from
+the army of Spendius and crucified them in the sight of the enemy. But
+observing that Hannibal was conducting his command with negligence and
+over-confidence, Mathōs assaulted the ramparts, killed many of the
+Carthaginians, and drove the entire army from the camp. All the baggage
+fell into the hands of the enemy, and Hannibal himself was made a
+prisoner. They at once took him up to the cross on which Spendius was
+hanging, and after the infliction of exquisite tortures, took down the
+latter’s body and fastened Hannibal, still living, to his cross; and
+then slaughtered thirty Carthaginians of the highest rank round the
+corpse of Spendius. It seemed as though Fortune designed a competition
+in cruelty, giving either side alternately the opportunity of outdoing
+the other in mutual vengeance. Owing to the distance of the two camps
+from each other it was late before Barcas discovered the attack made
+from the town; nor, when he had discovered it, could he even then go to
+the rescue with the necessary speed, because the intervening country
+was rugged and difficult. He therefore broke up his camp, and leaving
+Tunes marched down the bank of the river Macaras, and pitched his camp
+close to its mouth and to the sea.
+
+[Sidenote: By a final effort the Carthaginians raise a reinforcement
+for Hamilcar.]
+
+[Sidenote: Mathōs beaten and captured.]
+
++87.+ This unexpected reverse reduced the Carthaginians once more to
+a melancholy state of despair. But though their recent elation of
+spirit was followed so closely by this depression, they did not fail
+to do what they could for their own preservation. They selected thirty
+members of the Senate; with them they associated Hanno, who had some
+time ago been recalled; and, arming all that were left of military
+age in the city, despatched them to Barcas, with the feeling that
+they were now making their supreme effort. They strictly charged the
+members of the Senate to use every effort to reconcile the two generals
+Hamilcar and Hanno, and to make them forget their old quarrel and act
+harmoniously, in view of the imminence of the danger. Accordingly,
+after the employment of many various arguments, they induced the
+generals to meet; and Hanno and Barcas were compelled to give in
+and yield to their representations. The result was that they ever
+afterwards co-operated with each other so cordially, that Mathōs found
+himself continually worsted in the numerous skirmishes which took place
+round the town called Leptis, as well as certain other towns; and at
+last became eager to bring the matter to the decision of a general
+engagement, a desire in which the Carthaginians also shared in an equal
+degree. Both sides therefore having determined upon this course: they
+summoned all their allies to join them in confronting the peril, and
+collected the garrisons stationed in the various towns, conscious that
+they were about to stake their all on the hazard. All being ready on
+either side for the conflict, they gave each other battle by mutual
+consent, both sides being drawn up in full military array. When victory
+declared itself on the side of the Carthaginians, the larger number of
+the Libyans perished on the field; and the rest, having escaped to a
+certain town, surrendered shortly afterwards; while Mathōs himself was
+taken prisoner by his enemies.
+
+[Sidenote: Reduction of Hippo and Utica, B.C. 238.]
+
++88.+ Most places in Libya submitted to Carthage after this battle.
+But the towns of Hippo and Utica still held out, feeling that they had
+no reasonable grounds for obtaining terms, because their original acts
+of hostility left them no place for mercy or pardon. So true is it
+that even in such outbreaks, however criminal in themselves, it is of
+inestimable advantage to be moderate, and to refrain from wanton acts
+which commit their perpetrator beyond all power of forgiveness. Nor did
+their attitude of defiance help these cities. Hanno invested one and
+Barcas the other, and quickly reduced them to accept whatever terms the
+Carthaginians might determine.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 241-238.]
+
+The war with the Libyans had indeed reduced Carthage to dreadful
+danger; but its termination enabled her not only to re-establish her
+authority over Libya, but also to inflict condign punishment upon the
+authors of the revolt. For the last act in the drama was performed by
+the young men conducting a triumphal procession through the town, and
+finally inflicting every kind of torture upon Mathōs. For three years
+and about four months did the mercenaries maintain a war against the
+Carthaginians which far surpassed any that I ever heard of for cruelty
+and inhumanity.
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans interfere in Sardinia.]
+
+And about the same time the Romans took in hand a naval expedition to
+Sardinia upon the request of the mercenaries who had deserted from
+that island and come to Italy; and when the Carthaginians expressed
+indignation at this, on the ground that the lordship over Sardinia
+more properly belonged to them, and were preparing to take measures
+against those who caused the revolt of the island, the Romans voted
+to declare war against them, on the pretence that they were making
+warlike preparations, not against Sardinia, but against themselves. The
+Carthaginians, however, having just had an almost miraculous escape
+from annihilation in the recent war, were in every respect disabled
+from renewing their quarrel with the Romans. They therefore yielded to
+the necessities of the hour, and not only abandoned Sardinia, but paid
+the Romans twelve hundred talents into the bargain, that they might not
+be obliged to undertake the war for the present.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK II
+
+
+[Sidenote: Recapitulation of the subjects treated in Book I.]
+
++1.+ In the previous book I have described how the Romans, having
+subdued all Italy, began to aim at foreign dominion; how they crossed
+to Sicily, and the reasons of the war which they entered into against
+the Carthaginians for the possession of that island. Next I stated at
+what period they began the formation of a navy; and what befell both
+the one side and the other up to the end of the war; the consequence
+of which was that the Carthaginians entirely evacuated Sicily, and the
+Romans took possession of the whole island, except such parts as were
+still under the rule of Hiero. Following these events I endeavoured to
+describe how the mutiny of the mercenaries against Carthage, in what
+is called the Libyan War, burst out; the lengths to which the shocking
+outrages in it went; its surprises and extraordinary incidents, until
+its conclusion, and the final triumph of Carthage. I must now relate
+the events which immediately succeeded these, touching summarily upon
+each in accordance with my original plan.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 238, Hamilcar and his son Hannibal sent to Spain.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 238-229.]
+
+As soon as they had brought the Libyan war to a conclusion the
+Carthaginian government collected an army and despatched it under the
+command of Hamilcar to Iberia. This general took over the command of
+the troops, and with his son Hannibal, then nine years old, crossing
+by the Pillars of Hercules, set about recovering the Carthaginian
+possessions in Iberia. He spent nine years in Iberia, and after
+reducing many Iberian tribes by war or diplomacy to obedience to
+Carthage he died in a manner worthy of his great achievements; for he
+lost his life in a battle against the most warlike and powerful tribes,
+in which he showed a conspicuous and even reckless personal gallantry.
+The Carthaginians appointed his son-in-law Hasdrubal to succeed him,
+who was at the time in command of the fleet.
+
+[Sidenote: Illyricum.]
+
++2.+ It was at this same period that the Romans for the first time
+crossed to Illyricum and that part of Europe with an army. The history
+of this expedition must not be treated as immaterial; but must be
+carefully studied by those who wish to understand clearly the story I
+have undertaken to tell, and to trace the progress and consolidation of
+the Roman Empire.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 233-232.]
+
+[Sidenote: Siege of Medion in Acarnania.]
+
+Agron, king of the Illyrians, was the son of Pleuratus, and possessed
+the most powerful force, both by land and sea, of any of the kings who
+had reigned in Illyria before him. By a bribe received from Demetrius
+he was induced to promise help to the Medionians, who were at that
+time being besieged by the Aetolians, who, being unable to persuade
+the Medionians to join their league, had determined to reduce the city
+by force. They accordingly levied their full army, pitched their camp
+under the walls of the city, and kept up a continuous blockade, using
+every means to force their way in, and every kind of siege-machine. But
+when the time of the annual election of their Strategus drew near, the
+besieged being now in great distress, and seeming likely every day to
+surrender, the existing Strategus made an appeal to the Aetolians. He
+argued that as he had had during his term of office all the suffering
+and the danger, it was but fair that when they got possession of the
+town he should have the apportioning of the spoil, and the privilege
+of inscribing his name on such arms as should be preserved for
+dedication. This was resisted by some, and especially by those who were
+candidates for the office, who urged upon the Assembly not to prejudge
+this matter, but to leave it open for fortune to determine who was
+to be invested with this honour; and, finally, the Aetolians decided
+that whoever was general when the city was taken should share the
+apportioning of the spoils, and the honour of inscribing the arms, with
+his predecessor.
+
+[Sidenote: The Illyrians relieve Medion.]
+
++3.+ The decision was come to on the day before the election of a
+new Strategus, and the transference of the command had, according
+to the Aetolian custom, to take place. But on that very night a
+hundred galleys with five thousand Illyrians on board, sailed up to
+land near Medion. Having dropped anchor at daybreak, they effected
+a disembarkation with secrecy and despatch; they then formed in the
+order customary in their country, and advanced in their several
+companies against the Aetolian lines. These last were overwhelmed
+with astonishment at the unexpected nature and boldness of the move;
+but they had long been inspired with overweening self-confidence, and
+having full reliance in their own forces were far from being dismayed.
+They drew up the greater part of their hoplites and cavalry in front of
+their lines on the level ground, and with a portion of their cavalry
+and their light infantry they hastened to occupy some rising ground in
+front of their camp, which nature had made easily defensible. A single
+charge, however, of the Illyrians, whose numbers and close order gave
+them irresistible weight, served to dislodge the light-armed troops,
+and forced the cavalry who were on the ground with them to retire
+to the hoplites. But the Illyrians, being on the higher ground, and
+charging down from it upon the Aetolian troops formed up on the plain,
+routed them without difficulty; the Medionians at the same time making
+a diversion in their favour by sallying out of the town and charging
+the Aetolians. Thus, after killing a great number, and taking a still
+greater number prisoners, and becoming masters also of their arms and
+baggage, the Illyrians, having carried out the orders of their king,
+conveyed their baggage and the rest of the booty to their boats, and
+immediately set sail for their own country.
+
++4.+ This was a most unexpected relief to the Medionians. They met in
+public assembly and deliberated on the whole business, and especially
+as to the inscribing the arms reserved for dedication. They decided,
+in mockery of the Aetolian decree, that the inscription should contain
+the name of the Aetolian commander on the day of battle, and of the
+candidates for succession to his office. And indeed Fortune seems,
+in what happened to them, to have designed a display of her power to
+the rest of mankind. The very thing which these men were in momentary
+expectation of undergoing at the hands of their enemies, she put it in
+their power to inflict upon those enemies, and all within a very brief
+interval. The unexpected disaster of the Aetolians, too, may teach all
+the world not to calculate on the future as though it were the actually
+existent, and not to reckon securely on what may still turn out quite
+otherwise, but to allow a certain margin to the unexpected. And as this
+is true everywhere and to every man, so is it especially true in war.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Agron, who is succeeded by his wife Teuta, B.C.
+231.]
+
+When his galleys returned, and he heard from his officers the events
+of the expedition, King Agron was so beside himself with joy at the
+idea of having conquered the Aetolians, whose confidence in their
+own prowess had been extreme, that, giving himself over to excessive
+drinking and other similar indulgences, he was attacked by a pleurisy
+of which in a few days he died. His wife Teuta succeeded him on the
+throne; and managed the various details of administration by means of
+friends whom she could trust. But her woman’s head had been turned by
+the success just related, and she fixed her gaze upon that, and had no
+eyes for anything going on outside the country. Her first measure was
+to grant letters of marque to privateers, authorising them to plunder
+all whom they fell in with; and she next collected a fleet and military
+force as large as the former one, and despatched them with general
+instructions to the leaders to regard every land as belonging to an
+enemy.
+
+[Sidenote: Teuta’s piratical fleet, B.C. 230.]
+
+[Sidenote: Takes Phoenice in Epirus.]
+
++5.+ Their first attack was to be upon the coast of Elis and Messenia,
+which had been from time immemorial the scene of the raids of the
+Illyrians. For owing to the length of their seaboard, and to the fact
+that their most powerful cities were inland, troops raised to resist
+them had a great way to go, and were long in coming to the spot where
+the Illyrian pirates landed; who accordingly overran those districts,
+and swept them clean without having anything to fear. However, when
+this fleet was off Phoenice in Epirus they landed to get supplies.
+There they fell in with some Gauls, who to the number of eight hundred
+were stationed at Phoenice, being in the pay of the Epirotes; and
+contracted with them to betray the town into their hands. Having made
+this bargain, they disembarked and took the town and everything in
+it at the first blow, the Gauls within the walls acting in collusion
+with them. When this news was known, the Epirotes raised a general
+levy and came in haste to the rescue. Arriving in the neighbourhood
+of Phoenice, they pitched their camp so as to have the river which
+flows past Phoenice between them and the enemy, tearing up the planks
+of the bridge over it for security. But news being brought them that
+Scerdilaidas with five thousand Illyrians was marching overland by
+way of the pass near Antigoneia, they detached some of their forces
+to guard that town; while the main body gave themselves over to an
+unrestrained indulgence in all the luxuries which the country could
+supply; and among other signs of demoralisation they neglected the
+necessary precaution of posting sentries and night pickets. The
+division of their forces, as well as the careless conduct of the
+remainder, did not escape the observation of the Illyrians; who,
+sallying out at night, and replacing the planks on the bridge, crossed
+the river safely, and having secured a strong position, remained there
+quietly for the rest of the night. At daybreak both armies drew up
+their forces in front of the town and engaged. In this battle the
+Epirotes were decidedly worsted: a large number of them fell, still
+more were taken prisoners, and the rest fled in the direction of the
+country of the Atintanes.
+
+[Sidenote: The Aetolian and Achaean leagues send a force to the relief
+of the Epirotes. A truce is made. The Illyrians depart.]
+
++6.+ Having met with this reverse, and having lost all the hopes which
+they had cherished, the Epirotes turned to the despatch of ambassadors
+to the Aetolians and Achaeans, earnestly begging for their assistance.
+Moved by pity for their misfortunes, these nations consented; and
+an army of relief sent out by them arrived at Helicranum. Meanwhile
+the Illyrians who had occupied Phoenice, having effected a junction
+with Scerdilaidas, advanced with him to this place, and, taking up a
+position opposite to this army of relief, wished at first to give it
+battle. But they were embarrassed by the unfavourable nature of the
+ground; and just then a despatch was received from Teuta, ordering
+their instant return, because certain Illyrians had revolted to the
+Dardani. Accordingly, after merely stopping to plunder Epirus, they
+made a truce with the inhabitants, by which they undertook to deliver
+up all freemen, and the city of Phoenice, for a fixed ransom. They
+then took the slaves they had captured and the rest of their booty to
+their galleys, and some of them sailed away; while those who were with
+Scerdilaidas retired by land through the pass at Antigoneia, after
+inspiring no small or ordinary terror in the minds of the Greeks who
+lived along the coast. For seeing the most securely placed and powerful
+city of Epirus thus unexpectedly reduced to slavery, they one and all
+began henceforth to feel anxious, not merely as in former times for
+their property in the open country, but for the safety of their own
+persons and cities.
+
+The Epirotes were thus unexpectedly preserved: but so far from trying
+to retaliate on those who had wronged them, or expressing gratitude
+to those who had come to their relief, they sent ambassadors in
+conjunction with the Acarnanians to Queen Teuta, and made a treaty with
+the Illyrians, in virtue of which they engaged henceforth to co-operate
+with them and against the Achaean and Aetolian leagues. All which
+proceedings showed conclusively the levity of their conduct towards men
+who had stood their friends, as well as an originally short-sighted
+policy in regard to their own interests.
+
++7.+ That men, in the infirmity of human nature, should fall into
+misfortunes which defy calculation, is the fault not of the sufferers
+but of Fortune, and of those who do the wrong; but that they should
+from mere levity, and with their eyes open, thrust themselves upon the
+most serious disasters is without dispute the fault of the victims
+themselves. Therefore it is that pity and sympathy and assistance await
+those whose failure is due to Fortune: reproach and rebuke from all men
+of sense those who have only their own folly to thank for it.
+
+[Sidenote: The career of a body of Gallic mercenaries,]
+
+[Sidenote: at Agrigentum,]
+
+[Sidenote: at Eryx.]
+
+[Sidenote: Disarmed by the Romans.]
+
+It is the latter that the Epirotes now richly deserved at the hands
+of the Greeks. For in the first place, who in his senses, knowing
+the common report as to the character of the Gauls, would not have
+hesitated to trust to them a city so rich, and offering so many
+opportunities for treason? And again, who would not have been on his
+guard against the bad character of this particular body of them?
+For they had originally been driven from their native country by an
+outburst of popular indignation at an act of treachery done by them
+to their own kinsfolk and relations. Then having been received by
+the Carthaginians, because of the exigencies of the war in which the
+latter were engaged, and being drafted into Agrigentum to garrison
+it (being at the time more than three thousand strong), they seized
+the opportunity of a dispute as to pay, arising between the soldiers
+and their generals, to plunder the city; and again being brought by
+the Carthaginians into Eryx to perform the same duty, they first
+endeavoured to betray the city and those who were shut up in it with
+them to the Romans who were besieging it; and when they failed in that
+treason, they deserted in a body to the enemy: whose trust they also
+betrayed by plundering the temple of Aphrodite in Eryx. Thoroughly
+convinced, therefore, of their abominable character, as soon as they
+had made peace with Carthage the Romans made it their first business to
+disarm them, put them on board ship, and forbid them ever to enter any
+part of Italy. These were the men whom the Epirotes made the protectors
+of their democracy and the guardians of their laws! To such men as
+these they entrusted their most wealthy city! How then can it be denied
+that they were the cause of their own misfortunes?
+
+My object, in commenting on the blind folly of the Epirotes, is to
+point out that it is never wise to introduce a foreign garrison,
+especially of barbarians, which is too strong to be controlled.
+
+[Sidenote: Illyrian pirates.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans interfere, B.C. 230.]
+
+[Sidenote: Queen Teuta’s reception of the Roman legates.]
+
+[Sidenote: A Roman legate assassinated.]
+
++8.+ To return to the Illyrians. From time immemorial they had
+oppressed and pillaged vessels sailing from Italy: and now while
+their fleet was engaged at Phoenice a considerable number of them,
+separating from the main body, committed acts of piracy on a number of
+Italian merchants: some they merely plundered, others they murdered,
+and a great many they carried off alive into captivity. Now, though
+complaints against the Illyrians had reached the Roman government in
+times past, they had always been neglected; but now when more and
+more persons approached the Senate on this subject, they appointed
+two ambassadors, Gaius and Lucius Coruncanius, to go to Illyricum and
+investigate the matter. But on the arrival of her galleys from Epirus,
+the enormous quantity and beauty of the spoils which they brought
+home (for Phoenice was by far the wealthiest city in Epirus at that
+time), so fired the imagination of Queen Teuta, that she was doubly
+eager to carry on the predatory warfare on the coasts of Greece. At
+the moment, however, she was stopped by the rebellion at home; but it
+had not taken her long to put down the revolt in Illyria, and she was
+engaged in besieging Issa, the last town which held out, when just
+at that very time the Roman ambassadors arrived. A time was fixed
+for their audience, and they proceeded to discuss the injuries which
+their citizens had sustained. Throughout the interview, however,
+Teuta listened with an insolent and disdainful air; and when they had
+finished their speech, she replied that she would endeavour to take
+care that no injury should be inflicted on Roman citizens by Illyrian
+officials; but that it was not the custom for the sovereigns of Illyria
+to hinder private persons from taking booty at sea. Angered by these
+words, the younger of the two ambassadors used a plainness of speech
+which, though thoroughly to the point, was rather ill-timed. “The
+Romans,” he said, “O Teuta, have a most excellent custom of using the
+State for the punishment of private wrongs and the redress of private
+grievances: and we will endeavour, God willing, before long to compel
+you to improve the relations between the sovereign and the subject
+in Illyria.” The queen received this plain speaking with womanish
+passion and unreasoning anger. So enraged was she at the speech that,
+in despite of the conventions universally observed among mankind, she
+despatched some men after the ambassadors, as they were sailing home,
+to kill the one who had used this plainness. Upon this being reported
+at Rome the people were highly incensed at the queen’s violation of the
+law of nations, and at once set about preparations for war, enrolling
+legions and collecting a fleet.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 229. Another piratical fleet sent out by Teuta.]
+
+[Sidenote: Their treacherous attack on Epidamnus, which is repulsed.]
+
+[Sidenote: Attack on Corcyra.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Corcyreans appeal to the Aetolian and Achaean leagues.]
+
++9.+ When the season for sailing was come Teuta sent out a larger fleet
+of galleys than ever against the Greek shores, some of which sailed
+straight to Corcyra; while a portion of them put into the harbour of
+Epidamnus on the pretext of taking in victual and water, but really to
+attack the town. The Epidamnians received them without suspicion and
+without taking any precautions. Entering the town therefore clothed
+merely in their tunics, as though they were only come to fetch water,
+but with swords concealed in the water vessels, they slew the guards
+stationed at the gates, and in a brief space were masters of the
+gate-tower. Being energetically supported by a reinforcement from the
+ships, which came quickly up in accordance with a pre-arrangement, they
+got possession of the greater part of the walls without difficulty. But
+though the citizens were taken off their guard they made a determined
+and desperate resistance, and the Illyrians after maintaining their
+ground for some time were eventually driven out of the town. So the
+Epidamnians on this occasion went near to lose their city by their
+carelessness; but by the courage which they displayed they saved
+themselves from actual damage while receiving a useful lesson for the
+future. The Illyrians who had engaged in this enterprise made haste to
+put to sea, and, rejoining the advanced squadron, put in at Corcyra:
+there, to the terror of the inhabitants, they disembarked and set
+about besieging the town. Dismayed and despairing of their safety, the
+Corcyreans, acting in conjunction with the people of Apollonia and
+Epidamnus, sent off envoys to the Achaean and Aetolian leagues, begging
+for instant help, and entreating them not to allow of their being
+deprived of their homes by the Illyrians. The petition was accepted,
+and the Achaean and Aetolian leagues combined to send aid. The ten
+decked ships of war belonging to the Achaeans were manned, and having
+been fitted out in a few days, set sail for Corcyra in hopes of raising
+the siege.
+
+[Sidenote: Defeat of the Achaean ships.]
+
+[Sidenote: Corcyra submits.]
+
++10.+ But the Illyrians obtained a reinforcement of seven decked ships
+from the Acarnanians, in virtue of their treaty with that people, and,
+putting to sea, engaged the Achaean fleet off the islands called Paxi.
+The Acarnanian and Achaean ships fought without victory declaring for
+either, and without receiving any further damage than having some
+of their crew wounded. But the Illyrians lashed their galleys four
+together, and, caring nothing for any damage that might happen to
+them, grappled with the enemy by throwing their galleys athwart their
+prows and encouraging them to charge; when the enemies’ prows struck
+them, and got entangled by the lashed-together galleys getting hitched
+on to their forward gear, the Illyrians leaped upon the decks of the
+Achaean ships and captured them by the superior number of their armed
+men. In this way they took four triremes, and sunk one quinquereme with
+all hands, on board of which Margos of Caryneia was sailing, who had
+all his life served the Achaean league with complete integrity. The
+vessels engaged with the Acarnanians, seeing the triumphant success of
+the Illyrians, and trusting to their own speed, hoisted their sails
+to the wind and effected their voyage home without further disaster.
+The Illyrians, on the other hand, filled with self-confidence by their
+success, continued their siege of the town in high spirits, and without
+putting themselves to any unnecessary trouble; while the Corcyreans,
+reduced to despair of safety by what had happened, after sustaining
+the siege for a short time longer, made terms with the Illyrians,
+consenting to receive a garrison, and with it Demetrius of Pharos.
+After this had been settled, the Illyrian admirals put to sea again;
+and, having arrived at Epidamnus, once more set about besieging that
+town.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 229. The Roman Consuls, with fleet and army, start to
+punish the Illyrians.]
+
+[Sidenote: Demetrius of Pharos.]
+
+[Sidenote: Corcyra becomes a “friend of Rome.”]
+
+[Sidenote: Aulus Postumius.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Roman settlement of Illyricum.]
+
++11.+ In this same season one of the Consuls, Gnaeus Fulvius, started
+from Rome with two hundred ships, and the other Consul, Aulus
+Postumius, with the land forces. The plan of Gnaeus was to sail direct
+to Corcyra, because he supposed that he should find the result of the
+siege still undecided. But when he found that he was too late for
+that, he determined nevertheless to sail to the island because he
+wished to know the exact facts as to what had happened there, and to
+test the sincerity of the overtures that had been made by Demetrius.
+For Demetrius, being in disgrace with Teuta, and afraid of what she
+might do to him, had been sending messages to Rome, offering to put
+the city and everything else of which he was in charge into their
+hands. Delighted at the appearance of the Romans, the Corcyreans not
+only surrendered the garrison to them, with the consent of Demetrius,
+but committed themselves also unconditionally to the Roman protection;
+believing that this was their only security in the future against the
+piratical incursions of the Illyrians. So the Romans, having admitted
+the Corcyreans into the number of the friends of Rome, sailed for
+Apollonia, with Demetrius to act as their guide for the rest of the
+campaign. At the same time the other Consul, Aulus Postumius, conveyed
+his army across from Brundisium, consisting of twenty thousand infantry
+and about two thousand horse. This army, as well as the fleet under
+Gnaeus Fulvius, being directed upon Apollonia, which at once put itself
+under Roman protection, both forces were again put in motion on news
+being brought that Epidamnus was being besieged by the enemy. No sooner
+did the Illyrians learn the approach of the Romans than they hurriedly
+broke up the siege and fled. The Romans, taking the Epidamnians under
+their protection, advanced into the interior of Illyricum, subduing the
+Ardiaei as they went. They were met on their march by envoys from many
+tribes: those of the Partheni offered an unconditional surrender, as
+also did those of the Atintanes. Both were accepted: and the Roman army
+proceeded towards Issa, which was being besieged by Illyrian troops. On
+their arrival, they forced the enemy to raise the siege, and received
+the Issaeans also under their protection. Besides, as the fleet coasted
+along, they took certain Illyrian cities by storm; among which was
+Nutria, where they lost not only a large number of soldiers, but some
+of the Military Tribunes also and the Quaestor. But they captured
+twenty of the galleys which were conveying the plunder from the country.
+
+Of the Illyrian troops engaged in blockading Issa, those that belonged
+to Pharos were left unharmed, as a favour to Demetrius; while all
+the rest scattered and fled to Arbo. Teuta herself, with a very few
+attendants, escaped to Rhizon, a small town very strongly fortified,
+and situated on the river of the same name. Having accomplished all
+this, and having placed the greater part of Illyria under Demetrius,
+and invested him with a wide dominion, the Consuls retired to Epidamnus
+with their fleet and army.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 228. Teuta submits.]
+
++12.+ Then Gnaeus Fulvius sailed back to Rome with the larger part of
+the naval and military forces, while Postumius, staying behind and
+collecting forty vessels and a legion from the cities in that district,
+wintered there to guard the Ardiaei and other tribes that had committed
+themselves to the protection of Rome. Just before spring in the next
+year, Teuta sent envoys to Rome and concluded a treaty; in virtue
+of which she consented to pay a fixed tribute, and to abandon all
+Illyricum, with the exception of some few districts: and what affected
+Greece more than anything, she agreed not to sail beyond Lissus with
+more than two galleys, and those unarmed. When this arrangement had
+been concluded, Postumius sent legates to the Aetolian and Achaean
+leagues, who on their arrival first explained the reasons for the war
+and the Roman invasion; and then stated what had been accomplished in
+it, and read the treaty which had been made with the Illyrians. The
+envoys then returned to Corcyra after receiving the thanks of both
+leagues: for they had freed Greece by this treaty from a very serious
+cause for alarm, the fact being that the Illyrians were not the enemies
+of this or that people, but the common enemies of all alike.
+
+Such were the circumstances of the first armed interference of the
+Romans in Illyricum and that part of Europe, and their first diplomatic
+relations with Greece; and such too were the motives which suggested
+them. But having thus begun, the Romans immediately afterwards sent
+envoys to Corinth and Athens. And it was then that the Corinthians
+first admitted Romans to take part in the Isthmian games.
+
+[Sidenote: Hasdrubal in Spain. The founding of New Carthage, B.C. 228.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dread of the Gauls.]
+
+[Sidenote: Treaty with Hasdrubal.]
+
++13.+ We must now return to Hasdrubal in Iberia. He had during this
+period been conducting his command with ability and success, and
+had not only given in general a great impulse to the Carthaginian
+interests there, but in particular had greatly strengthened them by the
+fortification of the town, variously called Carthage, and New Town,
+the situation of which was exceedingly convenient for operations in
+Libya as well as in Iberia. I shall take a more suitable opportunity
+of speaking of the site of this town, and pointing out the advantages
+offered by it to both countries: I must at present speak of the
+impression made by Hasdrubal’s policy at Rome. Seeing him strengthening
+the Carthaginian influence in Spain, and rendering it continually more
+formidable, the Romans were anxious to interfere in the politics of
+that country. They discovered, as they thought, that they had allowed
+their suspicions to be lulled to sleep, and had meanwhile given the
+Carthaginians the opportunity of consolidating their power. They did
+not venture, however, at the moment to impose conditions or make war
+on them, because they were in almost daily dread of an attack from
+the Celts. They determined therefore to mollify Hasdrubal by gentle
+measures, and so to leave themselves free to attack the Celts first
+and try conclusions with them: for they were convinced that, with such
+enemies on their flank, they would not only be unable to keep their
+hold over the rest of Italy, but even to reckon on safety in their own
+city. Accordingly, while sending envoys to Hasdrubal, and making a
+treaty with him by which the Carthaginians, without saying anything of
+the rest of Iberia, engaged not to cross the Iber in arms, they pushed
+on the war with the Celts in Italy.
+
++14.+ This war itself I shall treat only summarily, to avoid breaking
+the thread of my history; but I must go back somewhat in point of time,
+and refer to the period at which these tribes originally occupied their
+districts in Italy. For the story I think is worth knowing for its own
+sake, and must absolutely be kept in mind, if we wish to understand
+what tribes and districts they were on which Hannibal relied to assist
+him in his bold design of destroying the Roman dominion. I will first
+describe the country in which they live, its nature, and its relation
+to the rest of Italy; for if we clearly understand its peculiarities,
+geographical and natural, we shall be better able to grasp the salient
+points in the history of the war.
+
+[Sidenote: The Geography of Italy.]
+
+[Sidenote: Col di Tenda.]
+
+Italy, taken as a whole, is a triangle, of which the eastern side is
+bounded by the Ionian Sea and the Adriatic Gulf, its southern and
+western sides by the Sicilian and Tyrrhenian seas; these two sides
+converge to form the apex of the triangle, which is represented by the
+southern promontory of Italy called Cocinthus, and which separates the
+Ionian from the Sicilian Sea.[146] The third side, or base of this
+triangle, is on the north, and is formed by the chain of the Alps
+stretching right across the country, beginning at Marseilles and the
+coast of the Sardinian Sea, and with no break in its continuity until
+within a short distance of the head of the Adriatic. To the south of
+this range, which I said we must regard as the base of the triangle,
+are the most northerly plains of Italy, the largest and most fertile
+of any with which I am acquainted in all Europe. This is the district
+with which we are at present concerned. Taken as a whole, it too forms
+a triangle, the apex of which is the point where the Apennines and Alps
+converge, above Marseilles, and not far from the coast of the Sardinian
+Sea. The northern side of this triangle is formed by the Alps,
+extending for 2200 stades; the southern by the Apennines, extending
+3600; and the base is the seaboard of the Adriatic, from the town of
+Sena to the head of the gulf, a distance of more than 2500 stades. The
+total length of the three sides will thus be nearly 10,000 stades.
+
+[Sidenote: Gallia Cis-Alpina.]
+
++15.+ The yield of corn in this district is so abundant that wheat
+is often sold at four obols a Sicilian medimnus, barley at two, or a
+metretes of wine for an equal measure of barley. The quantity of panic
+and millet produced is extraordinary; and the amount of acorns grown
+in the oak forests scattered about the country may be gathered from
+the fact that, though nowhere are more pigs slaughtered than in Italy,
+for sacrifices as well as for family use, and for feeding the army,
+by far the most important supply is from these plains. The cheapness
+and abundance of all articles of food may also be clearly shown from
+the fact that travellers in these parts, when stopping at inns, do not
+bargain for particular articles, but simply ask what the charge is per
+head for board. And for the most part the innkeepers are content to
+supply their guests with every necessary at a charge rarely exceeding
+half an as (that is, the fourth part of an obol)[147] a day each. Of
+the numbers, stature, and personal beauty of the inhabitants, and still
+more of their bravery in war, we shall be able to satisfy ourselves
+from the facts of their history.
+
+[Sidenote: The Alps.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Apennines.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Po.]
+
+[Sidenote: 15th July.]
+
++16.+ Such parts of both slopes of the Alps as are not too rocky or
+too precipitous are inhabited by different tribes; those on the north
+towards the Rhone by the Gauls, called Transalpine; those towards
+the Italian plains by the Taurisci and Agones and a number of other
+barbarous tribes. The name Transalpine is not tribal, but local, from
+the Latin proposition _trans_, “across.” The summits of the Alps,
+from their rugged character, and the great depth of eternal snow, are
+entirely uninhabited. Both slopes of the Apennines, towards the Tuscan
+Sea and towards the plains, are inhabited by the Ligurians, from above
+Marseilles and the junction with the Alps to Pisae on the coast, the
+first city on the west of Etruria, and inland to Arretium. Next to them
+come the Etruscans; and next on both slopes the Umbrians. The distance
+between the Apennines and the Adriatic averages about five hundred
+stades; and when it leaves the northern plains the chain verges to the
+right, and goes entirely through the middle of the rest of Italy, as
+far as the Sicilian Sea. The remaining portion of this triangle, namely
+the plain along the sea coast, extends as far as the town of Sena. The
+Padus, celebrated by the poets under the name of Eridanus, rises in
+the Alps near the apex of the triangle, and flows down to the plains
+with a southerly course; but after reaching the plains, it turns to the
+east, and flowing through them discharges itself by two mouths into
+the Adriatic. The larger part of the plain is thus cut off by it, and
+lies between this river and the Alps to the head of the Adriatic. In
+body of water it is second to no river in Italy, because the mountain
+streams, descending from the Alps and Apennines to the plain, one and
+all flow into it on both sides; and its stream is at its height and
+beauty about the time of the rising of the Dog Star, because it is then
+swollen by the melting snows on those mountains. It is navigable for
+nearly two thousand stades up stream, the ships entering by the mouth
+called Olana; for though it is a single main stream to begin with, it
+branches off into two at the place called Trigoboli, of which streams
+the northern is called the Padoa, the southern the Olana. At the mouth
+of the latter there is a harbour affording as safe anchorage as any
+in the Adriatic. The whole river is called by the country folk the
+Bodencus. As to the other stories current in Greece about this river,—I
+mean Phaethon and his fall, and the tears of the poplars and the black
+clothes of the inhabitants along this stream, which they are said to
+wear at this day as mourning for Phaethon,—all such tragic incidents
+I omit for the present, as not being suitable to the kind of work I
+have in hand; but I shall return to them at some other more fitting
+opportunity, particularly because Timaeus has shown a strange ignorance
+of this district.
+
+[Sidenote: Their character.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gauls expel Etruscans from the valley of the Po.]
+
++17.+ To continue my description. These plains were anciently inhabited
+by Etruscans,[148] at the same period as what are called the Phlegraean
+plains round Capua and Nola; which latter, however, have enjoyed the
+highest reputation, because they lay in a great many people’s way and
+so got known. In speaking then of the history of the Etruscan Empire,
+we should not refer to the district occupied by them at the present
+time, but to these northern plains, and to what they did when they
+inhabited them. Their chief intercourse was with the Celts, because
+they occupied the adjoining districts; who, envying the beauty of their
+lands, seized some slight pretext to gather a great host and expel
+the Etruscans from the valley of the Padus, which they at once took
+possession of themselves. First, the country near the source of the
+Padus was occupied by the Laevi and Lebecii; after them the Insubres
+settled in the country, the largest tribe of all; and next them,
+along the bank of the river, the Cenomani. But the district along the
+shore of the Adriatic was held by another very ancient tribe called
+Venĕti, in customs and dress nearly allied to Celts, but using quite a
+different language, about whom the tragic poets have written a great
+many wonderful tales. South of the Padus, in the Apennine district,
+first beginning from the west, the Ananes, and next them the Boii
+settled. Next them, on the coast of the Adriatic, the Lingones; and
+south of these, still on the sea-coast, the Senones. These are the most
+important tribes that took possession of this part of the country.
+They lived in open villages, and without any permanent buildings. As
+they made their beds of straw or leaves, and fed on meat, and followed
+no pursuits but those of war and agriculture, they lived simple lives
+without being acquainted with any science or art whatever. Each man’s
+property, moreover, consisted in cattle and gold; as they were the only
+things that could be easily carried with them, when they wandered from
+place to place, and changed their dwelling as their fancy directed.
+They made a great point, however, of friendship: for the man who
+had the largest number of clients or companions in his wanderings,
+was looked upon as the most formidable and powerful member of the
+tribe.[149]
+
+[Sidenote: Battle of the Allia, 18th July, B.C. 390.]
+
+[Sidenote: Latin war, B.C. 349-340.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 360.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 348.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 334.]
+
++18.+ In the early times of their settlement they did not merely
+subdue the territory which they occupied, but rendered also many of
+the neighbouring peoples subject to them, whom they overawed by their
+audacity. Some time afterwards they conquered the Romans in battle, and
+pursuing the flying legions, in three days after the battle occupied
+Rome itself with the exception of the Capitol. But a circumstance
+intervened which recalled them home, an invasion, that is to say, of
+their territory by the Venĕti. Accordingly they made terms with the
+Romans, handed back the city, and returned to their own land; and
+subsequently were occupied with domestic wars. Some of the tribes,
+also, who dwelt on the Alps, comparing their own barren districts with
+the rich territory occupied by the others, were continually making
+raids upon them, and collecting their forces to attack them. This gave
+the Romans time to recover their strength, and to come to terms with
+the people of Latium. When, thirty years after the capture of the city,
+the Celts came again as far as Alba, the Romans were taken by surprise;
+and having had no intelligence of the intended invasion, nor time to
+collect the forces of the Socii, did not venture to give them battle.
+But when another invasion in great force took place twelve years later,
+they did get previous intelligence of it; and, having mustered their
+allies, sallied forth to meet them with great spirit, being eager to
+engage them and fight a decisive battle. But the Gauls were dismayed
+at their approach; and, being besides weakened by internal feuds,
+retreated homewards as soon as night fell, with all the appearance of
+a regular flight. After this alarm they kept quiet for thirteen years;
+at the end of which period, seeing that the power of the Romans was
+growing formidable, they made a peace and a definite treaty with them.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 299.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 297.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 283.]
+
+[Sidenote: Sena Gallica.]
+
++19.+ They abided by this treaty for thirty years: but at that time,
+alarmed by a threatening movement on the part of the Transalpine
+tribes, and fearing that a dangerous war was imminent, they diverted
+the attack of the invading horde from themselves by presents and
+appeals to their ties of kindred, but incited them to attack the
+Romans, joining in the expedition themselves. They directed their march
+through Etruria, and were joined by the Etruscans; and the combined
+armies, after taking a great quantity of booty, got safely back from
+the Roman territory. But when they got home, they quarrelled about the
+division of the spoil, and in the end destroyed most of it, as well as
+the flower of their own force. This is the way of the Gauls when they
+have appropriated their neighbours’ property; and it mostly arises from
+brutal drunkenness, and intemperate feeding. In the fourth year after
+this, the Samnites and Gauls made a league, gave the Romans battle in
+the neighbourhood of Camerium, and slew a large number. Incensed at
+this defeat, the Romans marched out a few days afterwards, and with
+two Consular armies engaged the enemy in the territory of Sentinum;
+and, having killed the greater number of them, forced the survivors
+to retreat in hot haste each to his own land. Again, after another
+interval of ten years, the Gauls besieged Arretium with a great army,
+and the Romans went to the assistance of the town, and were beaten in
+an engagement under its walls. The Praetor Lucius[150] having fallen in
+this battle, Manius Curius was appointed in his place. The ambassadors,
+sent by him to the Gauls to treat for the prisoners, were treacherously
+murdered by them. At this the Romans, in high wrath, sent an expedition
+against them, which was met by the tribe called the Senones. In a
+pitched battle the army of the Senones were cut to pieces, and the rest
+of the tribe expelled from the country; into which the Romans sent
+the first colony which they ever planted in Gaul—namely, the town of
+Sena, so called from the tribe of Gauls which formerly occupied it.
+This is the town which I mentioned before as lying on the coast at the
+extremity of the plains of the Padus.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 282.]
+
++20.+ Seeing the expulsion of the Senones, and fearing the same fate
+for themselves, the Boii made a general levy, summoned the Etruscans
+to join them, and set out to war. They mustered their forces near
+the lacus Vadimonis, and there gave the Romans battle; in which the
+Etruscans indeed suffered a loss of more than half their men, while
+scarcely any of the Boii escaped. But yet in the very next year the
+same two nations joined forces once more; and arming even those of them
+who had only just reached manhood, gave the Romans battle again; and it
+was not until they had been utterly defeated in this engagement that
+they humbled themselves so far as to send ambassadors to Rome and make
+a treaty.[151]
+
+These events took place in the third year before Pyrrhus crossed into
+Italy, and in the fifth before the destruction of the Gauls at Delphi.
+For at this period fortune seems to have plagued the Gauls with a kind
+of epidemic of war. But the Romans gained two most important advantages
+from these events. First, their constant defeats at the hands of the
+Gauls had inured them to the worst that could befall them; and so, when
+they had to fight with Pyrrhus, they came to the contest like trained
+and experienced gladiators. And in the second place, they had crushed
+the insolence of the Gauls just in time to allow them to give an
+undivided attention, first to the war with Pyrrhus for the possession
+of Italy, and then to the war with Carthage for the supremacy in Sicily.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 236.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 232.]
+
++21.+ After these defeats the Gauls maintained an unbroken peace with
+Rome for forty-five years. But when the generation which had witnessed
+the actual struggle had passed away, and a younger generation of men
+had taken their places, filled with unreflecting hardihood, and who
+had neither experienced nor seen any suffering or reverse, they began,
+as was natural, to disturb the settlement; and on the one hand to let
+trifling causes exasperate them against Rome, and on the other to
+invite the Alpine Gauls to join the fray. At first these intrigues were
+carried on by their chiefs without the knowledge of the tribesmen;
+and accordingly, when an armed host of Transalpine Gauls arrived at
+Ariminum, the Boii were suspicious; and forming a conspiracy against
+their own leaders, as well as against the new-comers, they put their
+own two kings Atis and Galatus to death, and cut each other to pieces
+in a pitched battle. Just then the Romans, alarmed at the threatened
+invasion, had despatched an army; but learning that the Gauls had
+committed this act of self-destruction, it returned home again. In
+the fifth year after this alarm, in the Consulship of Marcus Aemilius
+Lepidus, the Romans divided among their citizens the territory of
+Picenum, from which they had ejected the Senones when they conquered
+them: a democratic measure introduced by Gaius Flaminius, and a
+policy which we must pronounce to have been the first step in the
+demoralisation of the people, as well as the cause of the next Gallic
+war. For many of the Gauls, and especially the Boii whose lands were
+coterminous with the Roman territory, entered upon that war from
+the conviction that the object of Rome in her wars with them was no
+longer supremacy and empire over them, but their total expulsion and
+destruction.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 231.]
+
++22.+ Accordingly the two most extensive tribes, the Insubres and
+Boii, joined in the despatch of messengers to the tribes living about
+the Alps and on the Rhone, who from a word which means “serving for
+hire,” are called Gaesatae. To their kings Concolitanus and Aneroetes
+they offered a large sum of gold on the spot; and, for the future,
+pointed out to them the greatness of the wealth of Rome, and all the
+riches of which they would become possessed, if they took it. In
+these attempts to inflame their cupidity and induce them to join the
+expedition against Rome they easily succeeded. For they added to the
+above arguments pledges of their own alliance; and reminded them of the
+campaign of their own ancestors in which they had seized Rome itself,
+and had been masters of all it contained, as well as the city itself,
+for seven months; and had at last evacuated it of their own free will,
+and restored it by an act of free grace, returning unconquered and
+scatheless with the booty to their own land. These arguments made the
+leaders so eager for the expedition, that there never at any other time
+came from that part of Gaul a larger host, or one consisting of more
+notable warriors. Meanwhile, the Romans, informed of what was coming,
+partly by report and partly by conjecture, were in such a state of
+constant alarm and excitement, that they hurriedly enrolled legions,
+collected supplies, and sent out their forces to the frontier, as
+though the enemy were already in their territory, before the Gauls had
+stirred from their own lands.
+
+It was this movement of the Gauls that, more than anything else, helped
+the Carthaginians to consolidate their power in Iberia. For the Romans,
+as I have said, looked upon the Celtic question as the more pressing
+one of the two, as being so near home; and were forced to wink at what
+was going on in Iberia, in their anxiety to settle it satisfactorily
+first. Having, therefore, put their relations with the Carthaginians on
+a safe footing by the treaty with Hasdrubal, which I spoke of a short
+time back,[152] they gave an undivided attention to the Celtic war,
+convinced that their interest demanded that a decisive battle should be
+fought with them.
+
+[Sidenote: B. C. 225. Coss. L. Aemilius Papus. C. Atilius Regulus.]
+
++23.+ The Gaesatae, then, having collected their forces, crossed the
+Alps and descended into the valley of the Padus with a formidable army,
+
+furnished with a variety of armour, in the eighth year after the
+distribution of the lands of Picenum. The Insubres and Boii remained
+loyal to the agreement they had made with them: but the Venĕti and
+Cenomani being induced by embassies from Rome to take the Roman
+side, the Celtic kings were obliged to leave a portion of their
+forces behind, to guard against an invasion of their territory by
+those tribes. They themselves, with their main army, consisting of
+one hundred and fifty thousand foot, and twenty thousand horse and
+chariots, struck camp and started on their march, which was to be
+through Etruria, in high spirits. As soon as it was known at Rome that
+the Celts had crossed the Alps, one of the Consuls, Lucius Aemilius
+Papus, was sent with an army to Ariminum to guard against the passage
+of the enemy, and one of the Praetors into Etruria: for the other
+Consul, Gaius Atilius Regulus, happened to be in Sardinia with his
+legions. There was universal terror in Rome, for the danger threatening
+them was believed to be great and formidable. And naturally so: for
+the old fear of the Gauls had never been eradicated from their minds.
+No one thought of anything else: they were incessantly occupied in
+mustering the legions, or enrolling new ones, and in ordering up such
+of the allies as were ready for service. The proper magistrates were
+ordered to give in lists of all citizens of military age; that it might
+at once be known to what the total of the available forces amounted.
+And such stores of corn, and darts, and other military equipments were
+collected as no one could remember on any former occasion. From every
+side assistance was eagerly rendered; for the inhabitants of Italy, in
+their terror at the Gallic invasion, no longer thought of the matter
+as a question of alliance with Rome, or of the war as undertaken to
+support Roman supremacy, but each people regarded it as a danger
+menacing themselves and their own city and territory. The response to
+the Roman appeal therefore was prompt.
+
+[Sidenote: The Roman resources.]
+
++24.+ But in order that we may learn from actual facts how great the
+power was which Hannibal subsequently ventured to attack, and what a
+mighty empire he faced when he succeeded in inflicting upon the Roman
+people the most severe disasters, I must now state the amount of the
+forces they could at that time bring into the field. The two Consuls
+had marched out with four legions, each consisting of five thousand
+two hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry. Besides this there
+were with each Consul allies to the number of thirty thousand infantry
+and two thousand cavalry. Of Sabines and Etruscans too, there had
+come to Rome, for that special occasion, four thousand horse and more
+than fifty thousand foot. These were formed into an army and sent
+in advance into Etruria, under the command of one of the Praetors.
+Moreover, the Umbrians and Sarsinatae, hill tribes of the Apennine
+district, were collected to the number of twenty thousand; and with
+them were twenty thousand Venĕti and Cenomani. These were stationed
+on the frontier of the Gallic territory, that they might divert the
+attention of the invaders, by making an incursion into the territory of
+the Boii. These were the forces guarding the frontier. In Rome itself,
+ready as a reserve in case of the accidents of war, there remained
+twenty thousand foot and three thousand horse of citizens, and thirty
+thousand foot and two thousand horse of the allies. Lists of men for
+service had also been returned, of Latins eighty thousand foot and five
+thousand horse; of Samnites seventy thousand foot and seven thousand
+horse; of Iapygians and Messapians together fifty thousand foot and
+sixteen thousand horse; and of Lucanians thirty thousand foot and three
+thousand horse; of Marsi, and Marrucini, and Ferentani, and Vestini,
+twenty thousand foot and four thousand horse. And besides these, there
+were in reserve in Sicily and Tarentum two legions, each of which
+consisted of about four thousand two hundred foot, and two hundred
+horse. Of the Romans and Campanians the total of those put on the roll
+was two hundred and fifty thousand foot and twenty-three thousand
+horse; so that the grand total of the forces actually defending Rome
+was over 150,000 foot, 6000 cavalry:[153] and of the men able to bear
+arms, Romans and allies, over 700,000 foot and 70,000 horse; while
+Hannibal, when he invaded Italy, had less than twenty thousand to put
+against this immense force.
+
+[Sidenote: The Gauls enter Etruria.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Praetor’s army defeated at Clusium.]
+
++25.+ There will be another opportunity of treating the subject
+in greater detail; for the present I must return to the Celts.
+Having entered Etruria, they began their march through the country,
+devastating it as they chose, and without any opposition; and finally
+directed their course against Rome itself. But when they were encamped
+under the walls of Clusium, which is three days’ march from Rome, news
+was brought them that the Roman forces, which were on duty in Etruria,
+were following on their rear and were close upon them; upon which they
+turned back to meet them, eager to offer them battle. The two armies
+came in sight of each other about sunset, and encamped for the night a
+short distance apart. But when night fell, the Celts lit their watch
+fires; and leaving their cavalry on the ground, with instructions
+that, as soon as daylight made them visible to the enemy, they should
+follow by the same route, they made a secret retreat along the road to
+Faesulae, and took up their position there; that they might be joined
+by their own cavalry, and might disconcert the attack of the enemy.
+Accordingly, when at daybreak the Romans saw that the cavalry were
+alone, they believed that the Celts had fled, and hastened in pursuit
+of the retreating horse; but when they approached the spot where the
+enemy were stationed, the Celts suddenly left their position and fell
+upon them. The struggle was at first maintained with fury on both
+sides: but the courage and superior numbers of the Celts eventually
+gave them the victory. No less than six thousand Romans fell: while
+the rest fled, most of whom made their way to a certain strongly
+fortified height, and there remained. The first impulse of the Celts
+was to besiege them: but they were worn out by their previous night
+march, and all the suffering and fatigue of the day; leaving therefore
+a detachment of cavalry to keep guard round the hill, they hastened to
+procure rest and refreshment, resolving to besiege the fugitives next
+day unless they voluntarily surrendered.
+
+[Sidenote: On the arrival of Aemilius the Gauls retire.]
+
++26.+ But meanwhile Lucius Aemilius, who had been stationed on the
+coast of the Adriatic at Ariminum, having been informed that the Gauls
+had entered Etruria and were approaching Rome, set off to the rescue;
+and after a rapid march appeared on the ground just at the critical
+moment. He pitched his camp close to the enemy; and the fugitives on
+the hill, seeing his watch fires, and understanding what had happened,
+quickly recovered their courage and sent some of their men unarmed
+to make their way through the forest and tell the Consul what had
+happened. This news left the Consul as he thought no alternative but
+to fight. He therefore ordered the Tribunes to lead out the infantry
+at daybreak, while he, taking command of the cavalry, led the way
+towards the hill. The Gallic chieftains too had seen his watch fires,
+and understood that the enemy was come; and at once held council of
+war. The advice of King Aneroestes was, “that seeing the amount of
+booty they had taken,—an incalculable quantity indeed of captives,
+cattle, and other spoil,—they had better not run the risk of another
+general engagement, but return home in safety; and having disposed of
+this booty, and freed themselves from its incumbrance, return, if they
+thought good, to make another determined attack upon Rome.” Having
+resolved to follow the advice of Aneroestes in the present juncture,
+the chiefs broke up their night council, and before daybreak struck
+camp, and marched through Etruria by the road which follows the coast
+of the Ligurian bay. While Lucius, having taken off the remnant of the
+army from the hill, and combined it with his own forces, determined
+that it would not be by any means advantageous to offer the enemy
+regular battle; but that it was better to dog their footsteps, watching
+for favourable times and places at which to inflict damage upon them,
+or wrest some of their booty from their hands.
+
+[Sidenote: Atilius landing at Pisa intercepts the march of the Gauls.]
+
++27.+ Just at that time the Consul Gaius Atilius had crossed from
+Sardinia, and having landed at Pisae was on his way to Rome; and
+therefore he and the enemy were advancing to meet each other. When the
+Celts were at Telamon in Etruria, their advanced guard fell in with
+that of Gaius, and the men being made prisoners informed the Consul in
+answer to questions of what had taken place; and told him that both
+the armies were in the neighbourhood: that of the Celts, namely, and
+that of Lucius close upon their rear. Though somewhat disturbed at
+the events which he thus learnt, Gaius regarded the situation as a
+hopeful one, when he considered that the Celts were on the road between
+two hostile armies. He therefore ordered the Tribunes to martial the
+legions and to advance at the ordinary pace, and in line as far as the
+breadth of the ground permitted; while he himself having surveyed a
+piece of rising ground which commanded the road, and under which the
+Celts must march, took his cavalry with him and hurried on to seize the
+eminence, and so begin the battle in person; convinced that by these
+means he would get the principal credit of the action for himself.
+At first the Celts not knowing anything about the presence of Gaius
+Atilius, but supposing from what was taking place, that the cavalry of
+Aemilius had outmarched them in the night, and were seizing the points
+of vantage in the van of their route, immediately detached some cavalry
+and light armed infantry to dispute the possession of this eminence.
+But having shortly afterwards learnt the truth about the presence of
+Gaius from a prisoner who was brought in, they hurriedly got their
+infantry into position, and drew them up so as to face two opposite
+ways, some, that is, to the front and others to the rear. For they knew
+that one army was following on their rear; and they expected from the
+intelligence which had reached them, and from what they saw actually
+occurring, that they would have to meet another on their front.
+
+[Sidenote: The battle of the horse. Atilius falls.]
+
++28.+ Aemilius had heard of the landing of the legions at Pisae, but
+had not expected them to be already so far on their road; but the
+contest at the eminence proved to him that the two armies were quite
+close. He accordingly despatched his horse at once to support the
+struggle for the possession of the hill, while he marshalled his foot
+in their usual order, and advanced to attack the enemy who barred his
+way. The Celts had stationed the Alpine tribe of the Gaesatae to face
+their enemies on the rear, and behind them the Insubres; on their front
+they had placed the Taurisci, and the Cispadane tribe of the Boii,
+facing the legions of Gaius. Their waggons and chariots they placed on
+the extremity of either wing, while the booty they massed upon one of
+the hills that skirted the road, under the protection of a guard. The
+army of the Celts was thus double-faced, and their mode of marshalling
+their forces was effective as well as calculated to inspire terror.
+The Insubres and Boii were clothed in their breeches and light cloaks;
+but the Gaesatae from vanity and bravado threw these garments away,
+and fell in in front of the army naked, with nothing but their arms;
+believing that, as the ground was in parts encumbered with brambles,
+which might possibly catch in their clothes and impede the use of their
+weapons, they would be more effective in this state. At first the
+only actual fighting was that for the possession of the hill: and the
+numbers of the cavalry, from all three armies, that had joined in the
+struggle made it a conspicuous sight to all. In the midst of it the
+Consul Gaius fell, fighting with reckless bravery in the thick of the
+battle, and his head was brought to the king of the Celts. The Roman
+cavalry, however, continued the struggle with spirit, and finally won
+the position and overpowered their opponents. Then the foot also came
+to close quarters.
+
++29.+ It was surely a peculiar and surprising battle to witness, and
+scarcely less so to hear described. A battle, to begin with, in which
+three distinct armies were engaged, must have presented a strange
+and unusual appearance, and must have been fought under strange and
+unusual conditions. Again, it must have seemed to a spectator open to
+question, whether the position of the Gauls were the most dangerous
+conceivable, from being between two attacking forces; or the most
+favourable, as enabling them to meet both armies at once, while their
+own two divisions afforded each other a mutual support: and, above
+all, as putting retreat out of the question, or any hope of safety
+except in victory. For this is the peculiar advantage of having an
+army facing in two opposite directions. The Romans, on the other hand,
+while encouraged by having got their enemy between two of their own
+armies, were at the same time dismayed by the ornaments and clamour of
+the Celtic host. For there were among them such innumerable horns and
+trumpets, which were being blown simultaneously in all parts of their
+army, and their cries were so loud and piercing, that the noise seemed
+not to come merely from trumpets and human voices, but from the whole
+country-side at once. Not less terrifying was the appearance and rapid
+movement of the naked warriors in the van, which indicated men in the
+prime of their strength and beauty: while all the warriors in the front
+ranks were richly adorned with gold necklaces and bracelets. These
+sights certainly dismayed the Romans; still the hope they gave of a
+profitable victory redoubled their eagerness for the battle.
+
+[Sidenote: The infantry engage.]
+
++30.+ When the men who were armed with the _pilum_ advanced in front of
+the legions, in accordance with the regular method of Roman warfare,
+and hurled their _pila_ in rapid and effective volleys, the inner ranks
+of the Celts found their jerkins and leather breeches of great service;
+but to the naked men in the front ranks this unexpected mode of attack
+caused great distress and discomfiture. For the Gallic shields not
+being big enough to cover the man, the larger the naked body the more
+certainty was there of the _pilum_ hitting. And at last, not being
+able to retaliate, because the pilum-throwers were out of reach, and
+their weapons kept pouring in, some of them, in the extremity of their
+distress and helplessness, threw themselves with desperate courage
+and reckless violence upon the enemy, and thus met a voluntary death;
+while others gave ground step by step towards their own friends, whom
+they threw into confusion by this manifest acknowledgment of their
+panic. Thus the courage of the Gaesatae had broken down before the
+preliminary attack of the _pilum_. But when the throwers of it had
+rejoined their ranks, and the whole Roman line charged, the Insubres,
+Boii, and Taurisci received the attack, and maintained a desperate
+hand-to-hand fight. Though almost cut to pieces, they held their ground
+with unabated courage, in spite of the fact that man for man, as well
+as collectively, they were inferior to the Romans in point of arms. The
+shields and swords of the latter were proved to be manifestly superior
+for defence and attack, for the Gallic sword can only deliver a cut,
+but cannot thrust. And when, besides, the Roman horse charged down
+from the high ground on their flank, and attacked them vigorously, the
+infantry of the Celts were cut to pieces on the field, while their
+horse turned and fled.
+
+[Sidenote: Aemilius returns home.]
+
++31.+ Forty thousand of them were slain, and quite ten thousand taken
+prisoners, among whom was one of their kings, Concolitanus: the other
+king, Aneroestes, fled with a few followers; joined a few of his people
+in escaping to a place of security; and there put an end to his own
+life and that of his friends. Lucius Aemilius, the surviving Consul,
+collected the spoils of the slain and sent them to Rome, and restored
+the property taken by the Gauls to its owners. Then taking command of
+the legions, he marched along the frontier of Liguria, and made a raid
+upon the territory of the Boii; and having satisfied the desires of the
+legions with plunder, returned with his forces to Rome in a few days’
+march. There he adorned the Capitol with the captured standards and
+necklaces, which are gold chains worn by the Gauls round their necks;
+but the rest of the spoils, and the captives, he converted to the
+benefit of his own estate and to the adornment of his triumph.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 224.]
+
+Thus was the most formidable Celtic invasion repelled, which had been
+regarded by all Italians, and especially by the Romans, as a danger of
+the utmost gravity. The victory inspired the Romans with a hope that
+they might be able to entirely expel the Celts from the valley of the
+Padus: and accordingly the Consuls of the next year, Quintus Fulvius
+Flaccus and Titus Manlius Torquatus, were both sent out with their
+legions, and military preparations on a large scale, against them. By
+a rapid attack they terrified the Boii into making submission to Rome;
+but the campaign had no other practical effect, because, during the
+rest of it, there was a season of excessive rains, and an outbreak of
+pestilence in the army.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 223.]
+
++32.+ The Consuls of the next year, however, Publius Furius Philus and
+Caius Flaminius, once more invaded the Celtic lands, marching through
+the territory of the Anamares, who live not far from Placentia.[154]
+Having secured the friendship of this tribe, they crossed into the
+country of the Insubres, near the confluence of the Adua and Padus.
+They suffered some annoyance from the enemy, as they were crossing
+the river, and as they were pitching their camp; and after remaining
+for a short time, they made terms with the Insubres and left their
+country. After a circuitous march of several days, they crossed the
+River Clusius, and came into the territory of the Cenomani. As these
+people were allies of Rome, they reinforced the army with some of
+their men, which then descended once more from the Alpine regions
+into the plains belonging to the Insubres, and began laying waste
+their land and plundering their houses. The Insubrian chiefs, seeing
+that nothing could change the determination of the Romans to destroy
+them, determined that they had better try their fortune by a great
+and decisive battle. They therefore mustered all their forces, took
+down from the temple of Minerva the golden standards, which are called
+“the immovables,” and having made other necessary preparations, in
+high spirits and formidable array, encamped opposite to their enemies
+to the number of fifty thousand. Seeing themselves thus out-numbered,
+the Romans at first determined to avail themselves of the forces
+of the allied Celtic tribes; but when they reflected on the fickle
+character of the Gauls, and that they were about to fight with an
+enemy of the same race as these auxiliary troops, they hesitated to
+associate such men with themselves, at a crisis of such danger, and
+in an action of such importance. However, they finally decided to do
+this. They themselves stayed on the side of the river next the enemy:
+and sending the Celtic contingent to the other side, they pulled up the
+bridges; which at once precluded any fear of danger from them, and left
+themselves no hope of safety except in victory; the impassable river
+being thus in their rear. These dispositions made, they were ready to
+engage.
+
+[Sidenote: Battle with the Insubres.]
+
++33.+ The Romans are thought to have shown uncommon skill in this
+battle; the Tribunes instructing the troops how they were to conduct
+themselves both collectively and individually. They had learned from
+former engagements that Gallic tribes were always most formidable at
+the first onslaught, before their courage was at all damped by a check;
+and that the swords with which they were furnished, as I have mentioned
+before, could only give one downward cut with any effect, but that
+after this the edges got so turned and the blade so bent, that unless
+they had time to straighten them with their foot against the ground,
+they could not deliver a second blow. The Tribunes accordingly gave
+out the spears of the Triarii, who are the last of the three ranks, to
+the first ranks, or Hastati: and ordering the men to use their swords
+only, after their spears were done with, they charged the Celts full
+in front. When the Celts had rendered their swords useless by the
+first blows delivered on the spears, the Romans closed with them, and
+rendered them quite helpless, by preventing them from raising their
+hands to strike with their swords, which is their peculiar and only
+stroke, because their blade has no point. The Romans, on the contrary,
+having excellent points to their swords, used them not to cut but to
+thrust: and by thus repeatedly hitting the breasts and faces of the
+enemy, they eventually killed the greater number of them. And this
+was due to the foresight of the Tribunes: for the Consul Flaminius is
+thought to have made a strategic mistake in his arrangements for this
+battle. By drawing up his men along the very brink of the river, he
+rendered impossible a manœuvre characteristic of Roman tactics, because
+he left the lines no room for their deliberate retrograde movements;
+for if, in the course of the battle, the men had been forced ever so
+little from their ground, they would have been obliged by this blunder
+of their leader to throw themselves into the river. However, the valour
+of the soldiers secured them a brilliant victory, as I have said, and
+they returned to Rome with abundance of booty of every kind, and of
+trophies stripped from the enemy.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 222. Attack on the Insubres.]
+
++34.+ Next year, upon embassies coming from the Celts, desiring peace
+and making unlimited offers of submission, the new Consuls, Marcus
+Claudius Marcellus and Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Calvus, were urgent that
+no peace should be granted them. Thus frustrated, they determined to
+try a last chance, and once more took active measures to hire thirty
+thousand Gaesatae,—the Gallic tribe which lives on the Rhone. Having
+obtained these, they held themselves in readiness, and waited for
+the attack of their enemies. At the beginning of spring the Consuls
+assumed command of their forces, and marched them into the territory
+of the Insubres; and there encamped under the walls of the city of
+Acerrae, which lies between the Padus and the Alps, and laid siege to
+it. The Insubres, being unable to render any assistance, because all
+the positions of vantage had been seized by the enemy first, and being
+yet very anxious to break up the siege of Acerrae, detached a portion
+of their forces to affect a diversion by crossing the Padus and laying
+siege to Clastidium. Intelligence of this movement being brought to the
+Consuls, Marcus Claudius, taking with him his cavalry and some light
+infantry, made a forced march to relieve the besieged inhabitants. When
+the Celts heard of his approach, they raised the siege; and, marching
+out to meet him, offered him battle. At first they held their ground
+against a furious charge of cavalry which the Roman Consul launched at
+them; but when they presently found themselves surrounded by the enemy
+on their rear and flank, unable to maintain the fight any longer, they
+fled before the cavalry; and many of them were driven into the river,
+and were swept away by the stream, though the larger number were cut
+down by their enemies. Acerrae also, richly stored with corn, fell into
+the hands of the Romans: the Gauls having evacuated it, and retired
+to Mediolanum, which is the most commanding position in the territory
+of the Insubres. Gnaeus followed them closely, and suddenly appeared
+at Mediolanum. The Gauls at first did not stir; but upon his starting
+on his return march to Acerrae, they sallied out, and having boldly
+attacked his rear, killed a good many men, and even drove a part of
+it into flight; until Gnaeus recalled some of his vanguard, and urged
+them to stand and engage the enemy. The Roman soldiers obeyed orders,
+and offered a vigorous resistance to the attacking party. The Celts,
+encouraged by their success, held their ground for a certain time with
+some gallantry, but before long turned and fled to the neighbouring
+mountains. Gnaeus followed them, wasting the country as he went,
+and took Mediolanum by assault. At this the chiefs of the Insubres,
+despairing of safety, made a complete and absolute submission to Rome.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 480.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 279.]
+
++35.+ Such was the end of the Celtic war: which, for the desperate
+determination and boldness of the enemy, for the obstinacy of the
+battles fought, and for the number of those who fell and of those
+who were engaged, is second to none recorded in history, but which,
+regarded as a specimen of scientific strategy, is utterly contemptible.
+The Gauls showed no power of planning or carrying out a campaign, and
+in everything they did were swayed by impulse rather than by sober
+calculation. As I have seen these tribes, after a short struggle,
+entirely ejected from the valley of the Padus, with the exception of
+some few localities lying close to the Alps, I thought I ought not
+to let their original attack upon Italy pass unrecorded, any more
+than their subsequent attempts, or their final ejectment: for it is
+the function of the historian to record and transmit to posterity
+such episodes in the drama of Fortune; that our posterity may not
+from ignorance of the past be unreasonably dismayed at the sudden
+and unexpected invasions of these barbarians, but may reflect how
+short-lived and easily damped the spirit of this race is; and so may
+stand to their defence, and try every possible means before yielding an
+inch to them. I think, for instance, that those who have recorded for
+our information the invasion of Greece by the Persians, and of Delphi
+by the Gauls, have contributed materially to the struggles made for
+the common freedom of Greece. For a superiority in supplies, arms, or
+numbers, would scarcely deter any one from putting the last possible
+hope to the test, in a struggle for the integrity and the safety of
+his city and its territory, if he had before his eyes the surprising
+result of those expeditions; and remembered how many myriads of men,
+what daring confidence, and what immense armaments were baffled by the
+skill and ability of opponents, who conducted their measures under the
+dictates of reason and sober calculation. And as an invasion of Gauls
+has been a source of alarm to Greece in our day, as well as in ancient
+times, I thought it worth while to give a summary sketch of their
+doings from the earliest times.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Hasdrubal in Spain, B.C. 221. See chap. 13.]
+
+[Sidenote: Succession of Hannibal to the command in Spain. His
+hostility to Rome.]
+
++36.+ Our narrative now returns to Hasdrubal, whom we left in command
+of the Carthaginian forces in Iberia. After eight years command in
+that country, he was assassinated in his own house at night by a
+certain Celt in revenge for some private wrong. Before his death he
+had done much to strengthen the Carthaginian power in Iberia, not so
+much by military achievements, as by the friendly relations which
+he maintained with the native princes. Now that he was dead, the
+Carthaginians invested Hannibal with the command in Iberia, in spite
+of his youth, because of the ability in the conduct of affairs, and
+the daring spirit which he had displayed. He had no sooner assumed the
+command, than he nourished a fixed resolve to make war on Rome; nor was
+it long before he carried out this resolution. From that time forth
+there were constant suspicions and causes of offence arising between
+the Carthaginians and Romans. And no wonder: for the Carthaginians
+were meditating revenge for their defeats in Sicily; and the Romans
+were made distrustful from a knowledge of their designs. These things
+made it clear to every one of correct judgment that before long a war
+between these two nations was inevitable.
+
+[Sidenote: Social war, B.C. 220-217.]
+
++37.+ At the same period the Achaean league and King Philip, with their
+allies, were entering upon the war with the Aetolian league, which is
+called the Social war. Now this was the point at which I proposed to
+begin my general history; and as I have brought the account of the
+affairs of Sicily and Libya, and those which immediately followed, in
+a continuous narrative, up to the date of the beginning of the Social
+and Second Punic, generally called the Hannibalic, wars, it will be
+proper to leave this branch of my subject for a while, and to take up
+the history of events in Greece, that I may start upon my full and
+detailed narrative, after bringing the prefatory sketch of the history
+of the several countries to the same point of time. For since I have
+not undertaken, as previous writers have done, to write the history of
+particular peoples, such as the Greeks or Persians, but the history
+of all known parts of the world at once, because there was something
+in the state of our own times which made such a plan peculiarly
+feasible,—of which I shall speak more at length hereafter,—it will be
+proper, before entering on my main subject, to touch briefly on the
+state of the most important of the recognised nations of the world.
+
+[Sidenote: The progress of the Achaean league.]
+
+Of Asia and Egypt I need not speak before the time at which my history
+commences. The previous history of these countries has been written
+by a number of historians already, and is known to all the world;
+nor in our days has any change specially remarkable or unprecedented
+occurred to them demanding a reference to their past. But in regard to
+the Achaean league, and the royal family of Macedonia, it will be in
+harmony with my design to go somewhat farther back: for the latter has
+become entirely extinct; while the Achaeans, as I have stated before,
+have in our time made extraordinary progress in material prosperity and
+internal unity. For though many statesmen had tried in past times to
+induce the Peloponnesians to join in a league for the common interests
+of all, and had always failed, because every one was working to secure
+his own power rather than the freedom of the whole; yet in our day
+this policy has made such progress, and been carried out with such
+completeness, that not only is there in the Peloponnese a community of
+interests such as exists between allies or friends, but an absolute
+identity of laws, weights, measures, and currency.[155] All the States
+have the same magistrates, senate, and judges. Nor is there any
+difference between the entire Peloponnese and a single city, except in
+the fact that its inhabitants are not included within the same wall; in
+other respects, both as a whole and in their individual cities, there
+is a nearly absolute assimilation of institutions.
+
+[Sidenote: The origin of the name as embracing all the Peloponnese.]
+
++38.+ It will be useful to ascertain, to begin with, how it came to
+pass that the name of the Achaeans became the universal one for all
+the inhabitants of the Peloponnese. For the original bearers of this
+ancestral name have no superiority over others, either in the size of
+their territory and cities, or in wealth, or in the prowess of their
+men. For they are a long way off being superior to the Arcadians and
+Lacedaemonians in number of inhabitants and extent of territory; nor
+can these latter nations be said to yield the first place in warlike
+courage to any Greek people whatever. Whence then comes it that these
+nations, with the rest of the inhabitants of the Peloponnese, have
+been content to adopt the constitution and the name of the Achaeans?
+To speak of chance in such a matter would not be to offer any adequate
+solution of the question, and would be a mere idle evasion. A cause
+must be sought; for without a cause nothing, expected or unexpected,
+can be accomplished. The cause then, in my opinion, was this. Nowhere
+could be found a more unalloyed and deliberately established system of
+equality and absolute freedom, and, in a word, of democracy, than among
+the Achaeans. This constitution found many of the Peloponnesians ready
+enough to adopt it of their own accord: many were brought to share in
+it by persuasion and argument: some, though acting under compulsion
+at first, were quickly brought to acquiesce in its benefits; for none
+of the original members had any special privilege reserved for them,
+but equal rights were given to all comers: the object aimed at was
+therefore quickly attained by the two most unfailing expedients of
+equality and fraternity. This then must be looked upon as the source
+and original cause of Peloponnesian unity and consequent prosperity.
+
+That this was the original principle on which the Achaeans acted in
+forming their constitution might be demonstrated by many proofs; but
+for the present purpose it will be sufficient to allege one or two in
+confirmation of my assertion.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 371.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 405-367.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ζεὺς ὁμάριος or ἀμάριος]
+
++39.+ And first: When the burning of the Pythagorean clubs in Magna
+Grecia was followed by great constitutional disturbances, as was
+natural on the sudden disappearance of the leading men in each state;
+and the Greek cities in that part of Italy became the scene of murder,
+revolutionary warfare, and every kind of confusion; deputations
+were sent from most parts of Greece to endeavour to bring about
+some settlement of these disorders.[156] But the disturbed states
+preferred the intervention of the Achaeans above all others, and
+showed the greatest confidence in them, in regard to the measures
+to be adopted for removing the evils that oppressed them. Nor was
+this the only occasion on which they displayed this preference. For
+shortly afterwards there was a general movement among them to adopt
+the model of the Achaean constitution. The first states to move in
+the matter were Croton, Sybaris, and Caulonia, who began by erecting
+a common temple to Zeus Homorios,[157] and a place in which to hold
+their meetings and common councils. They then adopted the laws and
+customs of the Achaeans, and determined to conduct their constitution
+according to their principles; but finding themselves hampered by the
+tyranny of Dionysius of Syracuse, and also by the encroachment of the
+neighbouring barbarians, they were forced much against their will
+to abandon them. Again, later on, when the Lacedaemonians met with
+their unexpected reverse at Leuctra, and the Thebans as unexpectedly
+claimed the hegemony in Greece, a feeling of uncertainty prevailed
+throughout the country, and especially among the Lacedaemonians and
+Thebans themselves, because the former refused to allow that they were
+beaten, the latter felt hardly certain that they had conquered. On
+this occasion, once more, the Achaeans were the people selected by the
+two parties, out of all Greece, to act as arbitrators on the points
+in dispute. And this could not have been from any special view of
+their power, for at that time they were perhaps the weakest state in
+Greece; it was rather from a conviction of their good faith and high
+principles, in regard to which there was but one opinion universally
+entertained. At that period of their history, however, they possessed
+only the elements of success; success itself, and material increase,
+were barred by the fact that they had not yet been able to produce a
+leader worthy of the occasion. Whenever any man had given indications
+of such ability, he was systematically thrust into the background and
+hampered, at one time by the Lacedaemonian government, and at another,
+still more effectually, by that of Macedonia.
+
++40.+ When at length, however, the country did obtain leaders of
+sufficient ability, it quickly manifested its intrinsic excellence by
+the accomplishment of that most glorious achievement,—the union of the
+Peloponnese. The originator of this policy in the first instance was
+Aratus of Sicyon; its active promotion and consummation was due to
+Philopoemen of Megalopolis; while Lycortas and his party must be looked
+upon as the authors of the permanence which it enjoyed. The actual
+achievements of these several statesmen I shall narrate in their proper
+places: but while deferring a more detailed account of the other two, I
+think it will be right to briefly record here, as well as in a future
+portion of my work, the political measures of Aratus, because he has
+left a record of them himself in an admirably honest and lucid book of
+commentaries.
+
+I think the easiest method for myself, and most intelligible to my
+readers, will be to start from the period of the restoration of the
+Achaean league and federation, after its disintegration into separate
+states by the Macedonian kings: from which time it has enjoyed an
+unbroken progress towards the state of completion which now exists, and
+of which I have already spoken at some length.
+
+[Sidenote: 124th Olympiad, B.C. 284-280.]
+
+[Sidenote: First Achaean league.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 371.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 323-284.]
+
++41.+ The period I mean is the 124th Olympiad. In this occurred the
+first league of Patrae and Dyme, and the deaths of Ptolemy son of
+Lagus, Lysimachus, Seleucus, Ptolemy Ceraunus. In the period before
+this the state of Achaia was as follows. It was ruled by kings from
+the time of Tisamenus, son of Orestes, who, being expelled from
+Sparta on the return of the Heraclidae, formed a kingdom in Achaia.
+The last of this royal line to maintain his power was Ogyges,
+whose sons so alienated the people by their unconstitutional and
+tyrannical government, that a revolution took place and a democracy
+was established. In the period subsequent to this, up to the time of
+the establishment of the supreme authority of Alexander and Philip,
+their fortunes were subject to various fluctuations, but they always
+endeavoured to maintain intact in their league a democratical form of
+government, as I have already stated. This league consisted of twelve
+cities, all of them still surviving, with the exception of Olenus, and
+Helice which was engulfed by the sea before the battle of Leuctra.
+The other ten were Patrae, Dyme, Pharae, Tritaea, Leontium, Aegium,
+Aegeira, Pellene, Bura, Caryneia. In the period immediately succeeding
+Alexander, and before the above-named 124th Olympiad, these cities,
+chiefly through the instrumentality of the Macedonian kings, became so
+estranged and ill-disposed to each other, and so divided and opposed
+in their interests, that some of them had to submit to the presence
+of foreign garrisons, sent first by Demetrius and Cassander, and
+afterwards by Antigonus Gonatas, while others even fell under the power
+of Tyrants; for no one set up more of such absolute rulers in the Greek
+states than this last-named king.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 284-280, Second Achaean league.]
+
+But about the 124th Olympiad, as I have said, a change of sentiment
+prevailed among the Achaean cities, and they began again to form a
+league. This was just at the time of Pyrrhus’s invasion of Italy. The
+first to take this step were the peoples of Dyme, Patrae, Tritaea, and
+Pharae. And as they thus formed the nucleus of the league, we find no
+column extant recording the compact between these cities. But about
+five years afterwards the people of Aegium expelled their foreign
+garrison and joined the league; next, the people of Bura put their
+tyrant to death and did the same; simultaneously, the state of Caryneia
+was restored to the league. For Iseas, the then tyrant of Caryneia,
+when he saw the expulsion of the garrison from Aegium, and the death of
+the despot in Bura at the hands of Margos and the Achaeans, and when he
+saw that he was himself on the point of being attacked on all sides,
+voluntarily laid down his office; and having obtained a guarantee for
+his personal safety from the Achaeans, formally gave in the adhesion of
+his city to the league.
+
++42.+ My object in thus going back in point of time was, first, to show
+clearly at what epoch the Achaeans entered into the second league,
+which exists at this day, and which were the first members of the
+original league to do so; and, secondly, that the continuity of the
+policy pursued by the Achaeans might rest, not on my word only, but on
+the evidence of the actual facts. It was in virtue of this policy,—by
+holding out the bait of equality and freedom, and by invariably making
+war upon and crushing those who on their own account, or with the
+support of the kings, enslaved any of the states within their borders,
+that they finally accomplished the design which they had deliberately
+adopted, in some cases by their own unaided efforts, and in others
+by the help of their allies. For in fact whatever was effected in
+this direction, by the help of these allies in after times, must be
+put down to the credit of the deliberately adopted policy of the
+Achaeans themselves. They acted indeed jointly with others in many
+honourable undertakings, and in none more so than with the Romans:
+yet in no instance can they be said to have aimed at obtaining from
+their success any advantage for a particular state. In return for the
+zealous assistance rendered by them to their allies, they bargained for
+nothing but the freedom of each state and the union of the Peloponnese.
+But this will be more clearly seen from the record of their actual
+proceedings.
+
+[Sidenote: Victory of Lutatius off the insulae Aegates, B.C. 241.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 243-242.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 255-254. Margos.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 251-250. Aratus.]
+
++43.+ For the first twenty-five years of the league between the cities
+I have mentioned, a secretary and two strategi for the whole union were
+elected by each city in turn. But after this period they determined
+to appoint one strategus only,[158] and put the entire management of
+the affairs of the union in his hands. The first to obtain this honour
+was Margos of Caryneia. In the fourth year after this man’s tenure
+of the office, Aratus of Sicyon caused his city to join the league,
+which, by his energy and courage, he had, when only twenty years of
+age, delivered from the yoke of its tyrant. In the eighth year again
+after this, Aratus, being elected strategus for the second time, laid
+a plot to seize the Acrocorinthus, then held by Antigonus; and by his
+success freed the inhabitants of the Peloponnese from a source of
+serious alarm: and having thus liberated Corinth he caused it to join
+the league. In his same term of office he got Megara into his hands,
+and caused it to join also. These events occurred in the year before
+the decisive defeat of the Carthaginians, in consequence of which they
+evacuated Sicily and consented for the first time to pay tribute to
+Rome.
+
+[Sidenote: Antigonus Gonatas, B.C. 283-239.]
+
+Having made this remarkable progress in his design in so short a time,
+Aratus continued thenceforth in the position of leader of the Achaean
+league, and in the consistent direction of his whole policy to one
+single end; which was to expel Macedonians from the Peloponnese, to
+depose the despots, and to establish in each state the common freedom
+which their ancestors had enjoyed before them. So long, therefore,
+as Antigonus Gonatas was alive, he maintained a continual opposition
+to his interference, as well as to the encroaching spirit of the
+Aetolians, and in both cases with signal skill and success; although
+their presumption and contempt for justice had risen to such a pitch,
+that they had actually made a formal compact with each other for the
+disruption of the Achaeans.
+
+[Sidenote: Demetrius, B.C. 239-229.]
+
++44.+ After the death of Antigonus, however, the Achaeans made terms
+with the Aetolians, and joined them energetically in the war against
+Demetrius; and, in place of the feelings of estrangement and hostility,
+there gradually grew up a sentiment of brotherhood and affection
+between the two peoples. Upon the death of Demetrius, after a reign of
+only ten years, just about the time of the first invasion of Illyricum
+by the Romans, the Achaeans had a most excellent opportunity of
+establishing the policy which they had all along maintained. For the
+despots in the Peloponnese were in despair at the death of Demetrius.
+It was the loss to them of their chief supporter and paymaster. And now
+Aratus was for ever impressing upon them that they ought to abdicate,
+holding out rewards and honours for those of them who consented,
+and threatening those who refused with still greater vengeance from
+the Achaeans. There was therefore a general movement among them to
+voluntarily restore their several states to freedom and to join the
+league. I ought however to say that Ludiades of Megalopolis, in the
+lifetime of Demetrius, of his own deliberate choice, and foreseeing
+with great shrewdness and good sense what was going to happen, had
+abdicated his sovereignty and become a citizen of the national league.
+His example was followed by Aristomachus, tyrant of Argos, Xeno of
+Hermione, and Cleonymus of Phlius, who all likewise abdicated and
+joined the democratic league.
+
+[Sidenote: The Aetolians and Antigonus Doson, B.C. 229-220.]
+
++45.+ But the increased power and national advancement which these
+events brought to the Achaeans excited the envy of the Aetolians; who,
+besides their natural inclination to unjust and selfish aggrandisement,
+were inspired with the hope of breaking up the union of Achaean states,
+as they had before succeeded in partitioning those of Acarnania with
+Alexander,[159] and had planned to do those of Achaia with Antigonus
+Gonatas. Instigated once more by similar expectations, they had now
+the assurance to enter into communication and close alliance at once
+with Antigonus (at that time ruling Macedonia as guardian of the
+young King Philip), and with Cleomenes, King of Sparta. They saw that
+Antigonus had undisputed possession of the throne of Macedonia, while
+he was an open and avowed enemy of the Achaeans owing to the surprise
+of the Acrocorinthus; and they supposed that if they could get the
+Lacedaemonians to join them in their hostility to the league, they
+would easily subdue it, by selecting a favourable opportunity for
+their attack, and securing that it should be assaulted on all sides at
+once. And they would in all probability have succeeded, but that they
+had left out the most important element in the calculation, namely,
+that in Aratus they had to reckon with an opponent to their plans of
+ability equal to almost any emergency. Accordingly, when they attempted
+this violent and unjust interference in Achaia, so far from succeeding
+in any of their devices, they, on the contrary, strengthened Aratus,
+the then president of the league, as well as the league itself. So
+consummate was the ability with which he foiled their plan and reduced
+them to impotence. The manner in which this was done will be made clear
+in what I am about to relate.
+
+[Sidenote: The Aetolians intrigue with Cleomenes, King of Sparta, B.C.
+229-227.]
+
++46.+ There could be no doubt of the policy of the Aetolians. They
+were ashamed indeed to attack the Achaeans openly, because they could
+not ignore their recent obligations to them in the war with Demetrius:
+but they were plotting with the Lacedaemonians; and showed their
+jealousy of the Achaeans by not only conniving at the treacherous
+attack of Cleomenes upon Tegea, Mantinea, and Orchomenus (cities not
+only in alliance with them, but actually members of their league), but
+by confirming his occupation of those places. In old times they had
+thought almost any excuse good enough to justify an appeal to arms
+against those who, after all, had done them no wrong: yet they now
+allowed themselves to be treated with such treachery, and submitted
+without remonstrance to the loss of the most important towns, solely
+with the view of creating in Cleomenes a formidable antagonist to
+the Achaeans. These facts were not lost upon Aratus and the other
+officers of the league: and they resolved that, without taking the
+initiative in going to war with any one, they would resist the attempts
+of the Lacedaemonians. Such was their determination, and for a time
+they persisted in it: but immediately afterwards Cleomenes began to
+build the hostile fort in the territory of Megalopolis, called the
+Athenaeum,[160] and showed an undisguised and bitter hostility. Aratus
+and his colleagues accordingly summoned a meeting of the league, and it
+was decided to proclaim war openly against Sparta.
+
+[Sidenote: Cleomenes, B.C. 227-221.]
+
+[Sidenote: Aratus applies to Antigonus Doson.]
+
++47.+ This was the origin of what is called the Cleomenic war. At
+first the Achaeans were for depending on their own resources for
+facing the Lacedaemonians. They looked upon it as more honourable not
+to look to others for preservation, but to guard their own territory
+and cities themselves; and at the same time the remembrances of his
+former services made them desirous of keeping up their friendship with
+Ptolemy,[161] and averse from the appearance of seeking aid elsewhere.
+But when the war had lasted some time; and Cleomenes had revolutionised
+the constitution of his country, and had turned its constitutional
+monarchy into a despotism; and, moreover, was conducting the war with
+extraordinary skill and boldness: seeing clearly what would happen, and
+fearing the reckless audacity of the Aetolians, Aratus determined that
+his first duty was to be well beforehand in frustrating their plans. He
+satisfied himself that Antigonus was a man of activity and practical
+ability, with some pretensions to the character of a man of honour;
+he however knew perfectly well that kings look on no man as a friend
+or foe from personal considerations, but ever measure friendships and
+enmities solely by the standard of expediency. He, therefore, conceived
+the idea of addressing himself to this monarch, and entering into
+friendly relations with him, taking occasion to point out to him the
+certain result of his present policy. But to act openly in this matter
+he thought inexpedient for several reasons. By doing so he would not
+only incur the opposition of Cleomenes and the Aetolians, but would
+cause consternation among the Achaeans themselves, because his appeal
+to their enemies would give the impression that he had abandoned all
+the hopes he once had in them. This was the very last idea he desired
+should go abroad; and he therefore determined to conduct this intrigue
+in secrecy.
+
+The result of this was that he was often compelled to speak and act
+towards the public in a sense contrary to his true sentiments, that he
+might conceal his real design by suggesting one of an exactly opposite
+nature. For which reason there are some particulars which he did not
+even commit to his own commentaries.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip II. in the Peloponnese, B.C. 338.]
+
++48.+ It did not escape the observation of Aratus that the people of
+Megalopolis would be more ready than others to seek the protection of
+Antigonus, and the hopes of safety offered by Macedonia; for their
+neighbourhood to Sparta exposed them to attack before the other
+states; while they were unable to get the help which they ought to
+have, because the Achaeans were themselves hard pressed and in great
+difficulties. Besides they had special reasons for entertaining
+feelings of affection towards the royal family of Macedonia, founded
+on the favours received in the time of Philip, son of Amyntas. He
+therefore imparted his general design under pledge of secrecy to
+Nicophanes and Cercidas of Megalopolis, who were family friends of
+his own and of a character suited to the undertaking; and by their
+means experienced no difficulty in inducing the people of Megalopolis
+to send envoys to the league, to advise that an application for help
+should be made to Antigonus. Nicophanes and Cercidas were themselves
+selected to go on this mission to the league, and thence, if their view
+was accepted, to Antigonus. The league consented to allow the people
+of Megalopolis to send the mission; and accordingly Nicophanes lost no
+time in obtaining an interview with the king. About the interests of
+his own country he spoke briefly and summarily, confining himself to
+the most necessary statements; the greater part of his speech was, in
+accordance with the directions of Aratus, concerned with the national
+question.
+
+[Sidenote: The message to Antigonus Doson.]
+
++49.+ The points suggested by Aratus for the envoy to dwell on were
+“the scope and object of the understanding between the Aetolians and
+Cleomenes, and the necessity of caution on the part primarily of the
+Achaeans, but still more even on that of Antigonus himself: first,
+because the Achaeans plainly could not resist the attack of both; and,
+secondly, because if the Aetolians and Cleomenes conquered them, any
+man of sense could easily see that they would not be satisfied or stop
+there. For the encroaching spirit of the Aetolians, far from being
+content to be confined by the boundaries of the Peloponnese, would
+find even those of Greece too narrow for them. Again, the ambition of
+Cleomenes was at present directed to the supremacy in the Peloponnese:
+but this obtained, he would promptly aim at that of all Greece, in
+which it would be impossible for him to succeed without first crushing
+the government of Macedonia. They were, therefore, to urge him to
+consider, with a view to the future, which of the two courses would
+be the more to his own interests,—to fight for supremacy in Greece in
+conjunction with the Achaeans and Boeotians against Cleomenes in the
+Peloponnese; or to abandon the most powerful race, and to stake the
+Macedonian empire on a battle in Thessaly, against a combined force
+of Aetolians and Boeotians, with the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians to
+boot. If the Aetolians, from regard to the goodwill shown them by
+the Achaeans in the time of Demetrius, were to pretend to be anxious
+to keep the peace as they were at present doing, they were to assert
+that the Achaeans were ready to engage Cleomenes by themselves; and if
+fortune declared in their favour they would want no assistance from
+any one: but if fortune went against them, and the Aetolians joined
+in the attack, they begged him to watch the course of events, that he
+might not let things go too far, but might aid the Peloponnesians while
+they were still capable of being saved. He had no need to be anxious
+about the good faith or gratitude of the Achaeans: when the time for
+action came, Aratus pledged himself to find guarantees which would be
+satisfactory to both parties; and similarly would himself indicate the
+moment at which the aid should be given.”
+
+[Sidenote: Aratus wishes to do without the king if possible.]
+
++50.+ These arguments seemed to Antigonus to have been put by Aratus
+with equal sincerity and ability: and after listening to them, he
+eagerly took the first necessary step by writing a letter to the people
+of Megalopolis with an offer of assistance, on condition that such a
+measure should receive the consent of the Achaeans. When Nicophanes
+and Cercidas returned home and delivered this despatch from the king,
+reporting at the same time his other expressions of goodwill and zeal
+in the cause, the spirits of the people of Megalopolis were greatly
+elated; and they were all eagerness to attend the meeting of the
+league, and urge that measures should be taken to secure the alliance
+of Antigonus, and to put the management of the war in his hands with
+all despatch. Aratus learnt privately from Nicophanes the king’s
+feelings towards the league and towards himself; and was delighted
+that his plan had not failed, and that he had not found the king
+completely alienated from himself, as the Aetolians hoped he would
+be. He regarded it also as eminently favourable to his policy, that
+the people of Megalopolis were so eager to use the Achaean league as
+the channel of communication with Antigonus. For his first object was
+if possible to do without this assistance; but if he were compelled
+to have recourse to it, he wished that the invitation should not be
+sent through himself personally, but that it should rather come from
+the Achaeans as a nation. For he feared that, if the king came, and
+conquered Cleomenes and the Lacedaemonians in the war, and should then
+adopt any policy hostile to the interests of the national constitution,
+he would have himself by general consent to bear the blame of the
+result: while Antigonus would be justified, by the injury which had
+been inflicted on the royal house of Macedonia in the matter of the
+Acrocorinthus. Accordingly when Megalopolitan envoys appeared in the
+national council, and showed the royal despatch, and further declared
+the general friendly disposition of the king, and added an appeal to
+the congress to secure the king’s alliance without delay; and when also
+the sense of the meeting was clearly shown to be in favour of taking
+this course, Aratus rose, and, after setting forth the king’s zeal, and
+complimenting the meeting upon their readiness to act in the matter,
+he proceeded to urge upon them in a long speech that “They should
+try if possible to preserve their cities and territory by their own
+efforts, for that nothing could be more honourable or more expedient
+than that: but that, if it turned out that fortune declared against
+them in this effort, they might then have recourse to the assistance of
+their friends; but not until they had tried all their own resources to
+the uttermost.” This speech was received with general applause: and it
+was decided to take no fresh departure at present, and to endeavour to
+bring the existing war to a conclusion unaided.
+
+[Sidenote: Euergetes jealous of the Macedonian policy of Aratus, helps
+Cleomenes.]
+
++51.+ But when Ptolemy, despairing of retaining the league’s
+friendship, began to furnish Cleomenes with supplies,—which he did
+with a view of setting him up as a foil to Antigonus, thinking the
+Lacedaemonians offered him better hopes than the Achaeans of being able
+to thwart the policy of the Macedonian kings; and when the Achaeans
+themselves had suffered three defeats,—one at Lycaeum in an engagement
+with Cleomenes whom they had met on a march; and again in a pitched
+battle at Ladocaea in the territory of Megalopolis, in which Lydiades
+fell; and a third time decisively at a place called Hecatomboeum in
+the territory of Dyme where their whole forces had been engaged,—after
+these misfortunes, no further delay was possible, and they were
+compelled by the force of circumstances to appeal unanimously to
+Antigonus. Thereupon Aratus sent his son to Antigonus, and ratified
+the terms of the subvention. The great difficulty was this: it was
+believed to be certain that the king would send no assistance, except
+on the condition of the restoration of the Acrocorinthus, and of having
+the city of Corinth put into his hands as a base of operations in this
+war; and on the other hand it seemed impossible that the Achaeans
+should venture to put the Corinthians in the king’s power against their
+own consent. The final determination of the matter was accordingly
+postponed, that they might investigate the question of the securities
+to be given to the king.
+
+[Sidenote: The Achaeans offer to surrender the Acrocorinthus to
+Antigonus.]
+
++52.+ Meanwhile, on the strength of the dismay caused by his successes,
+Cleomenes was making an unopposed progress through the cities,
+winning some by persuasion and others by threats. In this way, he
+got possession of Caphyae, Pellene, Pheneus, Argos, Phlius, Cleonae,
+Epidaurus, Hermione, Troezen, and last of all Corinth, while he
+personally commanded a siege of Sicyon. But this in reality relieved
+the Achaeans from a very grave difficulty. For the Corinthians by
+ordering Aratus, as Strategus of the league, and the Achaeans to
+evacuate the town, and by sending messages to Cleomenes inviting his
+presence, gave the Achaeans a ground of action and a reasonable pretext
+for moving. Aratus was quick to take advantage of this; and, as the
+Achaeans were in actual possession of the Acrocorinthus, he made his
+peace with the royal family of Macedonia by offering it to Antigonus;
+and at the same time gave thus a sufficient guarantee for friendship in
+the future, and further secured Antigonus a base of operations for the
+war with Sparta.
+
+[Sidenote: Cleomenes prepares to resist.]
+
+[Sidenote: Antigonus comes to the Isthmus, B.C. 224.]
+
+Upon learning of this compact between the league and Antigonus,
+Cleomenes raised the siege of Sicyon and pitched his camp near the
+Isthmus; and, having thrown up a line of fortification uniting the
+Acrocorinthus with the mountain called the “Ass’s Back,” began from
+this time to expect with confidence the empire of the Peloponnese. But
+Antigonus had made his preparations long in advance, in accordance with
+the suggestion of Aratus, and was only waiting for the right moment to
+act. And now the news which he received convinced him that the entrance
+of Cleomenes into Thessaly, at the head of an army, was only a question
+of a very few days: he accordingly despatched envoys to Aratus and the
+league to conclude the terms of the treaty[162] and marched to the
+Isthmus with his army by way of Euboea. He took this route because
+the Aetolians, after trying other expedients for preventing Antigonus
+bringing this aid, now forbade his marching south of Thermopylae with
+an army, threatening that, if he did, they would offer armed opposition
+to his passage.
+
++53.+ Thus Antigonus and Cleomenes were encamped face to face: the
+former desirous of effecting an entrance into the Peloponnese,
+Cleomenes determined to prevent him.
+
+[Sidenote: The Achaeans seize Argos.]
+
+Meanwhile the Achaeans, in spite of their severe disasters, did
+not abandon their purpose or give up all hopes of retrieving their
+fortunes. They gave Aristotle of Argos assistance when he headed
+a rising against the Cleomenic faction; and, under the command of
+Timoxenus the Strategus, surprised and seized Argos. And this must be
+regarded as the chief cause of the improvement which took place in
+their fortunes; for this reverse checked the ardour of Cleomenes and
+damped the courage of his soldiers in advance, as was clearly shown by
+what took place afterwards. For though Cleomenes had already possession
+of more advantageous posts, and was in the enjoyment of more abundant
+supplies than Antigonus, and was at the same time inspired with
+superior courage and ambition: yet, as soon as he was informed that
+Argos was in the hands of the Achaeans, he at once drew back, abandoned
+all these advantages, and retreated from the Isthmus with every
+appearance of precipitation, in terror of being completely surrounded
+by his enemies. At first he retired upon Argos, and for a time made
+some attempt to regain the town. But the Achaeans offered a gallant
+resistance; and the Argives themselves were stirred up to do the same
+by remorse for having admitted him before: and so, having failed in
+this attempt also, he marched back to Sparta by way of Mantinea.
+
+[Sidenote: Antigonus receives the Acrocorinthus.]
+
++54.+ On his part, Antigonus advanced without any casualty into the
+Peloponnese, and took over the Acrocorinthus; and, without wasting
+time there, pushed on in his enterprise and entered Argos. He only
+stayed there long enough to compliment the Argives on their conduct,
+and to provide for the security of the city; and then immediately
+starting again directed his march towards Arcadia; and after ejecting
+the garrisons from the posts which had been fortified by Cleomenes in
+the territories of Aegys and Belmina, and, putting those strongholds
+in the hands of the people of Megalopolis, he went to Aegium to attend
+the meeting of the Achaean league. There he made a statement of his own
+proceedings, and consulted with the meeting as to the measures to be
+taken in the future. He was appointed commander-in-chief of the allied
+army, and went into winter quarters at Sicyon and Corinth.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 223. Recovery of Tegea.]
+
+[Sidenote: Skirmish with Cleomenes.]
+
+[Sidenote: Capture of Orchomenus]
+
+[Sidenote: and Mantinea]
+
+[Sidenote: and Heraea and Telphusa.]
+
+At the approach of spring he broke up his camp and got on the march.
+On the third day he arrived at Tegea, and being joined there by the
+Achaean forces, he proceeded to regularly invest the city. But the
+vigour displayed by the Macedonians in conducting the siege, and
+especially in the digging of mines, soon reduced the Tegeans to
+despair, and they accordingly surrendered. After taking the proper
+measures for securing the town, Antigonus proceeded to extend his
+expedition. He now marched with all speed into Laconia; and having
+found Cleomenes in position on the frontier, he was trying to bring him
+to an engagement, and was harassing him with skirmishing attacks, when
+news was brought to him by his scouts that the garrison of Orchomenus
+had started to join Cleomenes. He at once broke up his camp, hurried
+thither, and carried the town by assault. Having done that, he next
+invested Mantinea and began to besiege it. This town also being soon
+terrified into surrender by the Macedonians, he started again along the
+road to Heraea and Telphusa. These towns, too, being secured by the
+voluntary surrender of their inhabitants, as the winter was by this
+time approaching, he went again to Aegium to attend the meeting of the
+league. His Macedonian soldiers he sent away to winter at home, while
+he himself remained to confer with the Achaeans on the existing state
+of affairs.
+
++55.+ But Cleomenes was on the alert. He saw that the Macedonians in
+the army of Antigonus had been sent home; and that the king and his
+mercenaries in Aegium were three days’ march from Megalopolis; and
+this latter town he well knew to be difficult to guard, owing to its
+great extent, and the sparseness of its inhabitants; and, moreover,
+that it was just then being kept with even greater carelessness than
+usual, owing to Antigonus being in the country; and what was more
+important than anything else, he knew that the larger number of its
+men of military age had fallen at the battles of Lycaeum and Ladoceia.
+There happened to be residing in Megalopolis some Messenian exiles; by
+whose help he managed, under cover of night, to get within the walls
+without being detected. When day broke he had a narrow escape from
+being ejected, if not from absolute destruction, through the valour
+of the citizens. This had been his fortune three months before, when
+he had made his way into the city by the region which is called the
+Cōlaeum: but on this occasion, by the superiority of his force, and the
+seizure in advance of the strongest positions in the town, he succeeded
+in effecting his purpose. He eventually ejected the inhabitants,
+and took entire possession of the city; which, once in his power,
+he dismantled in so savage and ruthless a manner as to preclude the
+least hope that it might ever be restored. The reason of his acting in
+this manner was, I believe, that Megalopolis and Stymphalus were the
+only towns in which, during the vicissitudes of that period, he never
+succeeded in obtaining a single partisan, or inducing a single citizen
+to turn traitor. For the passion for liberty and the loyalty of the
+Clitorians had been stained by the baseness of one man, Thearces; whom
+the Clitorians, with some reason, denied to be a native of their city,
+asserting that he had been foisted in from Orchomenus, and was the
+offspring of one of the foreign garrison there.
+
+[Sidenote: Digression (to ch. 63) on the misstatements of Phylarchus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Mantinea.]
+
++56.+ For the history of the same period, with which we are now
+engaged, there are two authorities, Aratus and Phylarchus,[163] whose
+opinions are opposed in many points and their statements contradictory.
+I think, therefore, it will be advantageous, or rather necessary, since
+I follow Aratus in my account of the Cleomenic war, to go into the
+question; and not by any neglect on my part to suffer misstatements in
+historical writings to enjoy an authority equal to that of truth. The
+fact is that the latter of these two writers has, throughout the whole
+of his history, made statements at random and without discrimination.
+It is not, however, necessary for me to criticise him on other points
+on the present occasion, or to call him to strict account concerning
+them; but such of his statements as relate to the period which I have
+now in hand, that is the Cleomenic war, these I must thoroughly sift.
+They will be quite sufficient to enable us to form a judgment on the
+general spirit and ability with which he approaches historical writing.
+It was his object to bring into prominence the cruelty of Antigonus
+and the Macedonians, as well as that of Aratus and the Achaeans; and
+he accordingly asserts that, when Mantinea fell into their hands, it
+was cruelly treated; and that the most ancient and important of all
+the Arcadian towns was involved in calamities so terrible as to move
+all Greece to horror and tears. And being eager to stir the hearts
+of his readers to pity, and to enlist their sympathies by his story,
+he talks of women embracing, tearing their hair, and exposing their
+breasts; and again of the tears and lamentations of men and women, led
+off into captivity along with their children and aged parents. And
+this he does again and again throughout his whole history, by way of
+bringing the terrible scene vividly before his readers. I say nothing
+of the unworthiness and unmanliness of the course he has adopted: let
+us only inquire what is essential and to the purpose in history. Surely
+an historian’s object should not be to amaze his readers by a series
+of thrilling anecdotes; nor should he aim at producing speeches which
+_might_ have been delivered, nor study dramatic propriety in details
+like a writer of tragedy: but his function is above all to record
+with fidelity what was actually said or done, however commonplace
+it may be. For the purposes of history and of the drama are not the
+same, but widely opposed to each other. In the former the object is
+to strike and delight by words as true to nature as possible; in the
+latter to instruct and convince by genuine words and deeds; in the
+former the effect is meant to be temporary, in the latter permanent.
+In the former, again, the power of carrying an audience is the chief
+excellence, because the object is to create illusion; but in the latter
+the thing of primary importance is truth, because the object is to
+benefit the learner. And apart from these considerations, Phylarchus,
+in most of the catastrophes which he relates, omits to suggest the
+causes which gave rise to them, or the course of events which led up
+to them: and without knowing these, it is impossible to feel the due
+indignation or pity at anything which occurs. For instance, everybody
+looks upon it as an outrage that the free should be struck: still,
+if a man provokes it by an act of violence, he is considered to have
+got no more than he deserved; and, where it is done for correction
+and discipline, those who strike free men are deemed worthy of honour
+and gratitude. Again, the killing of a fellow-citizen is regarded
+as a heinous crime, deserving the severest penalties: and yet it is
+notorious that the man who kills a thief, or his wife’s paramour, is
+held guiltless; while he who kills a traitor or tyrant in every country
+receives honours and pre-eminence. And so in everything our final
+judgment does not depend upon the mere things done, but upon their
+causes and the views of the actors, according as these differ.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 227.]
+
++57.+ Now the people of Mantinea had in the first instance abandoned
+the league, and voluntarily submitted, first to the Aetolians,
+and afterwards to Cleomenes. Being therefore, in accordance with
+this policy, members of the Lacedaemonian community, in the fourth
+year before the coming of Antigonus, their city was forcibly taken
+possession of by the Achaeans owing to the skilful plotting of Aratus.
+But on that occasion, so far from being subjected to any severity
+for their act of treason, it became a matter of general remark how
+promptly the feelings of the conquerors and the conquered underwent a
+revolution. As soon as he had got possession of the town, Aratus issued
+orders to his own men that no one was to lay a finger on anything
+that did not belong to him; and then, having summoned the Mantineans
+to a meeting, he bade them be of good cheer, and stay in their own
+houses; for that, as long as they remained members of the league,
+their safety was secured. On their part, the Mantineans, surprised
+at this unlooked-for prospect of safety, immediately experienced a
+universal revulsion of feeling. The very men against whom they had
+a little while before been engaged in a war, in which they had seen
+many of their kinsfolk killed, and no small number grievously wounded,
+they now received into their houses, and entertained as their guests,
+interchanging every imaginable kindness with them. And naturally so.
+For I believe that there never were men who met with more kindly foes,
+or came out of a struggle with what seemed the most dreadful disasters
+more scatheless, than did the Mantineans, owing to the humanity of
+Aratus and the Achaeans towards them.
+
++58.+ But they still saw certain dangers ahead from intestine
+disorders, and the hostile designs of the Aetolians and Lacedaemonians;
+they subsequently, therefore, sent envoys to the league asking for a
+guard for their town. The request was granted: and three hundred of
+the league army were selected by lot to form it. These men on whom the
+lot fell started for Mantinea; and, abandoning their native cities
+and their callings in life, remained there to protect the lives and
+liberties of the citizens. Besides them, the league despatched two
+hundred mercenaries, who joined the Achaean guard in protecting the
+established constitution. But this state of things did not last long:
+an insurrection broke out in the town, and the Mantineans called in the
+aid of the Lacedaemonians; delivered the city into their hands; and
+put to death the garrison sent by the league. It would not be easy to
+mention a grosser or blacker act of treachery. Even if they resolved to
+utterly set at nought the gratitude they owed to, and the friendship
+they had formed with, the league; they ought at least to have spared
+these men, and to have let every one of them depart under some terms
+or another: for this much it is the custom by the law of nations to
+grant even to foreign enemies. But in order to satisfy Cleomenes and
+the Lacedaemonians of their fidelity in the policy of the hour, they
+deliberately, and in violation of international law, consummated a
+crime of the most impious description. To slaughter and wreak vengeance
+on the men who had just before taken their city, and refrained from
+doing them the least harm, and who were at that very moment engaged in
+protecting their lives and liberties,—can anything be imagined more
+detestable? What punishment can be conceived to correspond with its
+enormity? If one suggests that they would be rightly served by being
+sold into slavery, with their wives and children, as soon as they were
+beaten in war; it may be answered that this much is only what, by the
+laws of warfare, awaits even those who have been guilty of no special
+act of impiety. They deserved therefore to meet with a punishment even
+more complete and heavy than they did; so that, even if what Phylarchus
+mentions did happen to them, there was no reason for the pity of Greece
+being bestowed on them: praise and approval rather were due to those
+who exacted vengeance for their impious crime. But since, as a matter
+of fact, nothing worse befel the Mantineans than the plunder of their
+property and the selling of their free citizens into slavery, this
+historian, for the mere sake of a sensational story, has not only told
+a pure lie, but an improbable lie. His wilful ignorance also was so
+supreme, that he was unable to compare with this alleged cruelty of the
+Achaeans the conduct of the same people in the case of Tegea, which
+they took by force at the same period, and yet did no injury to its
+inhabitants. And yet, if the natural cruelty of the perpetrators was
+the sole cause of the severity to Mantinea, it is to be presumed that
+Tegea would have been treated in the same way. But if their treatment
+of Mantinea was an exception to that of every other town, the necessary
+inference is that the cause for their anger was exceptional also.
+
+[Sidenote: Aristomachus.]
+
++59.+ Again Phylarchus says that Aristomachus the Argive, a man of
+a most distinguished family, who had been despot of Argos, as his
+fathers had been before him, upon falling into the hands of Antigonus
+and the league “was hurried off to Cenchreae and there racked to
+death,—an unparalleled instance of injustice and cruelty.” But in this
+matter also our author preserves his peculiar method. He makes up a
+story about certain cries of this man, when he was on the rack, being
+heard through the night by the neighbours: “some of whom,” he says,
+“rushed to the house in their horror, or incredulity, or indignation
+at the outrage.” As for the sensational story, let it pass; I have
+said enough on that point. But I must express my opinion that, even
+if Aristomachus had committed no crime against the Achaeans besides,
+yet his whole life and his treason to his own country deserved the
+heaviest possible punishment. And in order, forsooth, to enhance this
+man’s reputation, and move his reader’s sympathies for his sufferings,
+our historian remarks that he had not only been a tyrant himself,
+but that his fathers had been so before him. It would not be easy to
+bring a graver or more bitter charge against a man than this: for the
+mere word “tyrant” involves the idea of everything that is wickedest,
+and includes every injustice and crime possible to mankind. And if
+Aristomachus endured the most terrible tortures, as Phylarchus says,
+he yet would not have been sufficiently punished for the crime of one
+day, in which, when Aratus had effected an entrance into Argos with the
+Achaean soldiers,—and after supporting the most severe struggles and
+dangers for the freedom of its citizens, had eventually been driven
+out, because the party within who were in league with him had not
+ventured to stir, for fear of the tyrant,—Aristomachus availed himself
+of the pretext of their complicity with the irruption of the Achaeans
+to put to the rack and execute eighty of the leading citizens, who were
+perfectly innocent, in the presence of their relations. I pass by the
+history of his whole life and the crimes of his ancestors; for that
+would be too long a story.
+
++60.+ But this shows that we ought not to be indignant if a man reaps
+as he has sown; but rather if he is allowed to end his days in peace,
+without experiencing such retribution at all. Nor ought we to accuse
+Antigonus or Aratus of crime, for having racked and put to death a
+tyrant whom they had captured in war: to have killed and wreaked
+vengeance on whom, even in time of peace, would have brought praise and
+honour to the doers from all right-minded persons.
+
+But when, in addition to these crimes, he was guilty also of treachery
+to the league, what shall we say that he deserved? The facts of the
+case are these. He abdicted his sovereignty of Argos shortly before,
+finding himself in difficulties, owing to the state of affairs brought
+on by the death of Demetrius. He was, however, protected by the
+clemency and generosity of the league; and, much to his own surprise,
+was left unmolested. For the Achaean government not only secured him an
+indemnity for all crimes committed by him while despot, but admitted
+him as a member of the league, and invested him with the highest office
+in it,—that, namely, of Commander-in-Chief and Strategus.[164] All
+these favours he immediately forgot, as soon as his hopes were a little
+raised by the Cleomenic war; and at a crisis of the utmost importance
+he withdrew his native city, as well as his own personal adhesion,
+from the league, and attached them to its enemies. For such an act of
+treason what he deserved was not to be racked under cover of night at
+Cenchreae, and then put to death, as Phylarchus says: he ought to have
+been taken from city to city in the Peloponnese, and to have ended his
+life only after exemplary torture in each of them. And yet the only
+severity that this guilty wretch had to endure was to be drowned in the
+sea by order of the officers at Cenchreae.
+
+[Sidenote: Megalopolis.]
+
++61.+ There is another illustration of this writer’s manner to be
+found in his treatment of the cases of Mantinea and Megalopolis. The
+misfortunes of the former he has depicted with his usual exaggeration
+and picturesqueness: apparently from the notion, that it is the
+peculiar function of an historian to select for special mention only
+such actions as are conspicuously bad. But about the noble conduct
+of the Megalopolitans at that same period he has not said a word: as
+though it were the province of history to deal with crimes rather than
+with instances of just and noble conduct; or as though his readers
+would be less improved by the record of what is great and worthy of
+imitation, than by that of such deeds as are base and fit only to be
+avoided. For instance, he has told us clearly enough how Cleomenes
+took the town, preserved it from damage, and forthwith sent couriers
+to the Megalopolitans in Messene with a despatch, offering them the
+safe enjoyment of their country if they would throw in their lot with
+him;—and his object in telling all this is to enhance the magnanimity
+and moderation of Cleomenes towards his enemies. Nay, he has gone
+farther, and told us how the people of Megalopolis would not allow
+the letter to be read to the end, and were not far from stoning the
+bearers of it. Thus much he does tell us. But the sequel to this, so
+appropriate to an historian,—the commendation, I mean, and honourable
+mention of their noble conduct,—this he has altogether left out. And
+yet he had an opportunity ready to his hand. For if we view with
+approval the conduct of a people who merely by their declarations and
+votes support a war in behalf of friends and allies; while to those
+who go so far as to endure the devastation of their territory, and a
+siege of their town, we give not only praise but active gratitude:
+what must be our estimate of the people of Megalopolis? Must it not
+be of the most exalted character? First of all, they allowed their
+territory to be at the mercy of Cleomenes, and then consented to be
+entirely deprived of their city, rather than be false to the league:
+and, finally, in spite of an unexpected chance of recovering it, they
+deliberately preferred the loss of their territory, the tombs of their
+ancestors, their temples, their homes and property, of everything in
+fact which men value most, to forfeiting their faith to their allies.
+No nobler action has ever been, or ever will be performed; none to
+which an historian could better draw his reader’s attention. For what
+could be a higher incentive to good faith, or the maintenance of frank
+and permanent relations between states? But of all this Phylarchus says
+not a word, being, as it seems to me, entirely blind as to all that is
+noblest and best suited to be the theme of an historian.
+
+[Sidenote: and its wealth.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 378.]
+
++62.+ He does, however, state in the course of his narrative that,
+from the spoils of Megalopolis, six thousand talents fell to the
+Lacedaemonians, of which two thousand, according to custom, were given
+to Cleomenes. This shows, to begin with, an astounding ignorance of the
+ordinary facts as to the resources of Greece: a knowledge which above
+all others should be possessed by historians. I am not of course now
+speaking of the period in which the Peloponnese had been ruined by the
+Macedonian kings, and still more completely by a long continuance of
+intestine struggles; but of our own times, in which it is believed, by
+the establishment of its unity, to be enjoying the highest prosperity
+of which it is capable. Still even at this period, if you could
+collect all the movable property of the whole Peloponnese (leaving
+out the value of slaves), it would be impossible to get so large a
+sum of money together. That I speak on good grounds and not at random
+will appear from the following fact. Every one has read that when the
+Athenians, in conjunction with the Thebans, entered upon the war with
+the Lacedaemonians, and despatched an army of twenty thousand men,
+and manned a hundred triremes, they resolved to supply the expenses
+of the war by the assessment of a property tax; and accordingly had a
+valuation taken, not only of the whole land of Attica and the houses in
+it, but of all other property: but yet the value returned fell short
+of six thousand talents by two hundred and fifty; which will show that
+what I have just said about the Peloponnese is not far wide of the
+mark. But at this period the most exaggerated estimate could scarcely
+give more than three hundred talents, as coming from Megalopolis
+itself; for it is acknowledged that most of the inhabitants, free and
+slaves, escaped to Messene. But the strongest confirmation of my words
+is the case of Mantinea, which, as he himself observes, was second to
+no Arcadian city in wealth and numbers. Though it was surrendered after
+a siege, so that no one could escape, and no property could without
+great difficulty be concealed; yet the value of the whole spoil of the
+town, including the price of the captives sold, amounted at this same
+period to only three hundred talents.
+
+[Sidenote: Ptolemy Euergetes and Cleomenes.]
+
++63.+ But a more astonishing misstatement remains to be remarked. In
+the course of his history of this war, Phylarchus asserts “that about
+ten days before the battle an ambassador came from Ptolemy announcing
+to Cleomenes, that the king declined to continue to support him with
+supplies, and advised him to make terms with Antigonus. And that when
+this message had been delivered to Cleomenes, he made up his mind that
+he had better put his fortune to the supreme test as soon as possible,
+before his forces learnt about this message, because he could not hope
+to provide the soldiers’ pay from his own resources.” But if he had
+at that very time become the master of six thousand talents, he would
+have been better supplied than Ptolemy himself. And as for war with
+Antigonus, if he had become master of only three hundred talents, he
+would have been able to continue it without any difficulty. But the
+writer states two inconsistent propositions—that Cleomenes depended
+wholly on Ptolemy for money: and that he at the same time had become
+master of that enormous sum. Is this not irrational, and grossly
+careless besides? I might mention many instances of a similar kind, not
+only in his account of this period, but throughout his whole work; but
+I think for my present purpose enough has been said.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 222. Cleomenes invades Argos.]
+
++64.+ Megalopolis having fallen, then, Antigonus spent the winter at
+Argos. But at the approach of spring Cleomenes collected his army,
+addressed a suitable exhortation to them, and led them into the Argive
+territory. Most people thought this a hazardous and foolhardy step,
+because the places at which the frontier was crossed were strongly
+fortified; but those who were capable of judging regarded the measure
+as at once safe and prudent. For seeing that Antigonus had dismissed
+his forces, he reckoned on two things,—there would be no one to resist
+him, and therefore he would run no risk; and when the Argives found
+that their territory was being laid waste up to their walls, they would
+be certain to be roused to anger and to lay the blame upon Antigonus:
+therefore, if on the one hand Antigonus, unable to bear the complaints
+of the populace, were to sally forth and give him battle with his
+present forces, Cleomenes felt sure of an easy victory; but if on the
+other hand Antigonus refused to alter his plans, and kept persistently
+aloof, he believed that he would be able to effect a safe retreat home,
+after succeeding by this expedition in terrifying his enemies and
+inspiring his own forces with courage. And this was the actual result.
+For as the devastation of the country went on, crowds began to collect
+and abuse Antigonus: but like a wise general and king, he refused
+to allow any consideration to outweigh that of sound strategy, and
+persisted in remaining inactive. Accordingly Cleomenes, in pursuance of
+his plan, having terrified his enemies and inspired courage in his own
+army for the coming struggle, returned home unmolested.
+
+[Sidenote: The summer campaign. The army of Antigonus.]
+
++65.+ Summer having now come, and the Macedonian and Achaean soldiers
+having assembled from their winter quarters, Antigonus moved his army,
+along with his allies, into Laconia. The main force consisted of ten
+thousand Macedonians for the phalanx, three thousand light armed, and
+three hundred cavalry. With these were a thousand Agraei; the same
+number of Gauls; three thousand mercenary infantry, and three hundred
+cavalry; picked troops of the Achaeans, three thousand infantry and
+three hundred cavalry; and a thousand Megalopolitans armed in the
+Macedonian manner, under the command of Cercidas of Megalopolis. Of
+the allies there were two thousand infantry, and two hundred cavalry,
+from Boeotia; a thousand infantry and fifty cavalry from Epirus; the
+same number from Acarnania; and sixteen hundred from Illyria, under
+the command of Demetrius of Pharos. The whole amounted to twenty-eight
+thousand infantry and twelve hundred cavalry.
+
+[Sidenote: The position of Cleomenes at Sellasia.]
+
+Cleomenes had expected the attack, and had secured the passes into the
+country by posting garrisons, digging trenches, and felling trees;
+while he took up position at a place called Sellasia, with an army
+amounting to twenty thousand, having calculated that the invading
+forces would take that direction: which turned out to be the case. This
+pass lies between two hills, called respectively Evas and Olympus, and
+the road to Sparta follows the course of the river Oenus. Cleomenes
+strengthened both these hills by lines of fortification, consisting of
+trench and palisade. On Evas he posted the perioeci and allies, under
+the command of his brother Eucleidas; while he himself held Olympus
+with the Lacedaemonians and mercenaries. On the level ground along the
+river he stationed his cavalry, with a division of his mercenaries,
+on both sides of the road. When Antigonus arrived, he saw at once
+the strength of the position, and the skill with which Cleomenes had
+selected the different branches of his army to occupy the points of
+vantage, so that the whole aspect of the position was like that of
+skilled soldiers drawn up ready for a charge. For no preparation for
+attack or defence had been omitted; but everything was in order, either
+for offering battle with effect, or for holding an almost unassailable
+position.
+
++66.+ The sight of these preparations decided Antigonus not to make an
+immediate attack upon the position, or rashly hazard an engagement. He
+pitched his camp a short distance from it, covering his front by the
+stream called Gorgylus, and there remained for some days; informing
+himself by reconnaissances of the peculiarities of the ground and the
+character of the troops, and at the same time endeavouring by feigned
+movements to elicit the intentions of the enemy. But he could never
+find an unguarded point, or one where the troops were not entirely
+on the alert, for Cleomenes was always ready at a moment’s notice to
+be at any point that was attacked. He therefore gave up all thoughts
+of attacking the position; and finally an understanding was come to
+between him and Cleomenes to bring the matter to the decision of
+battle. And, indeed, Fortune had there brought into competition two
+commanders equally endowed by nature with military skill. To face
+the division of the enemy on Evas Antigonus stationed his Macedonian
+hoplites with brazen shields, and the Illyrians, drawn up in alternate
+lines, under the command of Alexander, son of Acmetus, and Demetrius
+of Pharos, respectively. Behind them he placed the Acarnanians and
+Cretans, and behind them again were two thousand Achaeans to act
+as a reserve. His cavalry, on the banks of the river Oenous, were
+posted opposite the enemy’s cavalry, under the command of Alexander,
+and flanked by a thousand Achaean infantry and the same number of
+Megalopolitans. Antigonus himself determined to lead his mercenaries
+and Macedonian troops in person against the division on Olympus
+commanded by Cleomenes. Owing to the narrowness of the ground, the
+Macedonians were arranged in a double phalanx, one close behind the
+other, while the mercenaries were placed in front of them. It was
+arranged that the Illyrians, who had bivouacked in full order during
+the previous night along the river Gorgylus, close to the foot of Evas,
+were to begin their assault on the hill when they saw a flag of linen
+raised from the direction of Olympus; and that the Megalopolitans and
+cavalry should do the same when the king raised a scarlet flag.
+
+[Sidenote: Battle of Sellasia.]
+
+[Sidenote: Philopoemen’s presence of mind.]
+
++67.+ The moment for beginning the battle had come: the signal was
+given to the Illyrians, and the word passed by the officers to their
+men to do their duty, and in a moment they started into view of the
+enemy and began assaulting the hill. But the light-armed troops who
+were stationed with Cleomenes’s cavalry, observing that the Achaean
+lines were not covered by any other troops behind them, charged them
+on the rear; and thus reduced the division while endeavouring to carry
+the hill of Evas to a state of great peril,—being met as they were on
+their front by Eucleidas from the top of the hill, and being charged
+and vigorously attacked by the light-armed mercenaries on their rear.
+It was at this point that Philopoemen of Megalopolis, with a clear
+understanding of the situation and a foresight of what would happen,
+vainly endeavoured to point out the certain result to his superior
+officers. They disregarded him for his want of experience in command
+and his extreme youth; and, accordingly he acted for himself, and
+cheering on the men of his own city, made a vigorous charge on the
+enemy. This effected a diversion; for the light-armed mercenaries,
+who were engaged in harassing the rear of the party ascending Evas,
+hearing the shouting and seeing the cavalry engaged, abandoned their
+attack upon this party and hurried back to their original position to
+render assistance to the cavalry. The result was that the division of
+Illyrians, Macedonians, and the rest who were advancing with them, no
+longer had their attention diverted by an attack upon their rear, and
+so continued their advance upon the enemy with high spirits and renewed
+confidence. And this afterwards caused it to be acknowledged that to
+Philopoemen was due the honour of the success against Eucleidas.
+
++68.+ It is clear that Antigonus at any rate entertained that opinion,
+for after the battle he asked Alexander, the commander of the cavalry,
+with the view of convicting him of his shortcoming, “Why he had engaged
+before the signal was given?” And upon Alexander answering that “He had
+not done so, but that a young officer from Megalopolis had presumed to
+anticipate the signal, contrary to his wish:” Antigonus replied, “That
+young man acted like a good general in grasping the situation; you,
+general, were the youngster.”
+
+[Sidenote: Defeat of Eucleidas.]
+
+What Eucleidas ought to have done, when he saw the enemy’s lines
+advancing, was to have rushed down at once upon them; thrown their
+ranks into disorder; and then retired himself, step by step, to
+continually higher ground into a safe position: for by thus breaking
+them up and depriving them, to begin with, of the advantages of their
+peculiar armour and disposition, he would have secured the victory by
+the superiority of his position. But he did the very opposite of all
+this, and thereby forfeited the advantages of the ground. As though
+victory were assured, he kept his original position on the summit of
+the hill, with the view of catching the enemy at as great an elevation
+as possible, that their flight might be all the longer over steep and
+precipitous ground. The result, as might have been anticipated, was
+exactly the reverse. For he left himself no place of retreat, and by
+allowing the enemy to reach his position, unharmed and in unbroken
+order, he was placed at the disadvantage of having to give them battle
+on the very summit of the hill; and so, as soon as he was forced by the
+weight of their heavy armour and their close order to give any ground,
+it was immediately occupied by the Illyrians; while his own men were
+obliged to take lower ground, because they had no space for manœuvring
+on the top. The result was not long in arriving: they suffered a
+repulse, which the difficult and precipitous nature of the ground over
+which they had to retire turned into a disastrous flight.
+
+[Sidenote: Defeat of Cleomenes.]
+
++69.+ Simultaneously with these events the cavalry engagement was also
+being brought to a decision; in which all the Achaean cavalry, and
+especially Philopoemen, fought with conspicuous gallantry, for to them
+it was a contest for freedom. Philopoemen himself had his horse killed
+under him, and while fighting accordingly on foot received a severe
+wound through both his thighs. Meanwhile the two kings on the other
+hill Olympus began by bringing their light-armed troops and mercenaries
+into action, of which each of them had five thousand. Both the kings
+and their entire armies had a full view of this action, which was
+fought with great gallantry on both sides: the charges taking place
+sometimes in detachments, and at other times along the whole line, and
+an eager emulation being displayed between the several ranks, and even
+between individuals. But when Cleomenes saw that his brother’s division
+was retreating, and that the cavalry in the low ground were on the
+point of doing the same, alarmed at the prospect of an attack at all
+points at once, he was compelled to demolish the palisade in his front,
+and to lead out his whole force in line by one side of his position.
+A recall was sounded on the bugle for the light-armed troops of both
+sides, who were on the ground between the two armies: and the phalanxes
+shouting their war cries, and with spears couched, charged each other.
+Then a fierce struggle arose: the Macedonians sometimes slowly giving
+ground and yielding to the superior courage of the soldiers of Sparta,
+and at another time the Lacedaemonians being forced to give way before
+the overpowering weight of the Macedonian phalanx. At length Antigonus
+ordered a charge in close order and in double phalanx; the enormous
+weight of this peculiar formation proved sufficient to finally dislodge
+the Lacedaemonians from their strongholds, and they fled in disorder
+and suffering severely as they went. Cleomenes himself, with a guard
+of cavalry, effected his retreat to Sparta: but the same night he went
+down to Gythium, where all preparations for crossing the sea had been
+made long before in case of mishap, and with his friends sailed to
+Alexandria.
+
++70.+ Having surprised and taken Sparta, Antigonus treated the citizens
+with magnanimity and humanity; and after re-establishing their ancient
+constitution, he left the town in a few days, on receiving intelligence
+that the Illyrians had invaded Macedonia and were laying waste the
+country. This was an instance of the fantastic way in which Fortune
+decides the most important matters. For if Cleomenes had only put off
+the battle for a few days, or if when he returned to Sparta he had only
+held out for a brief space of time, he would have saved his crown.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Antigonus Doson, B.C. 220.]
+
+As it was, Antigonus after going to Tegea and restoring its
+constitution, arrived on the second day at Argos, at the very time
+of the Nemean games. Having at this assembly received every mark of
+immortal honour and glory at the hands of the Achaean community, as
+well as of the several states, he made all haste to reach Macedonia.
+He found the Illyrians still in the country, and forced them to give
+him battle, in which, though he proved entirely successful, he exerted
+himself to such a pitch in shouting encouragement to his men, that
+he ruptured a bloodvessel, and fell into an illness which terminated
+shortly in his death. He was a great loss to the Greeks, whom he had
+inspired with good hopes, not only by his support in the field, but
+still more by his character and good principles. He left the kingdom of
+Macedonia to Philip, son of Demetrius.
+
++71.+ My reason for writing about this war at such length, was the
+advisability, or rather necessity, in view of the general purpose of my
+history, of making clear the relations existing between Macedonia and
+Greece at a time which coincides with the period of which I am about to
+treat.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 284-280. B.C. 224-220.]
+
+Just about the same time, by the death of Euergetes, Ptolemy Philopator
+succeeded to the throne of Egypt. At the same period died Seleucus,
+son of that Seleucus who had the double surnames of Callinicus
+and Pogon: he was succeeded on the throne of Syria by his brother
+Antiochus. The deaths of these three sovereigns—Antigonus, Ptolemy,
+and Seleucus—fell in the same Olympiad, as was the case with the three
+immediate successors to Alexander the Great,—Seleucus, Ptolemy, and
+Lysimachus,—for the latter all died in the 124th Olympiad, and the
+former in the 139th.
+
+I may now fitly close this book. I have completed the introduction and
+laid the foundation on which my history must rest. I have shown when,
+how, and why the Romans, after becoming supreme in Italy, began to
+aim at dominion outside of it, and to dispute with the Carthaginians
+the dominion of the sea. I have at the same time explained the state
+of Greece, Macedonia, and Carthage at this epoch. I have now arrived
+at the period which I originally marked out,—that namely in which
+the Greeks were on the point of beginning the Social, the Romans the
+Hannibalic war, and the kings in Asia the war for the possession of
+Coele-Syria. The termination therefore of the wars just described, and
+the death of the princes engaged in them, forms a natural period to
+this book.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK III
+
+
++1.+ I stated in my first book that my work was to start from the
+Social war, the Hannibalian war, and the war for the possession of
+Coele-Syria. In the same book I stated my reasons for devoting my first
+two books to a sketch of the period preceding those events. I will now,
+after a few prefatory remarks as to the scope of my own work, address
+myself to giving a complete account of these wars, the causes which led
+to them, and which account for the proportions to which they attained.
+
+[Sidenote: A summary of the work from B.C. 220 to B.C. 168.]
+
+The one aim and object, then, of all that I have undertaken to write is
+to show how, when, and why all the known parts of the world fell under
+the dominion of Rome. Now as this great event admits of being exactly
+dated as to its beginning, duration, and final accomplishment, I think
+it will be advantageous to give, by way of preface, a summary statement
+of the most important phases in it between the beginning and the end.
+For I think I shall thus best secure to the student an adequate idea
+of my whole plan, for as the comprehension of the whole is a help to
+the understanding of details, and the knowledge of details of great
+service to the clear conception of the whole; believing that the best
+and clearest knowledge is that which is obtained from a combination
+of these, I will preface my whole history by a brief summary of its
+contents.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 220-216.]
+
+I have already described its scope and limits. As to its several parts,
+the first consists of the above mentioned wars, while the conclusion or
+closing scene is the fall of the Macedonian monarchy. The time included
+between these limits is fifty-three years, and never has an equal space
+embraced events of such magnitude and importance. In describing them I
+shall start from the 140th Olympiad and shall arrange my exposition in
+the following order:
+
+[Sidenote: 1. The cause and course of the Hannibalian war.]
+
++2.+ First I shall indicate the causes of the Punic or Hannibalian war:
+and shall have to describe how the Carthaginians entered Italy; broke
+up the Roman power there; made the Romans tremble for their safety
+and the very soil of their country; and contrary to all calculation
+acquired a good prospect of surprising Rome itself.
+
+[Sidenote: 2. Macedonian treaty with Carthage, B.C. 216.]
+
+I shall next try to make it clear how in the same period Philip of
+Macedon, after finishing his war with the Aetolians, and subsequently
+settling the affairs of Greece, entered upon a design of forming an
+offensive and defensive alliance with Carthage.
+
+[Sidenote: 3. Syrian war, B.C. 218.]
+
+Then I shall tell how Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopator first quarrelled
+and finally went to war with each other for the possession of
+Coele-Syria.
+
+[Sidenote: 4. Byzantine war, B.C. 220.]
+
+Next how the Rhodians and Prusias went to war with the Byzantines, and
+compelled them to desist from exacting dues from ships sailing into the
+Pontus.
+
+[Sidenote: First digression on the Roman Constitution.]
+
+At this point I shall pause in my narrative to introduce a disquisition
+upon the Roman Constitution, in which I shall show that its peculiar
+character contributed largely to their success, not only in reducing
+all Italy to their authority, and in acquiring a supremacy over the
+Iberians and Gauls besides, but also at last, after their conquest of
+Carthage, to their conceiving the idea of universal dominion.
+
+[Sidenote: Second on Hiero of Syracuse.]
+
+Along with this I shall introduce another digression on the fall of
+Hiero of Syracuse.
+
+[Sidenote: 5. The attempted partition of the dominions of Ptolemy
+Epiphanes, B.C. 204.]
+
+After these digressions will come the disturbances in Egypt; how, after
+the death of King Ptolemy, Antiochus and Philip entered into a compact
+for the partition of the dominions of that monarch’s infant son. I
+shall describe their treacherous dealings, Philip laying hands upon the
+islands of the Aegean, and Caria and Samos, Antiochus upon Coele-Syria
+and Phoenicia.
+
+[Sidenote: 6. War with Philip, B.C. 201-197.]
+
++3.+ Next, after a summary recapitulation of the proceedings of the
+Carthaginians and Romans in Iberia, Libya, and Sicily, I shall,
+following the changes of events, shift the scene of my story entirely
+to Greece. Here I shall first describe the naval battles of Attalus and
+the Rhodians against Philip; and the war between Philip and Rome, the
+persons engaged, its circumstances, and result.
+
+[Sidenote: 7. Asiatic war, B.C. 192-191.]
+
+Next to this I shall have to record the wrath of the Aetolians, in
+consequence of which they invited the aid of Antiochus, and thereby
+gave rise to what is called the Asiatic war against Rome and the
+Achaean league. Having stated the causes of this war, and described
+the crossing of Antiochus into Europe, I shall have to show first in
+what manner he was driven from Greece; secondly, how, being defeated in
+the war, he was forced to cede all his territory west of Taurus; and
+thirdly, how the Romans, after crushing the insolence of the Gauls,
+secured undisputed possession of Asia, and freed all the nations on
+the west of Taurus from the fear of barbarian inroads and the lawless
+violence of the Gauls.
+
+[Sidenote: 8. Gallic wars of Eumenes and Prusias.]
+
+Next, after reviewing the disasters of the Aetolians and Cephallenians,
+I shall pass to the wars waged by Eumenes against Prusias and the
+Gauls; as well as that carried on in alliance with Ariarathes against
+Pharnaces.
+
+[Sidenote: 9. Union of the Peloponnese. Antiochus Epiphanes in Egypt.
+Fall of the Macedonian monarchy, B.C. 188-168.]
+
+Finally, after speaking of the unity and settlement of the Peloponnese,
+and of the growth of the commonwealth of Rhodes, I shall add a summary
+of my whole work, concluding by an account of the expedition of
+Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt; of the war against Perseus; and the
+destruction of the Macedonian monarchy. Throughout the whole narrative
+it will be shown how the policy adopted by the Romans in one after
+another of these cases, as they arose, led to their eventual conquest
+of the whole world.
+
+[Sidenote: The plan extended to embrace the period from B.C. 168-146.]
+
++4.+ And if our judgment of individuals and constitutions, for praise
+or blame, could be adequately formed from a simple consideration of
+their successes or defeats, I must necessarily have stopped at this
+point, and have concluded my history as soon as I reached these last
+events in accordance with my original plan. For at this point the
+fifty-three years were coming to an end, and the progress of the Roman
+power had arrived at its consummation. And, besides, by this time the
+acknowledgment had been extorted from all that the supremacy of Rome
+must be accepted, and her commands obeyed. But in truth, judgments of
+either side founded on the bare facts of success or failure in the
+field are by no means final. It has often happened that what seemed
+the most signal successes have, from ill management, brought the
+most crushing disasters in their train; while not unfrequently the
+most terrible calamities, sustained with spirit, have been turned to
+actual advantage. I am bound, therefore, to add to my statement of
+facts a discussion on the subsequent policy of the conquerors, and
+their administration of their universal dominion: and again on the
+various feelings and opinions entertained by other nations towards
+their rulers. And I must also describe the tastes and aims of the
+several nations, whether in their private lives or public policy. The
+present generation will learn from this whether they should shun or
+seek the rule of Rome; and future generations will be taught whether
+to praise and imitate, or to decry it. The usefulness of my history,
+whether for the present or the future, will mainly lie in this. For
+the end of a policy should not be, in the eyes either of the actors
+or their historians, simply to conquer others and bring all into
+subjection. Nor does any man of sense go to war with his neighbours
+for the mere purpose of mastering his opponents; nor go to sea for
+the mere sake of the voyage; nor engage in professions and trades for
+the sole purpose of learning them. In all these cases the objects are
+invariably the pleasure, honour, or profit which are the results of
+the several employments. Accordingly the object of this work shall
+be to ascertain exactly what the position of the several states was,
+after the universal conquest by which they fell under the power of
+Rome, until the commotions and disturbances which broke out at a later
+period. These I designed to make the starting-point of what may almost
+be called a new work, partly because of the greatness and surprising
+nature of the events themselves, but chiefly because, in the case of
+most of them, I was not only an eye-witness, but in some cases one of
+the actors, and in others the chief director.
+
+[Sidenote: A new departure; the breaking-up of the arrangement made
+after the fall of Macedonia. Wars of Carthage against Massinissa; and
+of Rome against the Celtiberians, B.C. 155-150; and against Carthage
+(3d Punic war, B.C. 149-146).]
+
++5.+ The events I refer to are the wars of Rome against the
+Celtiberians and Vaccaei; those of Carthage against Massinissa, king of
+Libya; and those of Attalus and Prusias in Asia. Then also Ariarathes,
+King of Cappadocia, having been ejected from his throne by Orophernes
+through the agency of King Demetrius, recovered his ancestral power by
+the help of Attalus; while Demetrius, son of Seleucus, after twelve
+years' possession of the throne of Syria, was deprived of it, and of
+his life at the same time, by a combination of the other kings against
+him. Then it was, too, that the Romans restored to their country those
+Greeks who had been charged with guilt in the matter of the war with
+Perseus, after formally acquitting them of the crimes alleged against
+them. Not long afterwards the same people turned their hands against
+Carthage: at first with the intention of forcing its removal to some
+other spot, but finally, for reasons to be afterwards stated, with the
+resolution of utterly destroying it. Contemporaneous with this came the
+renunciation by the Macedonians of their friendship to Rome, and by the
+Lacedaemonians of their membership of the Achaean league, to which the
+disaster that befell all Greece alike owed its beginning and end.
+
+This is my purpose: but its fulfilment must depend upon whether Fortune
+protracts my life to the necessary length. I am persuaded, however,
+that, even if the common human destiny does overtake me, this theme
+will not be allowed to lie idle for want of competent men to handle
+it; for there are many besides myself who will readily undertake its
+completion. But having given the heads of the most remarkable events,
+with the object of enabling the reader to grasp the general scope of my
+history as well as the arrangement of its several parts, I must now,
+remembering my original plan, go back to the point at which my history
+starts.
+
+[Sidenote: The origin of the 2d Punic war;]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 334,]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 192,]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 401-400,]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 396-394,]
+
++6.+ Some historians of the Hannibalian war, when they wish to point
+out to us the causes of this contest between Rome and Carthage, allege
+first the siege of Saguntum by the Carthaginians, and, secondly,
+their breach of treaty by crossing the river called by the natives
+the Iber. But though I should call these the first actions in the
+war, I cannot admit them to be its causes. One might just as well say
+that the crossing of Alexander the Great into Asia was the _cause_
+of the Persian war, and the descent of Antiochus upon Demetrias the
+_cause_ of his war with Rome. In neither would it be a probable or true
+statement. In the first case, this action of Alexander’s could not be
+called the cause of a war, for which both he and his father Philip in
+his lifetime had made elaborate preparations: and in the second case,
+we know that the Aetolian league had done the same, with a view to a
+war with Rome, before Antiochus came upon the scene. Such definitions
+are only worthy of men who cannot distinguish between a first overt
+act and a cause or pretext; and who do not perceive that a _cause_
+is the first in a series of events of which such an overt act is the
+last. I shall therefore regard the first attempt to put into execution
+what had already been determined as a “beginning,” but I shall look
+for “causes” in the motives which suggested such action and the policy
+which dictated it; for it is by these, and the calculations to which
+they give rise, that men are led to decide upon a particular line of
+conduct. The soundness of this method will be proved by the following
+considerations. The true causes and origin of the invasion of Persia
+by Alexander are patent to everybody. They were, first, the return
+march of the Greeks under Xenophon through the country from the upper
+Satrapies; in the course of which, though throughout Asia all the
+populations were hostile, not a single barbarian ventured to face them:
+secondly, the invasion of Asia by the Spartan king Agesilaus, in which,
+though he was obliged by troubles in Greece to return in the middle of
+his expedition without effecting his object, he yet found no resistance
+of any importance or adequacy. It was these circumstances which
+convinced Philip of the cowardice and inefficiency of the Persians; and
+comparing them with his own high state of efficiency for war, and that
+of his Macedonian subjects, and placing before his eyes the splendour
+of the rewards to be gained by such a war, and the popularity which it
+would bring him in Greece, he seized on the pretext of avenging the
+injuries done by Persia to Greece, and determined with great eagerness
+to undertake this war; and was in fact at the time of his death engaged
+in making every kind of preparation for it.
+
+Here we have the _cause_ and the _pretext_ of the Persian war.
+Alexander’s expedition into Asia was the _first action_ in it.
+
+[Sidenote: and of the war with Antiochus.]
+
++7.+ So too of the war of Antiochus with Rome. The _cause_ was
+evidently the exasperation of the Aetolians, who, thinking that they
+had been slighted in a number of instances at the end of the war with
+Philip, not only called in the aid of Antiochus, but resolved to go to
+every extremity in satisfying the anger which the events of that time
+had aroused in them. This was the _cause_. As for the _pretext_, it
+was the liberation of Greece, which they went from city to city with
+Antiochus proclaiming, without regard to reason or truth; while the
+_first act_ in the war was the descent of Antiochus upon Demetrias.
+
+My object in enlarging upon this distinction is not to attack the
+historians in question, but to rectify the ideas of the studious. A
+physician can do no good to the sick who does not know the causes
+of their ailments; nor can a statesman do any good who is unable to
+conceive the manner, cause, and source of the events with which he has
+from time to time to deal. Surely the former could not be expected to
+institute a suitable system of treatment for the body; nor the latter
+to grapple with the exigencies of the situation, without possessing
+this knowledge of its elements. There is nothing, therefore, which we
+ought to be more alive to, and to seek for, than the causes of every
+event which occurs. For the most important results are often produced
+by trifles; and it is invariably easier to apply remedial measures at
+the beginning, before things have got beyond the stage of conception
+and intention.
+
+[Sidenote: The credibility of Fabius Pictor.]
+
++8.+ Now the Roman annalist Fabius asserts that the cause of the
+Hannibalian war, besides the injury inflicted upon Saguntum, was the
+encroaching and ambitious spirit of Hasdrubal. “Having secured great
+power in Iberia, he returned to Libya with the design of destroying
+the constitution and reducing Carthage to a despotism. But the leading
+statesmen, getting timely warning of his intention, banded themselves
+together and successfully opposed him. Suspecting this Hasdrubal
+retired from Libya, and thenceforth governed Iberia entirely at his own
+will without taking any account whatever of the Carthaginian Senate.
+This policy had had in Hannibal from his earliest youth a zealous
+supporter and imitator; and when he succeeded to the command in Iberia
+he continued it: and accordingly, even in the case of this war with
+Rome, was acting on his own authority and contrary to the wish of the
+Carthaginians; for none of the men of note in Carthage approved of
+his attack upon Saguntum.” This is the statement of Fabius, who goes
+on to say, that “after the capture of that city an embassy arrived in
+Carthage from Rome demanding that Hannibal should be given up on pain
+of a declaration of war.”
+
+Now what answer could Fabius have given if we had put the following
+question to him? “What better chance or opportunity could the
+Carthaginians have had of combining justice and interest? According to
+your own account they disliked the proceeding of Hannibal: why did they
+not submit to the demands of Rome by surrendering the author of the
+injury; and thus get rid of the common enemy of the state without the
+odium of doing it themselves, and secure the safety of their territory
+by ridding themselves of the threatened war—all of which they could
+have effected by merely passing a decree?” If this question were put,
+I say, it would admit of no answer. The fact is that, so far from
+doing anything of the sort, they maintained the war in accordance with
+Hannibal’s policy for seventeen years; and refused to make terms until,
+at the end of a most determined struggle, they found their own city and
+persons in imminent danger of destruction.
+
++9.+ I do not allude to Fabius and his annals from any fear of their
+wearing such an air of probability in themselves as to gain any
+credit,—for the fact is that his assertions are so contrary to reason,
+that it does not need any argument of mine to help his readers to
+perceive it,—but I wished to warn those who take up his books not to
+be misled by the authority of his name, but to be guided by facts.
+For there is a certain class of readers in whose eyes the personality
+of the writer is of more account than what he says. They look to the
+fact that Fabius was a contemporary and a member of the Senate, and
+assume without more ado that everything he says may be trusted. My
+view, however, is that we ought not to hold the authority of this
+writer lightly: yet at the same time that we should not regard it as
+all-sufficient; but in reading his writings should test them by a
+reference to the facts themselves.
+
+[Sidenote: The Hannibalian or 2nd Punic war. First cause.]
+
+This is a digression from my immediate subject, which is the war
+between Carthage and Rome. The cause of this war we must reckon to be
+the exasperation of Hamilcar, surnamed Barcas, the father of Hannibal.
+The result of the war in Sicily had not broken the spirit of that
+commander. He regarded himself as unconquered; for the troops at
+Eryx which he commanded were still sound and undismayed: and though
+he yielded so far as to make a treaty, it was a concession to the
+exigencies of the times brought on by the defeat of the Carthaginians
+at sea. But he never relaxed in his determined purpose of revenge; and,
+had it not been for the mutiny of the mercenaries at Carthage, he would
+at once have sought and made another occasion for bringing about a war,
+as far as he was able to do so: as it was, he was preoccupied by the
+domestic war, and had to give his attention entirely to that.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 238. Bk. i. ch. 88. Second cause.]
+
+[Sidenote: Third cause.]
+
++10.+ When the Romans, at the conclusion of this mercenary war,
+proclaimed war with Carthage, the latter at first was inclined to
+resist at all hazards, because the goodness of her cause gave her
+hopes of victory,—as I have shown in my former book, without which
+it would be impossible to understand adequately either this or what
+is to follow. The Romans, however, would not listen to anything: and
+the Carthaginians therefore yielded to the force of circumstances;
+and though feeling bitterly aggrieved, yet being quite unable to do
+anything, evacuated Sardinia, and consented to pay a sum of twelve
+hundred talents, in addition to the former indemnity paid them, on
+condition of avoiding the war at that time. This is the second and
+the most important cause of the subsequent war. For Hamilcar, having
+this public grievance in addition to his private feelings of anger, as
+soon as he had secured his country’s safety by reducing the rebellious
+mercenaries, set at once about securing the Carthaginian power in
+Iberia with the intention of using it as a base of operations against
+Rome. So that I record as a third cause of the war the Carthaginian
+success in Iberia: for it was the confidence inspired by their forces
+there which encouraged them to embark upon it. It would be easy to
+adduce other facts to show that Hamilcar, though he had been dead ten
+years at its commencement, largely contributed to bring about the
+second Punic war, but what I am about to say will be sufficient to
+establish the fact.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal’s oath.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 195.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 238.]
+
++11.+ When, after his final defeat by the Romans, Hannibal had at last
+quitted his country and was staying at the court of Antiochus, the
+warlike attitude of the Aetolian league induced the Romans to send
+ambassadors to Antiochus, that they might be informed of the king’s
+intentions. These ambassadors found that Antiochus was inclined to the
+Aetolian alliance, and was eager for war with Rome; they accordingly
+paid great court to Hannibal with a view of bringing him into suspicion
+with the king. And in this they entirely succeeded. As time went on the
+king became ever more and more suspicious of Hannibal, until at length
+an opportunity occurred for an explanation of the alienation that had
+been thus secretly growing up between them. Hannibal then defended
+himself at great length, but without success, until at last he made the
+following statement: “When my father was about to go on his Iberian
+expedition I was nine years old: and as he was offering the sacrifice
+to Zeus I stood near the altar. The sacrifice successfully performed,
+my father poured the libation and went through the usual ritual. He
+then bade all the other worshippers stand a little back, and calling
+me to him asked me affectionately whether I wished to go with him on
+his expedition. Upon my eagerly assenting, and begging with boyish
+enthusiasm to be allowed to go, he took me by the right hand and led me
+up to the altar, and bade me lay my hand upon the victim and swear that
+I would never be friends with Rome. So long, then, Antiochus, as your
+policy is one of hostility to Rome, you may feel quite secure of having
+in me a most thorough-going supporter. But if ever you make terms or
+friendship with her, then you need not wait for any slander to make you
+distrust me and be on your guard against me; for there is nothing in my
+power that I would not do against her.”
+
++12.+ Antiochus listened to this story, and being convinced that
+it was told with genuine feeling and sincerity, gave up all his
+suspicions. And we, too, must regard this as an unquestionable proof
+of the animosity of Hamilcar and of the aim of his general policy;
+which, indeed, is also proved by facts. For he inspired his son-in-law
+Hasdrubal and his son Hannibal with a bitterness of resentment against
+Rome which nothing could surpass. Hasdrubal, indeed, was prevented
+by death from showing the full extent of his purpose; but time gave
+Hannibal abundant opportunity to manifest the hatred of Rome which he
+had inherited from his father.
+
+The most important thing, then, for statesmen to observe is the
+motives of those who lay aside old enmities or form new friendships;
+and to ascertain when their consent to treaties is a mere concession
+to the necessities of the hour, and when it is the indication of a
+real consciousness of defeat. In the former case they must be on their
+guard against such people lying in wait for an opportunity; while
+in the latter they may unhesitatingly impose whatever injunctions
+are necessary, in full reliance on the genuineness of their feelings
+whether as subjects or friends. So much for the causes of the war. I
+will now relate the first actions in it.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Hamilcar, B.C. 229.]
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Hasdrubal, B.C. 221.]
+
++13.+ The Carthaginians were highly incensed by their loss of Sicily,
+but their resentment was heightened still more, as I have said, by
+the transaction as to Sardinia, and by the addition recently made to
+their tribute. Accordingly, when the greater part of Iberia had fallen
+into their power, they were on the alert to seize any opportunity that
+presented itself of retaliating upon Rome. At the death of Hasdrubal,
+to whom they had committed the command in Iberia after the death of
+Hamilcar, they waited at first to ascertain the feelings of the army;
+but when news came from thence that the troops had elected Hannibal as
+commander-in-chief, a popular assembly was at once held, and the choice
+of the army confirmed by a unanimous vote. As soon as he had taken over
+the command, Hannibal set out to subdue the tribe of the Olcades; and,
+having arrived before their most formidable city Althaea, he pitched
+his camp under its walls; and by a series of energetic and formidable
+assaults succeeded before long in taking it: by which the rest of
+the tribe were overawed into submission to Carthage. Having imposed
+a contribution upon the towns, and thus become possessed of a large
+sum of money, he went to the New Town to winter. There, by a liberal
+treatment of the forces under his command, giving them an instalment of
+their pay at once and promising the rest, he established an excellent
+feeling towards himself in the army, as well as great hopes for the
+future.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 220. Hannibal attacks the Vaccaei.]
+
++14.+ Next summer he set out on another expedition against the Vaccaei,
+in which he took Salmantica by assault, but only succeeded in storming
+Arbucala, owing to the size of the town and the number and valour of
+its inhabitants, after a laborious siege. After this he suddenly found
+himself in a position of very great danger on his return march: being
+set upon by the Carpesii, the strongest tribe in those parts, who were
+joined also by neighbouring tribes, incited principally by refugees
+of the Olcades, but roused also to great wrath by those who escaped
+from Salmantica. If the Carthaginians had been compelled to give these
+people regular battle, there can be no doubt that they would have been
+defeated: but as it was, Hannibal, with admirable skill and caution,
+slowly retreated until he had put the Tagus between himself and the
+enemy; and thus giving battle at the crossing of the stream, supported
+by it and the elephants, of which he had about forty, he gained, to
+every one’s surprise, a complete success. For when the barbarians
+attempted to force a crossing at several points of the river at once,
+the greater number of them were killed as they left the water by the
+elephants, who marched up and down along the brink of the river and
+caught them as they were coming out. Many of them also were killed
+in the river itself by the cavalry, because the horses were better
+able than the men to stand against the stream, and also because the
+cavalry were fighting on higher ground than the infantry which they
+were attacking. At length Hannibal turned the tables on the enemy, and,
+recrossing the river, attacked and put to flight their whole army, to
+the number of more than a hundred thousand men. After the defeat of
+this host, no one south of the Iber rashly ventured to face him except
+the people of Saguntum. From that town Hannibal tried his best to keep
+aloof; because, acting on the suggestions and advice of his father
+Hamilcar, he did not wish to give the Romans an avowed pretext for war
+until he had thoroughly secured the rest of the country.
+
+[Sidenote: Saguntum appeals to Rome. Winter of B.C. 220-219.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal’s defiance.]
+
++15.+ But the people of Saguntum kept sending ambassadors to Rome,
+partly because they foresaw what was coming, and trembled for their
+own existence, and partly that the Romans might be kept fully aware
+of the growing power of the Carthaginians in Iberia. For a long
+time the Romans disregarded their words: but now they sent out some
+commissioners to see what was going on. Just at that time Hannibal had
+finished the conquests which he intended for that season, and was going
+into winter quarters at the New Town again, which was in a way the
+chief glory and capital town of the Carthaginians in Iberia. He found
+there the embassy from Rome, granted them an interview, and listened to
+the message with which they were charged. It was a strong injunction
+to him to leave Saguntum alone, as being under the protection of Rome;
+and not to cross the Iber, in accordance with the agreement come to
+in the time of Hasdrubal. To this Hannibal answered with all the
+heat of youth, inflamed by martial ardour, recent success, and his
+long-standing hatred of Rome. He charged the Romans with having a short
+time before, when on some political disturbances arising in the town
+they had been chosen to act as arbitrators, seized the opportunity to
+put some of the leading citizens to death; and he declared that the
+Carthaginians would not allow the Saguntines to be thus treacherously
+dealt with, for it was the traditional policy of Carthage to protect
+all persons so wronged. At the same time he sent home for instructions
+as to what he was to do “in view of the fact that the Saguntines were
+injuring certain of their subject allies.” And altogether he was in a
+state of unreasoning anger and violent exasperation, which prevented
+him from availing himself of the real causes for war, and made him
+take refuge in pretexts which would not admit of justification, after
+the manner of men whose passions master all considerations of equity.
+How much better it would have been to demand of Rome the restoration
+of Sardinia, and the remission of the tribute, which she had taken an
+unfair opportunity to impose on pain of a declaration of war. As it
+was, he said not a word of the real cause, but alleged the fictitious
+one of the matter of Saguntum; and so got the credit of beginning the
+war, not only in defiance of reason, but still more in defiance of
+justice. The Roman ambassadors, finding that there must undoubtedly be
+a war, sailed to Carthage to enter the same protest before the people
+there. They expected, however, that they would have to fight not in
+Italy, but in Iberia, and that they would have Saguntum as a base of
+operations.
+
+[Sidenote: Illyrian war, B.C. 219.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 219. Coss. M. Livius Salinator L. Aemilius Paullus.]
+
++16.+ Wherefore the Senate, by way of preparing to undertake this
+business, and foreseeing that the war would be severe and protracted,
+and at a long distance from the mother country, determined to make
+Illyria safe. For it happened that, just at this time, Demetrius
+of Pharos was sacking and subduing to his authority the cities of
+Illyria which were subject to Rome, and had sailed beyond Lissus, in
+violation of the treaty, with fifty galleys, and had ravaged many of
+the Cyclades. For he had quite forgotten the former kindnesses done
+him by Rome, and had conceived a contempt for its power, when he saw
+it threatened first by the Gauls and then by Carthage; and he now
+rested all his hopes on the royal family of Macedonia, because he had
+fought on the side of Antigonus, and shared with him the dangers of the
+war against Cleomenes. These transactions attracted the observation
+of the Romans; who, seeing that the royal house of Macedonia was in
+a flourishing condition, were very anxious to secure the country
+east of Italy, feeling convinced that they would have ample time to
+correct the rash folly of the Illyrians, and rebuke and chastise the
+ingratitude and temerity of Demetrius. But they were deceived in their
+calculations. For Hannibal anticipated their measures by the capture
+of Saguntum: the result of which was that the war took place not in
+Iberia, but close to Rome itself, and in various parts throughout all
+Italy. However, with these ideas fixed in their minds, the Romans
+despatched Lucius Aemilius just before summer to conduct the Illyrian
+campaign in the first year of the 140th Olympiad.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal besieges Saguntum.]
+
++17.+ But Hannibal had started from New Carthage and was leading
+his army straight against Saguntum. This city is situated on the
+seaward foot of the mountain chain on which the frontiers of Iberia
+and Celtiberia converge, and is about seven stades from the sea. The
+district cultivated by its inhabitants is exceedingly productive, and
+has a soil superior to any in all Iberia. Under the walls of this
+town Hannibal pitched his camp and set energetically to work on the
+siege, foreseeing many advantages that would accrue if he could take
+it. Of these the first was that he would thereby disappoint the Romans
+in their expectation of making Iberia the seat of war: a second was
+that he would thereby strike a general terror, which would render the
+already obedient tribes more submissive, and the still independent
+ones more cautious of offending him: but the greatest advantage of
+all was that thereby he would be able to push on his advance, without
+leaving an enemy on his rear. Besides these advantages, he calculated
+that the possession of this city would secure him abundant supplies
+for his expedition, and create an enthusiasm in the troops excited
+by individual acquisitions of booty; while he would conciliate the
+goodwill of those who remained at Carthage by the spoils which would
+be sent home. With these ideas he pressed on the siege with energy:
+sometimes setting an example to his soldiers by personally sharing in
+the fatigues of throwing up the siege works; and sometimes cheering on
+his men and recklessly exposing himself to danger.
+
+[Sidenote: Fall of Saguntum.]
+
+After a siege extending to the eighth month, in the course of which
+he endured every kind of suffering and anxiety, he finally succeeded
+in taking the town. An immense booty in money, slaves, and property
+fell into his hands, which he disposed of in accordance with his
+original design. The money he reserved for the needs of his projected
+expedition; the slaves were distributed according to merit among his
+men; while the property was at once sent entire to Carthage. The result
+answered his expectations: the army was rendered more eager for action;
+the home populace more ready to grant whatever he asked; and he himself
+was enabled, by the possession of such abundant means, to carry out
+many measures that were of service to his expedition.
+
+[Sidenote: Illyrian war, B.C. 219.]
+
++18.+ While this was taking place, Demetrius, discovering the
+intentions of Rome, threw a sufficient garrison into Dimale and
+victualled it in proportion. In the other towns he put those who were
+opposed to him to death, and placed the chief power in the hands of
+his own partisans; and selecting six thousand of the bravest of his
+subjects, quartered them in Pharos. When the Consul arrived in Illyria
+with his army, he found the enemies of Rome confident in the strength
+of Dimale and the elaborate preparations in it, and encouraged to
+resistance by their belief in its impregnability; he determined,
+therefore, to attack that town first, in order to strike terror into
+the enemy. Accordingly, after addressing an exhortation to the several
+officers of the legions, and throwing up siege works at several points,
+he began the siege in form. In seven days he took the town by assault,
+which so dismayed the enemy, that envoys immediately appeared from all
+the towns, surrendering themselves unconditionally to the protection
+of Rome. The Consul accepted their submission: and after imposing
+such conditions as appeared suitable to the several cases, he sailed
+to Pharos to attack Demetrius himself. Being informed that the city
+there was strongly fortified, thronged with excellent soldiers, and
+well-furnished with provisions and all other munitions of war, he began
+to entertain misgivings that the siege would be long and difficult; and
+therefore, with a view to these difficulties, he adopted on the spur of
+the moment the following strategem. He crossed to the island by night
+with his whole army. The greater part of it he disembarked at a spot
+where the ground was well-wooded and low; while with only twenty ships
+he sailed at daybreak to the harbour nearest the town. The smallness
+of the number of the ships moved only the contempt of Demetrius when
+he saw them, and he immediately marched out of the town down to the
+harbour to oppose the landing of the enemy.
+
+[Sidenote: Capture of Pharos.]
+
++19.+ A violent struggle at once began: and, as it went on, division
+after division of the troops in the city came down to support him,
+until at length the whole force had poured out to take part in the
+engagement. The Romans who had landed in the night arrived at the
+critical moment, after a march by an obscure route; and seizing a
+strong position on some rising ground between the city and the harbour,
+efficiently cut off from the city the troops that had sallied out.
+When Demetrius became aware of what had taken place, he desisted from
+opposing the disembarkation; and having rallied his men and addressed
+the ranks, he put them in motion, with the resolution of fighting a
+pitched battle with the troops on the hill. When the Romans saw the
+Illyrian advance being made in good order and with great spirit, they
+formed their ranks and charged furiously. At the same moment the Roman
+troops which had just effected their landing, seeing what was going on,
+charged the enemy on the rear, who being thus attacked on both sides,
+were thrown into great disorder and confusion. The result was that,
+finding both his van and his rear in difficulties, Demetrius fled.
+Some of his men retreated towards the city; but most of them escaped
+by bye-paths into various parts of the island. Demetrius himself made
+his way to some galleys which he kept at anchor at a solitary point
+on the coast, with a view to every contingency; and going on board,
+he sailed away at nightfall, and arrived unexpectedly at the court of
+King Philip, where he passed the remainder of his life:—a man whose
+undoubted boldness and courage were unsupported by either prudence or
+judgment. His end was of a piece with the whole tenor of his life; for
+while endeavouring at the instigation of Philip to seize Messene, he
+exposed himself during the battle with a careless rashness which cost
+him his life; of which I shall speak in detail when I come to that
+period.
+
+The Consul Aemilius having thus taken Pharos at a blow, levelled the
+city to the ground; and then having become master of all Illyria, and
+having ordered all its affairs as he thought right, returned towards
+the end of the summer to Rome, where he celebrated a triumph amid
+expressions of unmixed approval; for people considered that he had
+managed this business with great prudence and even greater courage.
+
+[Sidenote: Indignation at Rome at the fall of Saguntum.]
+
++20.+ But when news came to Rome of the fall of Saguntum, there was
+indeed no debate on the question of war, as some historians assert; who
+even add the speeches delivered on either side. But nothing could be
+more ridiculous. For is it conceivable that the Romans should have a
+year before proclaimed war with the Carthaginians in the event of their
+entering the territory of Saguntum, and yet, when the city itself had
+been taken, should have debated whether they should go to war or no?
+Just as absurd are the wonderful statements that the senators put on
+mourning, and that the fathers introduced their sons above twelve years
+old into the Senate House, who, being admitted to the debate, refrained
+from divulging any of its secrets even to their nearest relations. All
+this is as improbable as it is untrue; unless we are to believe that
+Fortune, among its other bounties, granted the Romans the privilege of
+being men of the world from their cradles. I need not waste any more
+words upon such compositions as those of Chaereas and Sosilus;[165]
+which, in my judgment, are more like the gossip of the barber’s shop
+and the pavement than history.
+
+[Sidenote: Envoys sent to Carthage to demand surrender of Hannibal.]
+
+The truth is that, when the Romans heard of the disaster at Saguntum,
+they at once elected envoys, whom they despatched in all haste to
+Carthage with the offer of two alternatives, one of which appeared
+to the Carthaginians to involve disgrace as well as injury if they
+accepted it, while the other was the beginning of a great struggle
+and of great dangers. For one of these alternatives was the surrender
+of Hannibal and his staff to Rome, the other was war. When the Roman
+envoys arrived and declared their message to the Senate, the choice
+proposed to them between these alternatives was listened to by the
+Carthaginians with indignation. Still they selected the most capable of
+their number to state their case, which was grounded on the following
+pleas.
+
++21.+ Passing over the treaty made with Hasdrubal, as not having ever
+been made, and, if it had, as not being binding on them because made
+without their consent (and on this point they quoted the precedent of
+the Romans themselves, who in the Sicilian war repudiated the terms
+agreed upon and accepted by Lutatius, as having been made without
+their consent)—passing over this, they pressed with all the vehemence
+they could, throughout the discussion, the last treaty made in the
+Sicilian war; in which they affirmed that there was no clause relating
+to Iberia, but one expressly providing security for the allies of both
+parties to the treaty. Now, they pointed out that the Saguntines at
+that time were not allies of Rome, and therefore were not protected
+by the clause. To prove their point, they read the treaty more than
+once aloud. On this occasion the Roman envoys contented themselves
+with the reply that, while Saguntum was intact, the matter in
+dispute admitted of pleadings and of a discussion on its merits; but
+that, that city having been treacherously seized, they had only two
+alternatives,—either to deliver the persons guilty of the act, and
+thereby make it clear that they had no share in their crime, and that
+it was done without their consent; or, if they were not willing to do
+that, and avowed their complicity in it, to take the consequences.
+
+The question of treaties between Rome and Carthage was referred
+to in general terms in the course of this debate: but I think a
+more particular examination of it will be useful both to practical
+statesmen, who require to know the exact truth of the matter, in order
+to avoid mistakes in any critical deliberation; and to historical
+students, that they may not be led astray by the ignorance or partisan
+bias of historians; but may have before them a conspectus, acknowledged
+to be accurate, of the various compacts which have been made between
+Rome and Carthage from the earliest times to our own day.
+
+[Sidenote: Treaties between Rome and Carthage.]
+
+[Sidenote: The first treaty, B.C. 509-508.]
+
++22.+ The first treaty between Rome and Carthage was made in the
+year of Lucius Junius Brutus and Marcus Horatius, the first Consuls
+appointed after the expulsion of the kings, by which men also the
+temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was consecrated. This was twenty-eight
+years before the invasion of Greece by Xerxes. Of this treaty I append
+a translation, as accurate as I could make it,—for the fact is that
+the ancient language differs so much from that at present in use, that
+the best scholars among the Romans themselves have great difficulty in
+interpreting some points in it, even after much study. The treaty is as
+follows:—
+
+“There shall be friendship between the Romans and their allies, and the
+Carthaginians and their allies, on these conditions:
+
+“Neither the Romans nor their allies are to sail beyond the Fair
+Promontory, unless driven by stress of weather or the fear of enemies.
+If any one of them be driven ashore he shall not buy or take aught for
+himself save what is needful for the repair of his ship and the service
+of the gods, and he shall depart within five days.
+
+“Men landing for traffic shall strike no bargain save in the presence
+of a herald or town-clerk. Whatever is sold in the presence of these,
+let the price be secured to the seller on the credit of the state—that
+is to say, if such sale be in Libya or Sardinia.
+
+“If any Roman comes to the Carthaginian province in Sicily he shall
+enjoy all rights enjoyed by others. The Carthaginians shall do no
+injury to the people of Ardea, Antium, Laurentium, Circeii, Tarracina,
+nor any other people of the Latins that are subject to Rome.
+
+“From those townships even which are not subject to Rome[166] they
+shall hold their hands; and if they take one shall deliver it unharmed
+to the Romans. They shall build no fort in Latium; and if they enter
+the district in arms, they shall not stay a night therein.”
+
++23.+ The “Fair Promontory” here referred to is that which lies
+immediately to the north of Carthage; south of which the Carthaginians
+stipulated that the Romans should not sail with ships of war, because,
+as I imagine, they did not wish them to be acquainted with the coast
+near Byzacium, or the lesser Syrtis, which places they call Emporia,
+owing to the productiveness of the district. The treaty then goes on
+to say that, if any one of them is driven thither by stress of weather
+or fear of an enemy, and stands in need of anything for the worship of
+the gods and the repair of his vessel, this and no more he may take;
+and all those who have come to anchor there must necessarily depart
+within five days. To Carthage, and all the country on the Carthaginian
+side of the Fair Promontory in Libya, to Sardinia, and the Carthaginian
+province of Sicily, the treaty allows the Romans to sail for mercantile
+purposes; and the Carthaginians engage their public credit that such
+persons shall enjoy absolute security.
+
+It is clear from this treaty that the Carthaginians speak of Sardinia
+and Libya as belonging to them entirely; but, on the other hand, make
+a distinction in the case of Sicily, and only stipulate for that part
+of it which is subject to Carthage. Similarly, the Romans also only
+stipulate concerning Latium; the rest of Italy they do not mention, as
+not being under their authority.
+
+[Sidenote: Second treaty, B.C. 306 (?).]
+
++24.+ After this treaty there was a second, in which we find that the
+Carthaginians have included the Tyrians and the township of Utica
+in addition to their former territory; and to the Fair Promontory
+Mastia and Tarseium are added, as the points east of which the
+Romans are not to make marauding expeditions or found a city. The
+treaty is as follows: “There shall be friendship between the Romans
+and their allies, and the Carthaginians, Tyrians, and township of
+Utica, on these terms: The Romans shall not maraud, nor traffic, nor
+found a city east of the Fair Promontory, Mastia, Tarseium. If the
+Carthaginians take any city in Latium which is not subject to Rome,
+they may keep the prisoners and the goods, but shall deliver up the
+town. If the Carthaginians take any folk, between whom and Rome a peace
+has been made in writing, though they be not subject to them, they
+shall not bring them into any harbours of the Romans; if such an one
+be so brought ashore, and any Roman lay claim to him,[167] he shall
+be released. In like manner shall the Romans be bound towards the
+Carthaginians.
+
+“If a Roman take water or provisions from any district within the
+jurisdiction of Carthage, he shall not injure, while so doing, any
+between whom and Carthage there is peace and friendship. Neither shall
+a Carthaginian in like case. If any one shall do so, he shall not
+be punished by private vengeance, but such action shall be a public
+misdemeanour.
+
+“In Sardinia and Libya no Roman shall traffic nor found a city; he
+shall do no more than take in provisions and refit his ship. If a storm
+drive him upon those coasts, he shall depart within five days.
+
+“In the Carthaginian province of Sicily and in Carthage he may transact
+business and sell whatsoever it is lawful for a citizen to do. In like
+manner also may a Carthaginian at Rome.”
+
+Once more in this treaty we may notice that the Carthaginians emphasise
+the fact of their entire possession of Libya and Sardinia, and prohibit
+any attempt of the Romans to land in them at all; and on the other
+hand, in the case of Sicily, they clearly distinguish their own
+province in it. So, too, the Romans, in regard to Latium, stipulate
+that the Carthaginians shall do no wrong to Ardea, Antium, Circeii,
+Tarracina, all of which are on the seaboard of Latium, to which alone
+the treaty refers.
+
+[Sidenote: Third treaty, B.C. 279.]
+
++25.+ A third treaty again was made by Rome at the time of the invasion
+of Pyrrhus into Sicily, before the Carthaginians undertook the war for
+the possession of Sicily. This treaty contains the same provisions as
+the two earlier treaties with these additional clauses:—
+
+“If they make a treaty of alliance with Pyrrhus, the Romans or
+Carthaginians shall make it on such terms as not to preclude the one
+giving aid to the other, if that one’s territory is attacked.
+
+“If one or the other stand in need of help, the Carthaginians shall
+supply the ships, whether for transport or war; but each people shall
+supply the pay for its own men employed on them.
+
+“The Carthaginians shall also give aid by sea to the Romans if need be;
+but no one shall compel the crews to disembark against their will.”
+
+Provision was also made for swearing to these treaties. In the case
+of the first, the Carthaginians were to swear by the gods of their
+ancestors, the Romans by Jupiter Lapis, in accordance with an ancient
+custom; in the case of the last treaty, by Mars and Quirinus.
+
+The form of swearing by Jupiter Lapis was this. The commissioner for
+swearing to the treaty took a stone in his hand, and, having taken the
+oath in the name of his country, added these words, “If I abide by this
+oath may he bless me; but if I do otherwise in thought or act, may all
+others be kept safe each in his own country, under his own laws, in
+enjoyment of his own goods, household gods, and tombs,—may I alone be
+cast out, even as this stone is now.” And having uttered these words he
+throws the stone from his hand.
+
+[Sidenote: Misstatement of Philinus.]
+
++26.+ Seeing that such treaties exist and are preserved to this day,
+engraved on brass in the treasury of the Aediles in the temple of
+Jupiter Capitolinus, the historian Philinus certainly does give us some
+reason to be surprised at him. Not at his ignorance of their existence:
+for even in our own day those Romans and Carthaginians, whose age
+placed them nearest to the times, and who had the reputation of taking
+the greatest interest in public affairs, were unaware of it. But what
+is surprising is, that he should have ventured on a statement exactly
+opposite: “That there was a treaty between Rome and Carthage, in virtue
+of which the Romans were bound to keep away from the whole of Sicily,
+the Carthaginians from the whole of Italy; and that the Romans broke
+the treaty and their oath when they first crossed over to Sicily.”
+Whereas there does not exist, nor ever has existed, any such written
+compact at all. Yet this assertion he makes in so many words in his
+second book. I referred to this in the preface of my work, but reserved
+a more detailed discussion of it to this place; which was necessary,
+because the assertion of Philinus has misled a considerable number of
+people on this point. I have nothing to say if a man chooses to attack
+the Romans for crossing into Sicily, on the grounds of their having
+taken the Mamertines into alliance at all; or in having thus acted in
+answer to their request, after these men’s treachery to Rhegium as well
+as Messene: but if any one supposes that in so crossing they broke
+oaths or treaties, he is manifestly ignorant of the truth.
+
+[Sidenote: Fourth treaty, B.C. 241.]
+
++27.+ At the end of the first Punic war another treaty was made,
+of which the chief provisions were these: “The Carthaginians shall
+evacuate Sicily and all islands lying between Italy and Sicily.
+
+“The allies of neither of the parties to the treaty shall be attacked
+by the other.
+
+“Neither party shall impose any contribution, nor erect any public
+building, nor enlist soldiers in the dominions of the other, nor make
+any compact of friendship with the allies of the other.
+
+“The Carthaginians shall within ten years pay to the Romans
+two-thousand two-hundred talents, and a thousand on the spot; and shall
+restore all prisoners, without ransom, to the Romans.”
+
+[Sidenote: Fifth treaty, B.C. 238.]
+
+Afterwards, at the end of the Mercenary war in Africa, the Romans went
+so far as to pass a decree for war with Carthage, but eventually made
+a treaty to the following effect: “The Carthaginians shall evacuate
+Sardinia, and pay an additional twelve hundred talents.”
+
+[Sidenote: Sixth treaty, B.C. 228.]
+
+Finally, in addition to these treaties, came that negotiated with
+Hasdrubal in Iberia, in which it was stipulated that “the Carthaginians
+should not cross the Iber with arms.”
+
+Such were the mutual obligations established between Rome and Carthage
+from the earliest times to that of Hannibal.
+
+[Sidenote: No excuse for the Roman claim on Sardinia.]
+
++28.+ As we find then that the Roman invasion of Sicily was not in
+contravention of their oaths, so we must acknowledge in the case of
+the second proclamation of war, in consequence of which the treaty for
+the evacuation of Sardinia was made, that it is impossible to find any
+reasonable pretext or ground for the Roman action. The Carthaginians
+were beyond question compelled by the necessities of their position,
+contrary to all justice, to evacuate Sardinia, and to pay this enormous
+sum of money. For as to the allegation of the Romans, that they had
+during the Mercenary war been guilty of acts of hostility to ships
+sailing from Rome,—that was barred by their own act in restoring,
+without ransom, the Carthaginian prisoners, in gratitude for similar
+conduct on the part of Carthage to Romans who had landed on their
+shores; a transaction which I have spoken of at length in my previous
+book.[168]
+
+These facts established, it remains to decide by a thorough
+investigation to which of the two nations the origin of the Hannibalian
+war is to be imputed.
+
+[Sidenote: The Roman Case.]
+
++29.+ I have explained the pleas advanced by the Carthaginians; I must
+now state what is alleged on the contrary by the Romans. For though
+it is true that in this particular interview, owing to their anger at
+the fall of Saguntum, they did not use these arguments, yet they were
+appealed to on many occasions, and by many of their citizens. First,
+they argued that the treaty of Hasdrubal could not be ignored, as the
+Carthaginians had the assurance to do: for it did not contain the
+clause, which that of Lutatius did, making its validity conditional
+on its ratification by the people of Rome; but Hasdrubal made the
+agreement absolutely and authoritatively that “the Carthaginians should
+not cross the Iber in arms.”
+
+Next they alleged that the clause in the treaty respecting Sicily,
+which by their own admission stipulated that “the allies of neither
+party should be attacked by the other,” did not refer to then existing
+allies only, as the Carthaginians interpreted it; for in that case
+a clause would have been added, disabling either from making new
+alliances in addition to those already existing, or excluding allies,
+taken subsequently to the making of the treaty, from its benefits.
+But since neither of these provisions was made, it was plain that
+both the then existing allies, and all those taken subsequently on
+either side, were entitled to reciprocal security. And this was only
+reasonable. For it was not likely that they would have made a treaty
+depriving them of the power, when opportunity offered, of taking on
+such friends or allies as seemed to their interest; nor, again, if they
+had taken any such under their protection, was it to be supposed that
+they would allow them to be injured by any persons whatever. But, in
+fact, the main thing present in the minds of both parties to the treaty
+was, that they should mutually agree to abstain from attacking each
+other’s allies, and on no account admit into alliance with themselves
+the allies of the other: and it was to subsequent allies that this
+particular clause applied, “Neither shall enlist soldiers, or impose
+contributions on the provinces or allies of the other; and all shall be
+alike secure of attack from the other side.”
+
++30.+ These things being so, they argued that it was beyond controversy
+that Saguntum had accepted the protection of Rome, several years before
+the time of Hannibal. The strongest proof of this, and one which would
+not be contested by the Carthaginians themselves, was that, when
+political disturbances broke out at Saguntum, the people chose the
+Romans, and not the Carthaginians, as arbitrators to settle the dispute
+and restore their constitution, although the latter were close at hand
+and were already established in Iberia.
+
+[Sidenote: Mutual provocation.]
+
+I conclude, then, that if the destruction of Saguntum is to be regarded
+as the cause of this war, the Carthaginians must be acknowledged to be
+in the wrong, both in view of the treaty of Lutatius, which secured
+immunity from attack for the allies of both parties, and in view of
+the treaty of Hasdrubal, which disabled the Carthaginians from passing
+the Iber with arms.[169] If on the other hand the taking Sardinia from
+them, and imposing the heavy money fine which accompanied it, are to
+be regarded as the causes, we must certainly acknowledge that the
+Carthaginians had good reason for undertaking the Hannibalian war: for
+as they had only yielded to the pressure of circumstances, so they
+seized a favourable turn in those circumstances to revenge themselves
+on their injurers.
+
++31.+ Some uncritical readers may perhaps say that such minute
+discussion on points of this kind is unnecessary. And if any man were
+entirely self-sufficing in every event, I might allow that the accurate
+knowledge of the past, though a graceful accomplishment, was perhaps
+not essential: but as long as it is not in mere mortals to say this,
+either in public or private affairs,—seeing that no man of sense, even
+if he is prosperous for the moment, will ever reckon with certainty
+on the future,—then I say that such knowledge is essential, and not
+merely graceful. For take the three commonest cases. Suppose, first,
+a statesman to be attacked either in his own person or in that of his
+country: or, secondly, suppose him to be anxious for a forward policy
+and to anticipate the attack of an enemy: or, lastly, suppose him to
+desire to maintain the _status quo_. In all these cases it is history
+alone that can supply him with precedents, and teach him how, in the
+first case, to find supporters and allies; in the second, to incite
+co-operation; and in the third, to give vigour to the conservative
+forces which tend to maintain, as he desires, the existing state of
+things. In the case of contemporaries, it is difficult to obtain an
+insight into their purposes; because, as their words and actions are
+dictated by a desire of accommodating themselves to the necessity
+of the hour, and of keeping up appearances, the truth is too often
+obscured. Whereas the transactions of the past admit of being tested by
+naked fact; and accordingly display without disguise the motives and
+purposes of the several persons engaged; and teach us from what sort
+of people to expect favour, active kindness, and assistance, or the
+reverse. They give us also many opportunities of distinguishing who
+would be likely to pity us, feel indignation at our wrongs, and defend
+our cause,—a power that contributes very greatly to national as well
+as individual security. Neither the writer nor the reader of history,
+therefore, should confine his attention to a bare statement of facts:
+he must take into account all that preceded, accompanied, or followed
+them. For if you take from history all explanation of cause, principle,
+and motive, and of the adaptation of the means to the end, what is left
+is a mere panorama without being instructive; and, though it may please
+for the moment, has no abiding value.
+
++32.+ Another mistake is to look upon my history as difficult to
+obtain or master, because of the number and size of the books. Compare
+it in these particulars with the various writings of the episodical
+historians. Is it not much easier to purchase and read my forty
+books, which are as it were all in one piece, and so to follow with a
+comprehensive glance the events in Italy, Sicily, and Libya from the
+time of Pyrrhus to the fall of Carthage, and those in the rest of the
+world from the flight of Cleomenes of Sparta, continuously, to the
+battle between the Achaeans and Romans at the Isthmus? To say nothing
+of the fact that the compositions of these historians are many times
+as numerous as mine, it is impossible for their readers to get any
+certain information from them: first, because most of them differ in
+their account of the same transactions; and secondly, because they
+omit contemporary history,—the comparative review of which would put
+a very different complexion upon events to that derived from isolated
+treatment,—and are unable to touch upon the most decisive events at
+all. For, indeed, the most important parts of history are those which
+treat the events which follow or accompany a certain course of conduct,
+and pre-eminently so those which treat of causes. For instance, we
+see that the war with Antiochus took its rise from that with Philip;
+that with Philip from the Hannibalian; and the Hannibalian from the
+Sicilian war: and though between these wars there were numerous events
+of various character, they all converged upon the same consummation.
+Such a comprehensive view may be obtained from universal history, but
+not from the histories of particular wars, such as those with Perseus
+or Philip; unless we fondly imagine that, by reading the accounts
+contained in them of the pitched battles, we gain a knowledge of the
+conduct and plan of the whole war. This of course is not the case; and
+in the present instance I hope that there will be as wide a difference
+between my history and such episodical compositions, as between real
+learning and mere listening.
+
++33.+ To resume the story of the Carthaginians and the Roman
+deputies.[170] To the arguments of the former the [Sidenote: Answer
+of Fabius. See Livy, 21, 18.] ambassadors made no answer, except that
+the senior among them, in the presence of the assembly, pointed to the
+folds of his toga and said that in them he carried peace and war, and
+that he would bring out and leave with them whichever they bade him.
+The Carthaginian Suffete[171] bade him bring out whichever of the two
+he chose: and upon the Roman saying that it should be war, a majority
+of the senators cried out in answer that they accepted it. It was on
+these terms that the Senate and the Roman ambassadors parted.
+
+[Sidenote: Winter of 219-218 B.C. Hannibal’s arrangements for the
+coming campaign.]
+
+Meanwhile Hannibal, upon going into winter quarters at New Carthage,
+first of all dismissed the Iberians to their various cities, with
+the view of their being prepared and vigorous for the next campaign.
+Secondly, he instructed his brother Hasdrubal in the management of
+his government in Iberia, and of the preparations to be made against
+Rome, in case he himself should be separated from him. Thirdly, he
+took precautions for the security of Libya, by selecting with prudent
+skill certain soldiers from the home army to come over to Iberia, and
+certain from the Iberian army to go to Libya; by which interchange
+he secured cordial feeling of confidence between the two armies. The
+Iberians sent to Libya were the Thersitae, the Mastiani, as well as
+the Oretes and Olcades, mustering together twelve hundred cavalry and
+thirteen thousand eight hundred and fifty foot. Besides these there
+were eight hundred and seventy slingers from the Balearic Isles,
+whose name, as that of the islands they inhabit, is derived from the
+word _ballein_, “to throw,” because of their peculiar skill with the
+sling. Most of these troops he ordered to be stationed at Metagonia
+in Libya, and the rest in Carthage itself. And from the cities in the
+district of Metagonia he sent four thousand foot also into Carthage,
+to serve at once as hostages for the fidelity of their country, and
+as an additional guard for the city. With his brother Hasdrubal in
+Iberia he left fifty quinqueremes, two quadriremes, and five triremes,
+thirty-two of the quinqueremes being furnished with crews, and all five
+of the triremes; also cavalry consisting of four hundred and fifty
+Libyophenicians and Libyans, three hundred Lergetae, eighteen hundred
+Numidians of the Massolian, Massaesylian, Maccoeian, and Maurian
+tribes, who dwell by the ocean; with eleven thousand eight hundred and
+fifty Libyans, three hundred Ligures, five hundred of the Balearic
+Islanders, and twenty-one elephants.
+
+[Sidenote: The inscription recording these facts.]
+
+The accuracy of this enumeration of Hannibal’s Iberian establishment
+need excite no surprise, though it is such as a commander himself would
+have some difficulty in displaying; nor ought I to be condemned at once
+of imitating the specious falsehoods of historians: for the fact is
+that I myself found on Lacinium[172] a bronze tablet, which Hannibal
+had caused to be inscribed with these particulars when he was in Italy;
+and holding it to be an entirely trustworthy authority for such facts,
+I did not hesitate to follow it.
+
++34.+ Though Hannibal had taken every precaution for the security of
+Libya and Iberia, he yet waited for the messengers whom he expected to
+arrive from the Celts. He had thoroughly acquainted himself with the
+fertility and populousness of the districts at the foot of the Alps
+and in the valley of the Padus, as well as with the warlike courage
+of the men; but most important of all, with their hostile feelings
+to Rome derived from the previous war, which I described in my last
+book, with the express purpose of enabling my readers to follow my
+narrative. He therefore reckoned very much on the chance of their
+co-operation; and was careful to send messages to the chiefs of the
+Celts, whether dwelling actually on the Alps or on the Italian side of
+them, with unlimited promises; because he believed that he would be
+able to confine the war against Rome to Italy, if he could make his way
+through the intervening difficulties to these parts, and avail himself
+of the active alliance of the Celts. When his messengers returned with
+a report that the Celts were ready to help him and all eagerness for
+his approach; and that the passage of the Alps, though laborious and
+difficult, was not, however, impossible, he collected his forces from
+their winter quarters at the approach of spring. Just before receiving
+this report he had learnt the circumstances attending the Roman embassy
+at Carthage. Encouraged by the assurance thus given him, that he would
+be supported by the popular sentiment at home, he no longer disguised
+from his army that the object of the forthcoming campaign was Rome; and
+tried to inspire them with courage for the undertaking. He explained to
+them how the Romans had demanded the surrender of himself and all the
+officers of the army: and pointed out the fertility of the country to
+which they were going, and the goodwill and active alliance which the
+Celts were prepared to offer them. When the crowd of soldiers showed
+an enthusiastic readiness to accompany him, he dismissed the assembly,
+after thanking them, and naming the day on which he intended to march.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 218. Hannibal breaks up his winter quarters and starts
+for Italy.]
+
++35.+ These measures satisfactorily accomplished while he was in winter
+quarters, and the security of Libya and Iberia being sufficiently
+provided for; when the appointed day arrived, Hannibal got his army in
+motion, which consisted of ninety thousand infantry and about twelve
+thousand cavalry. After crossing the Iber, he set about subduing the
+tribes of the Ilurgetes and Bargusii, as well as the Aerenosii and
+Andosini, as far as the Pyrenees. When he had reduced all this country
+under his power, and taken certain towns by storm, which he did with
+unexpected rapidity, though not without severe fighting and serious
+loss; he left Hanno in chief command of all the district north of the
+Iber, and with absolute authority over the Burgusii, who were the
+people that gave him most uneasiness on account of their friendly
+feeling towards Rome. He then detached from his army ten thousand
+foot and a thousand horse for the service of Hanno,—to whom also he
+entrusted the heavy baggage of the troops that were to accompany
+himself,—and the same number to go to their own land. The object of
+this last measure was twofold: he thereby left a certain number of
+well-affected persons behind him; and also held out to the others a
+hope of returning home, both to those Iberians who were to accompany
+him on his march, and to those also who for the present were to remain
+at home, so that there might be a general alacrity to join him if he
+were ever in want of a reinforcement. He then set his remaining troops
+in motion unencumbered by heavy baggage, fifty thousand infantry and
+nine thousand cavalry, and led them through the Pyrenees to the passage
+of the river Rhone. The army was not so much numerous, as highly
+efficient, and in an extraordinary state of physical training from
+their continuous battles with the Iberians.
+
+[Sidenote: Geography of Hannibal’s march.]
+
++36.+ But as a knowledge of topography is necessary for the right
+understanding of my narrative, I must state the places from which
+Hannibal started, through which he marched, and into which he descended
+when he arrived in Italy. Nor must I, like some historians, content
+myself with mentioning the mere names of places and rivers, under
+the idea that that is quite sufficient to give a clear knowledge. My
+opinion is that, in the case of well-known places, the mention of names
+is of great assistance, but that, in the case of unknown countries,
+names are no better than unintelligible and unmeaning sounds: for the
+understanding having nothing to go upon, and being unable by referring
+to something known to translate the words into thought, the narrative
+becomes confused and vague, and conveys no clear idea. A plan therefore
+must be discovered, whereby it shall be possible, while speaking of
+unknown countries, to convey real and intelligible notions.
+
+The first, most important, and most general conception is that of the
+division of the heaven into four quarters, which all of us that are
+capable of a general idea at all know as east, west, south, and north.
+The next is to arrange the several parts of the globe according to
+these points, and always to refer in thought any place mentioned to
+one or other of them. We shall thus get an intelligible and familiar
+conception of places which we do not know or have never seen.
+
+[Sidenote: General view of the geography of the world.]
+
++37.+ This principle established as universally applicable to the
+world, the next point will be to make the geography of our own part of
+it intelligible by a corresponding division.
+
+It falls, then, into three divisions, each distinguished by a
+particular name,—Asia, Libya, Europe.[173] The boundaries are
+respectively the Don, the Nile, and the Straits of the Pillars of
+Hercules. Asia lies between the Don and the Nile, and lies under that
+portion of the heaven which is between the north-east and the south.
+Libya lies between the Nile and the Pillars of Hercules, and falls
+beneath the south portion of the heaven, extending to the south-west
+without a break, till it reaches the point of the equinoctial sunset,
+which corresponds with the Pillars of Hercules. These two divisions
+of the earth, therefore, regarded in a general point of view, occupy
+all that part which is south of the Mediterranean from east to west.
+Europe with respect to both of these lies to the north facing them,
+and extending continuously from east to west. Its most important and
+extensive part lies under the northern sky between the river Don and
+the Narbo, which is only a short distance west of Marseilles and
+the mouths by which the Rhone discharges itself into the Sardinian
+Sea. From Narbo is the district occupied by the Celts as far as the
+Pyrenees, stretching continuously from the Mediterranean to the Mare
+Externum. The rest of Europe south of the Pyrenees, to the point where
+it approaches the Pillars of Hercules, is bounded on one side by the
+Mediterranean, on the other by the Mare Externum; and that part of it
+which is washed by the Mediterranean as far as the Pillars of Hercules
+is called Iberia, while the part which lies along the Outer or Great
+Sea has no general name, because it has but recently been discovered,
+and is inhabited entirely by barbarous tribes, who are very numerous,
+and of whom I will speak in more detail hereafter.
+
+[Sidenote: The extreme north and south unknown.]
+
++38.+ But as no one up to our time has been able to settle in regard
+to those parts of Asia and Libya, where they approach each other in
+the neighbourhood of Ethiopia, whether the continent is continuous to
+the south, or is surrounded by the sea, so it is in regard to the part
+between Narbo and the Don: none of us as yet knows anything of the
+northern extent of this district, and anything we can ever know must be
+the result of future exploration; and those who rashly venture by word
+of mouth or written statements to describe this district must be looked
+upon as ignorant or romancing.
+
+My object in these observations was to prevent my narrative being
+entirely vague to those who were unacquainted with the localities. I
+hoped that, by keeping these broad distinctions in mind, they would
+have some definite standard to which to refer every mention of a place,
+starting from the primary one of the division of the sky into four
+quarters. For, as in the case of physical sight, we instinctively turn
+our faces to any object pointed at; so in the case of the mind, our
+thoughts ought to turn naturally to localities as they are mentioned
+from time to time.
+
+It is time now to return to the story we have in hand.
+
+[Sidenote: The length of the march from Carthagena to the Po, 1125
+Roman miles.]
+
++39.+ At this period the Carthaginians were masters of the whole
+Mediterranean coast of Libya from the Altars of Philaenus,[174]
+opposite the Great Syrtis, to the Pillars of Hercules, a seaboard of
+over sixteen thousand stades. They had also crossed the strait of the
+Pillars of Hercules, and got possession of the whole seaboard of Iberia
+on the Mediterranean as far as the Pyrenees, which separate the Iberes
+from the Celts—that is, for a distance of about eight thousand stades:
+for it is three thousand from the Pillars to New Carthage, from which
+Hannibal started for Italy; two thousand six hundred from thence to
+the Iber; and from that river to Emporium again sixteen hundred; from
+which town, I may add, to the passage of the Rhone is a distance of
+about sixteen hundred stades; for all these distances have now been
+carefully measured by the Romans and marked with milestones at every
+eighth stade.[175] After crossing the river there was a march up stream
+along its bank of fourteen hundred stades, before reaching the foot of
+the pass over the Alps into Italy. The pass itself was about twelve
+hundred stades, which being crossed would bring him into the plains
+of the Padus in Italy. So that the whole length of his march from New
+Carthage was about nine thousand stades, or 1125 Roman miles. Of the
+country he had thus to traverse he had already passed almost half in
+mere distance, but in the difficulties the greater part of his task was
+still before him.
+
+[Sidenote: Coss. P. Cornelius Scipio and Tib. Sempronius Longus. B.C.
+218. The Consuls are sent, one to Spain, and the other to Africa.]
+
+[Sidenote: Placentia and Cremona.]
+
+[Sidenote: Outrage by Boii and Insubres.]
+
++40.+ While Hannibal was thus engaged in effecting a passage over the
+Pyrenees, where he was greatly alarmed at the extraordinary strength
+of the positions occupied by the Celts; the Romans, having heard the
+result of the embassy to Carthage, and that Hannibal had crossed
+the Iber earlier than they expected, at the head of an army, voted
+to send Publius Cornelius Scipio with his legions into Iberia, and
+Tiberius Sempronius Longus into Libya. And while the Consuls were
+engaged in hastening on the enrolment of their legions and other
+military preparations, the people were active in bringing to completion
+the colonies which they had already voted to send into Gaul. They
+accordingly caused the fortification of these towns to be energetically
+pushed on, and ordered the colonists to be in residence within thirty
+days: six thousand having been assigned to each colony. One of these
+colonies was on the south bank of the Padus, and was called Placentia;
+the other on the north bank, called Cremona. But no sooner had these
+colonies been formed, than the Boian Gauls, who had long been lying in
+wait to throw off their loyalty to Rome, but had up to that time lacked
+an opportunity, encouraged by the news that reached them of Hannibal’s
+approach, revolted; thus abandoning the hostages which they had given
+at the end of the war described in my last book. The ill-feeling still
+remaining towards Rome enabled them to induce the Insubres to join in
+the revolt; and the united tribes swept over the territory recently
+allotted by the Romans, and following close upon the track of the
+flying colonists, laid siege to the Roman colony of Mutina, in which
+the fugitives had taken refuge. Among them were the _triumviri_ or
+three commissioners who had been sent out to allot the lands, of whom
+one—Gaius Lutatius—was an ex-consul, the other two ex-praetors. These
+men having demanded a parley with the enemy, the Boii consented: but
+treacherously seized them upon their leaving the town, hoping by their
+means to recover their own hostages. The praetor Lucius Manlius was
+on guard in the district with an army, and as soon as he heard what
+had happened, he advanced with all speed to the relief of Mutina.
+But the Boii, having got intelligence of his approach, prepared an
+ambuscade; and as soon as his army had entered a certain wood, they
+rushed out upon it from every side and killed a large number of his
+men. The survivors at first fled with precipitation: but having gained
+some higher ground, they rallied sufficiently to enable them with much
+difficulty to effect an honourable retreat. Even so, the Boii followed
+close upon their heels, and besieged them in a place called the
+village of Tannes.[176] When the news arrived at Rome, that the fourth
+legion was surrounded and closely besieged by the Boii, the people in
+all haste despatched the legions which had been voted to the Consul
+Publius, to their relief, under the command of a Praetor, and ordered
+the Consul to enrol two more legions for himself from the allies.
+
++41.+ Such was the state of Celtic affairs from the beginning to the
+arrival of Hannibal; thus completing the course of events which I have
+already had occasion to describe.
+
+[Sidenote: Tiberius Sempronius prepares to attack Carthage.]
+
+Meanwhile the Consuls, having completed the necessary preparations for
+their respective missions, set sail at the beginning of summer—Publius
+to Iberia, with sixty ships, and Tiberius Sempronius to Libya, with a
+hundred and sixty quinqueremes. The latter thought by means of this
+great fleet to strike terror into the enemy; and made vast preparations
+at Lilybaeum, collecting fresh troops wherever he could get them, as
+though with the view of at once blockading Carthage itself.
+
+[Sidenote: Publius Scipio lands near Marseilles.]
+
+Publius Cornelius coasted along Liguria, and crossing in five days
+from Pisae to Marseilles, dropped anchor at the most eastern mouth of
+the Rhone, called the Mouth of Marseilles,[177] and began disembarking
+his troops. For though he heard that Hannibal was already crossing the
+Pyrenees, he felt sure that he was still a long way off, owing to the
+difficulty of his line of country, and the number of the intervening
+Celtic tribes. But long before he was expected, Hannibal had arrived
+at the crossing of the Rhone, keeping the Sardinian Sea on his right
+as he marched, and having made his way through the Celts partly by
+bribes and partly by force. Being informed that the enemy were at hand,
+Publius was at first incredulous of the fact, because of the rapidity
+of the advance; but wishing to know the exact state of the case,—while
+staying behind himself to refresh his troops after their voyage, and to
+consult with the Tribunes as to the best ground on which to give the
+enemy battle,—he sent out a reconnoitring party, consisting of three
+hundred of his bravest horse; joining with them as guides and supports
+some Celts, who chanced to be serving as mercenaries at the time in
+Marseilles.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal reaches the Rhone.]
+
++42.+ Meanwhile Hannibal had reached the river and was trying to get
+across it where the stream was single, at a distance of four days’
+march from the sea. He did all he could to make the natives living by
+the river friendly to him, and purchased from them all their canoes of
+hollow trunks, and wherries, of which there were a large number, owing
+to the extensive sea traffic of the inhabitants of the Rhone valley.
+He got from them also the timber suited to the construction of these
+canoes; and so in two days had an innumerable supply of transports,
+every soldier seeking to be independent of his neighbour, and to have
+the means of crossing in his own hands. But now a large multitude of
+barbarians collected on the other side of the stream to hinder the
+passage of the Carthaginians. When Hannibal saw them, he came to the
+conclusion that it would be impossible either to force a passage in
+the face of so large a body of the enemy, or to remain where he was,
+for fear of being attacked on all sides at once: and he accordingly,
+on the third night, sent forward a detachment of his army with native
+guides, under the command of Hanno, the son of the Suffete[178]
+Bomilcar. [Sidenote: A detachment crosses higher up the river.] This
+force marched up stream along the bank for two hundred stades, until
+they arrived at a certain spot where the stream is divided by an eyot,
+and there halted. They found enough wood close at hand to enable them,
+by nailing or tying it together, to construct within a short time a
+large number of rafts good enough for temporary use; and on these they
+crossed in safety, without any one trying to stop them. Then, seizing
+upon a strong position, they kept quiet for the rest of the day: partly
+to refresh themselves after their fatigues, and at the same time to
+complete their preparations for the service awaiting them, as they had
+been ordered to do. Hannibal was preparing to proceed much in the same
+way with the forces left behind with himself; but his chief difficulty
+was in getting the elephants across, of which he had thirty-seven.
+
+[Sidenote: The crossing begun.]
+
++43.+ When the fifth night came, however, the division which had
+crossed first started before daybreak to march down the opposite bank
+of the river and attack the barbarians; while Hannibal, having his men
+in readiness, began to attempt the passage of the river. He had filled
+the wherries with the heavy-armed cavalry, and the canoes with the most
+active of his foot; and he now arranged that the wherries should cross
+higher up the stream, and the canoes below them, that the violence of
+the current might be broken by the former, and the canoes cross more
+safely. The plan for the horses was that they should swim at the stern
+of the wherries, one man on each side of the stern guiding three or
+four with leading reins: so that a considerable number of horses were
+brought over at once with the first detachment. When they saw what the
+enemy meant to do, the barbarians, without forming their ranks, poured
+out of their entrenchments in scattered groups, feeling no doubt of
+being able to stop the crossing of the Carthaginians with ease. As soon
+as Hannibal saw by the smoke, which was the signal agreed upon, that
+the advanced detachment on the other side was approaching, he ordered
+all to go on board, and the men in charge of the transports to push
+out against the stream. This was promptly done: and then began a most
+anxious and exciting scene. Cheer after cheer rose from the men who
+were working the boats, as they struggled to outstrip each other, and
+exerted themselves to the utmost to overcome the force of the current.
+On the edge of either bank stood the two armies: the one sharing in the
+struggles of their comrades by sympathy, and shouting encouragement
+to them as they went; while the barbarians in front of them yelled
+their war-cries and challenged them to battle. While this was going on
+the barbarians had abandoned their tents, which the Carthaginians on
+that side of the river suddenly and unexpectedly seized. Some of them
+proceeded to set fire to the camp, while the greater number went to
+attack the men who were standing ready to resist the passage. Surprised
+by this unlooked-for event, some of the barbarians rushed off to save
+their tents, while others prepared to resist the attack of the enemy,
+and were now actually engaged. Seeing that everything was going as
+he had intended, Hannibal at once formed the first division as it
+disembarked: and after addressing some encouraging words to it, closed
+with the barbarians, who, having no time to form their ranks, and being
+taken by surprise, were quickly repulsed and put to flight.
+
+[Sidenote: Completed.]
+
+[Sidenote: Message from friendly Gauls.]
+
++44.+ Being thus master of the passage of the river, and victorious
+over those who opposed him, the first care of the Carthaginian
+leader was to bring his whole army across. This being expeditiously
+accomplished, he pitched his camp for that night by the river-side, and
+on the morrow, when he was told that the Roman fleet was anchored off
+the mouths of the river, he detached five hundred Numidian horsemen
+to reconnoitre the enemy and find out their position, their numbers,
+and what they were going to do; and at the same time selected suitable
+men to manage the passage of the elephants. These arrangements made,
+he summoned a meeting of his army and introduced Magilus and the other
+chiefs who had come to him from the valley of the Padus, and caused
+them to declare to the whole army, by means of an interpreter, the
+resolutions passed by their tribes. The points which were the strongest
+encouragement to the army were, first, the actual appearance of envoys
+inviting them to come, and promising to take part in the war with Rome;
+secondly, the confidence inspired by their promise of guiding them by
+a route where they would be abundantly supplied with necessaries, and
+which would lead them with speed and safety into Italy; and, lastly,
+the fertility and vast extent of the country to which they were going,
+and the friendly feelings of the men with whose assistance they were
+about to fight the armies of Rome.
+
+Such was the substance of the speeches of the Celts. When they had
+withdrawn, Hannibal himself rose, and after reminding the soldiers
+of what they had already achieved, and pointing out that, though
+they had under his counsel and advice engaged in many perilous and
+dangerous enterprises, they had never failed in one, he bade them “not
+lose courage now that the most serious part of their undertaking was
+accomplished. The Rhone was crossed: they had seen with their own eyes
+the display of goodwill and zeal of their allies. Let this convince
+them that they should leave the rest to him with confidence; and while
+obeying his orders show themselves men of courage and worthy of their
+former deeds.” These words being received with shouts of approval, and
+other manifestations of great enthusiasm, on the part of the soldiers,
+Hannibal dismissed the assembly with words of praise to the men and
+a prayer to the gods on their behalf; after giving out an order that
+they should refresh themselves, and make all their preparations with
+despatch, as the advance must begin on the morrow.
+
+[Sidenote: Skirmish between reconnoitring parties.]
+
++45.+ When the assembly had been dismissed, the reconnoitring party
+of Numidians returned in headlong flight, after losing more than half
+their numbers. Not far from the camp they had fallen in with a party
+of Roman horse, who had been sent out by Publius on the same errand;
+and an engagement took place with such fury on either side, that the
+Romans and Celts lost a hundred and forty men, and the Numidians more
+than two hundred. After this skirmish, the Romans pursued them up to
+the Carthaginian entrenchments: and having surveyed it, they hastened
+back to announce to the Consul the presence of the enemy. As soon as
+they arrived at the Roman camp with this intelligence, Publius put his
+baggage on board ship, and marched his men up the bank of the river,
+with the earnest desire of forcing the enemy to give him battle.
+
+But at sunrise on the day after the assembly, Hannibal having stationed
+his whole cavalry on the rear, in the direction of the sea, so as to
+cover the advance, ordered his infantry to leave the entrenchment and
+begin their march; while he himself waited behind for the elephants,
+and the men who had not yet crossed the river.
+
+[Sidenote: The passage of the elephants.]
+
++46.+ The mode of getting the elephants across was as follows. They
+made a number of rafts strongly compacted, which they lashed firmly
+two and two together, so as to form combined a breadth of about fifty
+feet, and brought them close under the bank at the place of crossing.
+To the outer edge of these they lashed some others and made them join
+exactly; so that the whole raft thus constructed stretched out some way
+into the channel, while the edges towards the stream were made fast to
+the land with ropes tied to trees which grew along the brink, to secure
+the raft keeping its place and not drifting down the river. These
+combined rafts stretching about two hundred feet across the stream,
+they joined two other very large ones to the outer edges, fastened very
+firmly together, but connected with the others by ropes which admitted
+of being easily cut. To these they fastened several towing lines,
+that the wherries might prevent the rafts drifting down stream, and
+might drag them forcibly against the current and so get the elephants
+across on them. Then they threw a great deal of earth upon all the
+rafts, until they had raised the surface to the level of the bank, and
+made it look like the path on the land leading down to the passage.
+The elephants were accustomed to obey their Indian riders until they
+came to water, but could never be induced to step into water: they
+therefore led them upon this earth, putting two females in front whom
+the others obediently followed. When they had set foot on the rafts
+that were farthest out in the stream, the ropes were cut which fastened
+these to the other rafts, the towing lines were pulled taut by the
+wherries, and the elephants, with the rafts on which they stood, were
+quickly towed away from the mound of earth. When this happened, the
+animals were terror-stricken; and at first turned round and round, and
+rushed first to one part of the raft and then to another, but finding
+themselves completely surrounded by the water, they were too frightened
+to do anything, and were obliged to stay where they were. And it was by
+repeating this contrivance of joining a pair of rafts to the others,
+that eventually the greater part of the elephants were got across.
+Some of them, however, in the middle of the crossing, threw themselves
+in their terror into the river: but though their Indian riders were
+drowned, the animals themselves got safe to land, saved by the strength
+and great length of their probosces; for by raising these above the
+water, they were enabled to breathe through them, and blow out any
+water that got into them, while for the most part they got through the
+river on their feet.
+
++47.+ The elephants having been thus got across, Hannibal formed them
+and the cavalry into a rear-guard, and marched up the river bank away
+from the sea in an easterly direction, as though making for the central
+district of Europe.
+
+The Rhone rises to the north-west of the Adriatic Gulf on the northern
+slopes of the Alps,[179] and flowing westward, eventually discharges
+itself into the Sardinian Sea. It flows for the most part through
+a deep valley, to the north of which lives the Celtic tribe of the
+Ardyes; while its southern side is entirely walled in by the northern
+slopes of the Alps, the ridges of which, beginning at Marseilles and
+extending to the head of the Adriatic, separate it from the valley of
+the Padus, of which I have already had occasion to speak at length. It
+was these mountains that Hannibal now crossed from the Rhone valley
+into Italy.
+
+Some historians of this passage of the Alps, in their desire to
+produce a striking effect by their descriptions of the wonders of this
+country, have fallen into two errors which are more alien than anything
+else to the spirit of history,—perversion of fact and inconsistency.
+Introducing Hannibal as a prodigy of strategic skill and boldness, they
+yet represent him as acting with the most conspicuous indiscretion;
+and then, finding themselves involved in an inextricable maze of
+falsehood, they try to cut the knot by the introduction of gods and
+heroes into what is meant to be genuine history. They begin by saying
+that the Alps are so precipitous and inaccessible that, so far from
+horses and troops, accompanied too by elephants, being able to cross
+them, it would be very difficult for even active men on foot to do so:
+and similarly they tell us that the desolation of this district is so
+complete, that, had not some god or hero met Hannibal’s forces and
+showed them the way, they would have been hopelessly lost and perished
+to a man.
+
+Such stories involve both the errors I have mentioned,—they are both
+false and inconsistent.
+
++48.+ For could a more irrational proceeding on the part of a general
+be imagined than that of Hannibal, if, when in command of so numerous
+an army, on whom the success of his expedition entirely depended,
+he allowed himself to remain in ignorance of the roads, the lie of
+the country, the route to be taken, and the people to which it led,
+and above all as to the practicability of what he was undertaking
+to do? They, in fact, represent Hannibal, when at the height of his
+expectation of success, doing what those would hardly do who have
+utterly failed and have been reduced to despair,—that is, to entrust
+themselves and their forces to an unknown country. And so, too, what
+they say about the desolation of the district, and its precipitous and
+inaccessible character, only serves to bring their untrustworthiness
+into clearer light. For first, they pass over the fact that the Celts
+of the Rhone valley had on several occasions before Hannibal came,
+and that in very recent times, crossed the Alps with large forces,
+and fought battles with the Romans in alliance with the Celts of the
+valley of the Padus, as I have already stated. And secondly, they are
+unaware of the fact that a very numerous tribe of people inhabit the
+Alps. Accordingly in their ignorance of these facts they take refuge
+in the assertion that a hero showed Hannibal the way. They are, in
+fact, in the same case as tragedians, who, beginning with an improbable
+and impossible plot, are obliged to bring in a _deus ex machina_ to
+solve the difficulty and end the play. The absurd premises of these
+historians naturally require some such supernatural agency to help them
+out of the difficulty: an absurd beginning could only have an absurd
+ending. For of course Hannibal did not act as these writers say he did;
+but, on the contrary, conducted his plans with the utmost prudence.
+He had thoroughly informed himself of the fertility of the country
+into which he designed to descend, and of the hostile feelings of its
+inhabitants towards Rome, and for his journey through the difficult
+district which intervened he employed native guides and pioneers, whose
+interests were bound up with his own. I speak with confidence on these
+points, because I have questioned persons actually engaged on the
+facts, and have inspected the country, and gone over the Alpine pass
+myself, in order to inform myself of the truth and see with my own eyes.
+
+[Sidenote: Scipio finds that Hannibal has escaped him.]
+
++49.+ Three days after Hannibal had resumed his march, the Consul
+Publius arrived at the passage of the river. He was in the highest
+degree astonished to find the enemy gone: for he had persuaded himself
+that they would never venture to take this route into Italy, on account
+of the numbers and fickleness of the barbarians who inhabited the
+country. But seeing that they had done so, he hurried back to his ships
+and at once embarked his forces. He then despatched his brother Gnaeus
+to conduct the campaign in Iberia, while he himself turned back again
+to Italy by sea, being anxious to anticipate the enemy by marching
+through Etruria to the foot of the pass of the Alps.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal’s march to the foot of the Alps.]
+
+Meanwhile, after four days’ march from the passage of the Rhone,
+Hannibal arrived at the place called the Island, a district thickly
+inhabited and exceedingly productive of corn. Its name is derived
+from its natural features: for the Rhone and Isara flowing on either
+side of it make the apex of a triangle where they meet, very nearly
+of the same size and shape as the delta of the Nile, except that the
+base of the latter is formed by the sea into which its various streams
+are discharged, while in the case of the former this base is formed
+by mountains difficult to approach or climb, and, so to speak, almost
+inaccessible. When Hannibal arrived in this district he found two
+brothers engaged in a dispute for the royal power, and confronting each
+other with their armies. The elder sought his alliance and invited
+his assistance in gaining the crown: and the advantage which such a
+circumstance might prove to him at that juncture of his affairs being
+manifest, he consented; and having joined him in his attack upon his
+brother, and aided in expelling him, he obtained valuable support from
+the victorious chieftain. For this prince not only liberally supplied
+his army with provisions, but exchanged all their old and damaged
+weapons for new ones, and thus at a very opportune time thoroughly
+restored the efficiency of the troops: he also gave most of the men
+new clothes and boots, which proved of great advantage during their
+passage of the mountains. But his most essential service was that, the
+Carthaginians being greatly alarmed at the prospect of marching through
+the territory of the Allobroges, he acted with his army as their
+rear-guard, and secured them a safe passage as far as the foot of the
+pass.
+
+[Sidenote: The ascent.]
+
++50.+ Having in ten days’ march accomplished a distance of eight
+hundred stades along the river bank, Hannibal began the ascent of the
+Alps,[180] and immediately found himself involved in the most serious
+dangers. For as long as the Carthaginians were on the plains, the
+various chiefs of the Allobroges refrained from attacking them from
+fear of their cavalry, as well as of the Gauls who were escorting
+them. But when these last departed back again to their own lands,
+and Hannibal began to enter the mountainous region, the chiefs of
+the Allobroges collected large numbers of their tribe and occupied
+the points of vantage in advance, on the route by which Hannibal’s
+troops were constrained to make their ascent. If they had only kept
+their design secret, the Carthaginian army would have been entirely
+destroyed: as it was, their plans became known, and though they did
+much damage to Hannibal’s army, they suffered as much themselves. For
+when that general learnt that the natives were occupying the points
+of vantage, he halted and pitched his camp at the foot of the pass,
+and sent forward some of his Gallic guides to reconnoitre the enemy
+and discover their plan of operations. The order was obeyed: and he
+ascertained that it was the enemy’s practice to keep under arms, and
+guard these posts carefully, during the day, but at night to retire
+to some town in the neighbourhood. Hannibal accordingly adapted his
+measures to this strategy of the enemy. He marched forward in broad
+daylight, and as soon as he came to the mountainous part of the road,
+pitched his camp only a little way from the enemy. At nightfall he gave
+orders for the watch-fires to be lit; and leaving the main body of his
+troops in the camp, and selecting the most suitable of his men, he had
+them armed lightly, and led them through the narrow parts of the road
+during the night, and seized on the spots which had been previously
+occupied by the enemy: they having, according to their regular custom,
+abandoned them for the nearest town.
+
+[Sidenote: The Gauls harass the army.]
+
++51.+ When day broke the natives saw what had taken place, and at
+first desisted from their attempts; but presently the sight of the
+immense string of beasts of burden, and of the cavalry, slowly and
+painfully making the ascent, tempted them to attack the advancing
+line. Accordingly they fell upon it at many points at once; and the
+Carthaginians sustained severe losses, not so much at the hands of
+the enemy, as from the dangerous nature of the ground, which proved
+especially fatal to the horses and beasts of burden. For as the ascent
+was not only narrow and rough, but flanked also with precipices, at
+every movement which tended to throw the line into disorder, large
+numbers of the beasts of burden were hurled down the precipices with
+their loads on their backs. And what added more than anything else to
+this sort of confusion were the wounded horses; for, maddened by their
+wounds, they either turned round and ran into the advancing beasts of
+burden, or, rushing furiously forward, dashed aside everything that
+came in their way on the narrow path, and so threw the whole line into
+disorder. Hannibal saw what was taking place, and knowing that, even
+if they escaped this attack, they could never survive the loss of all
+their baggage, he took with him the men who had seized the strongholds
+during the night and went to the relief of the advancing line. Having
+the advantage of charging the enemy from the higher ground he inflicted
+a severe loss upon them, but suffered also as severe a one in his
+own army; for the commotion in the line now grew worse, and in both
+directions at once—thanks to the shouting and struggling of these
+combatants: and it was not until he had killed the greater number of
+the Allobroges, and forced the rest to fly to their own land, that
+the remainder of the beasts of burden and the horses got slowly, and
+with difficulty, over the dangerous ground. Hannibal himself rallied
+as many as he could after the fight, and assaulted the town from
+which the enemy had sallied; and finding it almost deserted, because
+its inhabitants had been all tempted out by the hope of booty, he
+got possession of it: from which he obtained many advantages for the
+future as well as for the present. The immediate gain consisted of a
+large number of horses and beasts of burden, and men taken with them;
+and for future use he got a supply of corn and cattle sufficient for
+two or three days: but the most important result of all was the terror
+inspired in the next tribes, which prevented any one of those who lived
+near the ascent from lightly venturing to meddle with him again.
+
+[Sidenote: Treachery of the Gauls.]
+
++52.+ Here he pitched a camp and remained a day, and started again. For
+the next three days he accomplished a certain amount of his journey
+without accident. But on the fourth he again found himself in serious
+danger. For the dwellers along his route, having concerted a plan of
+treachery, met him with branches and garlands, which among nearly all
+the natives are signs of friendship, as the herald’s staff is among the
+Greeks. Hannibal was cautious about accepting such assurances, and took
+great pains to discover what their real intention and purpose were.
+The Gauls however professed to be fully aware of the capture of the
+town, and the destruction of those who had attempted to do him wrong;
+and explained that those events had induced them to come, because they
+wished neither to inflict nor receive any damage; and finally promised
+to give him hostages. For a long while Hannibal hesitated and refused
+to trust their speeches. But at length coming to the conclusion that,
+if he accepted what was offered, he would perhaps render the men
+before him less mischievous and implacable; but that, if he rejected
+them, he must expect undisguised hostility from them, he acceded to
+their request, and feigned to accept their offer of friendship. The
+barbarians handed over the hostages, supplied him liberally with
+cattle, and in fact put themselves unreservedly into his hands; so that
+for a time Hannibal’s suspicions were allayed, and he employed them as
+guides for the next difficulty that had to be passed. They guided the
+army for two days: and then these tribes collected their numbers, and
+keeping close up with the Carthaginians, attacked them just as they
+were passing through a certain difficult and precipitous gorge.
+
+[Sidenote: Severe losses.]
+
++53.+ Hannibal’s army would now have certainly been utterly destroyed,
+had it not been for the fact that his fears were still on the alert,
+and that, having a prescience of what was to come, he had placed his
+baggage and cavalry in the van and his hoplites in the rear. These
+latter covered his line, and were able to stem the attack of the enemy,
+and accordingly the disaster was less than it would otherwise have
+been. As it was, however, a large number of beasts of burden and horses
+perished; for the advantage of the higher ground being with the enemy,
+the Gauls moved along the slopes parallel with the army below, and by
+rolling down boulders, or throwing stones, reduced the troops to a
+state of the utmost confusion and danger; so that Hannibal with half
+his force was obliged to pass the night near a certain white rock,[181]
+which afforded them protection, separated from his horses and baggage
+which he was covering; until after a whole night’s struggle they slowly
+and with difficulty emerged from the gorge.
+
+[Sidenote: Arrives at the summit.]
+
+Next morning the enemy had disappeared: and Hannibal, having effected
+a junction with his cavalry and baggage, led his men towards the head
+of the pass, without falling in again with any important muster of the
+natives, though he was harassed by some of them from time to time;
+who seized favourable opportunities, now on his van and now on his
+rear, of carrying off some of his baggage. His best protection was his
+elephants; on whatever parts of the line they were placed the enemy
+never ventured to approach, being terrified at the unwonted appearance
+of the animals. The ninth day’s march brought him to the head of the
+pass: and there he encamped for two days, partly to rest his men and
+partly to allow stragglers to come up. Whilst they were there, many of
+the horses who had taken fright and run away, and many of the beasts of
+burden that had got rid of their loads, unexpectedly appeared: they had
+followed the tracks of the army and now joined the camp.
+
+[Sidenote: 9th November.]
+
++54.+ But by this time, it being nearly the period of the setting of
+the Pleiads, the snow was beginning to be thick on the heights; and
+seeing his men in low spirits, owing both to the fatigue they had
+gone through, and that which still lay before them, Hannibal called
+them together and tried to cheer them by dwelling on the one possible
+topic of consolation in his power, namely the view of Italy: which lay
+stretched out in both directions below those mountains, giving the
+Alps the appearance of a citadel to the whole of Italy. By pointing
+therefore to the plains of the Padus, and reminding them of the
+friendly welcome which awaited them from the Gauls who lived there,
+and at the same time indicating the direction of Rome itself, he did
+somewhat to raise the drooping spirits of his men.
+
+[Sidenote: The descent.]
+
+Next day he began the descent, in which he no longer met with any
+enemies, except some few secret pillagers; but from the dangerous
+ground and the snow he lost almost as many men as on the ascent.
+For the path down was narrow and precipitous, and the snow made it
+impossible for the men to see where they were treading, while to
+step aside from the path, or to stumble, meant being hurled down the
+precipices. The troops however bore up against the fatigue, having
+now grown accustomed to such hardships; but when they came to a place
+where the path was too narrow for the elephants or beasts of burden to
+pass,—and which, narrowed before by landslips extending about a stade
+and a half, had recently been made more so by another landslip,—then
+once more despondency and consternation fell upon the troops.
+Hannibal’s first idea was to avoid this _mauvais pas_ by a détour, but
+this route too being made impossible by a snow-storm, he abandoned the
+idea.
+
+[Sidenote: A break in the road.]
+
++55.+ The effect of the storm was peculiar and extraordinary. For
+the present fall of snow coming upon the top of that which was there
+before, and had remained from the last winter, it was found that the
+former, being fresh, was soft and offered no resistance to the foot;
+but when the feet reached the lower frozen snow, they could no longer
+make any impression upon it, but the men found both their feet slipping
+from under them, as though they were on hard ground with a layer of mud
+on the top. And a still more serious difficulty followed: for not being
+able to get a foothold on the lower snow, when they fell and tried to
+get themselves up by their hands and knees, the men found themselves
+plunging downwards quicker and quicker, along with everything they laid
+hold of, the ground being a very steep decline. The beasts, however,
+when they fell did break through this lower snow as they struggled to
+rise, and having done so were obliged to remain there with their loads,
+as though they were frozen to it, both from the weight of these loads
+and the hardness of the old snow. Giving up, therefore, all hope of
+making this détour, he encamped upon the ridge after clearing away the
+snow upon it. He then set large parties of his men to work, and, with
+infinite toil, began constructing a road on the face of the precipice.
+One day’s work sufficed to make a path practicable for beasts of burden
+and horses; and he accordingly took them across at once, and having
+pitched his camp at a spot below the snow line, he let them go in
+search of pasture; while he told off the Numidians in detachments to
+proceed with the making of the road; and after three days’ difficult
+and painful labour he got his elephants across, though in a miserable
+condition from hunger. For the tops of the Alps, and the parts
+immediately below them, are completely treeless and bare of vegetation,
+because the snow lies there summer and winter; but about half-way down
+the slopes on both sides they produce trees and shrubs, and are, in
+fact, fit for human habitation.
+
+[Sidenote: He reaches the plains.]
+
++56.+ So Hannibal mustered his forces and continued the descent; and
+on the third day after passing the precipitous path just described he
+reached the plains. From the beginning of his march he had lost many
+men by the hands of the enemy, and in crossing rivers, and many more
+on the precipices and dangerous passes of the Alps; and not only men
+in this last way, but horses and beasts of burden in still greater
+numbers. The whole march from New Carthage had occupied five months,
+the actual passage of the Alps fifteen days; and he now boldly entered
+the valley of the Padus, and the territory of the Insubres, with such
+of his army as survived, consisting of twelve thousand Libyans and
+eight thousand Iberians, and not more than six thousand cavalry in all,
+as he himself distinctly states on the column erected on the promontory
+of Lacinium to record the numbers.
+
+At the same time, as I have before stated, Publius having left his
+legions under the command of his brother Gnaeus, with orders to
+prosecute the Iberian campaign and offer an energetic resistance to
+Hasdrubal, landed at Pisae with a small body of men. Thence he marched
+through Etruria, and taking over the army of the Praetors which was
+guarding the country against the Boii, he arrived in the valley of the
+Padus; and, pitching his camp there, waited for the enemy with an eager
+desire to give him battle.
+
+[Sidenote: Digression on the limits of history.]
+
++57.+ Having thus brought the generals of the two nations and the war
+itself into Italy, before beginning the campaign, I wish to say a few
+words about what I conceive to be germane or not to my history.
+
+I can conceive some readers complaining that, while devoting a great
+deal of space to Libya and Iberia, I have said little or nothing
+about the strait of the Pillars of Hercules, the Mare Externum, or
+the British Isles, and the manufacture of tin in them, or even of the
+silver and gold mines in Iberia itself, of which historians give long
+and contradictory accounts. It was not, let me say, because I thought
+these subjects out of place in history that I passed them over; but
+because, in the first place, I did not wish to be diffuse, or distract
+the attention of students from the main current of my narrative; and,
+in the next place, because I was determined not to treat of them in
+scattered notices or casual allusions, but to assign them a distinct
+time and place, and at these, to the best of my ability, to give a
+trustworthy account of them. On the same principle I must deprecate
+any feeling of surprise if, in the succeeding portions of my history,
+I pass over other similar topics, which might seem naturally in place,
+for the same reasons. Those who ask for dissertations in history on
+every possible subject, are somewhat like greedy guests at a banquet,
+who, by tasting every dish on the table, fail to really enjoy any
+one of them at the time, or to digest and feel any benefit from them
+afterwards. Such omnivorous readers get no real pleasure in the
+present, and no adequate instruction for the future.
+
++58.+ There can be no clearer proof, than is afforded by these
+particular instances, that this department of historical writing stands
+above all others in need of study and correction. For as all, or at
+least the greater number of writers, have endeavoured to describe the
+peculiar features and positions of the countries on the confines of
+the known world, and in doing so have, in most cases, made egregious
+mistakes, it is impossible to pass over their errors without some
+attempt at refutation; and that not in scattered observations or casual
+remarks, but deliberately and formally. But such confutation should
+not take the form of accusation or invective. While correcting their
+mistakes we should praise the writers, feeling sure that, had they
+lived to the present age, they would have altered and corrected many of
+their statements. The fact is that, in past ages, we know of very few
+Greeks who undertook to investigate these remote regions, owing to the
+insuperable difficulties of the attempt. The dangers at sea were then
+more than can easily be calculated, and those on land more numerous
+still. And even if one did reach these countries on the confines of the
+world, whether compulsorily or voluntarily, the difficulties in the way
+of a personal inspection were only begun: for some of the regions were
+utterly barbarous, others uninhabited; and a still greater obstacle
+in way of gaining information as to what he saw was his ignorance
+of the language of the country. And even if he learnt this, a still
+greater difficulty was to preserve a strict moderation in his account
+of what he had seen, and despising all attempts to glorify himself by
+traveller’s tales of wonder, to report for our benefit the truth and
+nothing but the truth.
+
++59.+ All these impediments made a true account of these regions in
+past times difficult, if not impossible. Nor ought we to criticise
+severely the omissions or mistakes of these writers: rather they
+deserve our praise and admiration for having in such an age gained
+information as to these places, which distinctly advanced knowledge.
+In our own age, however, the Asiatic districts have been opened up
+both by sea and land owing to the empire of Alexander, and the other
+places owing to the supremacy of Rome. Men too of practical experience
+in affairs, being released from the cares of martial or political
+ambition, have thereby had excellent opportunities for research and
+inquiry into these localities; and therefore it will be but right
+for us to have a better and truer knowledge of what was formerly
+unknown. And this I shall endeavour to establish, when I find a fitting
+opportunity in the course of my history. I shall be especially anxious
+to give the curious a full knowledge on these points, because it was
+with that express object that I confronted the dangers and fatigues
+of my travels in Libya, Iberia, and Gaul, as well as of the sea which
+washes the western coasts of these countries; that I might correct the
+imperfect knowledge of former writers, and make the Greeks acquainted
+with these parts of the known world.
+
+After this digression, I must go back to the pitched battles between
+the Romans and Carthaginians in Italy.
+
+[Sidenote: Rest and recovery.]
+
+[Sidenote: Taking of Turin.]
+
++60.+ After arriving in Italy with the number of troops which I have
+already stated, Hannibal pitched his camp at the very foot of the Alps,
+and was occupied, to begin with, in refreshing his men. For not only
+had his whole army suffered terribly from the difficulties of transit
+in the ascent, and still more in the descent of the Alps, but it was
+also in evil case from the shortness of provisions, and the inevitable
+neglect of all proper attention to physical necessities. Many had quite
+abandoned all care for their health under the influence of starvation
+and continuous fatigue; for it had proved impossible to carry a full
+supply of food for so many thousands over such mountains, and what they
+did bring was in great part lost along with the beasts that carried it.
+So that whereas, when Hannibal crossed the Rhone, he had thirty-eight
+thousand infantry, and more than eight thousand cavalry, he lost
+nearly half in the pass, as I have shown above; while the survivors
+had by these long continued sufferings become almost savage in look
+and general appearance. Hannibal therefore bent his whole energies to
+the restoration of the spirits and bodies of his men, and of their
+horses also. When his army had thus sufficiently recovered, finding
+the Taurini, who live immediately under the Alps, at war with the
+Insubres and inclined to be suspicious of the Carthaginians, Hannibal
+first invited them to terms of friendship and alliance; and, on their
+refusal, invested their chief city and carried it after a three day’s
+siege. Having put to the sword all who had opposed him, he struck such
+terror into the minds of the neighbouring tribes, that they all gave in
+their submission out of hand. The other Celts inhabiting these plains
+were also eager to join the Carthaginians, according to their original
+purpose; but the Roman legions had by this time advanced too far, and
+had intercepted the greater part of them: they were therefore unable to
+stir, and in some cases were even obliged to serve in the Roman ranks.
+This determined Hannibal not to delay his advance any longer, but to
+strike some blow which might encourage those natives who were desirous
+of sharing his enterprise.
+
+[Sidenote: Approach of Scipio.]
+
+[Sidenote: Tiberius Sempronius recalled.]
+
++61.+ When he heard, while engaged on this design, that Publius had
+already crossed the Padus with his army, and was at no great distance,
+he was at first inclined to disbelieve the fact, reflecting that it was
+not many days since he had left him near the passage of the Rhone, and
+that the voyage from Marseilles to Etruria was a long and difficult
+one. He was told, moreover, that from the Tyrrhenian Sea to the Alps
+through Italian soil was a long march, without good military roads.
+But when messenger after messenger confirmed the intelligence with
+increased positiveness, he was filled with amazement and admiration
+at the Consul’s plan of campaign, and promptness in carrying it out.
+The feelings of Publius were much the same: for he had not expected
+that Hannibal would even attempt the passage of the Alps with forces
+of different races, or, if he did attempt it, that he could escape
+utter destruction. Entertaining such ideas he was immensely astonished
+at his courage and adventurous daring, when he heard that he had not
+only got safe across, but was actually besieging certain towns in
+Italy. Similar feelings were entertained at Rome when the news arrived
+there. For scarcely had the last rumour about the taking of Saguntum
+by the Carthaginians ceased to attract attention, and scarcely had
+the measures adopted in view of that event been taken,—namely the
+despatch of one Consul to Libya to besiege Carthage, and of the other
+to Iberia to meet Hannibal there,—than news came that Hannibal had
+arrived in Italy with his army, and was already besieging certain towns
+in it. Thrown into great alarm by this unexpected turn of affairs, the
+Roman government sent at once to Tiberius at Lilybaeum, telling him
+of the presence of the enemy in Italy, and ordering him to abandon
+the original design of his expedition, and to make all haste home to
+reinforce the defences of the country. Tiberius at once collected
+the men of the fleet and sent them off, with orders to go home by
+sea; while he caused the Tribunes to administer an oath to the men of
+the legions that they would all appear at a fixed day at Ariminum by
+bedtime. Ariminum is a town on the Adriatic, situated at the southern
+boundary of the valley of the Padus. In every direction there was stir
+and excitement: and the news being a complete surprise to everybody,
+there was everywhere a great and irrepressible anxiety as to the future.
+
+[Sidenote: Gallic prisoners.]
+
++62.+ The two armies being now within a short distance of each other,
+Hannibal and Publius both thought it necessary to address their men in
+terms suitable to the occasion.
+
+The manner in which Hannibal tried to encourage his army was this. He
+mustered the men, and caused some youthful prisoners whom he had caught
+when they were attempting to hinder his march on the Alpine passes, to
+be brought forward. They had been subjected to great severities with
+this very object, loaded with heavy chains, half-starved, and their
+bodies a mass of bruises from scourging. Hannibal caused these men to
+be placed in the middle of the army, and some suits of Gallic armour,
+such as are worn by their kings when they fight in single combat, to
+be exhibited; in addition to these he placed there some horses, and
+brought in some valuable military cloaks. He then asked these young
+prisoners, which of them were willing to fight with each other on
+condition of the conqueror taking these prizes, and the vanquished
+escaping all his present miseries by death. Upon their all answering
+with a loud shout that they were desirous of fighting in these single
+combats, he bade them draw lots; and the pair, on whom the first lot
+fell, to put on the armour and fight with each other. As soon as the
+young men heard these orders, they lifted up their hands, and each
+prayed the gods that he might be one of those to draw the lot. And
+when the lots were drawn, those on whom they fell were overjoyed,
+and the others in despair. When the fight was finished, too, the
+surviving captives congratulated the one who had fallen no less than
+the victor, as having been freed from many terrible sufferings, while
+they themselves still remained to endure them. And in this feeling
+the Carthaginian soldiers were much disposed to join, all pitying the
+survivors and congratulating the fallen champion.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal’s speech.]
+
++63.+ Having by this example made the impression he desired upon the
+minds of his troops, Hannibal then came forward himself and said, “that
+he had exhibited these captives in order that they might see in the
+person of others a vivid representation of what they had to expect
+themselves, and might so lay their plans all the better in view of the
+actual state of affairs. Fortune had summoned them to a life and death
+contest very like that of the two captives, and in which the prize of
+victory was the same. For they must either conquer, or die, or fall
+alive into the hands of their enemies; and the prize of victory would
+not be mere horses and military cloaks, but the most enviable position
+in the world if they became masters of the wealth of Rome: or if they
+fell in battle their reward would be to end their life fighting to
+their last breath for the noblest object, in the heat of the struggle,
+and with no sense of pain; while if they were beaten, or from desire
+of life were base enough to fly, or tried to prolong that life by
+any means except victory, every sort of misery and misfortune would
+be their lot: for it was impossible that any one of them could be so
+irrational or senseless, when he remembered the length of the journey
+he had performed from his native land, and the number of enemies that
+lay between him and it, and the size of the rivers he had crossed, as
+to cherish the hope of being able to reach his home by flight. They
+should therefore cast away such vain hopes, and regard their position
+as being exactly that of the combatants whom they had but now been
+watching. For, as in their case, all congratulated the dead as much as
+the victor, and commiserated the survivors; so they should think of
+the alternatives before themselves, and should, one and all, come upon
+the field of battle resolved, if possible, to conquer, and, if not,
+to die. Life with defeat was a hope that must by no means whatever be
+entertained. If they reasoned and resolved thus, victory and safety
+would certainly attend them: for it never happened that men who came to
+such a resolution, whether of deliberate purpose or from being driven
+to bay, were disappointed in their hope of beating their opponents in
+the field. And when it chanced, as was the case with the Romans, that
+the enemy had in most cases a hope of quite an opposite character,
+from the near neighbourhood of their native country making flight an
+obvious means of safety, then it was clear that the courage which came
+of despair would carry the day.”
+
+When he saw that the example and the words he had spoken had gone home
+to the minds of the rank and file, and that the spirit and enthusiasm
+which he aimed at inspiring were created, he dismissed them for the
+present with commendations, and gave orders for an advance at daybreak
+on the next morning.
+
+[Sidenote: Scipio crosses the Ticinus.]
+
++64.+ About the same day Publius Scipio, having now crossed the Padus,
+and being resolved to make a farther advance across the Ticinus,
+ordered those who were skilled in such works to construct a bridge
+across this latter river; and then summoned a meeting of the remainder
+of his army and addressed them: dwelling principally on the reputation
+of their country and of the ancestors’ achievements. But he referred
+particularly to their present position, saying, “that they ought to
+entertain no doubt of victory, though they had never as yet had any
+experience of the enemy; and should regard it as a piece of extravagant
+presumption of the Carthaginians to venture to face Romans, by whom
+they had been so often beaten, and to whom they had for so many years
+paid tribute and been all but slaves. And when in addition to this they
+at present knew thus much of their mettle,—that they dared not face
+them, what was the fair inference to be drawn for the future? Their
+cavalry, in a chance encounter on the Rhone with those of Rome, had,
+so far from coming off well, lost a large number of men, and had fled
+with disgrace to their own camp; and the general and his army, as soon
+as they knew of the approach of his legions, had beat a retreat, which
+was exceedingly like a flight, and, contrary to their original purpose,
+had in their terror taken the road over the Alps. And it was evident
+that Hannibal had destroyed the greater part of his army; and that what
+he had left was feeble and unfit for service, from the hardships they
+had undergone: in the same way he had lost the majority of his horses,
+and made the rest useless from the length and difficult nature of the
+journey. They had, therefore, only to show themselves to the enemy.”
+But, above all, he pointed out that “his own presence at their head
+ought to be special encouragement to them: for that he would not have
+left his fleet and Spanish campaign, on which he had been sent, and
+have come to them in such haste, if he had not seen on consideration
+that his doing so was necessary for his country’s safety, and that a
+certain victory was secured to him by it.”
+
+The weight and influence of the speaker, as well as their belief
+in his words, roused great enthusiasm among the men; which Scipio
+acknowledged, and then dismissed them with the additional injunction
+that they should hold themselves in readiness to obey any order sent
+round to them.
+
+[Sidenote: Skirmish of cavalry near the Ticinus, Nov. B.C. 219.]
+
++65.+ Next day both generals led their troops along the river Padus,
+on the bank nearest the Alps, the Romans having the stream on their
+left, the Carthaginians on their right; and having ascertained on the
+second day, by means of scouts, that they were near each other, they
+both halted and remained encamped for that day: but on the next, both
+taking their cavalry, and Publius his sharp-shooters also, they hurried
+across the plain to reconnoitre each other’s forces. As soon as they
+came within distance, and saw the dust rising from the side of their
+opponents, they drew up their lines for battle at once. Publius put his
+sharp-shooters and Gallic horsemen in front, and bringing the others
+into line, advanced at a slow pace. Hannibal placed his cavalry that
+rode with bridles, and was most to be depended on, in his front, and
+led them straight against the enemy; having put the Numidian cavalry on
+either wing to take the enemy on the flanks. The two generals and the
+cavalry were in such hot haste to engage, that they closed with each
+other before the sharp-shooters had an opportunity of discharging their
+javelines at all. Before they could do so, they left their ground, and
+retreated to the rear of their own cavalry, making their way between
+the squadrons, terrified at the approaching charge, and afraid of being
+trampled to death by the horses which were galloping down upon them.
+The cavalry charged each other front to front, and for a long time
+maintained an equal contest; and a great many men dismounting on the
+actual field, there was a mixed fight of horse and foot. The Numidian
+horse, however, having outflanked the Romans, charged them on the rear:
+and so the sharp-shooters, who had fled from the cavalry charge at
+the beginning, were now trampled to death by the numbers and furious
+onslaught of the Numidians; while the front ranks originally engaged
+with the Carthaginians, after losing many of their men and inflicting a
+still greater loss on the enemy, finding themselves charged on the rear
+by the Numidians, broke into flight: most of them scattering in every
+direction, while some of them kept closely massed round the Consul.
+
+[Sidenote: Scipio retires to Placentia on the right bank of the Po.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal crosses the Po higher up and follows Scipio to
+Placentia.]
+
++66.+ Publius then broke up his camp, and marched through the plains to
+the bridge over the Padus, in haste to get his legions across before
+the enemy came up. He saw that the level country where he was then was
+favourable to the enemy with his superiority in cavalry. He was himself
+disabled by a wound;[182] and he decided that it was necessary to shift
+his quarters to a place of safety. For a time Hannibal imagined that
+Scipio would give him battle with his infantry also: but when he saw
+that he had abandoned his camp, he went in pursuit of him as far as
+the bridge over the Ticinus; but finding that the greater part of the
+timbers of this bridge had been torn away, while the men who guarded
+the bridge were left still on his side of the river, he took them
+prisoners to the number of about six hundred, and being informed that
+the main army was far on its way, he wheeled round and again ascended
+the Padus in search of a spot in it which admitted of being easily
+bridged. After two days’ march he halted and constructed a bridge over
+the river by means of boats. He committed the task of bringing over the
+army to Hasdrubal;[183] while he himself crossed at once, and busied
+himself in receiving the ambassadors who arrived from the neighbouring
+districts. For no sooner had he gained the advantage in the cavalry
+engagement, than all the Celts in the vicinity hastened to fulfil their
+original engagement by avowing themselves his friends, supplying him
+with provisions, and joining the Carthaginian forces. After giving
+these men a cordial reception, and getting his own army across the
+Padus, he began to march back again down stream, with an earnest
+desire of giving the enemy battle. Publius, too, had crossed the river
+and was now encamped under the walls of the Roman colony Placentia.
+There he made no sign of any intention to move; for he was engaged in
+trying to heal his own wound and those of his men, and considered that
+he had a secure base of operations where he was. A two days’ march
+from the place where he had crossed the Padus brought Hannibal to the
+neighbourhood of the enemy; and on the third day he drew out his army
+for battle in full view of his opponents: but as no one came out to
+attack, he pitched his camp about fifty stades from them.
+
+[Sidenote: Treachery of the Gauls serving in the army of Scipio.]
+
++67.+ But the Celtic contingent of the Roman army, seeing that
+Hannibal’s prospects looked the brighter of the two, concerted their
+plans for a fixed time, and waited in their several tents for the
+moment of carrying them out. When the men within the rampart of the
+camp had taken their supper and were gone to bed, the Celts let more
+than half the night pass, and just about the time of the morning watch
+armed themselves and fell upon the Romans who were quartered nearest
+to them; killed a considerable number, and wounded not a few; and,
+finally, cutting off the heads of the slain, departed with them to
+join the Carthaginians, to the number of two thousand infantry and
+nearly two hundred cavalry. They were received with great satisfaction
+by Hannibal; who, after addressing them encouragingly, and promising
+them all suitable rewards, sent them to their several cities, to
+declare to their compatriots what they had done, and to urge them
+to make alliance with him: for he knew that they would now all feel
+compelled to take part with him, when they learnt the treachery of
+which their fellow-countrymen had been guilty to the Romans. Just
+at the same time the Boii came in, and handed over to him the three
+Agrarian Commissioners, sent from Rome to divide the lands; whom, as
+I have already related, they had seized by a sudden act of treachery
+at the beginning of the war. Hannibal gratefully acknowledged their
+good intention, and made a formal alliance with those who came: but he
+handed them back their prisoners, bidding them keep them safe, in order
+to get back their own hostages from Rome, as they intended at first.
+
+[Sidenote: Scipio changes his position at Placentia to one on the
+Trebia.]
+
+Publius regarded this treachery as of most serious importance; and
+feeling sure that the Celts in the neighbourhood had long been
+ill-disposed, and would, after this event, all incline to the
+Carthaginians, he made up his mind that some precaution for the future
+was necessary. The next night, therefore, just before the morning
+watch, he broke up his camp and marched for the river Trebia, and the
+high ground near it, feeling confidence in the protection which the
+strength of the position and the neighbourhood of his allies would give
+him.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal follows him.]
+
++68.+ When Hannibal was informed of Scipio’s change of quarters,
+he sent the Numidian horse in pursuit at once, and the rest soon
+afterwards, following close behind with his main army. The Numidians,
+finding the Roman camp empty, stopped to set fire to it: which proved
+of great service to the Romans; for if they had pushed on and caught
+up the Roman baggage, a large number of the rear-guard would have
+certainly been killed by the cavalry in the open plains. But as it was,
+the greater part of them got across the River Trebia in time; while
+those who were after all too far in the rear to escape, were either
+killed or made prisoners by the Carthaginians.
+
+[Sidenote: Scipio’s position on the slopes of Apennines, near the
+source of the Trebia.]
+
+Scipio, however, having crossed the Trebia occupied the first high
+ground; and having strengthened his camp with trench and palisade,
+waited the arrival of his colleague, Tiberius Sempronius, and his army;
+and was taking the greatest pains to cure his wound, because he was
+exceedingly anxious to take part in the coming engagement. Hannibal
+pitched his camp about forty stades from him. While the numerous
+Celts inhabiting the plains, excited by the good prospects of the
+Carthaginians, supplied his army with provisions in great abundance,
+and were eager to take their share with Hannibal in every military
+operation or battle.
+
+When news of the cavalry engagement reached Rome, the disappointment
+of their confident expectations caused a feeling of consternation in
+the minds of the people. Not but that plenty of pretexts were found to
+prove to their own satisfaction that the affair was not a defeat. Some
+laid the blame on the Consul’s rashness, and others on the treacherous
+lukewarmness of the Celts, which they concluded from their recent
+revolt must have been shown by them on the field. But, after all, as
+the infantry was still unimpaired, they made up their minds that the
+general result was still as hopeful as ever. Accordingly, when Tiberius
+and his legions arrived at Rome, and marched through the city, they
+believed that his mere appearance at the seat of war would settle the
+matter.
+
+[Sidenote: Tiberius Sempronius joins Scipio.]
+
+His men met Tiberius at Ariminum, according to their oath, and he
+at once led them forward in all haste to join Publius Scipio. The
+junction effected, and a camp pitched by the side of his colleague,
+he was naturally obliged to refresh his men after their forty days’
+continuous march between Ariminum and Lilybaeum: but he went on with
+all preparations for a battle; and was continually in conference with
+Scipio, asking questions as to what had happened in the past, and
+discussing with him the measures to be taken in the present.
+
+[Sidenote: Fall of Clastidium. Hannibal’s policy towards the Italians.]
+
+[Sidenote: A skirmish favourable to the Romans.]
+
++69.+ Meanwhile Hannibal got possession of Clastidium, by the treachery
+of a certain Brundisian, to whom it had been entrusted by the Romans.
+Having become master of the garrison and the stores of corn he used the
+latter for his present needs; but took the men whom he had captured
+with him, without doing them any harm, being desirous of showing by
+an example the policy he meant to pursue; that those whose present
+position towards Rome was merely the result of circumstances should
+not be terrified, and give up hope of being spared by him. The man
+who betrayed Clastidium to him he treated with extraordinary honour,
+by way of tempting all men in similar situations of authority to
+share the prospects of the Carthaginians. But afterwards, finding
+that certain Celts who lived in the fork of the Padus and the Trebia,
+while pretending to have made terms with him, were sending messages
+to the Romans at the same time, believing that they would thus secure
+themselves from being harmed by either side, he sent two thousand
+infantry with some Celtic and Numidian cavalry with orders to devastate
+their territory. This order being executed, and a great booty obtained,
+the Celts appeared at the Roman camp beseeching their aid. Tiberius
+had been all along looking out for an opportunity of striking a blow:
+and once seized on this pretext for sending out a party, consisting of
+the greater part of his cavalry; and a thousand sharp-shooters of his
+infantry along with them; who having speedily come up with the enemy
+on the other side of the Trebia, and engaged them in a sharp struggle
+for the possession of the booty, forced the Celts and Numidians to beat
+a retreat to their own camp. Those who were on duty in front of the
+Carthaginian camp quickly perceived what was going on, and brought some
+reserves to support the retreating cavalry; then the Romans in their
+turn were routed, and had to retreat to their camp. At this Tiberius
+sent out all his cavalry and sharp-shooters; whereupon the Celts again
+gave way, and sought the protection of their own camp. The Carthaginian
+general being unprepared for a general engagement, and thinking it a
+sound rule not to enter upon one on every casual opportunity, or except
+in accordance with a settled design, acted, it must be confessed, on
+this occasion with admirable generalship. He checked their flight when
+his men were near the camp, and forced them to halt and face about; but
+he sent out his aides and buglers to recall the rest, and prevented
+them from pursuing and engaging the enemy any more. So the Romans after
+a short halt went back, having killed a large number of the enemy, and
+lost very few themselves.
+
+[Sidenote: Sempronius resolves to give battle.]
+
++70.+ Excited and overjoyed at this success Tiberius was all eagerness
+for a general engagement. Now, it was in his power to administer the
+war for the present as he chose, owing to the ill-health of Publius
+Scipio; yet wishing to have his colleague’s opinion in support of his
+own, he consulted him on this subject. Publius however took quite
+an opposite view of the situation. He thought his legions would be
+all the better for a winter under arms; and that the fidelity of the
+fickle Celts would never stand the test of want of success and enforced
+inactivity on the part of the Carthaginians: they would be certain, he
+thought, to turn against them once more. Besides, when he had recovered
+from his wound, he hoped to be able to do good service to his country
+himself. With these arguments he tried to dissuade Tiberius from his
+design. The latter felt that every one of these arguments were true and
+sound; but, urged on by ambition and a blind confidence in his fortune,
+he was eager to have the credit of the decisive action to himself,
+before Scipio should be able to be present at the battle, or the next
+Consuls arrive to take over the command; for the time for that to take
+place was now approaching. As therefore he selected the time for the
+engagement from personal considerations, rather than with a view to the
+actual circumstances of the case, he was bound to make a signal failure.
+
+Hannibal took much the same view of the case as Scipio, and was
+therefore, unlike him, eager for a battle; because, in the first place,
+he wished to avail himself of the enthusiasm of the Celts before it
+had at all gone off: in the second place, he wished to engage the
+Roman legions while the soldiers in them were raw recruits without
+practice in war: and, in the third place, because he wished to fight
+the battle while Scipio was still unfit for service: but most of all
+because he wanted to be doing something and not to let the time slip
+by fruitlessly; for when a general leads his troops into a foreign
+country, and attempts what looks like a desperate undertaking, the one
+chance for him is to keep the hopes of his allies alive by continually
+striking some fresh blow.
+
+Such were Hannibal’s feelings when he knew of the intended attack of
+Tiberius.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal prepares an ambuscade.]
+
++71.+ Now he had some time before remarked a certain piece of ground
+which was flat and treeless, and yet well suited for an ambush, because
+there was a stream in it with a high overhanging bank thickly covered
+with thorns and brambles. Here he determined to entrap the enemy. The
+place was admirably adapted for putting them off their guard; because
+the Romans were always suspicious of woods, from the fact of the Celts
+invariably choosing such places for their ambuscades, but felt no fear
+at all of places that were level and without trees: not knowing that
+for the concealment and safety of an ambush such places are much better
+than woods; because the men can command from them a distant view of
+all that is going on: while nearly all places have sufficient cover to
+make concealment possible,—a stream with an overhanging bank, reeds, or
+ferns, or some sort of bramble-bushes,—which are good enough to hide
+not infantry only, but sometimes even cavalry, if the simple precaution
+is taken of laying conspicuous arms flat upon the ground and hiding
+helmets under shields. Hannibal had confided his idea to his brother
+Mago and to his council, who had all approved of the plan. Accordingly,
+when the army had supped, he summoned this young man to his tent, who
+was full of youthful enthusiasm, and had been trained from boyhood
+in the art of war, and put under his command a hundred cavalry and
+the same number of infantry. These men he had himself earlier in the
+day selected as the most powerful of the whole army, and had ordered
+to come to his tent after supper. Having addressed and inspired them
+with the spirit suitable to the occasion, he bade each of them select
+ten of the bravest men of their own company, and to come with them
+to a particular spot in the camp. The order having been obeyed, he
+despatched the whole party, numbering a thousand cavalry and as many
+infantry, with guides, to the place selected for the ambuscade; and
+gave his brother directions as to the time at which he was to make the
+attempt. At daybreak he himself mustered the Numidian cavalry, who were
+conspicuous for their powers of endurance; and after addressing them,
+and promising them rewards if they behaved with gallantry, he ordered
+them to ride up to the enemy’s lines, and then quickly cross the river,
+and by throwing showers of darts at them tempt them to come out: his
+object being to get at the enemy before they had had their breakfast,
+or made any preparations for the day. The other officers of the army
+also he summoned, and gave them similar instructions for the battle,
+ordering all their men to get breakfast and to see to their arms and
+horses.
+
+[Sidenote: Battle of the Trebia, December B.C. 218.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal’s forces.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Roman forces.]
+
++72.+ As soon as Tiberius saw the Numidian horse approaching, he
+immediately sent out his cavalry by itself with orders to engage the
+enemy, and keep them in play, while he despatched after them six
+thousand foot armed with javelins, and got the rest of the army in
+motion, with the idea that their appearance would decide the affair:
+for his superiority in numbers, and his success in the cavalry skirmish
+of the day before, had filled him with confidence. But it was now
+mid-winter and the day was snowy and excessively cold, and men and
+horses were marching out almost entirely without having tasted food;
+and accordingly, though the troops were at first in high spirits, yet
+when they had crossed the Trebia, swollen by the floods which the rain
+of the previous night had brought down from the high ground above the
+camp, wading breast deep through the stream, they were in a wretched
+state from the cold and want of food as the day wore on. While the
+Carthaginians on the contrary had eaten and drunk in their tents, and
+got their horses ready, and were all anointing and arming themselves
+round the fires. Hannibal waited for the right moment to strike, and
+as soon as he saw that the Romans had crossed the Trebia, throwing out
+eight thousand spearmen and slingers to cover his advance, he led out
+his whole army. When he had advanced about eight stades from the camp,
+he drew up his infantry, consisting of about twenty thousand Iberians,
+Celts, and Libyans, in one long line, while he divided his cavalry and
+placed half on each wing, amounting in all to more than ten thousand,
+counting the Celtic allies; his elephants also he divided between the
+two wings, where they occupied the front rank. Meanwhile Tiberius had
+recalled his cavalry because he saw that they could do nothing with the
+enemy. For the Numidians when attacked retreated without difficulty,
+scattering in every direction, and then faced about again and charged,
+which is the peculiar feature of their mode of warfare. But he drew up
+his infantry in the regular Roman order, consisting of sixteen thousand
+citizens and twenty thousand allies; for that is the complete number
+of a Roman army in an important campaign, when the two Consuls are
+compelled by circumstances to combine forces.[184] He then placed the
+cavalry on either wing, numbering four thousand, and advanced against
+the enemy in gallant style, in regular order, and at a deliberate pace.
+
+[Sidenote: The Roman cavalry retreat.]
+
++73.+ When the two forces came within distance, the light-armed troops
+in front of the two armies closed with each other. In this part of the
+battle the Romans were in many respects at a disadvantage, while the
+Carthaginians had everything in their favour. For the Roman spearmen
+had been on hard service ever since daybreak, and had expended most of
+their weapons in the engagement with the Numidians, while those weapons
+which were left had become useless from being long wet. Nor were the
+cavalry, or indeed the whole army, any better off in these respects.
+The case of the Carthaginians was exactly the reverse: they had come on
+the field perfectly sound and fresh, and were ready and eager for every
+service required of them. As soon, therefore, as their advanced guard
+had retired again within their lines, and the heavy-armed soldiers
+were engaged, the cavalry on the two wings of the Carthaginian army at
+once charged the enemy with all the effect of superiority in numbers,
+and in the condition both of men and horses secured by their freshness
+when they started. The Roman cavalry on the contrary retreated: and
+the flanks of the line being thus left unprotected, the Carthaginian
+spearmen and the main body of the Numidians, passing their own advanced
+guard, charged the Roman flanks: and, by the damage which they did
+them, prevented them from keeping up the fight with the troops on their
+front. The heavy-armed soldiers, however, who were in the front rank
+of both armies, and in the centre of that, maintained an obstinate and
+equal fight for a considerable time.
+
+[Sidenote: Both Roman wings defeated.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Roman centre fights its way to Placentia.]
+
++74.+ Just then the Numidians, who had been lying in ambush, left their
+hiding-place, and by a sudden charge on the centre of the Roman rear
+produced great confusion and alarm throughout the army. Finally both
+the Roman wings, being hard pressed in front by the elephants, and on
+both flanks by the light-armed troops of the enemy, gave way, and in
+their flight were forced upon the river behind them. After this, while
+the centre of the Roman rear was losing heavily, and suffering severely
+from the attack of the Numidian ambuscade, their front, thus driven to
+bay, defeated the Celts and a division of Africans, and, after killing
+a large number of them, succeeded in cutting their way through the
+Carthaginian line. Then seeing that their wings had been forced off
+their ground, they gave up all hope of relieving them or getting back
+to their camp, partly because of the number of the enemy’s cavalry, and
+partly because they were hindered by the river and the pelting storm
+of rain which was pouring down upon their heads. They therefore closed
+their ranks, and made their way safely to Placentia, to the number of
+ten thousand. Of the rest of the army the greater number were killed
+by the elephants and cavalry on the bank of the Trebia; while those of
+the infantry who escaped, and the greater part of the cavalry, managed
+to rejoin the ten thousand mentioned above, and arrived with them at
+Placentia. Meanwhile the Carthaginian army pursued the enemy as far
+as the Trebia; but being prevented by the storm from going farther,
+returned to their camp. They regarded the result of the battle with
+great exultation, as a complete success; for the loss of the Iberians
+and Africans had been light, the heaviest having fallen on the Celts.
+But from the rain and the snow which followed it, they suffered so
+severely, that all the elephants except one died, and a large number of
+men and horses perished from the cold.
+
+[Sidenote: Winter of B.C. 118-117. Great exertions at Rome to meet the
+danger.]
+
++75.+ Fully aware of the nature of his disaster, but wishing to conceal
+its extent as well as he could from the people at home, Tiberius sent
+messengers to announce that a battle had taken place, but that the
+storm had deprived them of the victory. For the moment this news was
+believed at Rome; but when soon afterwards it became known that the
+Carthaginians were in possession of the Roman camp, and that all the
+Celts had joined them: while their own troops had abandoned their
+camp, and, after retiring from the field of battle, were all collected
+in the neighbouring cities; and were besides being supplied with
+necessary provisions by sea up the Padus, the Roman people became
+only too certain of what had really happened in the battle. It was a
+most unexpected reverse, and it forced them at once to urge on with
+energy the remaining preparations for the war. They reinforced those
+positions which lay in the way of the enemy’s advance; sent legions
+to Sardinia and Sicily, as well as garrisons to Tarentum, and other
+places of strategical importance; and, moreover, fitted out a fleet
+of sixty quinqueremes. The Consuls designate, Gnaeus Servilius and
+Gaius Flaminius, were collecting the allies and enrolling the citizen
+legions, and sending supplies to Ariminum and Etruria, with a view
+of going to the seat of war by those two routes. They sent also to
+king Hiero asking for reinforcements, who sent them five hundred
+Cretan archers and a thousand peltasts. In fact they pushed on their
+preparations in every direction with energy. For the Roman people are
+most formidable, collectively and individually, when they have real
+reason for alarm.
+
+[Sidenote: Gnaeus Scipio in Spain.]
+
++76.+ While these events were happening in Italy, Gnaeus Cornelius
+Scipio, who had been left by his brother Publius in command of the
+fleet, setting sail from the mouth of the Rhone, came to land with his
+whole squadron at a place in Iberia called Emporium. Starting from this
+town, he made descents upon the coast, landing and besieging those who
+refused to submit to him along the seaboard as far as the Iber; and
+treating with every mark of kindness those who acceded to his demands,
+and taking all the precautions he could for their safety. When he had
+garrisoned those towns on the coast that submitted, he led his whole
+army inland, having by this time a not inconsiderable contingent of
+Iberian allies; and took possession of the towns on his line of march,
+some by negotiation and some by force of arms. The Carthaginian troops
+which Hannibal had left in that district under the command of Hanno,
+lay entrenched to resist him under the walls of a town called Cissa.
+
+Defeating this army in a pitched battle, Gnaeus not only got possession
+of a rich booty, for the whole baggage of the army invading Italy had
+been left under its charge, but secured the friendly alliance of all
+the Iberian tribes north of the Iber, and took both Hanno, the general
+of the Carthaginians, and Andobales, the general of the Iberians,
+prisoners. The latter was despot of central Iberia, and had always been
+especially inclined to the side of Carthage.
+
+Immediately he learnt what had happened, Hasdrubal crossed the Iber to
+bring aid. There he ascertained that the Roman troops left in charge
+of the fleet had abandoned all precautions, and were trading on the
+success of the land forces to pass their time in ease. He therefore
+took with him eight thousand infantry and one thousand cavalry of his
+own army, and finding the men of the fleet scattered about the country,
+he killed a great many of them and forced the rest to fly for refuge
+to their ships. He then retired across the Iber again, and employed
+himself in fortifying and garrisoning the posts south of the river,
+taking up his winter quarters at New Carthage. When Gnaeus rejoined his
+fleet, he punished the authors of the disaster according to the Roman
+custom; and then collected his land and sea forces together in Tarraco,
+and there took up his winter quarters; and by dividing the booty
+equally between his soldiers, inspired them at once with affection
+towards himself and eagerness for future service. Such was the course
+of the Iberian campaign.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 217.]
+
++77.+ At the beginning of the following spring, Gaius Flaminius marched
+his army through Etruria, and pitched his camp at Arretium; while his
+colleague Gnaeus Servilius on the other hand went to Ariminum, to await
+the advance of the enemy in that direction.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal conciliates the Italians.]
+
+Passing the winter in the Celtic territory, Hannibal kept his Roman
+prisoners in close confinement, supplying them very sparingly with
+food; while he treated their allies with great kindness from the first,
+and finally called them together and addressed them, alleging, “that he
+had not come to fight against them, but against Rome in their behalf;
+and that, therefore, if they were wise, they would attach themselves
+to him: because he had come to restore freedom to the Italians, and
+to assist them to recover their cities and territory which they had
+severally lost to Rome.” With these words he dismissed them without
+ransom to their own homes: wishing by this policy to attract the
+inhabitants of Italy to his cause, and to alienate their affections
+from Rome, and to awaken the resentment of all those who considered
+themselves to have suffered by the loss of harbours or cities under the
+Roman rule.
+
++78.+ While he was in these winter quarters also he practised a ruse
+truly Punic. Being apprehensive that from the fickleness of their
+character, and the newness of the tie between himself and them, the
+Celts might lay plots against his life, he caused a number of wigs
+to be made for him, suited in appearance to men of various ages; and
+these he constantly varied, changing at the same time his clothes also
+to harmonise with the particular wig which he wore. He thus made it
+hard to recognise him, not only for those who met him suddenly, but
+even for his intimates. But seeing that the Celts were discontented at
+the lengthened continuance of the war within their borders, and were
+in a state of restless hurry to invade the enemy’s territory,—on the
+pretence of hatred for Rome, but in reality from love of booty,—he
+determined to break up his camp as soon as possible, and satisfy the
+desires of his army. Accordingly as soon as the change of season set
+in, by questioning those who were reputed to know the country best, he
+ascertained that the other roads leading into Etruria were long and
+well known to the enemy, but that the one which led through the marshes
+was short, and would bring them upon Flaminius as a surprise.[185] This
+was what suited his peculiar genius, and he therefore decided to take
+this route. But when the report was spread in his army that the general
+was going to lead them through some marshes, every soldier felt alarmed
+at the idea of the quagmires and deep sloughs which they would find on
+this march.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal starts for Etruria. Spring of B.C. 217.]
+
++79.+ But after a careful inquiry as to what part of the road was
+firm or boggy, Hannibal broke up his camp and marched out. He placed
+the Libyans and Iberians and all his best soldiers in the van,
+and the baggage within their lines, that there might be plenty of
+provisions for their immediate needs. Provisions for the future he
+entirely neglected. Because he calculated that on reaching the enemy’s
+territory, if he were beaten he should not require them, and if he were
+victorious he would find abundance in the open country. Behind this
+vanguard he placed the Celts, and in the rear of all the cavalry. He
+entrusted the command of the rear-guard to his brother Mago, that he
+might see to the security of all, and especially to guard against the
+cowardice and impatience of hard labour which characterised the Celts;
+in order that, if the difficulty of the route should induce them to
+turn back, he might intercept them by means of the cavalry and force
+them to proceed. In point of fact, the Iberians and Libyans, having
+great powers of endurance and being habituated to such fatigues, and
+also because when they marched through them the marshes[186] were
+fresh and untrodden, accomplished their march with a moderate amount
+of distress: but the Celts advanced with great difficulty, because the
+marshes were now disturbed and trodden into a deep morass: and being
+quite unaccustomed to such painful labours, they bore the fatigue
+with anger and impatience; but were hindered from turning back by the
+cavalry in their rear. All however suffered grievously, especially
+from the impossibility of getting sleep on a continuous march of four
+days and three nights through a route which was under water: but none
+suffered so much, or lost so many men, as the Celts. Most of his
+beasts of burden also slipping in the mud fell and perished, and could
+then only do the men one service: they sat upon their dead bodies,
+and piling up baggage upon them so as to stand out above the water,
+they managed to get a snatch of sleep[187] for a short portion of the
+night. Another misfortune was that a considerable number of the horses
+lost their hoofs by the prolonged march through bog. Hannibal himself
+was with difficulty and much suffering got across riding on the only
+elephant left alive, enduring great agony from a severe attack of
+ophthalmia, by which he eventually lost the sight of one eye, because
+the time and the difficulties of the situation did not admit of his
+waiting or applying any treatment to it.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal in the valley of the Arno.]
+
++80.+ Having crossed the marshes in this unexpected manner, Hannibal
+found Flaminius in Etruria encamped under the walls of Arretium. For
+the present he pitched his camp close to the marshes, to refresh his
+army, and to investigate the plans of his enemies and the lie of the
+country in his front. And being informed that the country before him
+abounded in wealth, and that Flaminius was a mere mob-orator and
+demagogue, with no ability for the actual conduct of military affairs,
+and was moreover unreasonably confident in his resources; he calculated
+that, if he passed his camp and made a descent into the district
+beyond, partly for fear of popular reproach and partly from a personal
+feeling of irritation, Flaminius would be unable to endure to watch
+passively the devastation of the country, and would spontaneously
+follow him wherever he went; and being eager to secure the credit of a
+victory for himself, without waiting for the arrival of his colleague,
+would give him many opportunities for an attack.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal correctly judges the character of Flaminius.]
+
++81.+ And in making these calculations Hannibal showed his consummate
+prudence and strategical ability. For it is mere blind ignorance to
+believe that there can be anything of more vital importance to a
+general than the knowledge of his opponent’s character and disposition.
+As in combats between individuals or ranks, he who would conquer must
+observe carefully how it is possible to attain his object, and what
+part of his enemy appears unguarded or insufficiently armed,—so must
+a commander of an army look out for the weak place, not in the body,
+but in the mind of the leader of the hostile force. For it has often
+happened before now that from mere idleness and lack of energy, men
+have let not only the welfare of the state, but even their private
+fortunes fall to ruin: some are so addicted to wine that they cannot
+sleep without bemusing their intellects with drink; and others so
+infatuated in their pursuit of sensual pleasures, that they have not
+only been the ruin of their cities and fortunes, but have forfeited
+life itself with disgrace. In the case of individuals, however,
+cowardice and sloth bring shame only on themselves; but when it is a
+commander-in-chief that is concerned, the disaster affects all alike
+and is of the most fatal consequence. It not only infects the men under
+him with an inactivity like his own; but it often brings absolute
+dangers of the most serious description upon those who trust such a
+general. For rashness, temerity, and uncalculating impetuosity, as well
+as foolish ambition and vanity, give an easy victory to the enemy.
+And are the source of numerous dangers to one’s friends: for a man
+who is the prey of such weaknesses falls the easiest victim to every
+stratagem, ambush or ruse. The general then who can gain a clear idea
+of his opponent’s weaknesses, and direct his attack on the point where
+he is most open to it, will very soon be the victor in the campaign.
+For as a ship, if you deprive it of its steerer, falls with all its
+crew into the hands of the enemy; so, in the case of an army in war, if
+you outwit or out-manœuvre its general, the whole will often fall into
+your hands.
+
+[Sidenote: Flaminius is drawn out of camp.]
+
++82.+ Nor was Hannibal mistaken in his calculations in regard to
+Flaminius. For no sooner had he left the neighbourhood of Faesulae,
+and, advancing a short way beyond the Roman camp, made a raid upon
+the neighbouring country, than Flaminius became excited, and enraged
+at the idea that he was despised by the enemy: and as the devastation
+of the country went on, and he saw from the smoke that rose in every
+direction that the work of destruction was proceeding, he could not
+patiently endure the sight. Some of his officers advised that they
+should not follow the enemy at once nor engage him, but should act
+on the defensive, in view of his great superiority in cavalry; and
+especially that they should wait for the other Consul, and not give
+battle until the two armies were combined. But Flaminius, far from
+listening to their advice, was indignant at those who offered it; and
+bade them consider what the people at home would say at the country
+being laid waste almost up to the walls of Rome itself, while they
+remained encamped in Etruria on the enemy’s rear. Finally, with these
+words, he set his army in motion, without any settled plan of time or
+place; but bent only on falling in with the enemy, as though certain
+victory awaited him. For he had managed to inspire the people with such
+confident expectations, that the unarmed citizens who followed his camp
+in hope of booty, bringing chains and fetters and all such gear, were
+more numerous than the soldiers themselves.
+
+Meanwhile Hannibal was advancing on his way to Rome through Etruria,
+keeping the city of Cortona and its hills on his left, and the
+Thrasymene lake on his right; and as he marched, he burned and
+wasted the country with a view of rousing the wrath of the enemy and
+tempting him to come out. And when he saw Flaminius get well within
+distance, and observed that the ground he then occupied was suited to
+his purpose, he bent his whole energies on preparing for a general
+engagement.
+
+[Sidenote: The ambuscade at Lake Thrasymene.]
+
++83.+ The route which he was following led through a low valley
+enclosed on both sides by long lines of lofty hills. Of its two ends,
+that in front was blocked by an abrupt and inaccessible hill, and that
+on the rear by the lake, between which and the foot of the cliff there
+is only a very narrow defile leading into this valley. Making his way
+to the end of the valley along the bank of the lake, Hannibal posted
+himself with the Spanish and Libyan troops on the hill immediately in
+front of him as he marched, and pitched a camp on it; but sent his
+Balearic slingers and light-armed troops by a détour, and stationed
+them in extended order under the cover of the hills to the right of the
+valley; and by a similar détour placed the Gauls and cavalry under the
+cover of hills to the left, causing them also to extend their line so
+far as to cover the entrance of the defile running between the cliff
+and lake into the valley.[188]
+
+Having made these preparations during the night, and having thus
+enclosed the valley with ambuscades, Hannibal remained quiet. In
+pursuit of him came Flaminius, in hot haste to close with the enemy. It
+was late in the evening before he pitched his camp on the border of the
+lake; and at daybreak next morning, just before the morning watch, he
+led his front maniples forward along the borders of the lake into the
+valley with a view of engaging the enemy.
+
+[Sidenote: The battle, 22d June.]
+
++84.+ The day was exceedingly misty: and as soon as the greater part
+of the Roman line was in the valley, and the leading maniples were
+getting close to him, Hannibal gave the signal for attack; and at the
+same time sent orders to the troops lying in ambush on the hills to do
+the same, and thus delivered an assault upon the enemy at every point
+at once. Flaminius was taken completely by surprise: the mist was so
+thick, and the enemy were charging down from the upper ground at so
+many points at once, that not only were the Centurions and Tribunes
+unable to relieve any part of the line that was in difficulties, but
+were not even able to get any clear idea of what was going on: for
+they were attacked simultaneously on front, rear, and both flanks.
+The result was that most of them were cut down in the order of march,
+without being able to defend themselves: exactly as though they had
+been actually given up to slaughter by the folly of their leader.
+Flaminius himself, in a state of the utmost distress and despair,
+was attacked and killed by a company of Celts. As many as fifteen
+thousand Romans fell in the valley, who could neither yield nor defend
+themselves, being habituated to regard it as their supreme duty not
+to fly or quit their ranks. But those who were caught in the defile
+between the lake and the cliff perished in a shameful, or rather a
+most miserable, manner: for being thrust into the lake, some in their
+frantic terror endeavoured to swim with their armour on, and presently
+sank and were drowned; while the greater number, wading as far as they
+could into the lake, remained there with their heads above water; and
+when the cavalry rode in after them, and certain death stared them in
+the face, they raised their hands and begged for quarter, offering to
+surrender, and using every imaginary appeal for mercy; but were finally
+despatched by the enemy, or, in some cases, begged the favour of the
+fatal blow from their friends, or inflicted it on themselves. A number
+of men, however, amounting perhaps to six thousand, who were in the
+valley, defeated the enemy immediately in front of them; but though
+they might have done much to retrieve the fortune of the day, they
+were unable to go to the relief of their comrades, or get to the rear
+of their opponents, because they could not see what was going on. They
+accordingly pushed on continually to the front, always expecting to
+find themselves engaged with some of the enemy: until they discovered
+that, without noticing it, they were issuing upon the higher ground.
+But when they were on the crest of the hills, the mist broke and they
+saw clearly the disaster which had befallen them; and being no longer
+able to do any good, since the enemy was victorious all along the line,
+and in complete possession of the ground, they closed their ranks and
+made for a certain Etrurian village. After the battle Maharbal was sent
+by Hannibal with the Iberians and light-armed troops to besiege the
+village; and seeing themselves surrounded by a complication of dangers,
+they laid down their arms and surrendered on condition of their lives
+being spared. Such was the end of the final engagement between the
+Romans and Carthaginians in Etruria.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal’s treatment of prisoners.]
+
++85.+ When the prisoners who had surrendered on terms were with the
+other prisoners brought to Hannibal, he had them all collected together
+to the number of more than fifteen thousand, and began by saying that
+Maharbal had no authority to grant them their lives without consulting
+him. He then launched out into an invective against Rome: and when he
+had finished that, he distributed all the prisoners who were Romans
+among the companies of his army to be held in safe keeping; but allowed
+all the allies to depart without ransom to their own country, with
+the same remark as he had made before, that “he was not come to fight
+against Italians, but in behalf of Italians against Rome.” He then gave
+his army time to refresh themselves after their fatigue, and buried
+those of highest rank who had fallen in his army, amounting to about
+thirty; the total number of his loss being fifteen hundred, most of
+whom were Celts. He then began considering, in conjunction with his
+brother and friends, where and how he should continue his attack, for
+he now felt confident of ultimate success.
+
+[Sidenote: Dismay at Rome.]
+
+When the news of this disaster reached Rome, the chief men of the state
+could not, in view of the gravity of the blow, conceal its extent or
+soften it down, but were forced to assemble the people and tell them
+the truth. When the Praetor, therefore, from the Rostra said, “We have
+been beaten in a great battle,” there was such a consternation, that
+those who had been present at the battle as well as at this meeting,
+felt the disaster to be graver than when they were on the field of
+battle itself. And this feeling of the people was not to be wondered
+at. For many years they had been unaccustomed to the word or the fact
+of defeat, and they could not now endure reverse with patience or
+dignity. The Senate, however, rose to the occasion, and held protracted
+debates and consultations as to the future, anxiously considering what
+it was the duty of all classes to do, and how they were to do it.
+
+[Sidenote: Servilius’s advanced guard cut to pieces.]
+
++86.+ About the same time as the battle of Thrasymene, the Consul
+Gnaeus Servilius, who had been stationed on duty at Ariminum,—which is
+on the coast of the Adriatic, where the plains of Cis-Alpine Gaul join
+the rest of Italy, not far from the mouths of the Padus,—having heard
+that Hannibal had entered Etruria and was encamped near Flaminius,
+designed to join the latter with his whole army. But finding himself
+hampered by the difficulty of transporting so heavy a force, he sent
+Gaius Centenius forward in haste with four thousand horse, intending
+that he should be there before himself in case of need. But Hannibal,
+getting early intelligence after the battle of Thrasymene of this
+reinforcement of the enemy, sent Maharbal with his light-armed troops,
+and a detachment of cavalry, who falling in with Gaius, killed nearly
+half his men at the first encounter; and having pursued the remainder
+to a certain hill, on the very next day took them all prisoners. The
+news of the battle of Thrasymene was three days’ old at Rome, and
+the sorrow caused by it was, so to speak, at its hottest, when this
+further disaster was announced. The consternation caused by it was no
+longer confined to the people. The Senate now fully shared in it; and
+it was resolved that the usual annual arrangements for the election of
+magistrates should be suspended, and a more radical remedy be sought
+for the present dangers; for they came to the conclusion that their
+affairs were in such a state, as to require a commander with absolute
+powers.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal’s advance after the battle.]
+
+Feeling now entirely confident of success, Hannibal rejected the
+idea of approaching Rome for the present; but traversed the country
+plundering it without resistance, and directing his march towards the
+coast of the Adriatic. Having passed through Umbria and Picenum, he
+came upon the coast after a ten days’ march with such enormous booty,
+that the army could neither drive nor carry all the wealth which they
+had taken, and after killing a large number of people on his road.
+For the order was given, usual in the storming of cities, to kill all
+adults who came in their way: an order which Hannibal was prompted to
+give now by his deep-seated hatred of Rome.[189]
+
++87.+ Pitching his camp on the shore of the Adriatic, in a district
+extraordinarily rich in every kind of produce, he took great pains to
+refresh his men and restore their health, and no less so that of the
+horses. For the cold and squalor of a winter spent in Gallia Cis-Alpina
+without the protection of a roof, and then the painful march through
+the marshes, had brought upon most of the horses, and the men as well,
+an attack of scurvy and all its consequences. Having therefore now got
+possession of a rich country, he got his horses into condition again,
+and restored the bodies and spirits of his soldiers; and made the
+Libyans change their own for Roman arms selected for the purpose, which
+he could easily do from being possessed of so many sets stripped from
+the bodies of the enemy. He now sent messengers, too, to Carthage by
+sea, to report what had taken place, for this was the first time he had
+reached the sea since he entered Italy. The Carthaginians were greatly
+rejoiced at the news: and took measures with enthusiasm for forwarding
+supplies to their armies, both in Iberia and Italy.
+
+[Sidenote: Q. Fabius Maximus Dictator.]
+
+Meanwhile the Romans had appointed Quintus Fabius Dictator,[190] a
+man distinguished no less for his wisdom than his high birth; as is
+still commemorated by the fact that the members of his family are even
+now called _Maximi_, that is “Greatest,” in honour of his successful
+achievements. A Dictator differs from the Consuls in this, that each
+Consul is followed by twelve lictors, the Dictator by twenty-four.
+Again, the Consuls have frequently to refer to the Senate to enable
+them to carry out their proposed plans, but the Dictator is absolute,
+and when he is appointed all other magistrates in Rome are at once
+deprived of power, except the Tribunes of the People.[191] I shall,
+however, take another opportunity of speaking in more detail about
+these officers. With the Dictator they appointed Marcus Minucius master
+of the horse; this is an officer under the Dictator, and takes his
+place when engaged elsewhere.
+
++88.+ Though Hannibal shifted his quarters from time to time for short
+distances in one direction or another, he remained in the neighbourhood
+of the Adriatic; and by bathing his horses with old wine, of which he
+had a great store, cured them of the scab and got them into condition
+again. By a similar treatment he cured his men of their wounds, and got
+the others into a sound state of health and spirits for the service
+before them. After traversing with fire and sword the territories
+of Praetutia,[192] Hadriana, Marrucina, and Frentana, he started on
+his road to Iapygia. This district is divided among three peoples,
+each with a district name, Daunii [Peucetii], and Messapii. Hannibal
+first invaded the territory of the Daunii, beginning from Luceria, a
+Roman colony, and laid the country waste. He next encamped near Vibo,
+and overran the territory of Arpi, and plundered all Daunia without
+resistance.
+
+[Sidenote: Fabius takes the command.]
+
+Meanwhile Fabius, after offering the usual sacrifice to the gods
+upon his appointment, started with his master of the horse and four
+legions which had been enrolled for the purpose; and having effected a
+junction near Daunia with the troops that had come to the rescue from
+Ariminum, he relieved Gnaeus of his command on shore and sent him with
+an escort to Rome, with orders to be ready with help for any emergency,
+in case the Carthaginians made any movement by sea. Fabius himself,
+with his master of the horse, took over the command of the whole army
+and pitched his camp opposite the Carthaginians, near a place called
+Aecae,[193] about six miles from the enemy.
+
+[Sidenote: Cunctator.]
+
++89.+ When Hannibal learnt that Fabius had arrived, he determined to
+terrify the enemy by promptly attacking. He therefore led out his
+army, approached the Roman camp, and there drew up his men in order of
+battle; but when he had waited some time, and nobody came out to attack
+him, he drew off and retired to his own camp. For Fabius, having made
+up his mind to incur no danger and not to risk a battle, but to make
+the safety of his men his first and greatest object, kept resolutely
+to this purpose. At first he was despised for it, and gave rise to
+scandalous insinuations that he was an utter coward and dared not face
+an engagement: but in course of time he compelled everybody to confess
+and allow that it was impossible for any one to have acted, in the
+existing circumstances, with greater discretion and prudence. And it
+was not long before facts testified to the wisdom of his policy. Nor
+was it wonderful that it was so. For the forces of his opponents had
+been trained from their earliest youth without intermission in war;
+had a general who had grown up with them and from childhood had been
+instructed in the arts of the camp; had won many battles in Iberia,
+and twice running had beaten the Romans and their allies: and, what
+was more than all, had thoroughly made up their minds that their one
+hope of safety was in victory. In every respect the circumstances of
+the Roman army were the exact opposite of these; and therefore, their
+manifest inferiority making it impossible for Fabius to offer the enemy
+battle, he fell back upon those resources in which the Romans had the
+advantage of the enemy; clung to them; and conducted the war by their
+means: and they were—an inexhaustible supply of provisions and of men.
+
+[Sidenote: Minucius discontented.]
+
++90.+ He, then, during the following months, kept his army continually
+hovering in the neighbourhood of the enemy, his superior knowledge
+of the country enabling him to occupy beforehand all the posts of
+vantage; and having supplies in abundance on his rear, he never allowed
+his soldiers to go on foraging expeditions, or get separated, on any
+pretence, from the camp; but keeping them continually massed together
+and in close union, he watched for favourable opportunities of time
+and place; and by this method of proceeding captured and killed a
+large number of the enemy, who in their contempt of him straggled from
+their camp in search of plunder. His object in these manœuvres was
+twofold,—to gradually diminish the limited numbers of the enemy: and
+to strengthen and renew by such successes in detail the spirits of his
+own men, which had been depressed, to begin with, by the general defeat
+of their armies. But nothing would induce him to agree to give his
+enemy a set battle. This policy however was by no means approved of by
+his master of the horse, Marcus. He joined in the general verdict, and
+decried Fabius in every one’s hearing, as conducting his command in a
+cowardly and unenterprising spirit; and was himself eager to venture
+upon a decisive engagement.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal in Samnium and Apulia.]
+
+Meanwhile the Carthaginians, after wasting these districts, crossed
+the Apennines; and descending upon Samnium, which was rich and had
+been free from war for many years past, found themselves in possession
+of such an abundance of provisions, that they could get rid of
+them neither by use nor waste. They overran also the territory of
+Beneventum, which was a Roman colony; and took the town of Venusia,
+which was unwalled and richly furnished with every kind of property.
+All this time the Romans were following on his rear, keeping one or
+two days’ march behind him, but never venturing to approach or engage
+the enemy. Accordingly, when Hannibal saw that Fabius plainly meant to
+decline a battle, but yet would not abandon the country altogether, he
+formed the bold resolution of penetrating to the plains round Capua;
+and actually did so as far as Falernum, convinced that thereby he
+should do one of two things,—force the enemy to give him battle, or
+make it evident to all that the victory was his, and that the Romans
+had abandoned the country to him. This he hoped would strike terror
+into the various cities, and cause them to be eager to revolt from
+Rome. For up to that time, though the Romans had been beaten in two
+battles, not a single city in Italy had revolted to the Carthaginians;
+but all maintained their fidelity, although some of them were suffering
+severely;—a fact which may show us the awe and respect which the
+Republic had inspired in its allies.
+
++91.+ Hannibal, however, had not adopted this plan without good reason.
+For the plains about Capua are the best in Italy for fertility and
+beauty and proximity to the sea, and for the commercial harbours, into
+which merchants run who are sailing to Italy from nearly all parts of
+the world. They contain, moreover, the most famous and beautiful cities
+of Italy. On its seaboard are Sinuessa, Cumae, Puteoli, Naples, and
+Nuceria; and inland to the north there are Cales and Teanum, to the
+east and south [Caudium[194]] and Nola. In the centre of these plains
+lies the richest of all the cities, that of Capua. No tale in all
+mythology wears a greater appearance of probability than that which
+is told of these, which, like others remarkable for their beauty, are
+called the Phlegraean plains; for surely none are more likely for
+beauty and fertility to have been contended for by gods. In addition to
+these advantages, they are strongly protected by nature and difficult
+of approach; for one side is protected by the sea, and the rest by a
+long and high chain of mountains, through which there are but three
+passes from the interior, narrow and difficult, one from Samnium [a
+second from Latium[195]] and a third from Hirpini. So that if the
+Carthaginians succeeded in fixing their quarters in these plains, they
+would have the advantage of a kind of theatre, in which to display
+the terrors of their power before the gaze of all Italy; and would
+make a spectacle also of the cowardice of their enemies in shrinking
+from giving them battle, while they themselves would be proved beyond
+dispute to be masters of the country.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal descends into the Falernian plain.]
+
++92.+ With this view Hannibal crossed from Samnium by the pass of the
+hill called Eribianus,[196] and encamped on the bank of the river
+Vulturnus, which almost divides these plains in half. His camp was on
+the side of the river towards Rome, but he overran the whole plain with
+foraging parties. Though utterly aghast at the audacity of the enemy’s
+proceedings, Fabius stuck all the more firmly to the policy upon which
+he had determined. But his colleague Minucius, and all the centurions
+and tribunes of the army, thinking that they had caught the enemy in an
+excellent trap, were of opinion that they should make all haste into
+the plains, and not allow the most splendid part of the country to be
+devastated. Until they reached the spot, Fabius hurried on, and feigned
+to share their eager and adventurous spirit; and, when he was near
+the ager Falernus, he showed himself on the mountain skirts and kept
+in a line with the enemy, that he might not be thought by the allies
+to abandon the country: but he would not let his army descend into
+the plain, being still unwilling to risk a general engagement, partly
+for the same reasons as before, and partly because the enemy were
+conspicuously superior in cavalry.
+
+[Sidenote: Fabius lies in wait.]
+
+After trying to provoke his enemies, and collecting an unlimited
+amount of booty by laying waste the whole plain, Hannibal began taking
+measures for removing: wishing not to waste his booty, but to stow it
+in some safe place, which he might also make his winter quarters; that
+the army might not only be well off for the present, but might have
+abundant supplies all through the winter. Fabius, learning that he
+meditated returning the same way as he came, and seeing that the pass
+was a narrow one, and extremely well suited for an attack by ambush,
+placed about four thousand men at the exact spot that he would have to
+pass; while he, with the main body of his troops, encamped on a hill
+which commanded the entrance of the pass.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal eludes him.]
+
++93.+ Fabius hoped when the Carthaginians came thither, and encamped on
+the plain immediately under the foot of the hill, that he would be able
+to snatch away their plunder without any risk to himself; and, most of
+all, might even put an end to the whole war by means of the excellent
+situation for an attack in which he now was. He was accordingly wholly
+intent on forming plans for this purpose, anxiously considering in what
+direction and in what manner he should avail himself of the advantages
+of the ground, and which of his men were to be the first to attack
+the enemy. Whilst his enemies were making these preparations for the
+next day, Hannibal, guessing the truth, took care to give them no time
+or leisure for executing their design; but summoning Hasdrubal, the
+captain of his pioneers, ordered him, with all speed, to make as many
+fagots of dry wood of all sorts as possible, and selecting two thousand
+of the strongest of the working oxen from the booty, to collect them
+outside the camp. When this was done, he summoned the pioneers, and
+pointed out to them a certain ridge lying between the camp and the
+gorge by which he meant to march. To this ridge they were to drive the
+oxen, when the order was given, as actively and energetically as they
+could, until they came to the top. Having given these instructions, he
+bade them take their supper and go to rest betimes. Towards the end
+of the third watch of the night he led the pioneers out of the camp,
+and ordered them to tie the fagots to the horns of the oxen. The men
+being numerous, this did not take long to do; and he then ordered them
+to set the fagots all alight, and to drive the oxen off and force them
+to mount the ridge; and placing his light-armed troops behind them he
+ordered them to assist the drivers up to a certain distance: but, as
+soon as the beasts had got well started, to take open order and pass
+them at the double, and, with as much noise as possible, make for the
+top of the ridge; that, if they found any of the enemy there, they
+might close with and attack them at once. At the same time he himself
+led the main army towards the narrow gorge of the pass,—his heavy-armed
+men in front, next to them the cavalry, then the booty, and the
+Iberians and Celts bringing up the rear.
+
++94.+ The Romans who were guarding the gorge, no sooner saw these
+fiery fagots advancing to the heights, than, quitting the narrow part
+of the pass, they made for the ridge to meet the enemy. But when they
+got near the oxen, they were puzzled by the lights, imagining them
+to be something more dangerous than they really were; and when the
+Carthaginian light-armed troops came on to the ground, after some
+slight skirmishing between the two parties, upon the oxen rushing in
+among them, they separated and took up their positions on different
+heights and waited for daybreak, not being able to comprehend what was
+taking place.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal gets through the pass. Autumn, B.C. 217.]
+
+Partly because he was at a loss to understand what was happening, and,
+in the words of the poet, “some deep design suspecting;”[197] and
+partly that, in accordance with his original plan, he was determined
+not to risk a general engagement, Fabius remained quietly within his
+camp: while Hannibal, finding everything going as he designed, led his
+army and booty in safety through the gorge, the men who had been set to
+guard the narrow road having abandoned their post. At daybreak, seeing
+the two troops fronting each other on the heights, he sent some Iberian
+companies to the light-armed troops, who engaged the Romans, and,
+killing a thousand of them, easily relieved his own light-armed troops
+and brought them down to the main body.
+
+[Sidenote: Fabius goes to Rome, leaving the command to M. Minucius.]
+
+Having thus effected his departure from the Falernian plain, Hannibal
+thenceforth busied himself in looking out for a place in which to
+winter, and in making the necessary preparations, after having inspired
+the utmost alarm and uncertainty in the cities and inhabitants of Italy.
+
+Though Fabius meanwhile was in great disrepute among the common people,
+for having let his enemy escape from such a trap, he nevertheless
+refused to abandon his policy; and being shortly afterwards obliged to
+go to Rome to perform certain sacrifices, he handed over the command of
+his legions to his master of the horse, with many parting injunctions,
+not to be so anxious to inflict a blow upon the enemy, as to avoid
+receiving one himself. Marcus, however, paid no heed to the advice,
+and, even while Fabius was speaking, had wholly resolved to risk a
+general engagement.
+
+[Sidenote: Spain, B.C. 217.]
+
++95.+ While these things were going on in Italy, Hasdrubal, who was in
+command in Iberia, having during the winter repaired the thirty ships
+left him by his brother, and manned ten additional ones, got a fleet of
+forty decked vessels to sea, at the beginning of the summer, from New
+Carthage, under the command of Hamilcar; and at the same time collected
+his land forces, and led them out of their winter quarters. The fleet
+coasted up the country, and the troops marched along the shore towards
+the Iber. Suspecting their design, Gnaeus Scipio was for issuing from
+his winter quarters and meeting them both by land and sea. But hearing
+of the number of their troops, and the great scale on which their
+preparations had been made, he gave up the idea of meeting them by
+land; and manning thirty-five ships, and taking on board the best men
+he could get from his land forces to serve as marines, he put to sea,
+and arrived on the second day near the mouth of the Iber. Here he came
+to anchor, at a distance of about ten miles from the enemy, and sent
+two swift-sailing Massilian vessels to reconnoitre. For the sailors of
+Marseilles were the first in every service of difficulty and danger,
+and ready at the shortest notice to do whatever was required of them;
+and, in fact, Marseilles has distinguished itself above all other
+places, before and since, in fidelity to Rome, and never more so than
+in the Hannibalian war. The ships sent to reconnoitre having reported
+that the enemy’s fleet was lying off the mouth of the Iber, Scipio put
+to sea with all speed, wishing to surprise them.
+
+[Sidenote: Roman success at sea.]
+
++96.+ But being informed in good time by his look-out men that the
+enemy were bearing down upon him, Hasdrubal drew up his troops on the
+beach, and ordered his crews to go on board; and, when the Romans hove
+in sight, gave the signal for the attack, determined to fight the
+enemy at sea. But, after engaging, the Carthaginians made but a short
+struggle for victory, and very soon gave way. For the support of the
+troops on the beach did less service in encouraging them to attack,
+than harm in offering them a safe place of retreat. Accordingly,
+after losing two ships with their crews, and the oars and marines of
+four others, they gave way and made for the land; and when the Romans
+pressed on with spirit in pursuit, they ran their ships ashore, and
+leaping from the vessels fled for refuge to the troops. The Romans
+came boldly close to land, towed off such of the vessels as could be
+got afloat, and sailed away in great exultation at having beaten the
+enemy at the first blow, secured the mastery of the sea, and taken
+twenty-five of the enemy’s ships.
+
+In Iberia therefore, after this victory, the Roman prospects had begun
+to brighten. But when news of this reverse arrived at Carthage, the
+Carthaginians at once despatched a fleet of seventy ships, judging it
+to be essential to their whole design that they should command the
+sea. These ships touched first at Sardinia and then at Pisae in Italy,
+the commanders believing that they should find Hannibal there. But
+the Romans at once put to sea to attack them from Rome itself, with
+a fleet of a hundred and twenty quinqueremes; and hearing of this
+expedition against them, the Carthaginians sailed back to Sardinia, and
+thence returned to Carthage. Gnaeus Servilius, who was in command of
+this Roman fleet, followed the Carthaginians for a certain distance,
+believing that he should fall in with them; but, finding that he was
+far behind, he gave up the attempt. He first put in at Lilybaeum, and
+afterwards sailed to the Libyan island of Cercina; and after receiving
+a sum of money from the inhabitants on condition of not laying waste
+the country, he departed. On his return voyage he took the island of
+Cossyrus, and having put a garrison into its small capital, returned to
+Lilybaeum. There he placed the fleet, and shortly afterwards went off
+himself to join the land army.
+
+[Sidenote: Publius Scipio, whose imperium is prolonged after his
+Consulship of the previous year, with Spain assigned as his province,
+is sent to join his brother there with 20 ships: early in B.C. 217.]
+
++97.+ When the Senate heard of Gnaeus Scipio’s naval success, believing
+it to be advantageous or rather essential not to relax their hold on
+Iberia, but to press on the war there against Carthage with redoubled
+vigour, they prepared a fleet of twenty ships, and put them under the
+command of Publius Scipio; and in accordance with arrangements already
+made, despatched him with all speed to join his brother Gnaeus, and
+carry on the Iberian campaign in conjunction with him. Their great
+anxiety was lest the Carthaginians should get the upper hand in Iberia,
+and thus possessing themselves of abundant supplies and recruits,
+should get a more complete mastery of the sea, and assist the invasion
+of Italy, by sending troops and money to Hannibal. Regarding therefore
+the Iberian war as of the utmost importance, they sent these ships
+and Publius Scipio to that country; who, when he arrived in Iberia,
+effected a junction with his brother and did most substantial service
+to the State. For up to that time the Romans had not ventured to cross
+the Iber; but had thought themselves fortunate if they could secure the
+friendship and allies of the tribes up to that river. They now however
+did cross it, and for the first time had the courage to attempt a
+movement on the other side: their designs being greatly favoured also
+by an accidental circumstance.
+
+When the two brothers, after overawing the Iberian tribes that lived
+near the passage of the Iber, had arrived before the city of Saguntum,
+they pitched their camp about forty stades from it, near the temple of
+Aphrodite, selecting the position as offering at once security from the
+attacks of the enemy, and a means of getting supplies by sea: for their
+fleet was coasting down parallel with them.
+
+[Sidenote: Treason of Abilyx.]
+
++98.+ Here an event occurred which produced a decisive change in their
+favour. When Hannibal was about to start for Italy, from the Iberian
+towns whose loyalty he suspected he took the sons of their leading men
+as hostages, and placed them all in Saguntum, because of the strength
+of that town and his confidence in the fidelity of those who were left
+in charge of it. Now there was a certain Iberian there named Abilyx,
+who enjoyed the highest character and reputation with his countrymen,
+and was believed to be especially well disposed and loyal to the
+Carthaginians. Seeing how affairs were going, and believing that the
+fortune of the Romans was in the ascendant, he formed in his own mind a
+scheme, worthy of an Iberian and barbarian, for giving up the hostages.
+Convinced that he might obtain a high place in the favour of Rome, if
+he gave a proof of his fidelity at a critical moment, he made up his
+mind to turn traitor to Carthage and put the hostages in the hands
+of the Romans. He began his machinations by addressing himself to
+Bostar, the Carthaginian general who had been despatched by Hasdrubal
+to prevent the Romans from crossing the river, but, not venturing to
+do this, had retreated, and was now encamped in the region of Saguntum
+next the sea. To this man, who was of a guileless and gentle character,
+and quite disposed to trust him, Abilyx now introduced the subject of
+the hostages. He argued that “the Romans having now crossed the Iber,
+the Carthaginians could no longer hold Iberia by terror, but stood
+now in need of the good feeling of their subjects: seeing then that
+the Romans had actually approached Saguntum and were besieging it,
+and that the city was in danger,—if he were to take the hostages and
+restore them to their parents and cities, he would not only frustrate
+the ambitious scheme of the Romans, who wished above all things by
+getting possession of the hostages to have the credit of doing this;
+but would also rouse a feeling of goodwill towards Carthage in all
+the cities, for having taken thought for the future and provided for
+the safety of the hostages. He would, too, much enhance the favour by
+personally managing this business: for if he restored these boys to
+their homes, he would provoke the gratitude, not only of their parents,
+but of the people at large also, by giving a striking instance of
+the magnanimous policy of Carthage towards her allies. He might even
+expect large rewards for himself from the families that recovered their
+children; for all those, who thus unexpectedly got into their hands
+the dearest objects of their affection, would vie with each other in
+heaping favours on the author of such a service.” By these and similar
+arguments he persuaded Bostar to fall in with his proposals.
+
++99.+ Abilyx then went away, after arranging a fixed day on which he
+would appear with everything necessary for conveying the boys. At
+night he made his way to the Roman lines, and, having fallen in with
+some Iberians serving in the Roman army, was by them conducted to
+the generals; to whom he discoursed at great length on the revulsion
+of feeling of the Iberians in their favour, which would be caused
+if they got possession of the hostages: and finally offered to put
+the boys in their hands. Publius Scipio received the proposal with
+extreme eagerness: and, promising him large rewards, he agreed with
+him on a day, hour, and place at which a party were to be waiting to
+receive him. After returning home, Abilyx next went with a band of
+chosen friends to Bostar; and, after receiving the boys, left the camp
+at night, as though he wished not to be seen by the Roman camp as he
+passed it, and came at the appointed time to the place arranged, and
+there handed over all the boys to the Roman officers. Publius treated
+Abilyx with special honour, and employed him in restoring the boys
+to their native cities, along with certain of his own friends. He
+accordingly went from city to city, giving them a visible proof by
+the restoration of the boys of the Roman mildness and magnanimity, in
+contrast to the Carthaginian suspiciousness and harshness; and bidding
+them also observe that he had found it necessary to change sides, he
+induced many Iberians to join the Roman alliance. Bostar was thought,
+in thus surrendering the hostages to the enemy, to have behaved more
+like a child than became a man of his age, and was in serious danger
+of his life. For the present, however, as it was getting late in the
+season, both sides began dispersing into winter quarters; the Romans
+having made an important step towards success in the matter of the boys.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal takes Geronium.]
+
++100.+ Such was the position of affairs in Iberia. To return to
+Hannibal, whom we left having just effected the passage from the
+Falernian plain. Hearing from his scouts that there was abundance of
+corn in the district round Luceria and Geronium, and that Geronium
+was an excellent place to store it in, he determined to make his
+winter quarters there; and accordingly marched thither by way of Mount
+Liburnum. And having come to Geronium, which is about two hundred
+stades from Luceria, he first endeavoured to win over the inhabitants
+by promises, offering them pledges of his good faith; but when no one
+would listen to him, he determined to lay siege to the town. Having
+taken it without much delay, he put the inhabitants to the sword;
+but preserved most of the houses and walls, because he wished to use
+them as granaries for his winter camp: and having encamped his army
+in front of it, he fortified his position with trench and palisade.
+Having finished these labours, he sent out two-thirds of the army to
+collect corn, with orders to bring home every day, each division for
+the use of its own men, as much as the regular heads of this department
+would usually supply: while with the remaining third of his army he
+kept watch over his camp, and occupied certain places with a view
+of protecting the foraging parties in case they were attacked. The
+district being mostly very accessible and flat, and the harvesting
+party being almost innumerable, and the season moreover being at the
+very best stage for such operations, the amount of corn collected every
+day was very great.
+
+[Sidenote: Minucius obtains a slight success. Autumn B.C. 217.]
+
++101.+ When Minucius took over the command from Fabius, he at first
+kept along the line of hills, feeling certain that he would sooner
+or later fall in with the Carthaginians; but when he heard that
+Hannibal had already taken Geronium, and was collecting the corn of
+the country, and had pitched his camp in front of the town, he changed
+the direction of his march, and descended from the top of the hills by
+way of a ridge leading down into the plains. Arriving at the height
+which lies in the territory of Larinum, and is called Calena, he
+encamped round its foot, being eager on any terms whatever to engage
+the enemy. When Hannibal saw the enemy approaching, he sent a third of
+his army foraging for corn, but took the other two-thirds with him,
+and, advancing sixteen stades from Geronium towards the enemy, pitched
+a camp upon a piece of rising ground, with a view at once of overawing
+his opponents, and affording safety to his foraging parties: and there
+being another elevation between him and the two armies, which was near,
+and conveniently placed for an attack upon the enemy’s lines, he sent
+out about two thousand light-armed troops in the night and seized it.
+At daybreak when Minucius saw these men, he took his own light-armed
+troops and assaulted the hill. After a gallant skirmish the Romans
+prevailed; and subsequently their whole camp was transferred to this
+place. For a certain time Hannibal kept his men for the most part
+within their lines, because the camps were so close to each other; but,
+after the lapse of some days, he was obliged to divide them into two
+parties, one for pasturing the animals, and one for gathering corn:
+being very anxious to carry out his design of avoiding the destruction
+of his booty, and of collecting as much corn as possible, that his men
+might have abundant food during the winter, and his horses and beasts
+of burden as much so; for the chief hope of his army rested on his
+cavalry.
+
+[Sidenote: Carthaginian foragers cut off.]
+
++102.+ It was then that Minucius, seeing the great part of the enemy
+scattered about the country on these services, selected the exact hour
+of the day when they would be away to lead out his army. Having come
+close to the Carthaginian lines he drew out his heavy-armed troops
+there; and then, dividing his cavalry and light-armed into detachments,
+sent them in search of the foragers, ordering them to give no quarter.
+This put Hannibal into a great difficulty: for he was not strong
+enough to accept battle with the enemy drawn up outside his lines, or
+to relieve those of his men who were scattered about the country. The
+Romans meanwhile who had been sent to take the foragers found a great
+number of them scattered about, and killed them; while the troops
+drawn up in front of the camp grew so contemptuous of the enemy, that
+they even began to pull down their palisade, and all but assaulted
+the Carthaginians. Hannibal was in a very dangerous position: but in
+spite of the storm that had suddenly fallen on him, he held his ground,
+repulsing the enemy when they approached and defending, though with
+difficulty, the rampart; until Hasdrubal came to his relief with about
+four thousand of the foraging parties, who had fled for refuge from the
+country and collected within the lines near Geronium. This encouraged
+Hannibal to make a sally: and having got into order of battle a short
+distance from the camp, he just managed with difficulty to avert the
+threatened danger. After killing large numbers of the enemy in the
+struggle at the camp, and still more in the open country, Minucius for
+the present retired, but with great hopes for the future; and on the
+morrow, the Carthaginians having abandoned their lines on the hill, he
+went up and occupied their position. For Hannibal being alarmed lest
+the Romans should go by night and find the camp at Geronium undefended,
+and become masters of his baggage and stores, determined to retire
+thither himself and again fix his quarters there. After this the
+Carthaginians were more timid and cautious in their manner of foraging;
+while the Romans on the other hand acted with greater boldness and
+recklessness.
+
+[Sidenote: Minucius invested with co-equal powers with Fabius.]
+
++103.+ An exaggerated account of this success reached Rome, and caused
+excessive exultation: first, because in their gloomy prospects some
+sort of change for the better had at last shown itself; and, secondly,
+because the people could now believe that the ill success and want of
+nerve, which had hitherto attended the legions, had not arisen from
+the cowardice of the men, but the timidity of their leader. Wherefore
+everybody began finding fault with and depreciating Fabius, as failing
+to seize his opportunities with spirit; while they extolled Minucius
+to such a degree for what had happened, that a thing was done for
+which there was no precedent. They gave him absolute power as well as
+Fabius, believing that he would quickly put an end to the campaign; and
+so there were two Dictators made for carrying on the same war, which
+had never happened at Rome before. When Minucius was informed of his
+popularity with the people, and of the office bestowed upon him by the
+citizens, he felt doubly incited to run all risks and act with daring
+boldness against the enemy. Fabius rejoined the army with sentiments
+not in the least changed by what had happened, but rather fixed
+still more immovably on his original policy. Seeing, however, that
+Minucius was puffed up with pride, and inclined to offer him a jealous
+opposition at every turn, and was wholly bent on risking an engagement,
+he offered him the choice of two alternatives: either to command the
+whole army on alternate days with him; or that they should separate
+their two armies, and each command their respective part in their own
+way. Minucius joyfully accepting the second alternative, they divided
+the men and encamped separately about twelve stades apart.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal draws on Minucius.]
+
++104.+ Partly from observing what was taking place, and partly from the
+information of prisoners, Hannibal knew of the mutual jealousy of the
+two generals, and the impetuosity and ambition of Minucius. Looking
+upon what was happening in the enemy’s camp as rather in his favour
+than otherwise, he set himself to deal with Minucius; being anxious
+to put an end to his bold methods and check in time his adventurous
+spirit. There being then an elevation between his camp and that of
+Minucius, which might prove dangerous to either, he resolved to occupy
+it; and, knowing full well that, elated by his previous success,
+Minucius would be certain to move out at once to oppose his design, he
+concerted the following plan. The country round the hill being bare of
+trees, but having much broken ground and hollows of every description,
+he despatched some men during the night, in bodies of two and three
+hundred, to occupy the most favourable positions, numbering in all five
+hundred horse and five thousand light-armed and other infantry: and in
+order that they might not be observed in the morning by the enemy’s
+foraging parties, he seized the hill at daybreak with his light-armed
+troops. When Marcus saw what was taking place, he looked upon it as
+an excellent opportunity; and immediately despatched his light-armed
+troops, with orders to engage the enemy and contest the possession of
+the position; after these he sent his cavalry, and close behind them
+he led his heavy-armed troops in person, as on the former occasion,
+intending to repeat exactly the same manœuvres.
+
+[Sidenote: Fabius comes to the rescue.]
+
++105.+ As the day broke, and the thoughts and eyes of all were
+engrossed in observing the combatants on the hill, the Romans had no
+suspicion of the troops lying in ambush. But as Hannibal kept pouring
+in reinforcements for his men on the hill, and followed close behind
+them himself with his cavalry and main body, it was not long before
+the cavalry also of both sides were engaged. The result was that the
+Roman light-armed troops, finding themselves hard pressed by the
+numbers of the cavalry, caused great confusion among the heavy-armed
+troops by retreating into their lines; and the signal being given at
+the same time to those who were in ambush, these latter suddenly showed
+themselves and charged: whereby not only the Roman light-armed troops,
+but their whole army, were in the greatest danger. At that moment
+Fabius, seeing what was taking place, and being alarmed lest they
+should sustain a complete defeat, led out his forces with all speed
+and came to the relief of his imperilled comrades. At his approach
+the Romans quickly recovered their courage; and though their lines
+were entirely broken up, they rallied again round their standards,
+and retired under cover of the army of Fabius, with a severe loss in
+the light-armed division, and a still heavier one in the ranks of the
+legions, and that too of the bravest men. Alarmed at the freshness and
+perfect order of the relieving army, Hannibal retired from the pursuit
+and ceased fighting. To those who were actually engaged it was quite
+clear that an utter defeat had been brought about by the rashness of
+Minucius, and that their safety on this and previous occasions had been
+secured by the caution of Fabius; while those at home had a clear and
+indisputable demonstration of the difference between the rashness and
+bravado of a soldier, and the far-seeing prudence and cool calculation
+of a general. Taught by experience the Romans joined camps once more,
+and for the future listened to Fabius and obeyed his orders: while the
+Carthaginians dug a trench across the space between the knoll and their
+own lines, and threw up a palisade round the crest of the captured
+hill; and, having placed a guard upon it, proceeded thenceforth with
+their preparations for the winter unmolested.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 216. Coss. G. Terentius Varro and L. Aemilius Paulus.]
+
++106.+ The Consular elections being now come, the Romans elected Lucius
+Aemilius and Gaius Terentius. On their appointment the Dictators laid
+down their offices, and the Consuls of the previous year, Gnaeus
+Servilius and Marcus Regulus—who had been appointed after the death
+of Flaminius,—were invested with proconsular authority by Aemilius;
+and, taking the command at the seat of war, administered the affairs
+of the army independently. Meanwhile Aemilius, in consultation with
+the Senate, set at once to work to levy new soldiers, to fill up the
+numbers of the legions required for the campaign, and despatched them
+to headquarters; enjoining at the same time upon Servilius that he
+should by no means hazard a general engagement, but contrive detailed
+skirmishes, as sharp and as frequent as he could, for the sake of
+practising the raw recruits, and giving them courage for a pitched
+battle: for they held the opinion that their former defeats were owing,
+as much as anything else, to the fact that they were employing troops
+newly levied and entirely untrained. The Senate also sent the Praetor
+Lucius Postumius into Gaul, to affect a diversion there, and induce the
+Celts who were with Hannibal to return home. They also took measures
+for recalling the fleet that had wintered at Lilybaeum, and for sending
+to the commanders in Iberia such supplies as were necessary for the
+service. Thus the Consul and Senate were busied with these and other
+preparations for the campaign; and Servilius, having received his
+instructions from the Consuls, carried them out in every particular.
+The details of this part of the campaign, therefore, I shall omit to
+record; for nothing of importance or worth remembering occurred, partly
+in consequence of these instructions, and partly from circumstances;
+but there were a considerable number of skirmishes and petty
+engagements, in which the Roman commanders gained a high reputation for
+courage and prudence.
+
+[Sidenote: Autumn, B.C. 216.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Senate order a battle.]
+
++107.+ Thus through all that winter and spring the two armies remained
+encamped facing each other. But when the season for the new harvest was
+come, Hannibal began to move from the camp at Geronium; and making up
+his mind that it would be to his advantage to force the enemy by any
+possible means to give him battle, he occupied the citadel of a town
+called Cannae, into which the corn and other supplies from the district
+round Canusium were collected by the Romans, and conveyed thence to the
+camp as occasion required. The town itself, indeed, had been reduced to
+ruins the year before: but the capture of its citadel and the material
+of war contained in it, caused great commotion in the Roman army;
+for it was not only the loss of the place and the stores in it that
+distressed them, but the fact also that it commanded the surrounding
+district. They therefore sent frequent messages to Rome asking for
+instructions: for if they approached the enemy they would not be able
+to avoid an engagement, in view of the fact that the country was being
+plundered, and the allies all in a state of excitement. The Senate
+passed a resolution that they should give the enemy battle: they,
+however, bade Gnaeus Servilius wait, and despatched the Consuls to the
+seat of war. It was to Aemilius that all eyes turned, and on him the
+most confident hopes were fixed; for his life had been a noble one, and
+he was thought to have managed the recent Illyrian war with advantage
+to the State. The Senate determined to bring eight legions into the
+field, which had never been done at Rome before, each legion consisting
+of five thousand men besides allies. For the Romans, as I have stated
+before,[198] habitually enrol four legions each year, each consisting
+of about four thousand foot and two hundred horse; and when any unusual
+necessity arises, they raise the number of foot to five thousand and of
+the horse to three hundred. Of allies, the number in each legion is the
+same as that of the citizens, but of the horse three times as great. Of
+the four legions thus composed, they assign two to each of the Consuls
+for whatever service is going on. Most of their wars are decided by one
+Consul and two legions, with their quota of allies; and they rarely
+employ all four at one time and on one service. But on this occasion,
+so great was the alarm and terror of what would happen, they resolved
+to bring not only four but eight legions into the field.
+
+[Sidenote: The Consuls Aemilius Paulus, and Terentius Varro go to the
+seat of war.]
+
+[Sidenote: Speech of Aemilius.]
+
++108.+ With earnest words of exhortation, therefore, to Aemilius,
+putting before him the gravity in every point of view of the result of
+the battle, they despatched him with instructions to seek a favourable
+opportunity to fight a decisive battle with a courage worthy of Rome.
+Having arrived at the camp and united their forces, they made known
+the will of the Senate to the soldiers, and Aemilius exhorted them
+to do their duty in terms which evidently came from his heart. He
+addressed himself especially to explain and excuse the reverses which
+they had lately experienced; for it was on this point particularly
+that the soldiers were depressed and stood in need of encouragement.
+“The causes,” he argued, “of their defeats in former battles were
+many, and could not be reduced to one or two. But those causes were at
+an end; and no excuse existed now, if they only showed themselves to
+be men of courage, for not conquering their enemies. Up to that time
+both Consuls had never been engaged together, or employed thoroughly
+trained soldiers: the combatants on the contrary had been raw levies,
+entirely unexperienced in danger; and what was most important of all,
+they had been so entirely ignorant of their opponents, that they had
+been brought into the field, and engaged in a pitched battle with an
+enemy that they had never once set eyes on. Those who had been defeated
+on the Trebia were drawn up on the field at daybreak, on the very next
+morning after their arrival from Sicily; while those who had fought in
+Etruria, not only had never seen the enemy before, but did not do so
+even during the very battle itself, owing to the unfortunate state of
+the atmosphere.
+
++109.+ But now the conditions were quite different. For in the first
+place both Consuls were with the army: and were not only prepared to
+share the danger themselves, but had also induced the Consuls of the
+previous year to remain and take part in the struggle. While the men
+had not only seen the arms, order, and numbers of the enemy, but had
+been engaged in almost daily fights with them for the last two years.
+The conditions therefore under which the two former battles were fought
+being quite different, it was but natural that the result of the coming
+struggle should be different too. For it would be strange or rather
+impossible that those who in various skirmishes, where the numbers of
+either side were equal, had for the most part come off victorious,
+should, when drawn up all together, and nearly double of the enemy in
+number, be defeated.”
+
+“Wherefore, men of the army,” he continued, “seeing that we have every
+advantage on our side for securing a victory, there is only one thing
+necessary—your determination, your zeal! And I do not think I need say
+more to you on that point. To men serving others for pay, or to those
+who fight as allies on behalf of others, who have no greater danger to
+expect than meets them on the field, and for whom the issues at stake
+are of little importance,—such men may need words of exhortation. But
+men who, like you, are fighting not for others, but themselves,—for
+country, wives, and children; and for whom the issue is of far more
+momentous consequence than the mere danger of the hour, need only to
+be reminded: require no exhortation. For who is there among you who
+would not wish if possible to be victorious; and next, if that may not
+be, to die with arms in his hands, rather than to live and see the
+outrage and death of those dear objects which I have named? Wherefore,
+men of the army, apart from any words of mine, place before your eyes
+the momentous difference to you between victory and defeat, and all
+their consequences. Enter upon this battle with the full conviction,
+that in it your country is not risking a certain number of legions,
+but her bare existence. For she has nothing to add to such an army as
+this, to give her victory, if the day now goes against us. All she
+has of confidence and strength rests on you; all her hopes of safety
+are in your hands. Do not frustrate those hopes: but pay back to your
+country the gratitude you owe her; and make it clear to all the world
+that the former reverses occurred, not because the Romans are worse men
+than the Carthaginians, but from the lack of experience on the part
+of those who were then fighting, and through a combination of adverse
+circumstances.” With such words Aemilius dismissed the troops.
+
+[Sidenote: The Roman army approaches Cannae.]
+
+[Sidenote: Terentius Varro orders an advance.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans are successful.]
+
++110.+ Next morning the two Consuls broke up their camp, and advanced
+to where they heard that the enemy were entrenched. On the second day
+they arrived within sight of them, and pitched their camp at about
+fifty stades’ distance. But when Aemilius observed that the ground
+was flat and bare for some distance round, he said that they must not
+engage there with an enemy superior to them in cavalry; but that they
+must rather try to draw him off, and lead him to ground on which the
+battle would be more in the hands of the infantry. But Gaius Terentius
+being, from inexperience, of a contrary opinion, there was a dispute
+and misunderstanding between the leaders, which of all things is the
+most dangerous. It is the custom, when the two Consuls are present,
+that they should take the chief command on alternate days; and the next
+day happening to be the turn of Terentius, he ordered an advance with
+a view of approaching the enemy, in spite of the protests and active
+opposition of his colleague. Hannibal set his light-armed troops and
+cavalry in motion to meet him, and charging the Romans while they were
+still marching, took them by surprise and caused a great confusion in
+their ranks. The Romans repulsed the first charge by putting some of
+their heavy-armed in front; and then sending forward their light-armed
+and cavalry, began to get the best of the fight all along the line:
+the Carthaginians having no reserves of any importance, while certain
+companies of the legionaries were mixed with the Roman light-armed,
+and helped to sustain the battle. Nightfall for the present put an
+end to a struggle which had not at all answered to the hopes of the
+Carthaginians. But next day Aemilius, not thinking it right to engage,
+and yet being unable any longer to lead off his army, encamped with
+two-thirds of it on the banks of the Aufidus, the only river which
+flows right through the Apennines,—that chain of mountains which forms
+the watershed of all the Italian rivers, which flow either west to the
+Tuscan sea, or east to the Hadriatic. This chain is, I say, pierced by
+the Aufidus, which rises on the side of Italy nearest the Tuscan Sea,
+and is discharged into the Hadriatic. For the other third of his army
+he caused a camp to be made across the river, to the east of the ford,
+about ten stades from his own lines, and a little more from those of
+the enemy; that these men, being on the other side of the river, might
+protect his own foraging parties, and threaten those of the enemy.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal harangues his troops.]
+
++111.+ Then Hannibal, seeing that his circumstances called for a battle
+with the enemy, being anxious lest his troops should be depressed by
+their previous reverse, and believing that it was an occasion which
+required some encouraging words, summoned a general meeting of his
+soldiers. When they were assembled, he bid them all look round upon
+the country, and asked them, “What better fortune they could have
+asked from the gods, if they had had the choice, than to fight in such
+ground as they saw there, with the vast superiority of cavalry on their
+side?” And when all signified their acquiescence in such an evident
+truth, he added: “First, then, give thanks to the gods: for they have
+brought the enemy into this country, because they designed the victory
+for us. And, next to me, for having compelled the enemy to fight,—for
+they cannot avoid it any longer,—and to fight in a place so full of
+advantages for us. But I do not think it becoming in me now to use many
+words in exhorting you to be brave and forward in this battle. When
+you had had no experience of fighting the Romans this was necessary,
+and I did then suggest many arguments and examples to you. But now
+seeing that you have undeniably beaten the Romans in three successive
+battles of such magnitude, what arguments could have greater influence
+with you in confirming your courage than the actual facts? Now, by
+your previous battles you have got possession of the country and all
+its wealth; in accordance with my promises: for I have been absolutely
+true in everything I have ever said to you. But the present contest is
+for the cities and the wealth in them: and if you win it, all Italy
+will at once be in your power; and freed from your present hard toils,
+and masters of the wealth of Rome, you will by this battle become the
+leaders and lords of the world. This, then, is a time for deeds, not
+words: for by God’s blessing I am persuaded that I shall carry out my
+promises to you forthwith.” His words were received with approving
+shouts, which he acknowledged with gratitude for their zeal; and having
+dismissed the assembly, he at once formed a camp on the same bank of
+the river as that on which was the larger camp of the Romans.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal irritates the enemy.]
+
++112.+ Next day he gave orders that all should employ themselves in
+making preparations and getting themselves into a fit state of body.
+On the day after that he drew out his men along the bank of the river,
+and showed that he was eager to give the enemy battle. But Aemilius,
+dissatisfied with his position, and seeing that the Carthaginians would
+soon be obliged to shift their quarters for the sake of supplies, kept
+quiet in his camps, strengthening both with extra guards. After waiting
+a considerable time, when no one came out to attack him, Hannibal
+put the rest of the army into camp again, but sent out his Numidian
+horse to attack the enemy’s water parties from the lesser camp. These
+horsemen riding right up to the lines and preventing the watering,
+Gaius Terentius became more than ever inflamed with the desire of
+fighting, and the soldiers were eager for a battle, and chafed at the
+delay. For there is nothing more intolerable to mankind than suspense;
+when a thing is once decided, men can but endure whatever out of the
+catalogue of evils it is their misfortune to undergo.
+
+[Sidenote: Anxiety at Rome.]
+
+But when the news arrived at Rome that the two armies were face to
+face, and that skirmishes between advanced parties of both sides were
+daily taking place, the city was in a state of high excitement and
+uneasiness; the people dreading the result owing to the disasters
+which had now befallen them on more than one occasion; and foreseeing
+and anticipating in their imaginations what would happen if they were
+utterly defeated. All the oracles preserved at Rome were in everybody’s
+mouth; and every temple and house was full of prodigies and miracles:
+in consequence of which the city was one scene of vows, sacrifices,
+supplicatory processions, and prayers. For the Romans in times of
+danger take extraordinary pains to appease gods and men, and look upon
+no ceremony of that kind in such times as unbecoming or beneath their
+dignity.
+
+[Sidenote: Dispositions for the battle of Cannae.]
+
++113.+ When he took over the command on the following day, as soon as
+the sun was above the horizon, Gaius Terentius got the army in motion
+from both the camps. Those from the larger camp he drew up in order
+of battle, as soon as he had got them across the river, and bringing
+up those of the smaller camp he placed them all in the same line,
+selecting the south as the aspect of the whole. The Roman horse he
+stationed on the right wing along the river, and their foot next them
+in the same line, placing the maniples, however, closer together than
+usual, and making the depth of each maniple several times greater than
+its front. The cavalry of the allies he stationed on the left wing,
+and the light-armed troops he placed slightly in advance of the whole
+army, which amounted with its allies to eighty thousand infantry and a
+little more than six thousand horse. At the same time Hannibal brought
+his Balearic slingers and spearmen across the river, and stationed
+them in advance of his main body; which he led out of their camp, and,
+getting them across the river at two spots, drew them up opposite the
+enemy. On his left wing, close to the river, he stationed the Iberian
+and Celtic horse opposite the Roman cavalry; and next to them half
+the Libyan heavy-armed foot; and next to them the Iberian and Celtic
+foot; next, the other half of the Libyans, and, on the right wing, the
+Numidian horse. Having now got them all into line he advanced with
+the central companies of the Iberians and Celts; and so arranged the
+other companies next these in regular gradations, that the whole line
+became crescent-shaped, diminishing in depth towards its extremities:
+his object being to have his Libyans as a reserve in the battle, and to
+commence the action with his Iberians and Celts.
+
++114.+ The armour of the Libyans was Roman, for Hannibal had armed
+them with a selection of the spoils taken in previous battles. The
+shield of the Iberians and Celts was about the same size, but their
+swords were quite different. For that of the Roman can thrust with as
+deadly effects as it can cut, while the Gallic sword can only cut, and
+that requires some room. And the companies coming alternately,—the
+naked Celts, and the Iberians with their short linen tunics bordered
+with purple stripes, the whole appearance of the line was strange and
+terrifying. The whole strength of the Carthaginian cavalry was ten
+thousand, but that of their foot was not more than forty thousand,
+including the Celts. Aemilius commanded on the Roman right, Gaius
+Terentius on the left, Marcus Atilius and Gnaeus Servilius, the Consuls
+of the previous year, on the centre. The left of the Carthaginians was
+commanded by Hasdrubal, the right by Hanno, the centre by Hannibal in
+person, attended by his brother Mago. And as the Roman line faced the
+south, as I said before, and the Carthaginian the north, the rays of
+the rising sun did not inconvenience either of them.
+
+[Sidenote: The Battle, 2d August, B.C. 216.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans outflanked by the cavalry.]
+
++115.+ The battle was begun by an engagement between the advanced guard
+of the two armies; and at first the affair between these light-armed
+troops was indecisive. But as soon as the Iberian and Celtic cavalry
+got at the Romans, the battle began in earnest, and in the true
+barbaric fashion: for there was none of the usual formal advance and
+retreat; but when they once got to close quarters, they grappled man to
+man, and, dismounting from their horses, fought on foot. But when the
+Carthaginians had got the upper hand in this encounter and killed most
+of their opponents on the ground,— because the Romans all maintained
+the fight with spirit and determination,—and began chasing the
+remainder along the river, slaying as they went and giving no quarter;
+then the legionaries took the place of the light-armed and closed with
+the enemy. For a short time the Iberian and Celtic lines stood their
+ground and fought gallantly; but, presently overpowered by the weight
+of the heavy-armed lines, they gave way and retired to the rear, thus
+breaking up the crescent. The Roman maniples followed with spirit, and
+easily cut their way through the enemy’s line; since the Celts had been
+drawn up in a thin line, while the Romans had closed up from the wings
+towards the centre and the point of danger. For the two wings did not
+come into action at the same time as the centre: but the centre was
+first engaged, because the Gauls, having been stationed on the arc of
+the crescent, had come into contact with the enemy long before the
+wings, the convex of the crescent being towards the enemy. The Romans,
+however, going in pursuit of these troops, and hastily closing in
+towards the centre and the part of the enemy which was giving ground,
+advanced so far, that the Libyan heavy-armed troops on either wing got
+on their flanks. Those on the right, facing to the left, charged from
+the right upon the Roman flank; while those who were on the left wing
+faced to the right, and, dressing by the left, charged their right
+flank,[199] the exigency of the moment suggesting to them what they
+ought to do. Thus it came about, as Hannibal had planned, that the
+Romans were caught between two hostile lines of Libyans—thanks to their
+impetuous pursuit of the Celts. Still they fought, though no longer in
+line, yet singly, or in maniples, which faced about to meet those who
+charged them on the flanks.
+
+[Sidenote: Fall of Aemilius Paulus.]
+
++116.+ Though he had been from the first on the right wing, and had
+taken part in the cavalry engagement, Lucius Aemilius still survived.
+Determined to act up to his own exhortatory speech, and seeing that
+the decision of the battle rested mainly on the legionaries, riding up
+to the centre of the line he led the charge himself, and personally
+grappled with the enemy, at the same time cheering on and exhorting
+his soldiers to the charge. Hannibal, on the other side, did the same,
+for he too had taken his place on the centre from the commencement.
+The Numidian horse on the Carthaginian right were meanwhile charging
+the cavalry on the Roman left; and though, from the peculiar nature
+of their mode of fighting, they neither inflicted nor received much
+harm, they yet rendered the enemy’s horse useless by keeping them
+occupied, and charging them first on one side and then on another. But
+when Hasdrubal, after all but annihilating the cavalry by the river,
+came from the left to the support of the Numidians, the Roman allied
+cavalry, seeing his charge approaching, broke and fled. At that point
+Hasdrubal appears to have acted with great skill and discretion.
+Seeing the Numidians to be strong in numbers, and more effective and
+formidable to troops that had once been forced from their ground, he
+left the pursuit to them; while he himself hastened to the part of
+the field where the infantry were engaged, and brought his men up to
+support the Libyans. Then, by charging the Roman legions on the rear,
+and harassing them by hurling squadron after squadron upon them at many
+points at once, he raised the spirits of the Libyans, and dismayed
+and depressed those of the Romans. It was at this point that Lucius
+Aemilius fell, in the thick of the fight, covered with wounds: a man
+who did his duty to his country at that last hour of his life, as he
+had throughout its previous years, if any man ever did.[200] As long as
+the Romans could keep an unbroken front, to turn first in one direction
+and then in another to meet the assaults of the enemy, they held out;
+but the outer files of the circle continually falling, and the circle
+becoming more and more contracted, they at last were all killed on the
+field, and among them Marcus Atilius and Gnaeus Servilius, the Consuls
+of the previous year, who had shown themselves brave men and worthy of
+Rome in the battle. While this struggle and carnage were going on, the
+Numidian horse were pursuing the fugitives, most of whom they cut down
+or hurled from their horses; but some few escaped into Venusia, among
+whom was Gaius Terentius, the Consul, who thus sought a flight, as
+disgraceful to himself, as his conduct in office had been disastrous to
+his country.
+
++117.+ Such was the end of the battle of Cannae, in which both sides
+fought with the most conspicuous gallantry, the conquered no less
+than the conquerors. This is proved by the fact that, out of six
+thousand horse, only seventy escaped with Gaius Terentius to Venusia,
+and about three hundred of the allied cavalry to various towns in
+the neighbourhood. Of the infantry ten thousand were taken prisoners
+in fair fight, but were not actually engaged in the battle: of those
+who were actually engaged only about three thousand perhaps escaped
+to the towns of the surrounding district, all the rest died nobly,
+to the number of seventy thousand, the Carthaginians being on this
+occasion, as on previous ones, mainly indebted for their victory to
+their superiority in cavalry: a lesson to posterity that in actual war
+it is better to have half the number of infantry, and the superiority
+in cavalry, than to engage your enemy with an equality in both. On
+the side of Hannibal there fell four thousand Celts, fifteen hundred
+Iberians and Libyans, and about two hundred horse.
+
+[Sidenote: Losses of the Romans.]
+
+The ten thousand Romans who were captured had not, as I said, been
+engaged in the actual battle; and the reason was this. Lucius Aemilius
+left ten thousand infantry in his camp that, in case Hannibal should
+disregard the safety of his own camp, and take his whole army on to the
+field, they might seize the opportunity, while the battle was going on,
+of forcing their way in and capturing the enemy’s baggage; or if, on
+the other hand, Hannibal should, in view of this contingency, leave a
+guard in his camp, the number of the enemy in the field might thereby
+be diminished. These men were captured in the following circumstances.
+Hannibal, as a matter of fact, did leave a sufficient guard in his
+camp; and as soon as the battle began, the Romans, according to their
+instructions, assaulted and tried to take those thus left by Hannibal.
+At first they held their own: but just as they were beginning to waver,
+Hannibal, who was by this time gaining a victory all along the line,
+came to their relief, and routing the Romans, shut them up in their own
+camp; killed two thousand of them; and took all the rest prisoners.
+In like manner the Numidian horse brought in all those who had taken
+refuge in the various strongholds about the district, amounting to two
+thousand of the routed cavalry.
+
+[Sidenote: The results of the battle. Defection of the allies.]
+
++118.+ The result of this battle, such as I have described it, had the
+consequences which both sides expected. For the Carthaginians by their
+victory were thenceforth masters of nearly the whole of the Italian
+coast which is called _Magna Graecia_. Thus the Tarentines immediately
+submitted; and the Arpani and some of the Campanian states invited
+Hannibal to come to them; and the rest were with one consent turning
+their eyes to the Carthaginians: who, accordingly, began now to have
+high hopes of being able to carry even Rome itself by assault.
+
+[Sidenote: Fall of Lucius Postumius in Gaul. See _supra_, ch. 106.]
+
+On their side the Romans, after this disaster, despaired of retaining
+their supremacy over the Italians, and were in the greatest alarm,
+believing their own lives and the existence of their city to be in
+danger, and every moment expecting that Hannibal would be upon them.
+For, as though Fortune were in league with the disasters that had
+already befallen them to fill up the measure of their ruin, it happened
+that only a few days afterwards, while the city was still in this
+panic, the Praetor who had been sent to Gaul fell unexpectedly into an
+ambush and perished, and his army was utterly annihilated by the Celts.
+In spite of all, however, the Senate left no means untried to save the
+State. It exhorted the people to fresh exertions, strengthened the
+city with guards, and deliberated on the crisis in a brave and manly
+spirit. And subsequent events made this manifest. For though the Romans
+were on that occasion indisputably beaten in the field, and had lost
+reputation for military prowess; by the peculiar excellence of their
+political constitution, and the prudence of their counsels, they not
+only recovered their supremacy over Italy, by eventually conquering the
+Carthaginians, but before very long became masters of the whole world.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 216.]
+
+I shall, therefore, end this book at this point, having now recounted
+the events in Iberia and Italy, embraced by the 140th Olympiad. When
+I have arrived at the same period in my history of Greece during this
+Olympiad, I shall then fulfil my promise of devoting a book to a
+formal account of the Roman constitution itself; for I think that a
+description of it will not only be germane to the matter of my history,
+but will also be of great help to practical statesmen, as well as
+students, either in reforming or establishing other constitutions.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK IV
+
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 220-216.]
+
++1.+ In my former book I explained the causes of the second war between
+Rome and Carthage; and described Hannibal’s invasion of Italy, and the
+engagements which took place between them up to the battle of Cannae,
+on the banks of the Aufidus. I shall now take up the history of Greece
+during the same period, ending at the same date, and commencing from
+the 140th Olympiad. But I shall first recall to the recollection of my
+readers what I stated in my second book on the subject of the Greeks,
+and especially of the Achaeans; for the league of the latter has made
+extraordinary progress up to our own age and the generation immediately
+preceding.
+
+[Sidenote: Recapitulation of Achaean history, before B.C. 220,
+contained in Book II., cc. 41-71.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ending with the deaths of Antigonus Doson, Seleucus
+Ceraunus, and Ptolemy Euergetes, before the 140th Olympiad, B.C.
+220-216.]
+
+I started, then, from Tisamenus, one of the sons of Orestes, and
+stated that the dynasty existed from his time to that of Ogygus: that
+then there was an excellent form of democratical federal government
+established: and that then the league was broken up by the kings of
+Sparta into separate towns and villages. Then I tried to describe how
+these towns began to form a league once more: which were the first to
+join; and the policy subsequently pursued, which led to their inducing
+all the Peloponnesians to adopt the general title of Achaeans, and to
+be united under one federal government. Descending to particulars,
+I brought my story up to the flight of Cleomenes, King of Sparta:
+then briefly summarising the events included in my prefatory sketch
+up to the deaths of Antigonus Doson, Seleucus Ceraunus, and Ptolemy
+Euergetes, who all three died at about the same time, I announced that
+my main history was to begin from that point.
+
+[Sidenote: Reasons for starting from this point. (1.) The fact that the
+history of Aratus ends at that point. (2.) The possibility of getting
+good evidence. (3.) The changes in the various governments in the 139th
+Olympiad. B.C. 224-220.]
+
++2.+ I thought this was the best point; first, because it is there that
+Aratus leaves off, and I meant my work, as far as it was Greek history,
+to be a continuation of his; and, secondly, because the period thus
+embraced in my history would fall partly in the life of my father, and
+partly in my own; and thus I should be able to speak as eye-witness
+of some of the events, and from the information of eye-witnesses of
+others. To go further back and write the report of a report, traditions
+at second or third hand, seemed to me unsatisfactory either with a
+view to giving clear impressions or making sound statements. But,
+above all, I began at this period because it was then that the history
+of the whole world entered on a new phase. Philip, son of Demetrius,
+had just become the boy king of Macedonia; Achaeus, prince of Asia on
+this side of Taurus, had converted his show of power into a reality;
+Antiochus the Great had, a short time before, by the death of his
+brother Seleucus, succeeded while quite a young man to the throne of
+Syria; Ariarathes to that of Cappadocia; and Ptolemy Philopator to that
+of Egypt. Not long afterwards Lycurgus became King of Sparta, and the
+Carthaginians had recently elected Hannibal general to carry on the
+war lately described. Every government therefore being changed about
+this time, there seemed every likelihood of a new departure in policy:
+which is but natural and usual, and in fact did at this time occur. For
+the Romans and Carthaginians entered upon the war I have described;
+Antiochus and Ptolemy on one for the possession of Coele-Syria; and the
+Achaeans and Philip one against the Aetolians and Lacedaemonians. The
+causes of this last war must now be stated.
+
+[Sidenote: The Aetolians.]
+
++3.+ The Aetolians had long been discontented with a state of peace and
+tired at living at their own charges; for they were accustomed to live
+on their neighbours, and their natural ostentation required abundant
+means to support it. Enslaved by this passion they live a life as
+predatory as that of wild beasts, respecting no tie of friendship and
+regarding every one as an enemy to be plundered.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 222.]
+
+Hitherto, however, as long as Antigonus Doson was alive, their fear
+of the Macedonians had kept them quiet. But when he was succeeded at
+his death by the boy Philip, they conceived a contempt for the royal
+power, and at once began to look out for a pretext and opportunity
+for interfering in the Peloponnese: induced partly by an old habit of
+getting plunder from that country, and partly by the belief that, now
+the Achaeans were unsupported by Macedonia, they would be a match for
+them. While their thoughts were fixed on this, chance to a certain
+extent contributed to give them the opportunity which they desired.
+
+[Sidenote: The raids of Dorimachus in Messenia.]
+
+There was a certain man of Trichonium[201] named Dorimachus, son of
+that Nicostratus who made the treacherous attack on the Pan-Boeotian
+congress.[202] This Dorimachus, being young and inspired with the
+true spirit of Aetolian violence and aggressiveness, was sent by the
+state to Phigalea in the Peloponnese, which, being on the borders of
+Arcadia and Messenia, happened at that time to be in political union
+with the Aetolian league. His mission was nominally to guard the city
+and territory of Phigalea, but in fact to act as a spy on the politics
+of the Peloponnese. A crowd of pirates flocked to him at Phigalea;
+and being unable to get them any booty by fair means, because the
+peace between all Greeks which Antigonus had concluded was still in
+force, he was finally reduced to allowing the pirates to drive off the
+cattle of the Messenians, though they were friends and allies of the
+Aetolians. These injurious acts were at first confined to the sheep on
+the border lands; but becoming more and more reckless and audacious,
+they even ventured to break into the farm-houses by sudden attacks at
+night. The Messenians were naturally indignant, and sent embassies to
+Dorimachus; which he at first disregarded, because he wanted not only
+to benefit the men under him, but himself also, by getting a share
+in their spoils. But when the arrival of such embassies became more
+and more frequent, owing to the perpetual recurrence of these acts of
+depredation, he said at last that he would come in person to Messene,
+and decide on the claims they had to make against the Aetolians.
+When he came, however, and the sufferers appeared, he laughed at
+some, threatened to strike others, and drove others away with abusive
+language.
+
+[Sidenote: Dorimachus leaves Messene.]
+
++4.+ Even while he was actually in Messene, the pirates came close to
+the city walls in the night, and by means of scaling-ladders broke
+into a country-house called Chiron’s villa; killed all the slaves who
+resisted them; and having bound the others, took them and the cattle
+away with them. The Messenian Ephors had long been much annoyed by
+what was going on, and by the presence of Dorimachus in their town;
+but this they thought was too insolent: and they accordingly summoned
+him to appear before the assembled magistrates. There Sciron, who
+happened to be an Ephor at the time, and enjoyed a high reputation for
+integrity among his fellow-citizens, advised that they should not allow
+Dorimachus to leave the city, until he had made good all the losses
+sustained by the Messenians, and had given up the guilty persons to
+be punished for the murders committed. This suggestion being received
+with unanimous approval, as but just, Dorimachus passionately exclaimed
+that “they were fools if they imagined that they were now insulting
+only Dorimachus, and not the Aetolian league.” In fact he expressed the
+greatest indignation at the whole affair, and said that “they would
+meet with a public punishment, which would serve them well right.” Now
+there was at that time in Messene a man of disgraceful and effeminate
+character named Babyrtas, who was so exactly like Dorimachus in voice
+and person, that, when he was dressed in Dorimachus’s sun-hat and
+cloak, it was impossible to tell them apart; and of this Dorimachus was
+perfectly aware. When therefore he was speaking in these threatening
+and insolent tones to the Messenian magistrates, Sciron lost his temper
+and said “Do you think we care for you or your threats, _Babyrtas_?”
+After this Dorimachus was compelled for the present to yield to
+circumstances, and to give satisfaction for the injuries inflicted
+upon the Messenians: but when he returned to Aetolia, he nursed such a
+bitter and furious feeling of anger at this taunt, that, without any
+other reasonable pretext, but for this cause and this alone, he got up
+a war against the Messenians.
+
+[Sidenote: Dorimachus becomes practically Strategus of Aetolia, B.C.
+221.]
+
+[Sidenote: He induces Scopas to go to war with Messenia, Epirus,
+Achaia, Acarnania, and Macedonia.]
+
++5.+ The Strategus of the Aetolians at that time was Ariston; but
+being from physical infirmities unable to serve in the field, and
+being a kinsman of Dorimachus and Scopas, he had somehow or another
+surrendered his whole authority to the former. In his public capacity
+Dorimachus could not venture to urge the Aetolians to undertake the
+Messenian war, because he had no reasonable pretext for so doing:
+the origin of his wish being, as everybody well knew, the wrongs
+committed by himself and the bitter gibe which they had brought upon
+him. He therefore gave up the idea of publicly advocating the war, but
+tried privately to induce Scopas to join in the intrigue against the
+Messenians: He pointed out that there was now no danger from the side
+of Macedonia owing to the youth of the king (Philip being then only
+seventeen years old); that the Lacedaemonians were alienated from the
+Messenians; and that they possessed the affection and alliance of the
+Eleans; and these circumstances taken together would make an invasion
+of Messenia perfectly safe. But the argument most truly Aetolian which
+he used was to put before him that a great booty was to be got from
+Messenia, because it was entirely unguarded, and had alone, of all the
+Peloponnesian districts, remained unravaged throughout the Cleomenic
+war. And, to sum up all, he argued that such a move would secure them
+great popularity with the Aetolians generally. And if the Achaeans were
+to try to hinder their march through the country, they would not be
+able to complain if they retaliated: and if, on the other hand, they
+did not stir, would be no hindrance to their enterprise. Besides, he
+affirmed that they would have plenty of pretext against the Messenians;
+for they had long been in the position of aggressors by promising the
+Achaeans and Macedonians to join their alliance.
+
+By these, and similar arguments to the same effect, he roused such
+a strong feeling in the minds of Scopas and his friends, that,
+without waiting for a meeting of the Aetolian federal assembly, and
+without communicating with the Apocleti or taking any of the proper
+constitutional steps, of their own mere impulse and opinion they
+committed acts of hostility simultaneously against Messenia, Epirus,
+Achaia, Acarnania, and Macedonia.
+
+[Sidenote: Acts of hostility against Macedonia,]
+
+[Sidenote: Epirus, and Acarnania.]
+
++6.+ By sea they immediately sent out privateers, who, falling in
+with a royal vessel of Macedonia near Cythera, brought it with all
+its crew to Aetolia, and sold ship-owners, sailors, and marines, and
+finally the ship itself. Then they began sacking the seaboard of
+Epirus, employing the aid of some Cephallenian ships for carrying out
+this act of violence. They tried also to capture Thyrium in Acarnania.
+At the same time they secretly sent some men to seize a strong place
+called Clarium, in the centre of the territory of Megalopolis; which
+they used thenceforth as a place of sale for their spoils, and a
+starting place for their marauding expeditions. However Timoxenus, the
+Achaean Strategus, with the assistance of Taurion, who had been left
+by Antigonus in charge of the Macedonian interests in the Peloponnese,
+took the place after a siege of a very few days. For Antigonus retained
+Corinth, in accordance with his convention with the Achaeans, made at
+the time of the Cleomenic war;[203] and had never restored Orchomenus
+to the Achaeans after he had taken it by force, but claimed and
+retained it in his own hands; with the view, as I suppose, not only of
+commanding the entrance of the Peloponnese, but of guarding also its
+interior by means of his garrison and warlike apparatus in Orchomenus.
+
+[Sidenote: Before midsummer B.C. 220. Invasion of Messenia by
+Dorimachus and Scopas.]
+
+Dorimachus and Scopas waited until Timoxenus had a very short time of
+office left, and when Aratus, though elected by the Achaeans for the
+coming year, would not yet be in office;[204] and then collecting a
+general levy of Aetolians at Rhium, and preparing means of transport,
+with some Cephallenian ships ready to convoy them, they got their
+men across to the Peloponnese, and led them against Messenia. While
+marching through the territories of Patrae, Pharae, and Tritaea they
+pretended that they did not wish to do any injury to the Achaeans;
+but their forces, from their inveterate passion for plunder, could
+not be restrained from robbing the country; and consequently they
+committed outrages and acts of violence all along their line of march,
+till they arrived at Phigalea. Thence, by a bold and sudden movement,
+they entered Messenia; and without any regard for their ancient
+friendship and alliance with the Messenians, or for the principles
+of international justice common to all mankind, subordinating every
+consideration to their selfish greed, they set about plundering the
+country without resistance, the Messenians being absolutely afraid to
+come out to attack them.
+
+[Sidenote: The Achaean league decide to assist the Messenians.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 222-221.]
+
+[Sidenote: Aratus becomes Strategus of the Achaean league, B.C. 220
+(May-June).]
+
++7.+ This being the time, according to their laws, for the meeting
+of the Achaean federal assembly, the members arrived at Aegium. When
+the assembly met, the deputies from Patrae and Pharae made a formal
+statement of the injuries inflicted upon their territories during the
+passage of the Aetolians: an embassy from Messenia also appeared,
+begging for their assistance on the ground that the treatment from
+which they were suffering was unjust and in defiance of treaty.
+When these statements were heard, great indignation was felt at the
+wrongs of Patrae and Pharae, and great sympathy for the misfortunes
+of the Messenians. But it was regarded as especially outrageous that
+the Aetolians should have ventured to enter Achaia with an army,
+contrary to treaty, without obtaining or even asking for permission
+from any one to pass through the country. Roused to indignation by
+all these considerations, the assembly voted to give assistance to
+the Messenians: that the Strategus should summon a general levy of
+the Achaean arms: and that whatever was decided by this levy, when it
+met, should be done. Now Timoxenus, the existing Strategus, was just
+on the point of quitting office, and felt besides small confidence
+in the Achaeans, because martial exercise had been allowed to fall
+into neglect among them; he therefore shrank from undertaking the
+expedition, or from even summoning the popular levy. The fact was that,
+after the expulsion of Cleomenes, King of Sparta, the Peloponnesians,
+weary of the wars that had taken place, and trusting to the peaceful
+arrangement that had been come to, neglected all warlike preparations.
+Aratus, however, indignant and incensed at the audacity of the
+Aetolians, was not inclined to take things so calmly, for he had in
+fact a grudge of long standing against these people. Wherefore he
+was for instantly summoning the Achaeans to an armed levy, and was
+all eagerness to attack the Aetolians. Eventually he took over from
+Timoxenus the seal of the league, five days before the proper time,
+and wrote to the various cities summoning a meeting in arms of all
+those who were of the military age, at Megalopolis. But the peculiar
+character of this man, I think, makes it proper for me to give a brief
+preliminary sketch of him.
+
+[Sidenote: Character of Aratus.]
+
++8.+ Aratus had many of the qualities of a great ruler. He could
+speak, and contrive, and conceal his purpose: no one surpassed him
+in the moderation which he showed in political contests, or in his
+power of attaching friends and gaining allies: in intrigue, stratagem,
+and laying plots against a foe, and in bringing them to a successful
+termination by personal endurance and courage, he was pre-eminent.
+Many clear instances of these qualities may be found; but none more
+convincing than the episodes of the capture of Sicyon and Mantinea,
+of the expulsion of the Aetolians from Pellene, and especially of the
+surprise of the Acrocorinthus.[205] On the other hand whenever he
+attempted a campaign in the field, he was slow in conception and timid
+in execution, and without personal gallantry in the presence of danger.
+The result was that the Peloponnese was full of trophies which marked
+reverses sustained by him; and that in this particular department he
+was always easily defeated. So true is it that men’s minds, no less
+than their bodies, have many aspects. Not only is it the case that
+the same man has an aptitude for one class of activities and not
+for another; it often happens that in things closely analogous, the
+same man will be exceedingly acute and exceedingly dull, exceedingly
+courageous and exceedingly timid. Nor is this a paradox: it is a very
+ordinary fact, well known to all attentive observers. For instance you
+may find men who in hunting show the greatest daring in grappling with
+wild beasts, and yet are utter cowards in the presence of an armed
+enemy. Or again, in actual war some are active and skilful in single
+combats, who are yet quite ineffective in the ranks. For example, the
+Thessalian cavalry in squadron and column are irresistible, but when
+their order is once broken up, they have not the skill in skirmishing
+by which each man does whatever the time and place suggests: while,
+on the other hand, exactly the reverse of this is the case with the
+Aetolians. The Cretans, again, either by land or sea, in ambushes and
+piratical excursions, in deceiving the enemy, in making night attacks,
+and in fact in every service which involves craft and separate action,
+are irresistible; but for a regular front to front charge in line they
+have neither the courage nor firmness; and the reverse again is the
+case with the Achaeans and Macedonians.
+
+I have said thus much, that my readers may not refuse me credit if I
+have at times to make contradictory statements about the same men and
+in regard to analogous employments. To return to my narrative.
+
+[Sidenote: The armed levy of Achaeans summoned.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dorimachus ordered to quit Messenia without passing through
+Achaia.]
+
+[Sidenote: Scopas and Dorimachus prepare to obey.]
+
++9.+ The men of military age having assembled in arms at Megalopolis,
+in accordance with the decree of the federal assembly, the Messenian
+envoys once more came forward, and entreated the people not to
+disregard the flagrant breach of treaty from which they were suffering;
+and expressed their willingness to become allies of the league, and
+their anxiety to be enrolled among its members. The Achaean magistrates
+declined the offered alliance, on the ground that it was impossible
+to admit a new member without the concurrence of Philip and the other
+allies,—for the sworn alliance negotiated by Antigonus during the
+Cleomenic war was still in force, and included Achaia, Epirus, Phocis,
+Macedonia, Boeotia, Acarnania, and Thessaly;—but they said that they
+would march out to their relief, if the envoys there present would
+place their sons in Sparta, as hostages for their promise not to make
+terms with the Aetolians without the consent of the Achaeans. The
+Spartans among the rest were encamped on the frontier of Megalopolis,
+having marched out in accordance with the terms of their alliance;
+but they were acting rather as reserves and spectators than as active
+allies. Having thus settled the terms of the arrangement with the
+Messenians, Aratus sent a messenger to the Aetolians to inform them
+of the decree of the Achaean federation, and to order them to quit
+the territory of Messenia without entering that of Achaia, on pain of
+being treated as enemies if they set foot in it. When they heard the
+message and knew that the Achaeans were mustered in force, Scopas and
+Dorimachus thought it best for the present to obey. They therefore at
+once sent despatches to Cyllene and to the Aetolian Strategus, Ariston,
+begging that the transports should be sent to a place on the coast of
+Elis called the island of Pheia;[206] and they themselves two days
+later struck camp, and laden with booty marched towards Elis. For the
+Aetolians always maintained a friendship with the Eleans that they
+might have through them an entrance for their plundering and piratical
+expeditions into the Peloponnese.
+
+[Sidenote: Aratus dismisses the Achaean levy, with the exception of
+3000 foot and 300 horse.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dorimachus turns upon Aratus.]
+
++10.+ Aratus waited two days: and then, foolishly believing that the
+Aetolians would return by the route they had indicated, he dismissed
+all the Achaeans and Lacedaemonians to their homes, except three
+thousand foot and three hundred horse and the division under Taurion,
+which he led to Patrae, with the view of keeping on the flank of the
+Aetolians. But when Dorimachus learnt that Aratus was thus watching his
+march, and was still under arms; partly from fear of being attacked
+when his forces were engaged on the embarkation, and partly with a
+view to confuse the enemy, he sent his booty on to the transports
+with a sufficient number of men to secure their passage, under orders
+to meet him at Rhium where he intended to embark; while he himself,
+after remaining for a time to superintend and protect the shipment of
+the booty, changed the direction of his march and advanced towards
+Olympia. But hearing that Taurion, with the rest of the army, was
+near Cleitoria; and feeling sure that in these circumstances he would
+not be able to effect the crossing from Rhium without danger and a
+struggle with the enemy; he made up his mind that it would be best for
+his interests to bring on an engagement with the army of Aratus as
+soon as possible, since it was weak in numbers and wholly unprepared
+for the attack. He calculated that if he could defeat this force, he
+could then plunder the country, and effect his crossing from Rhium in
+safety, while Aratus was waiting and deliberating about again convoking
+the Achaean levy; but if on the other hand Aratus were terrified and
+declined the engagement, he would then effect his departure unmolested,
+whenever he thought it advisable. With these views, therefore, he
+advanced, and pitched his camp at Methydrium in the territory of
+Megalopolis.
+
+[Sidenote: The Battle of Caphyae, B.C. 220.]
+
++11.+ But the leaders of the Achaeans, on learning the arrival of the
+Aetolians, adopted a course of proceeding quite unsurpassable for
+folly. They left the territory of Cleitor and encamped at Caphyae; but
+the Aetolians marching from Methydrium past the city of Orchomenus,
+they led the Achaean troops into the plain of Caphyae, and there drew
+them up for battle, with the river which flows through that plain
+protecting their front. The difficulty of the ground between them and
+their enemy, for there were besides the river a number of ditches
+not easily crossed,[207] and the show of readiness on the part of
+the Achaeans for the engagement, caused the Aetolians to shrink from
+attacking according to their original purpose; but they retreated in
+good order to the high ground of Oligyrtus, content if only they were
+not attacked and forced to give battle. But Aratus, when the van of
+the Aetolians was already making the ascent, while the cavalry were
+bringing up the rear along the plain, and were approaching a place
+called Propus at the foot of the hills, sent out his cavalry and
+light-armed troops, under the command of Epistratus of Acarnania, with
+orders to attack and harass the enemy’s rear. Now if an engagement was
+necessary at all, they ought not to have attempted it with the enemy’s
+rear, when they had already accomplished the march through the plain,
+but with his van directly it had debouched upon the plain: for in this
+way the battle would have been wholly confined to the plain and level
+ground, where the peculiar nature of the Aetolian arms and general
+tactics would have been least effective; while the Achaeans, from
+precisely opposite reasons, would have been most effective and able to
+act. As it was, they surrendered the advantages of time and place which
+were in their favour, and deliberately accepted the conditions which
+were in favour of the enemy.
+
+[Sidenote: The Achaeans defeated.]
+
++12.+ Naturally the result of the engagement was in harmony with such
+a beginning. For when the light-armed troops approached, the Aetolian
+cavalry retired in good order up the hill, being anxious to effect
+a junction with their own infantry. But Aratus, having an imperfect
+view of what was going on, and making a bad conjecture of what would
+happen next, no sooner saw the cavalry retiring, than, hoping that they
+were in absolute flight, he sent forward the heavy-armed troops of
+his two wings, with orders to join and support the advanced guard of
+their light-armed troops; while he himself, with his remaining forces,
+executed a flank movement, and led his men on at the double. But the
+Aetolian cavalry had now cleared the plain, and, having effected the
+junction with their infantry, drew up under cover of the hill; massed
+the infantry on their flanks; and called to them to stand by them:
+the infantry themselves showing great promptness in answering to
+their shouts, and in coming to their relief, as the several companies
+arrived. Thinking themselves now sufficiently strong in numbers, they
+closed their ranks, and charged the advanced guard of Achaean cavalry
+and light armed troops; and being superior in number, and having the
+advantage of charging from higher ground, after a long struggle, they
+finally turned their opponents to flight: whose flight involved that
+of the heavy-armed troops also which were coming to their relief. For
+the latter were advancing in separate detachments in loose order, and,
+either in dismay at what was happening, or upon meeting their flying
+comrades on their retreat, were compelled to follow their example: the
+result being that, whereas the number of those actually defeated on the
+field was less than five hundred, the number that fled was more than
+two thousand. Taught by experience what to do, the Aetolians followed
+behind them with round after round of loud and boisterous shouts. The
+Achaeans at first retreated in good order and without danger, because
+they were retiring upon their heavy-armed troops, whom they imagined
+to be in a place of safety on their original ground; but when they
+saw that these too had abandoned their position of safety, and were
+marching in a long straggling line, some of them immediately broke
+off from the main body and sought refuge in various towns in the
+neighbourhood; while others, meeting the phalanx as it was coming up to
+their relief, proved to be quite sufficient, without the presence of an
+enemy, to strike fear into it and force it into headlong flight. They
+directed their flight, as I said, to the towns of the neighbourhood.
+Orchomenus and Caphyae, which were close by, saved large numbers of
+them: and if this had not been the case, they would in all probability
+have been annihilated by this unlooked-for catastrophe. Such was the
+result of the engagement at Caphyae.
+
+[Sidenote: The Aetolians retire at their leisure.]
+
++13.+ When the people of Megalopolis learnt that the Aetolians were
+at Methydrium, they came to the rescue _en masse_, at the summons
+of a trumpet, on the very day after the battle of Caphyae; and were
+compelled to bury the very men with whose assistance they had expected
+to fight the Aetolians. Having therefore dug a trench in the territory
+of Caphyae, and collected the corpses, they performed the funeral rites
+of these unhappy men with all imaginable honour. But the Aetolians,
+after this unlooked-for success gained by the cavalry and light-armed
+troops, traversed the Peloponnese from that time in complete security.
+In the course of their march they made an attack upon the town of
+Pellene, and, after ravaging the territory of Sicyon, finally quitted
+the Peloponnese by way of the Isthmus.
+
+This then, was the cause and occasion of the Social war: its formal
+beginning was the decree passed by all the allies after these events,
+which was confirmed by a general meeting held at Corinth, on the
+proposal of King Philip, who presided at the assembly.
+
+[Sidenote: Midsummer, B.C. 220.]
+
+[Sidenote: Attacked at the Achaean Congress, Aratus successfully
+defends himself.]
+
++14.+ A few days after the events just narrated the ordinary meeting
+of the Achaean federal assembly took place, and Aratus was bitterly
+denounced, publicly as well as privately, as indisputably responsible
+for this disaster; and the anger of the general public was still
+further roused and embittered by the invectives of his political
+opponents. It was shown to every one’s satisfaction that Aratus had
+been guilty of four flagrant errors. His first was that, having taken
+office before his predecessor’s time was legally at an end, he had
+availed himself of a time properly belonging to another to engage
+in the sort of enterprise in which he was conscious of having often
+failed. His second and graver error was the disbanding the Achaeans,
+while the Aetolians were still in the middle of the Peloponnese;
+especially as he had been well aware beforehand that Scopas and
+Dorimachus were anxious to disturb the existing settlement, and to stir
+up war. His third error was to engage the enemy, as he did, with such a
+small force, without any strong necessity; when he might have retired
+to the neighbouring towns and have summoned a levy of the Achaeans, and
+then have engaged, if he had thought that measure absolutely necessary.
+But his last and gravest error was that, having determined to fight,
+he did so in such an ill-considered manner, and managed the business
+with so little circumspection, as to deprive himself of the advantages
+of the plain and the support of his heavy-armed troops, and allow
+the battle to be settled by light-armed troops, and to take place on
+the slopes, than which nothing could have been more advantageous or
+convenient to the Aetolians. Such were the allegations against Aratus.
+He, however, came forward and reminded the assembly of his former
+political services and achievements; and urged in his defence that,
+in the matters alleged, his was not the blame for what had occurred.
+He begged their indulgence if he had been guilty of any oversight
+in the battle, and claimed that they should at any rate look at the
+facts without prejudice or passion. These words created such a rapid
+and generous change in the popular feeling, that great indignation
+was roused against the political opponents who attacked him; and the
+resolutions as to the measures to be taken in the future were passed
+wholly in accordance with the views of Aratus.
+
+[Sidenote: The Achaean league determine upon war with the Aetolians,
+and send round to their allies for assistance.]
+
+[Sidenote: 139th Olympiad, B.C. 224-220; 140th Olympiad, B.C. 220-216.]
+
++15.+ These events occurred in the previous Olympiad,[208] what I am
+now going to relate belong to the 140th. The resolutions passed by the
+Achaean federal assembly were these. That embassies should be sent to
+Epirus, Boeotia, Phocis, Acarnania, and Philip, to declare how the
+Aetolians, in defiance of treaty, had twice entered Achaia with arms,
+and to call upon them for assistance in virtue of their agreement,
+and for their consent to the admission of the Messenians into the
+alliance. Next, that the Strategus of the Achaeans should enrol five
+thousand foot and five hundred horse, and support the Messenians in
+case the Aetolians were to invade their territory; and to arrange
+with the Lacedaemonians and Messenians how many horse and foot were
+to be supplied by them severally for the service of the league. These
+decrees showed a noble spirit on the part of the Achaeans in the
+presence of defeat, which prevented them from abandoning either the
+cause of the Messenians or their own purpose. Those who were appointed
+to serve on these embassies to the allies proceeded to carry them out;
+while the Strategus at once, in accordance with the decree, set about
+enrolling the troops from Achaia, and arranged with the Lacedaemonians
+and Messenians to supply each two thousand five hundred infantry and
+two hundred and fifty cavalry, so that the whole army for the coming
+campaign should amount to ten thousand foot and a thousand horse.
+
+On the day of their regular assembly the Aetolians also met and decided
+to maintain peace with the Spartans and Messenians; hoping by that
+crafty measure to tamper with the loyalty of the Achaean allies and
+sow disunion among them. With the Achaeans themselves they voted to
+maintain peace, on condition that they withdrew from alliance with
+Messenia, and to proclaim war if they refused,—than which nothing could
+have been more unreasonable. For being themselves in alliance, both
+with Achaeans and Messenians, they proclaimed war against the former,
+unless the two ceased to be in alliance and friendly relationship
+with each other; while if the Achaeans chose to be at enmity with the
+Messenians, they offered them a separate peace. Their proposition was
+too iniquitous and unreasonable to admit of being even considered.
+
+[Sidenote: Treachery of the Spartans.]
+
++16.+ The Epirotes and King Philip on hearing the ambassadors consented
+to admit the Messenians to alliance; but though the conduct of the
+Aetolians caused them momentary indignation, they were not excessively
+moved by it, because it was no more than what the Aetolians habitually
+did. Their anger, therefore, was short-lived, and they presently
+voted against going to war with them. So true is it that an habitual
+course of wrong-doing finds readier pardon than when it is spasmodic
+or isolated. The former, at any rate, was the case with the Aetolians:
+they perpetually plundered Greece, and levied unprovoked war upon many
+of its people: they did not deign either to make any defence to those
+who complained, but answered only by additional insults if any one
+challenged them to arbitration for injuries which they had inflicted,
+or indeed which they meditated inflicting. And yet the Lacedaemonians,
+who had but recently been liberated by means of Antigonus and the
+generous zeal of the Achaeans, and though they were bound not to
+commit any act of hostility towards the Macedonians and Philip, sent
+clandestine messages to the Aetolians, and arranged a secret treaty of
+alliance and friendship with them.
+
+[Sidenote: Invasion of Achaia by the Aetolians and Illyrians.]
+
+The army had already been enrolled from the Achaeans of military age,
+and had been assigned to the duty of assisting the Lacedaemonians and
+Messenians, when Scerdilaidas and Demetrius of Pharos sailed with
+ninety galleys beyond Lissus, contrary to the terms of their treaty
+with Rome. These men first touched at Pylos, and failing in an attack
+upon it, they separated: Demetrius making for the Cyclades, from some
+of which he exacted money and plundered others; while Scerdilaidas,
+directing his course homewards, put in at Naupactus with forty galleys
+at the instigation of Amynas, king of the Athamanes, who happened to be
+his brother-in-law; and after making an agreement with the Aetolians,
+by the agency of Agelaus, for a division of spoils, he promised to
+join them in their invasion of Achaia. With this agreement made with
+Scerdilaidas, and with the co-operation of the city of Cynaetha,
+Agelaus, Dorimachus, and Scopas, collected a general levy of the
+Aetolians, and invaded Achaia in conjunction with the Illyrians.
+
++17.+ But the Aetolian Strategus Ariston, ignoring everything that was
+going on, remained quietly at home, asserting that he was not at war
+with the Achaeans, but was maintaining peace: a foolish and childish
+mode of acting,—for what better epithets could be applied to a man who
+supposed that he could cloak notorious facts by mere words? Meanwhile
+Dorimachus and his colleague had marched through the Achaean territory
+and suddenly appeared at Cynaetha.
+
+[Sidenote: The previous history of Cynaetha.]
+
+Cynaetha was an Arcadian city[209] which, for many years past, had
+been afflicted with implacable and violent political factions. The
+two parties had frequently retaliated on each other with massacres,
+banishments, confiscations, and redivisions of lands; but finally the
+party which affected the Achaean connexion prevailed and got possession
+of the city, securing themselves by a city-guard and commandant from
+Achaia. This was the state of affairs when, shortly before the Aetolian
+invasion, the exiled party sent to the party in possession intreating
+that they would be reconciled and allow them to return to their own
+city; whereupon the latter were persuaded, and sent an embassy to the
+Achaeans with the view of obtaining their consent to the pacification.
+The Achaeans readily consented, in the belief that both parties would
+regard them with goodwill: since the party in possession had all
+their hopes centred in the Achaeans, while those who were about to be
+restored would owe that restoration to the consent of the same people.
+Accordingly the Cynaethans dismissed the city guard and commandant,
+and restored the exiles, to the number of nearly three hundred, after
+taking such pledges from them as are reckoned the most inviolable among
+all mankind. But no sooner had they secured their return, than, without
+any cause or pretext arising which might give a colour to the renewal
+of the quarrel, but on the contrary, at the very first moment of their
+restoration, they began plotting against their country, and against
+those who had been their preservers. I even believe that at the very
+sacrifices, which consecrated the oaths and pledges which they gave
+each other, they were already, even at such a solemn moment, revolving
+in their minds this offence against religion and those who had trusted
+them. For, as soon as they were restored to their civil rights they
+called in the Aetolians, and betrayed the city into their hands, eager
+to effect the utter ruin both of the people who had preserved, and the
+city which had nourished, them.
+
++18.+ The bold stroke by which they actually consummated this treason
+was as follows. Of the restored exiles certain officers had been
+appointed called Polemarchs, whose duty it was to lock the city-gates,
+and keep the keys while they remained closed, and also to be on guard
+during the day at the gate-houses. The Aetolians accordingly waited
+for this period of closing the gates, ready to make the attempt, and
+provided with ladders; while the Polemarchs of the exiles, having
+assassinated their colleagues on guard at the gate-house, opened the
+gate. Some of the Aetolians, therefore, got into the town by it, while
+others applied their ladders to the walls, and mounting by their
+means, took forcible possession of them. The inhabitants of the town,
+panic-stricken at the occurrence, could not tell which way to turn.
+They could not give their undivided energies to opposing the party
+which was forcing its way through the gate, because of those who were
+attacking them at the walls; nor could they defend the walls owing to
+the enemies that were pouring through the gate. The Aetolians having
+thus become rapidly masters of the town, in spite of the injustice of
+the whole proceeding, did one act of supreme justice. For the very men
+who had invited them, and betrayed the town to them, they massacred
+before any one else, and plundered their property. They then treated
+all the others of the party in the same way; and, finally, taking
+up their quarters in the houses, they systematically robbed them
+of all valuables, and in many cases put Cynaethans to the rack, if
+they suspected them of having anything concealed, whether money, or
+furniture, or anything else of unusual value.
+
+After inflicting this ruin on the Cynaethans they departed, leaving a
+garrison to guard the walls, and marched towards Lusi. Arrived at the
+temple of Artemis, which lies between Cleitor and Cynaetha, and is
+regarded as inviolable by the Greeks, they threatened to plunder the
+cattle of the goddess and the other property round the temple. But the
+people of Lusi acted with great prudence: they gave the Aetolians some
+of the sacred furniture, and appealed to them not to commit the impiety
+of inflicting any outrage. The gift was accepted, and the Aetolians at
+once removed to Cleitor and pitched their camp under its walls.
+
+[Sidenote: Measures taken by Aratus.]
+
++19.+ Meanwhile Aratus, the Achaean Strategus, had despatched an appeal
+for help to Philip; was collecting the men selected for service; and
+was sending for the troops, arranged for by virtue of the treaty, from
+Sparta and Messenia.
+
+[Sidenote: The Aetolians at the temple of Artemis. They fail at
+Cleitor.]
+
+[Sidenote: They burn Cynaetha and return home.]
+
+[Sidenote: Demetrius of Pharos.]
+
+The Aetolians at first urged the people of Cleitor to abandon their
+alliance with the Achaeans and adopt one with themselves; and upon
+the Cleitorians absolutely refusing, they began an assault upon the
+town, and endeavoured to take it by an escalade. But meeting with a
+bold and determined resistance from the inhabitants, they desisted
+from the attempt; and breaking up their camp marched back to Cynaetha,
+driving off with them on their route the cattle of the goddess. They
+at first offered the city to the Eleans, but upon their refusing to
+accept it, they determined to keep the town in their own hands, and
+appointed Euripides to command it: but subsequently, on the alarm of
+an army of relief coming from Macedonia, they set fire to the town and
+abandoned it, directing their march to Rhium with the purpose of there
+taking ship and crossing home. But when Taurion heard of the Aetolian
+invasion, and what had taken place at Cynaetha, and saw that Demetrius
+of Pharos had sailed into Cenchreae from his island expedition, he
+urged the latter to assist the Achaeans, and dragging his galleys
+across the Isthmus to attack the Aetolians as they crossed the gulf.
+Now though Demetrius had enriched himself by his island expedition,
+he had had to beat an ignominious retreat, owing to the Rhodians
+putting out to sea to attack him: he was therefore glad to accede to
+the request of Taurion, as the latter undertook the expense of having
+his galleys dragged across the Isthmus.[210] He accordingly got them
+across, and arriving two days after the passage of the Aetolians,
+plundered some places on the seaboard of Aetolia and then returned to
+Corinth.
+
+[Sidenote: Treason of the Spartans.]
+
+The Lacedaemonians had dishonourably failed to send the full complement
+of men to which they were bound by their engagement, but had despatched
+a small contingent only of horse and foot, to save appearances.
+
+[Sidenote: Inactivity of Aratus.]
+
+Aratus however, having his Achaean troops, behaved in this instance
+also with the caution of a statesman, rather than the promptness of a
+general: for remembering his previous failure he remained inactively
+watching events, until Scopas and Dorimachus had accomplished all they
+wanted and were safe home again; although they had marched through a
+line of country which was quite open to attack, full of defiles, and
+wanting only a trumpeter[211] to sound a call to arms. But the great
+disaster and misfortunes endured by the Cynaethans at the hands of the
+Aetolians were looked upon as most richly deserved by them.
+
+[Sidenote: The reasons of the barbarity of the Cynaethans. Their
+neglect of the refining influences of music, which is carefully
+encouraged in the rest of Arcadia.]
+
++20.+ Now, seeing that the Arcadians as a whole have a reputation for
+virtue throughout Greece, not only in respect of their hospitality and
+humanity, but especially for their scrupulous piety, it seems worth
+while to investigate briefly the barbarous character of the Cynaethans:
+and inquire how it came about that, though indisputably Arcadians in
+race, they at that time so far surpassed the rest of Greece in cruelty
+and contempt of law.
+
+They seem then to me to be the first, and indeed the only, Arcadians
+who have abandoned institutions nobly conceived by their ancestors and
+admirably adapted to the character of all the inhabitants of Arcadia.
+For music, and I mean by that _true_ music, which it is advantageous
+to every one to practise, is obligatory with the Arcadians. For we
+must not think, as Ephorus in a hasty sentence of his preface, wholly
+unworthy of him, says, that music was introduced among mankind for the
+purpose of deception and jugglery; nor must the ancients Cretans and
+Spartans be supposed to have introduced the pipe and rhythmic movement
+in war, instead of the trumpet, without some reason; nor the early
+Arcadians to have given music such a high place in their constitution,
+that not only boys, but young men up to the age of thirty, are
+compelled to practise it, though in other respects most simple and
+primitive in their manner of life. Every one is familiarly acquainted
+with the fact that the Arcadians are the only people among whom boys
+are by the laws trained from infancy to sing hymns and paeans, in which
+they celebrate in the traditional fashion the heroes and gods of their
+particular towns. They next learn the airs of Philoxenus and Timotheus,
+and dance with great spirit to the pipers at the yearly Dionysia in the
+theatres, the boys at the boys’ festival, and the young men at what
+is called the men’s festival. Similarly it is their universal custom,
+at all festal gatherings and banquets, not to have strangers to make
+the music, but to produce it themselves, calling on each other in turn
+for a song. They do not look upon it as a disgrace to disclaim the
+possession of any other accomplishment: but no one can disclaim the
+knowledge of how to sing, because all are forced to learn, nor can they
+confess the knowledge, and yet excuse themselves from practising it,
+because that too among them is looked upon as disgraceful. Their young
+men again practise a military step to the music of the pipe and in
+regular order of battle, producing elaborate dances, which they display
+to their fellow-citizens every year in the theatres, at the public
+charge and expense.
+
+[Sidenote: The object of the musical training of the Arcadians.]
+
++21.+ Now the object of the ancient Arcadians in introducing these
+customs was not, as I think, the gratification of luxury and
+extravagance. They saw that Arcadia was a nation of workers; that the
+life of the people was laborious and hard; and that, as a natural
+consequence of the coldness and gloom which were the prevailing
+features of a great part of the country, the general character of the
+people was austere. For we mortals have an irresistible tendency to
+yield to climatic influences: and to this cause, and no other, may be
+traced the great distinctions which prevail amongst us in character,
+physical formation, and complexion, as well as in most of our habits,
+varying with nationality or wide local separation. And it was with a
+view of softening and tempering this natural ruggedness and rusticity,
+that they not only introduced the things which I have mentioned,
+but also the custom of holding assemblies and frequently offering
+sacrifices, in both of which women took part equally with men; and
+having mixed dances of girls and boys and in fact did everything they
+could to humanise their souls by the civilising and softening influence
+of such culture. The people of Cynaetha entirely neglected these
+things, although they needed them more than any one else, because their
+climate and country is by far the most unfavourable in all Arcadia;
+and on the contrary gave their whole minds to mutual animosities and
+contentions. They in consequence became finally so brutalised, that no
+Greek city has ever witnessed a longer series of the most atrocious
+crimes. I will give one instance of the ill fortune of Cynaetha in this
+respect, and of the disapproval of such proceedings on the part of the
+Arcadians at large. When the Cynaethans, after their great massacre,
+sent an embassy to Sparta, every city which the ambassadors entered
+on their road at once ordered them by a herald to depart; while the
+Mantineans not only did that, but after their departure regularly
+purified their city and territory from the taint of blood, by carrying
+victims round them both.
+
+I have had three objects in saying thus much on this subject. First,
+that the character of the Arcadians should not suffer from the crimes
+of one city: secondly, that other nations should not neglect music,
+from an idea that certain Arcadians give an excessive and extravagant
+attention to it: and, lastly, I speak for the sake of the Cynaethans
+themselves, that, if ever God gives them better fortune, they may
+humanise themselves by turning their attention to education, and
+especially to music.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip V. comes to Corinth. B.C. 220.]
+
+[Sidenote: Advances toward Sparta.]
+
+[Sidenote: Adeimantus assassinated.]
+
++22.+ To return from this digression. When the Aetolians had reached
+their homes in safety after this raid upon the Peloponnese, Philip,
+coming to the aid of the Achaeans with an army, arrived at Corinth.
+Finding that he was too late, he sent despatches to all the allies
+urging them to send deputies at once to Corinth, to consult on the
+measures required for the common safety. Meanwhile he himself marched
+towards Tegea, being informed that the Lacedaemonians were in a
+state of revolution, and were fallen to mutual slaughter. For being
+accustomed to have a king over them, and to be entirely submissive to
+their rulers, their sudden enfranchisement by means of Antigonus, and
+the absence of a king, produced a state of civil war; because they all
+imagined themselves to be on a footing of complete political equality.
+At first two of the five Ephors kept their views to themselves; while
+the other three threw in their lot with the Aetolians, because they
+were convinced that the youth of Philip would prevent him as yet from
+having a decisive influence in the Peloponnese. But when, contrary to
+their expectations, the Aetolians retired quickly from the Peloponnese,
+and Philip arrived still more quickly from Macedonia, the three Ephors
+became distrustful of Adeimantus, one of the other two, because he was
+privy to and disapproved of their plans; and were in a great state of
+anxiety lest he should tell Philip everything as soon as that monarch
+approached. After some consultation therefore with certain young men,
+they published a proclamation ordering all citizens of military age to
+assemble in arms in the sacred enclosure of Athene of the Brazen-house,
+on the pretext that the Macedonians were advancing against the town.
+This startling announcement caused a rapid muster: when Adeimantus, who
+disapproved of the measure, came forward and endeavoured to show that
+“the proclamation and summons to assemble in arms should have been made
+some time before, when they were told that their enemies the Aetolians
+were approaching the frontier: not then, when they learnt that their
+benefactors and preservers the Macedonians were coming with their
+king.” In the middle of this dissuasive speech the young men whose
+co-operation had been secured struck him dead, and with him Sthenelaus,
+Alcamenes, Thyestes, Bionidas, and several other citizens; whereupon
+Polyphontes and certain of his party, seeing clearly what was going to
+happen, went off to join Philip.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip summons Spartan deputies to Tegea.]
+
++23.+ Immediately after the commission of this crime, the Ephors who
+were then in power sent men to Philip, to accuse the victims of this
+massacre; and to beg him to delay his approach, until the affairs of
+the city had returned to their normal state after this commotion;
+and to be assured meanwhile that it was their purpose to be loyal
+and friendly to the Macedonians in every respect. These ambassadors
+found Philip near Mount Parthenius,[212] and communicated to him their
+commission. Having listened, he bade the ambassadors make all haste
+home, and inform the Ephors that he was going to continue his march to
+Tegea, and expected that they would as quickly as possible send him
+men of credit to consult with him on the present position of affairs.
+After hearing this message from the king, the Lacedaemonian officers
+despatched ten commissioners headed by Omias to meet Philip; who, on
+arriving at Tegea, and entering the king’s council chamber, accused
+Adeimantus of being the cause of the late commotion; and promised that
+they would perform all their obligations as allies to Philip, and
+show that they were second to none of those whom he looked upon as
+his most loyal friends, in their affection for his person. With these
+and similar asseverations the Lacedaemonian commissioners left the
+council chamber. The members of the council were divided in opinion:
+one party knowing the secret treachery of the Spartan magistrates, and
+feeling certain that Adeimantus had lost his life from his loyalty
+to Macedonia, while the Lacedaemonians had really determined upon an
+alliance with the Aetolians, advised Philip to make an example of the
+Lacedaemonians, by treating them precisely as Alexander had treated
+the Thebans, immediately after his assumption of his sovereignty. But
+another party, consisting of the older counsellors, sought to show
+that such severity was too great for the occasion, and that all that
+ought to be done was to rebuke the offenders, depose them, and put the
+management of the state and the chief offices in the hands of his own
+friends.
+
+[Sidenote: The king decides not to chastise Sparta.]
+
++24.+ The king gave the final decision, if that decision may be
+called the king’s: for it is not reasonable to suppose that a mere
+boy should be able to come to a decision on matters of such moment.
+Historians, however, must attribute to the highest official present
+the final decisions arrived at: it being thoroughly understood among
+their readers that propositions and opinions, such as these, in all
+probability proceed from the members of the council, and particularly
+from those highest in his confidence. In this case the decision of
+the king ought most probably to be attributed to Aratus. It was to
+this effect: the king said that “in the case of injuries inflicted by
+the allies upon each other separately, his intervention ought to be
+confined to a remonstrance by word of mouth or letter; but that it was
+only injuries affecting the whole body of the allies which demanded
+joint intervention and redress: and seeing that the Lacedaemonians had
+plainly committed no such injury against the whole body of allies,
+but professed their readiness to satisfy every claim that could with
+justice be made upon them, he held that he ought not to decree any
+measure of excessive severity against them. For it would be very
+inconsistent for him to take severe measures against them for so
+insignificant a cause; while his father inflicted no punishment at
+all upon them, though when he conquered them they were not allies
+but professed enemies.” It having, therefore, been formally decided
+to overlook the incident, the king immediately sent Petraeus, one of
+his most trusted friends, with Omias, to exhort the people to remain
+faithful to their friendship with him and Macedonia, and to interchange
+oaths of alliance; while he himself started once more with his army and
+returned towards Corinth, having in his conduct to the Lacedaemonians
+given an excellent specimen of his policy towards the allies.
+
+[Sidenote: The congress of allies at Corinth declare war against the
+Aetolians.]
+
++25.+ When he arrived at Corinth he found the envoys from the allied
+cities already there; and in consultation with them he discussed the
+measures to be taken in regard to the Aetolians. The complaints against
+them were stated by the various envoys. The Boeotians accused them
+of plundering the temple of Athene at Itone[213] in time of peace:
+the Phocians of having attacked and attempted to seize the cities of
+Ambrysus and Daulium: the Epirotes of having committed depredations in
+their territory. The Acarnanians showed how they had contrived a plot
+for the betrayal of Thyrium into their hands, and had gone so far as to
+actually assault it under cover of night. The Achaeans made a statement
+showing that they had seized Clarium in the territory of Megalopolis;
+traversed the territories of Patrae and Pharae, pillaging the country
+as they went; completely sacked Cynaetha; plundered the temple of
+Artemis in Lusi; laid siege to Cleitor; attempted Pylus by sea, and
+Megalopolis by land, doing all they could by aid of the Illyrians to
+lay waste the latter after its recent restoration. After listening
+to these depositions, the congress of allies unanimously decided to
+go to war with the Aetolians. A decree was, therefore, formulated in
+which the aforesaid causes for war were stated as a preamble, and a
+declaration sub-joined of their intention of restoring to the several
+allies any portion of their territory seized by the Aetolians since the
+death of Demetrius, father of Philip; and similarly of restoring to
+their ancestral forms of government all states that had been compelled
+against their will to join the Aetolian league; with full possession
+of their own territory and cities; subject to no foreign garrison
+or tribute; in complete independence; and in enjoyment of their own
+constitutions and laws. Finally a clause in the decree declared their
+intention of assisting the Amphictyonic council to restore the laws,
+and to recover its control of the Delphic temple, wrested from it by
+the Aetolians, who were determined to keep in their own hands all that
+belonged to that temple.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 220.]
+
+[Sidenote: Autumn, B.C. 220.]
+
++26.+ This decree was made in the first year of the 140th Olympiad,
+and with it began the so-called Social war, the commencement of which
+was thoroughly justifiable and a natural consequence of the injurious
+acts of the Aetolians. The first step of the congress was to send
+commissioners at once to the several allies, that the decree having
+been confirmed by as many as possible, all might join in this national
+war. Philip also sent a declaratory letter to the Aetolians, in order
+that, if they had any justification to put forward on the points
+alleged against them, they might even at that late hour meet and settle
+the controversy by conference: “but if they supposed that they were,
+with no public declaration of war, to sack and plunder, without the
+injured parties retaliating, on pain of being considered, if they did
+so, to have commenced hostilities, they were the most simple people in
+the world.” On the receipt of this letter the Aetolian magistrates,
+thinking that Philip would never come, named a day on which they would
+meet him at Rhium. When they were informed, however, that he had
+actually arrived there, they sent a despatch informing him that they
+were not competent, before the meeting of the Aetolian assembly, to
+settle any public matter on their own authority. But when the Achaeans
+met at the usual federal assembly, they ratified the decree, and
+published a proclamation authorising reprisals upon the Aetolians. And
+when King Philip appeared before the council at Aegium, and informed
+them at length of all that had taken place, they received his speech
+with warmth, and formally renewed with him personally the friendship
+which had existed between his ancestors and themselves.
+
+[Sidenote: Scopas elected Aetolian Strategus.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 385.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 387.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 382.]
+
++27.+ Meanwhile, the time of the annual election having come round, the
+Aetolians elected Scopas as their Strategus, the man who had been the
+moving spirit in all these acts of violence. I am at a loss for fitting
+terms to describe such a public policy. To pass a decree against going
+to war,[214] and yet to go on an actual expedition in force and pillage
+their neighbours' territories: not to punish one of those responsible
+for this: but on the contrary to elect as Strategi and bestow honours
+on the leaders in these transactions,—this seems to me to involve the
+grossest disingenuousness. I can find no word which better describes
+such a treacherous policy; and I will quote two instances to show what
+I mean by it. When Phoebidas treacherously seized the Cadmeia, the
+Lacedaemonians fined the guilty general but declined to withdraw the
+garrison, on the ground that the wrong was fully atoned for by the
+punishment of the perpetrator of it: though their plain duty was to
+have done the reverse, for it was the latter which was of importance to
+the Thebans. Again this same people published a proclamation giving the
+various cities freedom and autonomy in accordance with the terms of the
+peace of Antalcidas, and yet did not withdraw their Harmosts from the
+cities. Again, having driven the Mantineans from their home, who were
+at the time their friends and allies, they denied that they were doing
+any wrong, inasmuch as they removed them from one city and settled
+them in several. But indeed a man is a fool, as much as a knave, if he
+imagines that, because he shuts his own eyes, his neighbours cannot
+see. Their fondness for such tortuous policy proved however, both to
+the Lacedaemonians and Aetolians, the source of the greatest disasters;
+and it is not one which should commend itself to the imitation either
+of individuals or states, if they are well advised.
+
+King Philip, then, after his interview with the Achaean assembly,
+started with his army on the way to Macedonia, in all haste to make
+preparations for war; leaving a pleasant impression in the minds of all
+the Greeks: for the nature of the decree, which I have mentioned as
+having been passed by him,[215] gave them good hopes of finding him a
+man of moderate temper and royal magnanimity.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 118.]
+
++28.+ These transactions were contemporaneous with Hannibal’s
+expedition against Saguntum, after his conquest of all Iberia south
+of the Iber. Now, had the first attempts of Hannibal been from the
+beginning involved with the transactions in Greece, it would have been
+plainly my proper course to have narrated the latter side by side with
+those in Iberia in my previous book, with an eye solely to dates.
+But seeing that the wars in Italy, Greece, and Asia were at their
+commencements entirely distinct, and yet became finally involved with
+each other, I decided that my history of them must also be distinct,
+until I came to the point at which they became inseparably interlaced,
+and began to tend towards a common conclusion. Thus both will be made
+clear,—the account of their several commencements: and the time,
+manner, and causes which led to the complication and amalgamation, of
+which I spoke in my introduction. This point having been reached, I
+must thenceforth embrace them all in one uninterrupted narrative. This
+amalgamation began towards the end of the war, in the third year of
+the 140th Olympiad. From that year, therefore, my history will, with a
+due regard to dates, become a general one. Before that year it must be
+divided into distinct narratives, with a mere recapitulation in each
+case of the events detailed in the preceding book, introduced for the
+sake of facilitating the comprehension, and rousing the admiration, of
+my readers.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip secures the support of Scerdilaidas.]
+
++29.+ Philip then passed the winter in Macedonia, in an energetic
+enlistment of troops for the coming campaign, and in securing his
+frontier on the side of the Barbarians. And having accomplished these
+objects, he met Scerdilaidas and put himself fearlessly in his power,
+and discussed with him the terms of friendship and alliance; and partly
+by promising to help him in securing his power in Illyria, and partly
+by bringing against the Aetolians the charges to which they were only
+too open, persuaded him without difficulty to assent to his proposals.
+The fact is that public crimes do not differ from private, except in
+quantity and extent; and just as in the case of petty thieves, what
+brings them to ruin more than anything else is that they cheat and are
+unfaithful to each other, so was it in the case of the Aetolians. They
+had agreed with Scerdilaidas to give him half the booty, if he would
+join them in their attack upon Achaea; but when, on his consenting
+to do so, and actually carrying out his engagement, they had sacked
+Cynaetha and carried off a large booty in slaves and cattle, they gave
+him no share in the spoil at all. He was therefore already enraged
+with them; and required very little persuasion on Philip’s part to
+induce him to accept the proposal, and agree to join the alliance, on
+condition of receiving a yearly subsidy of twenty talents; and, in
+return, putting to sea with thirty galleys and carrying on a naval war
+with the Aetolians.
+
+[Sidenote: The Acarnanians, B.C. 220.]
+
+[Sidenote: Duplicity of the Epirotes.]
+
++30.+ While Philip was thus engaged, the commissioners sent out to the
+allies were performing their mission. The first place they came to was
+Acarnania; and the Acarnanians, with a noble promptitude, confirmed the
+decree and undertook to join the war against the Aetolians with their
+full forces. And yet they, if any one, might have been excused if they
+had put the matter off, and hesitated, and shown fear of entering upon
+a war with their neighbours; both because they lived upon the frontiers
+of Aetolia, and still more because they were peculiarly open to attack,
+and, most of all, because they had a short time before experienced
+the most dreadful disasters from the enmity of the Aetolians. But I
+imagine that men of noble nature, whether in private or public affairs,
+look upon duty as the highest consideration; and in adherence to this
+principle no people in Greece have been more frequently conspicuous
+than the Acarnanians, although the forces at their command were but
+slender. With them, above all others in Greece, an alliance should be
+sought at a crisis, without any misgiving; for they have, individually
+and collectively, an element of stability and a spirit of liberality.
+The conduct of the Epirotes was in strong contrast. When they heard
+what the commissioners had to say, indeed, they, like the Acarnanians,
+joined in confirming the decree, and voted to go to war with the
+Aetolians at such time as Philip also did the same; but with ignoble
+duplicity they told the Aetolian envoys that they had determined to
+maintain peace with them.
+
+[Sidenote: Ptolemy Philopator.]
+
+Ambassadors were despatched also to King Ptolemy, to urge him not to
+send money to the Aetolians, nor to supply them with any aid against
+Philip and the allies.
+
+[Sidenote: Timidity of the Messenians.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 480-479. Pindar fr.]
+
++31.+ The Messenians again, on whose account the war began, answered
+the commissioners sent to them that, seeing Phigalia was on their
+frontier and was in the power of the Aetolians, they would not
+undertake the war until that city was wrested from them. This decision
+was forcibly carried, much against the will of the people at large,
+by the Ephors Oenis and Nicippus, and some others of the oligarchical
+party: wherein they showed, to my thinking, great ignorance of their
+true interests. I admit, indeed, that war is a terrible thing; but it
+is less terrible than to submit to anything whatever in order to avoid
+it. For what is the meaning of our fine talk about equality of rights,
+freedom of speech, and liberty, if the one important thing is peace? We
+have no good word for the Thebans, because they shrunk from fighting
+for Greece and chose from fear to side with the Persians,—nor indeed
+for Pindar who supported their inaction in the verses—[216]
+
+   A quiet haven for the ship of state
+     Should be the patriot’s aim,
+   And smiling peace, to small and great
+     That brings no shame.
+
+For though his advice was for the moment acceptable, it was not long
+before it became manifest that his opinion was as mischievous as it was
+dishonourable. For peace, with justice and honour, is the noblest and
+most advantageous thing in the world; when joined with disgrace and
+contemptible cowardice, it is the basest and most disastrous.[217]
+
++32.+ The Messenian leaders, then, being of oligarchical tendencies,
+and aiming at their own immediate advantage, were always too much
+inclined to peace. On many critical occasions indeed they managed to
+elude fear and danger: but all the while this policy of theirs was
+accumulating a heavy retribution for themselves; and they finally
+involved their country in the gravest misfortunes. And the reason in
+my opinion was this, that being neighbours to two of the most powerful
+nations in the Peloponnese, or I might almost say in Greece, I mean
+the Arcadians and Lacedaemonians,—one of which had been irreconcilably
+hostile to them from the moment they occupied the country, and the
+other disposed to be friendly and protect them,—they never frankly
+accepted hostility to the Spartans, or friendship with the Arcadians.
+Accordingly when the attention of the former was distracted by domestic
+or foreign war, the Messenians were secure; for they always enjoyed
+peace and tranquillity from the fact of their country lying out of
+the road: but when the Lacedaemonians, having nothing else on hand to
+distract their attention, took to inflicting injuries on them, they
+were unable to withstand the superior strength of the Lacedaemonians
+by their own power; and, having failed to secure the support of their
+true friends, who were ready to do anything for their protection, they
+were reduced to the alternatives of becoming the slaves of Sparta and
+enduring her heavy exactions; or of leaving their homes to escape from
+this servitude, abandoning their country with wives and children. And
+this has repeatedly happened to them within comparatively recent times.
+
+That the present settlement of the Peloponnese may prove a lasting
+one, so that no measure such as I am about to describe may be ever
+necessary, is indeed my earnest wish: but if anything does happen
+to disturb it, and threaten revolutionary changes, the only hope
+for the Messenians and Megalopolitans of continuing to occupy their
+present territory, that I can see, is a recurrence to the policy of
+Epaminondas. They must resolve, that is to say, upon a cordial and
+sincere partnership with each other in every danger and labour.
+
++33.+ And perhaps my observation may receive some support from
+ancient history. For, among many other indications, it is a fact
+that the Messenians did set up a pillar close to the altar of Zeus
+Lycaeus in the time of Aristomenes,[218] according to the evidence of
+Callisthenes, in which they inscribed the following verses:
+
+   A faithless king will perish soon or late!
+     Messene tracked him down right easily,
+   The traitor:—perjury must meet its fate;
+     Glory to Zeus, and life to Arcady!
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 362.]
+
+The point of this is, that, having lost their own country, they pray
+the gods to save Arcadia as their second country.[219] And it was
+very natural that they should do so; for not only did the Arcadians
+receive them when driven from their own land, at the time of the
+Aristomenic war, and make them welcome to their homes and free of their
+civic rights; but they also passed a vote bestowing their daughters
+in marriage upon those of the Messenians who were of proper age; and
+besides all this, investigated the treason of their king Aristocrates
+in the battle of the Trench; and, finding him guilty, put him to death
+and utterly destroyed his whole family. But setting aside these ancient
+events, what has happened recently after the restoration of Megalopolis
+and Messene will be sufficient to support what I have said. For when,
+upon the death of Epaminondas leaving the result of the battle of
+Mantinea doubtful, the Lacedaemonians endeavoured to prevent the
+Messenians from being included in the truce, hoping even then to get
+Messenia into their own hands, the Megalopolitans, and all the other
+Arcadians who were allied with the Messenians, made such a point of
+their being admitted to the benefits of the new confederacy, that they
+were accepted by the allies and allowed to take the oaths and share in
+the provisions of the peace; while the Lacedaemonians were the only
+Greeks excluded from the treaty. With such facts before him, could any
+one doubt the soundness of the suggestion I lately made?
+
+I have said thus much for the sake of the Arcadians and Messenians
+themselves; that, remembering all the misfortunes which have befallen
+their countries at the hands of the Lacedaemonians, they may cling
+close to the policy of mutual affection and fidelity; and let no fear
+of war, or desire of peace, induce them to abandon each other in what
+affects the highest interests of both.
+
+[Sidenote: Division of opinion in Sparta, B.C. 220.]
+
++34.+ In the matter of the commissioners from the allies, to go back to
+my story, the behaviour of the Lacedaemonians was very characteristic.
+For their own ill-considered and tortuous policy had placed them in
+such a difficulty, that they finally dismissed them without an answer:
+thus illustrating, as it seems to me, the truth of the saying, that,
+“boldness pushed to extremes amounts to want of sense, and comes to
+nothing.” Subsequently, however, on the appointment of new Ephors, the
+party who had originally promoted the outbreak, and had been the causes
+of the massacre, sent to the Aetolians to induce them to despatch an
+ambassador to Sparta. The Aetolians gladly consented, and in a short
+time Machatas arrived there in that capacity. Pressure was at once
+put upon the Ephors to allow Machatas to address the people,[220] and
+to re-establish royalty in accordance with the ancient constitution,
+and not to allow the Heraclid dynasty to be any longer suppressed,
+contrary to the laws. The Ephors were annoyed at the proposal, but
+were unable to withstand the pressure, and afraid of a rising of the
+younger men: they therefore answered that the question of restoring the
+kings must be reserved for future consideration; but they consented to
+grant Machatas an opportunity of addressing a public assembly. When
+the people accordingly were met, Machatas came forward, and in a long
+speech urged them to embrace the alliance with Aetolia; inveighing in
+reckless and audacious terms against the Macedonians, while he went
+beyond all reason and truth in his commendations of the Aetolians. Upon
+his retirement, there was a long and animated debate between those who
+supported the Aetolians and advised the adoption of their alliance, and
+those who took the opposite side. When, however, some of the elders
+reminded the people of the good services rendered them by Antigonus
+and the Macedonians, and the injuries inflicted on them by Charixenus
+and Timaeus,—when the Aetolians invaded them with their full force
+and ravaged their territory, enslaved the neighbouring villages, and
+laid a plot for attacking Sparta itself by a fraudulent and forcible
+restoration of exiles,—these words produced a great revulsion of
+feeling, and the people finally decided to maintain the alliance with
+Philip and the Macedonians. Machatas accordingly had to go home without
+attaining the object of his mission.
+
+[Sidenote: Murder of the Ephors, B.C. 220.]
+
+[Sidenote: Agesipolis appointed king,]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 242.]
+
++35.+ The party, however, at Sparta who were the original of the
+instigators of the outbreak could not make up their minds to give way.
+They once more therefore determined to commit a crime of the most
+impious description, having first corrupted some of the younger men.
+It was an ancestral custom that, at a certain sacrifice, all citizens
+of military age should join fully armed in a procession to the temple
+of Athene of the Brazen-house, while the Ephors remained in the sacred
+precinct and completed the sacrifice. As the young men therefore were
+conducting the procession, some of them suddenly fell upon the Ephors,
+while they were engaged with the sacrifice, and slew them. The enormity
+of this crime will be made apparent by remembering that the sanctity
+of this temple was such, that it gave a safe asylum even to criminals
+condemned to death; whereas its privileges were now by the cruelty of
+these audacious men treated with such contempt, that the whole of the
+Ephors were butchered round the altar and the table of the goddess. In
+pursuance of their purpose they next killed one of the elders, Gyridas,
+and drove into exile those who had spoken against the Aetolians. They
+then chose some of their own body as Ephors, and made an alliance
+with the Aetolians. Their motives for doing all this, for incurring
+the enmity of the Achaeans, for their ingratitude to the Macedonians,
+and generally for their unjustifiable conduct towards all, was before
+everything else their devotion to Cleomenes, and the hopes and
+expectations they continued to cherish that he would return to Sparta
+in safety. So true it is that men who have the tact to ingratiate
+themselves with those who surround them can, even when far removed,
+leave in their hearts very effective materials for kindling the flame
+of a renewed popularity. This people for instance, to say nothing of
+other examples, after nearly three years of constitutional government,
+following the banishment of Cleomenes, without once thinking of
+appointing kings at Sparta, no sooner heard of the death of Cleomenes
+than they were eager—populace and Ephors alike—to restore kingly rule.
+Accordingly the Ephors who were in sympathy with the conspirators, and
+who had made the alliance with Aetolia which I just now mentioned, did
+so. One of these kings so restored they appointed in accordance with
+the regular and legal succession, namely Agesipolis. He was a child
+at the time, a son of Agesipolis, and grandson of that Cleombrotus
+who had become king, as the next of kin to this family, when Leonidas
+was driven from office. As guardian of the young king they elected
+Cleomenes, son of Cleombrotus and brother of Agesipolis.
+
+[Sidenote: and Lycurgas.]
+
+Of the other royal house there were surviving two sons of Archidamus,
+son of Eudamidas, by the daughter of Hippodemon; as well as Hippodemon
+himself, the son of Agesilaus, and several other members of the same
+branch, though somewhat less closely connected than those I have
+mentioned. But these were all passed over, and Lycurgus was appointed
+king, none of whose ancestors had ever enjoyed that title. A present
+of a talent to each of the Ephors made him “descendant of Hercules”
+and king of Sparta. So true is it all the world over that such
+nobility[221] is a mere question of a little money.
+
+The result was that the penalty for their folly had to be paid, not
+by the third generation, but by the very authors of this royalist
+restoration.
+
+[Sidenote: Spartans attack Argos, and proclaim war with the Achaeans.]
+
++36.+ When Machatas heard what had happened at Sparta, he returned
+thither and urged the Ephors and kings to go to war with the Achaeans;
+
+arguing that that was the only way of stopping the ambition of the
+party in Sparta who were doing all they could to break up the alliance
+with the Aetolians, or of the party in Aetolia who were co-operating
+with them. Having obtained the consent of the Ephors and kings,
+Machatas returned home with a success secured him by the blindness
+of his partisans in Sparta; while Lycurgus with the army and certain
+others of the citizens invaded the Argive territory, the inhabitants
+being quite unprepared for an attack, owing to the existing settlement.
+By a sudden assault he seized Polichna, Prasiae, Leucae, and Cyphanta,
+but was repulsed at Glympes and Zarax. After these achievements of
+their king, the Lacedaemonians proclaimed a licence of reprisal
+against the Achaeans. With the Eleans also Machatas was successful in
+persuading them, by the same arguments as he had used at Sparta, to go
+to war with the Achaeans.
+
+The unexpected success of these intrigues caused the Aetolians to enter
+upon the war with high spirits. But it was quite the contrary with the
+Achaeans: for Philip, on whom their hopes rested, was still busy with
+his preparations; the Epirotes were hesitating about going to war, and
+the Messenians were entirely passive; and meantime the Aetolians, aided
+by the blind policy of the Eleans and Lacedaemonians, were threatening
+them with actual war on every side.
+
+[Sidenote: Aratus succeeded by his son as Strategus of the Achaeans,
+May B.C. 219.]
+
+[Sidenote: June-September. B.C. 219.]
+
++37.+ The year of Aratus’s office was just expiring, and his son Aratus
+the younger had been elected to succeed him as Strategus, and was on
+the point of taking over the office. Scopas was still Strategus of
+the Aetolians, and in fact it was just about the middle of his year.
+For the Aetolians hold their elections immediately after the autumn
+equinox, while the Achaeans hold theirs about the time of the rising of
+the Pleiads. As soon therefore as summer had well set in, and Aratus
+the younger had taken over his office, all these wars at once began
+simultaneously. Hannibal began besieging Saguntum; the Romans sent
+Lucius Aemilius with an army to Illyria against Demetrius of Pharos,—of
+both which I spoke in the last book; Antiochus, having had Ptolemais
+and Tyre betrayed to him by Theodotus, meditated attacking Coele-Syria;
+and Ptolemy was engaged in preparing for the war with Antiochus. While
+Lycurgus, wishing to make a beginning after the pattern of Cleomenes,
+pitched his camp near the Athenaeum of Megalopolis and was laying
+siege to it: the Achaeans were collecting mercenary horse and foot for
+the war which was upon them: and Philip, finally, was starting from
+Macedonia with an army consisting of ten thousand heavy-armed soldiers
+of the phalanx, five thousand light-armed, and eight hundred cavalry.
+Such was the universal state of war or preparation for war.
+
+[Sidenote: Rhodian and Byzantium war, 220-219 B.C.]
+
++38.+ At the same time the Rhodians went to war with the Byzantines,
+for reasons which I must now describe.
+
+[Sidenote: Advantages of the situation of Byzantium.]
+
+As far as the sea is concerned, Byzantium occupies a position the
+most secure and in every way the most advantageous of any town in our
+quarter of the world: while in regard to the land, its situation is in
+both respects the most unfavourable. By sea it so completely commands
+the entrance to the Pontus, that no merchant can sail in or out against
+its will. The Pontus therefore being rich in what the rest of the
+world requires for the support of life, the Byzantines are absolute
+masters of all such things. For those commodities which are the first
+necessaries of existence, cattle and slaves, are confessedly supplied
+by the districts round the Pontus in greater profusion, and of better
+quality, than by any others: and for luxuries, they supply us with
+honey, wax, and salt-fish in great abundance; while they take our
+superfluous stock of olive oil and every kind of wine. In the matter
+of corn there is a mutual interchange, they supplying or taking it as
+it happens to be convenient. Now the Greeks would necessarily have
+been excluded entirely from traffic in these articles, or at least
+would have had to carry it on at a loss, if the Byzantines had adopted
+a hostile attitude, and made common cause formerly with the Gauls, or
+still more at this time with the Thracians, or had abandoned the place
+altogether: for owing to the narrowness of the strait, and the number
+of the barbarians along its shores, it would have become entirely
+impassable to our ships. The Byzantines themselves probably feel the
+advantages of the situation, in the supplies of the necessaries of
+life, more than any one else; for their superfluity finds a ready
+means of export, and what they lack is readily imported, with profit
+to themselves, and without difficulty or danger: but other people too,
+as I have said, get a great many commodities by their means. As common
+benefactors therefore of all Greece they might justly expect, not only
+gratitude, but the united assistance of Greeks, when threatened by the
+barbarians.
+
+But since the peculiar natural advantages of this site are generally
+unknown, because it lies somewhat outside the parts of the world
+ordinarily visited; and since it is an universal wish to be acquainted
+with things of this sort, by ocular inspection, if possible, of such
+places as have any unusual or remarkable features; or, if that is
+impossible, by having in our minds some ideas or images of them as like
+the truth as may be, I must now state the facts of the case, and what
+it is that makes this city so eminently rich and prosperous.
+
+[Sidenote: The Pontus.]
+
++39.+ The sea called “The Pontus” has a circumference of twenty-two
+thousand stades, and two mouths diametrically opposite to each other,
+the one opening into the Propontis and the other into the Maeotic Lake;
+which latter also has itself a circumference of eight thousand stades.
+Into these two basins many great rivers discharge themselves on the
+Asiatic side, and still larger and more numerous on the European; and
+so the Maeotic lake, as it gets filled up, flows into the Pontus, and
+the Pontus into the Propontis. The mouth of the Maeotic lake is called
+the Cimmerian Bosporus, about thirty stades broad and sixty long, and
+shallow all over; that of the Pontus is called the Thracian Bosporus,
+and is a hundred and twenty stades long, and of a varying breadth.
+Between Calchedon and Byzantium the channel is fourteen stades broad,
+and this is the entrance at the end nearest the Propontis. Coming from
+the Pontus, it begins at a place called Hieron, at which they say
+that Jason on his return voyage from Colchis first sacrificed to the
+twelve gods. This place is on the Asiatic side, and its distance from
+the European coast is twelve stades, measuring to Sarapieium, which
+lies exactly opposite in Thrace. There are two causes which account
+for the fact that the waters, both of the Maeotic lake and the Pontus,
+continually flow outwards. One is patent at once to every observer,
+namely, that by the continual discharge of many streams into basins
+which are of definite circumference and content, the water necessarily
+is continually increasing in bulk, and, had there been no outlet,
+would inevitably have encroached more and more, and occupied an ever
+enlarging area in the depression: but as outlets do exist, the surplus
+water is carried off by a natural process, and runs perpetually through
+the channels that are there to receive it. The second cause is the
+alluvial soil brought down, in immense quantities of every description,
+by the rivers swollen from heavy rains, which forms shelving banks and
+continually forces the water to take a higher level, which is thus also
+carried through these outlets. Now as this process of alluvial deposit
+and influx of water is unceasing and continuous, so also the discharge
+through the channels is necessarily unceasing and continuous.
+
+These are the true causes of the outflow of the Pontus, which do
+not depend for their credit on the stories of merchants, but upon
+the actual observation of nature, which is the most accurate method
+discoverable.
+
++40.+ As I have started this topic I must not, as most historians do,
+leave any point undiscussed, or only barely stated. My object is rather
+to give information, and to clear up doubtful points for my readers.
+This is the peculiarity of the present day, in which every sea and land
+has been thrown open to travellers; and in which, therefore, one can no
+longer employ the evidence of poets and fabulists, as my predecessors
+have done on very many points, “offering,” as Heraclitus says, “tainted
+witnesses to disputed facts,”—but I must try to make my narrative in
+itself carry conviction to my readers.
+
+I say then the Pontus has long been in process of being filled up with
+mud, and that this process is actually going on now: and further, that
+in process of time both it and the Propontis, assuming the same local
+conditions to be maintained, and the causes of the alluvial deposit to
+continue active, will be entirely filled up. For time being infinite,
+and the depressions most undoubtedly finite, it is plain that, even
+though the amount of deposit be small, they must in course of time
+be filled. For a finite process, whether of accretion or decrease,
+must, if we presuppose infinite time, be eventually completed, however
+infinitesimal its progressive stages may be. In the present instance
+the amount of soil deposited being not small, but exceedingly large,
+it is plain that the result I mentioned will not be remote but rapid.
+And, in fact, it is evident that it is already taking place. The
+Maeotic lake is already so much choked up, that the greater part of it
+is only from seven to five fathoms deep, and accordingly cannot any
+longer be passed by large ships without a pilot. And having moreover
+been originally a sea precisely on a level with the Pontus, it is now a
+freshwater lake: the sea-water has been expelled by the silting up of
+the bottom, and the discharge of the rivers has entirely overpowered
+it. The same will happen to the Pontus, and indeed is taking place at
+this moment; and though it is not evident to ordinary observers, owing
+to the vastness of its basin, yet a moderately attentive study will
+discover even now what is going on.
+
++41.+ For the Danube discharging itself into the Pontus by several
+mouths, we find opposite it a bank formed by the mud discharged from
+these mouths extending for nearly a thousand stades, at a distance of
+a day’s sail from the shore as it now exists; upon which ships sailing
+to the Pontus run, while apparently still in deep water, and find
+themselves unexpectedly stranded on the sandbanks which the sailors
+call the Breasts. That this deposit is not close to the shore, but
+projected to some distance, must be accounted for thus: exactly as far
+as the currents of the rivers retain their force from the strength of
+the descending stream, and overpower that of the sea, it must of course
+follow that to that distance the earth, and whatever else is carried
+down by the rivers, would be projected, and neither settle nor become
+fixed until it is reached. But when the force of the currents has
+become quite spent by the depth and bulk of the sea, it is but natural
+that the soil held in solution should settle down and assume a fixed
+position. This is the explanation of the fact, that, in the case of
+large and rapid rivers, such embankments are at considerable distances,
+and the sea close in shore deep; while in the case of smaller and more
+sluggish streams, these sandbanks are at their mouths. The strongest
+proof of this is furnished by the case of heavy rains; for when they
+occur, rivers of inferior size, overpowering the waves at their mouths,
+project the alluvial deposit out to sea, to a distance exactly in
+proportion to the force of the streams thus discharging themselves.
+It would be mere foolish scepticism to disbelieve in the enormous
+size of this sandbank, and in the mass of stones, timber, and earth
+carried down by the rivers; when we often see with our own eyes an
+insignificant stream suddenly swell into a torrent, and force its way
+over lofty rocks, sweeping along with it every kind of timber, soil,
+and stones, and making such huge moraines, that at times the appearance
+of a locality becomes in a brief period difficult to recognise.[222]
+
++42.+ This should prevent any surprise that rivers of such magnitude
+and rapidity, flowing perpetually instead of intermittently, should
+produce these effects and end by filling up the Pontus. For it is not
+a mere probability, but a logical certainty, that this must happen.
+And a proof of what is going to take place is this, that in the same
+proportion as the Maeotic lake is less salt than the Pontus, the
+Pontus is less so than the Mediterranean. From which it is manifest
+that, when the time which it has taken for the Maeotic lake to fill
+up shall have been extended in proportion to the excess of the Pontic
+over the Maeotic basin, then the Pontus will also become like a marsh
+and lake, and filled with fresh water like the Maeotic lake: nay, we
+must suppose that the process will be somewhat more rapid, insomuch
+as the rivers falling into it are more numerous and more rapid. I
+have said thus much in answer to the incredulity of those who cannot
+believe that the Pontus is actually being silted up, and will some day
+be filled; and that so vast a sea will ever become a lake or marsh.
+But I have another and higher object also in thus speaking: which is
+to prevent our ignorance from forcing us to give a childish credence
+to every traveller’s tale and marvel related by voyagers; and that,
+by possessing certain indications of the truth, we may be enabled by
+them to test the truth or falsehood of anything alleged by this or that
+person.
+
+[Sidenote: Site of Byzantium.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 512.]
+
++43.+ I must now return to the discussion of the excellence of the
+site of Byzantium. The length of the channel connecting the Pontus
+and Propontis being, as I have said, a hundred and twenty stades, and
+Hieron marking its termination towards the Pontus, and the Strait
+of Byzantium that towards the Propontis,—half-way between these, on
+the European side, stands Hermaeum, on a headland jutting out into
+the channel, about five stades from the Asiatic coast, just at the
+narrowest point of the whole channel; where Darius is said to have
+made his bridge of ships across the strait, when he crossed to invade
+Scythia. In the rest of the channel the running of the current from the
+Pontus is much the same, owing to the similarity of the coast formation
+on either side of it; but when it reaches Hermaeum on the European
+side, which I said was the narrowest point, the stream flowing from the
+Pontus, and being thus confined, strikes the European coast with great
+violence, and then, as though by a rebound from a blow, dashes against
+the opposite Asiatic coast, and thence again sweeps back and strikes
+the European shore near some headlands called the Hearths: thence it
+runs rapidly once more to the spot on the Asiatic side called the Cow,
+the place on which the myth declares Io to have first stood after
+swimming the channel. Finally the current runs from the Cow right up to
+Byzantium, and dividing into two streams on either side of the city,
+the lesser part of it forms the gulf called the Horn, while the greater
+part swerves once more across. But it has no longer sufficient way on
+it to reach the opposite shore on which Calchedon stands: for after
+its several counter-blows the current, finding at this point a wider
+channel, slackens; and no longer makes short rebounds at right angles
+from one shore to the other, but more and more at an obtuse angle, and
+accordingly, falling short of Calchedon, runs down the middle of the
+channel.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 410.]
+
++44.+ What then makes Byzantium a most excellent site, and Calchedon
+the reverse, is just this: and although at first sight both positions
+seem equally convenient, the practical fact is that it is difficult to
+sail up to the latter, even if you wish to do so; while the current
+carries you to the former, whether you will or no, as I have just
+now shown. And a proof of my assertion is this: those who want to
+cross from Calchedon to Byzantium cannot sail straight across the
+channel, but coast up to the Cow and Chrysopolis,—which the Athenians
+formerly seized, by the advice of Alcibiades, when they for the first
+time levied customs on ships sailing into the Pontus,[223]—and then
+drift down the current, which carries them as a matter of course to
+Byzantium. And the same is the case with a voyage on either side
+of Byzantium. For if a man is running before a south wind from the
+Hellespont, or to the Hellespont from the Pontus before the Etesian
+winds, if he keeps to the European shore, he has a direct and easy
+course to the narrow part of the Hellespont between Abydos and Sestos,
+and thence also back again to Byzantium: but if he goes from Calchedon
+along the Asiatic coast, the case is exactly the reverse, from the fact
+that the coast is broken up by deep bays, and that the territory of
+Cyzicus projects to a considerable distance. Nor can a man coming from
+the Hellespont to Calchedon obviate this by keeping to the European
+coast as far as Byzantium, and then striking across to Calchedon;
+for the current and other circumstances which I have mentioned make
+it difficult. Similarly, for one sailing out from Calchedon it is
+absolutely impossible to make straight for Thrace, owing to the
+intervening current, and to the fact that both winds are unfavourable
+to both voyages; for as the south wind blows into the Pontus, and the
+north wind from it, the one or the other of these must be encountered
+in both these voyages. These, then, are the advantages enjoyed by
+Byzantium in regard to the sea: I must now describe its disadvantages
+on shore.
+
+[Sidenote: Disadvantages of Byzantium.]
+
++45.+ They consist in the fact that its territory is so completely
+hemmed in by Thrace from shore to shore, that the Byzantines have a
+perpetual and dangerous war continually on hand with the Thracians. For
+they are unable once for all to arm and repel them by a single decisive
+battle, owing to the number of their people and chiefs. For if they
+conquer one chief, three others still more formidable invade their
+territory. Nor again do they gain anything by consenting to pay tribute
+and make terms; for a concession of any sort to one brings at once five
+times as many enemies upon them. Therefore, as I say, they are burdened
+by a perpetual and dangerous war: for what can be more hazardous or
+more formidable than a war with barbarians living on your borders? Nay,
+it is not only this perpetual struggle with danger on land, but, apart
+from the evils that always accompany war, they have to endure a misery
+like that ascribed by the poets to Tantalus: for being in possession
+of an extremely fertile district, no sooner have they expended their
+labour upon it and been rewarded by crops of the finest quality, than
+the barbarians sweep down, and either destroy them, or collect and
+carry them off; and then, to say nothing of the loss of their labour
+and expense, the very excellence of the crops enhances the misery and
+distress of seeing them destroyed before their eyes. Still, habit
+making them able to endure the war with the Thracians, they maintained
+their original connexions with the other Greeks; but when to their
+other misfortunes was added the attack of the Gauls under Comontorius,
+they were reduced to a sad state of distress indeed.
+
+[Sidenote: The Gauls, B.C. 279.]
+
++46.+ These Gauls had left their country with Brennus, and having
+survived the battle at Delphi and made their way to the Hellespont,
+instead of crossing to Asia, were captivated by the beauty of the
+district round Byzantium, and settled there. Then, having conquered
+the Thracians and erected Tyle[224] into a capital, they placed the
+Byzantines in extreme danger. In their earlier attacks, made under the
+command of Comontorius their first king, the Byzantines always bought
+them off by presents amounting to three, or five, or sometimes even
+ten thousand gold pieces, on condition of their not devastating their
+territory: and at last were compelled to agree to pay them a yearly
+tribute of eighty talents, until the time of Cavarus, in whose reign
+their kingdom came to an end; and their whole tribe, being in their
+turn conquered by the Thracians, were entirely annihilated. It was in
+these times, then, that being hard pressed by the payment of these
+exactions, the Byzantines first sent embassies to the Greek states with
+a prayer for aid and support in their dangerous situation: but being
+disregarded by the greater number, they, under pressure of necessity,
+attempted to levy dues upon ships sailing into the Pontus.
+
+[Sidenote: The Byzantines levy a toll.]
+
++47.+ Now this exaction by the Byzantines of a duty upon goods brought
+from the Pontus, being a heavy loss and burden to everybody, was
+universally regarded as a grievance; and accordingly an appeal from all
+those engaged in the trade was made to the Rhodians, as acknowledged
+masters of the sea: and it was from this circumstance that the war
+originated of which I am about to speak.
+
+[Sidenote: The Rhodians declare war, B.C. 220.]
+
+For the Rhodians, roused to action by the loss incurred by themselves,
+as well as that of their neighbours, at first joined their allies in
+an embassy to Byzantium, and demanded the abolition of the impost. The
+Byzantines refused compliance, being persuaded that they were in the
+right by the arguments advanced by their chief magistrates, Hecatorus
+and Olympidorus, in their interview with the ambassadors. The Rhodian
+envoys accordingly departed without effecting their object. But upon
+their return home, war was at once voted against Byzantium on these
+grounds; and messengers were immediately despatched to Prusias inviting
+his co-operation in the war: for they knew that Prusias was from
+various causes incensed with the Byzantines.
+
+[Sidenote: Achaeus.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 226.]
+
++48.+ The Byzantines took steps of a similar nature, by sending to
+Attalus and Achaeus begging for their assistance. For his part Attalus
+was ready enough to give it: but his importance was small, because
+he had been reduced within the limits of his ancestral dominions by
+Achaeus. But Achaeus who exercised dominion throughout Asia on this
+side Taurus, and had recently established his regal power, promised
+assistance; and his attitude roused high hopes in the minds of the
+Byzantines, and corresponding depression in those of the Rhodians and
+Prusias. Achaeus was a relation of the Antiochus who had just succeeded
+to the kingdom of Syria; and he became possessed of the dominion I
+have mentioned through the following circumstances. After the death of
+Seleucus, father of the above-named Antiochus, and the succession of
+his eldest son Seleucus to the throne, Achaeus accompanied the latter
+in an expedition over Mount Taurus, about two years before the period
+of which we are speaking.[225] For as soon as Seleucus the younger had
+succeeded to the kingdom he learnt that Attalus had already reduced
+all Asia on this side of Taurus under his power; and being accordingly
+eager to support his own rights, he crossed Taurus with a large army.
+There he was treacherously assassinated by Apaturius the Gaul, and
+Nicanor. Achaeus, in right of his relationship, promptly revenged his
+murder by killing Nicanor and Apaturius; and taking supreme command of
+the army and administration, conducted it with wisdom and integrity.
+For the opportunity was a convenient one, and the feeling of the common
+soldiers was all in favour of his assuming the crown; yet he refused to
+do so, and preserving the royal title for Antiochus the younger, son of
+Seleucus, went on energetically with the expedition, and the recovery
+of the whole of the territory this side Taurus. Meeting however with
+unexpected success,—for he shut up Attalus within the walls of Pergamus
+and became master of all the rest of the country,—he was puffed up by
+his good fortune, and at once swerved from his straightforward course
+of policy. He assumed the diadem, adopted the title of king, and was at
+this time the most powerful and formidable of all the kings and princes
+this side Taurus. This was the man on whose help the Byzantines relied
+when they undertook the war against the Rhodians and Prusias.
+
+[Sidenote: Prusias.]
+
++49.+ As to the provocations given before this to Prusias by the
+Byzantines they were various. In the first place he complained that,
+having voted to put up certain statues of him, they had not done so,
+but had delayed or forgotten it. In the second place he was annoyed
+with them for taking great pains to compose the hostility, and put an
+end to the war, between Achaeus and Attalus; because he looked upon a
+friendship between these two as in many ways detrimental to his own
+interests. He was provoked also because it appeared that when Attalus
+was keeping the festival of Athene, the Byzantines had sent a mission
+to join in the celebration; but had sent no one to him when he was
+celebrating the Soteria. Nursing therefore a secret resentment for
+these various offences, he gladly snatched at the pretext offered him
+by the Rhodians; and arranged with their ambassadors that they were to
+carry on the war by sea, while he would undertake to inflict no less
+damage on the enemy by land.
+
+Such were the causes and origin of the war between Rhodes and Byzantium.
+
+[Sidenote: Hostilities commence, B.C. 220.]
+
++50.+ At first the Byzantines entered upon the war with energy, in full
+confidence of receiving the assistance of Achaeus; and of being able
+to cause Prusias as much alarm and danger by fetching Tiboetes from
+Macedonia as he had done to them. For Prusias, entering upon the war
+with all the animosity which I have described, had seized the place
+called Hieron at the entrance of the channel, which the Byzantines not
+long before had purchased for a considerable sum of money, because of
+its convenient situation; and because they did not wish to leave in
+any one else’s hands a point of vantage to be used against merchants
+sailing into the Pontus, or one which commanded the slave trade, or the
+fishing. Besides this, Prusias had seized in Asia a district of Mysia,
+which had been in the possession of Byzantium for many years past.
+
+Meanwhile the Rhodians manned six ships and received four from their
+allies; and, having elected Xenophantus to command them, they sailed
+with this squadron of ten ships to the Hellespont. Nine of them dropped
+anchor near Sestos, and stopped ships sailing into the Pontus; with
+the tenth the admiral sailed to Byzantium, to test the spirit of the
+people, and see whether they were already sufficiently alarmed to
+change their minds about the war. Finding them resolved not to listen
+he sailed away, and, taking up his other nine ships, returned to Rhodes
+with the whole squadron.
+
+Meanwhile the Byzantines sent a message to Achaeus asking for aid, and
+an escort to conduct Tiboetes from Macedonia. For it was believed that
+Tiboetes had as good a claim to the kingdom of Bithynia as Prusias, who
+was his nephew.
+
+[Sidenote: The Rhodians secure the friendship of Achaeus.]
+
++51.+ But seeing the confident spirit of the Byzantines, the Rhodians
+adopted an exceedingly able plan to obtain their object. They perceived
+that the resolution of the Byzantines in venturing on the war rested
+mainly on their hopes of the support of Achaeus. Now they knew that
+the father of Achaeus was detained at Alexandria, and that Achaeus was
+exceedingly anxious for his father’s safety: they therefore hit upon
+the idea of sending an embassy to Ptolemy, and asking him to deliver
+this Andromachus to them. This request, indeed, they had before made,
+but without laying any great stress upon it: now, however, they were
+genuinely anxious for it; that, by doing this favour to Achaeus,
+they might lay him under such an obligation to them, that he would
+be unable to refuse any request they might make to him. When the
+ambassadors arrived, Ptolemy at first deliberated as to detaining
+Andromachus; because there still remained some points of dispute
+between himself and Antiochus unsettled; and Achaeus, who had recently
+declared himself king, could exercise a decisive influence in several
+important particulars. For Andromachus was not only father of Achaeus,
+but brother also of Laodice, the wife of Seleucus.[226] However, on a
+review of the whole situation, Ptolemy inclined to the Rhodians; and
+being anxious to show them every favour, he yielded to their request,
+and handed over Andromachus to them to conduct to his son. Having
+accordingly done this, and having conferred some additional marks of
+honour on Achaeus, they deprived the Byzantines of their most important
+hope. And this was not the only disappointment which the Byzantines
+had to encounter; for as Tiboetes was being escorted from Macedonia,
+he entirely defeated their plans by dying. This misfortune damped the
+ardour of the Byzantines, while it encouraged Prusias to push on the
+war. On the Asiatic side he carried it on in person, and with great
+energy; while on the European side he hired Thracians who prevented the
+Byzantines from leaving their gates. For their party being thus baulked
+of their hopes, and surrounded on every side by enemies, the Byzantines
+began to look about then for some decent pretext for withdrawing from
+the war.
+
+[Sidenote: The Gallic king, Cavarus, negotiates a peace, B.C. 220.]
+
++52.+ So when the Gallic king, Cavarus, came to Byzantium, and showed
+himself eager to put an end to the war, and earnestly offered his
+friendly intervention, both Prusias and the Byzantines consented to his
+proposals. And when the Rhodians were informed of the interference of
+Cavarus and the consent of Prusias, being very anxious to secure their
+own object also, they elected Aridices as ambassador to Byzantium, and
+sent Polemocles with him in command of three triremes, wishing, as the
+saying is, to send the Byzantines “spear and herald’s staff at once.”
+Upon their appearance a pacification was arranged, in the year of
+Cothon, son of Callisthenes, Hieromnemon in Byzantium.[227] The treaty
+with the Rhodians was simple: “The Byzantines will not collect toll
+from any ship sailing into the Pontus; and in that case the Rhodians
+and their allies are at peace with the Byzantines.” But that with
+Prusias contained the following provisions: “There shall be peace and
+amity for ever between Prusias and the Byzantines; the Byzantines shall
+in no way attack Prusias, nor Prusias the Byzantines. Prusias shall
+restore to Byzantines all lands, forts, populations, and prisoners
+of war, without ransom; and besides these things, the ships taken at
+the beginning of the war, and the arms seized in the fortresses; and
+also the timbers, stone-work, and roofing belonging to the fort called
+Hieron” (for Prusias, in his terror of the approach of Tiboetes, had
+pulled down every fort which seemed to lie conveniently for him):
+“finally, Prusias shall compel such of the Bithynians as have any
+property taken from the Byzantine district of Mysia to restore it to
+the farmers.”
+
+Such were the beginning and end of the war of Rhodes and Prusias with
+Byzantium.
+
+[Sidenote: War between Rhodes and Crete.]
+
++53.+ At the same time the Cnossians sent an embassy to the Rhodians,
+and persuaded them to send them the ships that were under the command
+of Polemocles, and to launch three undecked vessels besides and send
+them also to Crete. The Rhodians having complied, and the vessels
+having arrived at Crete, the people of Eleutherna suspecting that one
+of their citizens named Timarchus had been put to death by Polemocles
+to please the Cnossians, first proclaimed a right of reprisal against
+the Rhodians, and then went to open war with them.
+
+[Sidenote: The destruction of Lyttos.]
+
+The people of Lyttos,[228] too, a short time before this, met with an
+irretrievable disaster. At that time the political state of Crete as
+a whole was this. The Cnossians, in league with the people of Gortyn,
+had a short time previously reduced the whole island under their power,
+with the exception of the city of Lyttos; and this being the only city
+which refused obedience, they resolved to go to war with it, being
+bent upon removing its inhabitants from their homes, as an example and
+terror to the rest of Crete. Accordingly at first the whole of the
+other Cretan cities were united in war against Lyttos: but presently
+when some jealousy arose from certain trifling causes, as is the way
+with the Cretans, they separated into hostile parties, the peoples of
+Polyrrhen, Cere, and Lappa, along with the Horii and Arcades,[229]
+forming one party and separating themselves from connexion with the
+Cnossians, resolved to make common cause with the Lyttians. Among the
+people of Gortyn, again, the elder men espoused the side of Cnossus,
+the younger that of Lyttos, and so were in opposition to each other.
+Taken by surprise by this disintegration of their allies, the Cnossians
+fetched over a thousand men from Aetolia in virtue of their alliance:
+upon which the party of the elders in Gortyn immediately seized the
+citadel; introduced the Cnossians and Aetolians; and either expelled
+or put to death the young men, and delivered the city into the hands
+of the Cnossians. And at the same time, the Lyttians having gone out
+with their full forces on an expedition into the enemy’s territory, the
+Cnossians got information of the fact, and seized Lyttos while thus
+denuded of its defenders. The children and women they sent to Cnossus;
+and having set fire to the town, thrown down its buildings, and damaged
+it in every possible way, returned. When the Lyttians reached home from
+their expedition, and saw what had happened, they were struck with
+such violent grief that not a man of the whole host had the heart to
+enter his native city; but one and all having marched round its walls,
+with frequent cries and lamentations over their misfortune and that of
+their country, turned back again towards the city of Lappa. The people
+of Lappa gave them a kind and entirely cordial reception; and having
+thus in one day become cityless and aliens, they joined these allies in
+their war against the Cnossians. Thus at one fell swoop was Lyttos, a
+colony of Sparta and allied with the Lacedaemonians in blood, the most
+ancient of the cities in Crete, and by common consent the mother of the
+bravest men in the island, utterly cut off.
+
+[Sidenote: Appeal to the Achaeans and Philip.]
+
++55.+ But the peoples of Polyrrhen and Lappa and all their allies,
+seeing that the Cnossians clung to the alliance of the Aetolians, and
+that the Aetolians were at war with King Philip and the Achaeans,
+sent ambassadors to the two latter asking for their help and to be
+admitted to alliance with them. Both requests were granted: they
+were admitted into the roll of allies, and assistance was sent to
+them, consisting of four hundred Illyrians under Plator, two hundred
+Achaeans, and a hundred Phocians; whose arrival was of the utmost
+advantage to the interest of Polyrrhenia and her allies: for in a brief
+space of time they shut the Eleuthernaeans and Cydonians within their
+walls, and compelled the people of Aptera to forsake the alliance of
+the Cnossians and share their fortunes. When these results had been
+obtained, the Polyrrhenians and their allies joined in sending to the
+aid of Philip and the Achaeans five hundred Cretans, the Cnossians
+having sent a thousand to the Aetolians a short time before; both of
+which contingents took part in the existing war on their respective
+sides. Nay more, the exiled party of Gortyn seized the harbour of
+Phaestus,[230] and also by a sudden and bold attack occupied the port
+of Gortyn itself; and from these two places as bases of operation they
+carried on the war with the party in the town. Such was the state of
+Crete.
+
+[Sidenote: Mithridates IV., king of Pontus, declares war against
+Sinope.]
+
++56.+ About the same time Mithridates also declared war against the
+people of Sinope; which proved to be the beginning and occasion of the
+disaster which ultimately befell the Sinopeans. Upon their sending
+an embassy with a view to this war to beg for assistance from the
+Rhodians, the latter decided to elect three men, and to grant them a
+hundred and forty thousand drachmae with which to procure supplies
+needed by the Sinopeans. The men so appointed got ready ten thousand
+jars of wine, three hundred talents[231] of prepared hair, a hundred
+talents of made-up bowstring, a thousand suits of armour, three
+thousand gold pieces, and four catapults with engineers to work them.
+The Sinopean envoys took these presents and departed; for the people
+of Sinope, being in great anxiety lest Mithridates should attempt
+to besiege them both by land and sea, were making all manner of
+preparations with this view. Sinope lies on the right-hand shore of the
+Pontus as one sails to Phasis, and is built upon a peninsula jutting
+out into the sea: it is on the neck of this peninsula, connecting it
+with Asia, which is not more than two stades wide, that the city is
+so placed as to entirely close it up from sea to sea; the rest of
+the peninsula stretches out into the open sea,—a piece of flat land
+from which the town is easily accessible, but surrounded by a steep
+coast offering very bad harbourage, and having exceedingly few spots
+admitting of disembarkation. The Sinopeans then were dreadfully alarmed
+lest Mithridates should blockade them, by throwing up works against
+their town on the side towards Asia, and by making a descent on the
+opposite side upon the low ground in front of the town: and they
+accordingly determined to strengthen the line of the peninsula, where
+it was washed by the sea, by putting up wooden defences and erecting
+palisades round the places accessible from the sea; and at the same
+time by storing weapons and stationing guards at all points open to
+attack: for the whole area is not large, but is capable of being easily
+defended and by a moderate force.
+
+Such was the situation at Sinope at the time of the commencement of the
+Social war,—to which I must now return.
+
+[Sidenote: The History of the Social war resumed from ch. 37. Philip
+starts for Aetolia, B.C. 219. Night surprise of Aegira.]
+
++57.+ King Philip started from Macedonia with his army for Thessaly and
+Epirus, being bent on taking that route in his invasion of Aetolia.
+And at the same time Alexander and Dorimachus, having succeeded in
+establishing an intrigue for the betrayal of Aegira, had collected
+about twelve hundred Aetolians into Oeanthe, which is in Aetolia,
+exactly opposite the above-named town; and, having prepared vessels
+to convey them across the gulf, were waiting for favourable weather
+for making the voyage in fulfilment of their design. For a deserter
+from Aetolia, who had spent a long time at Aegira, and had had full
+opportunity of observing that the guards of the gate towards Aegium
+were in the habit of getting drunk, and keeping their watch with great
+slackness, had again and again crossed over to Dorimachus; and, laying
+this fact before him, had invited him to make the attempt, well knowing
+that he was thoroughly accustomed to such practices. The city of Aegira
+lies on the Peloponnesian coast of the Corinthian gulf, between the
+cities of Aegium and Sicyon, upon some strong and inaccessible heights,
+facing towards Parnassus and that district of the opposite coast, and
+standing about seven stades back from the sea. At the mouth of the
+river which flows past this town Dorimachus dropped anchor under cover
+of night, having at length obtained favourable weather for crossing.
+He and Alexander, accompanied by Archidamus the son of Pantaleon and
+the main body of the Aetolians, then advanced towards the city along
+the road leading from Aegium. But the deserter, with twenty of the
+most active men, having made his way by a shorter cut than the others
+over the cliffs where there was no road, owing to his knowledge of the
+locality, got into the city through a certain water-course and found
+the guards of the gate still asleep. Having killed them while actually
+in their beds, and cut the bolts of the gates with their axes, they
+opened them to the Aetolians. Having thus surprised the town, they
+behaved with a conspicuous want of caution, which eventually saved
+the people of Aegira, and proved the destruction of the Aetolians
+themselves. They seemed to imagine that to get within the gates was all
+there was to do in occupying an enemy’s town; and accordingly acted as
+I shall now describe.
+
+[Sidenote: Alexander killed.]
+
++58.+ They kept together for a very brief space of time near the
+market-place, and then scattering in every direction, in their passion
+for plunder, rushed into the houses and began carrying off the wealth
+they contained. But it was now broad daylight: and the attack being
+wholly unexpected and sudden, those of the Aegiratans whose houses
+were actually entered by the enemy, in the utmost terror and alarm,
+all took to flight and made their way out of the town, believing it
+to be completely in the power of the enemy; but those of them whose
+houses were untouched, and who, hearing the shouting, sallied out to
+the rescue, all rushed with one accord to the citadel. These last
+continually increased in number and confidence; while the Aetolians on
+the contrary kept continually becoming less closely united, and less
+subject to discipline, from the causes above mentioned. But Dorimachus,
+becoming conscious of his danger, rallied his men and charged the
+citizens who were occupying the citadel: imagining that, by acting
+with decision and boldness, he would terrify and turn to flight those
+who had rallied to defend the town. But the Aegiratans, cheering each
+other on, offered a strenuous resistance, and grappled gallantly with
+the Aetolians. The citadel being unwalled, and the struggle being at
+close quarters and man to man, the battle was at first as desperate
+as might be expected between two sides, of which one was fighting for
+country and children, the other for bare life. Finally the invading
+Aetolians were repulsed: and the Aegiratans, taking advantage of their
+higher position, made a fierce and vigorous charge down the slope upon
+the enemy; which struck such terror in them, that in the confusion
+that followed the fugitives trampled each other to death at the gates.
+Alexander himself fell fighting in the actual battle; but Archidamus
+was killed in the struggle and crush at the gates. Of the main body of
+Aetolians, some were trampled to death; others flying over the pathless
+hills fell over precipices and broke their necks; while such as escaped
+in safety to the ships managed, after shamefully throwing away their
+arms, to sail away and escape from what seemed a desperate danger.
+Thus it came about that the Aegiratans having lost their city by their
+carelessness, unexpectedly regained it by their valour and gallantry.
+
+[Sidenote: Euripidas.]
+
++59.+ About the same time Euripidas, who had been sent out to act
+as general to the Eleans, after overrunning the districts of Dyme,
+Pharae, and Tritaea, and collecting a considerable amount of booty, was
+marching back to Elis. But Miccus of Dyme, who happened at the time to
+be Sub-strategus of the Achaean league, went out to the rescue with a
+body of Dymaeans, Pharaeans, and Tritaeans, and attacked him as he was
+returning. But proceeding too precipitately, he fell into an ambush
+and lost a large number of his men: for forty of his infantry were
+killed and about two hundred taken prisoners. Elated by this success,
+Euripidas a few days afterwards made another expedition, and seized
+a fort belonging to the Dymaeans on the river Araxus, standing in an
+excellent situation, and called the Wall, which the myths affirm to
+have been anciently built by Hercules, when at war with the Eleans, as
+a base of operations against them.
+
+[Sidenote: Inactivity of Aratus. Dyme, Pharae, and Tritaea separate
+from the league.]
+
++60.+ The peoples of Dyme, Pharae, and Tritaea having been worsted in
+their attempt to relieve the country, and afraid of what would happen
+from this capture of the fort, first sent messengers to the Strategus,
+Aratus, to inform him of what had happened and to ask for aid, and
+afterwards a formal embassy with the same request. But Aratus was
+unable to get the mercenaries together, because in the Cleomenic war
+the Achaeans had failed to pay some of the wages of the hired troops:
+and his entire policy and management of the whole war was in a word
+without spirit or nerve. Accordingly Lycurgus seized the Athenaeum of
+Megalopolis, and Euripidas followed up his former successes by taking
+Gortyna[232] in the territory of Telphusa. But the people of Dyme,
+Pharae, and Tritaea, despairing of assistance from the Strategus,
+came to a mutual agreement to cease paying the common contribution
+to the Achaean league, and to collect a mercenary army on their own
+account, three hundred infantry and fifty horse; and to secure the
+country by their means. In this action they were considered to have
+shown a prudent regard for their own interests, but not for those of
+the community at large; for they were thought to have set an evil
+example, and supplied a precedent to those whose wish it was to break
+up the league. But in fact the chief blame for their proceeding must
+rightfully be assigned to the Strategus, who pursued such a dilatory
+policy, and slighted or wholly rejected the prayers for help which
+reached him from time to time. For as long as he has any hope, from
+relations and allies, any man who is in danger will cling to them; but
+when in his distress he has to give up that hope, he is forced to help
+himself the best way he can. Wherefore we must not find fault with the
+people of Tritaea, Pharae, and Dyme for having mercenaries on their own
+account, when the chief magistrate of the league hesitated to act: but
+some blame does attach to them for renouncing the joint contribution.
+They certainly were not bound to neglect to secure their own safety by
+every opportunity and means in their power; but they were bound at the
+same time to keep up their just dues to the league: especially as the
+recovery of such payment was perfectly secured to them by the common
+laws; and most of all because they had been the originators of the
+Achaean confederacy.[233]
+
+[Sidenote: Philip V. at Ambracia, B.C. 219.]
+
++61.+ Such was the state of things in the Peloponnese when King
+Philip, after crossing Thessaly, arrived in Epirus. Reinforcing his
+Macedonians by a full levy of Epirotes, and being joined by three
+hundred slingers from Achaia, and the five hundred Cretans sent him by
+the Polyrrhenians, he continued his march through Epirus and arrived
+in the territory of the Ambracians. Now, if he had continued his march
+without interruption, and thrown himself into the interior of Aetolia,
+by the sudden and unlooked-for attack of so formidable an army he
+would have put an end to the whole campaign: but as it was, he was
+over-persuaded by the Epirotes to take Ambracus first; and so gave the
+Aetolians an interval in which to make a stand, to take precautionary
+measures, and to prepare for the future. For the Epirotes, thinking
+more of their own advantage than of that of the confederacy, and being
+very anxious to get Ambracus[234] into their power, begged Philip to
+invest the town and take it before doing anything else: the fact being
+that they regarded it as a matter of the utmost importance to recover
+Ambracia from the Aetolians; and thought that the only way of doing
+this was to become masters of this place, Ambracus, and besiege the
+town of Ambracia from it. For Ambracus is a place strongly fortified by
+walls and out-works, standing in the midst of marshes, and approached
+from the land by only one narrow raised causeway; and commanding by its
+situation both the district and town of Ambracia.
+
+[Sidenote: Scopas tries to effect a diversion by invading Macedonia. On
+his return he destroys Dium.]
+
++62.+ While Philip, then, by the persuasion of the Epirotes, pitching
+his camp near Ambracus, was engaged in making his preparations for
+the siege, Scopas raised a general levy of Aetolians, and marching
+through Thessaly crossed the frontiers of Macedonia; traversed the
+plain of Plena, and laid it waste; and after securing considerable
+booty, returned by the road leading to Dium. The inhabitants of that
+town abandoning the place, he entered it and threw down its walls,
+houses, and gymnasium; set fire to the covered walks round the sacred
+enclosure, and destroyed all the other offerings which had been placed
+in it, either for ornament, or for the use of visitors to the public
+assemblies, and threw down all the statues of the kings. And this
+man, who, at the very beginning and first action of the war, had thus
+turned his arms against the gods as well as men, was not treated on his
+return to Aetolia as guilty of impiety, but was honoured and looked
+up to. For he had indeed filled the Aetolians with empty hopes and
+irrational conceit. From this time they indulged the idea that no one
+would venture to set foot in Aetolia, while they would be able without
+resistance not only to plunder the Peloponnese, which they were quite
+accustomed to do, but Thessaly and Macedonia also.
+
+[Sidenote: Ambracus taken.]
+
+[Sidenote: Philip enters Aetolia; takes Phoeteiae.]
+
++63.+ When he heard what had happened in Macedonia, and had thus paid
+on the spot for the selfishness and folly of the Epirotes, Philip
+proceeded to besiege Ambracus. By an energetic use of earthworks,
+and other siege operations, he quickly terrified the people into
+submission, and the place surrendered after a delay of forty days in
+all. He let the garrison, consisting of five hundred Aetolians, depart
+on fixed conditions, and gratified the cupidity of the Epirotes by
+handing over Ambracus to them, while he himself set his army in motion,
+and marched by way of Charadra, being anxious to cross the Ambracian
+gulf where it is narrowest, that is to say, near the Acarnanian temple
+called Actium. For this gulf is a branch of the Sicilian sea between
+Epirus and Acarnania, with a very narrow opening of less than five
+stades, but expanding as it extends inland to a breadth of a hundred
+stades; while the length of the whole arm from the open sea is about
+three hundred stades. It forms the boundary between Epirus on the north
+and Acarnania on the south. Philip, therefore, having got his army
+across this entrance of the gulf, and advanced through Acarnania, came
+to the city of Phoeteiae, which belonged to the Aetolians;[235] having,
+during his march, been joined by an Acarnanian force of two thousand
+foot and two hundred horse. Encamping under the walls of this town,
+and making energetic and formidable assaults upon it during two days,
+it was surrendered to him on terms, and the Aetolian garrison were
+dismissed on parole. Next night, however, five hundred other Aetolians,
+believing the town still untaken, came to its relief; whose arrival
+being ascertained beforehand by the king, he stationed some men in
+ambush at certain convenient spots, and slew most of the new-comers
+and captured all but a very few of the rest. After these events, he
+distributed a month’s rations of corn among his men from what had been
+captured, for a large store was found collected at Phoeteiae, and
+then continued his advance into the territory of Stratus. At about
+ten stades from that town he pitched his camp on the banks of the
+river Achelous; and from that began laying waste the country without
+resistance, none of the enemy venturing out to attack him.
+
+[Sidenote: Metropolis and Conope.]
+
+[Sidenote: Skirmish on the Achelous.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ithoria.]
+
++64.+ Meanwhile the Achaeans, being hard pressed by the war, and
+ascertaining that the king was not far off, sent ambassadors to him
+begging for help. They found Philip still in his camp near Stratus,
+and there delivered their commission: and besides the message with
+which they were charged, they pointed out to him the richness of the
+booty which his army would get from the enemy’s country, and tried to
+persuade him to cross to Rhium and invade Elis. The king listened to
+what they had to say, and kept the ambassadors with him, alleging that
+he must consider of their request; and meanwhile broke up his camp,
+and marched in the direction of Metropolis and Conope. The Aetolians
+kept possession of the citadel of Metropolis but abandoned the town:
+whereupon Philip set fire to Metropolis, and continued his advance
+against Conope. But when the Aetolian horse rallied and ventured to
+meet him at the ford of the Achelous, which is about twenty stades
+before you reach the town, believing that they would either stop his
+advance altogether, or inflict much damage on the Macedonians while
+crossing the river; the king, fully understanding their tactics,
+ordered his light-armed troops to enter the river first and to cross it
+in close order, keeping to their regular companies, and with shields
+interlocked. His orders were obeyed: and as soon as the first company
+had effected the crossing, the Aetolian cavalry attacked it; but
+they could make no impression upon it, standing as it did in close
+order, and being joined in similar close order, shield to shield, by
+a second and a third company as they crossed. Therefore they wheeled
+off discomfited and retired to the city. From this time forth the
+proud gallantry of the Aetolians was fain to confine itself to the
+protection of the towns, and keep quiet; while Philip crossed with his
+army, and after wasting this district also without resistance, arrived
+at Ithoria. This is a position completely commanding the road, and of
+extraordinary strength, natural as well as artificial. On his approach,
+however, the garrison occupying the place abandoned it in a panic; and
+the king, taking possession, levelled it to the ground: and gave orders
+to his skirmishing parties to treat all forts in the district in the
+same way.
+
+[Sidenote: Paeanium.]
+
+[Sidenote: Fortifies Oeniadae.]
+
++65.+ Having thus passed the narrow part of the road, he proceeded
+at a slow and deliberate pace, giving his army time to collect booty
+from the country; and by the time he reached Oeniadae his army was
+richly provided with every kind of goods. But he resolved first to
+take Paeanium: and having pitched his camp under its walls, by a
+series of assaults carried the place by force,—a town not large in
+circumference, for that was less than seven stades, but second to none
+in the construction of its houses, walls, and towers. The wall of this
+town he levelled with its foundation, and, breaking down its houses,
+he packed their timbers and tiles with great care upon rafts, and sent
+them down the river to Oeniadae. At first the Aetolians resolved to
+hold the citadel in Oeniadae, which they had strengthened with walls
+and other fortifications; but upon Philip’s approach they evacuated it
+in a panic. The king therefore having taken this city also, advanced
+from it and encamped on a certain secure position in Calydonia, called
+Elaeus, which had been rendered extraordinarily strong with walls
+and other fortifications by Attalus, who undertook the work for the
+Aetolians. Having carried this also by assault, and plundered the whole
+of Calydonia, the Macedonians returned to Oeniadae. And observing the
+convenient position of this place for all purposes, and especially as
+providing a place of embarkation for the Peloponnese, Philip resolved
+to build a wall round the town. For Oeniadae lies on the sea-coast,
+at the juncture of the Acarnanian and Aetolian frontiers, just at the
+entrance of the Corinthian gulf; and the town faces the sea-coast of
+Dyme in the Peloponnesus, and is the nearest point to the promontory of
+Araxus in it; for the intervening sea is not more than a hundred stades
+across. Looking to these facts he fortified the citadel by itself;
+and, building a wall round the harbour and dockyards, was intending
+to connect them with the citadel, employing for the construction the
+materials brought from Paeanium.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip recalled to Macedonia by a threatened invasion of
+Dardani.]
+
+[Sidenote: Late summer of B.C. 219.]
+
++66.+ But whilst he was still engaged on this work, news was brought
+to the king that the Dardani, suspecting his intention of invading
+the Peloponnese, were collecting forces and making great preparations
+with the determination of invading Macedonia. When he heard this,
+Philip made up his mind that he was bound to go with all speed to the
+protection of Macedonia: and accordingly he dismissed the Achaean
+envoys with the answer, which he now gave them, that when he had taken
+effectual measures with regard to the circumstances that had just been
+announced to him, he would look upon it as his first business to bring
+them aid to the best of his ability. Thereupon he broke up his camp,
+and began his return march with all speed, by the same route as that by
+which he had come. When he was on the point of recrossing the Ambracian
+gulf from Acarnania into Epirus, Demetrius of Pharos presented himself,
+sailing with a single galley, having just been banished from Illyria by
+the Romans,—as I have stated in the previous book.[236] Philip received
+him with kindness and bade him sail to Corinth, and go thence through
+Thessaly to Macedonia; while he himself crossed into Epirus and pushed
+on without a halt. When he had reached Pella in Macedonia, the Dardani
+learnt from some Thracian deserters that he was in the country, and
+they at once in a panic broke up their army, though they were close to
+the Macedonian frontier. And Philip, being informed of their change of
+purpose, dismissed his Macedonian soldiers to gather in their harvest:
+while he himself went to Thessaly, and spent the rest of the summer at
+Larisa.
+
+[Sidenote: Contemporary events in Spain and Italy.]
+
+It was at this season that Aemilius celebrated a splendid triumph at
+Rome for his Illyrian victories; and Hannibal after the capture of
+Saguntum dismissed his troops into winter quarters; while the Romans,
+on hearing of the capture of Saguntum, were sending ambassadors to
+Carthage to demand the surrender of Hannibal, and at the same time were
+making preparations for the war after electing Publius Cornelius Scipio
+and Tiberius Sempronius Longus Consuls for the following year, as I
+have stated in detail in the previous book. My object in recalling the
+facts here is to carry out my original plan of showing what events in
+various parts of the world were contemporaneous.
+
+[Sidenote: Midsummer B.C. 217. Dorimachus Aetolian Strategus, Sept.
+B.C. 119.]
+
+[Sidenote: Destroys Dodona.]
+
++67.+ And so the first year of this Olympiad was drawing to a close.
+In Aetolia, the time of the elections having come round, Dorimachus
+was elected Strategus. He was no sooner invested with his office,
+than, summoning the Aetolian forces, he made an armed foray upon
+the highlands of Epirus, and began wasting the country with an even
+stronger passion for destruction than usual; for his object in
+everything he did was not so much to secure booty for himself, as
+to damage the Epirotes. And having come to Dodona[237] he burnt the
+colonnades, destroyed the sacred offerings, and even demolished the
+sacred building; so that we may say that the Aetolians had no regard
+for the laws of peace or war, but in the one as well as in the other,
+acted in defiance of the customs and principles of mankind. After
+those, and other similar achievements, Dorimachus returned home.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip starts again.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dec. B.C. 219.]
+
+But the winter being now considerably advanced, and all idea of the
+king coming being given up owing to the time of the year, Philip
+suddenly started from Larisa with an army of three thousand hoplites
+armed with brass shields, two thousand light-armed, three hundred
+Cretans, and four hundred horse of the royal guard; and having
+transported them into Euboea and thence to Cynos he came through
+Boeotia and the Megarid to Corinth, about the time of the winter
+solstice; having conducted his arrival with such promptitude and
+secrecy, that not a single Peloponnesian suspected it. He at once
+closed the gates of Corinth and secured the roads by guards; and on the
+very next day sent for Aratus the elder to come to him from Sicyon,
+and issued despatches to the Strategus of the Achaean league and the
+cities, in which he named a time and place for them all to meet him in
+arms. Having made these arrangements, he again started, and pitched his
+camp near the temple of the Dioscuri in Phliasia.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 218, Jan.-Feb. Destruction of a marauding army of
+Eleans under Euripidas.]
+
++68.+ Meanwhile Euripidas, with two companies of Eleans,—who combined
+with the pirates and mercenaries made up an army of two thousand two
+hundred men, besides a hundred horse,—started from Psophis and began
+marching by way of Pheneus and Stymphalus, knowing nothing about
+Philip’s arrival, with the purpose of wasting the territory of Sicyon.
+The very night in which it chanced that Philip had pitched his camp
+near the temple of the Dioscuri, he passed the royal quarters, and
+succeeded in entering the territory of Sicyon, about the time of the
+morning watch. But some Cretans of Philip’s army who had left their
+ranks, and were prowling about on the track of prey, fell into the
+hands of Euripidas, and being questioned by him informed him of the
+arrival of the Macedonians. Without saying a word of his discovery to
+any one, he at once caused his army to face about, and marched back
+by the same road as that by which he had come; with the intention and
+hope of getting through Stymphalia, and reaching the difficult ground
+beyond it, before the Macedonians could catch him. But the king knowing
+nothing at all about the proceedings of the enemy, at daybreak broke
+up his camp and began his advance in pursuance of his original plan,
+determining to march by way of Stymphalus itself to Caphyae: for it was
+at that town that he had written to the Achaeans to meet him.
+
+[Sidenote: The Eleans come across the Macedonians at the junction of
+the two roads above Stymphalus.]
+
++69.+ Now it happened that, just as the Macedonian advanced guard
+came to the top of the hill, near a place called Apelaurus, about
+ten stades before you come to Stymphalus, the advanced guard of
+the Eleans converged upon it also. Understanding from his previous
+information what had happened, Euripidas took some horsemen with him
+and avoided the danger by flight, making his way across country to
+Psophis. The rest of the Eleans being thus deserted by their leader,
+and panic-struck at what had happened, remained stationary on the
+road, not knowing what to do, or which way to turn. For at first their
+officers imagined that the troops they saw were some Achaeans come
+out to resist them. What favoured this mistake more than anything
+else were the brass shields of the hoplites: for they imagined that
+they were Megalopolitans, because the soldiers of that town had borne
+shields of that sort at the battle of Sellasia against Cleomenes, King
+Antigonus having furnished them for the occasion. Under this idea, they
+retired in good order to some rising ground, by no means despairing of
+getting off safely: but as soon as the Macedonians had advanced close
+up to them, grasping the true state of the case, they threw down their
+shields and fled. About twelve hundred of them were taken prisoners;
+but the rest perished utterly, some at the hands of the Macedonians,
+and others by falling down precipices: and finally not more than a
+hundred altogether escaped. Having despatched the spoils and the
+prisoners to Corinth, Philip continued his expedition. But a great
+impression was made upon the Peloponnesians: for they had not heard of
+the king’s arrival until they heard of his victory.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip advances to Psophis.]
+
+[Sidenote: A description of Psophis.]
+
++70.+ Continuing his march through Arcadia, and encountering heavy snow
+storms and much fatigue in the pass over Mount Oligyrtus, he arrived on
+the third day at Caphyae. There he rested his army for two days, and
+was joined by Aratus the younger, and the Achaean soldiers whom he had
+collected; so that, with an army now amounting to ten thousand men,
+he advanced by way of Clitoria towards Psophis, collecting missiles
+and scaling ladders from the towns through which he passed. Psophis is
+a place of acknowledged antiquity, and a colony of the Arcadian town
+of Azanis. Taking the Peloponnesus as a whole, it occupies a central
+position in the country; but in regard to Arcadia it is on its western
+frontier, and is close also to the western borderland of Achaia: its
+position also commands the territory of the Eleans, with whom at that
+time it was politically united. Philip reached this town on the third
+day after leaving Caphyae, and pitched his camp on some rising ground
+overhanging the city, from which he could in perfect security command
+a view both of the whole town and the country round it. But when the
+king saw the great strength of the place, he was at a loss what to do.
+Along the left side of it rushes a violent winter torrent, which for
+the greater part of the winter is impassable, and in any case renders
+the city secure and difficult of approach, owing to the size of the
+bed which its waters have worn out for themselves by slow degrees, in
+the course of ages, as it comes rushing down from the higher ground.
+On the east again there is a broad and rapid river, the Erymanthus,
+about which so many tales are told. This river is joined by the
+winter torrent at a point south of the town, which is thus defended
+on three sides by these streams; while the fourth, or northern, side
+is commanded by a hill, which has been fortified, and serves as a
+convenient and efficient citadel. The town has walls also of unusual
+size and construction; and besides all this, a reinforcement of Eleans
+happened to have just come in, and Euripidas himself was in the town
+after his escape from Stymphalus.
+
+[Sidenote: Capture of Psophis.]
+
++71.+ The sight of these things caused Philip much anxious thought.
+Sometimes he was for giving up his plan of attacking and besieging
+the place: at others the excellence of its situation made him eager
+to accomplish this. For just as it was then a source of danger to the
+Achaeans and Arcadians, and a safe place of arms for the Eleans; so
+would it on the other hand, if captured, become a source of safety
+to the Arcadians, and a most convenient base of operations for the
+allies against the Eleans. These considerations finally decided him to
+make the attempt: and he therefore issued orders to the Macedonians
+to get their breakfasts at daybreak, and be ready for service with
+all preparations completed. Everything being done as he ordered, the
+king led his army over the bridge across the Erymanthus; and no one
+having offered him resistance, owing to the unexpectedness of the
+movement, he arrived under the walls of the town in gallant style and
+with formidable show. Euripidas and the garrison were overpowered
+with astonishment; because they had felt certain that the enemy would
+not venture on an assault, or try to carry a town of such strength;
+and that a siege could not last long either, owing to the severity of
+the season. This calculation of chances made them begin to entertain
+suspicions of each other, from a misgiving that Philip must have
+established a secret intrigue with some persons in the town against
+it. But finding that nothing of the sort existed among themselves, the
+greater number hurried to the walls to defend them, while the mercenary
+Elean soldiers sallied out of a gate in the upper part of the town
+to attack the enemy. The king stationed his men who had ladders at
+three different spots, and divided the other Macedonians among these
+three parties; this being arranged, he gave the signal by the sound
+of trumpet, and began the assault on the walls at once. At first the
+garrison offered a spirited resistance and hurled many of the enemy
+from their ladders; but when the supply of weapons inside the town, as
+well as other necessary materials, began to run short,—as was to be
+expected from the hasty nature of the preparations for defence,—and the
+Macedonians showed no sign of terror, the next man filling up the place
+of each who was hurled from the scaling-ladder, the garrison at length
+turned to flight, and made their escape one and all into the citadel.
+In the king’s army the Macedonians then made good their footing on
+the wall, while the Cretans went against the party of mercenaries who
+had sallied from the upper gate, and forced them to throw away their
+shields and fly in disorder. Following the fugitives with slaughter,
+they forced their way along with them through the gate: so that the
+town was captured at all points at once. The Psophidians with their
+wives and children retreated into the citadel, and Euripidas with them,
+as well as all the soldiers who had escaped destruction.
+
+[Sidenote: Surrender of the citadel of Psophis.]
+
++72.+ Having thus carried the place, the Macedonians at once plundered
+all the furniture of the houses; and then, setting up their quarters
+in the houses, took regular possession of the town. But the people
+who had taken refuge in a body in the citadel, having no provisions
+with them, and well foreseeing what must happen, made up their minds
+to give themselves up to Philip. They accordingly sent a herald to
+the king; and having received a safe-conduct for an embassy, they
+despatched their magistrates and Euripidas with them on this mission,
+who made terms with the king by which the lives and liberties of all
+who were on the citadel, whether citizens or foreigners, were secured.
+The ambassadors then returned whence they came, carrying an order to
+the people to remain where they were until the army had marched out,
+for fear any of the soldiers should disobey orders and plunder them. A
+fall of snow however compelled the king to remain where he was for some
+days; in the course of which he summoned a meeting of such Achaeans
+as were in the army, and after pointing out to them the strength and
+excellent position of the town for the purposes of the present war,
+he spoke also of his own friendly disposition towards their nation:
+and ended by saying, “We hereby yield up and present this town to
+the Achaeans; for it is our purpose to show them all the favour in
+our power, and to omit nothing that may testify to our zeal.” After
+receiving the thanks of Aratus and the meeting, Philip dismissed the
+assembly, and getting his army in motion, marched towards Lasion. The
+Psophidians descending from the citadel received back the possession of
+the town, each man recovering his own house; while Euripidas departed
+to Corinth, and thence to Aetolia. Those of the Achaean magistrates who
+were present put Prolaus of Sicyon in command of the citadel, with an
+adequate garrison; and Pythias of Pallene in command of the town. Such
+was the end of the incident of Psophis.
+
+[Sidenote: Lasion and Stratus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Philip at Olympia.]
+
+[Sidenote: Prosperity of Elis.]
+
++73.+ But when the Elean garrison of Lasion heard of the coming of the
+Macedonians, and were informed of what had taken place at Psophis, they
+at once abandoned the town; so that upon his arrival the king took it
+immediately, and by way of enhancing his favours to the Achaeans handed
+Lasion also over to them; and in a similar spirit restored Stratus
+to the Telphusians, which was also evacuated by the Eleans. On the
+fifth day after settling these matters he arrived at Olympia. There he
+offered a sacrifice to Zeus and entertained his officers at a banquet;
+and, having given his army three days’ rest, commenced his return
+march. After advancing some way into Elis, he allowed foraging parties
+to scour the country while he himself lay encamped near Artemisium, as
+it is called; and after receiving the booty there, he removed to the
+Dioscurium.[238] In the course of this devastation of the country the
+number of the captives was indeed great, but a still greater number
+made their escape to the neighbouring villages and strongholds. For
+Elis is more populous, as well as more richly furnished with slaves
+and other property, than the rest of the Peloponnese: and some of the
+Eleans are so enamoured of a country life, that there are cases of
+families who, being in enjoyment of considerable wealth, have for two
+or three generations never entered a public law-court at all.[239]
+And this result is brought about by the great care and attention
+bestowed upon the agricultural class by the government, to see that
+their law-suits should be settled on the spot, and every necessary of
+life abundantly supplied them. To me it seems that they owed these
+laws and customs originally to the wide extent of their arable land,
+and still more to the fact that their lives were under the protection
+of religion; for, owing to the Olympic assembly, their territory
+was especially exempted by the Greeks from pillage; and they had
+accordingly been free from all injury and hostile invasion.
+
+[Sidenote: The ancient privileges of Elis lost.]
+
++74.+ But in the course of time, when the Arcadians advanced a claim
+for Lasion and the whole district of Pisa, being forced to defend
+their territory and change their habits of life, they no longer
+troubled themselves in the least about recovering from the Greeks
+their ancient and ancestral immunity from pillage, but were content to
+remain exactly as they were. This in my opinion was a short-sighted
+policy. For peace is a thing we all desire, and are willing to submit
+to anything to obtain: it is the only one of our so-called blessings
+that no one questions. If then there are people who, having the
+opportunity of obtaining it, with justice and honour, from the Greeks,
+without question and for perpetuity, neglect to do so, or regard other
+objects as of superior importance to it, must we not look upon them
+as undoubtedly blind to their true interests? But if it be objected
+that, by adopting such a mode of life, they would become easily open
+to attack and exposed to treachery: I answer that such an event would
+be rare, and if it did happen, would be a claim on the aid of united
+Greece; but that for minor injuries, having all the wealth which
+unbroken peace would be sure to bring them, they would never have
+been at a loss for foreign soldiers or mercenaries to protect them at
+certain places and times. As it is, from dread of what is occasional
+and unlikely, they involve their country and property in perpetual wars
+and losses.
+
+My object in thus speaking is to admonish the Eleans: for they have
+never had a more favourable time than the present to get back their
+ancient privilege of exemption from pillage, which is universally
+acknowledged to belong to them. Even now, some sparks, so to speak, of
+their old habit remaining, Elis is more thickly populated than other
+districts.
+
+[Sidenote: Capture of Thalamae.]
+
++75.+ And therefore during Philip’s occupation of the country the
+number of prisoners taken was immense; and the number of those who
+escaped by flight still greater. An enormous amount of movable
+property, and an enormous crowd of slaves and cattle, were collected at
+a place called Thalamae; which was selected for the purpose, because
+the approach to it was narrow and difficult, and the place itself
+was retired and not easy to enter. But when the king was informed
+of the number of those who had taken refuge in this place, resolved
+to leave nothing unattempted or incomplete, he occupied certain
+spots which commanded the approach to it, with his mercenaries:
+while leaving his baggage and main army in his entrenched camp, he
+himself led his peltasts and light-armed troops through the gorge,
+and, without meeting with any resistance, came directly under the
+fortress. The fugitives were panic-stricken at his approach: for
+they were utterly inexperienced in war and unprovided with means of
+defence,—a mere rabble hurriedly collected together; they therefore
+at once surrendered, and among them two hundred mercenary soldiers,
+of various nationalities, who had been brought there by Amphidamas
+the Elean Strategus. Having thus become master of an immense booty in
+goods, and of more than five thousand slaves, and having in addition
+to these driven off an incalculable number of cattle, Philip now
+returned to his camp; but finding his army overburdened with spoils of
+every description, and rendered by that means cumbrous and useless for
+service, he retraced his steps, and once more marched to Olympia.
+
+[Sidenote: Oppressive conduct of Apelles to the Achaeans.]
+
++76.+ But now a difficulty arose which was created by Apelles. Apelles
+was one of those who had been left by Antigonus as guardians of his
+son, and had, as it happened, more influence than any one else with
+the king. He conceived the wish to bring the Achaeans into the same
+position as the Thessalians; and adopted for that purpose a very
+offensive line of conduct. The Thessalians were supposed to enjoy
+their own constitution, and to have quite a different status to the
+Macedonians; but in fact they had exactly the same, and obeyed every
+order of the royal ministers. It was with the purpose of bringing about
+the same state of things, that this officer now set himself to test the
+subservience of the Achaean contingent. At first he confined himself
+to giving the Macedonian soldiers leave to eject Achaeans from their
+quarters, who on any occasion had taken possession of them first, as
+well as to wrest from them any booty they might have taken; but he
+afterwards treated them with actual violence, through the agency of
+his subordinates, on any trifling pretext; while such as complained of
+this treatment, or took the part of those who were being beaten, he
+personally arrested and put into confinement: being convinced that by
+this method he would gradually and imperceptibly bring them into the
+habit of submitting, without remonstrance, to any thing which the king
+might choose to inflict. And this opinion he deduced from his previous
+experience in the army of Antigonus, when he had seen the Achaeans
+willing to endure any hardship, on the one condition of escaping from
+the yoke of Cleomenes. However, certain young Achaeans held a meeting,
+and going to Aratus explained to him the policy which was being pursued
+by Apelles: whereupon Aratus at once went to Philip, feeling that a
+stand must be made on this point at once and without delay. He made his
+statement to the king; who, being informed of the facts, first of all
+encouraged the young men by a promise that nothing of the sort should
+happen to them again; and then commanded Apelles not to impose any
+orders upon the Achaeans without consulting their own Strategus.
+
+[Sidenote: Character of Philip V.]
+
++77.+ Philip, then, was acquiring a great reputation, not only among
+those actually in his army, but among the other Peloponnesians also,
+for his behaviour to the allies serving with him, as well as for his
+ability and courage in the field. Indeed it would not be easy to find a
+king endowed with more natural qualities requisite for the acquisition
+of power. He had in an eminent degree a quick understanding, a
+retentive memory, and a winning grace of manner, joined to a look of
+royal dignity and authority; and most important of all, ability and
+courage as a general. What neutralised all these excellent qualities,
+and made a cruel tyrant of a naturally well-disposed king, it is not
+easy to say in a few words: and therefore that inquiry must be reserved
+for a more suitable time than the present.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip continues his campaign.]
+
+Starting from Olympia by the road leading to Pharae, Philip came first
+to Telphusa, and thence to Heraea. There he had the booty sold by
+auction, and repaired the bridge over the Alpheus, with the view of
+passing over it to the invasion of Triphylia.
+
+[Sidenote: Arrival of Aetolian troops under Phillidas, B.C. 218.]
+
+[Sidenote: Triphylia.]
+
+Just at that time the Aetolian Strategus, Dorimachus, in answer to
+a request of the Eleans for protection against the devastation they
+were enduring, despatched six hundred Aetolians, under the command
+of Phillidas, to their aid. Having arrived in Elis, and taken over
+the Elean mercenaries, who were five hundred in number, as well as a
+thousand citizen soldiers and the Tarentine cavalry,[240] he marched to
+the relief of Triphylia. This district is so called from Triphylus, one
+of the sons of Arcas, and lies on the coast of the Peloponnese between
+Elis and Messenia, facing the Libyan Sea, and touching the south-west
+frontier of Arcadia. It contains the following towns, Samicum, Lepreum,
+Hypana, Typaneae, Pyrgos, Aepium, Bolax, Stylangium, Phrixa; all of
+which, shortly before this, the Eleans had conquered and annexed, as
+well as the city of Alipheira, which had originally been subject to
+Arcadia and Megalopolis, but had been exchanged with the Eleans, for
+some private object of his own, by Lydiadas when tyrant of Megalopolis.
+
++78.+ Phillidas, then, sent his Elean troops to Lepreum, and his
+mercenaries to Aliphera; while he himself went with the Aetolian troops
+to Typaneae, and waited to see what would happen. Meanwhile the king,
+having got rid of his heavy baggage, and crossed the bridge over the
+river Alpheus, which flows right under Heraea, came to Alipheira, which
+lies on a hill precipitous on every side, and the ascent of which is
+more than ten stades. The citadel is on the very summit of this hill,
+adorned with a colossal statue of Athene, of extraordinary size and
+beauty. The origin and purpose of this statue, and at whose expense it
+was set up, are doubtful questions even among the natives; for it has
+never been clearly discovered why or by whom it was dedicated: yet it
+is universally allowed that its skilful workmanship classes it among
+the most splendid and artistic productions of Hecatodorus[241] and
+Sostratus.
+
+[Sidenote: Capture of Alipheira.]
+
+The next morning being fine and bright, the king made his dispositions
+at daybreak. He placed parties of men with scaling ladders at several
+points, and supported each of them with bodies of mercenaries, and
+detachments of Macedonian hoplites, on the rear of these several
+parties. His orders being fulfilled with enthusiasm and a formidable
+display of power, the garrison of Alipheira were kept continually
+rushing and rallying to the particular spots to which they saw the
+Macedonians approaching: and while this was going on, the king himself
+took some picked men, and mounted unobserved over some steep hills up
+to the suburb of the citadel; and then, at a given signal, all at once
+put the scaling ladders to the walls and began attempting the town.
+The king was the first to take the suburb of the acropolis, which had
+been abandoned by the garrison; and when this was set on fire, those
+who were defending the town walls, foreseeing what must happen, and
+afraid that by the fall of the citadel they would be deprived of their
+last hope, abandoned the town walls, and fled into it: whereupon the
+Macedonians at once took the walls and the town. Subsequently the
+garrison on the citadel sent an embassy to Philip, who granted them
+their lives, and received possession of it also by formal surrender.
+
+[Sidenote: Typanae and Phigalia surrender to Philip.]
+
++79.+ These achievements of the king alarmed the whole people of
+Triphylia, and made them take counsel severally for the safety of
+themselves and their respective cities: while Phillidas left Typaneae,
+after plundering some of the houses there, and retired to Lepreum.
+This was the reward which the allies of the Aetolians at that time
+usually got: not only to be deserted at the hour of utmost need in the
+most barefaced way, but, by being plundered as well as betrayed, to
+suffer at the hands of their allies exactly what they had a right to
+expect from a victorious enemy. But the people of Typaneae surrendered
+their city to Philip; as also did the inhabitants of Hypana. And the
+people of Phigalia, hearing of what had taken place in Triphylia, and
+disliking the alliance with the Aetolians, rose in arms and seized
+the space round the Polemarchium.[242] The Aetolian pirates who were
+residing in this city, for the purpose of plundering Messene, were
+able at first to keep down and overawe the people; but when they saw
+that the whole town was mustering to the rescue, they desisted from
+the attempt. Having made terms with them, they took their baggage
+and evacuated the town; whereupon the inhabitants sent an embassy to
+Philip, and delivered themselves and their town into his hands.
+
+[Sidenote: Lepreum.]
+
+[Sidenote: Samicum,]
+
+[Sidenote: and other towns.]
+
++80.+ While these things were going on, the people of Lepreum, having
+seized a certain quarter of their town, demanded that the Elean,
+Aetolian, and Lacedaemonian garrisons (for a reinforcement had come
+from Sparta also) should all alike evacuate the citadel and city.
+At first Phillidas refused, and stayed on, hoping to overawe the
+citizens; but when the king, despatching Taurion with a guard of
+soldiers to Phigalia, advanced in person towards Lepreum, and was
+now close to the town, Phillidas lowered his tone, and the Lepreates
+were encouraged in their determination. It was indeed a glorious act
+of gallantry on their part. Though there was a garrison within their
+walls of a thousand Eleans, a thousand Aetolians with the pirates,
+five hundred mercenaries, and two hundred Lacedaemonians, and though
+too their citadel was in the occupation of these troops, yet they
+ventured to make a stand for the freedom of their native city, and
+would not give up hope of deliverance. Phillidas therefore, seeing
+that the Lepreates were prepared to offer a stout resistance, and that
+the Macedonians were approaching, evacuated the town with the Eleans
+and Lacedaemonians. The Cretans, who had been sent by the Spartans,
+made their way home through Messenia; but Phillidas departed for
+Samicum. The people of Lepreum, having thus got control of their own
+town, sent ambassadors to place it in the power of Philip. Hearing the
+news, Philip sent all his army, except the peltasts and light-armed
+troops, to Lepreum; and taking the latter with him, he made all the
+haste he could to catch Phillidas. He succeeded so far as to capture
+all his baggage; but Phillidas himself managed to outstrip him and
+throw himself into Samicum. The king therefore sat down before this
+place: and having sent for the rest of his army from Lepreum, made the
+garrison believe that he meant to besiege the town. But the Aetolians
+and Eleans within it, having nothing ready for sustaining a siege
+beyond their bare hands, alarmed at their situation, held a parley
+with Philip to secure their lives; and having obtained leave from
+him to march out with their arms, they departed into Elis. Thus the
+king became master of Samicum on the spot: and this was followed by
+deputations from other towns to him, with entreaties for protection;
+in virtue of which he took over Phrixa, Stylangium, Aepium, Bolax,
+Pyrgos, and Epitalium. Having settled these things, and reduced all
+Triphylia into his power in six days, he returned to Lepreum; and
+having addressed the necessary warnings to the Lepreates, and put a
+garrison into the citadel, he departed with his army towards Heraea,
+leaving Ladicus of Acarnania in command of Triphylia. When he arrived
+at Heraea, he made a distribution of all the booty; and taking up again
+his baggage from Heraea, arrived about the middle of the winter at
+Megalopolis.
+
+[Sidenote: Chilon tries to seize the crown of Sparta, B.C. 218.]
+
++81.+ While Philip was thus engaged in Triphylia, Chilon the
+Lacedaemonian, holding that the kingship belonged to him in virtue
+of birth, and annoyed at the neglect of his claims by the Ephors in
+selecting Lycurgus, determined to stir up a revolution: and believing
+that if he took the same course as Cleomenes had done, and gave the
+common people hopes of land allotments and redivision of property,
+the masses would quickly follow him, he addressed himself to carrying
+out this policy. Having therefore agreed with his friends on this
+subject, and got as many as two hundred people to join his conspiracy,
+he entered upon the execution of his project. But perceiving that the
+chief obstacles in the way of the accomplishment of his design were
+Lycurgus, and those Ephors who had invested him with the crown, he
+directed his first efforts against them. The Ephors he seized while at
+dinner, and put them all to death on the spot,—chance thus inflicting
+upon them the punishment they deserved: for whether we regard the
+person at whose hands, or the person for whose sake they were thus
+destroyed, we cannot but say that they richly merited their fate.
+
+After the successful accomplishment of this deed, Chilon went to the
+house of Lycurgus, whom he found at home, but failed to seize. Assisted
+by slaves and neighbours Lycurgus was smuggled out of the house, and
+effected a secret escape; and thence got away by a cross-country route
+to the town of Pellene in Tripolis. Thus baffled in the most important
+point of his enterprise, Chilon was greatly discouraged; but was forced
+all the same to go on with what he had begun. Accordingly he made
+a descent upon the market-place, and laid violent hands upon those
+opposed to him; tried to rouse his relations and friends; and declared
+to the rest of the people there what hopes of success he had. But when
+nobody seemed inclined to join him, but on the contrary a mob began to
+collect with threatening looks, he saw how it was, and found a secret
+way of leaving the town; and, making his way across Laconia, arrived
+in Achaia alone and an exile. But the Lacedaemonians who were in the
+territory of Megalopolis, terrified by the arrival of Philip, stowed
+away all the goods they had got from the country, and first demolished
+and then abandoned the Athenaeum.
+
+[Sidenote: Decline of Sparta.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 800(?)-B.C. 371.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 236-222.]
+
+The fact is that the Lacedaemonians enjoyed a most excellent
+constitution, and had a most extensive power, from the time of the
+legislation of Lycurgus to that of the battle of Leuctra. But after
+that event their fortune took an unfavourable turn; and their political
+state continued ever growing worse and worse, until they finally
+suffered from a long succession of internal struggles and partisan
+warfare; were repeatedly agitated by schemes for the redivision of
+lands and the banishment of one party or another; and were subjected to
+the severest possible slavery, culminating in the tyrannical government
+of Nabis: though the word “tyrant” was one which they had in old times
+scarcely endured to hear mentioned. However, the ancient history of
+Sparta as well as the great part of it since, has been recorded by
+many in terms of eulogy or the reverse; but the part of that history
+which admits of the least controversy is that which followed the entire
+destruction of the ancient constitution by Cleomenes;[243] and that
+shall be narrated by me in the order of events as they occur.
+
+[Sidenote: Apelles opposes Aratus, Jan.-May, B.C. 218.]
+
+[Sidenote: May, B.C. 218.]
+
+[Sidenote: Election of Eperatus as Achaean Strategus.]
+
++82.+ Meanwhile Philip left Megalopolis, and marching by way of Tegea
+arrived at Argos, and there spent the rest of the winter, having gained
+in this campaign an admiration beyond his years for his general conduct
+and his brilliant achievements. But, in spite of all that had happened,
+Apelles was by no means inclined to desist from the policy on which he
+had entered; but was resolved little by little to bring the Achaeans
+under the yoke. He saw that the most determined opponents of his
+scheme were the elder and younger Aratus; and that Philip was inclined
+to listen to them, and especially to the elder, both on account of
+his former intimacy with Antigonus, and his pre-eminent influence in
+Achaia, and, most of all, because of his readiness of resource and
+practical ability: he therefore determined to devote his attention to
+them, and enter upon the intrigue against them which I shall proceed to
+describe. He sought out in the several cities all such as were opposed
+to Aratus, and invited them to visit him: and having got them into his
+hands he tried all he could to win their affections, encouraged them to
+look upon him as a friend, and introduced them to Philip. To the king
+he was always pointing out that, if he listened to Aratus, he would
+have to treat the Achaeans according to the letter of the treaty of
+alliance; but that, if he would listen to him, and take men like those
+which he had introduced to him into favour, he would have the whole of
+the Peloponnese at his own unfettered disposal. But what he was most
+anxious about was the election; being desirous to secure the office
+of Strategus for one of this party, and to oust Aratus in accordance
+with his settled plan. With this purpose, he persuaded Philip to be at
+Aegium at the time of the Achaean election, on the pretext of being on
+his way to Elis. The king’s consent to this enabled Apelles himself
+to be there at the right time; and though he found great difficulty,
+in spite of entreaties and threats, in carrying his point; yet he did
+eventually succeed in getting Eperatus of Pharae elected Strategus, and
+Timoxenus, the candidate proposed by Aratus, rejected.
+
+[Sidenote: Capture of the Wall, and expedition into Elis.]
+
++83.+ This over, the king departed by way of Patrae and Dyme, and
+arrived with his army before the fortress called the Wall, which is
+situated on the frontier of the territory of Dyme, and had a short
+time before, as I mentioned above,[244] been occupied by Euripidas.
+The king, being anxious at all hazards to recover this place for the
+Dymaeans, encamped under its walls with his full force: and thereupon
+the Elean garrison in alarm surrendered the place to Philip, which,
+though not large, had been fortified with extraordinary care. For
+though the circumference of its walls was not more than a stade and a
+half, its height was nowhere less than thirty cubits. Having handed the
+place over to the Dymaeans, Philip continued his advance, plundering
+the territory of Elis: and when he had thoroughly devastated it, and
+acquired a large booty, he returned with his army to Dyme.
+
+[Sidenote: The intrigue of Apelles.]
+
++84.+ Meanwhile Apelles, thinking that, by the election of the Achaean
+Strategus through his influence, he had partly succeeded in his policy,
+began once more attacking Aratus, with the view of entirely detaching
+Philip from his friendship: and he accordingly determined to make up
+an accusation against him grounded on the following circumstance: When
+Amphidamus, the Elean Strategus, had been, with the other refugees,
+made prisoner at Thalamae, and had been brought among other captives to
+Olympia, he made earnest efforts by the agency of certain individuals
+to be allowed an interview with the king. This favour having been
+accorded him, he made a statement to the effect that it was in his
+power to bring over the Eleans to the king’s side, and induce them to
+enter into alliance with him. Philip believed him; and accordingly
+dismissed Amphidamus without ransom, with instructions to promise the
+Eleans, that, if they would join the king, he would restore their
+captive citizens without ransom, and would himself secure their
+territory safely from all outside attacks: and besides this would
+maintain them in freedom, without impost or foreign garrison, and in
+enjoyment of their several constitutions.
+
+But the Eleans refused to listen to the proposal, although the offer
+was thought attractive and substantial. Apelles therefore used this
+circumstance to found the false accusation which he now brought before
+Philip, alleging that Aratus was not a loyal friend to the Macedonians,
+nor sincere in his feelings towards them: “He was responsible for this
+alienation of the Eleans; for when the king despatched Amphidamus from
+Olympia into Elis, Aratus took him aside and talked to him, asserting
+that it was by no means to the interest of the Peloponnesians that
+Philip should become supreme in Elis: and this was the reason of the
+Eleans despising the king’s offers, and clinging to the friendship of
+the Aetolians, and persisting in war against the Macedonians.”
+
+[Sidenote: The king investigates the charge against Aratus.]
+
++85.+ Regarding the matter as important, the first step the king took
+was to summon the elder and younger Aratus, and order Apelles to repeat
+these assertions in their presence: which he thereupon did in a bold
+and threatening tone. And upon the king still not saying a word, he
+added: “Since his Majesty finds you, Aratus, so ungrateful and so
+exceedingly adverse to his interests, he is determined to summon a
+meeting of the Achaeans, and, after making a statement of his reasons,
+forthwith to return to Macedonia.” Aratus the elder answered him with a
+general exhortation to Philip, never to give a hasty or inconsiderate
+credit to any thing which might be alleged before him against his
+friends and allies: but when any such allegation were made, to test
+its truth before accepting it; for that was the conduct which became
+a king, and was in every way to his interest. Wherefore he said, “I
+claim that you should, in the present instance of these accusations of
+Apelles, summon those who heard my words; and openly produce the man
+that informed Apelles of them, and omit no means of ascertaining the
+real truth, before making any statement in regard to these matters to
+the Achaeans.”
+
+[Sidenote: Aratus is cleared.]
+
++86.+ The king approved of this speech, and said that he would not
+neglect the matter, but would thoroughly investigate it. And so for
+the present the audience was dissolved. But during the following days,
+while Apelles failed to bring any proof of his allegations, Aratus was
+favoured by the following combination of circumstances. While Philip
+was laying waste their territory, the Eleans, suspecting Amphidamus of
+treachery, determined to arrest him and send him in chains to Aetolia.
+But getting intelligence of their purpose, he escaped first to Olympia;
+and there, hearing that Philip was at Dyme engaged in the division
+of his spoils, he followed him to that town in great haste. When
+Aratus heard that Amphidamus had been driven from Elis and was come to
+Dyme, he was delighted, because his conscience was quite clear in the
+matter; and going to the king demanded that he should summon Amphidamus
+to his presence; on the ground that the man to whom the words were
+alleged to have been spoken would best know about the accusations,
+and would declare the truth; for he had become an exile from his home
+from Philip’s sake, and had now no hope of safety except in him.
+These arguments satisfied the king, who thereupon sent for Amphidamus
+and ascertained that the accusation was false. The result was that
+from that day forward his liking and respect for Aratus continually
+increased, while he began to regard Apelles with suspicion; though
+being still under the influence of his old ascendency, he was compelled
+to connive at many of his actions.
+
++87.+ Apelles however by no means abandoned his policy. He began
+undermining the position of Taurion also, who had been placed in
+command of the Peloponnese by Antigonus, not indeed openly attacking
+him, but rather praising his character, and asserting that he was a
+proper person to be with the king on a campaign; his object being
+to get some one else appointed to conduct the government of the
+Peloponnese. This was indeed a novel method of defamation,—to damage
+one’s neighbours, not by attacking, but by praising their characters;
+and this method of wreaking one’s malice, envy, and treachery may be
+regarded as primarily and specially the invention of the jealousy and
+selfish ambition of courtiers. In the same spirit he began making
+covert attacks upon Alexander, the captain of the bodyguard, whenever
+he got an opportunity; being bent on reconstituting by his own
+authority even the personal attendants of the king, and on making a
+clean sweep of all arrangements left existing by Antigonus. For as in
+his life Antigonus had managed his kingdom and his son with wisdom, so
+at his death he made wise provisions for every department of the State.
+For in his will he explained to the Macedonians the nature of these
+arrangements; and also gave definite instructions for the future, how
+and by whom each of these arrangements was to be carried out: being
+desirous of leaving no vantage-ground to the courtiers for mutual
+rivalry and strife. Among these arrangements was one selecting Apelles
+from among his companions in arms to be one of the guardians of his
+son; Leontius to command the peltasts; Megaleas to be chief secretary;
+Taurion to be governor of the Peloponnese; and Alexander to be captain
+of the bodyguard. Apelles had already got Leontius and Megaleas
+completely under his influence: and he was now desirous to remove
+Alexander and Taurion from their offices, and so to control these, as
+well as all other departments of the government, by the agency of his
+own friends. And he would have easily succeeded in doing so, had he not
+raised up an opponent in the person of Aratus. As it was, he quickly
+reaped the fruits of his own blind selfishness and ambition; for
+that which he purposed inflicting on his neighbours he had to endure
+himself, and that within a very brief space. How and by what means this
+was brought about, I must forbear to tell for the present, and must
+bring this book to an end: but in subsequent parts of my work I will
+endeavour to make every detail of these transactions clear.
+
+For the present, after concluding the business which I have described,
+Philip returned to Argos, and there spent the rest of the winter season
+with his friends, while he sent back his forces to Macedonia.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK V
+
+
+[Sidenote: May, B.C. 218.]
+
++1.+ The year of office as Strategus of the younger Aratus had now
+come to an end with the rising of the Pleiades; for that was the
+arrangement of time then observed by the Achaeans.[245] Accordingly he
+laid down his office and was succeeded in the command of the Achaeans
+by Eperatus; Dorimachus being still Strategus of the Aetolians.
+
+It was at the beginning of this summer that Hannibal entered upon
+open war with Rome; started from New Carthage; and crossing the Iber,
+definitely began his expedition and march into Italy; while the Romans
+despatched Tiberius Sempronius to Libya with an army, and Publius
+Cornelius to Iberia.
+
+This year, too, Antiochus and Ptolemy, abandoning diplomacy, and the
+support of their mutual claims upon Coele-Syria by negotiation, began
+actual war with each other.
+
+[Sidenote: Recognition of Philip’s services by the assembly of the
+Achaean league.]
+
+As for Philip, being in need of corn and money for his army, he
+summoned the Achaeans to a general assembly by means of their
+magistrates. When the assembly had met, according to the federal law,
+at Aegium,[246] the king saw that Aratus and his son were indisposed
+to act for him, because of the intrigues against them in the matter of
+the election, which had been carried on by Apelles; and that Eperatus
+was naturally inefficient, and an object of general contempt. These
+facts convinced the king of the folly of Apelles and Leontius, and
+he once more decided to stand by Aratus. He therefore persuaded the
+magistrates to transfer the assembly to Sicyon; and there inviting both
+the elder and younger Aratus to an interview, he laid the blame of
+all that had happened upon Apelles, and urged them to maintain their
+original policy. Receiving a ready consent from them, he then entered
+the Achaean assembly, and being energetically supported by these two
+statesmen, earned all the measures that he desired. For the Achaeans
+passed a vote decreeing “that five hundred talents should be paid to
+the king at once for his last campaign, that three months’ pay should
+be given to his army, and ten thousand medimni of corn; and that, for
+the future, so long as the king should remain in the Peloponnese as
+their ally in the war, he should receive seventeen talents a month from
+the Achaeans.
+
+[Sidenote: The king prepares to carry on the war by sea.]
+
++2.+ Having passed this decree, the Achaeans dispersed to their various
+cities. And now the king’s forces mustered again from their winter
+quarters; and after deliberations with his friends, Philip decided to
+transfer the war to the sea. For he had become convinced that it was
+only by so doing that he would himself be able to surprise the enemy
+at all points at once, and would best deprive them of the opportunity
+of coming to each others' relief; as they were widely scattered, and
+each would be in alarm for their own safety, because the approach of
+an enemy by sea is so silent and rapid. For he was at war with three
+separate nations,—Aetolians, Lacedaemonians, and Eleans.
+
+Having arrived at this decision, he ordered the ships of the Achaeans
+as well as his own to muster at Lechaeum; and there he made continual
+experiments in practising the soldiers of the phalanx to the use of
+the oar. The Macedonians answered to his instructions with ready
+enthusiasm: for they are in fact the most gallant soldiers on the field
+of battle, the promptest to undertake service at sea if need be, and
+the most laborious workers at digging trenches, making palisades, and
+all such engineering work, in the world: just such as Hesiod describes
+the Aeacidae to be
+
+   “Joying in war as in a feast.”
+
+[Sidenote: Fresh intrigue of Apelles.]
+
+[Sidenote: Philip starts on his naval expedition, B.C. 218.]
+
+The king, then, and the main body of the Macedonian army, remained in
+Corinth, busied with these practisings and preparations for taking
+the sea. But Apelles, being neither able to retain an ascendency over
+Philip, nor to submit to the loss of influence which resulted from
+this disregard, entered into a conspiracy with Leontius and Megaleas,
+by which it was agreed that these two men should stay on the spot and
+damage the king’s service by deliberate neglect; while he went to
+Chalcis, and contrived that no supplies should be brought the king from
+thence for the promotion of his designs. Having made this arrangement
+and mischievous stipulation with these two men, Apelles set out for
+Chalcis, having found some false pretexts to satisfy the king as to
+his departure. And while protracting his stay there, he carried out
+his sworn agreement with such determination, that, as all men obeyed
+him because of this former credit, the king was at last reduced by
+want of money to pawn some of the silver-plate used at his own table,
+to carry on his affairs. However, when the ships were all collected,
+and the Macedonian soldiers already well trained to the oar; the king,
+giving out rations of corn and pay to the army, put to sea, and arrived
+at Patrae on the second day, with six thousand Macedonians and twelve
+hundred mercenaries.
+
+[Sidenote: The siege of Palus.]
+
++3.+ Just at that time the Aetolian Strategus Dorimachus sent Agelaus
+and Scopas with five hundred Neo-Cretans[247] into Elis; while the
+Eleans, in fear of Philip’s attempting the siege of Cyllene, were
+collecting mercenaries, preparing their own citizens, and carefully
+strengthening the defences of Cyllene. When Philip saw what was
+going on, he stationed a force at Dyme, consisting of the Achaean
+mercenaries, some of the Cretans serving with him, and some of the
+Gallic horse, together with two thousand picked Achaean infantry.
+These he left there as a reserve, as well as an advance guard to
+prevent the danger of an attack from Elis; while he himself, having
+first written to the Acarnanians and Scerdilaidas, that each of their
+towns should man such vessels as they had and meet him at Cephallenia,
+put to sea from Patrae at the time arranged, and arrived off Pronni
+in Cephallenia. But when he saw that this fortress was difficult to
+besiege, and its position a contracted one, he coasted past it with
+his fleet and came to anchor at Palus. Finding that the country there
+was full of corn and capable of supporting an army, he disembarked
+his troops and encamped close to the city: and having beached his
+ships close together, secured them with a trench and palisade, and
+sent out his Macedonian soldiers to forage. He himself made a personal
+inspection of the town, to see how he could bring his siege-works and
+artillery to bear upon the wall. He wished to be able to use the place
+as a rendezvous for his allies; but he was also desirous of taking it:
+first, because he would thereby deprive the Aetolians of their most
+useful support,—for it was by means of Cephallenian ships that they
+made their descents upon the Peloponnese, and ravaged the seaboards of
+Epirus and Acarnania,—and, secondly, that he might secure for himself
+and his allies a convenient base of operations against the enemy’s
+territory. For Cephallenia lies exactly opposite the Corinthian Gulf,
+in the direction of the Sicilian Sea, and commands the north-western
+district of the Peloponnese, and especially Elis; as well as the
+south-western parts of Epirus, Aetolia, and Acarnania.
+
++4.+ The excellent position, therefore, of the island, both as a
+rendezvous for the allies and as a base of attack against the hostile,
+or of defence for the friendly, territory, made the king very anxious
+to get it into his power. His survey of the town showed him that it
+was entirely defended by the sea and steep hills, except for a short
+distance in the direction of Zacynthus, where the ground was flat; and
+he accordingly resolved to erect his works and concentrate his attack
+at that spot.
+
+[Sidenote: Arrival of the allies at Palus.]
+
+[Sidenote: The walls are undermined and a breach made. Leontius plays
+the traitor.]
+
+While the king was engaged in these operations fifty galleys arrived
+from Scerdilaidas, who had been prevented from sending more by the
+plots and civil broils throughout Illyria, caused by the despots of
+the various cities. There arrived also the appointed contingents of
+allies from Epirus, Acarnania, and even Messenia; for the Messenians
+had ceased to excuse themselves from taking part in the war ever since
+the capture of Phigalia. Having now made his arrangements for the
+siege, and having got his catapults and ballistae in position to annoy
+the defenders on the walls, the king harangued his Macedonian troops,
+and, bringing his siege-machines up to the walls, began under their
+protection to sink mines. The Macedonians worked with such enthusiastic
+eagerness that in a short time two hundred feet of the wall were
+undermined and underpinned: and the king then approached the walls and
+invited the citizens to come to terms. Upon their refusal, he set fire
+to the props, and thus brought down the whole part of the wall that
+rested upon them simultaneously. Into this breach he first sent his
+peltasts under the command of Leontius, divided into cohorts, and with
+orders to force their way over the ruin. But Leontius, in fulfilment of
+his compact with Apelles, three times running prevented the soldiers,
+even after they had carried the breach, from effecting the capture of
+the town. He had corrupted beforehand the most important officers of
+the several cohorts; and he himself deliberately affected fear, and
+shrunk from every service of danger; and finally they were ejected from
+the town with considerable loss, although they could have mastered the
+enemy with ease. When the king saw that the officers were behaving with
+cowardice, and that a considerable number of the Macedonian soldiers
+were wounded, he abandoned the siege, and deliberated with his friends
+on the next step to be taken.
+
+[Sidenote: Ambassadors from Acarnania urge Philip to invade Aetolia;
+others from Messenia beg him to come there.]
+
+[Sidenote: Philip decides on the invasion of Aetolia.]
+
++5.+ Meanwhile Lycurgus had invaded Messenia; and Dorimachus had
+started for Thessaly with half the Aetolian army,—both with the
+idea that they would thus draw off Philip from the siege of Palus.
+Presently ambassadors arrived at the court to make representations on
+these subjects from Acarnania and Messenia: the former urging Philip
+to prevent Dorimachus’s invasion of Macedonia by himself invading
+Aetolia, and traversing and plundering the whole country while there
+was no one to resist him; the latter begged him to come to their
+assistance, representing that in the existing state of the Etesian
+winds the passage from Cephallenia to Messenia could be effected
+in a single day, whereby, so Gorgus of Messenia and his colleagues
+argued, a sudden and effective attack would be made upon Lycurgus.
+In pursuance of his policy Leontius eagerly supported Gorgus, seeing
+that by this means Philip would absolutely waste the summer. For it
+was easy enough to sail to Messenia; but to sail back again, while
+the Etesian winds prevailed, was impossible. It was plain therefore
+that Philip would get shut up in Messenia with his army, and remain
+inactive for what remained of the summer; while the Aetolians would
+traverse Thessaly and Epirus and plunder them at their pleasure. Such
+was the insidious nature of the advice given by Gorgus and Leontius.
+But Aratus, who was present, advocated an exactly opposite policy,
+urging the king to sail to Aetolia and devote himself to that part of
+the campaign: for as the Aetolians had gone on an expedition across
+the frontier under Dorimachus, it was a most excellent opportunity
+for invading and plundering Aetolia. The king had begun to entertain
+distrust of Leontius since his exhibition of cowardice in the siege;
+and had detected his dishonesty in the course of the discussions held
+about Palus: he therefore decided to act in the present instance in
+accordance with the opinion of Aratus. Accordingly he wrote to the
+Achaean Strategus Eperatus, bidding him take the Achaean levies, and
+go to the aid of the Messenians; while he himself put to sea from
+Cephallenia, and arrived at night after a two days’ voyage at Leucas:
+and having managed by proper contrivances to get his ships through the
+channel of Dioryctus,[248] he sailed up the Ambracian Gulf, which, as
+I have already stated,[249] stretches from the Sicilian Sea a long
+distance into the interior of Aetolia. Having made the whole length of
+this gulf, and anchored a short time before daybreak at Limnaea, he
+ordered his men to get their breakfast, and leaving the greater part of
+their baggage behind them, to make themselves ready in light equipment
+for a march; while he himself collected the guides, and made careful
+inquiries of them about the country and neighbouring towns.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip is joined by the Acarnanians, and marches to the
+Achelous.]
+
++6.+ Before they started, Aristophanes the Acarnanian Strategus arrived
+with the full levy of his people. For having in former times suffered
+many severe injuries at the hands of the Aetolians, they were now
+inspired with a fierce determination to be revenged upon them and
+damage them in every possible way: they gladly therefore seized this
+opportunity of getting the help of the Macedonians; and the men who now
+appeared in arms were not confined to those forced by law to serve, but
+were in some cases past the military age. The Epirotes were quite as
+eager to join, and for the same motives; but owing to the wide extent
+of their country, and the suddenness of the Macedonian arrival, they
+had not been able to muster their forces in time. As to the Aetolians,
+Dorimachus had taken half their army with him, as I have said, while
+the the other half he had left at home, thinking that it would be an
+adequate reserve to defend the towns and district against unforeseen
+contingencies. The king, leaving a sufficient guard for his baggage,
+started from Limnaea in the evening, and after a march of sixty stades
+pitched his camp: but, having dined and given his men a short rest,
+he started again; and marching right through the night, arrived just
+as the day was breaking at the river Achelous, between the towns of
+Stratus and Conope, being anxious that his entrance into the district
+of Thermus should be sudden and unexpected.
+
+[Sidenote: Leontius tries to hinder the march.]
+
++7.+ Leontius saw that it was likely that the king would attain his
+object, and the Aetolians be unable to resist him, for the double
+reason of the speed and unexpectedness of the Macedonian attack, and
+of his having gone to Thermus; for the Aetolians would never suppose
+him likely to venture to expose himself so rashly, seeing the strongly
+fortified nature of the country, and would therefore be sure to be
+caught off their guard and wholly unprepared for the danger. Clinging
+still to his purpose, therefore, he advised the king to encamp on the
+Achelous, and rest his army after their night’s march; being anxious
+to give the Aetolians a short respite to make preparations for their
+defence. But Aratus, seeing clearly that the opportunity for action was
+fleeting, and that Leontius was plainly trying to hinder their success,
+conjured Philip not to let slip the opportunity by delaying.
+
+[Sidenote: The king crosses the Achelous and advances against Thermus.]
+
+The king was now thoroughly annoyed with Leontius: and accepting the
+advice of Aratus, continued his march without interruption; and, after
+crossing the Achelous, advanced rapidly upon Thermus, plundering and
+devastating the country as he went, and marching so as to keep Stratus,
+Agrinium, and Thestia on his left, Conope, Lysimachia, Trichonium, and
+Phytaeum on his right. Arrived at the town of Metapa, which is on the
+borders of the Trichonian Lake, and close to the narrow pass along
+it, about sixty stades from Thermus, he found it abandoned by the
+Aetolians, and occupied it with a detachment of five hundred men, with
+a view of its serving as a fortress to secure both ends of the pass:
+for the whole shore of the lake is mountainous and rugged, closely
+fringed with forest, and therefore affording but a narrow and difficult
+path. He now arranged his order of march, putting the mercenaries in
+the van, next them the Illyrians, and then the peltasts and the men of
+the phalanx, and thus advanced through the pass; his rear protected
+by the Cretans: while the Thracians and light-armed troops took a
+different line of country, parallel to his own, and kept up with him on
+his right: his left being secured by the lake for nearly thirty stades.
+
+[Sidenote: The plundering of Thermus.]
+
++8.+ At the end of this distance he arrived at the village of Pamphia;
+and having, as in the case of Panapa, secured it by a guard, he
+continued his advance towards Thermus: the road now being not only
+steep and exceedingly rough, but with deep precipices also on either
+side, so as to make the path in places very dangerous and narrow; and
+the whole ascent being nearly thirty stades. But having accomplished
+this also in a short time, thanks to the energy with which the
+Macedonians conducted the march, he arrived late in the day at Thermus.
+There he pitched a camp, and allowed his men to go off plundering the
+neighbouring villages and scouring the plain of Thermus, as well as
+to sack the dwelling-houses in Thermus itself, which were full, not
+only of corn and such like provisions, but of all the most valuable
+property which the Aetolians possessed. For as the annual fair and most
+famous games, as well as the elections, were held there, everybody
+kept their most costly possessions in store at Thermus, to enable
+them to entertain their friends, and to celebrate the festivals with
+proper magnificence. But besides this occasion for the employment
+of their property, they expected to find the most complete security
+for it there, because no enemy had ever yet ventured to penetrate to
+that place; while its natural strength was so great as to serve as an
+acropolis to the whole of Aetolia. The place therefore having been
+in the enjoyment of peace from time immemorial, not only were the
+buildings immediately round the temple filled with a great variety of
+property, but the homesteads on the outskirts also. For that night the
+army bivouacked on the spot laden with booty of every description; but
+the next morning they selected the most valuable and portable part of
+it, and making the rest into a heap in front of their tents, set fire
+to it. So also in regard to the dedicated arms which were hanging up
+in the porticoes,—those of them which were valuable they took down and
+carried off, some they exchanged for their own, while the rest they
+collected together and burnt. The number of these was more than fifteen
+thousand.
+
+[Sidenote: Sacrilege committed at Thermus. Was it justifiable?]
+
++9.+ Up to this point everything was right and fair by the laws of
+war; but I do not know how to characterise their next proceedings. For
+remembering what the Aetolians had done at Dium[250] and Dodona,[251]
+they burnt the colonnades, and destroyed what were left of the
+dedicated offerings, some of which were of costly material, and had
+been elaborated with great skill and expense. And they were not
+content with destroying the roofs of these buildings with fire, they
+levelled them to their foundations; and threw down all the statues,
+which numbered no less than two thousand; and many of them they broke
+to pieces, sparing only those that were inscribed with the names or
+figures of gods. Such they did abstain from injuring. On the walls
+also they wrote the celebrated line composed by Samus, the son of
+Chrysogonus, a foster-brother of the king, whose genius was then
+beginning to manifest itself. The line was this—
+
+   “Seest thou the path the bolt divine has sped?”
+
+And in fact the king and his staff were fully convinced that, in
+thus acting, they were obeying the dictates of right and justice,
+by retaliating upon the Aetolians with the same impious outrages as
+they had themselves committed at Dium.[252] But I am clearly of an
+opposite opinion. And the readiest argument, to prove the correctness
+of my view, may be drawn from the history of this same royal family of
+Macedonia.
+
+For when Antigonus, by his victory in a pitched battle over Cleomenes
+the King of the Lacedaemonians, had become master of Sparta, and had
+it absolutely in his own power to treat the town and its citizens as
+he chose, he was so far from doing any injury to those who had thus
+fallen into his hands, that he did not return to his own country until
+he had bestowed upon the Lacedaemonians, collectively and individually,
+some benefits of the utmost importance. The consequence was that he
+was honoured at the time with the title of “Benefactor,” and after his
+death with that of “Preserver”; and not only among the Lacedaemonians,
+but among the Greeks generally, has obtained undying honour and
+glory.[253]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 338.]
+
++10.+ Take again the case of Philip, the founder of the family
+splendour, and the first of the race to establish the greatness of the
+kingdom. The success which he obtained, after his victory over the
+Athenians at Chaeronea, was not due so much to his superiority in arms,
+as to his justice and humanity. His victory in the field gave him the
+mastery only over those immediately engaged against him; while his
+equity and moderation secured his hold upon the entire Athenian people
+and their city. For he did not allow his measures to be dictated by
+vindictive passion; but laid aside his arms and warlike measures, as
+soon as he found himself in a position to display the mildness of his
+temper and the uprightness of his motives. With this view he dismissed
+his Athenian prisoners without ransom, and took measures for the burial
+of those who had fallen, and, by the agency of Antipater, caused their
+bones to be conveyed home; and presented most of those whom he released
+with suits of clothes. And thus, at small expense, his prudence gained
+him a most important advantage. The pride of the Athenians was not
+proof against such magnanimity; and they became his zealous supporters,
+instead of antagonists, in all his schemes.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 335.]
+
+[Sidenote: The subsequent decline in Philip’s character.]
+
+Again in the case of Alexander the Great. He was so enraged with the
+Thebans that he sold all the inhabitants of the town into slavery, and
+levelled the city itself with the ground; yet in making its capture he
+was careful not to outrage religion, and took the utmost precautions
+against even involuntary damage being done to the temples, or any part
+of their sacred enclosures. Once more, when he crossed into Asia, to
+avenge on the Persians the impious outrages which they had inflicted
+on the Greeks, he did his best to exact the full penalty from men,
+but refrained from injuring places dedicated to the gods; though it
+was in precisely such that the injuries of the Persians in Greece had
+been most conspicuous. These were the precedents which Philip should
+have called to mind on this occasion; and so have shown himself the
+successor and heir of these men,—not so much of their power, as of
+their principles and magnanimity. But throughout his life he was
+exceedingly anxious to establish his relationship to Alexander and
+Philip, and yet took not the least pains to imitate them. The result
+was that, as he advanced in years, as his conduct differed from theirs,
+so his general reputation came to be different also.
+
++11.+ The present affair was an instance of this. He imagined
+that he was doing nothing wrong in giving the rein to his anger,
+and retaliating upon the impious acts of the Aetolians by similar
+impieties, and “curing ill by ill”; and while he was always reproaching
+Scopas and Dorimachus with depravity and abandoned wickedness, on
+the grounds of their acts of impiety at Dodona and Dium, he imagined
+that, while emulating their crimes, he would leave quite a different
+impression of his character in the minds of those to whom he spoke.
+But the fact is, that whereas the taking and demolishing an enemy’s
+forts, harbours, cities, men, ships and crops, and other such things,
+by which our enemy is weakened, and our own interests and tactics
+supported, are necessary acts according to the laws and rights of war;
+to deface temples, statues, and such like erections in pure wantonness,
+and without any prospect of strengthening oneself or weakening the
+enemy, must be regarded as an act of blind passion and insanity. For
+the purpose with which good men wage war is not the destruction and
+annihilation of the wrongdoers, but the reformation and alteration of
+the wrongful acts. Nor is it their object to involve the innocent in
+the destruction of the guilty, but rather to see that those who are
+held to be guilty should share in the preservation and elevation of
+the guiltless. It is the act of a tyrant to inflict injury, and so to
+maintain his power over unwilling subjects by terror,—hated, and hating
+those under him: but it is the glory of a king to secure, by doing good
+to all, that he should rule over willing subjects, whose love he has
+earned by humanity and beneficence.
+
+[Sidenote: The error of such sacrilege as a matter of policy.]
+
+But the best way of appreciating the gravity of Philip’s mistake is
+to put before our eyes the idea which the Aetolians would probably
+have conceived of him, had he acted in an opposite way, and destroyed
+neither colonnades nor statutes, nor done injury to any of the sacred
+offerings. For my part I think it would have been one of the greatest
+goodness and humanity. For they would have had on their consciences
+their own acts at Dium and Dodona; and would have seen unmistakably
+that, whereas Philip was absolutely master of the situation, and could
+do what he chose, and would have been held fully justified as far as
+their deserts went in taking the severest measures, yet deliberately,
+from mere gentleness and magnanimity, he refused to copy their conduct
+in any respect.
+
++12.+ Clearly these considerations would most probably have led them
+to condemn themselves, and to view Philip with respect and admiration
+for his kingly and high minded qualities, shown by his respect for
+religion and by the moderation of his anger against themselves. For in
+truth to conquer one’s enemies in integrity and equity is not of less,
+but of greater, practical advantage than victories in the field. In the
+one case the defeated party yields under compulsion; in the other with
+cheerful assent. In the one case the victor effects his reformation at
+the cost of great losses; in the other he recalls the erring to better
+courses without any damage to himself. But above all, in the one case
+the chief credit of the victory belongs to the soldiers, in the other
+it falls wholly and solely to the part of the leaders.
+
+[Sidenote: The blame chiefly belongs to Demetrius of Pharos.]
+
+Perhaps, however, one ought not to lay all the blame for what was
+done on that occasion on Philip, taking his age into consideration;
+but chiefly on his friends, who were in attendance upon him and
+co-operating with him, among whom were Aratus and Demetrius of Pharos.
+In regard to them it would not be difficult to assert, even without
+being there, from which of the two a counsel of this sort proceeded.
+For apart from the general principles animating the whole course of
+his life, in which nothing savouring of rashness and want of judgment
+can be alleged of Aratus, while the exact contrary may be said of
+Demetrius, we have an undisputed instance of the principles actuating
+both the one and the other in analogous circumstances, on which I shall
+speak in its proper place.
+
+[Sidenote: The return of Philip from Thermus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Matape.]
+
+[Sidenote: Acrae.]
+
+[Sidenote: Stratus.]
+
++13.+ To return then to Philip. Taking with him as much booty living
+and dead as he could, he started from Thermus, returning by the same
+road as that by which he had come; putting the booty and heavy-armed
+infantry in the van, and reserving the Acarnanians and mercenaries
+to bring up the rear. He was in great haste to get through the
+difficult passes, because he expected that the Aetolians, relying
+on the security of their strongholds, would harass his rear. And
+this in fact promptly took place: for a body of Aetolians, that had
+collected to the number of nearly three thousand for the defence of
+the country, under the command of Alexander of Trichonium, hovered
+about, concealing themselves in certain secret hiding-places, and not
+venturing to approach as long as Philip was on the high ground; but as
+soon as he got his rear-guard in motion they promptly threw themselves
+into Thermus and began harassing the hindermost of the enemy’s column.
+The rear being thus thrown into confusion, the attacks and charges of
+the Aetolians became more and more furious, encouraged by the nature
+of the ground. But Philip had foreseen this danger, and had provided
+for it, by stationing his Illyrians and his best peltasts under cover
+of a certain hill on the descent. These men suddenly fell upon the
+advanced bodies of the enemy as they were charging; whereupon the rest
+of the Aetolian army fled in headlong haste over a wild and trackless
+country, with a loss of a hundred and thirty killed, and about the
+same number taken prisoners. This success relieved his rear; which,
+after burning Pamphium, accomplished the passage of the narrow gorge
+with rapidity and safety, and effected a junction with the Macedonians
+near Matape, at which place Philip had pitched a camp and was waiting
+for his rear-guard to come up. Next day, after levelling Metape to
+the ground, he advanced to the city called Acrae; next day to Conope,
+ravaging the country as he passed, and there encamped for the night.
+On the next he marched along the Achelous as far as Stratus; there he
+crossed the river, and, having halted his men out of range, endeavoured
+to tempt the garrison outside the walls; for he had been informed that
+two thousand Aetolian infantry and about four hundred horse, with five
+hundred Cretans, had collected into Stratus. But when no one ventured
+out, he renewed his march, and ordered his van to advance towards
+Limnaea and the ships.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip victorious in a skirmish with the garrison of
+Stratus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Arrival at Limnaea.]
+
++14.+ But no sooner had his rear passed the town than, first, a small
+body of Aetolian cavalry sallied out and began harassing the hindmost
+men; and then, the whole of the Cretans and some Aetolian troops having
+joined their cavalry, the conflict became more severe, and the rear of
+Philip’s army were forced to face about and engage the enemy. At first
+the conflict was undecided; but on Philip’s mercenaries being supported
+by the arrival of the Illyrians, the Aetolian cavalry and mercenaries
+gave way and fled in disorder. The royal troops pursued most of them
+to the entrance of the gates, or up to the walls, and killed about a
+hundred of them. After this skirmish the garrison remained inactive,
+and the rear of the royal army reached the camp and the ships in safety.
+
+Philip pitched his camp early in the day, and proceeded to make a thank
+offering to the gods for the successful issue of his undertaking; and
+to invite the officers to a banquet, at which it was his intention to
+entertain them all. His view was that he had ventured upon a dangerous
+country, and such as no one had ever ventured to enter with an army
+before; while he had not only entered it with an army, but had returned
+in safety, after accomplishing all that he had intended. But while he
+was thus intent on entertaining his officers in great elation of mind,
+Megaleas and Leontius were nursing feelings of great annoyance at the
+success of the king. They had arranged with Apelles to hamper all his
+plans, but had been unable to do so; and now saw everything turning out
+exactly contrary to their views.
+
+[Sidenote: Megaleas and Leontius betray their chagrin at the king’s
+success.]
+
+[Sidenote: They assault Aratus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Megaleas and Crinon held to bail.]
+
++15.+ Still they came to the banquet, where they from the first excited
+the suspicions of the king and the rest of the company, by showing
+less joy at the events than the others present. But as the drinking
+went on, and grew less and less moderate, being forced to do just as
+the others did, they soon showed themselves in their true colours.
+For as soon as the company broke up, losing control over themselves
+under the influence of wine, they roamed about looking for Aratus;
+and having fallen in with him on his way home, they first attacked
+him with abusive language, and then threw stones at him; and a number
+of people coming to the assistance of both parties, there was a noise
+and disturbance in the camp. But the king hearing the noise sent some
+officers to ascertain the cause, and to put an end to the disturbance.
+On their coming upon the scene, Aratus stated what had occurred, called
+those present to witness the truth of his words, and retired to his own
+tent; but Leontius by some unexplained means slipped away in the crowd.
+When informed of what had taken place, the king sent for Megaleas and
+Crinon and rebuked them sharply: and when they not only expressed no
+submission, but actually retorted with a declaration that they would
+never desist until they had paid Aratus out, the king, enraged at their
+words, at once required them to give security for the payment of a fine
+of twenty talents, and ordered them to be placed under arrest.
+
+[Sidenote: Arrival at Leucas. Megaleas fined twenty talents.]
+
++16.+ Next morning, too, he sent for Aratus and bade him have no
+fears, for that he would see that the business was properly settled.
+When Leontius learned what had happened to Megaleas, he came to the
+king’s tent with some peltasts, believing that, owing to his youth,
+he should overawe the king, and quickly induce him to repent of his
+purpose. Coming into the royal presence he demanded who had ventured
+to lay hands on Megaleas, and lead him to confinement? But when the
+king answered with firmness that he had given the order, Leontius was
+dismayed; and, with an exclamation of indignant sorrow, departed in
+high wrath.
+
+Immediately after getting the fleet across the gulf, and anchoring
+at Leucas, the king first gave orders to the officers appointed to
+distribute the spoils to carry out that business with all despatch; and
+then summoned his friends to council, and tried the case of Megaleas.
+In his speech as accuser Aratus went over the crimes of Leontius
+and his party from beginning to end; detailed the massacre in Argos
+perpetrated by them after the departure of Antigonus; their arrangement
+made with Apelles; and finally their contrivance to prevent success at
+Palus. Of all these accusations he gave distinct proof, and brought
+forward witnesses: and Megaleas and Crinon being entirely unable to
+refute any of them, were unanimously condemned by the king’s friends.
+Crinon remained under arrest, but Leontius went bail for the payment of
+the Megaleas’s fine. Thus the intrigue of Apelles and Leontius turned
+out quite contrary to their original hopes: for they had expected, by
+terrifying Aratus and isolating Philip, to do whatever seemed to suit
+their interests; whereas the result had been exactly the reverse.
+
+[Sidenote: Lycurgus of Sparta attacks Tegea.]
+
++17.+ About the same time Lycurgus returned from Messenia without
+having accomplished anything of importance. Afterwards he started again
+and seized Tegea. The inhabitants having retreated into the citadel,
+he determined to besiege it; but finding himself unable to make any
+impression upon it he returned once more to Sparta.
+
+[Sidenote: Elis.]
+
+The Eleans after overrunning Dymaea, gained an easy victory over some
+cavalry that had come out to resist them, by decoying them into an
+ambush. They killed a considerable number of the Gallic mercenaries,
+and among the natives whom they took prisoners were Polymedes of
+Aegium, and Agesipolis, and Diocles of Dyme.
+
+[Sidenote: Dorimachus recalled from Thessaly by Philip’s invasion of
+Aetolia.]
+
+Dorimachus had made his expedition originally, as I have already
+mentioned, under the conviction that he would be able to devastate
+Thessaly without danger to himself, and would force Philip to raise the
+siege of Palus. But when he found Chrysogonus and Petraeus ready in
+Thessaly to engage him, he did not venture to descend into the plain,
+but kept close upon the skirts of the mountains; and when news reached
+him of the Macedonian invasion of Aetolia, he abandoned his attempt
+upon Thessaly, and hurried home to resist the invaders, whom he found
+however already departed from Aetolia: and so was too late for the
+campaign at all points.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip arrives at Corinth.]
+
+Meanwhile the king set sail from Leucas; and after ravaging the
+territory of Oeanthe as he coasted along, arrived with his whole fleet
+at Corinth, and dropping anchor in the harbour of Lechaeum, disembarked
+his troops, and sent his letter-bearers to the allied cities in the
+Peloponnese, naming a day on which he wished all to be at Tegea by
+bedtime.
+
+[Sidenote: Tegea.]
+
+[Sidenote: Amyclae and Sparta.]
+
+[Sidenote: Dismay at Sparta.]
+
++18.+ Then, without making any stay in Corinth, he gave the Macedonians
+marching orders; and came at the end of a two days’ march by way of
+Argos to Tegea. There he took on the Achaean troops that had assembled,
+and advanced by the mountain road, being very desirous to effect an
+entrance into the territory of the Lacedaemonians before they became
+aware of it. Thus after a circuitous route through an uninhabited
+district he came out upon the hills facing the town, and continued his
+advance right upon Amyclae, keeping the Menelaïum on his right. The
+Lacedaemonians were dismayed and terrified at seeing from the town the
+army passing along the hills, and wondered what was happening. For
+they were still in a state of excitement at the news of Philip which
+had arrived,—his destruction of Thermus, and his whole campaign in
+Aetolia; and there was even some talk among them of sending Lycurgus
+to the assistance of the Aetolians. But no one had so much as thought
+of danger coming so quickly to their own gates from such a distance,
+especially as the youth of the king still gave room for a certain
+feeling of contempt. The event therefore being totally contrary to
+their expectations, they were naturally in a state of great dismay.
+For the courage and energy beyond his years, with which Philip acted,
+reduced all his enemies to a state of the utmost difficulty and terror.
+For setting out, as I have shown, from the centre of Aetolia, and
+crossing the Ambracian gulf by night, he passed over to Leucas; and
+after a two days’ halt there, on the third he renewed his voyage before
+daybreak, and after a two days' sail, during which he ravaged the
+seaboard of the Aetolians, he dropped anchor in Lechaeum; thence, after
+seven days' continuous march, he arrived on the heights above Sparta in
+the neighbourhood of the Menelaïum,—a feat which most of those even who
+saw it done could scarcely believe.
+
+[Sidenote: Helos.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gythium.]
+
+[Sidenote: Carnium.]
+
++19.+ While the Lacedaemonians were thus thoroughly terrified at the
+unexpected danger, and at a loss what to do to meet it, Philip encamped
+on the first day at Amyclae: a place in Laconia about twenty stades
+from Lacedaemon, exceedingly rich in forest and corn, and containing a
+temple of Apollo, which is about the most splendid of all the temples
+in Laconia, situated in that quarter of the city which slopes down
+towards the sea. Next day the king descended to a place called the Camp
+of Pyrrhus,[254] wasting the country as he went. After devastating
+the neighbouring districts for the two following days, he encamped
+near Carnium; thence he started for Asine, and after some fruitless
+assaults upon it, he started again, and thenceforth devoted himself
+to plundering all the country bordering on the Cretan Sea as far as
+Taenarum. Then, once more changing the direction of his march, he
+advanced to Gythium, the naval arsenal of Sparta, which possesses a
+safe harbour, and is about thirty stades from the city. Then leaving
+this on the right, he pitched his camp in the territory of Helos,
+which of all the districts of Laconia is the most extensive and most
+beautiful. Thence he sent out foraging parties and wasted the country
+with fire and sword, and destroyed the crops in it: pushing his
+devastation as far as Acriae and Leucae, and even to the district of
+Boeae.
+
+[Sidenote: Abortive attempt of the Messenians to join Philip.]
+
+[Sidenote: Lycurgus resolves to intercept Philip on his return at the
+pass opposite Sparta.]
+
++20.+ On the receipt of the despatch from Philip commanding the
+levy, the Messenians were no less forward than the other allies to
+undertake it. They showed indeed great zeal in making the expedition,
+sending out the flower of their troops, two thousand infantry and two
+hundred cavalry. Owing, however, to their distance from the seat of
+war, they arrived at Tegea after Philip had left, and at first were
+at a loss what to do; but being very anxious not to appear lukewarm
+in the campaign, because of the suspicions which had attached to them
+before, they pressed forward through Argolis into Laconia, with a view
+of effecting a junction with Philip; and having reached a fort called
+Glympes, which is situated on the frontiers of Argolis and Laconia,
+they encamped there in an unskilful and careless manner: for they
+neither entrenched themselves with ditch nor rampart, nor selected an
+advantageous spot; but trusting to the friendly disposition of the
+natives, bivouacked there unsuspiciously outside the walls of the
+fortress. But on news being brought to Lycurgus of the arrival of the
+Messenians, he took his mercenaries and some Lacedaemonians with him,
+and reaching the place before daybreak, boldly attacked the camp. Ill
+advised as the proceedings of the Messenians had been, and especially
+in advancing from Tegea with inadequate numbers and without the
+direction of experts, in the actual hour of danger, when the enemy was
+upon them, they did all that circumstances admitted of to secure their
+safety. For as soon as they saw the enemy appearing they abandoned
+everything and took refuge within the fort. Accordingly, though
+Lycurgus captured most of the horses and the baggage, he did not take
+a single prisoner, and only succeeded in killing eight of the cavalry.
+After this reverse, the Messenians returned home through Argolis: but
+elated with success Lycurgus went to Sparta, and set about preparations
+for war; and took secret counsel with his friends to prevent Philip
+from getting safe out of the country without an engagement. Meanwhile
+the king had started from the district of Helos, and was on his return
+march, wasting the country as he came; and on the fourth day, about
+noon, arrived once more with his whole army at Amyclae.
+
++21.+ Leaving directions with his officers and friends as to the coming
+engagement, Lycurgus himself left Sparta and occupied the ground
+near the Menelaïum, with as many as two thousand men. He agreed with
+the officers in the town that they should watch carefully, in order
+that, whenever he raised the signal, they might lead out their troops
+from the town at several points at once, and draw them up facing the
+Eurotas, at the spot where it is nearest the town. Such were the
+measures and designs of Lycurgus and the Lacedaemonians.
+
+[Sidenote: Value of local knowledge.]
+
+But lest ignorance of the locality should render my story
+unintelligible and vague, I must describe its natural features and
+general position: following my practice throughout this work of drawing
+out the analogies and likenesses between places which are unknown and
+those already known and described. For seeing that in war, whether
+by sea or land, it is the difference of position which generally is
+the cause of failure; and since I wish all to know, not so much what
+happened, as how it happened, I must not pass over local description in
+detailing events of any sort, least of all in such as relate to war:
+and I must not shrink from using as landmarks, at one time harbours and
+seas and islands, at another temples, mountains, or local names; or,
+finally, variations in the aspect of the heaven, these being of the
+most universal application throughout the world. For it is thus, and
+thus only, that it is possible, as I have said, to bring my readers to
+a conception of an unknown scene.
+
+[Sidenote: The position of Sparta and the neighbouring heights.]
+
+[Sidenote: The dispositions of Lycurgus.]
+
++22.+ These then are the features of the country in question. Sparta,
+as a whole, is in the shape of a circle; and is situated on level
+ground, broken at certain points by irregularities and hills. The river
+Eurotas flows past it on the east, and for the greater part of the year
+is too large to be forded; and the hills on which the Menelaïum stands
+are on the other side of the river, to the south-east of the town,
+rugged and difficult of access and exceedingly lofty; they exactly
+command the space between the town and the Eurotas, which flows at the
+very foot of the hill, the whole valley being at this point no more
+than a stade and a half wide. Through this Philip was obliged to pass
+on his return march, with the city, and the Lacedaemonians ready and
+drawn up for battle, on his left hand, and on his right the river, and
+the division of Lycurgus posted upon the hills. In addition to these
+arrangements the Lacedaemonians had had recourse to the following
+device: They had dammed up the river above the town, and turned the
+stream upon the space between the town and the hills; with the result
+that the ground became so wet that men could not keep their feet, to
+say nothing of horses. The only course, therefore, left to the king was
+to lead his men close under the skirts of the hills, thus presenting to
+the attack of the enemy a long line of march, in which it was difficult
+for one part to relieve another.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip succeeds in baffling Lycurgus.]
+
+Philip perceived these difficulties, and after consultation with
+his friends decided that the matter of most urgent necessity was to
+dislodge the division of Lycurgus, first of all, from the position
+near the Menelaïum. He took therefore his mercenaries, peltasts, and
+Illyrians, and advanced across the river in the direction of the hills.
+Perceiving Philip’s design, Lycurgus began getting his men ready, and
+exhorted them to face the battle, and at the same time displayed the
+signal to the forces in the town: whereupon those whose duty it was
+immediately led out the troops from the town, as had been arranged, and
+drew them up outside the wall, with the cavalry on their right wing.
+
++23.+ When he had got within distance of Lycurgus, Philip at first
+ordered the mercenaries to charge alone: and, accordingly, their
+superiority in arms and position contributed not a little to give the
+Lacedaemonians the upper hand at the beginning of the engagement. But
+when Philip supported his men by sending his reserve of peltasts on to
+the field, and caused the Illyrians to charge the enemy on the flanks,
+the king’s mercenaries were encouraged by the appearance of these
+reserves to renew the battle with much more vigour than ever; while
+Lycurgus’s men, terrified at the approach of the heavy-armed soldiers,
+gave way and fled, leaving a hundred killed and rather more prisoners,
+while the rest escaped into the town. Lycurgus himself, with a few
+followers going by a deserted and pathless route, made his way into the
+town under cover of night. Philip secured the hills by means of the
+Illyrians; and, accompanied by his light-armed troops and peltasts,
+rejoined his main forces. Just at the same time Aratus, leading the
+phalanx from Amyclae, had come close to the town. So the king, after
+recrossing the Eurotas, halted with his light-armed peltasts and
+cavalry until the heavy-armed got safely through the narrow part of the
+road at the foot of the hills. Then the troops in the city ventured to
+attack the covering force of cavalry. There was a serious engagement,
+in which the peltasts fought with conspicuous valour; and the success
+of Philip being now beyond dispute, he chased the Lacedaemonians to
+their very gates, and then, having got his army safely across the
+Eurotas he brought up the rear of his phalanx.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip’s strong position.]
+
+[Sidenote: Sellasia, B.C. 222.]
+
+[Sidenote: Philip proceeds to Tegea, where he is visited by ambassadors
+from Rhodes and Chios seeking to end the Aetolian war.]
+
++24.+ But it was now getting late: and being obliged to encamp, he
+availed himself for that purpose of a place at the very mouth of the
+pass, his officers having chanced already to have selected that very
+place; than which it would be impossible to find one more advantageous
+for making an invasion of Laconia by way of Sparta itself. For it is
+at the very commencement of this pass, just where a man coming from
+Tegea, or, indeed, from any point in the interior, approaches Sparta;
+being about two stades from the town and right upon the river. The
+side of it which looks towards the town and river is entirely covered
+by a steep, lofty, and entirely inaccessible rock; while the top of
+this rock is a table-land of good soil and well supplied with water,
+and very conveniently situated for the exit and entrance of troops.
+A general, therefore, who was encamped there, and who had command of
+the height overhanging it, would evidently be in a place of safety as
+regards the neighbouring town, and in a most advantageous situation as
+commanding the entrance and exit of the narrow pass. Having accordingly
+encamped himself on this spot in safety, next day Philip sent forward
+his baggage; but drew out his army on the table-land in full view of
+the citizens, and remained thus for a short time. Then he wheeled to
+the left and marched in the direction of Tegea; and when he reached
+the site of the battle of Antigonus and Cleomenes, he encamped there.
+Next day, having made an inspection of the ground and sacrificed to
+the gods on both the eminences, Olympus and Evas, he advanced with his
+rear-guard strengthened. On arriving at Tegea he caused all the booty
+to be sold; and then, marching through Argos, arrived with his whole
+force at Corinth. There ambassadors appeared from Rhodes and Chios to
+negotiate a suspension of hostilities; to whom the king gave audience,
+and feigning that he was, and always had been, quite ready to come to
+terms with the Aetolians, sent them away to negotiate with the latter
+also; while he himself went down to Lechaeum, and made preparations
+for an embarkation, as he had an important undertaking to complete in
+Phocis.
+
+[Sidenote: Treason of Megaleas and Ptolemy.]
+
++25.+ Leontius, Megaleas, and Ptolemy, being still persuaded that they
+could frighten Philip, and thus neutralise their former failures,
+took this opportunity of tampering with the peltasts, and what the
+Macedonians call the _Agema_,[255] by suggesting to them that they were
+risking their all, and getting none of their just rights, nor receiving
+the booty which, according to custom, properly fell to their share. By
+these words they incited the young men to collect together, and attempt
+to plunder the tents of the most prominent of the king’s friends,
+and to pull down the doors, and break through the roof of the royal
+headquarters.
+
+The whole city being thereby in a state of confusion and uproar, the
+king heard of it and immediately came hastily running to the town
+from Lechaeum; and having summoned the Macedonians to the theatre he
+addressed them in terms of mingled exhortation and rebuke for what had
+happened. A scene of great uproar and confusion followed: and while
+some advised him to arrest and call to account the guilty, others
+to come to terms and declare an indemnity, for the moment the king
+dissembled his feelings, and pretended to be satisfied; and so with
+some words of exhortation addressed to all, retired: and though he
+knew quite well who were the ringleaders in the disturbance, he made a
+politic pretence of not doing so.
+
+[Sidenote: Apelles sent for by Leontius.]
+
+[Sidenote: Apelles rebuffed by the king.]
+
+[Sidenote: Courtiers.]
+
++26.+ After this outbreak the king’s schemes in Phocis met with
+certain impediments which prevented their present execution. Meanwhile
+Leontius, despairing of success by his own efforts, had recourse to
+Apelles, urging him by frequent messages to come from Chalcis, and
+setting forth his own difficulties and the awkwardness of his position
+owing to his quarrel with the king. Now Apelles had been acting in
+Chalcis with an unwarrantable assumption of authority. He gave out
+that the king was still a mere boy, and for the most part under his
+control, and without independent power over anything; the management
+of affairs and the supreme authority in the kingdom he asserted to
+belong to himself. Accordingly, the magistrates and commissioners of
+Macedonia and Thessaly reported to him; and the cities in Greece in
+their decrees and votes of honours and rewards made brief reference to
+the king, while Apelles was all in all to them. Philip had been kept
+informed of this, and had for some time past been feeling annoyed and
+offended at it,—Aratus being at his side, and using skilful means to
+further his own views; still he kept his own counsel, and did not let
+any one see what he intended to do, or what he had in his mind. In
+ignorance, therefore, of his own position, and persuaded that, if he
+could only come into Philip’s presence, he would manage everything as
+he chose, Apelles set out from Chalcis to the assistance of Leontius.
+On his arrival at Corinth, Leontius, Ptolemy and Megaleas, being
+commanders of the peltasts and the other chief divisions of the army,
+took great pains to incite the young men to go to meet him. He entered
+the town, therefore, with great pomp, owing to the number of officers
+and soldiers who went to meet him, and proceeded straight to the royal
+quarters. But when he would have entered, according to his former
+custom, one of the ushers prevented him, saying that the king was
+engaged. Troubled at this unusual repulse, and hesitating for a long
+while what to do, Apelles at last turned round and retired. Thereupon
+all those who were escorting him began at once openly to fall off from
+him and disperse, so that at last he entered his own lodging, with
+his children, absolutely alone. So true it is all the world over that
+a moment exalts and abases us; but most especially is this true of
+courtiers. They indeed are exactly like counters on a board, which,
+according to the pleasure of the calculator, are one moment worth a
+farthing, the next a talent. Even so courtiers at the king’s nod are
+one moment at the summit of prosperity, at another the objects of
+pity. When Megaleas saw that the help he had looked for from Apelles
+was failing him, he was exceedingly frightened, and made preparations
+for flight. Apelles meanwhile was admitted to the king’s banquets
+and honours of that sort, but had no share in his council or daily
+social employments; and when, some days afterwards, the king resumed
+his voyage from Lechaeum, to complete his designs in Phocis, he took
+Apelles with him.
+
+[Sidenote: Flight of Megaleas.]
+
+[Sidenote: Leontius put to death.]
+
++27.+ The expedition to Phocis proving a failure, the king was retiring
+from Elatea; and while this was going on, Megaleas removed to Athens,
+leaving Leontius behind him as his security for his twenty talents
+fine. The Athenian Strategi however refused to admit him, and he
+therefore resumed his journey and went to Thebes. Meanwhile the king
+put to sea from the coast of Cirrha and sailed with his guards[256]
+to the harbour of Sicyon, whence he went up to the city and, excusing
+himself to the magistrates, took up his quarters with Aratus, and
+spent the whole of his time with him, ordering Apelles to sail back
+to Corinth. But upon news being brought him of the proceedings of
+Megaleas, he despatched the peltasts, whose regular commander was
+Leontius, in the charge of Taurion to Triphylia, on the pretext of some
+service of pressing need; and, when they had departed, he gave orders
+to arrest Leontius to answer his bail. When the peltasts heard what had
+happened from a messenger sent to them by Leontius, they despatched
+ambassadors to the king, begging him that, “if he had arrested Leontius
+on any other score, not to have him tried on the charges alleged
+against him without their presence: for otherwise they should consider
+themselves treated with signal contempt, and to be one and all involved
+in the condemnation.” Such was the freedom of speech towards their king
+which the Macedonians always enjoyed. They added, that “if the arrest
+was on account of his bail for Megaleas, they would themselves pay the
+money by a common subscription.” The king however was so enraged, that
+he put Leontius to death sooner than he had intended, owing to the zeal
+displayed by the peltasts.
+
+[Sidenote: A thirty days' truce offered by the Aetolians through the
+Rhodian and Chian ambassadors.]
+
+[Sidenote: Treason of Megaleas detected. His arrest and suicide.]
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Appelles.]
+
++28.+ Presently the ambassadors of Rhodes and Chios returned from
+Aetolia. They had agreed to a truce of thirty days, and asserted that
+the Aetolians were ready to make peace: they had also arranged for
+a stated day on which they claimed that Philip should meet them at
+Rhium; undertaking that the Aetolians would be ready to do anything on
+condition of making peace. Philip accepted the truce and wrote letters
+to the allies, bidding them send assessors and commissioners to discuss
+the terms with the Aetolians; while he himself sailed from Lechaeum and
+arrived on the second day at Patrae. Just then certain letters were
+sent to him from Phocis, which Megaleas had written to the Aetolians,
+exhorting them not to be frightened, but to persist in the war, because
+Philip was in extremities through a lack of provisions. Besides this
+the letters contained some offensive and bitter abuse of the king. As
+soon as he had read these, the king feeling no doubt that Apelles was
+the ringleader of the mischief, placed him under a guard and despatched
+him in all haste to Corinth, with his son and favourite boy; while
+he sent Alexander to Thebes to arrest Megaleas, with orders to bring
+him before the magistrates to answer to his bail. When Alexander had
+fulfilled his commission, Megaleas, not daring to await the issue,
+committed suicide: and about the same time Apelles, his son and
+favourite boy, ended their lives also. Such was the end of these men,
+thoroughly deserved in every way, and especially for their outrageous
+conduct to Aratus.
+
+[Sidenote: Failure of the negotiations with the Aetolians.]
+
++29.+ Now the Aetolians were at first very anxious for the ratification
+of a peace, because they found the war burdensome, and because things
+had not gone as they expected. For, looking to his tender years and
+lack of experience, they had expected to have a mere child to deal with
+in Philip; but had found him a full-grown man both in his designs and
+his manner of executing them: while they had themselves made a display
+of imbecility and childishness alike in the general conduct, and the
+particular actions, of the campaign. But as soon as they heard of the
+outbreak of the disturbance among the peltasts, and of the deaths of
+Apelles and Leontius, hoping that there was a serious and formidable
+disaffection at the court, they procrastinated until they had outstayed
+the day appointed for the meeting at Rhium. But Philip was delighted
+to seize the pretext: for he felt confident of success in the war,
+and had already resolved to avoid coming to terms. He therefore at
+once exhorted such of the allies as had come to meet him to make
+preparations, not for the peace, but for war; and putting to sea again
+sailed back to Corinth. He then dismissed his Macedonian soldiers to go
+home through Thessaly for the winter: while he himself putting to sea
+from Cenchreae, and coasting along Attica, sailed through the Euripus
+to Demetrias, and there before a jury of Macedonians had Ptolemy tried
+and put to death, who was the last survivor of the conspiracy of
+Leontius.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 218. Review of the events of the year in Italy, Asia,
+Sparta.]
+
+It was in this season that Hannibal, having succeeded in entering
+Italy, was lying encamped in presence of the Roman army in the
+valley of the Padus. Antiochus, after subduing the greater part of
+Coele-Syria, had once more dismissed his army into winter quarters.
+The Spartan king Lycurgus fled to Aetolia in fear of the Ephors: for
+acting on a false charge that he was meditating a _coup d'état_, they
+had collected the young men and come to his house at night. But getting
+previous intimation of what was impending, he had quitted the town
+accompanied by the members of his household.
+
+[Sidenote: Winter of B.C. 218-217.]
+
+[Sidenote: Disorder in Achaia owing to the incompetence of the
+Strategus Eperatus.]
+
+[Sidenote: May, B.C. 217. Aratus the elder elected Strategus.]
+
++30.+ When the next winter came, Philip having departed to Macedonia,
+and the Achaean Strategus Eperatus having incurred the contempt of the
+Achaean soldiers and the complete disregard of the mercenaries, no one
+would obey his orders, and no preparation was made for the defence of
+the country. This was observed by Pyrrhias, who had been sent by the
+Aetolians to command the Eleans. He had under him a force of thirteen
+hundred Aetolians, and the mercenaries hired by the Eleans, as well as
+a thousand Elean infantry and two hundred Elean cavalry, amounting in
+all to three thousand: and he now began committing frequent raids, not
+only upon the territories of Dyme and Pharae, but upon that of Patrae
+also. Finally he pitched his camp on what is called the Panachaean
+Mountain, which commands the town of Patrae, and began wasting the
+whole district towards Rhium and Aegium. The result was that the
+cities, being exposed to much suffering, and unable to obtain any
+assistance, began to make difficulties about paying their contribution
+to the league; and the soldiers finding their pay always in arrear
+and never paid at the right time acted in the same way about going to
+the relief of the towns. Both parties thus mutually retaliating on
+each other, affairs went from bad to worse, and at last the foreign
+contingent broke up altogether. And all this was the result of the
+incompetence of the chief magistrate. The time for the next election
+finding Achaean affairs in this state, Eperatus laid down his office,
+and just at the beginning of summer Aratus the elder was elected
+Strategus.[257]
+
+[Sidenote: 140th Olympiad, Asia.]
+
+Such was the position of affairs in Europe. We have now arrived at a
+proper juncture, both of events and of time, to transfer our narrative
+to the history of Asia. I will therefore resume my story of the
+transactions which occurred there during the same Olympiad.
+
++31.+ I will first endeavour, in accordance with my original plan,
+to give an account of the war between Antiochus and Ptolemy for the
+possession of Coele-Syria. Though I am fully aware that at the period,
+at which I have stopped in my Greek history, this war was all but
+decided and concluded, I have yet deliberately chosen this particular
+break and division in my narrative; believing that I shall effectually
+provide against the possibility of mistakes on the part of my readers
+in regard to dates, if I indicate in the course of my narrative the
+years in this Olympiad in which the events in the several parts of the
+world, as well as in Greece, began and ended. For I think nothing more
+essential to the clearness of my history of this Olympiad than to avoid
+confusing the several narratives. Our object should be to distinguish
+and keep them separate as much as possible, until we come to the next
+Olympiad, and begin setting down the contemporary events in the several
+countries under each year. For since I have undertaken to write, not a
+particular, but a universal history, and have ventured upon a plan on
+a greater scale, as I have already shown, than any of my predecessors,
+it will be necessary also for me to take greater care than they, as
+to my method of treatment and arrangement; so as to secure clearness,
+both in the details, and in the general view adopted in my history. I
+will accordingly go back a short way in the history of the kingdoms
+of Antiochus and Ptolemy, and try to fix upon a starting-point for my
+narrative which shall be accepted and recognised by all: for this is a
+matter of the first importance.
+
++32.+ For the old saying, “Well begun is half done,” was meant by its
+inventors to urge the importance of taking the greater pains to make a
+good beginning than anything else. And though some may consider this an
+exaggeration, in my opinion it comes short of the truth; for one might
+say with confidence, not that “the beginning was half the business,”
+but rather that it was near being the whole. For how can one make a
+good beginning without having first grasped in thought the complete
+plan, or without knowing where, with what object, and with what purpose
+he is undertaking the business? Or how can a man sum up a series
+of events satisfactorily without a reference to their origin, and
+without showing his point of departure, or why and how he has arrived
+at the particular crisis at which he finds himself? Therefore both
+historian and reader alike should be exceedingly careful to mark the
+beginnings of events, with a conviction that their influence does not
+stop half-way, but is paramount to the end. And this is what I shall
+endeavour to do.
+
++33.+ I am aware, however, that a similar profession has been made by
+many other historians of an intention to write a universal history,
+and of undertaking a work on a larger scale than their predecessors.
+About these writers, putting out of the question Ephorus, the first
+and only man who has really attempted a universal history, I will
+not mention any name or say more about them than this,—that several
+of my contemporaries, while professing to write a universal history
+have imagined that they could tell the story of the war of Rome and
+Carthage in three or four pages. Yet every one knows that events more
+numerous or important were never accomplished in Iberia, Libya, Sicily,
+and Italy than in that war; and that the Hannibalian war was the most
+famous and lasting of any that has taken place except the Sicilian.
+So momentous was it, that all the rest of the world were compelled to
+watch it in terrified expectation of what would follow from its final
+catastrophe. Yet some of these writers, without even giving as many
+details of it as those who, after the manner of the vulgar, inscribe
+rude records of events on house walls, pretend to have embraced the
+whole of Greek and foreign history. The truth of the matter is, that
+it is a very easy matter to profess to undertake works of the greatest
+importance; but by no means so simple a matter in practice to attain
+to any excellence. The former is open to every one with the requisite
+audacity: the latter is rare, and is given to few. So much for those
+who use pompous language about themselves and their historical works. I
+will now return to my narrative.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Ptolemy Euergetes, B.C. 222.]
+
++34.+ Immediately after his father’s death, Ptolemy Philopator put his
+brother Magas and his partisans to death, and took possession of the
+throne of Egypt. He thought that he had now freed himself by this act
+from domestic danger; and that by the deaths of Antigonus and Seleucus,
+and their being respectively succeeded by mere children like Antiochus
+and Philip, fortune had released him from danger abroad. He therefore
+felt secure of his position and began conducting his reign as though it
+were a perpetual festival. He would attend to no business, and would
+hardly grant an interview to the officials about the court, or at the
+head of the administrative departments in Egypt. Even his agents abroad
+found him entirely careless and indifferent; though his predecessors,
+far from taking less interest in foreign affairs, had generally given
+them precedence over those of Egypt itself. For being masters of
+Coele-Syria and Cyprus, they maintained a threatening attitude towards
+the kings of Syria, both by land and sea; and were also in a commanding
+position in regard to the princes of Asia, as well as the islands,
+through their possession of the most splendid cities, strongholds, and
+harbours all along the sea-coast from Pamphylia to the Hellespont and
+the district round Lysimachia. Moreover they were favourably placed for
+an attack upon Thrace and Macedonia from their possession of Aenus,
+Maroneia, and more distant cities still. And having thus stretched
+forth their hands to remote regions, and long ago strengthened their
+position by a ring of princedoms, these kings had never been anxious
+about their rule in Egypt; and had naturally, therefore, given great
+attention to foreign politics. But when Philopator, absorbed in
+unworthy intrigues, and senseless and continuous drunkenness, treated
+these several branches of government with equal indifference, it was
+naturally not long before more than one was found to lay plots against
+his life as well as his power: of whom the first was Cleomenes, the
+Spartan.[258]
+
+[Sidenote: Cleomenes endeavours to get assistance from the Egyptian
+court.]
+
++35.+ As long as Euergetes was alive, with whom he had agreed to make
+an alliance and confederacy, Cleomenes took no steps. But upon that
+monarch’s death, seeing that the time was slipping away, and that the
+peculiar position of affairs in Greece seemed almost to cry aloud
+for Cleomenes,—for Antigonus was dead, the Achaeans involved in war,
+and the Lacedaemonians were at one with the Aetolians in hostility
+to the Achaeans and Macedonians, which was the policy originally
+adopted by Cleomenes,—then, indeed, he was actually compelled to use
+some expedition, and to bestir himself to secure his departure from
+Alexandria. First therefore, in interviews with the king, he urged him
+to send him out with the needful amount of supplies and troops; but
+not being listened to in this request, he next begged him earnestly
+to let him go alone with his own servants; for he affirmed that the
+state of affairs was such as to show him sufficient opportunities for
+recovering his ancestral throne. The king, however, for the reasons
+I have mentioned, taking absolutely no interest in such matters, nor
+exercising any foresight whatever, continued with extraordinary folly
+and blindness to neglect the petitions of Cleomenes. But the party of
+Sosibius, the leading statesman at the time, took counsel together,
+and agreed on the following course of action in regard to him. They
+decided not to send him out with a fleet and supplies; for, owing to
+the death of Antigonus, they took little account of foreign affairs,
+and thought money spent on such things would be thrown away. Besides,
+they were afraid that since Antigonus was dead, and no one was left
+who could balance him, Cleomenes might, if he got Greece into his
+power quickly and without trouble, prove a serious and formidable
+rival to themselves; especially as he had had a clear view of Egyptian
+affairs, had learnt to despise the king; and had discovered that the
+kingdom had many parts loosely attached, and widely removed from the
+centre, and presenting many facilities for revolutionary movements:
+for not a few of their ships were at Samos, and a considerable force
+of soldiers at Ephesus. These considerations induced them to reject
+the idea of sending Cleomenes out with supplies; for they thought it
+by no means conducive to their interests to carelessly let a man go,
+who was certain to be their opponent and enemy. The other proposal was
+to keep him there against his will; but this they all rejected at once
+without discussion, on the principle that the lion and the flock could
+not safely share the same stall. Sosibius himself took the lead in
+regarding this idea with aversion, and his reason was this.
+
+[Sidenote: The reason of the opposition of Sosibius.]
+
++36.+ While engaged in effecting the destruction of Magas and Berenice,
+his anxiety at the possible failure of his attempt, especially through
+the courageous character of Berenice, had forced him to flatter the
+courtiers, and give them all hopes of advantage in case his intrigue
+succeeded. It was at this juncture that, observing Cleomenes to
+stand in need of the king’s help, and to be possessed of a clear
+understanding and a genuine grasp of the situation, he admitted him to
+a knowledge of his design, holding out to him hopes of great advantage.
+And when Cleomenes saw that Sosibius was in a state of great anxiety,
+and above all afraid of the foreign soldiers and mercenaries, he bade
+him not be alarmed; and undertook that the foreign soldiers should do
+him no harm, but should rather be of assistance to him. And on Sosibius
+expressing surprise rather than conviction at this promise, he said,
+“Don't you see that there are three thousand foreign soldiers here from
+the Peloponnese, and a thousand from Crete? I have only to nod to these
+men, and every man of them will at once do what I want. With these all
+ready to hand, whom do you fear? Surely not mere Syrians and Carians.”
+Sosibius was much pleased at the remark at the time, and doubly
+encouraged in his intrigue against Berenice; but ever afterwards, when
+observing the indifference of the king, he repeated it to himself, and
+put before his eyes the boldness of Cleomenes, and the goodwill of the
+foreign contingent towards him.
+
+[Sidenote: The intrigue of Sosibius against Cleomenes.]
+
++37.+ These feelings now moved him to advise the king and his friends
+above all things to arrest and incarcerate Cleomenes: and to carry
+out this policy he availed himself of the following circumstance,
+which happened conveniently for him. There was a certain Messenian
+called Nicagoras, an ancestral guest-friend of the Lacedaemonian
+king Archidamus. They had not previously had much intercourse; but
+when Archidamus fled from Sparta, for fear of Cleomenes, and came to
+Messenia, not only did Nicagoras show great kindness in receiving
+him under his roof and furnishing him with other necessaries, but
+from the close association that followed a very warm friendship and
+intimacy sprang up between them: and accordingly when Cleomenes
+subsequently gave Archidamus some expectation of being restored to
+his city, and composing their quarrels, Nicagoras devoted himself to
+conducting the negotiation and settling the terms of their compact.
+These being ratified, Archidamus returned to Sparta relying on the
+treaty made by the agency of Nicagoras. But as soon as he met him,
+Cleomenes assassinated Archidamus,[259] sparing however Nicagoras
+and his companions. To the outside world Nicagoras pretended to be
+under an obligation to Cleomenes for saving his life; but in heart
+he was exceedingly incensed at what had happened, because he had the
+discredit of having been the cause of the king’s death. Now it happened
+that this same Nicagoras had, a short time before the events of which
+we are speaking, come to Alexandria with a cargo of horses. Just as
+he was disembarking he came upon Cleomenes, Panterus, and Hippitas
+walking together along the quay. When Cleomenes saw him, he came up
+and welcomed him warmly, and asked him on what business he was come.
+Upon his replying that he had brought a cargo of horses, “You had
+better,” said he, “have brought a cargo of catamites and sakbut girls;
+for that is what the present king is fond of.” Nicagoras laughed, and
+said nothing at the time: but some days afterwards, when he had, in the
+course of his horse-sales, become more intimate with Sosibius, he did
+Cleomenes the ill turn of repeating his recent sarcasm; and seeing that
+Sosibius heard it with satisfaction, he related to him the whole story
+of his grievance against Cleomenes.
+
+[Sidenote: Cleomenes put under arrest.]
+
++38.+ Finding then that he was hostile in feeling to Cleomenes,
+Sosibius persuaded Nicagoras, partly by presents given on the spot
+and partly by promises for the future, to write a letter accusing
+Cleomenes, and leave it sealed; that as soon as he had sailed, as he
+would do in a few days, his servant might bring it to him as though
+sent by Nicagoras. Nicagoras performed his part in the plot; and after
+he had sailed, the letter was brought by the servant to Sosibius,
+who at once took the servant and the letter to the king. The servant
+stated that Nicagoras had left the letter with orders to deliver it
+to Sosibius; and the letter declared that it was the intention of
+Cleomenes, if he failed to secure his despatch from the country with
+suitable escort and provisions, to stir up a rebellion against the
+king. Sosibius at once seized the opportunity of urging on the king and
+his friends to take prompt precautions against Cleomenes and to put him
+in ward. This was at once done, and a very large house was assigned to
+him in which he lived under guard, differing from other prisoners only
+in the superior size of his prison. Finding himself in this distressing
+plight, and with fear of worse for the future, Cleomenes determined to
+make the most desperate attempts for freedom: not so much because he
+felt confident of success,—for he had none of the elements of success
+in such an enterprise on his side,—but rather because he was eager to
+die nobly, and endure nothing unworthy of the gallantry which he had
+previously displayed. He must, I think, as is usually the case with men
+of high courage, have recalled and reflected upon as his model those
+words of the hero:[260]—
+
+   “Yea, let me die,—but not a coward’s death,
+   Nor all inglorious: let me do one deed,
+   That children yet unborn may hear and mark!”
+
+[Sidenote: Bold attempt of Cleomenes to recover his liberty. His
+failure and death, B.C. 220.]
+
++39.+ He therefore waited for the time at which the king left
+Alexandria for Canopus, and then spread a report among his guards
+that he was going to be released by the king; and on this pretext
+entertained his own attendants at a banquet, and sent out some flesh
+of the sacrificial victims, some garlands, and some wine to his
+guards. The latter indulged in these good things unsuspiciously, and
+became completely drunk; whereupon Cleomenes walked out about noon,
+accompanied by his friends and servants armed with daggers, without
+being noticed by his guard. As the party advanced they met Ptolemy in
+the street, who had been left by the king in charge of the city; and
+overawing his attendants by the audacity of his proceeding, dragged
+Ptolemy himself from his chariot and put him in a place of security,
+while they loudly called upon the crowds of citizens to assert their
+freedom. But every one was unprepared for the movement, and therefore
+no one obeyed their summons or joined them; and they accordingly turned
+their steps to the citadel, with the intention of bursting open the
+doors and obtaining the help of the prisoners confined there. But the
+commanders of the citadel were on the alert, and learning what was
+going to take place had secured the entrance gate: having therefore
+failed in this design they killed themselves like brave men and
+Spartans.
+
+Such was the end of Cleomenes: a man of brilliant social qualities,
+with a natural aptitude for affairs, and, in a word, endued with all
+the qualifications of a general and a king.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 220-219. The origin of the war in Coele-Syria.]
+
++40.+ Shortly after the catastrophe of Cleomenes, the governor of
+Coele-Syria, who was an Aetolian by birth, resolved to hold treasonable
+parley with Antiochus and put the cities of that province into his
+hands. He was induced to take this step partly by the contempt with
+which Ptolemy’s shameful debauchery and general conduct had inspired
+him; and partly by distrust of the king’s ministers, which he had
+learned to entertain in the course of the recent attempt of Antiochus
+upon Coele-Syria: for in that campaign he had rendered signal service
+to Ptolemy, and yet, far from receiving any thanks for it, he had been
+summoned to Alexandria and barely escaped losing his life. The advances
+which he now made to Antiochus were gladly received, and the affair was
+soon in the course of being rapidly completed.
+
+But I must make my readers acquainted with the position of the royal
+family of Syria as I have already done with that of Egypt; and in order
+to do so, I will go back to the succession of Antiochus to the throne,
+and give a summary of events from that point to the beginning of the
+war of which I am to speak.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 226.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 223. See 4, 48.]
+
+Antiochus was the younger son of Seleucus Callinicus; and on the
+death of his father, and the succession in right of seniority of his
+brother Seleucus to the throne, he at first removed to upper Asia
+and lived there. But Seleucus having been treacherously assassinated
+after crossing Mount Taurus with his army, as I have already related,
+he succeeded to the throne himself; and made Achaeus governor of Asia
+on this side Taurus, Molon and his brother Alexander guardians of his
+dominions in upper Asia,—Molon acting as Satrap of Media, his brother
+of Persia.
+
+[Sidenote: Revolt of Molon.]
+
++41.+ These two brothers despising the king for his youth, and hoping
+that Achaeus would join in their treason, but most of all because
+they dreaded the cruel character and malign influence of Hermeias,
+who was at that time the chief minister of the entire kingdom, formed
+the design of revolting themselves and causing the upper Satrapies to
+revolt also.
+
+[Sidenote: Intrigues of Hermeias.]
+
+This Hermeias was a Carian and had obtained his power by the
+appointment of the king’s brother Seleucus, who had entrusted it to him
+when he was setting out on his expedition to the Taurus. Invested with
+this authority he at once began to display jealousy of all those about
+the court who were in any way prominent; and being cruel by nature he
+inflicted punishment on some for acts of ignorance, on which he always
+managed to place the worst interpretation; while against others he
+brought trumped-up and lying charges, and then acted towards them the
+part of an inflexible and harsh judge. But his chief end and object was
+to secure the destruction of Epigenes who had brought home the forces
+which had accompanied Seleucus; because he saw that he was a man of
+eloquence and practical ability, and highly acceptable to the army.
+With this design he was ever on the watch to lay hold of some handle
+or pretext against him. Accordingly when a council was summoned on
+the subject of Molon’s revolt, and when the king bade each councillor
+deliver his opinion on the measures to be taken against the rebels,
+Epigenes spoke first and urged that “there ought to be no delay,
+but the matter should be taken in hand at once; and that, first and
+foremost, the king should go in person to the district, and be ready
+to seize the right moments for action. For the actual presence of the
+king, and his appearance at the head of an army before the eyes of the
+common people, would prevent the party of Molon from venturing upon
+revolutionary measures at all; or if they had the audacity to do so,
+and persisted in their design, they would be quickly arrested by the
+populace and handed over into the king’s power.”
+
++42.+ While Epigenes was still speaking in this strain, Hermeias, in
+a burst of rage, exclaimed, “That Epigenes had long been secretly
+plotting treason against the king; but that now he had happily shown
+his real sentiments by the advice which he had given, proving how eager
+he was to expose the king’s person to the rebels with an insignificant
+guard.” For the present he was content with making this insinuation as
+fuel for a future outburst of slander, and without further reference
+to Epigenes, after what was rather an ill-timed ebullition of temper
+than serious hostility, he delivered his own opinion; which, from his
+fear of the danger and his inexperience in war, was against undertaking
+the expedition against Molon personally, but was warmly in favour of
+an attack upon Ptolemy, because he was of opinion that this latter war
+would involve no danger, owing to that monarch’s cowardly character.
+For the present he overawed the rest of the council into agreement
+with him and he thereupon sent Xenon and Theodotus Hemiolius with an
+army against Molon; while he employed himself in continually inciting
+Antiochus to undertake the expedition into Coele-Syria: thinking that
+it was only by involving the young king in war on every side that he
+could escape punishment for his past misdeeds, and avoid being deprived
+of his position of authority, for the king would have need of his
+services when he found himself surrounded by struggles and dangers.
+With this object in view, he finally hit on the device of forging a
+letter, which he presented to the king as having been sent by Achaeus.
+In it Achaeus was made to state that “Ptolemy had urged him to assert
+his right to the government and promised to supply him with ships and
+money for all his attempts, if he would only take the crown, and come
+forward in the sight of all the world as a claimant of the sovereign
+power; which he already possessed, in fact, though he grudged himself
+the title, and rejected the crown which fortune gave him.”
+
+This letter successfully imposed on the king, who became ready and
+eager to go on the expedition against Coele-Syria.
+
+[Sidenote: Marriage of Antiochus III.]
+
++43.+ While this was going on, Antiochus happened to be at Seleucia,
+on the Zeugma, when the Navarchus Diognetus arrived from Cappadocia,
+on the Euxine, bringing Laodice, the daughter of king Mithridates,
+an unmarried girl, destined to be the king’s wife. This Mithridates
+boasted of being a descendant of one of the seven Persians who killed
+the Magus,[261] and he had maintained the sovereignty handed down from
+his ancestors, as it had been originally given to them by Darius along
+the shore of the Euxine. Having gone to meet the princess with all
+due pomp and splendour, Antiochus immediately celebrated his nuptials
+with royal magnificence. The marriage having been completed, he went
+to Antioch, and after proclaiming Laodice queen, devoted himself
+thenceforth to making preparation for the war.
+
+[Sidenote: Molon.]
+
+Meanwhile Molon had prepared the people of his own Satrapy to go all
+lengths, partly by holding out to them hopes of advantages to be
+gained, and partly by working on the fears of their chief men, by
+means of forged letters purporting to be from the king, and couched
+in threatening terms. He had also a ready coadjutor in his brother
+Alexander; and had secured the co-operation of the neighbouring
+Satrapies, by winning the goodwill of their leading men with bribes.
+It was, therefore, at the head of a large force that he took the
+field against the royal generals. Terrified at his approach Xenon
+and Theodotus retired into the cities; and Molon, having secured the
+territory of Apollonia, had now a superabundance of supplies.
+
+[Sidenote: Description of Media.]
+
++44.+ But, indeed, even before that he was a formidable enemy owing to
+the importance of his province. For the whole of the royal horses out
+at grass are entrusted to the Medes;[262] and they have an incalculable
+quantity of corn and cattle. Of the natural strength and extent of
+the district it would be impossible to speak highly enough. For Media
+lies nearly in the centre of Asia and in its size, and in the height
+of its steppes compares favourably with every other district of Asia.
+And again it overlooks some of the most warlike and powerful tribes. On
+the east lie the plains of the desert which intervenes between Persia
+and Parthia; and, moreover, it borders on and commands the “Caspian
+Gates,” and touches the mountains of the Tapyri, which are not far from
+the Hyrcanian Sea. On the south it slopes down to Mesopotamia and the
+territory of Apollonia. It is protected from Persia by the barrier of
+Mount Zagrus, which has an ascent of a hundred stades, and containing
+in its range many separate peaks and defiles is subdivided by deep
+valleys, and at certain points by cañons, inhabited by Cosseans,
+Corbrenians, Carchi, and several other barbarous tribes who have
+the reputation of being excellent warriors. Again on the west it is
+coterminous with the tribe called Satrapeii, who are not far from the
+tribes which extend as far as the Euxine. Its northern frontier is
+fringed by Elymaeans, Aniaracae, Cadusii, and Matiani, and overlooks
+that part of the Pontus which adjoins the Maeotis. Media itself is
+subdivided by several mountain chains running from east to west,
+between which are plains thickly studded with cities and villages.
+
+[Sidenote: Molon takes up arms.]
+
++45.+ Being masters, then, of a territory of proportions worthy of a
+kingdom, his great power had made Molon from the first a formidable
+enemy: but when the royal generals appeared to have abandoned the
+country to him, and his own forces were elated at the successful issue
+of their first hopes, the terror which he inspired became absolute, and
+he was believed by the Asiatics to be irresistible. Taking advantage
+of this, he first of all resolved to cross the Tigris and lay siege to
+Seleucia; but when his passage across the river was stopped by Zeuxis
+seizing the river boats, he retired to the camp at Ctesiphon, and set
+about preparing winter quarters for his army.
+
+[Sidenote: Xenoetas sent against Molon, B.C. 221.]
+
+[Sidenote: King Antiochus in Coele-Syria.]
+
+When King Antiochus heard of Molon’s advance and the retreat of his
+own generals, he was once more for giving up the expedition against
+Ptolemy, and going in person on the campaign against Molon, and not
+letting slip the proper time for action. But Hermeias persisted in his
+original plan, and despatched the Achaean Xenoetas against Molon, in
+command of an army, with full powers; asserting that against rebels it
+was fitting that generals should have the command; but that the king
+ought to confine himself to directing plans and conducting national
+wars against monarchs. Having therefore the young king entirely in
+his power, owing to his age, he set out; and having mustered the army
+at Apameia he started thence and arrived at Laodiceia. Advancing from
+that time with his whole army, the king crossed the desert and entered
+the cañon called Marsyas, which lies between the skirts of Libanus
+and Anti-Libanus, and is contracted into a narrow gorge by those two
+mountains. Just where the valley is narrowest it is divided by marshes
+and lakes, from which the scented reed is cut.
+
++46.+ On one side of the entrance to this pass lies a place called
+Brochi, on the other Gerrha, which leave but a narrow space between
+them. After a march of several days through this cañon, and subduing
+the towns that lay along it, Antiochus arrived at Gerrha. Finding that
+Theodotus the Aetolian had already occupied Gerrha and Brochi, and had
+secured the narrow road by the lakes with ditches and palisades and a
+proper disposition of guards, the king at first tried to carry the pass
+by force; but after sustaining more loss than he inflicted, and finding
+that Theodotus remained still stanch, he gave up the attempt. In the
+midst of these difficulties news was brought that Xenoetas had suffered
+a total defeat and that Molon was in possession of all the upper
+country: he therefore abandoned his foreign expedition and started to
+relieve his own dominions.
+
+[Sidenote: Xenoetas at first successful.]
+
+The fact was that when the general Xenoetas had been despatched with
+absolute powers, as I have before stated, his unexpected elevation
+caused him to treat his friends with haughtiness and his enemies with
+overweening temerity. His first move however was sufficiently prudent.
+He marched to Seleucia, and after sending for Diogenes the governor of
+Susiana, and Pythiades the commander in the Persian Gulf, he led out
+his forces and encamped with the river Tigris protecting his front. But
+there he was visited by many men from Molon’s camp, who swam across
+the river and assured him that, if he would only cross the Tigris, the
+whole of Molon’s army would declare for him; for the common soldiers
+were jealous of Molon and warmly disposed towards the king. Xenoetas
+was encouraged by these statements to attempt the passage of the
+Tigris. He made a feint of bridging the river at a spot where it is
+divided by an island; but as he was getting nothing ready for such an
+operation, Molon took no notice of his pretended move; while he was
+really occupied in collecting boats and getting them ready with every
+possible care. Then having selected the most courageous men, horse and
+foot, from his entire army, he left Zeuxis and Pythiades in charge of
+his camp, and marched up stream at night about eighty stades above
+Molon’s camp; and having got his force safely over in boats, encamped
+them before daybreak in an excellent position, nearly surrounded by the
+river, and covered where there was no river by marshes and swamps.
+
++47.+ When Molon learnt what had taken place, he sent his cavalry,
+under the idea that they would easily stop those who were actually
+crossing, and ride down those who had already crossed. But as soon as
+they got near Xenoetas’s force, their ignorance of the ground proved
+fatal to them without any enemy to attack them; for they got immersed
+by their own weight, and sinking in the lakes were all rendered
+useless, while many of them actually lost their lives. Xenoetas,
+however, feeling sure that if he only approached, Molon’s forces would
+all desert to him, advanced along the bank of the river and pitched
+a camp close to the enemy. Thereupon Molon, either as a stratagem,
+or because he really felt some doubt of the fidelity of his men, and
+was afraid that some of Xenoetas’s expectations might be fulfilled,
+left his baggage in his camp and started under cover of night in the
+direction of Media. Xenoetas, imagining that Molon had fled in terror
+at his approach, and because he distrusted the fidelity of his own
+troops, first attacked and took the enemy’s camp, and then sent for
+his own cavalry and their baggage from the camp of Zeuxis. He next
+summoned the soldiers to a meeting, and told them that they should feel
+encouraged and hopeful now that Molon had fled. With this preface,
+he ordered them all to attend to their bodily wants and refresh
+themselves; as he intended without delay to go in pursuit of the enemy
+early next morning.
+
+[Sidenote: Molon returns to his camp.]
+
++48.+ But the soldiers, filled with confidence, and enriched with
+every kind of provisions, eagerly turned to feasting and wine and the
+demoralisation which always accompanies such excesses. But Molon,
+after marching a considerable distance, caused his army to get their
+dinner, and then wheeling round reappeared at the camp. He found all
+the enemy scattered about and drunk, and attacked their palisade just
+before daybreak. Dismayed by this unexpected danger, and unable to
+awake his men from their drunken slumber, Xenoetas and his staff rushed
+furiously upon the enemy and were killed. Of the sleeping soldiers most
+were killed in their beds, while the rest threw themselves into the
+river and endeavoured to cross to the opposite camp. The greater part
+however even of these perished; for in the blind hurry and confusion
+which prevailed, and in the universal panic and dismay, seeing the camp
+on the other side divided by so narrow a space, they all forgot the
+violence of the stream, and the difficulty of crossing it, in their
+eagerness to reach a place of safety. In wild excitement therefore,
+and with a blind instinct of self-preservation, they not only hurled
+themselves into the river, but threw their beasts of burden in also,
+with their packs, as though they thought that the river by some
+providential instinct would take their part and convey them safely to
+the opposite camp. The result was that the stream presented a truly
+pitiable and extraordinary spectacle,—horses, beasts of burden, arms,
+corpses, and every kind of baggage being carried down the current along
+with the swimmers.
+
+[Sidenote: Molon’s successful campaign. B.C. 221.]
+
+Having secured the camp of Xenoetas, Molon crossed the river in perfect
+safety and without any resistance, as Zeuxis also now fled at his
+approach; took possession of the latter’s camp, and then advanced with
+his whole army to Seleucia; carried it at the first assault, Zeuxis and
+Diomedon the governor of the place both abandoning it and flying; and
+advancing from this place reduced the upper Satrapies to submission
+without a blow. That of Babylon fell next, and then the Satrapy which
+lay along the Persian Gulf. This brought him to Susa, which he also
+carried without a blow; though his assaults upon the citadel proved
+unavailing, because Diogenes the general had thrown himself into it
+before he could get there. He therefore abandoned the idea of carrying
+it by storm, and leaving a detachment to lay siege to it, hurried back
+with his main army to Seleucia on the Tigris. There he took great pains
+to refresh his army, and after addressing his men in encouraging terms
+he started once more to complete his designs, and occupied Parapotamia
+as far as the city Europus, and Mesopotamia as far as Dura.
+
+[Sidenote: Epigenes put to death by the intrigues of Hermeias.]
+
++49.+ When news of these events was brought to Antiochus, as I have
+said before, he gave up all idea of the Coele-Syrian campaign, and
+turned all his attention to this war. Another meeting of his council
+was thereupon summoned: and on the king ordering the members of it to
+deliver their opinions as to the tactics to be employed against Molon,
+the first to speak on the business was again Epigenes: who said that
+“his advice should have been followed all along, and measures have been
+promptly taken before the enemy had obtained such important successes:
+still even at this late hour they ought to take it in hand resolutely.”
+Thereupon Hermeias broke out again into an unreasonable and violent fit
+of anger and began to heap abuse upon Epigenes; and while belauding
+himself in a fulsome manner, brought accusations against Epigenes that
+were absurd as well as false. He ended by adjuring the king not to be
+diverted from his purpose without better reason, nor to abandon his
+hopes in Coele-Syria. This advice was ill-received by the majority of
+the council, and displeasing to Antiochus himself; and, accordingly,
+as the king showed great anxiety to reconcile the two men, Hermeias
+was at length induced to put an end to his invectives. The council
+decided by a majority that the course recommended by Epigenes was the
+most practical and advantageous, and a resolution was come to that the
+king should go on the campaign against Molon, and devote his attention
+to that. Thereupon Hermeias promptly made a hypocritical pretence of
+having changed his mind and remarking that it was the duty of all to
+acquiesce loyally in the decision, made a great show of readiness and
+activity in pushing on the preparations.
+
++50.+ The forces, however, having been mustered at Apameia, upon a kind
+of mutiny arising among the common soldiers, on account of some arrears
+of pay, Hermeias, observing the king to be in a state of anxiety, and
+to be alarmed at the disturbance at so critical a moment, offered to
+discharge all arrears, if the king would only consent to Epigenes
+not accompanying the expedition; on the ground that nothing could be
+properly managed in the army when such angry feelings, and such party
+spirit, had been excited. The proposal was very displeasing to the
+king, who was exceedingly anxious that Epigenes should accompany him on
+the campaign, owing to his experience in the field; but he was bound
+so completely hand and foot, and entangled by the craft of Hermeias,
+his skilful finance, constant watchfulness, and designing flattery,
+that he was not his own master; and accordingly he yielded to the
+necessity of the moment and consented to his demand. When Epigenes
+thereupon retired, as he was bidden, the members of the council were
+too much afraid of incurring displeasure to remonstrate; while the
+army generally, by a revulsion of feeling, turned with gratitude to
+the man to whom they owed the settlement of their claims for pay. The
+Cyrrhestae were the only ones that stood out: and they broke out into
+open mutiny, and for some time occasioned much trouble; but, being
+at last conquered by one of the king’s generals, most of them were
+killed, and the rest submitted to the king’s mercy. Hermeias having
+thus secured the allegiance of his friends by fear, and of the troops
+by being of service to them, started on the expedition in company with
+the king; while in regard to Epigenes he elaborated the following plot,
+with the assistance of Alexis, the commander of the citadel of Apameia.
+He wrote a letter purporting to have been sent from Molon to Epigenes,
+and persuaded one of the latter’s servants, by holding out the hope of
+great rewards, to take it to the house of Epigenes, and mix it with his
+other papers. Immediately after this had been done, Alexis came to the
+house and asked Epigenes whether he had not received certain letters
+from Molon; and, upon his denial, demanded in menacing terms to be
+allowed to search. Having entered, he quickly discovered the letter,
+which he availed himself of as a pretext for putting Epigenes to death
+on the spot. By this means the king was persuaded to believe that
+Epigenes had justly forfeited his life; and though the courtiers had
+their suspicions, they were afraid to say anything.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 221-220. Antiochus advances through Mesopotamia.]
+
++51.+ When Antiochus had reached the Euphrates, and had taken over the
+force stationed there, he once more started on his march and got as far
+as Antioch, in Mygdonia, about mid-winter, and there remained until the
+worst of the winter should be over. Thence after a stay of forty days
+he advanced to Libba. Molon was now in the neighbourhood of Babylon:
+and Antiochus consulted his council as to the route to be pursued,
+the tactics to be adopted, and the source from which provisions could
+best be obtained for his army on the march in their expedition against
+Molon. The proposal of Hermeias was to march along the Tigris, with
+this river, and the Lycus and Caprus, on their flank. Zeuxis, having
+the fate of Epigenes before his eyes, was in a state of painful doubt
+whether to speak his real opinion or no; but as the mistake involved
+in the advice of Hermeias was flagrant, he at last mustered courage
+to advise that the Tigris should be crossed; alleging as a reason the
+general difficulty of the road along the river: especially from the
+fact that, after a considerable march, the last six days of which
+would be through a desert, they would reach what was called the
+“King’s Dyke,” which it would be impossible to cross if they found it
+invested by the enemy; while a retirement by a second march through
+the wilderness would be manifestly dangerous, especially as their
+provisions would be sure to be running short. On the other hand he
+showed that if they crossed the Tigris it was evident the Apolloniates
+would repent of their treason and join the king; for even as it was
+they had submitted to Molon, not from choice, but under compulsion
+and terror; and the fertility of their soil promised abundance of
+provisions for the troops. But his most weighty argument was that by
+their thus acting Molon would be cut off from a return to Media, and
+from drawing supplies from that country, and would thereby be compelled
+to risk a general action: or, if he refused to do so, his troops would
+promptly fix their hopes upon the king.
+
+[Sidenote: Antiochus crosses the Tigris.]
+
++52.+ The suggestion of Zeuxis being approved, the army was immediately
+arranged in three divisions, and got across with the baggage at three
+points in the river. Thence they marched in the direction of Dura,
+where they quickly caused the siege of the citadel to be raised, which
+was being invested at the time by some of Molon’s officers; and thence,
+after a march of eight successive days, they crossed the mountain
+called Oreicum and arrived at Apollonia.
+
+[Sidenote: Molon also crosses the Tigris.]
+
+[Sidenote: Abortive attempt of Molon to make a night attack on the
+king.]
+
+Meanwhile Molon had heard of the king’s arrival, and not feeling
+confidence in the inhabitants of Susiana and Babylonia, because he
+had conquered them so recently and by surprise, fearing also to be
+cut off from a retreat to Media, he determined to throw a bridge over
+the Tigris and get his army across; being eager if it were possible
+to secure the mountain district of Apollonia, because he had great
+confidence in his corps of slingers called Cyrtii. He carried out his
+resolution, and was pushing forward in an unbroken series of forced
+marches. Thus it came about that, just as he was entering the district
+of Apollonia, the king at the head of his whole army was marching out.
+The advanced guard of skirmishers of the two armies fell in with each
+other on some high ground, and at first engaged and made trial of each
+other’s strength; but upon the main armies on either side coming on
+to the ground, they separated. For the present both retired to their
+respective entrenchments, and encamped at a distance of forty stades
+from each other. When night had fallen, Molon reflected that there
+was some risk and disadvantage in a battle by broad daylight and in
+the open field between rebels and their sovereign, and he determined
+therefore to attack Antiochus by night. Selecting the best and most
+vigorous of his soldiers, he made a considerable détour, with the
+object of making his attack from higher ground. But having learnt
+during his march that ten young men had deserted in a body to the king,
+he gave up his design, and facing right about returned in haste to his
+own entrenchment where he arrived about daybreak. His arrival caused a
+panic in the army; for the troops in the camp, startled out of their
+sleep by the arrival of the returning men, were very near rushing out
+of the lines.
+
+[Sidenote: Disposition of the king’s army.]
+
++53.+ But while Molon was doing his best to calm the panic, the king,
+fully prepared for the engagement, was marching his whole army out of
+their lines at daybreak. On his right wing he stationed his lancers
+under the command of Ardys, a man of proved ability in the field; next
+to them the Cretan allies, and next the Gallic Rhigosages. Next these
+he placed the foreign contingent and mercenary soldiers from Greece,
+and next to them he stationed his phalanx: the left wing he assigned to
+the cavalry called the “Companions.”[263] His elephants, which were ten
+in number, he placed at intervals in front of the line. His reserves of
+infantry and cavalry he divided between the two wings, with orders to
+outflank the enemy as soon as the battle had begun. He then went along
+the line and addressed a few words of exhortation to the men suitable
+to the occasion; and put Hermeias and Zeuxis in command of the left
+wing, taking that of the right himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Molon’s disposition.]
+
+On the other side, owing to the panic caused by his rash movement of
+the previous night, Molon was unable to get his men out of camp, or
+into position without difficulty and confusion. He did however divide
+his cavalry between his two wings, guessing what the disposition of the
+enemy would be; and stationed the scutati and Gauls, and in short all
+his heavy-armed men in the space between the two bodies of cavalry. His
+archers, slingers, and all such kind of troops he placed on the outer
+flank of the cavalry on either wing; while his scythed chariots he
+placed at intervals in front of his line. He gave his brother Neolaus
+command of the left wing, taking that of the right himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Molon and his fellow-conspirators.]
+
++54.+ When the two armies advanced to the battle, Molon’s right wing
+remained faithful to him, and vigorously engaged the division of
+Zeuxis; but the left wing no sooner came within sight of the king than
+it deserted to the enemy: the result of which was that Molon’s army was
+thrown into consternation, while the king’s troops were inspired with
+redoubled confidence. When Molon comprehended what had taken place,
+and found himself surrounded on every side, reflecting on the tortures
+which would be inflicted upon him if he were taken alive, he put an
+end to his own life. So too all who had taken part in the plot fled
+severally to their own homes, and terminated their lives in the same
+way. Neolaus escaped from the field and found his way into Persis, to
+the house of Molon’s brother Alexander; and there first killed his
+mother and Molon’s children and afterwards himself, having previously
+persuaded Alexander to do the same to himself. After plundering the
+enemy’s camp, the king ordered the body of Molon to be impaled on the
+most conspicuous spot in Media: which the men appointed to the work
+immediately did; for they took it to Callonitis and impaled it close
+to the pass over Mount Zagrus. The king, after plundering the enemy’s
+camp, rebuked the rebel army in a long speech; and finally receiving
+them back into favour by holding out his right hand to them, appointed
+certain officers to lead them back to Media and settle the affairs
+of that district; while he himself went down to Seleucia and made
+arrangements for the government of the Satrapies round it, treating
+all with equal clemency and prudence. But Hermeias acted with his
+usual harshness: he got up charges against the people of Seleucia,
+and imposed a fine of a thousand talents upon the city; drove their
+magistrates, called Adeiganes, into exile; and put many Seleucians to
+death with various tortures, by mutilation, the sword and the rack.
+With great difficulty, sometimes by dissuading Hermeias, and sometimes
+by interposing his own authority, the king did at length put an end
+to these severities; and, exacting only a fine of a hundred and fifty
+talents from the citizens for the error they had committed, restored
+the city to a state of order. This being done, he left Diogenes in
+command of Media, and Apollodorus of Susiana; and sent Tychon, his
+chief military secretary, to command the district along the Persian
+Gulf.
+
+Thus was the rebellion of Molon and the rising in the upper Satrapies
+suppressed and quieted.
+
+[Sidenote: Extension of the expedition. The treasonable designs of
+Hermeias.]
+
+[Sidenote: Artabazanes.]
+
++55.+ Elated by his success, and wishing to strike awe and terror
+into the minds of the princes of the barbarians who were near, or
+conterminous with his own Satrapies, that they might never venture to
+aid by supplies or arms those who revolted from him, he determined to
+march against them. And first of all against Artabazanes, who appeared
+to be the most formidable and able of all the princes, and who ruled
+over a tribe called the Satrapeii, and others on their borders. But
+Hermeias was at that time afraid of an expedition further up country,
+owing to its danger; and was always yearning for the expedition against
+Ptolemy in accordance with his original plan. When news, however,
+came that a son had been born to the king, thinking that Antiochus
+might possibly fall by the hands of the barbarians in upper Asia, or
+give him opportunities of putting him out of the way, he consented
+to the expedition; believing that, if he could only effect the death
+of Antiochus, he would be guardian to his son and so sole master of
+the whole kingdom. This having been decided, the army crossed Mount
+Zagrus and entered the territory of Artabazanes, which borders on
+Media, and is separated from it by an intervening chain of mountains.
+Part of it overlooks the Pontus, near the valley of the Phasis; and
+it extends to the Hyrcanian Sea. Its inhabitants are numerous and
+warlike and especially strong in horsemen; while the district produces
+within itself all other things necessary for war. The dynasty has
+lasted from the time of the Persians, having been overlooked at the
+period of Alexander’s conquests. But now in great alarm at the king’s
+approach, and at his own infirmities, for he was an extremely old man,
+Artabazanes yielded to the force of circumstances, and made a treaty
+with Antiochus on his own terms.
+
+[Sidenote: Fall and death of Hermeias, B.C. 220.]
+
++56.+ It was after the settlement of this treaty that Apollophanes,
+the physician, who was regarded with great affection by the king,
+observing that Hermeias was getting beyond all bounds in his high
+place, began to be anxious for the king’s safety, and still more
+suspicious and uneasy for his own. He took an opportunity, therefore,
+of conveying a suggestion to the king, that he had better not be too
+careless or unsuspicious of the audacious character of Hermeias; nor
+let things go on until he found himself involved in a disaster like
+that of his brother. “The danger,” he said, “is not at all remote.”
+And he begged him to be on his guard, and take prompt measures for
+the safety of himself and his friends. Antiochus owned to him that
+he disliked and feared Hermeias; and thanked him for the care of his
+person, which had emboldened him to speak to him on the subject. This
+conversation encouraged Apollophanes by convincing him that he had
+not been mistaken about the feelings and opinions of the king; and
+Antiochus begged him not to confine his assistance to words, but to
+take some practical steps to secure the safety of himself and his
+friends. Upon Apollophanes replying that he was ready to do anything
+in the world, they concerted the following plan. On the pretext of the
+king being afflicted with an attack of vertigo, it was given out that
+the daily attendance of courtiers and officials was to be discontinued
+for a few days: the king and his physician thus getting the opportunity
+of conferring with such of his friends as he chose, who came on the
+pretext of visiting him. In the course of these visits suitable persons
+for carrying out the design were prepared and instructed; and every
+one readily responding to the proposal, from hatred of Hermeias, they
+proceeded to complete it. The physicians having prescribed walks at
+daybreak for Antiochus on account of the coolness, Hermeias came to
+the place assigned for the walk, and with him those of the king’s
+friends who were privy to the design; while the rest were much too late
+on account of the time of the king’s coming out being very different
+from what it had usually been. Thus they got Hermeias gradually a
+considerable distance from the camp, until they came to a certain
+lonely spot, and then, on the king’s going a little off the road, on
+the pretence of a necessary purpose, they stabbed him to death. Such
+was the end of Hermeias, whose punishment was by no means equal to his
+crimes. Thus freed from much fear and embarrassment, the king set out
+on his march home amidst universal manifestations from the people of
+the country in favour of his measures and policy; but nothing was more
+emphatically applauded in the course of his progress than the removal
+of Hermeias. In Apameia, at the same time, the women stoned the wife of
+Hermeias to death, and the boys his sons.
+
+[Sidenote: Attempted treason of Achaeus.]
+
++57.+ When he had reached home and had dismissed his troops into
+winter quarters, Antiochus sent a message to Achaeus, protesting
+against his assumption of the diadem and royal title, and warning him
+that he was aware of his dealings with Ptolemy, and of his restless
+intrigues generally. For while the king was engaged on his expedition
+against Artabazanes, Achaeus, being persuaded that Antiochus would
+fall, or that, if he did not fall, would be so far off, that it would
+be possible for him to invade Syria before his return, and with the
+assistance of the Cyrrhestae, who were in revolt against the king,
+seize the kingdom, started from Lydia with his whole army; and on
+arriving at Laodiceia, in Phrygia, assumed the diadem, and had the
+audacity for the first time to adopt the title of king, and to send
+royal despatches to the cities, the exile Garsyeris being his chief
+adviser in this measure. But as he advanced farther and farther, and
+was now almost at Lycaonia, a mutiny broke out among his forces,
+arising from the dissatisfaction of the men at the idea of being led
+against their natural king. When Achaeus found that this disturbed
+state of feeling existed among them, he desisted from his enterprise;
+and wishing to make his men believe that he had never had any intention
+of invading Syria, he directed his march into Pisidia, and plundered
+the country. By thus securing large booty for his army he conciliated
+its affection and confidence, and then returned to his own Satrapy.
+
+[Sidenote: War with Ptolemy, B.C. 219.]
+
+[Sidenote: Apollophanes advises that they begin by taking Seleucia.]
+
++58.+ Every detail of these transactions was known to the king:
+who, while sending frequent threatening messages to Achaeus, was
+now concentrating all his efforts on the preparations for the war
+against Ptolemy. Having accordingly mustered his forces at Apameia
+just before spring, he summoned his friends to advise with him as to
+the invasion of Coele-Syria. After many suggestions had been made in
+respect to this undertaking, touching the nature of the country, the
+military preparation required, and the assistance to be rendered by the
+fleet,—Apollophanes of Seleucia, whom I mentioned before, put an abrupt
+end to all these suggestions by remarking that “it was folly to desire
+Coele-Syria and to march against that, while they allowed Seleucia to
+be held by Ptolemy, which was the capital, and so to speak, the very
+inner shrine of the king’s realm. Besides the disgrace to the kingdom
+which its occupation by the Egyptian monarchs involved, it was a
+position of the greatest practical importance, as a most admirable base
+of operations. Occupied by the enemy it was of the utmost hindrance
+to all the king’s designs; for in whatever direction he might have it
+in his mind to move his forces, his own country, owing to the fear
+of danger from this place, would need as much care and precaution
+as the preparations against his foreign enemies. Once taken, on the
+other hand, not only would it perfectly secure the safety of the home
+district, but was also capable of rendering effective aid to the king’s
+other designs and undertakings, whether by land or sea, owing to its
+commanding situation.” His words carried conviction to the minds of
+all, and it was resolved that the capture of the town should be their
+first step. For Seleucia was still held by a garrison for the Egyptian
+kings; and had been so since the time of Ptolemy Euergetes, who took it
+when he invaded Syria to revenge the murder of Berenice.
+
++59.+ In consequence of this decision, orders were sent to Diognetus
+the commander of the fleet to sail towards Seleucia: while Antiochus
+himself started from Apameia with his army, and encamped near the
+Hippodrome, about five stades from the town. He also despatched
+Theodotus Hemiolius with an adequate force against Coele-Syria, with
+orders to occupy the passes and to keep the road open for him.
+
+[Sidenote: Description of Seleucia.]
+
+The situation of Seleucia and the natural features of the surrounding
+country are of this kind. The city stands on the sea coast between
+Cilicia and Phoenicia; and has close to it a very great mountain called
+Coryphaeus, which on the west is washed by the last waves of the sea
+which lies between Cyprus and Phoenicia; while its eastern slopes
+overlook the territories of Antioch and Seleucia. It is on the southern
+skirt of this mountain that the town of Seleucia lies, separated from
+it by a deep and difficult ravine. The town extends down to the sea
+in a straggling line broken by irregularities of the soil, and is
+surrounded on most parts by cliffs and precipitous rocks. On the side
+facing the sea, where the ground is level, stand the market-places, and
+the lower town strongly walled. Similarly the whole of the main town
+has been fortified by walls of a costly construction, and splendidly
+decorated with temples and other elaborate buildings. There is only
+one approach to it on the seaward side, which is an artificial ascent
+cut in the form of a stair, interrupted by frequently occurring drops
+and awkward places. Not far from the town is the mouth of the river
+Orontes, which rises in the district of Libanus and Anti-Libanus, and
+after traversing the plain of Amyca reaches Antioch; through which it
+flows, and carrying off by the force of its current all the sewage
+of that town, finally discharges itself into this sea not far from
+Seleucia.
+
+[Sidenote: Capture of Seleucia.]
+
++60.+ Antiochus first tried sending messages to the magistrates of
+Seleucia, offering money and other rewards on condition of having the
+city surrendered without fighting. And though he failed to persuade the
+chief authorities, he corrupted some of the subordinate commanders;
+and relying on them, he made preparations to assault the town on the
+seaward side with the men of his fleet, and on the land side with
+his soldiers. He divided his forces therefore into three parts, and
+addressed suitable words of exhortation to them, causing a herald to
+proclaim a promise to men and officers alike of great gifts and crowns
+that should be bestowed for gallantry in action. To the division under
+Zeuxis he entrusted the attack upon the gate leading to Antioch; to
+Hermogenes that upon the walls near the temple of Castor and Pollux;
+and to Ardys and Diognetus the assault upon the docks and the lower
+town: in accordance with his understanding with his partisans in the
+town, whereby it had been agreed that, if he could carry the lower
+town by assault, the city also should then be put into his hands. When
+the signal was given, a vigorous and determined assault was begun
+simultaneously at all these points: though that made by Ardys and
+Diognetus was by far the most daring; for the other points did not
+admit of any assault at all by means of scaling ladders, nor could
+be carried except by the men climbing up on their hands and knees;
+while at the docks and lower town it was possible to apply scaling
+ladders and fix them firmly and safely against the walls. The naval
+contingent therefore having fixed their ladders on the docks, and the
+division of Ardys theirs upon the lower town, a violent effort was
+made to carry the walls: and the garrison of the upper town being
+prevented from coming to the assistance of these places, because the
+city was being assaulted at every other point at the same time, Ardys
+was not long before he captured the lower town. No sooner had this
+fallen, than the subordinate officers who had been corrupted hurried
+to the commander-in-chief Leontius, and urged that he ought to send
+ambassadors to Antiochus, and make terms with him, before the city was
+taken by storm. Knowing nothing about the treason of these officers,
+but alarmed by their consternation, Leontius sent commissioners to the
+king to make terms for the safety of all within the city.
+
++61.+ The king accepted the proposal and agreed to grant safety to
+all in the town who were free, amounting to six thousand souls. And
+when he took over the town, he not only spared the free, but also
+recalled those of the inhabitants who had been exiled, and restored to
+them their citizenship and property; while he secured the harbour and
+citadel with garrisons.
+
+[Sidenote: Theodotus turns against Ptolemy. See ch. 46.]
+
+While still engaged in this business, he received a letter from
+Theodotus offering to put Coele-Syria into his hands, and inviting
+him to come thither with all speed. This letter caused him great
+embarrassment and doubt as to what he ought to do, and how best to
+take advantage of the offer. This Theodotus was an Aetolian who, as I
+have already narrated, had rendered important services to Ptolemy’s
+kingdom: for which, far from being reckoned deserving of gratitude, he
+had been in imminent danger of his life, just about the time of the
+expedition of Antiochus against Molon. Thereupon conceiving a contempt
+for Ptolemy, and a distrust of his courtiers, he seized upon Ptolemais
+with his own hands, and upon Tyre by the agency of Panaetolus, and made
+haste to invite Antiochus. Postponing therefore his expedition against
+Achaeus, and regarding everything else as of secondary importance,
+Antiochus started with his army by the same route as he had come. After
+passing the cañon called Marsyas, he encamped near Gerrha, close to the
+lake which lies between the two mountains. Hearing there that Ptolemy’s
+general Nicolaus was besieging Theodotus in Ptolemais, he left his
+heavy-armed troops behind with orders to their leaders to besiege
+Brochi,—the stronghold which commands the road along the lake,—and led
+his light-armed troops forward himself, with the intention of raising
+the siege of Ptolemais. But Nicolaus had already got intelligence
+of the king’s approach; and had accordingly retired from Ptolemais
+himself, and sent forward Diogoras the Cretan and Dorymenes the
+Aetolian to occupy the passes at Berytus. The king therefore attacked
+these men, and having easily routed them took up a position near the
+pass.
+
+[Sidenote: Antiochus invades Coele-Syria.]
+
++62.+ There he awaited the coming up of the remainder of his forces,
+and, after addressing them in words befitting the occasion, continued
+his advance with his entire army, full of courage and with high
+hopes of success. When Theodotus and Panaetolus met him with their
+partisans he received them graciously, and took over from them Tyre
+and Ptolemais, and the war material which those cities contained. Part
+of this consisted of forty vessels, of which twenty were decked and
+splendidly equipped, and none with less than four banks of oars; the
+other twenty were made up of triremes, biremes, and cutters. These he
+handed over to the care of the Navarch Diognetus; and being informed
+that Ptolemy had come out against him, and had reached Memphis, and
+that all his forces were collected at Pelusium, and were opening the
+sluices, and filling up the wells of drinking water, he abandoned the
+idea of attacking Pelusium; but making a progress through the several
+cities, endeavoured to win them over by force or persuasion to his
+authority. Some of the less-fortified cities were overawed at his
+approach and made no difficulty about submitting, but others trusting
+to their fortifications or the strength of their situations held
+out; and to these he was forced to lay regular siege and so wasted a
+considerable time.
+
+Though treated with such flagrant perfidy, the character of Ptolemy was
+so feeble, and his neglect of all military preparations had been so
+great, that the idea of protecting his rights with the sword, which was
+his most obvious duty, never occurred to him.
+
+[Sidenote: Active measures of Agathocles and Sosibius.]
+
++63.+ Agathocles and Sosibius, however, the leading ministers in the
+kingdom at that time, took counsel together and did the best they could
+with the means at their disposal, in view of the existing crisis.
+They resolved to devote themselves to the preparations for war; and,
+meanwhile, by embassies to try to retard the advance of Antiochus:
+pretending to confirm him in the opinion he originally entertained
+about Ptolemy, namely, that he would not venture to fight, but would
+trust to negotiations, and the interposition of common friends, to
+induce him to evacuate Coele-Syria. Having determined upon this policy,
+Agathocles and Sosibius, to whom the whole business was entrusted, lost
+no time in sending their ambassadors to Antiochus: and at the same time
+they sent messages to Rhodes, Byzantium, and Cyzicus, not omitting the
+Aetolians, inviting them to send commissioners to discuss the terms of
+a treaty. The commissioners duly arrived, and by occupying the time
+with going backwards and forwards between the two kings, abundantly
+secured to these statesmen the two things which they wanted,—delay, and
+time to make their preparations for war. They fixed their residence
+at Memphis and there carried on these negotiations continuously. Nor
+were they less attentive to the ambassadors from Antiochus, whom they
+received with every mark of courtesy and kindness. But meanwhile they
+were calling up and collecting at Alexandria the mercenaries whom
+they had on service in towns outside Egypt; were despatching men to
+recruit foreign soldiers; and were collecting provisions both for the
+troops they already possessed, and for those that were coming in.
+No less active were they in every other department of the military
+preparations. They took turns in going on rapid and frequent visits to
+Alexandria, to see that the supplies should in no point be inadequate
+to the undertaking before them. The manufacture of arms, the selection
+of men, and their division into companies, they committed to the care
+of Echecrates of Thessaly and Phoxidas of Melita. With these they
+associated Eurylochus of Magnesia, and Socrates of Boeotia, who were
+also joined by Cnopias of Allaria. By the greatest good fortune they
+had got hold of these officers, who, while serving with Demetrius and
+Antigonus,[264] had acquired some experience of real war and actual
+service in the field. Accordingly they took command of the assembled
+troops, and made the best of them by giving them the training of
+soldiers.
+
+[Sidenote: Reorganisation of the army.]
+
++64.+ Their first measure was to divide them according to their country
+and age, and to assign to each division its appropriate arms, taking
+no account of what they had borne before. Next they broke up their
+battalions and muster-rolls, which had been formed on the basis of
+their old system of pay, and formed them into companies adapted to
+the immediate purpose. Having effected this they began to drill the
+men; habituating them severally not only to obey the words of command,
+but also to the proper management of their weapons.[265] They also
+frequently summoned general meetings at headquarters, and delivered
+speeches to the men. The most useful in this respect were Andromachus
+of Aspendus and Polycrates of Argos; because they had recently crossed
+from Greece, and were still thoroughly imbued with the Greek spirit,
+and the military ideas prevalent in the several states. Moreover, they
+were illustrious on the score of their private wealth, as well as on
+that of their respective countries; to which advantages Polycrates
+added those of an ancient family, and of the reputation obtained by
+his father Mnasiades as an athlete. By private and public exhortations
+these officers inspired their men with a zeal and enthusiasm for the
+struggle which awaited them.
+
++65.+ All these officers, too, had commands in the army suited to
+their particular accomplishments. Eurylochus of Magnesia commanded
+about three thousand men of what were called in the royal armies the
+Agema, or Guard; Socrates of Boeotia had two thousand light-armed
+troops under him; while the Achaean Phoxidas, and Ptolemy the son of
+Thraseas, and Andromachus of Aspendus were associated in the duty of
+drilling the phalanx and the mercenary Greek soldiers on the same
+ground,—Andromachus and Ptolemy commanding the phalanx, Phoxidas
+the mercenaries; of which the numbers were respectively twenty-five
+thousand and eight thousand. The cavalry, again, attached to the court,
+amounting to seven hundred, as well as that which was obtained from
+Lybia or enlisted in the country, were being trained by Polycrates,
+and were under his personal command: amounting in all to about three
+thousand men. In the actual campaign the most effective service was
+performed by Echecrates of Thessaly, by whom the Greek cavalry, which,
+with the whole body of mercenary cavalry, amounted to two thousand
+men, was splendidly trained. No one took more pains with the men under
+his command than Cnopias of Allaria. He commanded all the Cretans, who
+numbered three thousand, and among them a thousand Neo-Cretans,[266]
+over whom he had set Philo of Cnossus. They also armed three thousand
+Libyans in the Macedonian fashion, who were commanded by Ammonius of
+Barce. The Egyptians themselves supplied twenty thousand soldiers
+to the phalanx, and were under the command of Sosibius. A body of
+Thracians and Gauls was also enrolled, four thousand being taken from
+settlers in the country and their descendants, while two thousand had
+been recently enlisted and brought over: and these were under the
+command of Dionysius of Thrace. Such in its numbers, and in the variety
+of the elements of which it was composed, was the force which was being
+got ready for Ptolemy.
+
+[Sidenote: Negotiations at Memphis, B.C. 219-218.]
+
++66.+ Meanwhile Antiochus had been engaged in the siege of Dura:[267]
+but the strength of the place and the support given it by Nicolaus
+prevented him from effecting anything; and as the winter was closing
+in, he agreed with the ambassadors of Ptolemy to a suspension of
+hostilities for four months, and promised that he would discuss the
+whole question at issue in a friendly spirit. But he was as far as
+possible from being sincere in this negotiation: his real object was
+to avoid being detained any length of time from his own country, and
+to be able to place his troops in winter quarters in Seleucia; because
+Achaeus was now notoriously plotting against him, and without disguise
+co-operating with Ptolemy. So having come to this agreement, Antiochus
+dismissed the ambassadors with injunctions to acquaint him as soon as
+possible with the decision of Ptolemy, and to meet him at Seleucia. He
+then placed the necessary guards in the various strongholds, committed
+to Theodotus the command-in-chief over them all, and returned home. On
+his arrival at Seleucia he distributed his forces into their winter
+quarters; and from that time forth took no pains to keep the mass of
+his army under discipline, being persuaded that the business would
+not call for any more fighting; because he was already master of some
+portions of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, and expected to secure the rest
+by voluntary submission or by diplomacy: for Ptolemy, he believed,
+would not venture upon a general engagement. This opinion was shared
+also by the ambassadors: because Sosibius fixing his residence at
+Memphis conducted his negotiations with them in a friendly manner;
+while he prevented those who went backwards and forwards to Antiochus
+from ever becoming eye-witnesses of the preparations that were being
+carried on at Alexandria. Nay, even by the time that the ambassadors
+arrived, Sosibius was already prepared for every eventuality.
+
+[Sidenote: Antiochus’s case.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ptolemy’s case.]
+
+[Sidenote: Ptolemy, son of Lagus, B.C. 323-285.]
+
++67.+ Meanwhile Antiochus was extremely anxious to have as much the
+advantage over the government of Alexandria in diplomatic argument as
+he had in arms. Accordingly when the ambassadors arrived at Seleucia,
+and both parties began, in accordance with the instructions of
+Sosibius, to discuss the clauses of the proposed arrangement in detail,
+the king made very light of the loss recently sustained by Ptolemy, and
+the injury which had been manifestly inflicted upon him by the existing
+occupation of Coele-Syria; and in the pleadings on this subject he
+refused to look upon this transaction in the light of an injury at all,
+alleging that the places belonged to him of right. He asserted that
+the original occupation of the country by Antigonus the One-eyed, and
+the royal authority exercised over it by Seleucus,[268] constituted an
+absolutely decisive and equitable claim, in virtue of which Coele-Syria
+belonged of right to himself and not to Ptolemy; for Ptolemy I. went to
+war with Antigonus with the view of annexing this country, not to his
+own government, but to that of Seleucus. But, above all, he pressed the
+convention entered into by the three kings, Cassander, Lysimachus, and
+Seleucus, when, after having conquered Antigonus,[269] they deliberated
+in common upon the arrangements to be made, and decided that the whole
+of Syria should belong to Seleucus. The commissioners of Ptolemy
+endeavoured to establish the opposite case. They magnified the existing
+injury, and dilated on its hardship; asserting that the treason of
+Theodotus and the invasion of Antiochus amounted to a breach of
+treaty-rights. They alleged the possession of these places in the reign
+of Ptolemy, son of Lagus; and tried to show that Ptolemy had joined
+Seleucus in the war on the understanding that he was to invest Seleucus
+with the government of the whole of Asia, but was to take Coele-Syria
+and Phoenicia for himself.
+
+Such were the arguments brought forward by the two contracting parties
+in the course of the embassies and counter-embassies and conferences.
+There was no prospect, however, of arriving at any result, because the
+controversy was conducted, not by the principals, but by the common
+friends of both; and there was no one to intervene authoritatively to
+check and control the caprice of the party which they might decide to
+be in the wrong. But what caused the most insuperable difficulty was
+the matter of Achaeus. For Ptolemy was eager that the terms of the
+treaty should include him: while Antiochus would not allow the subject
+to be so much as mentioned; and was indignant that Ptolemy should
+venture to protect rebels, or bring such a point into the discussion at
+all.
+
+[Sidenote: Renewal of hostilities, B.C. 218.]
+
++68.+ The approach of spring found both sides weary of negotiations,
+and with no prospect of coming to a conclusion. Antiochus therefore
+began collecting his forces, with a view of making an invasion by
+land and sea, and completing his conquest of Coele-Syria. On his part
+Ptolemy gave the supreme management of the war to Nicolaus, sent
+abundant provisions to Gaza, and despatched land and sea forces. The
+arrival of these reinforcements gave Nicolaus courage to enter upon
+the war: the commander of the navy promptly co-operating with him in
+carrying out all his orders. This admiral was Perigenes, whom Ptolemy
+sent out in command of the fleet, consisting of thirty fully decked
+ships and more than four thousand ships of burden. Nicolaus was by
+birth an Aetolian, and was the boldest and most experienced officer
+in the service of Ptolemy. With one division of his army he hastened
+to seize the pass at Platanus; with the rest, which he personally
+commanded, he occupied the environs of Porphyrion; and there prepared
+to resist the invasion of the king: the fleet being also anchored close
+to him.
+
+[Sidenote: Antiochus marches to Beirût.]
+
+Meanwhile Antiochus had advanced as far as Marathus. On his way he had
+received a deputation of Aradians, asking for an alliance; and had
+not only granted their request, but had put an end to a quarrel which
+they had amongst themselves, by reconciling those of them who lived
+on the island with those who lived on the mainland. Starting from
+Marathus he entered the enemy’s country near the promontory called
+Theoprosopon, and advanced to Berytus, having seized Botrys on his way,
+and burnt Trieres and Calamus. From Berytus he sent forward Nicarchus
+and Theodotus with orders to secure the difficult passes near the river
+Lyons; while he himself set his army in motion and encamped near the
+river Damuras: Diognetus, the commander of his navy, coasting along
+parallel with him all the while. Thence once more, taking with him the
+divisions commanded by Theodotus and Nicarchus, which were the light
+troops of the army, he set out to reconnoitre the pass occupied already
+by Nicolaus. After thoroughly surveying the nature of the ground,
+he retired to his camp for that day. But on the next, leaving his
+heavy-armed troops in the charge of Nicarchus, he set out with the rest
+of his forces to execute his design.
+
+[Sidenote: The pass at Porphyrion.]
+
+[Sidenote: carried by Antiochus.]
+
++69.+ At this point there is but a small and narrow space between
+the foot of Libanus and the sea; and even that is intersected by a
+steep and rugged spur, leaving only a narrow and difficult passage
+along the very water’s edge. On this pass Nicolaus had taken up his
+position; and having occupied some of the points by means of his large
+numbers, and secured others by artificial works, he felt certain that
+he would be able to prevent Antiochus from effecting an entrance. But
+the king divided his army into three parts, of which he entrusted one
+to Theodotus with orders to close with the enemy and force their way
+along the skirts of Libanus; the second to Menedemus with urgent orders
+to attempt the centre of the spur; while the third he put under the
+command of Diocles, the military governor of Parapotamia, and ordered
+them to keep close to the sea. He himself with his guard occupied a
+central position, intending to superintend the whole action and give
+help where it was wanted. At the same time Diognetus and Perigenes
+made preparations for a sea-fight, coming as close as possible to the
+shore, and endeavouring to make the battles at sea and on land present
+the appearance of a single contest. A general advance having begun by
+sea and land, at the same signal and word of command, the battle on the
+sea was undecided, because the number of vessels on either side and
+their equipment were about equal: but on land the troops of Nicolaus
+got the best of it at first, from the advantage of their position.
+But when Theodotus routed the men on the mountain skirts, and then
+charged from the higher ground, Nicolaus’s men all turned and fled
+precipitately. In this flight two thousand of them fell, and as many
+were taken prisoners: the rest retreated towards Sidon. Though he now
+had the better prospect of the two in the sea-fight; yet, when he saw
+the defeat of the army on land, Perigenes turned his prows and made
+good his retreat to the same place.
+
+[Sidenote: The advance of Antiochus continued.]
+
+[Sidenote: Philoteria.]
+
+[Sidenote: Scythopolis.]
+
+[Sidenote: Atabyrium.]
+
+[Sidenote: Defections from Ptolemy.]
+
+[Sidenote: Pella, Camus, Gephrus.]
+
++70.+ Thereupon Antiochus got his army on the march, and, arriving at
+Sidon, encamped under its wall. He did not however venture to attempt
+the town, because of the vast stores it contained and the number of
+its ordinary inhabitants, as well as of the refugees who had collected
+there. He therefore broke up his camp again, and continued his march
+towards Philoteria: ordering Diognetus his navarch to sail back with
+his ships to Tyre. Now Philoteria is situated right upon the shores
+of the lake into which the river Jordan discharges itself, and from
+which it issues out again into the plains surrounding Scythopolis. The
+surrender of these two cities to him encouraged him to prosecute his
+further designs; because the country subject to them was easily able to
+supply his whole army with provisions, and everything necessary for the
+campaign in abundance. Having therefore secured them by garrisons, he
+crossed the mountain chain and arrived at Atabyrium, which is situated
+upon a rounded hill, the ascent of which is more than fifteen stades
+long. But on this occasion he managed to take it by an ambuscade and
+stratagem. He induced the men of the town to come out to a skirmish,
+and enticed their leading columns to a considerable distance; then
+his troops suddenly turned from their pretended flight, and those who
+were concealed rising from their ambush, he attacked and killed a
+large number of the enemy; and finally, by pursuing close upon their
+heels, and thus creating a panic in the town before he reached it, he
+carried it as he had done others by assault. At this juncture Ceraeas,
+one of Ptolemy’s officers, deserted to Antiochus, whose distinguished
+reception caused great excitement in the minds of many other of the
+enemy’s officers. At any rate, not long afterwards, Hippolochus of
+Thessaly joined Antiochus with four hundred cavalry of Ptolemy’s army.
+Having therefore secured Atabyrium also with a garrison, Antiochus
+started once more and took over Pella, Camus, and Gephrus.
+
+[Sidenote: Abila.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gadara.]
+
+[Sidenote: Rabbatamana.]
+
+[Sidenote: Fall of Rabbatamana.]
+
+[Sidenote: Samaria.]
+
+[Sidenote: Antiochus goes into winter quarters, B.C. 218-217.]
+
++71.+ This unbroken stream of success caused the inhabitants of the
+neighbouring Arabia to rouse each other up to take action; and they
+unanimously joined Antiochus. With the additional encouragement and
+supplies which they afforded he continued his advance; and, arriving
+in the district of Galatis, made himself master of Abila, and the
+relieving force which had thrown itself into that town, under the
+command of Nicias, a friend and kinsman of Menneas. Gadara was the
+only town now left, which is thought to be the strongest of any in
+those parts. He therefore encamped under its walls and, bringing
+siege-works to bear upon it, quickly terrified it into submission.
+Then hearing that a strong force of the enemy were concentrated at
+Rabbatamana in Arabia, and were pillaging and overrunning the territory
+of those Arabians who had joined him, he threw everything else aside
+and started thither; and pitched his camp at the foot of the high
+ground on which that city stands. After going round and reconnoitring
+the hill, and finding that it admitted of being ascended only at two
+points, he led his army to them and set up his siege artillery at these
+points. He put one set of siege-works under the care of Nicarchus, the
+other under that of Theodotus: while he superintended both equally,
+and observed the zeal shown by the two respectively. Great exertions
+were accordingly made by each, and a continual rivalry kept up as
+to which should be the first to make a breach in the wall opposite
+their works: and the result was that both breaches were made with
+unexpected rapidity; whereupon they kept making assaults night and
+day, and trying every means to force an entrance, without an hour’s
+intermission. But though they kept up these attempts continuously,
+they failed to make any impression; until a prisoner showed them the
+underground passage through which the besieged were accustomed to
+descend to fetch water. They broke into this and stopped it up with
+timber and stones and everything of that sort; and when this was done,
+the garrison surrendered for want of water. Having thus got possession
+of Rabbatamana, Antiochus left Nicarchus with an adequate garrison in
+command of it; and sent the two deserters from Ptolemy, Hippolochus and
+Ceraeas, with five thousand infantry, to Samaria: with orders to take
+the government of the district and protect all who submitted to him.
+He then started with his army for Ptolemais, where he was resolved to
+winter.
+
+[Sidenote: Asia Minor,[270]
+
++72.+ In the course of this same summer, the Pednelissians, being
+besieged and reduced to great straits by the Selgians, B.C. 218. Relief
+of Pednelissus.] sent messages to Achaeus asking for help: and upon
+receiving a ready assent, continued to sustain the siege with great
+spirit in reliance upon this hope of relief. Achaeus selected Garsyeris
+to conduct the expedition; and sent him out in all haste, with six
+thousand infantry and five hundred horse, to relieve the Pednelissians.
+But when they heard of the approach of the army of relief, the Selgians
+occupied the pass called the Stair with the main body of their own
+army; and put a garrison at the entrance into Saperda: breaking up
+and spoiling all the paths and tracks leading to it. After entering
+Milyades and encamping under the walls of Cretopolis, perceiving that
+a farther advance was made impossible by the occupation of these
+positions by the enemy, Garsyeris hit upon the following ruse. He broke
+up his camp, and began his return march, as though he had abandoned
+all thoughts of relieving Pednelissus, owing to the enemy’s occupation
+of these positions. The Selgians were readily persuaded that he had
+really abandoned the relief of Pednelissus, and departed, some to the
+besieging camp and others home to Selge, as it was now close upon
+harvest-time. Thereupon Garsyeris faced about, and, marching with great
+speed, arrived at the pass over the mountain; and finding it unguarded,
+secured it by a garrison, under the command of Phayllus; while he
+himself with his main army went to Perga: and thence sent embassies
+to the other states in Pisidia and Pamphylia, pointing out that the
+power of the Selgians was a standing menace, and urging all to ally
+themselves with Achaeus and join in relieving Pednelissus.
+
++73.+ Meanwhile the Selgians had sent out a general in command of
+a force which they hoped would terrify Phallyus by their superior
+knowledge of the country, and expel him from his strong position.
+But when, far from attaining their object, they lost large numbers
+of men in their attacks upon him; though they abandoned the hope
+of accomplishing this, they yet persisted with increased ardour in
+the siege of Pednelissus. Garsyeris was now reinforced by eight
+thousand hoplites from the Etennes, who inhabit the highlands of
+Pisidia above Side, and half that number from Aspendus. The people of
+Side itself, partly from a wish to curry favour with Antiochus, but
+chiefly from hatred to the Aspendians, refused to take part in the
+relief of Pednelissus. With these reinforcements, as well as his own
+army, Garsyeris advanced towards Pednelissus, feeling certain that he
+would be able to raise the siege at the first attack: but when the
+Selgians showed no sign of alarm, he entrenched himself at a moderate
+distance from them. The Pednelissians were now becoming hard pressed
+from want of provisions; and Garsyeris, being anxious to do all he
+could, got ready two thousand men, giving each a medimnus of wheat,
+and despatched them under cover of night into Pednelissus. But the
+Selgians getting intelligence of what was going on, and, coming out
+to intercept them, most of those who were carrying in the corn were
+killed, and the Selgians got possession of the wheat. Elated with
+this success, they now essayed to storm the camp of Garsyeris as well
+as the city. An adventurous daring in the presence of the enemy is
+indeed characteristic of the Selgians: and on this occasion they left
+a barely sufficient number to guard their camp; and, surrounding the
+enemy’s entrenchment with the rest, assaulted it at several points at
+once. Finding himself unexpectedly attacked on every side, and portions
+of his palisade being already torn down, Garsyeris, appreciating the
+gravity of the danger, and feeling that there was but little chance
+of averting total destruction, sent out some cavalry at a point which
+the enemy had left unguarded. These the Selgians imagined to be flying
+in a panic and for fear of what was coming: and therefore, instead of
+attending to them, they treated them with utter contempt. When these
+horsemen, however, had ridden round, so as to get on the rear of the
+enemy, they charged and fought with great fierceness. This raised the
+spirits of Garsyeris’s infantry, though they had already given way:
+and they therefore faced round, and once more offered resistance to
+the troops that were storming their camp. The Selgians, accordingly,
+being now attacked on front and rear at once, broke and fled. At the
+same time the Pednelissians sallied out and attacked the troops left in
+charge of the Selgian camp, and drove them out. The pursuit lasted to
+so great a distance that no less than ten thousand of the Selgian army
+fell: of the survivors all who were allies fled to their own cities;
+while the Selgians themselves escaped over the highlands into their
+native land.
+
+[Sidenote: Panic at Selge.]
+
+[Sidenote: Logbasis turns traitor.]
+
++74.+ Garsyeris immediately started in pursuit of the fugitives, being
+in haste to get over the narrow pass, and approach Selge, before they
+could make a stand, and form any plan for meeting his approach. Thus he
+came to Selge with his army. But the inhabitants, having no longer any
+hopes in their allies, after the disaster which had affected them all
+alike, and themselves dispirited at the misfortune which had befallen
+them, became exceedingly anxious for the safety of themselves and their
+country. They accordingly determined in public assembly to send one
+of their citizens on an embassy to Gassyeris, and selected for the
+purpose Logbasis, who had been for a long time on terms of intimacy
+and friendship with the Antiochus that lost his life in Thrace.[271]
+Laodice,[272] also, who became afterwards the wife of Achaeus, having
+been committed to his care, he had brought this young lady up as his
+daughter, and had treated her with conspicuous kindness. The Selgians
+therefore thought that his character made him eminently fitted for
+an ambassador in the circumstances, and accordingly sent him on the
+mission. He, however, obtained a private interview with Garsyeris,
+and was so far from carrying out the purpose for which he came, by
+properly supporting the interests of his country, that on the contrary
+he strongly urged Garsyeris to send with all speed for Achaeus, and
+undertook to put the city into their hands. Garsyeris, of course,
+grasped eagerly at the chance offered to him and sent messengers to
+induce Achaeus to come, and to inform him of the position of affairs.
+Meanwhile he concluded an armistice with the Selgians, and protracted
+the negotiations for a treaty by continually bringing forward
+objections and scruples on points of detail, in order to give time for
+the arrival of Achaeus, and for Logbasis to conduct his negotiations
+and mature his plot.
+
++75.+ While this was going on frequent meetings for discussion took
+place between the camp and the town, and it became quite an ordinary
+thing for the soldiers to go into the town to purchase corn. This is
+a state of things which has on many occasions proved fatal. And it
+appears to me that of all animals the most easily deceived is man,
+though he has the credit of being the most cunning. For consider how
+many entrenched camps and fortresses, how many and what great cities
+have been betrayed by this kind of trick! And yet in spite of such
+frequent and conspicuous examples of the many people to whom it has
+happened, somehow or another we are always new to such deceit, and
+fall into the trap with the inexperience of youth. The reason is that
+we do not keep ready for reference in our minds the disasters of those
+who have made mistakes before us in this or that particular. But while
+preparing with great labour and cost stores of corn and money, and a
+provision of walls and weapons to meet unforeseen eventualities, that
+which is the easiest of all and the most serviceable in the hour of
+danger—that we all neglect; although we might obtain this experience
+from history and research, which in themselves add a dignity to leisure
+and a charm to existence.
+
+[Sidenote: Failure of the treason of Logbasis.]
+
+Achaeus then duly arrived at the time expected: and after conference
+with him, the Selgians had great hopes of experiencing some signal
+kindness at his hands. But in the interval Logbasis had little by
+little collected in his house some of the soldiers who came into the
+town from the camp; and now advised the citizens not to let slip
+the opportunity, but to act with the display of Achaeus’s kindly
+disposition towards them before their eyes; and to put the finishing
+stroke to the treaty, after holding a general assembly of the whole
+community to discuss the situation. An assembly was at once convened,
+to which even those on guard were all summoned to assist in bringing
+the treaty to completion; and the citizens began deliberating on the
+state of affairs.
+
++76.+ Meanwhile Logbasis, who had agreed with the enemy to take that
+opportunity, began getting ready those who had congregated at his
+house, and prepared and armed himself and his sons also for the fight.
+And now Achaeus with half the hostile force was advancing towards the
+city itself; while Garsyeris with the remainder was marching towards
+the Cesbedium as it is called, or temple of Zeus, which stands in a
+position commanding the city and presenting very much the appearance of
+a citadel. But a goatherd, having by chance observed what was going on,
+brought the news to the assembly; thereupon some of the citizens made a
+hurried rush to the Cesbedium, others to their posts on the wall, and
+the majority in great anger to the house of Logbasis. His treasonable
+practice being thus detected, some of them climbed upon the roof,
+others forced their way in by the front door, and murdered Logbasis
+and his sons and all the other men which they found there at the same
+time. Then they caused a proclamation to be made promising freedom to
+all slaves who would join them: and dividing themselves into three
+companies, they hastened to defend all the points of vantage. When he
+saw that the Cesbedium was already occupied, Garsyeris abandoned his
+enterprise; but Achaeus held on his way until he came right up to the
+gates: whereupon the Selgians sallied out, killed seven hundred, and
+forced the rest to give up the attempt. Upon this conclusion of their
+enterprise, Achaeus and Garsyeris retired to the camp. But the Selgians
+fearing treason among themselves, and alarmed at the presence of a
+hostile camp, sent out some of their elders in the guise of suppliants,
+and concluded a peace, on condition of paying four hundred talents on
+the spot and restoring the Pednelissians whom they had taken prisoners,
+and paying a further sum of three hundred talents at a fixed date. Thus
+did the Selgians by their own valour save their country, which they had
+been in danger of losing through the infamous treason of Logbasis; and
+thus neither disgraced their freedom, nor their relationship to the
+Lacedaemonians.[273]
+
++77.+ But after reducing Milyas, and the greater part of Pamphylia,
+Achaeus took his departure, and arriving at Sardis kept up a continuous
+warfare with Attalus, and began threatening Prusias, and making himself
+an object of terror and alarm to all the inhabitants on this side
+Taurus.
+
+[Sidenote: The expedition of Attalus to recover cities which had joined
+Achaeus.]
+
+But while Achaeus was engaged on his expedition against Selge, Attalus
+with the Aegosagae from Gaul was going through all the cities in
+Aeolis, and the neighbourhood, which had before this been terrified
+into joining Achaeus; but most of which now voluntarily and even
+gratefully gave in their adherence to him, though there were some few
+which waited to be forced. Now the cities which transferred their
+allegiance to him in the first instance were Cyme, Smyrna, and Phocaea;
+after them Aegae and Temnus submitted, in terror at his approach; and
+thereupon he was waited upon by ambassadors from Teos and Colophon with
+offers to surrender themselves and their cities. He received them also
+upon the same terms as they had enjoyed before, taking hostages; but
+he treated the ambassadors from Smyrna with special kindness, because
+they had been the most constant in their loyalty of all. Continuing his
+march without interruption, he crossed the Lycus and arrived at the
+hamlets of Mysia, and thence came to Carseae. Overawing the inhabitants
+of this town, as well as the garrison of the Two Walls, he got them
+surrendered to him by Themistocles, who had been, as it happened, left
+by Achaeus in command of this district. Starting thence, and wasting
+the plain of Apia, he crossed Mount Pelecas and encamped near the river
+Megistus.
+
+[Sidenote: Mutiny of the Gauls.]
+
++78.+ While he was here an eclipse of the moon occurred: and the
+Gauls who had all along been much discontented at the hardships of
+the march,—which was rendered the more painful for them by the fact
+of their being accompanied by their wives and children, who followed
+the host in waggons,—now regarded the eclipse as an evil augury, and
+refused to go on. But King Attalus, who got no effective service out
+of them, and saw that they straggled during the march and encamped
+by themselves, and wholly declined to obey orders and despised all
+authority, was in great doubt as to what to do. He was anxious less
+they should desert to Achaeus, and join in an attack upon himself:
+and was at the same time uneasy at the scandal to which he would give
+rise, if he caused his soldiers to surround and kill all these men, who
+were believed to have crossed into Asia in reliance on his honour. He
+therefore seized the occasion of their refusal to proceed, to promise
+them that he would see that they were taken back to the place where
+they had crossed into Asia; would assign them suitable lands for a
+settlement; and would afterwards do them any service they asked for, if
+it was within his power and consistent with justice.
+
+Accordingly Attalus led the Aegosagae back to the Hellespont; and after
+negotiations with the people of Lampsacus, Ilium, and Alexandria,
+conducted in a friendly spirit because they had preserved their loyalty
+to him, he returned with his army to Pergamum.
+
+[Sidenote: Ptolemy’s army: 70,000 infantry, 5000 cavalry, 73 elephants.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 217. Antiochus and Ptolemy recommence hostilities in
+the spring.]
+
+[Sidenote: The army of Antiochus: 62,000 infantry, 6000 cavalry, 102
+elephants.]
+
++79.+ At the beginning of the following spring, having all preparations
+for war completed, Antiochus and Ptolemy determined to bring their
+claims to Coele-Syria to the decision of a battle. Ptolemy accordingly
+set out from Alexandria with seventy thousand infantry, five thousand
+cavalry, and seventy three elephants. Being informed of his approach,
+Antiochus drew his forces together. These consisted of Daae, Carmani,
+and Cilicians, equipped as light armed troops to the number of about
+five thousand, under the charge and command of Byttacus the Macedonian.
+Under Theodotus, the Aetolian, who had deserted from Ptolemy, were ten
+thousand picked men from the whole kingdom, armed in the Macedonian
+fashion, most of whom had silver shields. The number of the phalanx
+was twenty thousand, and they were led by Nicarchus and Theodotus
+Hemiolius. In addition to these there were Agrianes and Persians, who
+were either bowmen or slingers, to the number of two thousand. With
+them were a thousand Thracians, under the command of Menedemus of
+Alabanda. There was also a mixed force of Medes, Cissians, Cadusians,
+and Carmanians, amounting to five thousand men, who were assigned to
+the chief command of Aspasianus the Mede. Certain Arabians also and men
+of neighbouring tribes, to the number of ten thousand, were commanded
+by Zabdibelus. The mercenaries from Greece amounting to five thousand
+were led by Hippolochus of Thessaly. Antiochus had also fifteen hundred
+Cretans who came with Eurylochus, and a thousand Neo-Cretans commanded
+by Zelys of Gortyna; with whom were five hundred javelin men of Lydia,
+and a thousand Cardaces who came with Lysimachus the Gaul. The entire
+number of his horse was six thousand; four thousand were commanded by
+the king’s nephew Antipater, the rest by Themison; so that the whole
+number of Antiochus’s force was sixty-two thousand infantry, six
+thousand cavalry, and one hundred and two elephants.
+
+[Sidenote: Ptolemy enters Palestine.]
+
++80.+ Having marched to Pelusium Ptolemy made his first halt in that
+town: and having been there joined by the stragglers, and having given
+out their rations of corn to his men, he got the army in motion, and
+led them by a line of march which goes through the waterless region
+skirting Mount Casius and the Marshes.[274] On the fifth day’s march
+he reached his destination, and pitched his camp a distance of fifty
+stades from Rhaphia, which is the first city of Coele-Syria towards
+Egypt.
+
+[Sidenote: Antiochus goes to meet him.]
+
+While Ptolemy was effecting this movement Antiochus arrived with his
+army at Gaza, where he was joined by some reinforcements, and once
+more commenced his advance, proceeding at a leisurely pace. He passed
+Rhaphia and encamped about ten stades from the enemy. For a while the
+two armies preserved this distance, and remained encamped opposite each
+other. But after some few days, wishing to remove to more advantageous
+ground and to inspire confidence in his troops, Antiochus pushed
+forward his camp so much nearer Ptolemy, that the palisades of the two
+camps were not more than five stades from each other; and while in this
+position, there were frequent struggles at the watering-places and on
+forays, as well as infantry and cavalry skirmishes in the space between
+the camps.
+
+[Sidenote: Daring attempt of Theodotus to assassinate Ptolemy.]
+
++81.+ In the course of these proceedings Theodotus conceived and put
+into execution an enterprise, very characteristic of an Aetolian, but
+undoubtedly requiring great personal courage. Having formerly lived
+at Ptolemy’s court he knew the king’s tastes and habits. Accordingly,
+accompanied by two others, he entered the enemy’s camp just before
+daybreak; where, owing to the dim light, he could not be recognised
+by his face, while his dress and other accoutrements did not render
+him noticeable, owing to the variety of costume prevailing among
+themselves. He had marked the position of the king’s tent during the
+preceding days, for the skirmishes took place quite close; and he
+now walked boldly up to it, and passed through all the outer ring of
+attendants without being observed: but when he came to the tent in
+which the king was accustomed to transact business and dine, though he
+searched it in every conceivable way, he failed to find the king; for
+Ptolemy slept in another tent, separate from the public and official
+tent. He however wounded two men who were sleeping there, and killed
+Andreas, the king’s physician; and then returned safely to his own
+camp, without meeting with any molestation, except just as he was
+passing over the vallum of the enemy’s camp. As far as daring went, he
+had fulfilled his purpose: but he had failed in prudence by not taking
+the precaution to ascertain where Ptolemy was accustomed to sleep.
+
+[Sidenote: Disposition of the two armies for the battle of Rhaphia.]
+
++82.+ After being encamped opposite each other for five days, the two
+kings resolved to bring matters to the decision of battle. And upon
+Ptolemy beginning to move his army outside its camp, Antiochus hastened
+to do the same. Both formed their front of their phalanx and men armed
+in the Macedonian manner. But Ptolemy’s two wings were formed as
+follows:—Polycrates, with the cavalry under his command, occupied the
+left, and between him and the phalanx were Cretans standing close by
+the horsemen; next them came the royal guard;[275] then the peltasts
+under Socrates, adjoining the Libyans armed in Macedonian fashion.
+On the right wing was Echecrates of Thessaly, with his division of
+cavalry; on his left were stationed Gauls and Thracians; next them
+Phoxidas and the Greek mercenaries, extending to the Egyptian phalanx.
+Of the elephants forty were on the left wing, where Ptolemy was to be
+in person during the battle; the other thirty-three had been stationed
+in front of the right wing opposite the mercenary cavalry.
+
+Antiochus also placed sixty of his elephants commanded by his
+foster-brother Philip in front of his right wing, on which he was to
+be present personally, to fight opposite Ptolemy. Behind these he
+stationed the two thousand cavalry commanded by Antipater, and two
+thousand more at right angles to them.
+
+In line with the cavalry he placed the Cretans, and next them the Greek
+mercenaries; with the latter he mixed two thousand of these armed in
+the Macedonian fashion under the command of the Macedonian Byttacus.
+At the extreme point of the left wing he placed two thousand cavalry
+under the command of Themison; by their side Cardacian and Lydian
+javelin-men; next them the light-armed division of three thousand,
+commanded by Menedemus; then the Cissians, Medes, and Carmanians; and
+by their side the Arabians and neighbouring peoples who continued the
+line up to the phalanx. The remainder of the elephants he placed in
+front of his left wing under the command of Myiscus, one of the boys
+about the court.
+
+[Sidenote: Addresses to the two armies before the battle of Rhaphia.]
+
++83.+ The two armies having been drawn up in the order I have
+described; the kings went along their respective lines, and addressed
+words of encouragement and exhortation to their officers and friends.
+But as they both rested their strongest hopes on their phalanx, they
+showed their greatest earnestness and addressed their strongest
+exhortations to them; which were re-echoed in Ptolemy’s case by
+Andromachus and Sosibius and the king’s sister Arsinoe; in the case
+of Antiochus by Theodotus and Nicarchus: these officers being the
+commanders of the phalanx in the two armies respectively. The substance
+of what was said on both sides was the same: for neither monarch had
+any glorious or famous achievement of his own to quote to those whom he
+was addressing, seeing that they had but recently succeeded to their
+crowns; but they endeavoured to inspire the men of the phalanx with
+spirit and boldness, by reminding them of the glory of their ancestors,
+and the great deeds performed by them. But they chiefly dwelt upon the
+hopes of advancement which the men might expect at their hands in the
+future; and they called upon and exhorted the leaders and the whole
+body of men, who were about to be engaged, to maintain the fight with a
+manly and courageous spirit. So with these or similar words, delivered
+by their own lips or by interpreters, they rode along their lines.
+
+[Sidenote: The battle of Rhaphia.]
+
++84.+ Ptolemy, accompanied by his sister, having arrived at the left
+wing of his army, and Antiochus with the royal guard at the right: they
+gave the signal for the battle, and opened the fight by a charge of
+elephants. Only some few of Ptolemy’s elephants came to close quarters
+with the foe: seated on these the soldiers in the howdahs maintained
+a brilliant fight, lunging at and striking each other with crossed
+pikes.[276] But the elephants themselves fought still more brilliantly,
+using all their strength in the encounter, and pushing against each
+other, forehead to forehead.
+
+[Sidenote: Fighting elephants.]
+
+[Sidenote: Antiochus’s right wing successful.]
+
+The way in which elephants fight is this: they get their tusks
+entangled and jammed, and then push against one another with all their
+might, trying to make each other yield ground until one of them proving
+superior in strength has pushed aside the other’s trunk; and when once
+he can get a side blow at his enemy, he pierces him with his tusks as
+a bull would with his horns. Now, most of Ptolemy’s animals, as is the
+way with Libyan elephants, were afraid to face the fight: for they
+cannot stand the smell or the trumpeting of the Indian elephants, but
+are frightened at their size and strength, I suppose, and run away from
+them at once without waiting to come near them. This is exactly what
+happened on this occasion: and upon their being thrown into confusion
+and being driven back upon their own lines, Ptolemy’s guard gave way
+before the rush of the animals; while Antiochus, wheeling his men
+so as to avoid the elephants, charged the division of cavalry under
+Polycrates. At the same time the Greek mercenaries stationed near the
+phalanx, and behind the elephants, charged Ptolemy’s peltasts and made
+them give ground, the elephants having already thrown their ranks also
+into confusion. Thus Ptolemy’s whole left wing began to give way before
+the enemy.
+
+[Sidenote: Ptolemy’s right wing also successful.]
+
+[Sidenote: The centre coming into action. Ptolemy is victorious.]
+
+[Sidenote: Final retreat of Antiochus.]
+
++85.+ Echecrates the commander of the right wing waited at first
+to see the result of the struggle between the other wings of the
+two armies: but when he saw the dust coming his way, and that the
+elephants opposite his division were afraid even to approach the
+hostile elephants at all, he ordered Phoxidas to charge the part of the
+enemy opposite him with his Greek mercenaries; while he made a flank
+movement with the cavalry and the division behind the elephants; and
+so getting out of the line of the hostile elephants’ attack, charged
+the enemy’s cavalry on the rear or the flank and quickly drove them
+from their ground. Phoxidas and his men were similarly successful: for
+they charged the Arabians and Medes and forced them into precipitate
+flight. Thus Antiochus’s right wing gained a victory, while his left
+was defeated. The phalanxes, left without the support of either wing,
+remained intact in the centre of the plain, in a state of alternate
+hope and fear for the result. Meanwhile Antiochus was assisting in
+gaining the victory on his right wing; while Ptolemy, who had retired
+behind his phalanx, now came forward in the centre, and showing
+himself in the view of both armies struck terror in the hearts of the
+enemy, but inspired great spirit and enthusiasm in his own men; and
+Andromachus and Sosibius at once ordered them to lower their sarissae
+and charge. The picked Syrian troops stood their ground only for a
+short time, and the division of Nicarchus quickly broke and fled.
+Antiochus presuming, in his youthful inexperience, from the success of
+his own division, that he would be equally victorious all along the
+line, was pressing on the pursuit; but upon one of the older officers
+at length giving him warning, and pointing out that the cloud of dust
+raised by the phalanx was moving towards their own camp, he understood
+too late what was happening; and endeavoured to gallop back with the
+squadron of royal cavalry on to the field. But finding his whole line
+in full retreat he was forced to retire to Rhaphia: comforting himself
+with the belief that, as far as he was personally concerned, he had won
+a victory, but had been defeated in the whole battle by the want of
+spirit and courage shown by the rest.
+
+[Sidenote: The losses on either side.]
+
++86.+ Having secured the final victory by his phalanx, and killed
+large numbers of the enemy in the pursuit by means of his cavalry and
+mercenaries on his right wing, Ptolemy retired to his own camp and
+there spent the night. But next day, after picking up and burying his
+own dead, and stripping the bodies of the enemy, he advanced towards
+Rhaphia. Antiochus had wished, immediately after the retreat of his
+army, to make a camp outside the city; and there rally such of his men
+as had fled in compact bodies: but finding that the greater number had
+retreated into the town, he was compelled to enter it himself also.
+Next morning, however, before daybreak, he led out the relics of his
+army and made the best of his way to Gaza. There he pitched a camp: and
+having sent an embassy to obtain leave to pick up his dead, he obtained
+a truce for performing their obsequies. His loss amounted to nearly ten
+thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry killed, and four thousand
+taken prisoners. Three elephants were killed on the field, and two died
+afterwards of their wounds. On Ptolemy’s side the losses were fifteen
+hundred infantry killed and seven hundred cavalry: sixteen of his
+elephants were killed, and most of the others captured.
+
+Such was the result of the battle of Rhaphia between kings Ptolemy and
+Antiochus for the possession of Coele-Syria.
+
+[Sidenote: The effect of the battle of Rhaphia.]
+
+After picking up his dead Antiochus retired with his army to his own
+country: while Ptolemy took over Rhaphia and the other towns without
+difficulty, all the states vying with each other as to which should
+be first to renew their allegiance and come over to him. And perhaps
+it is the way of the world everywhere to accommodate one’s self to
+circumstances at such times; but it is eminently true of the race
+inhabiting that country, that they have a natural turn and inclination
+to worship success. Moreover it was all the more natural in this
+case, owing to the existing disposition of the people in favour of
+the Alexandrian kings; for the inhabitants of Coele-Syria are somehow
+always more loyally disposed to this family than to any other.
+Accordingly they now stopped short of no extravagance of adulation,
+honouring Ptolemy with crowns, sacrifices, and every possible
+compliment of the kind.
+
+[Sidenote: Peace between Ptolemy and Antiochus for a year, B.C. 217.]
+
++87.+ Meanwhile Antiochus, on arriving at the city which bears his
+own name, immediately despatched an embassy to Ptolemy, consisting of
+Antipater, his nephew, and Theodotus Hemiolius, to treat of a peace, in
+great alarm lest the enemy should advance upon him. For his defeat had
+inspired him with distrust of his own forces, and he was afraid that
+Achaeus would seize the opportunity to attack him. It did not occur
+to Ptolemy to take any of these circumstances into account: but being
+thoroughly satisfied with his unexpected success, and generally at his
+unlooked for acquisition of Coele-Syria, he was by no means indisposed
+to peace; but even more inclined to it than he ought to have been:
+influenced in that direction by the habitual effeminacy and corruption
+of his manner of life. Accordingly, when Antipater and his colleague
+arrived, after some little bluster and vituperation of Antiochus for
+what had taken place, he agreed to a truce for a year. He sent Sosibius
+back with the ambassadors to ratify the treaty: while he himself, after
+remaining three months in Syria and Phoenicia, and settling the towns,
+left Andromachus of Aspendus as governor of this district, and started
+with his sister and friends for Alexandria: having brought the war to a
+conclusion in a way that surprised his subjects, when they contrasted
+it with the principles on which he spent the rest of his life.
+Antiochus after exchanging ratifications of the treaty with Sosibius,
+employed himself in making preparations for attacking Achaeus, as he
+had originally begun doing. Such was the political situation in Asia.
+
+[Sidenote: Earthquake at Rhodes. Royal liberality, B.C. 224.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hiero and Gelo.]
+
++88.+ About the same period the earthquake occurred at Rhodes, which
+overthrew the great Colossus and the larger part of the walls and
+dockyards. But the adroit policy of the Rhodians converted this
+misfortune into an opportunity; and under their skilful management,
+instead of adding to their embarrassments, it became the means of
+restoring their prosperity. So decisive in human affairs, public or
+private, is the difference between incapacity and good sense, between
+idle indifference and a close attention to business. Good fortune
+only damages the one, while disaster is but a means of recovery to
+the other. This was illustrated by the manner in which the Rhodians
+turned the misfortune that befel them to account. They enhanced its
+magnitude and importance by the prominence which they gave it, and the
+serious tone in which they spoke of it, as well by the mouth of their
+ambassadors as in the intercourse of private life; and they created
+thus such an effect upon other states, and especially upon the feelings
+of the kings, that they were not only overwhelmed with presents, but
+made the donors feel actually obliged for their acceptance of them.
+Hiero and Gelo, for instance, presented them with seventy-five talents
+of silver, part at once, and the rest at a very short interval, as
+a contribution towards the expenses of the gymnasium; gave them
+for religious purposes some silver cauldrons and their stands, and
+some water vessels; and in addition to this ten talents for their
+sacrifices, and ten more to attract new citizens: their intention
+being that the whole present should amount to a hundred talents.[277]
+Not only so, but they gave immunity from customs to Rhodian merchants
+coming to their ports; and presented them besides with fifty
+catapults of three cubits length. In spite too of these large gifts,
+they regarded themselves as under an obligation to the Rhodians;
+and accordingly erected statues in the _Deigma_ or Mart of Rhodes,
+representing the community of Rhodes crowned by that of Syracuse.
+
+[Sidenote: Antigonus.]
+
++89.+ Then too Ptolemy offered them three hundred talents of silver;
+a million medimni[278] of corn; [Sidenote: Ptolemy.] ship timber for
+ten quinqueremes and ten triremes, consisting of forty thousand cubits
+of squared pine planking; a thousand talents of bronze coinage; three
+thousand talents[279] of tow; three thousand pieces of sail cloth;
+three thousand talents for the repair of the Colossus; a hundred master
+builders with three hundred and fifty workmen, and fourteen talents
+yearly to pay their wages. Besides this he gave twelve thousand medimni
+of corn for their public games and sacrifices, and twenty thousand
+medimni for victualling ten triremes. The greater part of these goods
+was delivered at once, as well as a third of the whole of the money
+named. In a similar spirit Antigonus offered ten thousand timbers,
+varying from sixteen to eight cubits in length, to be used as purlins;
+five thousand rafters seven cubits long; three thousand talents of
+iron; a thousand talents of pitch; a thousand amphorae of the same
+unboiled; and a hundred talents of silver besides. His queen, Chryseis,
+also gave a hundred thousand medimni of corn, and three thousand
+talents of lead. Again Seleucus,[280] father of Antiochus, besides
+granting freedom from imports to Rhodians sailing to his dominions,
+and besides giving ten quinqueremes fully equipped, and two hundred
+thousand medimni of corn; gave also ten thousand cubits of timber, and
+a thousand talents of resin and hair.
+
+[Sidenote: Other princes.]
+
++90.+ Nor were Prusias and Mithridates far behind these in liberality;
+nor the princes Lysanias, Olympichus, and Lymnaeas, who were at that
+time in power in different parts of Asia; and as for states that,
+according to their several abilities contributed to their assistance,
+it would be difficult to reckon their number. In fact, though when we
+regard the time which it took the city to recover its populousness,
+and the state of desolation from which it started, we cannot fail to
+be struck at the rapidity and the extent of its improvement in regard
+both to private and public wealth; yet when we contemplate the natural
+advantages of its site, and the contributions from outside which served
+to raise its fortunes to their original height, this feeling must give
+way to a conviction that the advance was somewhat less than might have
+been expected.
+
+My object in giving these details is twofold. I wished to exhibit the
+brilliant conduct of their public affairs by the Rhodians, for indeed
+they deserve both to be commended and imitated: and I wished also to
+point out the insignificance of the gifts bestowed by the kings of our
+own day, and received by nations and states; that these monarchs may
+not imagine that by the expenditure of four or five talents they are
+doing anything so very great, or expect to receive at the hands of the
+Greeks the honour enjoyed by former kings; and that states when they
+see before their eyes the magnitude of the presents formerly bestowed,
+may not, nowadays, in return for insignificant and paltry benefactions,
+blindly bestow their most ample and splendid honours; but may use that
+discrimination in apportioning their favours to desert, in which Greeks
+excel the rest of the world.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 217. Greece. Return of Lycurgus to Sparta. He projects
+an invasion of Messenia.]
+
+[Sidenote: The preparations of Aratus.]
+
++91.+ Just at the beginning of this summer, while Agetas was Strategus
+of the Aetolians, and when Aratus had just become Strategus of the
+Achaean league,—at which point we broke off in our history of the
+Social war,[281]—Lycurgus of Sparta returned home from Aetolia. The
+Ephors had discovered that the charge on which he had been banished
+was false; and had accordingly sent for him back, and recalled him
+from exile. He at once began making an arrangement with Pyrrhias the
+Aetolian, who happened at the time to be commander in Elis, for an
+invasion of Messenia. Now, when Aratus came into office, he found the
+mercenary army of the league in a state of complete demoralisation, and
+the cities very slack to pay the tax for their support, owing to the
+bad and spiritless manner in which his predecessor Eperatus had managed
+the affairs of the league. He, however, exhorted the members of the
+league to reform, and obtained a decree dealing with this matter; and
+then threw himself with energy into the preparations for the war. The
+decree passed by the Achaeans ordered the maintenance of eight thousand
+mercenary infantry and five hundred horse, together with three thousand
+Achaean infantry and three hundred horse, enrolled in the usual way;
+and that of these latter five hundred foot and fifty horse were to be
+brazen-shield men from Megalopolis, and the same number of Argives.
+It ordered also that three ships should be manned to cruise off Acte
+and in the Argolic gulf, and three off Patrae and Dyme, and in the sea
+there.
+
+[Sidenote: The ill-success of Lycurgus.]
+
++92.+ While Aratus was engaged in these transactions, and in completing
+these preparations, Lycurgus and Pyrrhias, after an interchange
+of messages to secure their making their expedition at the same
+time, marched into Messenia. The Achaean Strategus, aware of their
+design, came with the mercenaries and some of the picked Achaeans to
+Megalopolis, with the view of supporting the Messenians. After setting
+out, Lycurgus got possession of Calamae, a stronghold in Messenia, by
+treachery; and pressed hurriedly forward to effect a junction with the
+Aetolians. But Pyrrhias had started from Elis with a wholly inadequate
+force, and, having been easily stopped at the pass into Messenia by
+the Cyparissians, had turned back. Lycurgus therefore being unable
+to effect his junction with Pyrrhias, and not being strong enough by
+himself, after assaulting Andania for a short time, returned back to
+Sparta without having effected anything.
+
+When the plot of the enemy had thus gone to pieces; Aratus, with a
+provident regard for the future, arranged with Taurion to provide fifty
+horse and five hundred foot, and with the Messenians to send an equal
+number; with the view of using these men to protect the territories of
+Messenia, Megalopolis, Tegea, and Argos,—for these districts, being
+on the frontier of Laconia, have to bear the brunt of Lacedaemonian
+invasion for the rest of the Peloponnese; while with the Achaean levies
+and mercenaries he planned to guard the parts of Achaia which lay
+towards Elis and Aetolia.
+
+[Sidenote: Condition of Megalopolis.]
+
++93.+ After adjusting these matters, he settled in accordance with the
+decree of the league the intestine disputes at Megalopolis. For it
+happened that the people of this town having been recently deprived
+of their country by Cleomenes,[282] and, to use a common expression,
+shaken to their foundations, were in absolute want of many things,
+and ill-provided with all: for they persisted in maintaining their
+usual scale of living, while their means both public and private were
+entirely crippled. The consequence was that the town was filled with
+disputes, jealousies, and mutual hatred; which is ever the case,
+both with states and individuals, when means fall short of desires.
+The first controversy was about the walling of the town,—one party
+maintaining that the limits of the city should be contracted to a size
+admitting of being completely walled and guarded at a time of danger;
+for that in the late occasion it was its size and unguarded state which
+had caused their disaster. In addition to this it was maintained by
+this party that the landowners should contribute the third part of
+their land to provide for the enrolment of new citizens. The other
+party rejected the notion of contracting the limits of the city and
+would not consent to contribute a third part of their lands. But the
+most serious controversy of all was in regard to the laws draughted for
+them by Prytanis, an eminent Peripatetic philosopher, whom Antigonus
+Doson appointed to draw them up a constitution. In this distracted
+state of politics, Aratus intervened with all the earnestness he
+could command, and succeeded in pacifying the heated feelings of the
+citizens. The terms on which the controversies were settled were
+engraved on a column, and set up near the altar of Vesta in the
+Homarium.[283]
+
+[Sidenote: Another raid of Aetolians from Elis.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Achaean fleet retaliates on Aetolia.]
+
++94.+ After arranging this settlement, Aratus broke up his camp; and
+going on himself to the congress from of the Achaeans, handed over the
+mercenaries to Lycus of Pharae, as the Sub-Strategus of the league. But
+the Eleans, being dissatisfied with Pyrrhias, once more induced the
+Aetolians to send them Euripidas; who, waiting until the Achaeans were
+engaged in their congress, took sixty horse and two thousand foot, and
+started on a raid. Having passed through the territory of Pharae, he
+overran the country up to the territory of Aegium; and after securing
+and driving off a considerable booty, he began a retreat towards
+Leontium. But Lycus, learning what had happened, went in all haste to
+protect the country; and falling in with the enemy, he attacked them
+at once and killed four hundred and took two hundred prisoners, among
+whom were the following men of rank: Physsias, Antanor, Clearchus,
+Androlochus, Euanoridas, Aristogeiton, Nicasippus, and Aspasius. The
+arms and baggage fell entirely into his hands. About the same time
+the Navarch of the league having gone on an expedition to Molycria,
+returned with nearly a hundred captives. Returning once more to Aetolia
+he sailed to Chalceia and captured two war ships, with their crews,
+which put out to resist him; and took also a long boat with its men on
+the Aetolian Rhium. There being thus an influx of booty both by sea
+and land at the same period, and a considerable amount of money and
+provisions being obtained from this, the soldiers felt confident of
+getting their pay, and the cities of the league were sanguine of not
+being likely to be hard pressed by their contributions.
+
+[Sidenote: Scerdilaidas the Illyrian plunders the coast.]
+
++95.+ While these events were taking place Scerdilaidas, thinking
+that he was not being treated fairly, because some of the payments
+agreed upon in his treaty with Philip were in arrear, sent out fifteen
+galleys, treacherously pretending that their object was to receive
+and convoy the money. These galleys sailed to Leucas, where they were
+received by all as friendly, owing to their former alliance: but the
+only mischief they had time to do was to make a treacherous attack
+on the Corinthian Agathinus and Cassander, who had come there on
+board Taurion’s ships, and were lying at anchor close to them with
+four vessels. These they captured with their vessels and sent to
+Scerdilaidas; and then putting out to sea from Leucas, and sailing
+towards Malea, they plundered and captured the merchants whom they met.
+
+[Sidenote: More raids.]
+
+Harvest time was now approaching: and as Taurion paid little attention
+to the protection of the cities I mentioned above; Aratus in person,
+at the head of some picked Achaean troops, protected the getting in
+of the harvest round Argos: while Euripidas at the head of a force of
+Aetolians set out on a raid, with the object of ravaging the territory
+of Tritaea. But when Lycus and Demodocus, the Hipparch of the league,
+heard of the expedition of the Aetolians from Elis, they collected
+the people of Dymae, Patrae and Pharae, and joining the mercenaries
+to these forces made an incursion upon Elis. Arrived at a place
+called Phyxium, they allowed their light-armed troops and their horse
+to plunder the country, but kept their hoplites concealed near this
+place: and when the Eleans had sallied out in full force to attack
+the foraging parties, and were pursuing them as they retreated, the
+hoplites with Lycus rose from their hiding-place and charged them
+as they rushed heedlessly on. The Eleans did not stand against the
+attack, but fled at the mere appearance of the hoplites: who killed two
+hundred of them and took eighty prisoners, and carried off with them
+in safety all the booty that had been driven in from the country. At
+the same time the Navarch of the league made numerous descents upon
+Calydonia and the territory of Naupactus; and not only overran the
+country, but twice annihilated the force sent out to resist him. Among
+others he took Cleonicus of Naupactus prisoner: who owing to this being
+a proxenus of the Achaeans was not sold on the spot, and after some
+little time was set free without ransom.
+
+[Sidenote: Acarnania.]
+
++96.+ About the same time Agetas, the Strategus of the Aetolian
+league, proclaimed a general levy of Aetolians, and went on a foraging
+expedition into the territory of the Acarnanians. He marched through
+all Epirus, plundering as he went without let or hindrance; after doing
+which he returned home, and dismissed the Aetolian levy to their own
+cities. But the Acarnanians, upon making a retaliatory invasion of
+the territory of Stratus, were seized with a panic: and returned with
+disgrace, though without loss; because the people of Stratus did not
+venture to pursue them, believing that their retreat was a ruse to
+cover an ambuscade.
+
+[Sidenote: Phanoteus in Phocis. The biter bit.]
+
+An instance of counter-treachery occurred also at Phanoteus. Alexander
+who had been appointed governor of Phocis by Philip, entered into a
+plot against the Aetolians, through the agency of a certain Jason, who
+had been appointed by himself to command the city of Phanoteus. This
+man sent a message to Agetas, the Strategus of the Aetolian league,
+agreeing to hand over to him the citadel of Phanoteus; and he confirmed
+his offer by a regularly sworn treaty. On the appointed day Agetas
+came with his Aetolian levy to Phanoteus under cover of night; and
+concealing the rest at some little distance, he selected a hundred
+of the most active men and sent them towards the citadel. Jason had
+Alexander all ready with his soldiers, but duly received the Aetolians
+as he had sworn into the citadel. Immediately Alexander and his men
+threw themselves into the citadel also: the Aetolian hundred picked
+soldiers were made prisoners; and when daylight showed Agetas what had
+taken place, he drew off his troops,—baffled by a ruse very like what
+he had on many occasions practised himself.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip’s campaign in Upper Macedonia and Thessaly.]
+
+[Sidenote: Meliteia.]
+
++97.+ About this same period King Philip captured Bylazora, the largest
+town of Paeonia, and very favourably situated for commanding the pass
+from Dardania to Macedonia: so that by this achievement he was all
+but entirely freed from any fear of the Dardani, it being no longer
+easy for them to invade Macedonia, as long as this city gave Philip
+the command of the pass. Having secured this place, he despatched
+Chrysogonus with all speed to summon the upper Macedonians to arms;
+while he himself, taking on the men of Bottia and Amphaxitis, arrived
+at Edessa. Waiting there until he was joined by the Macedonians under
+Chrysogonus, he started with his whole army, and on the sixth day’s
+march arrived at Larisa; and thence by a rapid night march he came
+before daybreak to Meliteia, and placing scaling ladders against the
+walls, attempted to take the town by escalade. The suddenness and
+unexpectedness of the attack so dismayed the people of Meliteia, that
+he would easily have taken the town; but he was baffled by the fact of
+the ladders proving to be far too short.
+
++98.+ This is the kind of mistake which above all others reflects
+discredit on the commanders. For what can be more culpable than to
+arrive at a town which they mean to carry, in an entirely unprovided
+state, without having taken the precaution of measuring walls, cliffs,
+and the like, by which they intend to effect their entrance? Or again,
+while satisfying themselves as to these measurements, to entrust
+the construction of ladders and all such machinery, which, though
+taking little time to make, have to stand the test of a very critical
+service, without consideration, and to incompetent persons,—is not
+this deserving of censure? For in such actions it is not a question of
+succeeding or failing without ill consequences; but failure is followed
+by positive damage in manifold respects: danger to the bravest of the
+men at the actual time, and still greater danger during their retreat,
+when they have once incurred the contempt of the enemy. The examples
+of such disasters are numerous; for you will find that of those who
+have failed in such attempts, many more have perished, or have been
+reduced to the last extremity of danger, than have come off scatheless.
+Moreover, no one can deny that they arouse distrust and hatred against
+themselves for the future, and give all men warning to be on their
+guard. For it is not only the persons attacked, but all who know what
+has happened, who are thereby bidden to look out for themselves and be
+on the watch. Wherefore it is never right for men in places of trust
+to conduct such enterprises inconsiderately. The method also of taking
+such measurements, and constructing machines of this kind, is easy and
+liable to no mistakes, if they are taken in hand scientifically.
+
+For the present, however, I must resume the thread of my narrative,
+but I shall take another fitting opportunity in the course of my work
+to speak of these matters, and will endeavour to show how mistakes may
+best be avoided in such undertakings.
+
+[Sidenote: Thebae Phthiotides, B.C. 217.]
+
++99.+ Thus baffled in his attempt upon Meliteia, Philip encamped upon
+the bank of the Enipeus, and collected from Larisa and the other
+cities the siege train which he had caused to be constructed during
+the winter. For the chief object of his campaign was the capture of
+the city called Phthiotid Thebes. Now this city lies no long way from
+the sea, about thirty stades from Larisa, and is conveniently situated
+in regard both to Magnesia and Thessaly; but especially as commanding
+the district of Demetrias in Magnesia, and of Pharsalus and Pherae in
+Thessaly. From it, at that very time, much damage was being inflicted
+upon the Demetrians, Pharsalians, and Larisaeans; as the Aetolians
+were in occupation of it, and made continual predatory expeditions,
+often as far as to the plain of Amyrus. Philip did not regard the
+matter as at all of small importance, but was exceedingly bent on
+taking the town. Having therefore got together a hundred and fifty
+catapults, and twenty-five stone-throwing ballistae, he sat down before
+Thebes. He distributed his forces between three points in the vicinity
+of the city; one was encamped near Scopium; a second near a place
+called Heliotropium; and the third on the hill overhanging the town.
+The spaces between these camps he fortified by a trench and double
+palisade, and further secured them by towers of wood, at intervals of a
+hundred feet, with an adequate guard. When these works were finished,
+he collected all his siege train together and began to move his engines
+towards the citadel.
+
+[Sidenote: Thebes is taken, its inhabitants enslaved, and its name
+changed to Philippopolis.]
+
++100.+ For the first three days the king was unable to make any
+progress in bringing his machines against the town, owing to the
+gallant and even desperate defence which the garrison opposed to him.
+But when the continual skirmishing, and the volleys of missiles, had
+began to tell upon the defenders, and some of them were killed and
+others disabled by wounds; the defence becoming a little slacker, the
+Macedonians began sinking mines, and at last after nine days' work
+reached the walls. They then carried on the work by relays, so as never
+to leave it off day or night: and thus in three days had undermined
+and underpinned two hundred feet of the wall. The props, however,
+proved too weak to support the weight, and gave way; so that the wall
+fell without the Macedonians having the trouble of setting fire to
+them. When they had worked energetically at clearing the debris, and
+had made every preparation for entering by the breach, and were just
+on the point of carrying it, the Thebans in a panic surrendered the
+town. The security which this achievement of Philip’s gave to Magnesia
+and Thessaly deprived the Aetolians of a rich field for plunder; and
+demonstrated to his army that he had been justified in putting Leontius
+to death, for his deliberate treachery in the previous siege of Palae.
+Having thus become master of Thebes he sold its existing inhabitants
+into slavery, and drafting in some Macedonian settlers changed its name
+to Philippopolis.
+
+Just as the king had finished the settlement of Thebes, ambassadors
+once more came from Chios, Rhodes, Byzantium, and King Ptolemy to
+negotiate terms of peace. He answered them in much the same terms as
+he had the former,[284] that he was not averse to peace; and bade them
+go and find out what the feelings of the Aetolians were. Meanwhile he
+himself cared little about making peace, but continued steadily to
+prosecute his designs.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip hears of the Battle of Thrasymene, 22d June.]
+
+[Sidenote: Nemean festival. Midsummer of B.C. 217.]
+
++101.+ Accordingly, when he heard that the galleys of Scerdilaidas
+were committing acts of piracy off Malea, and treating all merchants
+as open enemies, and had treacherously seized some of his own vessels
+which were at anchor at Leucas, he fitted out twelve decked ships,
+eight open vessels, and thirty light craft called hemioliae,[285] and
+sailed through the Euripus in hot haste to come up with the Illyrians;
+exceedingly excited about his plans for carrying on the war against the
+Aetolians, as he knew nothing as yet of what had happened in Italy.
+For the defeat of the Romans by Hannibal in Etruria took place while
+Philip was besieging Thebes, but the report of that occurrence had not
+yet reached Greece. Philip arrived too late to capture the galleys:
+and therefore, dropping anchor at Cenchreae, he sent away his decked
+ships, with orders to sail round Malea in the direction of Aegium and
+Patrae; but having caused the rest of his vessels to be dragged across
+the Isthmus, he ordered them to anchor at Lechaeum; while he went in
+haste with his friends to Argos to attend the Nemean festival. Just as
+he was engaged in watching the gymnastic contest, a courier arrived
+from Macedonia with news of the Romans having been defeated in a great
+battle, and of Hannibal being in possession of the open country.
+Philip showed the letter to no one at the moment, except to Demetrius
+of Pharos, enjoining him not to say a word. The latter seized the
+occasion to advise Philip to throw over the war against the Aetolians
+as soon as possible; and to concentrate his efforts upon Illyria,
+and an expedition into Italy. “For Greece,” said he, “is already
+entirely obedient to you, and will remain so: the Achaeans from genuine
+affection; the Aetolians from the terror which their disasters in the
+present war have inspired them. Italy, and your crossing into it, is
+the first step in the acquirement of universal empire, to which no one
+has a better claim than yourself. And now is the moment to act when the
+Romans have suffered a reverse.”
+
++102.+ By using such arguments he found no difficulty in firing
+Philip’s ambition: as was natural, I think, considering that he was
+but a youthful monarch, who had as yet been successful in all his
+undertakings, and was in any case of a singularly daring character;
+and considering too that he was sprung from a family which above all
+families has somehow a tendency to aim at universal monarchy.
+
+[Sidenote: Zacynthus visited by Philip.]
+
+[Sidenote: A peace congress summoned.]
+
+At the moment then, as I said, Philip communicated the news conveyed
+by the letter to Demetrius alone; and afterwards summoning a council
+of his friends consulted them on the subject of making peace with the
+Aetolians. And when even Aratus professed no disinclination to the
+measure, on the ground that they would be making peace as conquerors,
+the king without waiting for the ambassadors, who were officially
+engaged in negotiating its terms, sent Cleonicus of Naupactus at once
+to Aetolia, whom he found still awaiting the meeting of the Achaean
+league after his captivity;[286] while he himself, taking his ships and
+land force from Corinth, came with it to Aegium. Thence he advanced
+as far as Lasion and took the Tower in Perippia, and pretended, in
+order to avoid appearing too eager for the conclusion of the war, that
+he was meditating an invasion of Elis. By this time Cleonicus had
+been backwards and forwards two or three times; and as the Aetolians
+begged that he would meet them personally in conference, he assented,
+and abandoning all warlike measures, he sent couriers to the allied
+cities, bidding their commissioners to sit in the conference with him
+and take part in the discussion of the terms of peace: and then crossed
+over with his army and encamped near Panormus, which is a harbour of
+the Peloponnese, and lies exactly opposite Naupactus. There he waited
+for the commissioners from the allies, and employed the time required
+for their assembling in sailing to Zacynthus, and settling on his own
+authority the affairs of the island; and having done so he sailed back
+to Panormus.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip goes to Naupactus.]
+
++103.+ The commissioners having now assembled, Philip sent Aratus and
+Taurion, and some others who had come with them, to the Aetolians. They
+found them in full assembly at Naupactus; and after a short conference
+with them, and satisfying themselves as to their inclination for peace,
+they sailed back to Philip to inform him of the state of the case.
+But the Aetolians, being very eager to bring the war to a conclusion,
+sent ambassadors with them to Philip urging him to visit them with his
+army, that by a personal conference the business might be brought to
+a satisfactory conclusion. Moved by these representations, the king
+sailed across with his army to what is called the Hollows of Naupactus,
+about twenty stades from the town. Having pitched a camp there, and
+having caused both it and his ships to be surrounded by a palisade,
+he waited for the time fixed for the interview. The Aetolians came
+_en masse_ without arms; and keeping at a distance of two stades from
+Philip’s camp, interchanged messages and discussions on the subjects
+in question. The negotiation was begun by the king sending all the
+commissioners of the allies, with instructions to offer the Aetolians
+peace, on the condition of both parties retaining what they then held.
+This preliminary the Aetolians readily agreed to; and then there began
+a continuous interchange of messages between the two, most of which I
+shall omit as containing no point of interest: but I shall record the
+speech made by Agelaus of Naupactus in the first conference before the
+king and the assembled allies. It was this.
+
+[Sidenote: Speech of Agelaus of Naupactus foreshadowing the Roman
+conquest.]
+
++104.+ “The best thing of all is that the Greeks should not go to war
+with each other at all, but give the gods hearty thanks if by all
+speaking with one voice, and joining hands like people crossing a
+stream, they may be able to repel the attacks of barbarians and save
+themselves and their cities. But if this is altogether impossible,
+in the present juncture at least we ought to be unanimous and on our
+guard, when we see the bloated armaments and the vast proportions
+assumed by the war in the west. For even now it is evident to any one
+who pays even a moderate attention to public affairs, that whether the
+Carthaginians conquer the Romans, or the Romans the Carthaginians, it
+is in every way improbable that the victors will remain contented with
+the empire of Sicily and Italy. They will move forward: and will extend
+their forces and their designs farther than we could wish. Wherefore, I
+beseech you all to be on your guard against the danger of the crisis,
+and above all you, O King. You will do this, if you abandon the policy
+of weakening the Greeks, and thus rendering them an easy prey to the
+invader; and consult on the contrary for their good as you would for
+your own person, and have a care for all parts of Greece alike, as
+part and parcel of your own domains. If you act in this spirit, the
+Greeks will be your warm friends and faithful coadjutors in all your
+undertakings; while foreigners will be less ready to form designs
+against you, seeing with dismay the firm loyalty of the Greeks. If you
+are eager for action, turn your eyes to the west, and let your thoughts
+dwell upon the wars in Italy. Wait with coolness the turn of events
+there, and seize the opportunity to strike for universal dominion. Nor
+is the present crisis unfavourable for such a hope. But I intreat of
+you to postpone your controversies and wars with the Greeks to a time
+of greater tranquillity; and make it your supreme aim to retain the
+power of making peace or war with them at your own will. For if once
+you allow the clouds now gathering in the west to settle upon Greece, I
+fear exceedingly that the power of making peace or war, and in a word
+all these games which we are now playing against each other, will be so
+completely knocked out of the hands of us all, that we shall be praying
+heaven to grant us only this power of making war or peace with each
+other at our own will and pleasure, and of settling our own disputes.”
+
+[Sidenote: The peace is ratified.]
+
++105.+ This speech of Agelaus greatly influenced the allies in favour
+of peace; and Philip more than any one: as the arguments employed
+chimed in with the wishes which the advice of Demetrius had already
+roused in him. Both parties therefore came to terms on the details of
+the treaty; and after ratifying it, separated to their several cities,
+taking peace with them instead of war.
+
+[Sidenote: Olympiad 140, 3. Before July B.C. 217.]
+
+These events all fell in the third year of the 140th Olympiad. I mean
+the battle of the Romans in Etruria, that of Antiochus for Coele-Syria,
+and lastly the treaty between Philip and the Aetolians.
+
+[Sidenote: The Eastern and Western politics become involved with each
+other.]
+
+This then was the first point of time, and the first instance of a
+deliberation, which may be said to have regarded the affairs of Greece,
+Italy, and Libya as a connected whole: for neither Philip nor the
+leading statesmen of the Greek cities made war or peace any longer
+with each other with a view to Greek affairs, but were already all
+fixing their eyes upon Italy. Nor was it long before the islanders and
+inhabitants of Asia were affected in the same way; for those who were
+displeased with Philip, or who had quarrels with Attalus, no longer
+turned to Antiochus or Ptolemy, to the south or the east, but from this
+time forth fixed their eyes on the west, some sending embassies to
+Carthage, others to Rome. The Romans similarly began sending legates to
+Greece, alarmed at the daring character of Philip, and afraid that he
+might join in the attack upon them in their present critical position.
+Having thus fulfilled my original promise of showing when, how, and why
+Greek politics became involved in those of Italy and Libya, I shall now
+bring my account of Greek affairs down to the date of the battle of
+Cannae, to which I have already brought the history of Italy, and will
+end this book at that point.
+
+[Sidenote: Timoxenus Achaean Strategus, May B.C. 216]
+
+[Sidenote: Isolation of Athens.]
+
++106.+ Directly the Achaeans had put an end to the war, they elected
+Timoxenus Strategus for the next year[287] and departed to take up
+once more their regular ways and habits. Along with the Achaeans the
+other Peloponnesian communities also set to work to repair the losses
+they had sustained; recommenced the cultivation of the land; and
+re-established their national sacrifices, games, and other religious
+observances peculiar to their several states. For these things had all
+but sunk into oblivion in most of the states through the persistent
+continuance of the late wars. It has ever somehow been the case that
+the Peloponnesians, who of all men are the most inclined to a peaceful
+and civilised way of life, have hitherto enjoyed it less than any
+other nation in the world; but have been rather as Euripides[288] says
+“still worn with toil and war’s unrest.” But to me it seems clear
+that they bring this upon themselves in the natural course of events:
+for their universal desire of supremacy, and their obstinate love of
+freedom, involve them in perpetual wars with each other, all alike
+being resolutely set upon occupying the first place. The Athenians
+on the contrary had by this time freed themselves from fear of
+Macedonia, and considered that they had now permanently secured their
+independence. They accordingly adopted Eurycleidas and Micion as their
+representatives, and took no part whatever in the politics of the rest
+of Greece; but following the lead and instigation of these statesmen,
+they laid themselves out to flatter all the kings, and Ptolemy most of
+all; nor was there any kind of decree or proclamation too fulsome for
+their digestion: any consideration of dignity being little regarded,
+under the guidance of these vain and frivolous leaders.
+
+[Sidenote: Revolt in Egypt.]
+
++107.+ Ptolemy however immediately after these events became involved
+in a war with his Egyptian subjects. For in arming them for his
+campaign against Antiochus he had taken a step which, while it served
+his immediate purpose sufficiently well, proved eventually disastrous.
+Elated with their victory at Rhaphia they refused any longer to receive
+orders from the king; but looked out for a leader to represent them, on
+the ground that they were quite able to maintain their independence.
+And this they succeeded in doing before very long.
+
+[Sidenote: Winter of 217-216 B.C. B.C. 216.]
+
+Antiochus spent the winter in extensive preparations for war; and when
+the next summer came, he crossed Mount Taurus and after making a treaty
+of alliance with King Attalus entered upon the war against Achaeus.
+
+[Sidenote: Discontent of the Aetolians with the peace.]
+
+At the time the Aetolians were delighted at the settlement of peace
+with the Achaean league, because the war had not answered to their
+wishes; and they accordingly elected Agelaus of Naupactus as their
+Strategus, because he was believed to have contributed more largely
+than any one to the success of the negotiations. But this was scarcely
+arranged before they began to be discontented, and to find fault with
+Agelaus for having cut off all their opportunities of plundering
+abroad, and all their hopes of gain for the future, since the peace was
+not made with certain definite states, but with all Greeks. But this
+statesman patiently endured these unreasonable reproaches and succeeded
+in checking the popular impulse. The Aetolians therefore were forced to
+acquiesce in an inactivity quite alien to their nature.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip’s war against Scerdilaidas of Illyria, autumn of 217
+B.C.]
+
++108.+ King Philip having returned, after the completion of the treaty
+of peace, to Macedonia by sea, found that Scerdilaidas on the same
+pretext of money owed to him, on which he had treacherously seized
+the vessels at Leucas, had now plundered a town in Pelagonia called
+Pissaeum; had won over by promises some cities of the Dassaretae,
+namely, Phibotides, Antipatria, Chrysondym, and Geston; and had overrun
+much of the district of Macedonia bordering on these places. He
+therefore at once started with his army in great haste to recover the
+revolted cities, and determined to proclaim open war with Scerdilaidas;
+for he thought it a matter of the most vital importance to bring
+Illyria into a state of good order, with a view to the success of all
+his projects, and above all of his passage into Italy. For Demetrius
+was so assiduous in keeping hot these hopes and projects in the king’s
+mind, that Philip even dreamed of them in his sleep, and thought of
+nothing else but this Italian expedition. The motive of Demetrius
+in so acting was not a consideration for Philip, for he certainly
+did not rank higher than third in the calculations of Demetrius. A
+stronger motive than that was his hatred of Rome: but the strongest
+of all was the consideration of his own prospects. For he had made
+up his mind that it was only in this way that he could ever recover
+his principality in Pharos. Be that as it may, Philip went on his
+expedition and recovered the cities I have named, and took besides
+Creonium and Gerus in Dassaretis; Enchelanae, Cerax, Sation, Boei,
+round the Lychnidian Lake; Bantia in the district of the Calicoeni; and
+Orgyssus in that of the Pisantini. After completing these operations he
+dismissed his troops to their winter quarters.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 217-216.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 216. Coss. Caius Terentius Varro and Lucius Aemilius
+Paulus II.]
+
+This was the winter in which Hannibal, after plundering the fairest
+districts of Italy, intended to place his winter quarters near Geranium
+in Daunia. And it was then that at Rome Caius Terentius and Lucius
+Aemilius entered upon their Consulship.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip’s preparation for an invasion of Italy.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 216.]
+
++109.+ In the course of the winter, Philip, taking into consideration
+that he would want ships to carry out his designs, and men for rowing,
+not for fighting,—for he could never have even entertained a hope of
+fighting the Romans at sea,—but rather for the transport of soldiers,
+and to enable him to cross with greater speed to any point to which he
+might desire to go, and so surprise the enemy by a sudden appearance,
+and thinking that the Illyrian build was the best for the sort of ships
+he wanted, determined to have a hundred galleys built; which hardly any
+Macedonian king had ever done before. Having had these fitted out, he
+collected his forces at the beginning of the summer; and, after a brief
+training of the Macedonians in rowing them, put to sea. It was just at
+the time that Antiochus crossed Mount Taurus when Philip, after sailing
+through the Euripus and rounding Cape Malea, came to Cephallenia and
+Leucas, where he dropped anchor, and awaited anxiously the movements of
+the Roman fleet. Being informed that it was at anchor off Lilybaeum, he
+mustered up courage to put to sea, and steered for Apollonia.
+
+[Sidenote: Panic-stricken at the reported approach of a Roman squadron,
+Philip retreats to Cephallenia.]
+
++110.+ As he neared the mouth of the Aous, which flows past Apollonia,
+a panic fell upon his fleet such as happens to land forces. Certain
+galleys on the rear of the fleet being anchored at an island called
+Sason, which lies at the entrance to the Ionian Sea, came by night
+to Philip with a report that some men who had lately come from the
+Sicilian Strait had been anchored with them at Sason, who reported
+that they left some Roman quinqueremes at Rhegium, which were bound
+for Apollonia to support Scerdilaidas. Thinking this fleet must be all
+but upon him, Philip, in great alarm, promptly ordered his ships to
+weigh anchor and sail back the way they came. They started and got out
+to sea in great disorder, and reached Cephallenia, after sailing two
+nights and days without intermission. Having now partially recovered
+his courage, Philip remained there, covering his flight under the
+pretext of having returned for some operations in the Peloponnese. It
+turned out that it was a false alarm altogether. The truth was that
+Scerdilaidas, hearing in the course of the winter that Philip was
+having a number of galleys built, and expecting him to come to attack
+him by sea, had sent messages to Rome stating the facts and imploring
+help; and the Romans had detached a squadron of ten ships from the
+fleet at Lilybaeum, which were what had been seen at Rhegium. But if
+Philip had not fled from them in such inconsiderate alarm, he would
+have had the best opportunity possible of attaining his objects in
+Illyria; because the thoughts and resources of Rome were absorbed in
+the war with Hannibal and the battle of Cannae, and it may fairly be
+presumed that he would have captured the ten Roman ships. As it was, he
+was utterly upset by the news and returned to Macedonia, without loss
+indeed, but with considerable dishonour.
+
+[Sidenote: Prusias and the Gauls. See ch. 78.]
+
++111.+ During this period Prusias also did a thing which deserves to be
+recorded. The Gauls, whom King Attalus had brought over from Europe to
+assist him against Achaeus on account of their reputation for courage,
+had separated from that monarch on account of the jealous suspicions
+of which I have before spoken, and were plundering the cities on
+the Hellespont with gross licentiousness and violence, and finally
+went so far as actually to besiege Ilium. In these circumstances the
+inhabitants of the Alexandria in the Troad acted with commendable
+spirit. They sent Themistes with four thousand men and forced the
+Gauls to raise the siege of Ilium, and drove them entirely out of the
+Troad, by cutting off their supplies and frustrating all their designs.
+Thereupon the Gauls seized Arisba, in the territory of Abydos, and
+thenceforth devoted themselves to forming designs and committing acts
+of hostility against the cities built in that district. Against them
+Prusias led out an army; and in a pitched battle put the men to the
+sword on the field, and slew nearly all their women and children in
+the camp, leaving the baggage to be plundered by his soldiers. This
+achievement of Prusias delivered the cities on the Hellespont from
+great fear and danger, and was a signal warning for future generations
+against barbarians from Europe being over-ready to cross into Asia.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 220-216.]
+
+Such was the state of affairs in Greece and Asia. Meanwhile the greater
+part of Italy had joined the Carthaginians after the battle of Cannae,
+as I have shown before. I will interrupt my narrative at this point,
+after having detailed the events in Asia and Greece, embraced by the
+140th Olympiad. In my next book after a brief recapitulation of this
+narrative, I shall fulfil the promise made at the beginning of my work
+by recurring to the discussion of the Roman constitution.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK VI
+
+PREFACE
+
+
++1.+ I am aware that some will be at a loss to account for my
+interrupting the course of my narrative for the sake of entering upon
+the following disquisition on the Roman constitution. But I think
+that I have already in many passages made it fully evident that this
+particular branch of my work was one of the necessities imposed on
+me by the nature of my original design; and I pointed this out with
+special clearness in the preface which explained the scope of my
+history. I there stated that the feature of my work which was at once
+the best in itself, and the most instructive to the students of it, was
+that it would enable them to know and fully realise in what manner, and
+under what kind of constitution, it came about that nearly the whole
+world fell under the power of Rome in somewhat less than fifty-three
+years,—an event certainly without precedent. This being my settled
+purpose, I could see no more fitting period than the present for making
+a pause, and examining the truth of the remarks about to be made on
+this constitution. In private life if you wish to satisfy yourself as
+to the badness or goodness of particular persons, you would not, if
+you wish to get a genuine test, examine their conduct at a time of
+uneventful repose, but in the hour of brilliant success or conspicuous
+reverse. For the true test of a perfect man is the power of bearing
+with spirit and dignity violent changes of fortune. An examination
+of a constitution should be conducted in the same way: and therefore
+being unable to find in our day a more rapid or more signal change
+than that which has happened to Rome, I reserved my disquistion on its
+constitution for this place....
+
+What is really educational and beneficial to students of history is
+the clear view of the causes of events, and the consequent power of
+choosing the better policy in a particular case. Now in every practical
+undertaking by a state we must regard as the most powerful agent for
+success or failure the form of its constitution; for from this as from
+a fountain-head all conceptions and plans of action not only proceed,
+but attain their consummation.[289]...
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
++3.+ Of the Greek republics, which have again and again risen to
+greatness and fallen into insignificance, it is not difficult to speak,
+whether we recount their past history or venture an opinion on their
+future. For to report what is already known is an easy task, nor is it
+hard to guess what is to come from our knowledge of what has been. But
+in regard to the Romans it is neither an easy matter to describe their
+present state, owing to the complexity of their constitution; nor to
+speak with confidence of their future, from our inadequate acquaintance
+with their peculiar institutions in the past whether affecting their
+public or their private life. It will require then no ordinary
+attention and study to get a clear and comprehensive conception of the
+distinctive features of this constitution.
+
+[Sidenote: Classification of polities.]
+
+Now, it is undoubtedly the case that most of those who profess to give
+us authoritative instruction on this subject distinguish three kinds
+of constitutions, which they designate _kingship_, _aristocracy_,
+_democracy_. But in my opinion the question might fairly be put to
+them, whether they name these as being the _only_ ones, or as the
+_best_. In either case I think they are wrong. For it is plain that
+we must regard as the _best_ constitution that which partakes of all
+these three elements. And this is no mere assertion, but has been
+proved by the example of Lycurgus, who was the first to construct a
+constitution—that of Sparta—on this principle. Nor can we admit that
+these are the _only_ forms: for we have had before now examples of
+absolute and tyrannical forms of government, which, while differing as
+widely as possible from kingship, yet appear to have some points of
+resemblance to it; on which account all absolute rulers falsely assume
+and use, as far as they can, the title of king. Again there have been
+many instances of oligarchical governments having in appearance some
+analogy to aristocracies, which are, if I may say so, as different from
+them as it is possible to be. The same also holds good about democracy.
+
+[Sidenote: Six forms of polity, and their natural cycle.]
+
++4.+ I will illustrate the truth of what I say. We cannot hold every
+absolute government to be a kingship, but only that which is accepted
+voluntarily, and is directed by an appeal to reason rather than to
+fear and force. Nor again is every oligarchy to be regarded as an
+aristocracy; the latter exists only where the power is wielded by the
+justest and wisest men selected on their merits. Similarly, it is not
+enough to constitute a democracy that the whole crowd of citizens
+should have the right to do whatever they wish or propose. But where
+reverence to the gods, succour of parents, respect to elders, obedience
+to laws, are traditional and habitual, in such communities, if the
+will of the majority prevail, we may speak of the form of government
+as a democracy. So then we enumerate six forms of government,—the
+three commonly spoken of which I have just mentioned, and three more
+allied forms, I mean _despotism_, _oligarchy_ and _mob-rule_. The
+first of these arises without artificial aid and in the natural order
+of events. Next to this, and produced from it by the aid of art and
+adjustment, comes _kingship_; which degenerating into the evil form
+allied to it, by which I mean _tyranny_, both are once more destroyed
+and _aristocracy_ produced. Again the latter being in the course of
+nature perverted to _oligarchy_, and the people passionately avenging
+the unjust acts of their rulers, _democracy_ comes into existence;
+which again by its violence and contempt of law becomes sheer
+_mob-rule_.[290] No clearer proof of the truth of what I say could be
+obtained than by a careful observation of the natural origin, genesis,
+and decadence of these several forms of government. For it is only by
+seeing distinctly how each of them is produced that a distinct view
+can also be obtained of its growth, zenith, and decadence, and the
+time, circumstance, and place in which each of these may be expected to
+recur. This method I have assumed to be especially applicable to the
+Roman constitution, because its origin and growth have from the first
+followed natural causes.
+
++5.+ Now the natural laws which regulate the merging of one form of
+government into another are perhaps discussed with greater accuracy
+by Plato and some other philosophers. But their treatment, from its
+intricacy and exhaustiveness, is only within the capacity of a few. I
+will therefore endeavour to give a summary of the subject, just so far
+as I suppose it to fall within the scope of a practical history and the
+intelligence of ordinary people. For if my exposition appear in any way
+inadequate, owing to the general terms in which it is expressed, the
+details contained in what is immediately to follow will amply atone for
+what is left for the present unsolved.
+
+[Sidenote: The origin of the social compact.]
+
+What is the origin then of a constitution, and whence is it produced?
+Suppose that from floods, pestilences, failure of crops, or some such
+causes the race of man is reduced almost to extinction. Such things
+we are told have happened, and it is reasonable to think will happen
+again. Suppose accordingly all knowledge of social habits and arts
+to have been lost. Suppose that from the survivors, as from seeds,
+the race of man to have again multiplied. In that case I presume they
+would, like the animals, herd together; for it is but reasonable to
+suppose that bodily weakness would induce them to seek those of their
+own kind to herd with. And in that case too, as with the animals,
+he who was superior to the rest in strength of body or courage of
+soul would lead and rule them. For what we see happen in the case of
+animals that are without the faculty of reason, such as bulls, goats,
+and cocks,—among whom there can be no dispute that the strongest take
+the lead,—that we must regard as in the truest sense the teaching of
+nature. Originally then it is probable that the condition of life among
+men was this,—herding together like animals and following the strongest
+and bravest as leaders. The limit of this authority would be physical
+strength, and the name we should give it would be despotism. But as
+soon as the idea of family ties and social relation has arisen amongst
+such agglomerations of men, then is born also the idea of kingship, and
+then for the first time mankind conceives the notion of goodness and
+justice and their reverse.
+
+[Sidenote: Origin of morality.]
+
+[Sidenote: which transmutes despotism into kingship,]
+
++6.+ The way in which such conceptions originate and come into
+existence is this. The intercourse of the sexes is an instinct of
+nature, and the result is the birth of children. Now, if any one of
+these children who have been brought up, when arrived at maturity,
+is ungrateful and makes no return to those by whom he was nurtured,
+but on the contrary presumes to injure them by word and deed, it is
+plain that he will probably offend and annoy such as are present, and
+have seen the care and trouble bestowed by the parents on the nurture
+and bringing up of their children. For seeing that men differ from
+the other animals in being the only creatures possessed of reasoning
+powers, it is clear that such a difference of conduct is not likely
+to escape their observation; but that they will remark it when it
+occurs, and express their displeasure on the spot: because they will
+have an eye to the future, and will reason on the likelihood of the
+same occurring to each of themselves. Again, if a man has been rescued
+or helped in an hour of danger, and, instead of showing gratitude to
+his preserver, seeks to do him harm, it is clearly probable that the
+rest will be displeased and offended with him, when they know it:
+sympathising with their neighbour and imagining themselves in his case.
+Hence arises a notion in every breast of the meaning and theory of
+duty, which is in fact the beginning and end of justice. Similarly,
+again, when any one man stands out as the champion of all in a time of
+danger, and braves with firm courage the onslaught of the most powerful
+wild beasts, it is probable that such a man would meet with marks of
+favour and pre-eminence from the common people; while he who acted in
+a contrary way would fall under their contempt and dislike. From this,
+once more, it is reasonable to suppose that there would arise in the
+minds of the multitude a theory of the disgraceful and the honourable,
+and of the difference between them; and that one should be sought and
+imitated for its advantages, the other shunned. When, therefore, the
+leading and most powerful man among his people ever encourages such
+persons in accordance with the popular sentiment, and thereby assumes
+in the eyes of his subject the appearance of being the distributor to
+each man according to his deserts, they no longer obey him and support
+his rule from fear of violence, but rather from conviction of its
+utility, however old he may be, rallying round him with one heart and
+soul, and fighting against all who form designs against his government.
+In this way he becomes a _king_ instead of a _despot_ by imperceptible
+degrees, reason having ousted brute courage and bodily strength from
+their supremacy.
+
+[Sidenote: which in its turn degenerates into tyranny.]
+
++7.+ This then is the natural process of formation among mankind of the
+notion of goodness and justice, and their opposites; and this is the
+origin and genesis of genuine kingship; for people do not only keep up
+the government of such men personally, but for their descendants also
+for many generations; from the conviction that those who are born from
+and educated by men of this kind will have principles also like theirs.
+But if they subsequently become displeased with their descendants, they
+do not any longer decide their choice of rulers and kings by their
+physical strength or brute courage; but by the differences of their
+intellectual and reasoning faculties, from practical experience of the
+decisive importance of such a distinction. In old times, then, those
+who were once thus selected, and obtained this office, grew old in
+their royal functions, making magnificent strongholds and surrounding
+them with walls and extending their frontiers, partly for the security
+of their subjects, and partly to provide them with abundance of the
+necessaries of life; and while engaged in these works they were exempt
+from all vituperation or jealousy; because they did not make their
+distinctive dress, food, or drink, at all conspicuous, but lived very
+much like the rest, and joined in the everyday employments of the
+common people. But when their royal power became hereditary in their
+family, and they found every necessary for security ready to their
+hands, as well as more than was necessary for their personal support,
+then they gave the rein to their appetites; imagined that rulers must
+needs wear different clothes from those of subjects; have different and
+elaborate luxuries of the table; and must even seek sensual indulgence,
+however unlawful the source, without fear of denial. These things
+having given rise in the one case to jealousy and offence, in the other
+to outburst of hatred and passionate resentment, the kingship became a
+tyranny; the first step in disintegration was taken; and plots began to
+be formed against the government, which did not now proceed from the
+worst men but from the noblest, most high-minded, and most courageous,
+because these are the men who can least submit to the tyrannical acts
+of their rulers.
+
+[Sidenote: Tyranny is then displaced by aristocracy,]
+
+[Sidenote: which degenerates into oligarchy,]
+
++8.+ But as soon as the people got leaders, they co-operated with
+them against the dynasty for the reasons I have mentioned; and
+then _kingship_ and _despotism_ were alike entirely abolished, and
+_aristocracy_ once more began to revive and start afresh. For in
+their immediate gratitude to those who had deposed the despots, the
+people employed them as leaders, and entrusted their interests to
+them; who, looking upon this charge at first as a great privilege,
+made the public advantage their chief concern, and conducted all kinds
+of business, public or private, with diligence and caution. But when
+the sons of these men received the same position of authority from
+their fathers,—having had no experience of misfortunes, and none at
+all of civil equality and freedom of speech, but having been bred up
+from the first under the shadow of their fathers’ authority and lofty
+position,—some of them gave themselves up with passion to avarice
+and unscrupulous love of money, others to drinking and the boundless
+debaucheries which accompanies it, and others to the violation of
+women or the forcible appropriation of boys; and so they turned an
+_aristocracy_ into an _oligarchy_. But it was not long before they
+roused in the minds of the people the same feelings as before; and
+their fall therefore was very like the disaster which befell the
+tyrants.
+
+[Sidenote: which is replaced by democracy,]
+
+[Sidenote: which degenerates into rule of corruption and violence, only
+to be stopped by a return to despotism.]
+
++9.+ For no sooner had the knowledge of the jealousy and hatred
+existing in the citizens against them emboldened some one to oppose
+the government by word or deed, than he was sure to find the whole
+people ready and prepared to take his side. Having then got rid of
+these rulers by assassination or exile, they do not venture to set up
+a king again, being still in terror of the injustice to which this led
+before; nor dare they intrust the common interests again to more than
+one, considering the recent example of their misconduct: and therefore,
+as the only sound hope left them is that which depends upon themselves,
+they are driven to take refuge in that; and so changed the constitution
+from an oligarchy to a _democracy_, and took upon themselves the
+superintendence and charge of the state. And as long as any survive
+who have had experience of oligarchical supremacy and domination, they
+regard their present constitution as a blessing, and hold equality and
+freedom as of the utmost value. But as soon as a new generation has
+arisen, and the democracy has descended to their children’s children,
+long association weakens their value for equality and freedom, and
+some seek to become more powerful than the ordinary citizens; and the
+most liable to this temptation are the rich. So when they begin to
+be fond of office, and find themselves unable to obtain it by their
+own unassisted efforts and their own merits, they ruin their estates,
+while enticing and corrupting the common people in every possible way.
+By which means when, in their senseless mania for reputation, they
+have made the populace ready and greedy to receive bribes, the virtue
+of democracy is destroyed, and it is transformed into a government
+of violence and the strong hand. For the mob, habituated to feed at
+the expense of others, and to have its hopes of a livelihood in the
+property of its neighbours, as soon as it has got a leader sufficiently
+ambitious and daring, being excluded by poverty from the sweets of
+civil honours, produces a reign of mere violence. Then come tumultuous
+assemblies, massacres, banishments, redivisions of land; until, after
+losing all trace of civilisation, it has once more found a master and a
+despot.
+
+This is the regular cycle of constitutional revolutions, and the
+natural order in which constitutions change, are transformed, and
+return again to their original stage. If a man have a clear grasp of
+these principles he may perhaps make a mistake as to the dates at
+which this or that will happen to a particular constitution; but he
+will rarely be entirely mistaken as to the stage of growth or decay
+at which it has arrived, or as to the point at which it will undergo
+some revolutionary change. However, it is in the case of the Roman
+constitution that this method of inquiry will most fully teach us its
+formation, its growth, and zenith, as well as the changes awaiting it
+in the future; for this, if any constitution ever did, owed, as I said
+just now, its original foundation and growth to natural causes, and to
+natural causes will owe its decay. My subsequent narrative will be the
+best illustration of what I say.
+
+[Sidenote: Lycurgus recognized these truths, and legislated
+accordingly.]
+
++10.+ For the present I will make a brief reference to the legislation
+of Lycurgus: for such a discussion is not at all alien to my subject.
+That statesman was fully aware that all those changes which I have
+enumerated come about by an undeviating law of nature; and reflected
+that every form of government that was unmixed, and rested on one
+species of power, was unstable; because it was swiftly perverted
+into that particular form of evil peculiar to it and inherent in
+its nature. For just as rust is the natural dissolvent of iron,
+wood-worms and grubs to timber, by which they are destroyed without
+any external injury, but by that which is engendered in themselves;
+so in each constitution there is naturally engendered a particular
+vice inseparable from it: in kingship it is absolutism; aristocracy
+it is oligarchy; in democracy lawless ferocity and violence; and to
+these vicious states all these forms of government are, as I have
+lately shown, inevitably transformed. Lycurgus, I say, saw all this,
+and accordingly combined together all the excellences and distinctive
+features of the best constitutions, that no part should become unduly
+predominant, and be perverted into its kindred vice; and that, each
+power being checked by the others, no one part should turn the scale
+or decisively out-balance the others; but that, by being accurately
+adjusted and in exact equilibrium, the whole might remain long steady
+like a ship sailing close to the wind. The royal power was prevented
+from growing insolent by fear of the people, which had also assigned to
+it an adequate share in the constitution. The people in their turn were
+restrained from a bold contempt of the kings by fear of the Gerusia:
+the members of which, being selected on grounds of merit, were certain
+to throw their influence on the side of justice in every question that
+arose; and thus the party placed at a disadvantage by its conservative
+tendency was always strengthened and supported by the weight and
+influence of the Gerusia. The result of this combination has been that
+the Lacedaemonians retained their freedom for the longest period of any
+people with which we are acquainted.
+
+Lycurgus however established his constitution without the discipline of
+adversity, because he was able to foresee by the light of reason the
+course which events naturally take and the source from which they come.
+But though the Romans have arrived at the same result in framing their
+commonwealth, they have not done so by means of abstract reasoning, but
+through many struggles and difficulties, and by continually adopting
+reforms from knowledge gained in disaster. The result has been a
+constitution like that of Lycurgus, and the best of any existing in my
+time....
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
++11.+ I have given an account of the constitution of Lycurgus, I
+will now endeavour to describe that of Rome at the period of their
+disastrous defeat at Cannae.
+
+[Sidenote: The Roman constitution at the epoch of Cannae, B.C. 216.]
+
+I am fully conscious that to those who actually live under this
+constitution I shall appear to give an inadequate account of it by
+the omission of certain details. Knowing accurately every portion
+of it from personal experience, and from having been bred up in its
+customs and laws from childhood, they will not be struck so much by
+the accuracy of the description, as annoyed by its omissions; nor will
+they believe that the historian has purposely omitted unimportant
+distinctions, but will attribute his silence upon the origin of
+existing institutions or other important facts to ignorance. What is
+told they depreciate as insignificant or beside the purpose; what is
+omitted they desiderate as vital to the question: their object being
+to appear to know more than the writers. But a good critic should not
+judge a writer by what he leaves unsaid, but from what he says: if
+he detects misstatement in the latter, he may then feel certain that
+ignorance accounts for the former; but if what he says is accurate,
+his omissions ought to be attributed to deliberate judgment and not to
+ignorance. So much for those whose criticisms are prompted by personal
+ambition rather than by justice....
+
+Another requisite for obtaining a judicious approval for an historical
+disquisition, is that it should be germane to the matter in hand; if
+this is not observed, though its style may be excellent and its matter
+irreproachable, it will seem out of place, and disgust rather than
+please....
+
+[Sidenote: Triple element in the Roman Constitution.]
+
+As for the Roman constitution, it had three elements, each of them
+possessing sovereign powers: and their respective share of power in
+the whole state had been regulated with such a scrupulous regard to
+equality and equilibrium, that no one could say for certain, not even
+a native, whether the constitution as a whole were an aristocracy
+or democracy or despotism. And no wonder: for if we confine our
+observation to the power of the Consuls we should be inclined to regard
+it as despotic; if on that of the Senate, as aristocratic; and if
+finally one looks at the power possessed by the people it would seem a
+clear case of a democracy. What the exact powers of these several parts
+were, and still, with slight modifications, are, I will now state.
+
+[Sidenote: The Consuls.]
+
++12.+ The Consuls, before leading out the legions, remain in Rome and
+are supreme masters of the administration. All other magistrates,
+except the Tribunes, are under them and take their orders. They
+introduce foreign ambassadors to the Senate; bring matters requiring
+deliberation before it; and see to the execution of its decrees. If,
+again, there are any matters of state which require the authorisation
+of the people, it is their business to see to them, to summon the
+popular meetings, to bring the proposals before them, and to carry out
+the decrees of the majority. In the preparations for war also, and in
+a word in the entire administration of a campaign, they have all but
+absolute power. It is competent to them to impose on the allies such
+levies as they think good, to appoint the Military Tribunes, to make
+up the roll for soldiers and select those that are suitable. Besides
+they have absolute power of inflicting punishment on all who are under
+their command while on active service and they have authority to expend
+as much of the public money as they choose, being accompanied by a
+quaestor who is entirely at their orders. A survey of these powers
+would in fact justify our describing the constitution as despotic,—a
+clear case of royal government. Nor will it affect the truth of my
+description, if any of the institutions I have described are changed in
+our time, or in that of our posterity: and the same remarks apply to
+what follows.
+
+[Sidenote: The Senate.]
+
++13.+ The Senate has first of all the control of the treasury, and
+regulates the receipts and disbursements alike. For the Quaestors
+cannot issue any public money for the various departments of the state
+without a decree of the Senate, except for the service of the Consuls.
+The Senate controls also what is by far the largest and most important
+expenditure, that, namely, which is made by the censors every _lustrum_
+for the repair or construction of public buildings; this money cannot
+be obtained by the censors except by the grant of the Senate. Similarly
+all crimes committed in Italy requiring a public investigation, such
+as treason, conspiracy, poisoning, or wilful murder, are in the hands
+of the Senate. Besides, if any individual or state among the Italian
+allies requires a controversy to be settled, a penalty to be assessed,
+help or protection to be afforded,—all this is the province of the
+Senate. Or again, outside Italy, if it is necessary to send an embassy
+to reconcile warring communities, or to remind them of their duty,
+or sometimes to impose requisitions upon them, or to receive their
+submission, or finally to proclaim war against them,—this too is the
+business of the Senate. In like manner the reception to be given to
+foreign ambassadors in Rome, and the answers to be returned to them,
+are decided by the Senate. With such business the people have nothing
+to do. Consequently, if one were staying at Rome when the Consuls
+were not in town, one would imagine the constitution to be a complete
+aristocracy: and this has been the idea entertained by many Greeks, and
+by many kings as well, from the fact that nearly all the business they
+had with Rome was settled by the Senate.
+
+[Sidenote: The people.]
+
++14.+ After this one would naturally be inclined to ask what part
+is left for the people in the constitution, when the Senate has
+these various functions, especially the control of the receipts and
+expenditure of the exchequer; and when the Consuls, again, have
+absolute power over the details of military preparation, and an
+absolute authority in the field? There is, however, a part left the
+people, and it is a most important one. For the people is the sole
+fountain of honour and of punishment; and it is by these two things
+and these alone that dynasties and constitutions and, in a word, human
+society are held together: for where the distinction between them is
+not sharply drawn both in theory and practice, there no undertaking
+can be properly administered,—as indeed we might expect when good and
+bad are held in exactly the same honour. The people then are the only
+court to decide matters of life and death; and even in cases where the
+penalty is money, if the sum to be assessed is sufficiently serious,
+and especially when the accused have held the higher magistracies. And
+in regard to this arrangement there is one point deserving especial
+commendation and record. Men who are on trial for their lives at
+Rome, while sentence is in process of being voted,—if even only one
+of the tribes whose votes are needed to ratify the sentence has not
+voted,—have the privilege at Rome of openly departing and condemning
+themselves to a voluntary exile. Such men are safe at Naples or
+Praeneste or at Tibur, and at other towns with which this arrangement
+has been duly ratified on oath.
+
+Again, it is the people who bestow offices on the deserving, which
+are the most honourable rewards of virtue. It has also the absolute
+power of passing or repealing laws; and, most important of all, it is
+the people who deliberate on the question of peace or war. And when
+provisional terms are made for alliance, suspension of hostilities, or
+treaties, it is the people who ratify them or the reverse.
+
+These considerations again would lead one to say that the chief
+power in the state was the people’s, and that the constitution was a
+democracy.
+
+[Sidenote: The mutual relation of the three.]
+
++15.+ Such, then, is the distribution of power between the several
+parts of the state. I must now show how each of these several parts
+can, when they choose, oppose or support each other.
+
+[Sidenote: The Consul dependent on the Senate,]
+
+The Consul, then, when he has started on an expedition with the powers
+I have described, is to all appearance absolute in the administration
+of the business in hand; still he has need of the support both of
+people and Senate, and, without them, is quite unable to bring the
+matter to a successful conclusion. For it is plain that he must have
+supplies sent to his legions from time to time; but without a decree
+of the Senate they can be supplied neither with corn, nor clothes,
+nor pay, so that all the plans of a commander must be futile, if the
+Senate is resolved either to shrink from danger or hamper his plans.
+And again, whether a Consul shall bring any undertaking to a conclusion
+or no depends entirely upon the Senate: for it has absolute authority
+at the end of a year to send another Consul to supersede him, or to
+continue the existing one in his command. Again, even to the successes
+of the generals the Senate has the power to add distinction and glory,
+and on the other hand to obscure their merits and lower their credit.
+For these high achievements are brought in tangible form before the
+eyes of the citizens by what are called “triumphs.”
+
+[Sidenote: and on the people.]
+
+But these triumphs the commanders cannot celebrate with proper pomp, or
+in some cases celebrate at all, unless the Senate concurs and grants
+the necessary money. As for the people, the Consuls are pre-eminently
+obliged to court their favour, however distant from home may be the
+field of their operations; for it is the people, as I have said before,
+that ratifies, or refuses to ratify, terms of peace and treaties; but
+most of all because when laying down their office they have to give an
+account[291] of their administration before it. Therefore in no case is
+it safe for the Consuls to neglect either the Senate or the goodwill of
+the people.
+
+[Sidenote: The Senate controlled by the people.]
+
++16.+ As for the Senate, which possesses the immense power I have
+described, in the first place it is obliged in public affairs to take
+the multitude into account, and respect the wishes of the people; and
+it cannot put into execution the penalty for offences against the
+republic, which are punishable with death, unless the people first
+ratify its decrees. Similarly even in matters which directly affect the
+senators,—for instance, in the case of a law diminishing the Senate’s
+traditional authority, or depriving senators of certain dignities and
+offices, or even actually cutting down their property,—even in such
+cases the people have the sole power of passing or rejecting the law.
+But most important of all is the fact that, if the Tribunes interpose
+their veto, the Senate not only are unable to pass a decree, but cannot
+even hold a meeting at all, whether formal or informal. Now, the
+Tribunes are always bound to carry out the decree of the people, and
+above all things to have regard to their wishes: therefore, for all
+these reasons the Senate stands in awe of the multitude, and cannot
+neglect the feelings of the people.
+
+[Sidenote: The people dependent on the Senate]
+
+[Sidenote: and Consul.]
+
++17.+ In like manner the people on its part is far from being
+independent of the Senate, and is bound to take its wishes into account
+both collectively and individually. For contracts, too numerous
+to count, are given out by the censors in all parts of Italy for
+the repairs or construction of public buildings; there is also the
+collection of revenue from many rivers, harbours, gardens, mines, and
+land—everything, in a word, that comes under the control of the Roman
+government: and in all these the people at large are engaged; so that
+there is scarcely a man, so to speak, who is not interested either as
+a contractor or as being employed in the works. For some purchase the
+contracts from the censors for themselves; and others go partners with
+them; while others again go security for these contractors, or actually
+pledge their property to the treasury for them. Now over all these
+transactions the Senate has absolute control. It can grant an extension
+of time; and in case of unforeseen accident can relieve the contractors
+from a portion of their obligation, or release them from it altogether,
+if they are absolutely unable to fulfil it. And there are many details
+in which the Senate can inflict great hardships, or, on the other hand,
+grant great indulgences to the contractors: for in every case the
+appeal is to it. But the most important point of all is that the judges
+are taken from its members in the majority of trials, whether public
+or private, in which the charges are heavy.[292] Consequently, all
+citizens are much at its mercy; and being alarmed at the uncertainty as
+to when they may need its aid, are cautious about resisting or actively
+opposing its will. And for a similar reason men do not rashly resist
+the wishes of the Consuls, because one and all may become subject to
+their absolute authority on a campaign.
+
++18.+ The result of this power of the several estates for mutual
+help or harm is a union sufficiently firm for all emergencies, and a
+constitution than which it is impossible to find a better. For whenever
+any danger from without compels them to unite and work together,
+the strength which is developed by the State is so extraordinary,
+that everything required is unfailingly carried out by the eager
+rivalry shown by all classes to devote their whole minds to the need
+of the hour, and to secure that any determination come to should
+not fail for want of promptitude; while each individual works,
+privately and publicly alike, for the accomplishment of the business
+in hand. Accordingly, the peculiar constitution of the State makes
+it irresistible, and certain of obtaining whatever it determines to
+attempt. Nay, even when these external alarms are past, and the people
+are enjoying their good fortune and the fruits of their victories, and,
+as usually happens, growing corrupted by flattery and idleness, show
+a tendency to violence and arrogance,—it is in these circumstances,
+more than ever, that the constitution is seen to possess within itself
+the power of correcting abuses. For when any one of the three classes
+becomes puffed up, and manifests an inclination to be contentious
+and unduly encroaching, the mutual interdependency of all the three,
+and the possibility of the pretensions of any one being checked and
+thwarted by the others, must plainly check this tendency: and so the
+proper equilibrium is maintained by the impulsiveness of the one part
+being checked by its fear of the other....
+
+
+ON THE ROMAN ARMY
+
++19.+ After electing the Consuls they proceed to elect military
+tribunes,—fourteen from those who had five years', and ten from those
+who had ten years', service. All citizens must serve ten years in the
+cavalry or twenty years in the infantry before the forty-sixth year of
+their age, except those rated below four hundred asses. The latter are
+employed in the navy; but if any great public necessity arises they
+are obliged to serve as infantry also for twenty campaigns: and no one
+can hold an office in the state until he has completed ten years of
+military service....
+
+[Sidenote: The levy.]
+
+When the Consuls are about to enrol the army they give public notice
+of the day on which all Roman citizens of military age must appear.
+This is done every year. When the day has arrived, and the citizens fit
+for service are come to Rome and have assembled on the Capitoline, the
+fourteen junior tribunes divide themselves, in the order in which they
+were appointed by the people or by the Imperators, into four divisions,
+because the primary division of the forces thus raised is into four
+legions. The four tribunes first appointed are assigned to the legion
+called the 1st; the next three to the 2d; the next four to the 3d; and
+the three last to the 4th. Of the ten senior tribunes, the two first
+are assigned to the 1st legion; the next three to the 2d; the two next
+to the 3d; and the three last to the 4th.
+
++20.+ This division and assignment of the tribunes having been settled
+in such a way that all four legions have an equal number of officers,
+the tribunes of the several legions take up a separate position and
+draw lots for the tribes one by one; and summon the tribe on whom it
+from time to time falls. From this tribe they select four young men
+as nearly like each other in age and physical strength as possible.
+These four are brought forward, and the tribunes of the first legion
+picks out one of them, those of the second another, those of the third
+another, and the fourth has to take the last. When the next four are
+selected the tribunes of the second legion have the first choice, and
+those of the first the last. With the next four the tribunes of the
+third legion have the first choice, those of the second the last; and
+so on in regular rotation: of which the result is that each legion
+gets men of much the same standard. But when they have selected the
+number prescribed,—which is four thousand two hundred infantry for each
+legion, or at times of special danger five thousand,—they next used to
+pass men for the cavalry, in old times _after_ the four thousand two
+hundred infantry; but now they do it before them, the selection having
+been made by the censor on the basis of wealth; and they enrol three
+hundred for each legion.[293]
+
++21.+ The roll having been completed in this manner, the tribunes
+belonging to the several legions muster their men; and selecting one
+of the whole body that they think most suitable for the purpose, they
+cause him to take an oath that he will obey his officers and do their
+orders to the best of his ability. And all the others come up and take
+the oath separately, merely affirming that they will do the same as the
+first man.
+
+At the same time the Consuls send orders to the magistrates of the
+allied cities in Italy, from which they determine that allied troops
+are to serve: declaring the number required, and the day and place at
+which the men selected must appear. The cities then enrol their troops
+with much the same ceremonies as to selection and administration of the
+oath, and appoint a commander and a paymaster.[294]
+
+[Sidenote: Fourfold division of the Legionaries.]
+
+The Military Tribunes at Rome, after the administering of the oath
+to their men, and giving out the day and place at which they are to
+appear without arms, for the present dismiss them. When they arrive on
+the appointed day, they first select the youngest and poorest to form
+the _Velites_, the next to them the _Hastati_, while those who are in
+the prime of life they select as _Principes_, and the oldest of all as
+_Triarii_. For in the Roman army these divisions, distinct not only
+as to their ages and nomenclature, but also as to the manner in which
+they are armed, exist in each legion. The division is made in such
+proportions that the senior men, called _Triarii_, should number six
+hundred, the _Principes_ twelve hundred, the _Hastati_ twelve hundred,
+and that all the rest as the youngest should be reckoned among the
+_Velites_. And if the whole number of the legion is more than four
+thousand, they vary the numbers of these divisions proportionally,
+except those of the _Triarii_, which is always the same.
+
+[Sidenote: 1. Arms of the _Velites_.]
+
++22.+ The youngest soldiers or _Velites_ are ordered to carry a sword,
+spears, and target (_parma_). The target is strongly made, and large
+enough to protect the man; being round, with a diameter of three feet.
+Each man also wears a head-piece without a crest (_galea_); which he
+sometimes covers with a piece of wolf’s skin or something of that kind,
+for the sake both of protection and identification; that the officers
+of his company may be able to observe whether he shows courage or the
+reverse on confronting dangers. The spear of the velites has a wooden
+haft of about two cubits, and about a finger’s breadth in thickness;
+its head is a span long, hammered fine, and sharpened to such an extent
+that it becomes bent the first time it strikes, and cannot be used by
+the enemy to hurl back; otherwise the weapon would be available for
+both sides alike.
+
+[Sidenote: 2. Arms of the _Hastati_, _Principes_, and _Triarii_.]
+
+The second rank, the _Hastati_, are ordered to have the complete
+panoply. This to a Roman means, first, a large shield (_scutum_), the
+surface of which is curved outwards, its breadth two and a half feet,
+its length four feet,—though there is also an extra sized shield in
+which these measures are increased by a palm’s breadth. It consists
+of two layers of wood fastened together with bull’s-hide glue; the
+outer surface of which is first covered with canvas, then with calf’s
+skin, on the upper and lower edges it is bound with iron to resist
+the downward strokes of the sword, and the wear of resting upon the
+ground. Upon it also is fixed an iron boss (_umbo_), to resist the more
+formidable blows of stones and pikes, and of heavy missiles generally.
+With the shield they also carry a sword (_gladius_) hanging down by
+their right thigh, which is called a Spanish sword.[295] It has an
+excellent point, and can deal a formidable blow with either edge,
+because its blade is stout and unbending. In addition to these they
+have two _pila_, a brass helmet, and greaves (_ocreae_). Some of the
+_pila_ are thick, some fine. Of the thicker, some are round with the
+diameter of a palm’s length, others are a palm square. The fine pila
+are like moderate sized hunting spears, and they are carried along with
+the former sort. The wooden haft of them all is about three cubits
+long; and the iron head fixed to each half is barbed, and of the same
+length as the haft. They take extraordinary pains to attach the head
+to the haft firmly; they make the fastening of the one to the other
+so secure for use by binding it half way up the wood, and riveting
+it with a series of clasps, that the iron breaks sooner than this
+fastening comes loose, although its thickness at the socket and where
+it is fastened to the wood is a finger and a half’s breadth. Besides
+these each man is decorated with a plume of feathers, with three purple
+or black feathers standing upright, about a cubit long. The effect of
+these being placed on the helmet, combined with the rest of the armour,
+is to give the man the appearance of being twice his real height, and
+to give him a noble aspect calculated to strike terror into the enemy.
+The common soldiers also receive a brass plate, a span square, which
+they put upon their breast and call a breastpiece (_pectorale_), and so
+complete their panoply. Those who are rated above a hundred thousand
+asses, instead of these breastpieces wear, with the rest of their
+armour, coats of mail (_loricae_). The Principes and Triarii are armed
+in the same way as the _Hastati_, except that instead of _pila_ they
+carry long spears (_hastae_).
+
+[Sidenote: Election of Centurions.]
+
++24.+ The _Principes_, _Hastati_, and _Triarii_, each elect ten
+centurions according to merit, and then a second ten each. All these
+sixty have the title of centurion alike, of whom the first man chosen
+is a member of the council of war. And they in their turn select a
+rear-rank officer each who is called _optio_. Next, in conjunction with
+the centurions, they divide the several orders (omitting the _Velites_)
+into ten companies each, and appoint to each company two centurions
+and two _optiones_; the _Velites_ are divided equally among all the
+companies; these companies are called orders (_ordines_) or maniples
+(_manipuli_), or vexilla, and their officers are called centurions or
+_ordinum ductores_.[296] Each maniple selects two of their strongest
+and best born men as standard-bearers (_vexillarii_). And that each
+maniple should have two commanding officers is only reasonable; for
+it being impossible to know what a commander may be doing or what
+may happen to him, and necessities of war admitting of no parleying,
+they are anxious that the maniple may never be without a leader and
+commander.
+
+When the two centurions are both on the field, the first elected
+commands the right of the maniple, the second the left: if both are not
+there, the one who is commands the whole. And they wish the centurions
+not to be so much bold and adventurous, as men with a faculty for
+command, steady, and of a profound rather than a showy spirit; not
+prone to engage wantonly or be unnecessarily forward in giving battle;
+but such as in the face of superior numbers and overwhelming pressure
+will die in defence of their post.
+
+[Sidenote: Officers and arms of the equites.]
+
++25.+ Similarly they divide the cavalry into ten squadrons (_turmae_),
+and from each they select three officers (_decuriones_), who each
+select a subaltern (_optio_). The decurio first elected commands the
+squadron, the other two have the rank of _decuriones_: a name indeed
+which applies to all alike. If the first _decurio_ is not on the
+field, the second takes command of the squadron. The armour of the
+cavalry is very like that in Greece. In old times they did not wear
+the lorica, but fought in their tunics (_campestria_); the result of
+which was that they were prompt and nimble at dismounting and mounting
+again with despatch, but were in great danger at close quarters from
+the unprotected state of their bodies. And their lances too were
+useless in two ways: first because they were thin, and prevented
+their taking a good aim; and before they could get the head fixed in
+the enemy, the lances were so shaken by the mere motion of the horse
+that they generally broke. Secondly, because, having no spike at the
+butt end of their lance, they only had one stroke, namely that with
+the spear-head; and if the lance broke, what was left in their hands
+was entirely useless. Again they used to have shields of bull’s hide,
+just like those round cakes, with a knob in the middle which are used
+at sacrifices, which were useless at close quarters because they were
+flexible rather than firm; and, when their leather shrunk and rotted
+from the rain, unserviceable as they were before, they then became
+entirely so. Wherefore, as experience showed them the uselessness of
+these, they lost no time in changing to the Greek fashion of arms: the
+advantages of which were, first, that men were able to deliver the
+first stroke of their lance-head with a good aim and effect, because
+the shaft from the nature of its construction was steady and not
+quivering; and, secondly, that they were able, by reversing the lance,
+to use the spike at the butt-end for a steady and effective blow. And
+the same may be said about the Greek shields: for, whether used to
+ward off a blow or to thrust against the enemy, they neither give nor
+bend. When the Romans learnt these facts about the Greek arms they were
+not long in copying them; for no nation has ever surpassed them in
+readiness to adopt new fashions from other people, and to imitate what
+they see is better in others than themselves.
+
+[Sidenote: Assembly of the legions.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Socii.]
+
++26.+ Having made this distribution of their men and given orders
+for their being armed, as I have described, the military tribunes
+dismiss them to their homes. But when the day has arrived on which
+they were all bound by their oath to appear at the place named by the
+Consuls (for each Consul generally appoints a separate place for his
+own legions, each having assigned to him two legions and a moiety of
+the allies), all whose names were placed on the roll appear without
+fail: no excuse being accepted in the case of those who have taken the
+oath, except a prohibitory omen or absolute impossibility. The allies
+muster along with the citizens, and are distributed and managed by the
+officers appointed by the Consuls, who have the title of _Praefecti
+sociis_ and are twelve in number. These officers select for the Consuls
+from the whole infantry and cavalry of the allies such as are most
+fitted for actual service, and these are called _extraordinarii_ (which
+in Greek is ἐπίλεκτοι.) The whole number of the infantry of the socii
+generally equals that of the legions, but the cavalry is treble that of
+the citizens. Of these they select a third of the cavalry, and a fifth
+of the infantry to serve as _extraordinarii_. The rest they divide into
+two parts, one of which is called the right, the other the left wing
+(_alae_).
+
+These arrangements made, the military tribunes take over the citizens
+and allies and proceed to form a camp. Now the principle on which they
+construct their camps, no matter when or where, is the same; I think
+therefore that it will be in place here to try and make my readers
+understand, as far as words can do so, the Roman tactics in regard to
+the march (_agmen_), the camp (_castrorum metatio_), and the line of
+battle (_acies_). I cannot imagine any one so indifferent to things
+noble and great, as to refuse to take some little extra trouble to
+understand things like these; for if he has once heard them, he will
+be acquainted with one of those things genuinely worth observation and
+knowledge.
+
+[Sidenote: _Castrorum metatio._]
+
++27.+ Their method of laying out a camp is as follows. The place for
+the camp having been selected, the spot in it best calculated to
+give a view of the whole, and most convenient for issuing orders, is
+appropriated for the general’s tent (_Praetorium_).
+
+Having placed a standard on the spot on which they intend to put the
+Praetorium, they measure off a square round this standard, in such
+a way that each of its sides is a hundred feet from the standard,
+and the area of the square is four plethra.[297] Along one side of
+this square—whichever aspect appears most convenient for watering
+and foraging—the legions are stationed as follows. I have said that
+there were six Tribuni in each legion, and that each Consul had two
+legions,—it follows that there are twelve _Tribuni_ in a Consular army.
+Well, they pitch the tents of these Tribuni all in one straight line,
+parallel to the side of the square selected, at a distance of fifty
+feet from it (there is a place too selected for the horses, beasts of
+burden, and other baggage of the Tribuni); these tents face the outer
+side of the camp and away from the square described above,—a direction
+which will henceforth be called “the front” by me. The tents of the
+Tribuni stand at equal distances from each other, so that they extend
+along the whole breadth of the space occupied by the legions.
+
+[Sidenote: The principia.]
+
+[Sidenote: The quarters.]
+
++28.+ From the line described by the front of these tents they measure
+another distance of a hundred feet towards the front. At that distance
+another parallel straight line is drawn, and it is from this last that
+they begin arranging the quarters of the legions, which they do as
+follows:—they bisect the last mentioned straight line and from that
+point draw another straight line at right angles to it; along this
+line, on either side of it facing each other, the cavalry of the two
+legions are quartered with a space of fifty feet between them, which
+space is exactly bisected by the line last mentioned. The manner of
+encamping the infantry is similar to that of the cavalry. The whole
+area of each space occupied by the maniples and squadrons is a square,
+and faces the _via_;[298] the length facing the _via_ is one hundred
+feet, and they generally try to make the depth the same, except in
+the case of the socii; and when they are employing legions of an
+extra number, they increase the length and depth of these squares
+proportionally.
+
++29.+ The spaces assigned to the cavalry are opposite the space between
+the two groups of tents belonging to the Tribuni of the two legions,
+at right angles to the line along which they stand, like a cross-road;
+and indeed the whole arrangement of the _viae_ is like a system of
+cross-roads, running on either side of the blocks of tents, those of
+the cavalry on one side and those of the infantry on the other. The
+spaces assigned to the cavalry and the Triarii in each legion are back
+to back, with no _via_ between them, but touching each other, looking
+opposite ways; and the depth of the spaces assigned to the Triarii is
+only half that assigned to other maniples, because their numbers are
+generally only half; but though the number of the men is different,
+the length of the space is always the same owing to the lesser depth.
+Next, parallel with these spaces, at a distance of fifty feet, they
+place the _Principes_ facing the Triarii; and as they face the space
+between themselves and the _Triarii_, we have two more roads formed
+at right angles to the hundred-foot area in front of the tents of the
+Tribunes, and running down from it to the outer agger of the camp on
+the side opposite to that of the Principia, which we agreed to call
+the front of the camp. Behind the spaces for the _Triarii_ and looking
+in the opposite direction, and touching each other, are the spaces
+for the _Hastati_. These several branches of the service (_Triarii_,
+_Principes_, _Hastati_), being each divided into ten maniples, the
+cross-roads between the blocks are all the same length and terminate in
+the front agger of the camp; towards which they cause the last maniples
+in the rows to face.
+
+[Sidenote: Via Quintana.]
+
++30.+ Beyond the _Hastati_ they again leave a space of fifty feet,
+and there, beginning from the same base (the Principia), and going in
+a parallel direction, and to the same distance as the other blocks,
+they place the cavalry of the allies facing the _Hastati_. Now the
+number of the allies, as I have stated above, is equal to that of the
+legions in regard to the infantry, though it falls below that if we
+omit the _extraordinarii_; but that of the cavalry is double, when
+the third part is deducted for service among the _extraordinarii_.
+Therefore in marking out the camp the spaces assigned to the latter
+are made proportionally deeper, so that their length remains the same
+as those occupied by the legions. Thus five viae are formed:[299] and
+back to back with these cavalry are the spaces for the infantry of the
+allies, the depth being proportionally increased according to their
+numbers;[300] and these maniples face the outer sides of the camp and
+the agger. In each maniple the first tent at either end is occupied
+by the centurions. Between the fifth and sixth squadrons of cavalry,
+and the fifth and sixth maniple of infantry, there is a space of fifty
+left, so that another road is made across the camp at right angles to
+the others and parallel to the tents of the Tribuni, and this they call
+the _Via Quintana_, as it runs along the fifth squadrons and maniples.
+
+[Sidenote: The space between the Principia and the agger.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Staff, or Praetoria cohors.]
+
++31.+ The space behind the tents of the Tribuni is thus used. On one
+side of the square of the Praetorium is the market, on the other the
+office of the Quaestor and the supplies which he has charge of. Then
+behind the last tent of the Tribuni on either side, arranged at right
+angles to those tents, are the quarters of the cavalry picked out of
+the _extraordinarii_, as well as of some of those who are serving as
+volunteers from personal friendship to Consuls. All these are arranged
+parallel to the side aggers, facing on the one side the Quaestorium, on
+the other the market-place. And, generally speaking, it falls to the
+lot of these men not only to be near the Consul in the camp, but to be
+wholly employed about the persons of the Consul and the Quaestor on the
+march and all other occasions. Back to back with these again, facing
+the agger, are placed the infantry who serve in the same way as these
+cavalry.[301]
+
+Beyond these there is another empty space or road left, one hundred
+feet broad, parallel to the tents of the Tribuni, skirting the
+market-place, Praetorium, and Quaestorium, from agger to agger. On the
+further side of this road the rest of the _equites extraordinarii_
+are placed facing the market-place and Quaestorium: and between the
+quarters of these cavalry of the two legions a passage is left of
+fifty feet, exactly opposite and at right angles to the square of the
+Praetorium, leading to the rearward agger.
+
+Back to back with the _equites extraordinarii_ are the infantry of the
+same, facing the agger at the rear of the whole camp. And the space
+left empty on either side of these, facing the agger on each side of
+the camp, is given up to foreigners and such allies as chance to come
+to the camp.
+
+[Sidenote: The space round the quarters.]
+
+The result of these arrangements is that the whole camp is a square,
+with streets and other constructions regularly planned like a town.
+Between the line of the tents and the agger there is an empty space
+of two hundred feet on every side of the square, which is turned to
+a great variety of uses. To begin with, it is exceedingly convenient
+for the marching in and out of the legions. For each division descends
+into this space by the _via_ which passes its own quarters, and so
+avoids crowding and hustling each other, as they would if they were all
+collected on one road. Again, all cattle brought into the camp, as well
+as booty of all sorts taken from the enemy, are deposited in this space
+and securely guarded during the night-watches. But the most important
+use of this space is that, in night assaults, it secures the tents from
+the danger of being set on fire, and keeps the soldiers out of the
+range of the enemy’s missiles; or, if a few of them do carry so far,
+they are spent and cannot penetrate the tents.
+
+[Sidenote: Provision for extra numbers,]
+
+[Sidenote: and for two consular armies.]
+
++32.+ The number then of foot-soldiers and cavalry being given (at
+the rate, that is to say, of four thousand or of five thousand for
+each legion), and the length, depth, and number of the maniples being
+likewise known, as well as the breadth of the passages and roads, it
+becomes possible to calculate the area occupied by the camp and the
+length of the aggers. If on any occasion the number of allies, either
+those originally enrolled or those who joined subsequently, exceeds
+their due proportion, the difficulty is provided for in this way. To
+the overplus of allies who joined subsequent to the enrolment of the
+army are assigned the spaces on either side of the Praetorium, the
+market-place and Quaestorium being proportionally contracted. For the
+extra numbers of allies who joined originally an extra line of tents
+(forming thus another _via_) is put up parallel with the other tents
+of the socii, facing the agger on either side of the camp. But if all
+four legions and both Consuls are in the same camp, all we have to do
+is to imagine a second army, arranged back to back to the one already
+placed, in exactly the same spaces as the former, but side by side
+with it at the part where the picked men from the _extraordinarii_ are
+stationed facing the rearward agger. In this case the shape of the
+camp becomes an oblong, the area double, and the length of the entire
+agger half as much again. This is the arrangement when both Consuls are
+within the same agger; but if they occupy two separate camps, the above
+arrangements hold good, except that the market-place is placed half way
+between the two camps.
+
+[Sidenote: Guard duty.]
+
++33.+ The camp having thus been laid out, the Tribuni next administer
+an oath to all in it separately, whether free or slave, that they will
+steal nothing within the agger, and in case they find anything will
+bring it to the Tribuni. They next select for their several duties the
+maniples of the Principes and Hastati in each legion. Two are told
+off to guard the space in front of the quarters of the Tribuni. For
+in this space, which is called the Principia, most of the Romans in
+the camp transact all the business of the day; and are therefore very
+particular about its being kept well watered and properly swept. Of the
+other eighteen maniples, three are assigned to each of the six Tribuni,
+that being the respective numbers in each legion; and of these three
+maniples each takes its turn of duty in waiting upon the Tribune. The
+services they render him are such as these: they pitch his tent for
+him when a place is selected for encampment, and level the ground all
+round it; and if any extra precaution is required for the protection of
+his baggage, it is their duty to see to it. They also supply him with
+two relays of guards. A guard consists of four men, two of whom act
+as sentries in front of his tent, and two on the rear of it near the
+horses. Seeing that each Tribune has three maniples, and each maniple
+has a hundred men, without counting _Triarii_ and _Velites_ who are
+not liable for this service, the duty is a light one, coming round
+to each maniple only once in three days; while by this arrangement
+ample provision is made for the convenience as well as the dignity of
+the Tribuni. The maniples of Triarii are exempted from this personal
+service to the Tribuni, but they each supply a watch of four men to the
+squadron of cavalry nearest them. These watches have to keep a general
+look out; but their chief duty is to keep an eye upon the horses, to
+prevent their hurting themselves by getting entangled in their tethers,
+and so becoming unfit for use; or from getting loose, and making a
+confusion and disturbance in the camp by running against other horses.
+Finally, all the maniples take turns to mount guard for a day each at
+the Consul’s tent, to protect him from plots, and maintain the dignity
+of his office.
+
+[Sidenote: Orders of the day.]
+
+[Sidenote: Construction of the _fossa_ and _agger_.]
+
++34.+ As to the construction of the foss and vallum,[302] two sides
+fall to the lot of the socii, each division taking that side along
+which it is quartered; the other two are left to the Romans, one to
+each legion. Each side is divided into portions according to the number
+of maniples, and the centurions stand by and superintend the work of
+each maniple; while two of the Tribunes superintend the construction
+of the whole side and see that it is adequate. In the same way the
+Tribunes superintend all other operations in the camp. They divide
+themselves in twos, and each pair is on duty for two months out of six;
+they draw lots for their turns, and the pair on whom the lot falls
+takes the superintendence of all active operations. The prefects of
+the socii divide their duty in the same way. At daybreak the officers
+of the cavalry and the centurions muster at the tents of the Tribunes,
+while the Tribunes go to that of the Consul. He gives the necessary
+orders to the Tribunes, they to the cavalry officers and centurions,
+and these last pass them on to the rank and file as occasion may demand.
+
+[Sidenote: The watchword.]
+
+To secure the passing round of the watchword for the night the
+following course is followed. One man is selected from the tenth
+maniple, which, in the case both of cavalry and infantry, is quartered
+at the ends of the road between the tents; this man is relieved from
+guard-duty and appears each day about sunset at the tent of the Tribune
+on duty, takes the _tessera_ or wooden tablet on which the watchword
+is inscribed, and returns to his own maniple and delivers the wooden
+tablet and watchword in the presence of witnesses to the chief officer
+of the maniple next his own; he in the same way to the officer of the
+next, and so on, until it arrives at the first maniple stationed next
+the Tribunes. These men are obliged to deliver the tablet (_tessera_)
+to the Tribunes before dark. If they are all handed in, the Tribune
+knows that the watchword has been delivered to all, and has passed
+through all the ranks back to his hands: but if any one is missing,
+he at once investigates the matter; for he knows by the marks on the
+tablets from which division of the army the tablet has not appeared;
+and the man who is discovered to be responsible for its non-appearance
+is visited with condign punishment.
+
+[Sidenote: Night watches.]
+
++35.+ Next as to the keeping guard at night. The Consul’s tent is
+guarded by the maniple on duty: those of the Tribuni and praefects of
+the cavalry by the pickets formed as described above from the several
+maniples. And in the same way each maniple and squadron posts guards of
+their own men. The other pickets are posted by the Consul. Generally
+speaking there are three pickets at the Quaestorium, and two at the
+tent of each of the legati or members of council. The vallum is lined
+by the _velites_, who are on guard all along it from day to day. That
+is their special duty; while they also guard all the entrances to the
+camp, telling off ten sentinels to take their turn at each of them. Of
+the men told off for duty at the several _stationes_, the man who in
+each maniple is to take the first watch is brought by the rear-rank man
+of his company to the Tribune at eventide. The latter hands over to
+them severally small wooden tablets (_tesserae_), one for each watch,
+inscribed with small marks; on receiving which they go off to the
+places indicated.
+
+[Sidenote: Visiting rounds.]
+
+The duty of going the rounds is intrusted to the cavalry. The first
+Praefect of cavalry in each legion, early in the morning, orders one
+of his rear-rank men to give notice before breakfast to four young men
+of his squadron who are to go the rounds. At evening this same man’s
+duty is to give notice to the Praefect of the next squadron that it
+is his turn to provide for going the rounds until next morning. This
+officer thereupon takes measures similar to the preceding one until
+the next day; and so on throughout the cavalry squadrons. The four
+men thus selected by the rear-rank men from the first squadron, after
+drawing lots for the watch they are to take, proceed to the tent of the
+Tribune on duty, and receive from him a writing stating the order[303]
+and the number of the watches they are to visit. The four then take
+up their quarters for the night alongside of the first maniple of
+Triarii; for it is the duty of the centurion of this maniple to see
+that a bugle is blown at the beginning of every watch. When the time
+has arrived, the man to whose lot the first watch has fallen goes his
+rounds, taking some of his friends as witnesses. He walks through the
+posts assigned, which are not only those along the vallum and gates,
+but also the pickets set by the several maniples and squadrons. If he
+find the men of the first watch awake he takes from them their tessera;
+but if he find any one of them asleep or absent from his post, he calls
+those with him to witness the fact and passes on. The same process
+is repeated by those who go the rounds during the other watches. The
+charge of seeing that the bugle is blown at the beginning of each
+watch, so that the right man might visit the right pickets, is as I
+have said, laid upon the centurions of the first maniple of Triarii,
+each one taking the duty for a day.
+
+Each of these men who have gone the rounds (_tessarii_) at daybreak
+conveys the tesserae to the Tribune on duty. If the whole number are
+given in they are dismissed without question; but if any of them brings
+a number less than that of the pickets, an investigation is made by
+means of the mark on the tessera, as to which picket he has omitted.
+Upon this being ascertained the centurion is summoned; he brings the
+men who were on duty, and they are confronted with the patrol. If the
+fault is with the men on guard, the patrol clears himself by producing
+the witnesses whom he took with him; for he cannot do so without. If
+nothing of that sort happened, the blame recoils upon the patrol.
+
+[Sidenote: Military punishments: the _fustuarium_.]
+
++37.+ Then the Tribunes at once hold a court-martial, and the man who
+is found guilty is punished by the _fustuarium_; the nature of which
+is this. The Tribune takes a cudgel and merely touches the condemned
+man; whereupon all the soldiers fall upon him with cudgels and stones.
+Generally speaking men thus punished are killed on the spot; but if by
+any chance, after running the gauntlet, they manage to escape from the
+camp, they have no hope of ultimately surviving even so. They may not
+return to their own country, nor would any one venture to receive such
+an one into his house. Therefore those who have once fallen into this
+misfortune are utterly and finally ruined. The same fate awaits the
+praefect of the squadron, as well as his rear-rank man, if they fail to
+give the necessary order at the proper time, the latter to the patrols,
+and the former to the praefect of the next squadron. The result of the
+severity and inevitableness of this punishment is that in the Roman
+army the night watches are faultlessly kept. The common soldiers are
+amenable to the Tribunes; the Tribunes to the Consuls. The Tribune is
+competent to punish a soldier by inflicting a fine, distraining his
+goods, or ordering him to be flogged; so too the praefects in the case
+of the socii. The punishment of the _fustuarium_ is assigned also to
+any one committing theft in the camp, or bearing false witness: as also
+to any one who in full manhood is detected in shameful immorality: or
+to any one who has been thrice punished for the same offence. All these
+things are punished as crimes. But such as the following are reckoned
+as cowardly and dishonourable in a soldier:—for a man to make a false
+report to the Tribunes of his valour in order to get reward; or for
+men who have been told off to an ambuscade to quit the place assigned
+them from fear; and also for a man to throw away any of his arms from
+fear, on the actual field of battle. Consequently it sometimes happens
+that men confront certain death at their stations, because, from their
+fear of the punishment awaiting them at home, they refuse to quit their
+post: while others, who have lost shield or spear or any other arm on
+the field, throw themselves upon the foe, in hopes of recovering what
+they have lost, or of escaping by death from certain disgrace and the
+insults of their relations.[304]
+
+[Sidenote: Decimatio.]
+
++38.+ But if it ever happens that a number of men are involved in these
+same acts: if, for instance, some entire maniples have quitted their
+ground in the presence of the enemy, it is deemed impossible to subject
+all to the _fustuarium_ or to military execution; but a solution of
+the difficulty has been found at once adequate to the maintenance of
+discipline and calculated to strike terror. The Tribune assembles the
+legion, calls the defaulters to the front, and, after administering
+a sharp rebuke, selects five or eight or twenty out of them by lot,
+so that those selected should be about a tenth of those who have been
+guilty of the act of cowardice. These selected are punished with the
+_fustuarium_ without mercy; the rest are put on rations of barley
+instead of wheat, and are ordered to take up their quarters outside the
+vallum and the protection of the camp. As all are equally in danger of
+having the lot fall on them, and as all alike who escape that, are made
+a conspicuous example of by having their rations of barley, the best
+possible means are thus taken to inspire fear for the future, and to
+correct the mischief which has actually occurred.
+
+[Sidenote: Military decorations.]
+
+[Sidenote: Mural crown.]
+
+[Sidenote: Civic crown.]
+
++39.+ A very excellent plan also is adopted for inducing young soldiers
+to brave danger. When an engagement has taken place and any of them
+have showed conspicuous gallantry, the Consul summons an assembly of
+the legion, puts forward those whom he considers to have distinguished
+themselves in any way, and first compliments each of them individually
+on his gallantry, and mentions any other distinction he may have
+earned in the course of his life, and then presents them with gifts:
+to the man who has wounded an enemy, a spear; to the man who has
+killed one and stripped his armour, a cup, if he be in the infantry,
+horse-trappings if in the cavalry: though originally the only present
+made was a spear. This does not take place in the event of their
+having wounded or stripped any of the enemy in a set engagement or
+the storming of a town; but in skirmishes or other occasions of that
+sort, in which, without there being any positive necessity for them to
+expose themselves singly to danger, they have done so voluntarily and
+deliberately. In the capture of a town those who are first to mount the
+walls are presented with a gold crown. So too those who have covered
+and saved any citizens or allies are distinguished by the Consul with
+certain presents; and those whom they have preserved present them
+voluntarily with a crown, or if not, they are compelled to do so by
+the Tribunes. The man thus preserved, too, reverences his preserver
+throughout his life as a father, and is bound to act towards him as
+a father in every respect. By such incentives those who stay at home
+are stirred up to a noble rivalry and emulation in confronting danger,
+no less than those who actually hear and see what takes place. For
+the recipients of such rewards not only enjoy great glory among their
+comrades in the army, and an immediate reputation at home, but after
+their return they are marked men in all solemn festivals; for they
+alone, who have been thus distinguished by the Consuls for bravery,
+are allowed to wear robes of honour on those occasions: and moreover
+they place the spoils they have taken in the most conspicuous places in
+their houses, as visible tokens and proofs of their valour. No wonder
+that a people, whose rewards and punishments are allotted with such
+care and received with such feelings, should be brilliantly successful
+in war.
+
+The pay of the foot soldier is 5⅓ asses a day; of the centurion 10⅔; of
+the cavalry 16. The infantry receive a ration of wheat equal to about ⅔
+of an Attic medimnus a month, and the cavalry 7 medimni of barley, and
+2 of wheat; of the allies the infantry receive the same, the cavalry 1⅓
+medimnus of wheat, and 5 of barley. This is a free gift to the allies;
+but in the cases of the Romans, the Quaestor stops out of their pay
+the price of their corn and clothes, or any additional arms they may
+require at a fixed rate.
+
++40.+ The following is their manner of moving camp. At the first
+bugle the men all strike their tents and collect their baggage; but
+no soldier may strike his tent, or set it up either, till the same
+is done to that of the Tribuni and the Consul. At the second bugle
+they load the beasts of burden with their baggage: at the third
+the first maniples must advance and set the whole camp in motion.
+Generally speaking, the men appointed to make this start are the
+_extraordinarii_: next comes the right wing of the socii; and behind
+them their beasts of burden. These are followed by the first legion
+with its own baggage immediately on its rear; then comes the second
+legion, followed by its own beasts of burden, and the baggage of those
+socii who have to bring up the rear of the march, that is to say, the
+left wing of the socii. The cavalry sometimes ride on the rear of their
+respective divisions, sometimes on either side of the beasts of burden,
+to keep them together and secure them. If an attack is expected on the
+rear, the _extraordinarii_ themselves occupy the rear instead of the
+van. Of the two legions and wings each takes the lead in the march on
+alternate days, that by this interchange of position all may have an
+equal share in the advantage of being first at the water and forage.
+The order of march, however, is different at times of unusual danger,
+if they have open ground enough. For in that case they advance in
+three parallel columns, consisting of the _Hastati_, _Principes_, and
+_Triarii_: the beasts of burden belonging to the maniples in the van
+are placed in front of all, those belonging to the second behind the
+leading maniples, and those belonging to the third behind the second
+maniples, thus having the baggage and the maniples in alternate lines.
+With this order of march, on an alarm being given, the columns face to
+the right or left according to the quarter on which the enemy appears,
+and get clear of the baggage. So that in a short space of time, and by
+one movement, the whole of the hoplites are in line of battle—except
+that sometimes it is necessary to half-wheel the _Hastati_ also—and the
+baggage and the rest of the army are in their proper place for safety,
+namely, in the rear of the line of combatants.
+
+[Sidenote: Encampment on the march.]
+
++41.+ When the army on the march is approaching the place of
+encampment, a Tribune, and those of the centurions who have been from
+time to time selected for that duty, are sent forward to survey the
+place of encampment. Having done this they proceed first of all to fix
+upon the place for the Consul’s tent (as I have described above), and
+to determine on which side of the Praetorium to quarter the legions.
+Having decided these points they measure out the Praetorium, then they
+draw the straight line along which the tents of the Tribunes are to be
+pitched, and then the line parallel to this, beyond which the quarters
+of the legions are to begin. In the same way they draw the lines on
+the other sides of the Praetorium in accordance with the plan which I
+have already detailed at length. This does not take long, nor is the
+marking out of the camp a matter of difficulty, because the dimensions
+are all regularly laid down, and are in accordance with precedent. Then
+they fix one flag in the ground where the Consul’s tent is to stand,
+and another on the base of the square containing it, and a third on the
+line of the Tribunes’ tents; the two latter are scarlet, that which
+marks the Consul’s tent is white; the lines on the other sides of the
+Praetorium are marked sometimes with plain spears and sometimes by
+flags of other colours. After this they lay out the _viae_ between the
+quarters, fixing spears at each _via_. Consequently when the legions
+in the course of their march have come near enough to get a clear view
+of the place of encampment, they can all make out exactly the whole
+plan of it, taking as their base the Consul’s flag and calculating from
+that. Moreover as each soldier knows precisely on which _via_, and at
+what point of it, his quarters are to be, because all occupy the same
+position in the camp wherever it may be, it is exactly like a legion
+entering its own city; when breaking off at the gates each man makes
+straight for his own residence without hesitation, because he knows
+the direction and the quarter of the town in which home lies. It is
+precisely the same in a Roman camp.
+
++42.+ It is because the first object of the Romans in the matter of
+encampment is facility, that they seem to me to differ diametrically
+from Greek military men in this respect. Greeks, in choosing a place
+for a camp, think primarily of security from the natural strength of
+the position: first, because they are averse from the toil of digging a
+foss, and, secondly, because they think that no artificial defences are
+comparable to those afforded by the nature of the ground. Accordingly,
+they not only have to vary the whole configuration of the camp to suit
+the nature of the ground, but to change the arrangement of details in
+all kinds of irregular ways; so that neither soldier nor company has
+a fixed place in it. The Romans, on the other hand, prefer to undergo
+the fatigue of digging, and of the other labours of circumvallation,
+for the sake of the facility in arrangement, and to secure a plan of
+encampment which shall be one and the same and familiar to all.
+
+Such are the most important facts in regard to the legions and the
+method of encamping them....
+
+
+THE ROMAN REPUBLIC COMPARED WITH OTHERS
+
+[Sidenote: The Theban constitution may be put aside,]
+
++43.+ Nearly all historians have recorded as constitutions of eminent
+excellence those of Lacedaemonia, Crete, Mantinea, and Carthage. Some
+have also mentioned those of Athens and Thebes. The former I may allow
+to pass; but I am convinced that little need be said of the Athenian
+and Theban constitutions: their growth was abnormal, the period of
+their zenith brief, and the changes they experienced unusually violent.
+Their glory was a sudden and fortuitous flash, so to speak; and while
+they still thought themselves prosperous, and likely to remain so, they
+found themselves involved in circumstances completely the reverse. The
+Thebans got their reputation for valour among the Greeks, by taking
+advantage of the senseless policy of the Lacedaemonians, and the
+hatred of the allies towards them, owing to the valour of one, or at
+most two, men who were wise enough to appreciate the situation. Since
+fortune quickly made it evident that it was not the peculiarity of
+their constitution, but the valour of their leaders, which gave the
+Thebans their success. For the great power of Thebes notoriously took
+its rise, attained its zenith, and fell to the ground with the lives of
+Epaminondas and Pelopidas. We must therefore conclude that it was not
+its constitution, but its men, that caused the high fortune which it
+then enjoyed.
+
+[Sidenote: as also the Athenian.]
+
++44.+ A somewhat similar remark applies to the Athenian constitution
+also. For though it perhaps had more frequent interludes of excellence,
+yet its highest perfection was attained during the brilliant career
+of Themistocles; and having reached that point it quickly declined,
+owing to its essential instability. For the Athenian demus is always
+in the position of a ship without a commander. In such a ship, if
+fear of the enemy, or the occurrence of a storm induce the crew to be
+of one mind and to obey the helmsman, everything goes well; but if
+they recover from this fear, and begin to treat their officers with
+contempt, and to quarrel with each other because they are no longer
+all of one mind,—one party wishing to continue the voyage, and the
+other urging the steersman to bring the ship to anchor; some letting
+out the sheets, and others hauling them in, and ordering the sails to
+be furled,—their discord and quarrels make a sorry show to lookers on;
+and the position of affairs is full of risk to those on board engaged
+on the same voyage: and the result has often been that, after escaping
+the dangers of the widest seas, and the most violent storms, they wreck
+their ship in harbour and close to shore. And this is what has often
+happened to the Athenian constitution. For, after repelling, on various
+occasions, the greatest and most formidable dangers by the valour of
+its people and their leaders, there have been times when, in periods
+of secure tranquillity, it has gratuitously and recklessly encountered
+disaster.[305] Therefore I need say no more about either it, or the
+Theban constitution: in both of which a mob manages everything on its
+own unfettered impulse—a mob in the one city distinguished for headlong
+outbursts of fiery temper, in the other trained in long habits of
+violence and ferocity.
+
+[Sidenote: The Spartan polity unlike that of Crete.]
+
++45.+ Passing to the Cretan polity there are two points which
+deserve our consideration. The first is how such writers as Ephorus,
+Xenophon, Callisthenes and Plato[306]—who are the most learned of the
+ancients—could assert that it was like that of Sparta; and secondly
+how they came to assert that it was at all admirable. I can agree with
+neither assertion; and I will explain why I say so. And first as to its
+dissimilarity with the Spartan constitution. The peculiar merit of the
+latter is said to be its land laws, by which no one possesses more than
+another, but all citizens have an equal share in the public land.[307]
+The next distinctive feature regards the possession of money: for as it
+is utterly discredited among them, the jealous competition which arises
+from inequality of wealth is entirely removed from the city. A third
+peculiarity of the Lacedaemonian polity is that, of the officials by
+whose hands and with whose advice the whole government is conducted,
+the kings hold an hereditary office, while the members of the Gerusia
+are elected for life.
+
++46.+ Among the Cretans the exact reverse of all these arrangements
+obtains. The laws allow them to possess as much land as they can get
+with no limitation whatever. Money is so highly valued among them,
+that its possession is not only thought to be necessary but in the
+highest degree creditable. And in fact greed and avarice are so native
+to the soil in Crete, that they are the only people in the world among
+whom no stigma attaches to any sort of gain whatever. Again all their
+offices are annual and on a democratical footing. I have therefore
+often felt at a loss to account for these writers speaking of the two
+constitutions, which are radically different, as though they were
+closely united and allied. But, besides overlooking these important
+differences, these writers have gone out of their way to comment at
+length on the legislation of Lycurgus: “He was the only legislator,”
+they say, “who saw the important points. For there being two things
+on which the safety of a commonwealth depends,—courage in the face of
+the enemy and concord at home,—by abolishing covetousness, he with
+it removed all motive for civil broil and contest: whence it has
+been brought about that the Lacedaemonians are the best governed and
+most united people in Greece.” Yet while giving utterance to these
+sentiments, and though they see that, in contrast to this, the Cretans
+by their ingrained avarice are engaged in countless public and private
+seditions, murders and civil wars, they yet regard these facts as
+not affecting their contention, but are bold enough to speak of the
+two constitutions as alike. Ephorus, indeed, putting aside names,
+employs expressions so precisely the same, when discoursing on the
+two constitutions, that, unless one noticed the proper names, there
+would be no means whatever of distinguishing which of the two he was
+describing.
+
++47.+ In what the difference between them consists I have already
+stated. I will now address myself to showing that the Cretan
+constitution deserves neither praise nor imitation.
+
+[Sidenote: Tests of a good polity.]
+
+To my mind, then, there are two things fundamental to every state,
+in virtue of which its powers and constitution become desirable or
+objectionable. These are customs and laws. Of these the desirable are
+those which make men’s private lives holy and pure, and the public
+character of the state civilised and just. The objectionable are those
+whose effect is the reverse. As, then, when we see good customs and
+good laws prevailing among certain people, we confidently assume that,
+in consequence of them, the men and their civil constitution will be
+good also, so when we see private life full of covetousness, and public
+policy of injustice, plainly we have reason for asserting their laws,
+particular customs, and general constitution to be bad. Now, with few
+exceptions, you could find no habits prevailing in private life more
+steeped in treachery than those in Crete, and no public policy more
+inequitable. Holding, then, the Cretan constitution to be neither like
+the Spartan, nor worthy of choice or imitation, I reject it from the
+comparison which I have instituted.
+
+[Sidenote: Ideal polities may be omitted.]
+
+Nor again would it be fair to introduce the Republic of Plato, which
+is also spoken of in high terms by some Philosophers. For just as we
+refuse admission to the athletic contests to those actors or athletes
+who have not acquired a recognised position[308] or trained for them,
+so we ought not to admit this Platonic constitution to the contest
+for the prize of merit unless it can first point to some genuine and
+practical achievement. Up to this time the notion of bringing it into
+comparison with the constitutions of Sparta, Rome, and Carthage would
+be like putting up a statue to compare with living and breathing men.
+Even if such a statue were faultless in point of art, the comparison
+of the lifeless with the living would naturally leave an impression of
+imperfection and incongruity upon the minds of the spectators.
+
+[Sidenote: The aims of Lycurgus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Their partial failure.]
+
++48.+ I shall therefore omit these, and proceed with my description
+of the Laconian constitution. Now it seems to me that for securing
+unity among the citizens, for safe-guarding the Laconian territory,
+and preserving the liberty of Sparta inviolate, the legislation
+and provisions of Lycurgus were so excellent, that I am forced to
+regard his wisdom as something superhuman. For the equality of landed
+possessions, the simplicity in their food, and the practice of taking
+it in common, which he established, were well calculated to secure
+morality in private life and to prevent civil broils in the State; as
+also their training in the endurance of labours and dangers to make
+men brave and noble minded: but when both these virtues, courage and
+high morality, are combined in one soul or in one state, vice will
+not readily spring from such a soil, nor will such men easily be
+overcome by their enemies. By constructing his constitution therefore
+in this spirit, and of these elements, he secured two blessings to
+the Spartans,—safety for their territory, and a lasting freedom for
+themselves long after he was gone. He appears however to have made no
+one provision whatever, particular or general, for the acquisition
+of the territory of their neighbours; or for the assertion of their
+supremacy; or, in a word, for any policy of aggrandisement at all. What
+he had still to do was to impose such a necessity, or create such a
+spirit among the citizens, that, as he had succeeded in making their
+individual lives independent and simple, the public character of the
+state should also become independent and moral. But the actual fact
+is, that, though he made them the most disinterested and sober-minded
+men in the world, as far as their own ways of life and their national
+institutions were concerned, he left them in regard to the rest of
+Greece ambitious, eager for supremacy, and encroaching in the highest
+degree.
+
+[Sidenote: First and second Messenian wars, B.C. 745-724 (?), 685-668.]
+
+[Sidenote: Battle of Plataea, B.C. 479.]
+
+[Sidenote: Peace of Antalcidas, B.C. 387.]
+
+[Sidenote: The causes of this failure.]
+
++49.+ For in the first place is it not notorious that they were nearly
+the first Greeks to cast a covetous eye upon the territory of their
+neighbours, and that accordingly they waged a war of subjugation on
+the Messenians? In the next place is it not related in all histories
+that in their dogged obstinacy they bound themselves with an oath
+never to desist from the siege of Messene until they had taken it?
+And lastly it is known to all that in their efforts for supremacy in
+Greece they submitted to do the bidding of those whom they had once
+conquered in war. For when the Persians invaded Greece, they conquered
+them, as champions of the liberty of the Greeks; yet when the invaders
+had retired and fled, they betrayed the cities of Greece into their
+hands by the peace of Antalcidas, for the sake of getting money to
+secure their supremacy over the Greeks. It was then that the defect
+in their constitution was rendered apparent. For as long as their
+ambition was confined to governing their immediate neighbours, or even
+the Peloponnesians only, they were content with the resources and
+supplies provided by Laconia itself, having all material of war ready
+to hand, and being able without much expenditure of time to return
+home or convey provisions with them. But directly they took in hand to
+despatch naval expeditions, or to go on campaigns by land outside the
+Peloponnese, it was evident that neither their iron currency, nor their
+use of crops for payment in kind, would be able to supply them with
+what they lacked if they abided by the legislation of Lycurgus; for
+such undertakings required money universally current, and goods from
+foreign countries. Thus they were compelled to wait humbly at Persian
+doors, impose tribute on the islanders, and exact contributions from
+all the Greeks: knowing that, if they abided by the laws of Lycurgus,
+it was impossible to advance any claims upon any outside power at all,
+much less upon the supremacy in Greece.
+
+[Sidenote: Sparta fails where Rome succeeds.]
+
++50.+ My object, then, in this digression is to make it manifest by
+actual facts that, for guarding their own country with absolute safety,
+and for preserving their own freedom, the legislation of Lycurgus was
+entirely sufficient; and for those who are content with these objects
+we must concede that there neither exists, nor ever has existed, a
+constitution and civil order preferable to that of Sparta. But if any
+one is seeking aggrandisement, and believes that to be a leader and
+ruler and despot of numerous subjects, and to have all looking and
+turning to him, is a finer thing than that,—in this point of view we
+must acknowledge that the Spartan constitution is deficient, and that
+of Rome superior and better constituted for obtaining power. And this
+has been proved by actual facts. For when the Lacedaemonians strove
+to possess themselves of the supremacy in Greece, it was not long
+before they brought their own freedom itself into danger. Whereas the
+Romans, after obtaining supreme power over the Italians themselves,
+soon brought the whole world under their rule,—in which achievement the
+abundance and availability of their supplies largely contributed to
+their success.
+
+[Sidenote: Rome fresher than Carthage;]
+
++51.+ Now the Carthaginian constitution seems to me originally to
+have been well contrived in these most distinctively important
+particulars. For they had kings,[309] and the Gerusia had the powers
+of an aristocracy, and the multitude were supreme in such things as
+affected them; and on the whole the adjustment of its several parts
+was very like that of Rome and Sparta. But about the period of its
+entering on the Hannibalian war the political state of Carthage was
+on the decline,[310] that of Rome improving. For whereas there is in
+every body, or polity, or business a natural stage of growth, zenith,
+and decay; and whereas everything in them is at its best at the zenith;
+we may thereby judge of the difference between these two constitutions
+as they existed at that period. For exactly so far as the strength and
+prosperity of Carthage preceded that of Rome in point of time, by so
+much was Carthage then past its prime, while Rome was exactly at its
+zenith, as far as its political constitution was concerned. In Carthage
+therefore the influence of the people in the policy of the state had
+already risen to be supreme, while at Rome the Senate was at the height
+of its power: and so, as in the one measures were deliberated upon by
+the many, in the other by the best men, the policy of the Romans in all
+public undertakings proved the stronger; on which account, though they
+met with capital disasters, by force of prudent counsels they finally
+conquered the Carthaginians in the war.
+
+[Sidenote: and its citizen levies superior to Carthaginian mercenaries.]
+
++52.+ If we look however at separate details, for instance at the
+provisions for carrying on a war, we shall find that whereas for
+a naval expedition the Carthaginians are the better trained and
+prepared,—as it is only natural with a people with whom it has been
+hereditary for many generations to practise this craft, and to follow
+the seaman’s trade above all nations in the world,—yet, in regard to
+military service on land, the Romans train themselves to a much higher
+pitch than the Carthaginians. The former bestow their whole attention
+upon this department: whereas the Carthaginians wholly neglect their
+infantry, though they do take some slight interest in the cavalry. The
+reason of this is that they employ foreign mercenaries, the Romans
+native and citizen levies. It is in this point that the latter polity
+is preferable to the former. They have their hopes of freedom ever
+resting on the courage of mercenary troops: the Romans on the valour
+of their own citizens and the aid of their allies. The result is that
+even if the Romans have suffered a defeat at first, they renew the
+war with undiminished forces, which the Carthaginians cannot do. For,
+as the Romans are fighting for country and children, it is impossible
+for them to relax the fury of their struggle; but they persist with
+obstinate resolution until they have overcome their enemies. What has
+happened in regard to their navy is an instance in point. In skill the
+Romans are much behind the Carthaginians, as I have already said; yet
+the upshot of the whole naval war has been a decided triumph for the
+Romans, owing to the valour of their men. For although nautical science
+contributes largely to success in sea-fights, still it is the courage
+of the marines that turns the scale most decisively in favour of
+victory. The fact is that Italians as a nation are by nature superior
+to Phoenicians and Libyans both in physical strength and courage; but
+still their habits also do much to inspire the youth with enthusiasm
+for such exploits. One example will be sufficient of the pains taken
+by the Roman state to turn out men ready to endure anything to win a
+reputation in their country for valour.
+
+[Sidenote: Laudations at funerals.]
+
+[Sidenote: Imagines.]
+
+[Sidenote: Toga praetexta, purpurea, picta.]
+
+[Sidenote: Sellae curules.]
+
++53.+ Whenever one of their illustrious men dies, in the course of his
+funeral, the body with all its paraphernalia is carried into the forum
+to the Rostra, as a raised platform there is called, and sometimes
+is propped upright upon it so as to be conspicuous, or, more rarely,
+is laid upon it. Then with all the people standing round, his son,
+if he has left one of full age and he is there, or, failing him, one
+of his relations, mounts the Rostra and delivers a speech concerning
+the virtues of the deceased, and the successful exploits performed
+by him in his lifetime. By these means the people are reminded of
+what has been done, and made to see it with their own eyes,—not
+only such as were engaged in the actual transactions but those also
+who were not;—and their sympathies are so deeply moved, that the
+loss appears not to be confined to the actual mourners, but to be a
+public one affecting the whole people. After the burial and all the
+usual ceremonies have been performed, they place the likeness of the
+deceased in the most conspicuous spot in his house, surmounted by a
+wooden canopy or shrine. This likeness consists of a mask made to
+represent the deceased with extraordinary fidelity both in shape and
+colour. These likenesses they display at public sacrifices adorned
+with much care. And when any illustrious member of the family dies,
+they carry these masks to the funeral, putting them on men whom they
+thought as like the originals as possible in height and other personal
+peculiarities. And these substitutes assume clothes according to the
+rank of the person represented: if he was a consul or praetor, a toga
+with purple stripes; if a censor, whole purple;[311] if he had also
+celebrated a triumph or performed any exploit of that kind, a toga
+embroidered with gold. These representatives also ride themselves
+in chariots, while the fasces and axes, and all the other customary
+insignia of the particular offices, lead the way, according to the
+dignity of the rank in the state enjoyed by the deceased in his
+lifetime; and on arriving at the Rostra they all take their seats on
+ivory chairs in their order.
+
+There could not easily be a more inspiring spectacle than this for
+a young man of noble ambitions and virtuous aspirations. For can we
+conceive any one to be unmoved at the sight of all the likenesses
+collected together of the men who have earned glory, all as it were
+living and breathing? Or what could be a more glorious spectacle?
+
+[Sidenote: Devotion of the citizens.]
+
++54.+ Besides the speaker over the body about to be buried, after
+having finished the panegyric of this particular person, starts upon
+the others whose representatives are present, beginning with the most
+ancient, and recounts the successes and achievements of each. By this
+means the glorious memory of brave men is continually renewed; the fame
+of those who have performed any noble deed is never allowed to die;
+and the renown of those who have done good service to their country
+becomes a matter of common knowledge to the multitude, and part of the
+heritage of posterity. But the chief benefit of the ceremony is that it
+inspires young men to shrink from no exertion for the general welfare,
+in the hope of obtaining the glory which awaits the brave. And what I
+say is confirmed by this fact. Many Romans have volunteered to decide
+a whole battle by single combat; not a few have deliberately accepted
+certain death, some in time of war to secure the safety of the rest,
+some in time of peace to preserve the safety of the commonwealth. There
+have also been instances of men in office putting their own sons to
+death, in defiance of every custom and law, because they rated the
+interests of their country higher than those of natural ties even with
+their nearest and dearest. There are many stories of this kind, related
+of many men in Roman history; but one will be enough for our present
+purpose; and I will give the name as an instance to prove the truth of
+my words.
+
+[Sidenote: Horatius Cocles.]
+
++55.+ The story goes that Horatius Cocles, while fighting with two
+enemies at the head of the bridge over the Tiber, which is the entrance
+to the city on the north, seeing a large body of men advancing to
+support his enemies, and fearing that they would force their way into
+the city, turned round, and shouted to those behind him to hasten
+back to the other side and break down the bridge. They obeyed him:
+and whilst they were breaking the bridge, he remained at his post
+receiving numerous wounds, and checked the progress of the enemy: his
+opponents being panic stricken, not so much by his strength as by
+the audacity with which he held his ground. When the bridge had been
+broken down, the attack of the enemy was stopped; and Cocles then threw
+himself into the river with his armour on and deliberately sacrificed
+his life, because he valued the safety of his country and his own
+future reputation more highly than his present life, and the years
+of existence that remained to him.[312] Such is the enthusiasm and
+emulation for noble deeds that are engendered among the Romans by their
+customs.
+
+[Sidenote: Purity of election.]
+
+[Sidenote: Cf. ch. 14.]
+
++56.+ Again the Roman customs and principles regarding money
+transactions are better than those of the Carthaginians. In the view
+of the latter nothing is disgraceful that makes for gain; with the
+former nothing is more disgraceful than to receive bribes and to make
+profit by improper means. For they regard wealth obtained from unlawful
+transactions to be as much a subject of reproach, as a fair profit from
+the most unquestioned source is of commendation. A proof of the fact is
+this. The Carthaginians obtain office by open bribery, but among the
+Romans the penalty for it is death. With such a radical difference,
+therefore, between the rewards offered to virtue among the two peoples,
+it is natural that the ways adopted for obtaining them should be
+different also.
+
+[Sidenote: Regard to religion.]
+
+But the most important difference for the better which the Roman
+commonwealth appears to me to display is in their religious beliefs.
+For I conceive that what in other nations is looked upon as a reproach,
+I mean a scrupulous fear of the gods, is the very thing which keeps
+the Roman commonwealth together. To such an extraordinary height is
+this carried among them, both in private and public business, that
+nothing could exceed it. Many people might think this unaccountable;
+but in my opinion their object is to use it as a check upon the common
+people. If it were possible to form a state wholly of philosophers,
+such a custom would perhaps be unnecessary. But seeing that every
+multitude is fickle, and full of lawless desires, unreasoning anger,
+and violent passion, the only resource is to keep them in check by
+mysterious terrors and scenic effects of this sort. Wherefore, to my
+mind, the ancients were not acting without purpose or at random, when
+they brought in among the vulgar those opinions about the gods, and the
+belief in the punishments in Hades: much rather do I think that men
+nowadays are acting rashly and foolishly in rejecting them. This is the
+reason why, apart from anything else, Greek statesmen, if entrusted
+with a single talent, though protected by ten checking-clerks, as many
+seals, and twice as many witnesses, yet cannot be induced to keep
+faith: whereas among the Romans, in their magistracies and embassies,
+men have the handling of a great amount of money, and yet from pure
+respect to their oath keep their faith intact. And, again, in other
+nations it is a rare thing to find a man who keeps his hands out of
+the public purse, and is entirely pure in such matters: but among the
+Romans it is a rare thing to detect a man in the act of committing such
+a crime.[313]...
+
+
+RECAPITULATION AND CONCLUSION
+
++57.+ That to all things, then, which exist there is ordained decay
+and change I think requires no further arguments to show: for the
+inexorable course of nature is sufficient to convince us of it.
+
+But in all polities we observe two sources of decay existing from
+natural causes, the one external, the other internal and self-produced.
+The external admits of no certain or fixed definition, but the internal
+follows a definite order. What kind of polity, then, comes naturally
+first, and what second, I have already stated in such a way, that
+those who are capable of taking in the whole drift of my argument can
+henceforth draw their own conclusions as to the future of the Roman
+polity. For it is quite clear, in my opinion. When a commonwealth,
+after warding off many great dangers, has arrived at a high pitch of
+prosperity and undisputed power, it is evident that, by the lengthened
+continuance of great wealth within it, the manner of life of its
+citizens will become more extravagant; and that the rivalry for
+office, and in other spheres of activity, will become fiercer than it
+ought to be. And as this state of things goes on more and more, the
+desire of office and the shame of losing reputation, as well as the
+ostentation and extravagance of living, will prove the beginning of
+a deterioration. And of this change the people will be credited with
+being the authors, when they become convinced that they are being
+cheated by some from avarice, and are puffed up with flattery by others
+from love of office. For when that comes about, in their passionate
+resentment and acting under the dictates of anger, they will refuse to
+obey any longer, or to be content with having equal powers with their
+leaders, but will demand to have all or far the greatest themselves.
+And when that comes to pass the constitution will receive a new name,
+which sounds better than any other in the world, liberty or democracy;
+but, in fact, it will become that worst of all governments, mob-rule.
+
+With this description of the formation, growth, zenith, and present
+state of the Roman polity, and having discussed also its difference,
+for better and worse, from other polities, I will now at length bring
+my essay on it to an end.
+
++58.+ Resuming my history from the point at which I started on this
+digression I will briefly refer to one transaction, that I may give
+a practical illustration of the perfection and power of the Roman
+polity at that period, as though I were producing one of his works as a
+specimen of the skill of a good artist.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 216. Hannibal offers to put the prisoners at Cannae to
+ransom.]
+
+When Hannibal, after conquering the Romans in the battle at Cannae,
+got possession of the eight thousand who were guarding the Roman camp,
+he made them all prisoners of war, and granted them permission to send
+messages to their relations that they might be ransomed and return
+home. They accordingly selected ten of their chief men, whom Hannibal
+allowed to depart after binding them with an oath to return. But one
+of them, just as he had got outside the palisade of the camp, saying
+that he had forgotten something, went back; and, having got what he
+had left behind, once more set out, under the belief that by means of
+this return he had kept his promise and discharged his oath. Upon the
+arrival of the envoys at Rome, imploring and beseeching the Senate not
+to grudge the captured troops their return home, but to allow them to
+rejoin their friends by paying three minae each for them,—for these
+were the terms, they said, granted by Hannibal,—and declaring that
+the men deserved redemption, for they had neither played the coward
+in the field, nor done anything unworthy of Rome, but had been left
+behind to guard the camp; and that, when all the rest had perished,
+they had yielded to absolute necessity in surrendering to Hannibal:
+though the Romans had been severely defeated in the battles, and
+though they were at the time deprived of, roughly speaking, all their
+allies, they neither yielded so far to misfortune as to disregard
+what was becoming to themselves, nor omitted to take into account any
+necessary consideration. They saw through Hannibal’s purpose in thus
+acting,—which was at once to get a large supply of money, and at the
+same time to take away all enthusiasm from the troops opposed to him,
+by showing that even the conquered had a hope of getting safe home
+again. Therefore the Senate, far from acceding to the request, refused
+all pity even to their own relations, and disregarded the services
+to be expected from these men in the future: and thus frustrated
+Hannibal’s calculations, and the hopes which he had founded on these
+prisoners, by refusing to ransom them; and at the same time established
+the rule for their own men, that they must either conquer or die on
+the field, as there was no other hope of safety for them if they were
+beaten. With this answer they dismissed the nine envoys who returned
+of their own accord; but the tenth who had put the cunning trick in
+practice for discharging himself of his oath they put in chains and
+delivered to the enemy. So that Hannibal was not so much rejoiced at
+his victory in the battle, as struck with astonishment at the unshaken
+firmness and lofty spirit displayed in the resolutions of these
+senators.[314]
+
+
+
+
+BOOK VII
+
+CAPUA AND PETELIA
+
+
+[Sidenote: Capua and Petelia, the contrast of their fortunes.]
+
++1.+ The people of Capua, in Campania, becoming wealthy through the
+fertility of their soil, degenerated into luxury and extravagance
+surpassing even the common report about Croton and Sybaris. Being then
+unable to support their burden of prosperity they called in Hannibal;
+and were accordingly treated with great severity by Rome. But the
+people of Petelia maintained their loyalty to Rome and held out so
+obstinately, when besieged by Hannibal, that after having eaten all the
+leather in the town, and the bark of all the trees in it, and having
+stood the siege for eleven months, as no one came to their relief, they
+surrendered with the entire approval of the Romans.... But Capua by its
+influence drew over the other cities to the Carthaginians....
+
+
+HIERONYMUS OF SYRACUSE
+
+[Sidenote: Hieronymus succeeded his grandfather Hiero II. in B.C. 216.
+Under the influence of his uncles, Zoippus and Andranodorus, members of
+the Council of 15 established by Hiero, Hieronymus opens communications
+with Hannibal.]
+
+[Sidenote: Commissioners sent to Carthage to formulate a treaty of
+alliance.]
+
++2.+ After the plot against Hieronymus, King of Syracuse, Thraso having
+departed, Zoippus and Andranodorus persuaded Hieronymus to lose no time
+in sending ambassadors to Hannibal. He accordingly selected Polycleitus
+of Cyrene and Philodemus of Argos for the purpose, and sent them
+into Italy, with a commission to discuss the subject of an alliance
+with the Carthaginians; and at the same time he sent his brothers to
+Alexandria. Hannibal received Polycleitus and Philodemus with warmth;
+held out great prospects to the young king; and sent the ambassadors
+back without delay, accompanied by the commander of his triremes, a
+Carthaginian also named Hannibal, and the Syracusan Hippocrates and
+his younger brother Epicydes. These men had been for some time serving
+in Hannibal’s army, being domiciled at Carthage, owing to their
+grandfather having been banished from Syracuse because he was believed
+to have assassinated Agatharchus, one of the sons of Agathocles. On
+the arrival of these commissioners at Syracuse, Polycleitus and his
+colleague reported the result of their embassy, and the Carthaginian
+delivered the message given by Hannibal: whereupon the king without
+hesitation expressed his willingness to make a treaty with the
+Carthaginians; and, begging the Hannibal who had come to him to go with
+all speed to Carthage, promised that he also would send commissioners
+from his own court, to settle matters with the Carthaginians.
+
+[Sidenote: The Roman praetor sends to remonstrate. A scene with the
+king.]
+
++3.+ Meanwhile intelligence of this transaction had reached the Roman
+praetor at Lilybaeum, who immediately despatched legates to Hieronymus,
+to renew the treaty which had been made with his ancestors. Being
+thoroughly annoyed with this embassy, Hieronymus said that “He was
+sorry for the Romans that they had come to such utter and shameful
+grief[315] in the battles in Italy at the hands of the Carthaginians.”
+The legates were overpowered by the rudeness of the answer: still they
+proceeded to ask him, “Who said such things about them?” Whereupon
+the king pointed to the Carthaginian envoys who were there, and said,
+“You had better convict them, if they have really been telling me
+lies?” The Roman legates answered that it was not their habit to take
+the word of enemies: and advised him to do nothing in violation of
+the existing treaty; for that would be at once equitable and the best
+thing for himself. To this the king answered that he would take time
+to consider of it, and tell them his decision another time; but he
+proceeded to ask them, “How it came about that before his grandfather’s
+death a squadron of fifty Roman ships had sailed as far as Pachynus and
+then gone back again.” The fact was that a short time ago the Romans
+had heard that Hiero was dead; and being much alarmed lest people in
+Syracuse, despising the youth of the grandson whom he left, should stir
+up a revolution, they had made this cruise with the intention of being
+ready there to assist his youthful weakness, and to help in maintaining
+his authority; but being informed that his grandfather was still alive,
+they sailed back again. When the ambassadors had stated these facts,
+the young king answered again, “Then please to allow me too now, O
+Romans, to maintain my authority by ’sailing back’ to see what I can
+get from Carthage.” The Roman legates perceiving the warmth with which
+the king was engaging in his policy, said nothing at the time; but
+returned and informed the praetor who had sent them of what had been
+said. From that time forward, therefore, the Romans kept a careful
+watch upon him as an enemy.
+
+[Sidenote: The treaty with Carthage.]
+
+[Sidenote: The king’s pretensions rise, and a new arrangement is made
+with Carthage.]
+
++4.+ Hieronymus on his part selected Agatharchus, Onesimus, and
+Hipposthenes to send with Hannibal to Carthage, with instructions to
+make an alliance on the following terms: “The Carthaginians to assist
+him with land and sea forces, in expelling the Romans from Sicily, and
+then divide the island with him; so as to have the river Himera, which
+divides Sicily almost exactly in half, as the boundary between the
+two provinces.” The commissioners arrived in Carthage: and finding,
+on coming to a conference, that the Carthaginians were prepared to
+meet them in every point, they completed the arrangement. Meanwhile
+Hippocrates got the young Hieronymus entirely into his hands: and at
+first fired his imagination by telling him of Hannibal’s marches and
+pitched battles in Italy; and afterwards by repeating to him that no
+one had a better right to the government of all Siceliots than he; in
+the first place as the son of Nereis daughter of Pyrrhus, the only
+man whom all Siceliots alike had accepted deliberately and with full
+assent as their leader and king; and in the second place in virtue of
+his grandfather Hiero’s sovereign rights. At last he and his brother
+so won upon the young man by their conversation, that he would attend
+to no one else at all: partly from the natural feebleness of his
+character, but still more from the ambitious feelings which they had
+excited in him. And therefore, just when Agatharchus and his colleagues
+were completing the business on which they had been sent in Carthage,
+he sent fresh ambassadors, saying that all Sicily belonged to him; and
+demanding that the Carthaginians should help him to recover Sicily:
+while he promised he would assist the Carthaginians in their Italian
+campaign. Though the Carthaginians now saw perfectly well the whole
+extent of the young man’s fickleness and infatuation: yet thinking it
+to be in manifold ways to their interests not to let Sicilian affairs
+out of their hands, they assented to his demands; and having already
+prepared ships and men, they set about arranging for the transport of
+their forces into Sicily.
+
+[Sidenote: The Romans again remonstrate. Another scene at the Council.]
+
+[Sidenote: War with Rome decided upon.]
+
++5.+ When they heard of this, the Romans sent legates to him again,
+protesting against his violation of the treaty made with his
+forefathers. Hieronymus thereupon summoned a meeting of his council
+consulted them as to what he was to do. The native members of it kept
+silent, because they feared the folly of their ruler. Aristomachus
+of Corinth, Damippus of Sparta, Autonous of Thessaly advised that
+he should abide by the treaty with Rome. Andranodorus alone urged
+that he should not let the opportunity slip; and affirmed that the
+present was the only chance of establishing his rule over Sicily.
+After the delivery of this speech, the king asked Hippocrates and
+his brother what they thought, and upon their answering, “The same
+as Andranodorus,” the deliberation was concluded in that sense.
+Thus, then, war with Rome had been decided upon: but while the king
+was anxious to be thought to have given an adroit answer to the
+ambassadors, he committed himself to such an utter absurdity as to make
+it certain that he would not only fail to conciliate the Romans, but
+would inevitably offend them violently. For he said that he would abide
+by the treaty, firstly, if the Romans would repay all the gold they had
+received from his grandfather Hiero; and secondly, if they would return
+the corn and other presents which they had received from him from the
+first day of their intercourse with him; and thirdly, if they would
+acknowledge all Sicily east of the Himera to be Syracusan territory.
+At these propositions of course the ambassadors and council separated;
+and from that time forth Hieronymus began pushing on his preparations
+for war with energy: collected and armed his forces, and got ready the
+other necessary provisions....
+
+[Sidenote: Description of Leontini, where Hieronymus was murdered. See
+Livy, 24, 7.]
+
++6.+ The city of Leontini taken as a whole faces north, and is divided
+in half by a valley of level ground, in which are the state buildings,
+the court-houses, and market-place. Along each side of this valley run
+hills with steep banks all the way; the flat tops of which, reached
+after crossing their brows, are covered with houses and temples. The
+city has two gates, one on the southern extremity of this valley
+leading to Syracuse, the other at the northern leading on to the
+“Leontine plains,” and the arable district. Close under the westernmost
+of the steep cliffs runs a river called Lissus; parallel to which are
+built continuous rows of houses, in great numbers, close under the
+cliff, between which and the river runs the road I have mentioned....
+
+[Sidenote: Fall of Hieronymus, B.C. 214.]
+
++7.+ Some of the historians who have described the fall of Hieronymus
+have written at great length and in terms of mysterious solemnity.
+They tell us of prodigies preceding his coming to the throne, and of
+the misfortunes of Syracuse. They describe in dramatic language the
+cruelty of his character and the impiety of his actions; and crown all
+with the sudden and terrible nature of the circumstances attending his
+fall. One would think from their description that neither Phalaris,
+nor Apollodorus, nor any other tyrant was ever fiercer than he. Yet
+he was a mere boy when he succeeded to power, and only lived thirteen
+months after. In this space of time it is possible that one or two men
+may have been put to the rack, or certain of his friends, or other
+Syracusan citizens, put to death; but it is improbable that his tyranny
+could have been extravagantly wicked, or his impiety outrageous. It
+must be confessed that he was reckless and unscrupulous in disposition;
+still we cannot compare him with either of the tyrants I have named.
+The fact is that those who write the histories of particular episodes,
+having undertaken limited and narrow themes, appear to me to be
+compelled from poverty of matter to exaggerate insignificant incidents,
+and to speak at inordinate length on subjects that scarcely deserve
+to be recorded at all. There are some, too, who fall into a similar
+mistake from mere want of judgment. With how much more reason might the
+space employed on these descriptions,—which they use merely to fill up
+and spin out their books,—have been devoted to Hiero and Gelo, without
+mentioning Hieronymus at all! It would have given greater pleasure to
+readers and more instruction to students.
+
+[Sidenote: Character of Hiero II., King of Syracuse, from B.C. 269 to
+B.C. 215.]
+
++8.+ For, in the first place, Hiero gained the sovereignty of Syracuse
+and her allies by his own unaided abilities without inheriting wealth,
+or reputation, or any other advantage of fortune. And, in the second
+place, was established king of Syracuse without putting to death,
+banishing, or harassing any one of the citizens,—which is the most
+astonishing circumstance of all. And what is quite as surprising as
+the innocence of his acquisition of power is the fact that it did
+not change his character. For during a reign of fifty-four years he
+preserved peace for the country, maintained his own power free from
+all hostile plots, and entirely escaped the envy which generally
+follows greatness; for though he tried on several occasions to lay
+down his power, he was prevented by the common remonstrances of the
+citizens. And having shown himself most beneficent to the Greeks, and
+most anxious to earn their good opinion, he left behind him not merely
+a great personal reputation but also a universal feeling of goodwill
+towards the Syracusans. Again, though he passed his life in the midst
+of the greatest wealth, luxury, and abundance, he survived for more
+than ninety years, in full possession of his senses and with all parts
+of his body unimpaired; which, to my mind, is a decisive proof of a
+well-spent life....
+
+[Sidenote: Gelo, son of Hiero II., associated with his father in the
+kingdom, B.C. 216. See 5, 88, Livy, 23, 30.]
+
+Gelo, his son, in a life of more than fifty years regarded it as the
+most honourable object of ambition to obey his father, and to regard
+neither wealth, nor sovereign power, nor anything else as of higher
+value than love and loyalty to his parents....
+
+
+TREATY BETWEEN HANNIBAL AND KING PHILIP V. OF MACEDON
+
+[Sidenote: Gods by whom the oath is taken on either side.]
+
+[Sidenote: Preamble of a treaty made between Philip and Hannibal, by
+envoys sent after the battle of Cannae. Ratified subsequently to March
+13, B.C. 215. See Livy, 23, 33-39. _Ante_ 3, 2.]
+
++9.+ This is a sworn treaty made between Hannibal, Mago, Barmocarus,
+and such members of the Carthaginian Gerusia as were present, and all
+Carthaginians serving in his army, on the one part; and Xenophanes, son
+of Cleomachus of Athens, sent to us by King Philip, as his ambassador,
+on behalf of himself, the Macedonians, and their allies, on the other
+part.
+
+The oath is taken in the presence of Zeus, Hera, and Apollo: of the god
+of the Carthaginians, Hercules, and Iolaus: of Ares, Triton, Poseidon:
+of the gods that accompany the army, and of the sun, moon, and earth:
+of rivers, harbours, waters: of all the gods who rule Carthage: of all
+the gods who rule Macedonia and the rest of Greece: of all the gods of
+war that are witnesses to this oath.
+
+[Sidenote: Declaration on the part of Hannibal of the objects of the
+treaty.]
+
+Hannibal, general, and all the Carthaginian senators with him, and
+all Carthaginians serving in his army, subject to our mutual consent,
+proposes to make this sworn treaty of friendship and honourable
+goodwill. Let us be friends, close allies, and brethren, on the
+conditions herein following:—
+
+[Sidenote: 1st article sworn to by Philip’s representative.]
+
+(1) Let the Carthaginians, as supreme, Hannibal their chief general
+and those serving with him, all members of the Carthaginian dominion
+living under the same laws, as well as the people of Utica, and the
+cities and tribes subject to Carthage, and their soldiers and allies,
+and all cities and tribes in Italy, Celt-land, and Liguria, with whom
+we have a compact of friendship, and with whomsoever in this country we
+may hereafter form such compact, be supported by King Philip and the
+Macedonians, and all other Greeks in alliance with them.
+
+[Sidenote: 1st article sworn to by Hannibal and the Carthaginians.]
+
+(2) On their parts also King Philip and the Macedonians, and such
+other Greeks as are his allies, shall be supported and protected by
+the Carthaginians now in this army, and by the people of Utica, and by
+all cities and tribes subject to Carthage, both soldiers and allies,
+and by all allied cities and tribes in Italy, Celt-land, and Liguria,
+and by all others in Italy as shall hereafter become allies of the
+Carthaginians.
+
+[Sidenote: 2d article sworn to by Phillip’s representative.]
+
+(3) We will not make plots against, nor lie in ambush for, each
+other; but in all sincerity and goodwill, without reserve or secret
+design, will be enemies to the enemies of the Carthaginians, saving
+and excepting those kings, cities, and ports with which we have sworn
+agreements and friendships.
+
+[Sidenote: 2d article sworn to by Hannibal.]
+
+(4) And we, too, will be enemies to the enemies of King Philip, saving
+and excepting those kings, cities, and tribes, with which we have sworn
+agreements and friendships.
+
+[Sidenote: 3d article sworn to by Philip’s representative.]
+
+(5) Ye shall be friends to us in the war in which we now are engaged
+against the Romans, till such time as the gods give us and you the
+victory: and ye shall assist us in all ways that be needful, and in
+whatsoever way we may mutually determine.
+
+[Sidenote: 3d article sworn to by Hannibal.]
+
+(6) And when the gods have given us victory in our war with the Romans
+and their allies, if Hannibal shall deem it right to make terms with
+the Romans, these terms shall include the same friendship with you,
+made on these conditions: (1) the Romans not to be allowed to make
+war on you; (2) not to have power over Corcyra, Apollonia, Epidamnum,
+Pharos, Dimale, Parthini, nor Atitania; (3) to restore to Demetrius of
+Pharos all those of his friends now in the dominion of Rome.
+
+[Sidenote: 1st joint article.]
+
+(7) If the Romans ever make war on you or on us we will aid each other
+in such war, according to the need of either.
+
+[Sidenote: 2d joint article.]
+
+(8) So also if any other nation whatever does so, always excepting
+kings, cities, and tribes, with whom we have sworn agreements and
+friendships.
+
+[Sidenote: 3d joint article. Mutual consent required for an alteration.]
+
+(9) If we decide to take away from, or add to this sworn treaty,
+
+we will so take away, or add thereto, only as we both may agree....
+
+
+MESSENE AND PHILIP V. IN B.C. 215
+
+[Sidenote: Political state of Messene.]
+
++10.+ Democracy being established at Messene, and the men of rank
+having been banished, while those who had received allotments on their
+lands obtained the chief influence in the government, those of the old
+citizens who remained found it very hard to put up with the equality
+which these men had obtained....
+
+[Sidenote: The character of the Messenian athlete and statesman Gorgus.
+See _ante_, 5, 5.]
+
+Gorgus of Messene, in wealth and extraction, was inferior to no one in
+the town; and had been a famous athlete in his time, far surpassing all
+rivals in that pursuit. In fact he was not behind any man of his day
+in physical beauty, or the general dignity of his manner of life, or
+the number of prizes he had won. Again, when he gave up athletics and
+devoted himself to politics and the service of his country, he gained
+no less reputation in this department than in his former pursuit.
+For he was removed from the Philistinism that usually characterises
+athletes, and was looked upon as in the highest degree an able and
+clear-headed politician....
+
+[Sidenote: Philip V. of Macedon at Messene, B.C. 215. See Plutarch,
+_Arat._ 49-50.]
+
++11.+ Philip, king of the Macedonians, being desirous of seizing the
+acropolis of Messene, told the leaders of the city that he wished to
+see it and to sacrifice to Zeus, and accordingly walked up thither with
+his attendants and joined in the sacrifice. When, according to custom,
+the entrails of the slaughtered victims were brought to him, he took
+them in his hands, and, turning round a little to one side, held them
+out to Aratus and asked him “what he thought the sacrifices indicated?
+To quit the citadel or hold it?” Thereupon Demetrius struck in on the
+spur of the moment by saying, “If you have the heart of an augur,—to
+quit it as quick as you can: but if of a gallant and wise king, to keep
+it, lest if you quit it now you may never have so good an opportunity
+again: for it is by thus holding the two horns that you can alone keep
+the ox under your control.” By the “two horns” he meant Ithome and
+the Acrocorinthus, and by the “ox” the Peloponnese. Thereupon Philip
+turned to Aratus and said, “And do you give the same advice?” Aratus
+not making any answer at once, he urged him to speak his real opinion.
+After some hesitation he said, “If you can get possession of this place
+without treachery to the Messenians, I advise you to do so; but if, by
+the act of occupying this citadel with a guard, you shall ruin all the
+citadels, and the guard wherewith the allies were protected when they
+came into your hands from Antigonus” (meaning by that, _confidence_),
+“consider whether it is not better to take your men away and leave
+the confidence there, and with it guard the Messenians, and the other
+allies as well.” As far as his own inclination was concerned, Philip
+was ready enough to commit an act of treachery, as his own subsequent
+conduct proved: but having been sharply rebuked a little while before
+by the younger Aratus for his destruction of human life; and seeing
+that, on the present occasion, the elder spoke with boldness and
+authority, and begged him not to neglect his advice, he gave in from
+sheer shame, and taking the latter by his right hand, said, “Then let
+us go back the same way we came.”
+
+[Sidenote: Deterioration in the character of Philip V. See 4, 77.]
+
++12.+ I wish here to stop in my narrative in order to speak briefly of
+the character of Philip, because this was the beginning of the change
+and deterioration in it. For I think that no more telling example can
+be proposed to practical statesmen who wish to correct their ideas by
+a study of history. For the splendour of his early career, and the
+brilliancy of his genius, have caused the dispositions for good and
+evil displayed by this king to be more conspicuous and widely known
+throughout Greece than is the case with any other man; as well as the
+contrast between the results accompanying the display of those opposite
+tendencies.
+
+Now that, upon his accession to the throne, Thessaly, Macedonia, and in
+fact all parts of his own kingdom were more thoroughly loyal and well
+disposed to him, young as he was on his succeeding to the government
+of Macedonia, than they had ever been to any of his predecessors, may
+be without difficulty inferred from the following fact. Though he
+was with extreme frequency forced to leave Macedonia by the Aetolian
+and Lacedaemonian wars, not only was there no disturbance in these
+countries, but not a single one of the neighbouring barbarians
+ventured to touch Macedonia. It would be impossible, again, to speak
+in strong enough terms of the affection of Alexander, Chrysogonus, and
+his other friends towards him; or that of the Epirotes, Acarnanians,
+and all those on whom he had within a short time conferred great
+benefits. On the whole, if one may use a somewhat hyperbolical phrase,
+I think it has been said of Philip with very great propriety, that
+his beneficent policy had made him “The darling of all Greece.” And
+it is a conspicuous and striking proof of the advantage of lofty
+principle and strict integrity, that the Cretans, having at length
+come to an understanding with each other and made a national alliance,
+selected Philip to arbitrate between them; and that this settlement
+was completed without an appeal to arms and without danger,—a thing
+for which it would be difficult to find a precedent in similar
+circumstances. From the time of his exploits at Messene all this was
+utterly changed. And it was natural that it should be so. For his
+purposes being now entirely reversed, it inevitably followed that men’s
+opinions of him should be reversed also, as well as the success of
+his various undertakings. This actually was the case, as will become
+evident to attentive students from what I am now about to relate....
+
++13.+ Aratus seeing that Philip was now openly engaging in war with
+Rome, and entirely changed in his policy toward his allies, with
+difficulty diverted him from his intention by suggesting numerous
+difficulties and scruples.
+
+[Sidenote: 5, 12.]
+
+[Sidenote: Recapitulation of the substance of book 7, viz. the
+treacherous dealings of Philip with the Messenians, B.C. 215.]
+
+[Sidenote: Plato, _Rep._ 565 D.]
+
+I wish now to remind my readers of what, in my fifth Book, I put
+forward merely as a promise and unsupported statement, but which
+has now been confirmed by facts; in order that I may not leave any
+proposition of mine unproved or open to question. In the course of
+my history of the Aetolian war, where I had to relate the violent
+proceedings of Philip in destroying the colonnades and other sacred
+objects at Thermus; and added that, in consideration of his youth, the
+blame of these measures ought not to be referred to Philip so much as
+to his advisers; I then remarked that the life of Aratus sufficiently
+proved that he would not have committed such an act of wickedness,
+but that such principles exactly suited Demetrius of Pharos; and I
+promised to make this clear from what I was next to narrate. I thereby
+designedly postponed the demonstration of the truth of my assertion,
+till I had come to the period of which I have just been speaking; which
+with the presence of Demetrius, and in the absence of Aratus, who
+arrived a day too late, Philip made the first step in his career of
+crime; and, as though from the first taste of human blood and murder
+and treason to his allies, was changed not into a wolf from a man, as
+in the Arcadian fable mentioned by Plato, but from a king into a savage
+tyrant. But a still more decisive proof of the sentiments of these two
+men is furnished by the plot against the citadel of Messene, and may
+help us to make up our minds which of the two were responsible for the
+proceedings in the Aetolian war; and, when we are satisfied on that
+point, it will be easy to form a judgment on the differences of their
+principles.
+
++14.+ For as in this instance, under the influence of Aratus, Philip
+refrained from actually breaking faith with the Messenians in regard
+to the citadel; and thus, to use a common expression, poured a little
+balm into the wide wound which his slaughters had caused: so in the
+Aetolian war, when under the influence of Demetrius, he sinned against
+the gods by destroying the objects consecrated to them, and against man
+by transgressing the laws of war; and entirely deserted his original
+principles, by showing himself an implacable and bitter foe to all
+who opposed him. The same remark applies to the Cretan business.[316]
+As long as he employed Aratus as his chief director, not only without
+doing injustice to a single islander, but without even causing them
+any vexation, he kept the whole Cretan people under control; and led
+all the Greeks to regard him with favour, owing to the greatness of
+character which he displayed. So again, when under the guidance of
+Demetrius, he became the cause of the misfortunes I have described to
+the Messenians, he at once lost the goodwill of the allies and his
+credit with the rest of Greece. Such a decisive influence for good or
+evil in the security of their government has the choice by youthful
+sovereigns of the friends who are to surround them; though it is a
+subject on which by some unaccountable carelessness they take not the
+smallest care....
+
+
+THE WAR OF ANTIOCHUS WITH ACHAEUS
+
+(See 5, 107)
+
+[Sidenote: Siege of Sardis from the end of B.C. 216 to autumn of B.C.
+215.]
+
++15.+ Round Sardis ceaseless and protracted skirmishes were taking
+place and fighting by night and day, both armies inventing every
+possible kind of plot and counterplot against each other: to describe
+which in detail would be as useless as it would be in the last degree
+wearisome. At last, when the siege had already entered upon its second
+year, Lagoras the Cretan came forward. He had had a considerable
+experience in war, and had learnt that as a rule cities fall into the
+hands of their enemies most easily from some neglect on the part of
+their inhabitants, when, trusting to the natural or artificial strength
+of their defences, they neglect to keep proper guard and become
+thoroughly careless. He had observed too, that in such fortified cities
+captures were effected at the points of greatest strength, which were
+believed to have been despaired of by the enemy. So in the present
+instance, when he saw that the prevailing notion of the strength of
+Sardis caused the whole army to despair of taking it by storm, and
+to believe that the one hope of getting it was by starving it out,
+he gave all the closer attention to the subject; and eagerly scanned
+every possible method of making an attempt to capture the town. Having
+observed therefore that a portion of the wall was unguarded, near a
+place called the Saw, which unites the citadel and city, he conceived
+the hope and idea of performing this exploit. He had discovered
+the carelessness of the men guarding this wall from the following
+circumstance. The place was extremely precipitous: and there was a deep
+gully below, into which dead bodies from the city, and the offal of
+horses and beasts of burden that died, were accustomed to be thrown;
+and in this place therefore there was always a great number of vultures
+and other birds collected. Having observed, then, that when these
+creatures were gorged, they always sat undisturbed upon the cliffs and
+the wall, he concluded that the wall must necessarily be left unguarded
+and deserted for the larger part of the day. Accordingly, under cover
+of night, he went to the spot and carefully examined the possibilities
+of approaching it and setting ladders; and finding that this was
+possible at one particular rock, he communicated the facts to the king.
+
++16.+ Antiochus encouraged the attempt and urged Lagoras to carry it
+out. The latter promised to do his best, and desired the king to join
+with him Theodotus the Aetolian, and Dionysius the commander of his
+bodyguard, with orders to devote them to assist him in carrying out
+the intended enterprise. The king at once granted his request, and
+these officers agreed to undertake it: and having held a consultation
+on the whole subject, they waited for a night on which there should be
+no moon just before daybreak. Such a night having arrived, on the day
+on which they intended to act, an hour before sunset, they selected
+from the whole army fifteen of the strongest and most courageous men to
+carry the ladders, and also to mount with them and share in the daring
+attempt. After these they selected thirty others, to remain in reserve
+at a certain distance; that, as soon as they had themselves climbed
+over the walls, and come to the nearest gate, the thirty might come up
+to it from the outside and try to knock off the hinges and fastenings,
+while they on the inside cut the cross bar and bolt pins.[317] They
+also selected two thousand men to follow behind the thirty, who were to
+rush into the town with them and seize the area of the theatre, which
+was a favourable position to hold against those on the citadel, as
+well as those in the town. To prevent suspicion of the truth getting
+about, owing to the picking out of the men, the king gave out that
+the Aetolians were about to throw themselves into the town through a
+certain gully, and that it was necessary, in view of that information,
+to take energetic measures to prevent them.
+
+[Sidenote: The town of Sardis entered and sacked.]
+
++17.+ When Lagoras and his party had made all their preparations, as
+soon as the moon set, they came stealthily to the foot of the cliffs
+with their scaling ladders, and ensconced themselves under a certain
+overhanging rock. When day broke, and the picket as usual broke up
+from that spot; and the king in the ordinary way told off some men to
+take their usual posts, and led the main body on to the hippodrome and
+drew them up; at first no one suspected what was going on. But when
+two ladders were fixed, and Dionysius led the way up one, and Lagoras
+up the other, there was excitement and a stir throughout the camp. For
+while the climbing party were not visible to the people in the town,
+or to Achaeus in the citadel, because of the beetling brow of the
+rock, their bold and adventurous ascent was in full view of the camp;
+which accordingly was divided in feeling between astonishment at the
+strangeness of the spectacle, and a nervous horror of what was going
+to happen next, all standing dumb with exulting wonder. Observing the
+excitement in the camp, and wishing to divert the attention both of
+his own men and of those in the city from what was going on, the king
+ordered an advance; and delivered an attack upon the gates on the other
+side of the town, called the Persian gates. Seeing from the citadel
+the unwonted stir in the camp, Achaeus was for some time at a loss to
+know what to do, being puzzled to account for it, and quite unable to
+see what was taking place. However he despatched a force to oppose the
+enemy at the gate; whose assistance was slow in arriving, because they
+had to descend from the citadel by a narrow and precipitous path. But
+Aribazus, the commandant of the town, went unsuspiciously to the gates
+on which he saw Antiochus advancing; and caused some of his men to
+mount the wall, and sent others out through the gate, with orders to
+hinder the approaching enemies, and come to close quarters with them.
+
++18.+ Meanwhile Lagoras, Theodotus, Dionysius, and their men had
+climbed the rocks and had arrived at the gate nearest them; and some
+of them were engaged in fighting the troops sent from the citadel to
+oppose them, while others were cutting through the bars; and at the
+same time the party outside told off for that service were doing the
+same. The gates having thus been quickly forced open, the two thousand
+entered and occupied the area round the theatre. On this all the men
+from the walls, and from the Persian gate, to which Aribazus had
+already led a relieving force, rushed in hot haste to pass the word to
+attack the enemy within the gates. The result was that, the gate having
+been opened as they retreated, some of the king’s army rushed in along
+with the retiring garrison; and, when they had thus taken possession of
+the gate, they were followed by an unbroken stream of their comrades;
+some of whom poured through the gate, while others employed themselves
+in bursting open other gates in the vicinity. Aribazus and all the men
+in the city, after a brief struggle against the enemy who had thus
+got within the walls, fled with all speed to the citadel. After that,
+Theodotus and Lagoras and their party remained on the ground near the
+theatre, determining with great good sense and soldier-like prudence
+to form a reserve until the whole operation was completed; while the
+main body rushed in on every side and occupied the town. And now by
+dint of some putting all they met to the sword, others setting fire to
+the houses, others devoting themselves to plunder and taking booty, the
+destruction and sacking of the town was completed. Thus did Antiochus
+become master of Sardis....
+
+
+
+
+BOOK VIII
+
+THE NECESSITY OF CAUTION IN DEALING WITH AN ENEMY
+
+
+[Sidenote: Fall of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus [Cons. B.C. 215 and 213]
+
++1.+ Tiberius a Roman Proconsul fell into an ambuscade, and, after
+offering with his attendants a gallant as he was advancing from Lucania
+to Capua, by the treachery of the Lucanian Flavius, B.C. 212. Livy, 25,
+16.] resistance to the enemy, was killed.
+
+[Sidenote: Fall of Archidamus, B.C. 226-225.]
+
+[Sidenote: Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Asina with his fleet surprised and
+captured at Lipara, B.C. 260. See 1, 21.]
+
+[Sidenote: Fall of Pelopidas in Thessaly, B.C. 363.]
+
+Now in regard to such catastrophes, whether it is right to blame or
+pardon the sufferers is by no means a safe matter on which to pronounce
+an opinion; because it has happened to several men, who have been
+perfectly correct in all their actions, to fall into these misfortunes,
+equally with those who do not scruple to transgress principles of right
+confirmed by the consent of mankind. We should not however idly refrain
+from pronouncing an opinion: but should blame or condone this or that
+general, after a review of the necessities of the moment and the
+circumstances of the case. And my observation will be rendered evident
+by the following instances. Archidamus, king of the Lacedaemonians,
+alarmed at the love of power which he observed in Cleomenes, fled
+from Sparta; but being not long afterwards persuaded to return, put
+himself in the power of the latter. The consequence was that he lost
+his kingdom and his life together,[318] and left a character not to be
+defended before posterity on the score of prudence; for while affairs
+remained in the same state, and the ambition and power of Cleomenes
+remained in exactly the same position, how could he expect to meet any
+other fate than he did, if he put himself in the hands of the very men
+from whom he had before barely escaped destruction by flight? Again
+Pelopidas of Thebes, though acquainted with the unprincipled character
+of the tyrant Alexander, and though he knew thoroughly well that
+every tyrant regards the leaders of liberty as his bitterest enemies,
+first took upon himself to persuade Epaminondas to stand forth as the
+champion of democracy, not only in Thebes, but in all Greece also; and
+then, being in Thessaly in arms, for the express purpose of destroying
+the absolute rule of Alexander, he yet twice ventured to undertake a
+mission to him. The consequence was that he fell into the hands of his
+enemies, did great damage to Thebes, and ruined the reputation he had
+acquired before; and all by putting a rash and ill advised confidence
+in the very last person in whom he ought to have done so. Very similar
+to these cases is that of the Roman Consul Gnaeus Cornelius who fell
+in the Sicilian war by imprudently putting himself in the power of the
+enemy. And many parallel cases might be quoted.
+
+[Sidenote: Betrayal of Achaeus by Bolis. See _infra_, ch. 17-23.]
+
++2.+ The conclusion, then, is that those who put themselves in the
+power of the enemy from want of proper precaution deserve blame;
+but those who use every practicable precaution not so: for to trust
+absolutely no one is to make all action impossible; but reasonable
+action, taken after receiving adequate security, cannot be censured.
+Adequate securities are oaths, children, wives, and, strongest of all,
+a blameless past. To be betrayed and entrapped by such a security as
+any of these is a slur, not on the deceived, but on the deceiver. The
+first object then should be to seek such securities as it is impossible
+for the recipient of the confidence to evade; but since such are rare,
+the next best thing will be to take every reasonable precaution one’s
+self: and then, if we meet with any disaster, we shall at least be
+acquitted of wrong conduct by the lookers on. And this has been the
+case with many before now: of which the most conspicuous example, and
+the one nearest to the times on which we are engaged, will be the fate
+of Achaeus. He omitted no possible precaution for securing his safety,
+but thought of everything that it was possible for human ingenuity
+to conceive: and yet he fell into the power of his enemies. In this
+instance his misfortune procured the pity and pardon of the outside
+world for the victim, and nothing but disparagement and loathing for
+the successful perpetrators....
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Sidenote: Sardinia reduced by T. Manlius Torquatus, B.C. 215.
+Marcellus took Leontini, B.C. 214 (autumn). Livy, 24, 30.]
+
+[Sidenote: Marcus Valerius Laevinus commands a fleet off Greece, B.C.
+215-214. Livy, 24, 10. Publius Sulpicius Galba Cos. (B.C. 211.) sent to
+Macedonia. Livy, 26, 22; 27, 31. Appius Claudius Pulcher, Praetor, sent
+to Sicily, B.C. 215. Livy, 23, 31, Propraetor, B.C. 214. Livy 24, 33.]
+
+[Sidenote: Marcus Claudius Marcellus, Cos. III., B.C. 214.]
+
++3.+ It appears to me not to be alien to my general purpose, and the
+plan which I originally laid down, to recall the attention of my
+readers to the magnitude of the events, and the persistency of purpose
+displayed by the two States of Rome and Carthage. For who could think
+it otherwise than remarkable that these two powers, while engaged in so
+serious a war for the possession of Italy, and one no less serious for
+that of Iberia; and being still both of them equally balanced between
+uncertain hopes and fears for the future of these wars, and confronted
+at the very time with battles equally formidable to either, should
+yet not be content with their existing undertakings: but should raise
+another controversy as to the possession of Sardinia and Sicily; and
+not content with merely hoping for all these things, should grasp at
+them with all the resources of their wealth and warlike forces? Indeed
+the more we examine into details the greater becomes our astonishment.
+The Romans had two complete armies under the two Consuls on active
+service in Italy; two in Iberia in which Gnaeus Cornelius commanded the
+land, Publius Cornelius the naval forces; and naturally the same was
+the case with the Carthaginians. But besides this, a Roman fleet was
+anchored off Greece, watching it and the movements of Philip, of which
+first Marcus Valerius, and afterward Publius Sulpicius was in command.
+Along with all these undertakings Appius with a hundred quinqueremes,
+and Marcus Claudius with an army, were threatening Sicily; while
+Hamilcar was doing the same on the side of the Carthaginians.
+
++4.+ By means of these facts I presume that what I more than once
+asserted at the beginning of my work is now shown by actual experience
+to deserve unmixed credit. I mean my assertion, that it is impossible
+for historians of particular places to get a view of universal history.
+For how is it possible for a man who has only read a separate history
+of Sicilian or Spanish affairs to understand and grasp the greatness of
+the events? Or, what is still more important, in what manner and under
+what form of polity fortune brought to pass that most surprising of
+all revolutions that have happened in our time, I mean the reduction
+of all known parts of the world under one rule and governance, a
+thing unprecedented in the history of mankind. In what manner the
+Romans took Syracuse or Iberia may be possibly learned to a certain
+extent by means of such particular histories; but how they arrived at
+universal supremacy, and what opposition their grand designs met with
+in particular places, or what on the other hand contributed to their
+success, and at what epochs, this it is difficult to take in without
+the aid of universal history. Nor, again, is it easy to appreciate the
+greatness of their achievements except by the latter method. For the
+fact of the Romans having sought to gain Iberia, or at another time
+Sicily; or having gone on a campaign with military and naval forces,
+told by itself, would not be anything very wonderful. But if we learn
+that these were all done at once, and that many more undertakings were
+in course of accomplishment at the same time,—all at the cost of one
+government and commonwealth; and if we see what dangers and wars in
+their own territory were, at the very time, encumbering the men who had
+all these things on hand: thus, and only thus, will the astonishing
+nature of the events fully dawn upon us, and obtain the attention which
+they deserve. So much for those who suppose that by studying an episode
+they have become acquainted with universal history....
+
+
+THE SIEGE OF SYRACUSE
+
+_Hieronymus succeeded his grandfather, Hiero, in B.C. 216, and was
+assassinated in Leontini thirteen months afterwards, in B.C. 215. His
+death, however, did not bring more peaceful relations between Syracuse
+and Rome, but only gave the Syracusans more able leaders (Livy, 24,
+21). After the slaughter of Themistius and Andramodorus, who had been
+elected on the board of Generals, and the cruel murder of all the
+royal family, Epicydes and Hippocrates,—Syracusans by descent, but
+born and brought up at Carthage, and who had been sent to Syracuse on
+a special mission by Hannibal,—were elected into the vacant places in
+the board of Generals. They became the leading spirits in the Syracusan
+government, and for a time kept up an appearance of wishing to come
+to terms with Rome; and legates were actually sent to Marcellus, at
+Morgantia (near Catana). But when the Carthaginian fleet arrived at
+Pachynus, Hippocrates and Epicydes threw off their mask, and declared
+that the other magistrates were betraying the town to the Romans. This
+accusation was rendered more specious by the appearance of Appius with
+a Roman fleet at the mouth of the harbour. A rush was made to the
+shore by the inhabitants to prevent the Romans landing; and the tumult
+was with difficulty composed by the wisdom of one of the magistrates,
+Apollonides, who persuaded the people to vote for the peace with Rome
+(B.C. 215. Livy, 24, 21-28). But Hippocrates and Epicydes determined
+not to acknowledge the peace: they therefore provoked the Romans by
+plundering in or near the Roman pale,[319] and then took refuge in
+Leontini. Marcellus complained at Syracuse, but was told that Leontini
+was not within Syracusan jurisdiction. Marcellus, therefore, took
+Leontini. Hippocrates and Epicydes managed to escape, and by a mixture
+of force and fraud contrived soon afterwards to force their way into
+Syracuse, seize and put to death most of the generals, and induce the
+excited mob, whom they had inspired with the utmost dread of being
+betrayed to Rome, to elect them sole generals (Livy, 24, 29-32). The
+Romans at once ordered Syracuse to be besieged, giving out that they
+were coming not to wage war with the inhabitants, but to deliver them._
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Sidenote: Siege of Syracuse, B.C. 215-214.]
+
+[Sidenote: Archimedes.]
+
++5.+ When Epicydes and Hippocrates had occupied Syracuse, and had
+alienated the rest of the citizens with themselves from the friendship
+of Rome, the Romans who had already been informed of the murder of
+Hieronymus, tyrant of Syracuse, appointed Appius Claudius as Propraetor
+to command a land force, while Marcus Claudius Marcellus commanded
+the fleet. These officers took up a position not far from Syracuse,
+and determined to assault the town from the land at Hexapylus, and by
+sea at what was called Stoa Scytice in Achradina, where the wall has
+its foundation close down to the sea. Having prepared their wicker
+pent-houses, and darts, and other siege material, they felt confident
+that, with so many hands employed, they would in five days get their
+works in such an advanced state as to give them the advantage over the
+enemy. But in this they did not take into account the abilities of
+Archimedes; nor calculate on the truth that, in certain circumstances,
+the genius of one man is more effective than any numbers whatever.[320]
+However they now learnt it by experience. The city was strong from
+the fact of its encircling wall lying along a chain of hills with
+overhanging brows, the ascent of which was no easy task, even with no
+one to hinder it, except at certain definite points. Taking advantage
+of this, Archimedes had constructed such defences both in the town, and
+at the places where an attack might be made by sea, that the garrison
+would have everything at hand which they might require at any moment,
+and be ready to meet without delay whatever the enemy might attempt
+against them.
+
+[Sidenote: Sambucae or Harps.]
+
++6.+ The attack was begun by Appius bringing his pent-houses, and
+scaling ladders, and attempting to fix the latter against that part of
+the wall which abuts on Hexapylus towards the east. At the same time
+Marcus Claudius Marcellus with sixty quinqueremes was making a descent
+upon Achradina. Each of these vessels were full of men armed with bows
+and slings and javelins, with which to dislodge those who fought on
+the battlements. As well as these vessels he had eight quinqueremes
+in pairs. Each pair had had their oars removed, one on the larboard
+and the other on the starboard side, and then had been lashed together
+on the sides thus left bare. On these double vessels, rowed by the
+outer oars of each of the pair, they brought up under the walls some
+engines called “Sambucae,” the construction of which was as follows:—A
+ladder was made four feet broad, and of a height to reach the top of
+the wall from the place where its foot had to rest; each side of the
+ladder was protected by a railing, and a covering or pent-house was
+added overhead. It was then placed so that its foot rested across the
+sides of the lashed-together vessels, which touched each other with its
+other extremity protruding a considerable way beyond the prows. On the
+tops of the masts pulleys were fixed with ropes: and when the engines
+were about to be used, men standing on the sterns of the vessels drew
+the ropes tied to the head of the ladder, while others standing on
+the prows assisted the raising of the machine and kept it steady with
+long poles. Having then brought the ships close in shore by using the
+outer oars of both vessels they tried to let the machine down upon the
+wall. At the head of the ladder was fixed a wooden stage secured on
+three sides by wicker-shields, upon which stood four men who fought
+and struggled with those who tried to prevent the Sambuca from being
+made to rest on the battlements. But when they have fixed it and so
+got above the level of the top of the wall, the four men unfasten the
+wicker-shields from either side of the stage, and walk out upon the
+battlements or towers as the case may be; they are followed by their
+comrades coming up by the Sambuca, since the ladder’s foot is safely
+secured with ropes and stands upon both the ships. This construction
+has got the name of “Sambuca,” or “Harp,” for the natural reason, that
+when it is raised the combination of the ship and ladder has very much
+the appearance of such an instrument.
+
+[Sidenote: The engines invented by Archimedes. Cf. Plut. _Marcellus_,
+15.]
+
+[Sidenote: 570 lbs. av.]
+
++7.+ With such contrivances and preparations were the Romans intending
+to assault the towers. But Archimedes had constructed catapults to suit
+every range; and as the ships sailing up were still at a considerable
+distance, he so wounded the enemy with stones and darts, from the
+tighter wound and longer engines, as to harass and perplex them to the
+last degree; and when these began to carry over their heads, he used
+smaller engines graduated according to the range required from time
+to time, and by this means caused so much confusion among them as to
+altogether check their advance and attack; and finally Marcellus was
+reduced in despair to bringing up his ships under cover of night. But
+when they had come close to land, and so too near to be hit by the
+catapults, they found that Archimedes had prepared another contrivance
+against the soldiers who fought from the decks. He had pierced the wall
+as high as a man’s stature with numerous loop-holes, which, on the
+outside, were about as big as the palm of the hand. Inside the wall he
+stationed archers and cross-bows, or scorpions,[321] and by the volleys
+discharged through these he made the marines useless. By these means he
+not only baffled the enemy, whether at a distance or close at hand, but
+also killed the greater number of them. As often, too, as they tried
+to work their Sambucae, he had engines ready all along the walls, not
+visible at other times, but which suddenly reared themselves above the
+wall from inside, when the moment for their use had come, and stretched
+their beams far over the battlements, some of them carrying stones
+weighing as much as ten talents, and others great masses of lead. So
+whenever the Sambucae were approaching, these beams swung round on
+their pivot the required distance, and by means of a rope running
+through a pulley dropped the stone upon the Sambucae, with the result
+that it not only smashed the machine itself to pieces, but put the ship
+also and all on board into the most serious danger.
+
++8.+ Other machines which he invented were directed against storming
+parties, who, advancing under the protection of pent-houses, were
+secured by them from being hurt by missiles shot through the walls.
+Against these he either shot stones big enough to drive the marines
+from the prow; or let down an iron hand swung on a chain, by which the
+man who guided the crane, having fastened on some part of the prow
+where he could get a hold, pressed down the lever of the machine inside
+the wall; and when he had thus lifted the prow and made the vessel rest
+upright on its stern, he fastened the lever of his machine so that it
+could not be moved; and then suddenly slackened the hand and chain by
+means of a rope and pulley. The result was that many of the vessels
+heeled over and fell on their sides: some completely capsized; while
+the greater number, by their prows coming down suddenly from a height,
+dipped low in the sea, shipped a great quantity of water, and became
+a scene of the utmost confusion. Though reduced almost to despair by
+these baffling inventions of Archimedes, and though he saw that all his
+attempts were repulsed by the garrison with mockery on their part and
+loss to himself, Marcellus could not yet refrain from making a joke at
+his own expense, saying that “Archimedes was using his ships to ladle
+out the sea-water, but that his 'harps’ not having been invited to the
+party were buffeted and turned out with disgrace.” Such was the end of
+the attempt at storming Syracuse by sea.
+
+[Sidenote: The assault by land repulsed.]
+
+[Sidenote: The siege turned into a blockade, B.C. 214. Coss. Q. Fabius
+Maximus IV. M. Claudius Marcellus III.]
+
++9.+ Nor was Appius Claudius more successful. He, too, was compelled
+by similar difficulties to desist from the attempt; for while his
+men were still at a considerable distance from the wall, they began
+falling by the stones and shots from the engines and catapults. The
+volleys of missiles, indeed, were extraordinarily rapid and sharp,
+for their construction had been provided for by all the liberality
+of a Hiero, and had been planned and engineered by the skill of an
+Archimedes. Moreover, when they did at length get near the walls, they
+were prevented from making an assault by the unceasing fire through
+the loop-holes, which I mentioned before; or if they tried to carry
+the place under cover of pent-houses, they were killed by the stones
+and beams let down upon their heads. The garrison also did them no
+little damage with those hands at the end of their engines; for they
+used to lift the men, armour, and all, into the air, and then throw
+them down. At last Appius retired into the camp, and summoning the
+Tribunes to a council of war, decided to try every possible means of
+taking Syracuse except a storm. And this decision they carried out; for
+during the eight months of siege which followed, though there was no
+stratagem or measure of daring which they did not attempt, they never
+again ventured to attempt a storm. So true it is that one man and one
+intellect, properly qualified for the particular undertaking, is a
+host in itself and of extraordinary efficacy. In this instance, at any
+rate, we find the Romans confident that their forces by land and sea
+would enable them to become masters of the town, if only one old man
+could be got rid of; while as long as he remained there, they did not
+venture even to think of making the attempt, at least by any method
+which made it possible for Archimedes to oppose them. They believed,
+however, that their best chance of reducing the garrison was by a
+failure of provisions sufficient for so large a number as were within
+the town; they therefore relied upon this hope, and with their ships
+tried to cut off their supplies by sea, and with their army by land.
+But desiring that the time during which they were blockading Syracuse
+should not be entirely wasted, but that some addition should be made to
+their power in other parts of the country, the two commanders separated
+and divided the troops between them: Appius Claudius keeping two-thirds
+and continuing the blockade, while Marcus Marcellus with the remaining
+third went to attack the cities that sided with the Carthaginians....
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Sidenote: Philip’s second devastation of Messene, B.C. 214.]
+
+[Sidenote: See Plutarch, _Aratus_, ch. 51. Cp. _supra_, 7, 10-14.]
+
++10.+ Upon arriving in Messenia Philip began devastating the country,
+like an open enemy, with more passion than reason; for while pursuing
+this continuous course of injurious actions, he expected, it appears to
+me, that the sufferers would feel no anger or hatred towards him. I was
+induced to speak of these proceedings in somewhat full detail in the
+present as well as in the last book, not alone by the same motives as
+those which I have assigned for other parts of my work, but also by the
+fact that of our historians, some have entirely omitted this Messenian
+episode; while others from love or fear of kings have maintained that,
+so far from the outrages committed by Philip in defiance of religion
+and law upon the Messenians being a subject of blame, his actions were
+on the contrary matters for praise and gratulation. But it is not
+only in regard to the Messenians that we may notice the historians of
+Philip acting thus; they have done much the same in other cases also.
+And the result is that their compositions have the appearance of a
+panegyric rather than of a history. I however hold that an historian
+ought neither to blame or praise kings untruly, as has often been done;
+but to make what we say consistent with what has been written before,
+and tally with the characters of the several persons in question. But
+it may be urged perhaps that this is easy to say, but very difficult
+to carry out; because situations and circumstances are so many and
+various, to which men have to give way in the course of their life,
+and which prevent them from speaking out their real opinions. This may
+excuse some, but not others.
+
+[Sidenote: The extravagance of Theopompus’s account of Philip II.]
+
++11.+ I do not know any one who deserves more blame in this particular
+than Theopompus. In the beginning of his history of Philip he said
+that what chiefly induced him to undertake it was the fact that
+Europe had never produced such a man as Philip son of Amyntas; and
+then immediately afterwards, both in his preface and in the whole
+course of his history, he represents this king as so madly addicted to
+women, that he did all that in him lay to ruin his own family by this
+inordinate passion; as having behaved with the grossest unfairness and
+perfidy to his friends and allies, as having enslaved and treacherously
+seized a vast number of towns by force or fraud; and as having been
+besides so violently addicted to strong drink, that he was often
+seen by his friends drunk in open day. But if any one will take the
+trouble to read the opening passage of his forty-ninth book, he would
+be indeed astonished at this writer’s extravagance. Besides his other
+strange statements he has ventured to write as follows—for I here
+subjoin his actual words:—“If there was any one in all Greece, or among
+the Barbarians, whose character was lascivious and shameless, he was
+invariably attracted to Philip’s court in Macedonia and got the title
+of 'the king’s companion.’ For it was Philip’s constant habit to reject
+those who lived respectably and were careful of their property; but to
+honour and promote those who were extravagant, and passed their lives
+in drinking and dicing. His influence accordingly tended not only to
+confirm them in these vices, but to make them proficients in every kind
+of rascality and lewdness. What vice or infamy did they not possess?
+What was there virtuous or of good report that they did not lack? Some
+of them, men as they were, were ever clean shaven and smooth-skinned;
+and even bearded men did not shrink from mutual defilement. They took
+about with them two or three slaves of their lust, while submitting
+to the same shameful service themselves. The men whom they called
+companions deserved a grosser name, and the title of soldier was but
+a cover to mercenary vice; for, though bloodthirsty by nature, they
+were lascivious by habit. In a word, to make a long story short,
+especially as I have such a mass of matter to deal with, I believe that
+the so-called 'friends’ and 'companions’ of Philip were more bestial
+in nature and character than the Centaurs who lived on Pelion, or the
+Laestrygones who inhabited the Leontine plain, or in fact any other
+monsters whatever.”[322]
+
++12.+ Who would not disapprove of such bitterness and intemperance of
+language in an historian? It is not only because his words contradict
+his opening statement that he deserves stricture; but also because
+he has libelled the king and his friends; and still more because his
+falsehood is expressed in disgusting and unbecoming words. If he had
+been speaking of Sardanapalus, or one of his associates, he could
+hardly have ventured to use such foul language; and what that monarch’s
+principles and debauchery were in his lifetime we gather from the
+inscription on his tomb, which runs thus:
+
+   “The joys I had from love or wine
+   Or dainty meats—those now are mine.”
+
+[Sidenote: The vigorous characters of the Diadochi.]
+
+But when speaking of Philip and his friends, a man ought to be on
+his guard, not so much of accusing them of effeminacy and want of
+courage, or still more of shameless immorality, but on the contrary
+lest he should prove unequal to express their praises in a manner
+worthy of their manliness, indefatigable energy, and the general
+virtue of their character. It is notorious that by their energy and
+boldness they raised the Macedonian Empire from a most insignificant
+monarchy to the first rank in reputation and extent. And, putting aside
+the achievements of Philip, what was accomplished by them after his
+death, under the rule of Alexander, has secured for them a reputation
+for valour with posterity universally acknowledged. For although a
+large share of the credit must perhaps be given to Alexander, as the
+presiding genius of the whole, though so young a man; yet no less is
+due to his coadjutors and friends, who won many wonderful victories
+over the enemy; endured numerous desperate labours, dangers and
+sufferings; and, though put into possession of the most ample wealth,
+and the most abundant means of gratifying all their desires, never
+lost their bodily vigour by these means, or contracted tastes for
+violence or debauchery. On the contrary, all those who were associated
+with Philip, and afterwards with Alexander, became truly royal in
+greatness of soul, temperance of life, and courage. Nor is it necessary
+to mention any names: but after Alexander’s death, in their mutual
+rivalries for the possession of various parts of nearly all the world,
+they filled a very large number of histories with the record of their
+glorious deeds. We may admit then that the bitter invective of the
+historian Timaeus against Agathocles, despot of Sicily, though it seems
+unmeasured, has yet some reason in it,—for it is directed against a
+personal enemy, a bad man, and a tyrant; but that of Theopompus is too
+scurrilous to be taken seriously.
+
++13.+ For, after premising that he is going to write about a king most
+richly endowed by nature with virtue, he has raked up against him every
+shameful and atrocious charge that he could find. There are therefore
+but two alternatives: either this writer in the preface to his work has
+shown himself a liar and a flatterer; or in the body of that history a
+fool and utter simpleton, if he imagined that by senseless and improper
+invective he would either increase his own credit, or gain great
+acceptance for his laudatory expressions about Philip.
+
+[Sidenote: Thucydides breaks off in B.C. 411. Battle of Leuctra B.C.
+371.]
+
+But the fact is that the general plan of this writer is one also which
+can meet with no one’s approval. For having undertaken to write a
+Greek History from the point at which Thucydides left off, when he
+got near the period of the battle of Leuctra, and the most splendid
+exploits of the Greeks, he threw aside Greece and its achievements in
+the middle of his story, and, changing his purpose, undertook to write
+the history of Philip. And yet it would have been far more telling and
+fair to have included the actions of Philip in the general history
+of Greece, than the history of Greece in that of Philip. For one
+cannot conceive of any one, who had been preoccupied by the study of a
+royal government, hesitating, if he got the power and opportunity, to
+transfer his attention to the great name and splendid personality of a
+nation like Greece; but no one in his senses, after beginning with the
+latter, would have exchanged it for the showy biography of a tyrant.
+Now what could it have been that compelled Theopompus to overlook
+such inconsistencies? Nothing surely but this, that whereas the aim
+of his original history was honour, that of his history of Philip was
+expediency. As to this deviation from the right path however, which
+made him change the theme of his history, he might perhaps have had
+something to say, if any one had questioned him about it; but as to
+his abominable language about the king’s friends, I do not think that
+he could have said a word of defence, but must have owned to a serious
+breach of propriety....
+
+[Sidenote: Death of Aratus, B.C. 213.]
+
++14.+ Though regarding the Messenians as open enemies, Philip was
+unable to inflict serious damage upon them, in spite of his setting
+to work to devastate their territory; but he was guilty of abominable
+conduct of the worst description to men who had been his most intimate
+friends. For on the elder Aratus showing disapproval of his proceedings
+at Messene, he caused him not long afterwards to be made away with by
+poison, through the agency of Taurion who had charge of his interests
+in the Peloponnese. The crime was not known at the time by other
+people; for the drug was not one of those which kill on the spot, but
+was a slow poison producing a morbid state of the body. Aratus himself
+however was fully aware of the cause of his illness; and showed that he
+was so by the following circumstance. Though he kept the secret from
+the rest of the world, he did not conceal it from one of his servants
+named Cepholon, with whom he was on terms of great affection. This man
+waited on him during his illness with great assiduity, and having one
+day pointed out some spittle on the wall which was stained with blood,
+Aratus remarked, “That is the reward I have got for my friendship to
+Philip.” Such a grand and noble thing is disinterested virtue, that
+the sufferer was more ashamed, than the inflicter of the injury, of
+having it known, that, after so many splendid services performed in
+the interests of Philip, he had got such a return as that for his
+loyalty.[323]
+
+[Sidenote: Seventeen times Strategus. Plutarch, _Aratus_, 53.]
+
+In consequence of having been so often elected Strategus of the Achaean
+league, and of having performed so many splendid services for that
+people, Aratus after his death met with the honours he deserved, both
+in his own native city and from the league as a body. They voted him
+sacrifices and the honours of heroship, and in a word every thing
+calculated to perpetuate his memory; so that, if the departed have any
+consciousness, it is but reasonable to think that he feels pleasure at
+the gratitude of the Achaeans, and at the thought of the hardships and
+dangers he endured in his life....
+
+
+PHILIP TAKES LISSUS IN ILLYRIA, B.C. 213
+
+[Sidenote: Lissus founded by Dionysius of Syracuse, B.C. 385. See Diod.
+Sic. 15, 13.]
+
++15.+ Philip had long had his thoughts fixed upon Lissus and its
+citadel; and, being anxious to become master of those places, he
+started with his army, and after two days’ march got through the pass
+and pitched his camp on the bank of the river Ardaxanus, not far from
+the town. He found on surveying the place that the fortifications of
+Lissus, both on the side of the sea and of the land, were exceedingly
+strong both by nature and art; and that the citadel, which was near it,
+from its extraordinary height and its other sources of strength, looked
+more than any one could hope to carry by storm. He therefore gave up
+all hope of the latter, but did not entirely despair of taking the
+town. He observed that there was a space between Lissus and the foot of
+the Acrolissus which was fairly well suited for making an attempt upon
+the town. He conceived the idea therefore of bringing on a skirmish in
+this space, and then employing a strategem suited to the circumstances
+of the case. Having given his men a day for rest; and having in the
+course of it addressed them in suitable words of exhortation; he hid
+the greater and most effective part of his light-armed troops during
+the night in some woody gulleys, close to this space on the land side;
+and next morning marched to the other side of the town next the sea,
+with his peltasts and the rest of his light-armed. Having thus marched
+round the town, and arrived at this spot, he made a show of intending
+to assault it at that point. Now as Philip’s advent had been no secret,
+a large body of men from the surrounding country of Illyria had flocked
+into Lissus; but feeling confidence in the strength of the citadel,
+they had assigned a very moderate number of men to garrison it.
+
+[Sidenote: The Acrolissus taken by a feint, and Lissus afterwards.]
+
++16.+ As soon therefore as the Macedonians approached, they began
+pouring out of the town, confident in their numbers and in the strength
+of the places. The king stationed his peltasts on the level ground,
+and ordered the light-armed troops to advance towards the hills and
+energetically engage the enemy. These orders being obeyed, the fight
+remained doubtful for a time; but presently Philip’s men yielded to the
+inequality of the ground, and the superior number of the enemy, and
+gave way. Upon their retreating within the ranks of the peltasts, the
+sallying party advanced with feelings of contempt, and having descended
+to the same level as the peltasts joined battle with them. But the
+garrison of the citadel seeing Philip moving his divisions one after
+the other slowly to the rear, and believing that he was abandoning
+the field, allowed themselves to be insensibly decoyed out, in their
+confidence in the strength of their fortifications; and thus, leaving
+the citadel by degrees, kept pouring down by bye-ways into the lower
+plain, under the belief that they would have an opportunity of getting
+booty and completing the enemy’s discomfiture. Meanwhile the division,
+which had been lying concealed on the side of the mainland, rose
+without being observed, and advanced at a rapid pace. At their approach
+the peltasts also wheeled round and charged the enemy. On this the
+troops from Lissus were thrown into confusion, and, after a straggling
+retreat, got safely back into the town; while the garrison which had
+abandoned the citadel got cut off from it by the rising of the troops
+which had been lying in ambush. The result accordingly was that what
+seemed hopeless, namely the capture of the citadel, was effected
+at once and without any fighting; while Lissus did not fall until
+next day, and then only after desperate struggles, the Macedonians
+assaulting with vigour and even terrific fury. Thus Philip having,
+beyond all expectation, made himself master of these places, reduced
+by this exploit all the neighbouring populations to obedience; so much
+so that the greater number of the Illyrians voluntarily surrendered
+their cities to his protection; for it had come to be believed that,
+after the storming of such strongholds as these, no fortification and
+no provision for security could be of any avail against the might of
+Philip.
+
+
+THE CAPTURE OF ACHAEUS AT SARDIS
+
+(See 7, 15-18)
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 214. Sosibius secures the help of Bolis to rescue
+Achaeus.]
+
++17.+ Bolis was by birth a Cretan, who had long enjoyed the honours of
+high military rank at King Ptolemy’s court, and the reputation of being
+second to none in natural ability, adventurous daring, and experience
+in war. By repeated arguments Sosibius secured this man’s fidelity;
+and when he felt sure of his zeal and affection he communicated the
+business in hand to him. He told him that he could not do the king
+a more acceptable service at the present crisis than by contriving
+some way of saving Achaeus. At the moment Bolis listened, and retired
+without saying more than that he would consider the suggestion. But
+after two or three days’ reflection, he came to Sosibius and said that
+he would undertake the business; remarking that, having spent some
+considerable time at Sardis, he knew its topography, and that Cambylus,
+the commander of the Cretan contingent of the army of Antiochus, was
+not only a fellow citizen of his but a kinsmen and friend. It chanced
+moreover that Cambylus and his men had in charge one of the outposts on
+the rear of the acropolis, where the nature of the ground did not admit
+of siege-works, but was guarded by the permanent cantonment of troops
+under Cambylus. Sosibius caught at the suggestion, convinced that, if
+Achaeus could be saved at all from his dangerous situation, it could be
+better accomplished by the agency of Bolis than of any one else; and,
+this conviction being backed by great zeal on the part of Bolis, the
+undertaking was pushed on with despatch. Sosibius at once supplied the
+money necessary for the attempt, and promised a large sum besides in
+case of its success; at the same time raising the hopes of Bolis to the
+utmost by dilating upon the favours he might look for from the king, as
+well as from the rescued prince himself.
+
+Full of eagerness therefore for success, Bolis set sail without delay,
+taking with him a letter in cipher and other credentials addressed
+to Nicomachus at Rhodes, who was believed to entertain a fatherly
+affection and devotion for Achaeus, and also to Melancomas at Ephesus;
+for these were the men formerly employed by Achaeus in his negotiations
+with Ptolemy, and in all other foreign affairs.
+
+[Sidenote: Bolis turns traitor.]
+
++18.+ Bolis went to Rhodes, and thence to Ephesus; communicated his
+purpose to Nicomachus and Melancomas; and found them ready to do what
+they were asked. He then despatched one of his staff, named Arianus,
+to Cambylus, with a message to the effect that he had been sent from
+Alexandria on a recruiting tour, and that he wished for an interview
+with Cambylus on some matters of importance; he thought it therefore
+necessary to have a time and place arranged for them to meet without
+the privity of a third person. Arianus quickly obtained an interview
+with Cambylus and delivered his message; nor was the latter at all
+unwilling to listen to the proposal. Having appointed a day, and a
+place known to both himself and Bolis, at which he would be after
+nightfall, he dismissed Arianus. Now Bolis had all the subtlety of a
+Cretan, and he accordingly weighed carefully in his own mind every
+possible line of action, and patiently examined every idea which
+presented itself to him. Finally he met Cambylus according to the
+arrangement made with Arianus, and delivered his letter. This was
+now made the subject of discussion between them in a truly Cretan
+spirit. They never took into consideration the means of saving the
+person in danger, or their obligations of honour to those who had
+entrusted them with the undertaking, but confined their discussions
+entirely to the question of their own safety and their own advantage.
+As they were both Cretans they were not long in coming to an unanimous
+agreement: which was, first of all, to divide the ten talents supplied
+by Sosibius between themselves in equal shares; and, secondly, to
+discover the whole affair to Antiochus, and to offer with his support
+to put Achaeus into his hands, on condition of receiving a sum of
+money and promises for the future, on a scale commensurate with the
+greatness of the undertaking. Having settled upon this plan of action:
+Cambylus undertook the negotiation with Antiochus, while to Bolis
+was assigned the duty of sending Arianus within the next few days to
+Achaeus, bearing letters in cipher from Nicomachus and Melancomas: he
+bade Cambylus however take upon himself to consider how Arianus was
+to make his way into the acropolis and return with safety. “If,” said
+Bolis, “Achaeus consents to make the attempt, and sends an answer to
+Nicomachus and Melancomas, I will be ready to act and will communicate
+with you.” Having thus arranged the parts which each was to take in the
+plot, they separated and set about their several tasks.
+
+[Sidenote: The intended treason against Achaeus communicated to
+Antiochus.]
+
+[Sidenote: Achaeus is deceived.]
+
++19.+ At the first opportunity Cambylus laid the proposal before the
+king. It was as acceptable to Antiochus as it was unexpected: in the
+first flush of his exultation he promised everything they asked; but
+presently feeling some distrust, he questioned Cambylus on every detail
+of their plan, and their means of carrying it out. Being eventually
+satisfied on these points, and believing that the undertaking was under
+the special favour of Providence, he repeatedly begged and prayed
+Cambylus to bring it to a conclusion. Bolis was equally successful with
+Nicomachus and Melancomas. They entertained no doubt of his sincerity,
+and joined him in the composition of letters to Achaeus,—composed in
+a cipher which they had been accustomed to use,—to prevent any one
+who got hold of the letter from making out its contents, exhorting
+him to trust Bolis and Cambylus. So Arianus, having by the aid of
+Cambylus made his way into the acropolis, delivered the letters to
+Achaeus; and having had personal acquaintance with the whole business
+from its commencement, he was able to give an account of every detail
+when questioned and cross-questioned again and again by Achaeus
+about Sosibius and Bolis, about Nicomachus and Melancomas, and most
+particularly about the part which Cambylus was taking in the affair. He
+could of course stand this cross-examination with some air of sincerity
+and candour, because, in point of fact, he was not acquainted with the
+most important part of the plan which Cambylus and Bolis had adopted.
+Achaeus was convinced by the answers returned by Arianus, and still
+more by the cipher of Nicomachus and Melancomas; gave his answer; and
+sent Arianus back with it without delay. This kind of communication
+was repeated more than once: and at last Achaeus entrusted himself
+without reserve to Nicomachus, there being absolutely no other hope of
+saving himself left remaining, and bade him send Bolis with Arianus
+on a certain moonless night, promising to place himself in their
+hands. The idea of Achaeus was, first of all, to escape his immediate
+danger; and then by a circuitous route to make his way into Syria.
+For he entertained very great hopes that, if he appeared suddenly
+and unexpectedly to the Syrians, while Antiochus was still lingering
+about Sardis, he would be able to stir up a great movement, and meet
+with a cordial reception from the people of Antioch, Coele-Syria, and
+Phoenicia.
+
+With such expectations and calculations Achaeus was waiting for the
+appearance of Bolis.
+
++20.+ Meanwhile Arianus had reached Melancomas, who, on reading the
+letter which he brought, immediately despatched Bolis with many words
+of exhortation and great promises of profit if he succeeded in his
+enterprise. Bolis sent Arianus in advance to signify his arrival to
+Cambylus, and went after nightfall to their usual place of meeting.
+There they spent a whole day together settling every detail of their
+plan of operations; and having done this they went into the camp under
+cover of night. The arrangement made between them was this. If it
+turned out that Achaeus came from the acropolis alone with Bolis and
+Arianus, or with only one attendant, he would give them no cause for
+anxiety at all, but would be easily captured by the ambuscade set for
+him. If, on the other hand, he should be accompanied by a considerable
+number, the business would be one of some difficulty to those on whose
+good faith he relied; especially as they were anxious to capture him
+alive, that being what would most gratify Antiochus. In that case,
+therefore, Arianus, while conducting Achaeus, was to go in front,
+because he knew the path by which he had on several occasions effected
+his entrance and return; Bolis was to bring up the rear, in order that,
+when they arrived at the spot where Cambylus was to have his ambuscade
+ready, he might lay hold on Achaeus, and prevent his getting away
+through wooded ground, in the confusion and darkness of the night, or
+throwing himself in his terror from some precipice; thus they would
+secure that he fell, as they intended, into his enemies’ hands alive.
+
+These arrangements having been agreed upon, Bolis was taken by Cambylus
+on the very night of his arrival, without any one else, and introduced
+to Antiochus. The king was alone and received them graciously; he
+pledged himself to the performance of his promises, and urged them both
+again and again not to postpone any longer the performance of their
+purpose. Thereupon they returned for the present to their own camp;
+but towards morning Bolis, accompanied by Arianus, ascended to the
+acropolis, and entered it before daybreak.
+
+[Sidenote: Achaeus takes vain precautions.]
+
++21.+ Achaeus received them with warmth and cordiality, and questioned
+Bolis at great length on every detail. From the expression of his
+face, and his conversation, he judged Bolis to be a man of a character
+weighty enough for so serious an undertaking; but while at one time he
+exulted in the prospect of his release, at another, he grew painfully
+excited, and was torn with an agony of anxiety at the gravity of the
+issues at stake. But no one had a clearer head or greater experience in
+affairs than he; and in spite of the good opinion he had formed of him,
+he still determined that his safety should not depend entirely on the
+good faith of Bolis. He accordingly told him that it was impossible for
+him to leave the acropolis at the moment: but that he would send some
+two or three of his friends with him, and by the time that they had
+joined Melancomas he would be prepared to depart. So Achaeus did all
+he could for his security; but he did not know that he was trying to
+do what the proverb declares to be impossible—out-cretan a Cretan. For
+there was no trick likely to be tried that Bolis had not anticipated.
+However when the night came, in which Achaeus said that he would send
+his friends with them, he sent on Arianus and Bolis to the entrance of
+the acropolis, with instructions to wait there until those who were
+to go with them arrived. They did as he bade them. Achaeus then, at
+the very moment of his departure, communicated his plan to his wife
+Laodice; and she was so terrified at his sudden resolve, that he had to
+spend some time in entreating her to be calm, in soothing her feelings,
+and encouraging her by pointing out the hopes which he entertained.
+This done he started with four companions, whom he dressed in ordinary
+clothes, while he himself put on a mean and common dress and disguised
+his rank as much as possible. He selected one of his four companions to
+be always prepared to answer anything said by Arianus, and to ask any
+necessary question of him, and bade him say that the other four did not
+speak Greek.
+
+[Sidenote: Achaeus made prisoner.]
+
++22.+ The five then joined Arianus, and they all started together on
+their journey. Arianus went in front, as being acquainted with the
+way; while Bolis took up his position behind in accordance with the
+original plan, puzzled and annoyed at the way things were turning out.
+For, Cretan as he was, and ready to suspect every one he came near, he
+yet could not make out which of the five was Achaeus, or whether he
+was there at all. But the path was for the most part precipitous and
+difficult, and in some places there were abrupt descents which were
+slippery and dangerous; and whenever they came to one of these, some
+of the four gave Achaeus a hand down, and the others caught him at the
+bottom, for they could not entirely conceal their habitual respect
+for him; and Bolis was quick to detect, by observing this, which of
+them was Achaeus. When therefore they arrived at the spot at which it
+had been arranged that Cambylus was to be, Bolis gave the signal by
+a whistle, and the men sprang from their places of concealment and
+seized the other four, while Bolis himself caught hold of Achaeus, at
+the same time grasping his mantle, as his hands were inside it; for
+he was afraid that having a sword concealed about his person he would
+attempt to kill himself when he understood what was happening. Being
+thus quickly surrounded on every side, Achaeus fell into the hands of
+his enemies, and along with his four friends was taken straight off to
+Antiochus.
+
+[Sidenote: Achaeus brought to Antiochus, sentenced and executed.]
+
+The king was in his tent in a state of extreme anxiety awaiting the
+result. He had dismissed his usual court, and, with the exception
+of two or three of the bodyguard, was alone and sleepless. But when
+Cambylus and his men entered, and placed Achaeus in chains on the
+ground, he fell into a state of speechless astonishment: and for a
+considerable time could not utter a word, and finally overcome by a
+feeling of pity burst into tears; caused, I have no doubt, by this
+exhibition of the capriciousness of Fortune, which defies precaution
+and calculation alike. For here was Achaeus, a son of Andromachus, the
+brother of Seleucus’s queen Laodice, and married to Laodice, a daughter
+of King Mithridates, and who had made himself master of all Asia this
+side of Taurus, and who at that very moment was believed by his own
+army, as well as by that of his enemy, to be safely ensconced in the
+strongest position in the world,—sitting chained upon the ground, in
+the hands of his enemies, before a single person knew of it except
+those who had effected the capture.
+
+[Sidenote: The citadel of Sardis surrendered.]
+
++23.+ And, indeed, when at daybreak the king’s friends assembled as
+usual at his tent, and saw this strange spectacle, they too felt
+emotions very like those of the king; while extreme astonishment
+made them almost disbelieve the evidence of their senses. However
+the council met, and a long debate ensued as to what punishment they
+were to inflict upon Achaeus. Finally, it was resolved that his
+extremities should be cut off, his head severed from his body and sewn
+up in the skin of an ass, and his body impaled. When this sentence
+had been carried out, and the army learnt what had happened, there
+was such excitement in the ranks and such a rush of the soldiers to
+the spectacle, that Laodice on the acropolis, who alone knew that her
+husband had left it, guessed what had happened from the commotion and
+stir in the camp. And before long a herald arrived, told Laodice what
+had happened to Achaeus, and ordered her to resign the command and
+quit the acropolis. At first any answer was prevented by an outburst
+of sorrow and overpowering lamentation on the part of the occupants of
+the acropolis; not so much from affection towards Achaeus, as from the
+suddenness and utter unexpectedness of the catastrophe. But this was
+succeeded by a feeling of hesitation and dismay; and Antiochus, having
+got rid of Achaeus, never ceased putting pressure on the garrison of
+the acropolis, feeling confident that a means of taking it would be put
+into his hands by those who occupied it, and most probably by the rank
+and file of the garrison. And this is just what did finally happen:
+for the soldiers split up into factions, one joining Ariobazus, the
+other Laodice. This produced mutual distrust, and before long both
+parties surrendered themselves and the acropolis. Thus Achaeus, in
+spite of having taken every reasonable precaution, lost his life by
+the perfidy of those in whom he trusted. His fate may teach posterity
+two useful lessons,—not to put faith in any one lightly; and not to
+be over-confident in the hour of prosperity, knowing that, in human
+affairs, there is no accident which we may not expect....
+
+
+THE GALLIC KING, CAUARUS
+
+[Sidenote: Cauarus, king of the Gauls, settled on the Hellespont. See
+4, 46 and 52.]
+
++24.+ Cauarus, king of the Gauls in Thrace, was of a truly royal and
+high-minded disposition, and gave the merchants sailing into the Pontus
+great protection, and rendered the Byzantines important services in
+their wars with the Thracians and Bithynians....
+
+This king, so excellent in other respects, was corrupted by a flatterer
+named Sostratus, who was a Chalchedonian by birth....
+
+
+ANTIOCHUS THE GREAT AT ARMOSATA
+
+[Sidenote: In the course of his campaigns for the recovering of the
+eastern provinces (B.C. 212-205), Antiochus makes a demonstration
+before the city of Armosata, in Armenia, to recover the arrears of
+tribute owed by the late king, B.C. 212.]
+
++25.+ In the reign of Xerxes, prince of the city of Armosata, situated
+on the “Fair Plain,” between the Tigris and Euphrates, King Antiochus
+encamped under its walls and prepared to attack it. When he saw the
+king’s forces, Xerxes at first conveyed himself away; but feeling
+afterwards that, if his palace were seized by his enemies, his whole
+kingdom would be overthrown, he changed his mind, and sent a message
+to Antiochus declaring his wish for a conference. The most loyal of
+the friends of Antiochus were against letting the young prince go when
+they once got him into their hands, and advised Antiochus to take
+possession of the town, and hand over the principality to Mithridates,
+his own sister’s son. The king, however, would not listen to any of
+these suggestions; but sent for the young prince and accommodated
+their differences, forgiving him the larger part of the money which
+he allowed to be owing from his father under the head of tribute,
+and accepting a present payment from him of three hundred talents, a
+thousand horses, and a thousand mules with their trappings. He then
+settled the government of the city, and gave the prince his sister
+Antiochis as a wife. By these proceedings, in which he was thought
+to have acted with true royal magnanimity, he won the affection and
+support of all the inhabitants of that part of the country.
+
+
+THE HANNIBALIAN WAR—TARENTUM
+
++26.+ It was in the wantonness of excessive prosperity that the
+Tarentines invited Pyrrhus of Epirus; for democratic liberty that has
+enjoyed a long and unchecked career comes naturally to experience a
+satiety of its blessings, and then it looks out for a master; and when
+it has got one, it is not long before it hates him, because it is seen
+that the change is for the worse. This is just what happened to the
+Tarentines on that occasion....
+
+On this news being brought to Tarentum and Thurii there was great
+popular indignation....
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal marched south early in B.C. 212 to renew his
+attempt upon Tarentum, on which he had wasted much of the previous
+summer (Livy, 25, 1). The severity of the punishment of the Tarentine
+hostages who tried to escape from Rome caused a conspiracy of
+Tarentines to betray the town to Hannibal. Livy, 25, 7-8.]
+
+The conspirators left the town at first under the pretext of a
+foray, and got near Hannibal’s camp before daybreak. Then, while
+the rest crouched down on a certain wooded spot by the side of the
+road, Philemenus and Nicon went up to the camp. They were seized by
+the sentries and taken off to Hannibal, without saying a word as to
+where they came from or who they were, but simply stating that they
+wished for an interview with the general. Being taken without delay to
+Hannibal they said that they wished to speak with him privately. He
+assented with the utmost readiness; whereupon they explained to him
+their own position and that of their native city, charging the Romans
+with many various acts of oppression, that they might not seem to be
+entering on their present undertaking without good reason. For the
+present Hannibal dismissed them with thanks and a cordial acceptance
+of their proposed movement, and charging them to come back very soon
+and have another interview with him. “This time,” he added, “when you
+get at a sufficient distance from the camp, take possession of the
+first cattle you find being driven out to pasture in the early morning,
+and go off boldly with them and their herdsmen; for I will take care
+that you are unmolested.” His object in doing this was to give himself
+time to inquire into the tale of the young men; and also to confirm
+their credit with their fellow-citizens, by making it appear that
+their expedition had really been for the purpose of foraging. Nicon
+and his companions did as they were bidden, and left Hannibal in great
+exultation at having at last got an opportunity of completing his
+enterprise: while they themselves were made all the more eager to carry
+out their plot by having been able to accomplish their interview with
+Hannibal without danger, and by having found him warmly disposed to
+their undertaking, and by having besides gained the confidence of their
+own people by the considerable amount of booty which they had brought
+home. This they partly sold and partly used in splendid entertainments,
+and thus not only were believed in by the Tarentines, but excited a
+considerable number to emulate their exploit.
+
+[Sidenote: Bargain made with Hannibal.]
+
++27.+ On their next expedition, which they conducted in the same way
+as the first, they interchanged pledges of fidelity with Hannibal on
+the following conditions: “He was to set the Tarentines free; and the
+Carthaginians were neither to exact tribute of any sort from them,
+nor impose any burden upon them; but the houses and lodgings occupied
+by Romans should, on their taking possession of the town, be given up
+to the Carthaginians to plunder.” They also arranged on a watchword
+at which the sentries were to admit them without delay into the
+camp whenever they came. After making these arrangements, they got
+the opportunity of often having interviews with Hannibal: sometimes
+pretending to be going out of the town on a foray, and sometimes on
+a hunting expedition. Everything having thus been put in train, the
+greater part of the conspirators waited for the proper occasions
+for acting, while they assigned to Philemenus the part of leader of
+their hunting excursions; for, owing to his excessive taste for that
+amusement, he had the reputation of thinking hunting the most important
+thing in life. Accordingly they left it to him, first to win the favour
+of Gaius Livius the commander of the town by presents of game, and then
+that of the guards of the gate-tower which protected what were called
+the Temenid gates. Philemenus undertook the task: and partly by what he
+caught himself, and partly with what Hannibal supplied, always managed
+to bring in some game; which he divided between Livius and the guards
+of the gate, to induce them to be always ready to open the wicket to
+him. For he generally went and returned from his expeditions after
+nightfall, under the pretext of being afraid of the enemy, but really
+with a view of preparing for the plot. When Philemenus then had managed
+to make it a regular arranged thing with the picket at the gate, that
+the guards should have no hesitation; but that, whenever he came under
+the wall and whistled, they should open the wicket to him; he waited
+for a day on which the Roman commander of the town was engaged to be
+present at a large party, meeting early in the Musaeum, which is near
+the agora, and agreed with Hannibal to carry out their plot on that day.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal prepares to act.]
+
++28.+ For some time before this, Hannibal had given out that he was
+ill, to prevent the Romans wondering when they were told of his staying
+so long on the same ground; and he now made a greater pretence than
+ever of ill-health, and remained encamped three days’ march from
+Tarentum. But when the time was come, he got ready the most conspicuous
+for their speed and daring in his cavalry and infantry, to the number
+of about ten thousand, and gave orders that they should take provisions
+for four days. He started just before daybreak, and marched at full
+speed; having told off eighty Numidian horsemen to keep thirty stades
+ahead, and to scour the country on both sides of the road; so that
+no one might get a sight of the main body, but might either be taken
+prisoners by this advanced guard, or, if he escaped, might carry a
+report of it into the city as if it were merely a raid of Numidian
+horsemen. When the Numidians were about a hundred and twenty stades
+from the town, Hannibal halted his men for supper by the side of a
+river flowing through a deep gully, and offering excellent cover; and
+having summoned his officers, did not indeed tell them outright what
+the service was on which they were going, but simply exhorted them,
+first to show themselves brave men, as the prize awaiting them was the
+greatest they had ever had; and, secondly, that each should keep the
+men of his own company well together, and rebuke sharply all who left
+their own division on any pretext whatever; and, thirdly, to attend
+strictly to orders, and not attempt anything on their own account
+outside them. Dismissing the officers with these words, he got his
+troops on the march just after dark, being very anxious to reach the
+wall about midnight; having Philemenus to act as guide, and having got
+ready for him a wild-boar to enable him to sustain the part which he
+was to perform.
+
+[Sidenote: Gaius Livius thrown off the scent.]
+
++29.+ About sunset news was brought to Gaius Livius, who had been
+with his friends in the Musaeum since early in the day, just when
+the drinking was at its height, that the Numidians were scouring
+the country. He therefore took measures for that and nothing more,
+calling some of his officers and bidding them take half the cavalry,
+and sally out to stop the progress of the enemy, who were devastating
+the country: but this only made him still more unsuspicious of the
+whole extent of the movement. Nicon, Tragiscus, and their confederates
+collected together at nightfall in the town and waited for the return
+of Livius and his friends. As these last rose from table somewhat
+early, because the banquet had begun before the usual time, the
+greater number of the conspirators retired to a certain spot and there
+remained; but some of the younger men went to meet Gaius, imitating by
+their disorderly procession and mutual jests a company returning from
+a carouse. As Livius and his company were even more flustered with
+drink, as soon as they met laughter and joking were readily excited
+on both sides. Finally, they turned and conducted Gaius to his house;
+where he went to bed full of wine, as might be expected after a party
+beginning so early in the day, without any anxiety or trouble in
+his thoughts, but full of cheerfulness and idle content. Then Nicon
+and Tragiscus rejoined their companions, and, dividing themselves
+into three companies, took up their positions at the most favourable
+points in the market-place, to keep themselves fully acquainted with
+everything reported from outside the walls, or that happened within
+the city itself. They posted some also close to the house of Livius:
+being well aware that, if any suspicion of what was coming arose, it
+would be to him that the news would be first brought, and that from him
+every measure taken would originate. So when the noise of the returning
+guests, and every disturbance of the sort, had subsided, and the great
+bulk of the citizens was asleep; and now the night was advancing, and
+nothing had happened to dash their hopes, they collected together and
+proceeded to perform their part of the undertaking.
+
+[Sidenote: Why the Tarentines bury within the walls.]
+
++30.+ The arrangements between these young men and Hannibal were these.
+Hannibal was to arrive at the town by the inland road and on the
+eastern side near the Temenid gates; and when there, was to light a
+fire on the tomb, which some called the tomb of Hyacinthus, and others
+of Apollo: Tragiscus and his confederates, when they saw this, were to
+light an answering fire from within the walls. This done, Hannibal was
+to put out his fire and advance slowly towards the gate. In pursuance
+of these arrangements, the young men marched through the inhabited part
+of the town and came to the tombs. For the eastern quarter of Tarentum
+is full of monuments, because those who die there are to this day all
+buried within the walls, in obedience to an ancient oracle. For it is
+said that the god delivered this answer to the Tarentines, “That it
+were better and more profitable for them if they made their dwelling
+with the majority”; and they thought therefore that they would be
+living in accordance with the oracle if they kept the departed within
+the walls. That is why to this day they bury inside the gates.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal arrives and gets into the town.]
+
+The young men, then, having gone as far as the tomb of Pythionicus,
+waited to see what would happen. Presently Hannibal arrived and did
+as arranged: whereupon Nicon and Tragiscus with renewed courage
+displayed their beacon also; and, as soon as they saw the fire of the
+Carthaginians being put out, they ran to the gates as fast as they
+could go, wishing to get the picket at the gate tower killed before
+the Carthaginians arrived; as it had been agreed that they should
+advance leisurely and at a foot’s pace. Everything went smoothly: the
+guards were overpowered; and while some of the young men were engaged
+in killing them, others were cutting the bolts. The gates having been
+quickly thrown open, Hannibal arrived at the right moment, having so
+timed his march that he never had to stop on the way to the town at all.
+
+[Sidenote: Philemenus also gets in.]
+
++31.+ Having thus effected their intended entrance, without danger or
+any disturbance whatever, and thinking that the most important part
+of their undertaking was accomplished, the Carthaginians now began
+advancing boldly along the street leading up from what is called the
+Batheia or Deep Road. They left the cavalry however outside the walls,
+numbering as many as two thousand, intending them to act as a reserve
+both in case of any appearance of the enemy from without, and of any of
+those unforeseen casualties which do occur in such operations. But when
+they had come to the immediate neighbourhood of the market-place, they
+halted, and waited to see how the attempt of Philemenus would turn out:
+being anxious as to the success of this part of their plan as well as
+the other. For at the same moment that he lighted his fire, and was on
+the point of starting for the gates, Hannibal had despatched Philemenus
+also, with his boar on a litter, and a thousand Libyans, to the next
+gate; wishing, in accordance with his original design, not to depend
+solely on one chance, but to have several. When Philemenus, then,
+arrived at the wall and gave his customary signal by whistling, the
+sentry immediately appeared coming down to open the wicket; and when
+Philemenus told him from outside to open quickly because they had a
+great weight to carry, as they were bringing a wild boar, he made haste
+to open the wicket, expecting that some of the game which Philemenus
+was conveying would come his way, as he had always had a share of what
+was brought in.
+
+Thereupon Philemenus himself, being at the head of the litter, entered
+first; and with him another dressed like a shepherd, as though he
+were one of the country folk of those parts; and after him two others
+besides who were carrying the dead beast behind. But when the four had
+got inside the wicket, they struck and killed the man who opened it,
+as he was unsuspiciously examining and feeling the boar, and then let
+the men who were just behind them, and were in advance of the main body
+of Libyan horsemen, to the number of thirty, leisurely and quietly
+through. This having been accomplished without a hitch, some set about
+cutting the bolts, others were engaged in killing the picket on duty at
+the gate, and others in giving the signal to the Libyans still outside
+to come in. These having also effected their entrance in safety, they
+began making their way towards the market-place according to the
+arrangement. As soon as he was joined by this division also, in great
+delight at the successful progress of the operation, Hannibal proceeded
+to carry out the next step.
+
++32.+ He told off two thousand of his Celts: and, having divided them
+into three companies, he assigned two of the young men who had managed
+the plot to each company; and sent with them also certain of his own
+officers, with orders to close up the several most convenient streets
+that led to the market-place. And when he had done this, he bade the
+young men of the town pick out and save those of their fellow-citizens
+whom they might chance to meet, by shouting out before they came up
+with them, “That Tarentines should remain where they were, as they were
+in no danger”; but he ordered both Carthaginian and Celtic officers to
+kill all the Romans they met.
+
+[Sidenote: Escape of Livius into the Citadel.]
+
+[Sidenote: Massacre of Roman soldiers.]
+
+So these companies separated and proceeded to carry out their orders.
+But when the entrance of the enemy became known to the Tarentines, the
+city began to be full of shouting and extraordinary confusion. As for
+Gaius, when the enemy’s entrance was announced to him, being fully
+aware that his drunkenness had incapacitated him, he rushed straight
+out of the house with his servants, and having come to the gate leading
+to the harbour, and the sentinel having opened the wicket for him,
+he got through that way; and having seized one of the boats lying at
+anchor there, went on board it with his servants and arrived safely at
+the citadel. Meanwhile Philemenus had provided himself with some Roman
+bugles, and some men who were able to blow them, from being used to
+do so; and they stood in the theatre and sounded a call to arms. The
+Romans promptly rallying in arms, as was their custom at this sound,
+and directing their steps towards the citadel, everything happened
+exactly as the Carthaginians intended; for as the Roman soldiers came
+into the streets, without any order and in scattered groups, some of
+them came upon the Carthaginians and others upon the Celts; and by
+their being in this way put to the sword in detail, a very considerable
+number of them perished.
+
+But when day began to break, the Tarentines kept quietly in their
+houses, not yet being able to comprehend what was happening. For thanks
+to the bugle, and the absence of all outrage or plundering in the town,
+they thought that the movement arose from the Romans themselves. But
+the sight of many of the latter lying killed in the streets, and the
+spectacle of some Gauls openly stripping the Roman corpses, suggested a
+suspicion of the presence of the Carthaginians.
+
+[Sidenote: Roman houses sacked, Tarentines spared.]
+
++33.+ Presently when Hannibal had marched his forces into the
+market-place, and the Romans had retired into the citadel, as having
+been previously secured by them with a garrison, and it had become
+broad daylight, the Carthaginian general caused a proclamation to be
+made to the Tarentines to assemble in full number in the market-place;
+while the young conspirators went meanwhile round the town talking
+loudly about liberty, and bidding everybody not to be afraid, for the
+Carthaginians had come to save them. Such of the Tarentines as held
+to their loyalty to Rome, upon learning the state of the case, went
+off to the citadel; but the rest came to the meeting, in obedience to
+the proclamation, without their arms: and to them Hannibal addressed
+a cordial speech. The Tarentines heartily cheered everything he said
+from joy at their unexpected safety; and he dismissed the crowd with
+an injunction to each man, to go with all speed to his own house, and
+write over the door, “A Tarentine’s”; but if any one wrote the same
+word on a house where a Roman was living, he declared the penalty to
+be death. He then personally told off the best men he had for the
+service, and sent them to plunder the houses of the Romans; giving them
+as their instructions to consider all houses which had no inscription
+as belonging to the enemy: the rest of his men he kept drawn up as a
+reserve.
+
+[Sidenote: Fortifications raised to preserve the town from attack from
+the citadel.]
+
++34.+ A vast quantity of miscellaneous property having been got
+together by this plundering, and a booty fully answering the
+expectations of the Carthaginians, they bivouacked for that night
+under arms. But the next day, after consulting with the Tarentines,
+Hannibal decided to cut off the city from the citadel by a wall, that
+the Tarentines might not any longer be under continual alarm from the
+Romans in possession of the citadel. His first measure was to throw
+up a palisade, parallel to the wall of the citadel and to the trench
+in front of it. But as he very well knew that the enemy would not
+allow this tamely, but would make a demonstration of their power in
+that direction, he got ready for the work a number of his best hands,
+thinking that the first thing necessary was to overawe the Romans and
+give confidence to the Tarentines. But as soon as the first palisade
+was begun, the Romans began a bold and determined attack; whereupon
+Hannibal, offering just enough resistance to induce the rest to come
+out, as soon as the greater part of them had crossed the trench, gave
+the word of command to his men and charged the enemy. A desperate
+struggle ensued; for the fight took place in a narrow space surrounded
+by walls; but at last the Romans were forced to turn and fly. Many of
+them fell in the actual fighting, but the larger number were forced
+over the edge of the trench and were killed by the fall over its steep
+bank.
+
+[Sidenote: Further works of security.]
+
++35.+ For the present Hannibal, after completing the palisade
+unmolested, was content to remain quiet, as his plan had succeeded to
+his wish; for he had shut in the enemy and compelled them to remain
+inside their wall, in terror for the safety of the citadel as well
+as for their own; while he had raised the courage of the citizens of
+Tarentum to such an extent, that they now imagined themselves to be a
+match for the Romans, even without the Carthaginians. A little later
+he made at a short distance from the palisade, in the direction of the
+town, a trench parallel to the palisade and the wall of the citadel;
+and the earth dug out from it having been piled up on the other side
+along the edge nearest the town, he erected another palisade on the
+top, thus making a fortification no less secure than the wall itself.
+Once more, at a moderate distance, nearer the city, he commenced
+building a wall, starting from the street called Soteira up to that
+called Batheia; so that, even without a garrison, the Tarentines were
+adequately protected by the mere constructions themselves. Then leaving
+a sufficient garrison, and enough cavalry to serve on outpost duty for
+the protection of the wall, he encamped along the bank of the river
+which is called by some the Galaesus, but by most people the Eurotas,
+after the river which flows past Sparta. The Tarentines have many such
+derived names, both in town and country, from the acknowledged fact
+of their being a colony from Sparta and connected by blood with the
+Lacedaemonians. As the wall quickly approached completion, owing to
+the activity and zeal of the Tarentines, and the vigorous co-operation
+of the Carthaginians, Hannibal next conceived the idea of taking the
+citadel also.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal’s arrangements for storming the citadel frustrated.]
+
+[Sidenote: Romans reinforced.]
+
+[Sidenote: New plans for cutting off the Roman supplies by sea.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 212-211.]
+
++36.+ But when he had already completed the preparation of the
+necessary engines for the assault, the Romans received some slight
+encouragement on a reinforcement throwing itself into the citadel
+by sea from Metapontium; and consequently they sallied out by night
+and attacked the works, and destroyed all Hannibal’s apparatus and
+engines. After this Hannibal abandoned the idea of a storm: but as the
+new wall was now completed, he summoned a meeting of the Tarentines
+and pointed out to them that the most imperative necessity, in view
+of the present state of things, was to get command of the sea. For
+as the citadel commanded the entrance to the harbour, the Tarentines
+could not use their ships nor sail out of it; while the Romans could
+get supplies conveyed to them by sea without danger: and as long as
+that was the case, it was impossible that the city should have any
+security for its freedom. Hannibal saw this clearly, and explained to
+the Tarentines that, if the enemy on the citadel were deprived of hope
+of succour by sea, they would at once give way, and abandon it of their
+own accord, without attempting to defend the place. The Tarentines
+were fully convinced by his words: but how it was to be brought about
+in the present state of affairs they could form no idea, unless a
+fleet should appear from Carthage; which at that time of the year was
+impossible. They therefore said that they could not understand what
+Hannibal was aiming at in these remarks to them. When he replied that
+it was plain that, even without the Carthaginians, they were all but in
+command of the sea, they were still more puzzled, and could not guess
+his meaning. The truth was that Hannibal had noticed that the broad
+street, which was at once within the wall separating the town from the
+citadel, and led from the harbour into the open sea, was well suited
+for the purpose; and he had conceived the idea of dragging the ships
+out of the harbour to the sea on the southern side of the town. Upon
+his disclosing his idea to the Tarentines, they not only expressed
+their agreement with the proposal, but the greatest admiration for
+himself; and made up their minds that there was nothing which his
+acuteness and daring could not accomplish. Trucks on wheels were
+quickly constructed: and it was scarcely sooner said than done, owing
+to the zeal of the people and the numbers who helped to work at it. In
+this way the Tarentines dragged their ships across into the open sea,
+and were enabled without danger to themselves to blockade the Romans
+on the citadel, having deprived them of their supplies from without.
+But Hannibal himself, leaving a garrison for the city, started with his
+army, and returned in a three days’ march to his original camp; and
+there remained without further movements for the rest of the winter....
+
+FALL OF SYRACUSE, B.C. 212
+
+[Sidenote: The method taken by a Roman to estimate the height of the
+wall of Syracuse. Livy, 25, 23.] +37.+ He counted the layers; for as
+the tower had been built of regular layers of stone, it was very easy
+to reckon the height of the battlements from the ground....
+
+[Sidenote: Fall of Syracuse by an escalade, autumn B.C. 212. Livy, 24,
+23-31.]
+
+Some days afterwards on information being given by a deserter that
+the Syracusans had been engaged in a public sacrifice to Artemis for
+the last three days; and that they were using very scanty food in the
+festival though plenty of wine, both Epicydes and certain Syracusans
+having given a large supply; Marcus Marcellus selected a part of the
+wall somewhat lower than the rest, and thinking it probable that the
+men were drunk, owing to the license of the hour, and the short supply
+of food with their wine, he determined to attempt an escalade. Two
+ladders of the proper height for the wall having been quickly made,
+he pressed on the undertaking. He spoke openly to those who were fit
+to make the ascent and to face the first and most conspicuous risk,
+holding out to them brilliant prospects of reward. He also picked
+out some men to give them necessary help and bring ladders, without
+telling them anything except to bid them be ready to obey orders.
+His directions having been accurately obeyed, at the proper time in
+the night he put the first men in motion, sending with them the men
+with the ladders together with a maniple and a tribune, and having
+first reminded them of the rewards awaiting them if they behaved with
+gallantry. After this he got his whole force ready to start; and
+despatching the vanguard by maniples at intervals, when a thousand had
+been massed in this way, after a short pause, he marched himself with
+the main body. The men carrying the ladders having succeeded in safely
+placing them against the wall, those who had been told off to make the
+ascent mounted at once without hesitation. Having accomplished this
+without being observed, and having got a firm footing on the top of the
+wall, the rest began to mount by the ladders also, not in any fixed
+order, but as best they could. At first as they made their way upon the
+wall they found no one to oppose them, for the guards of the several
+towers, owing to it being a time of public sacrifice, were either
+still drinking or were gone to sleep again in a state of drunkenness.
+Consequently of the first and second companies of guards, which they
+came upon, they killed the greater number before they knew that they
+were being attacked. And when they came near Hexapyli, they descended
+from the wall, and forced open the first postern they came to which was
+let into the wall, through which they admitted the general and the rest
+of the army. This is the way in which the Romans took Syracuse....
+
+[Sidenote: Livy, 25, 24.] None of the citizens knew what was happening
+because of the distance; for the town is a very large one....
+
+[Sidenote: The first quarter occupied. Livy, 25, 24.] But the Romans
+were rendered very confident by their conquest of Epipolae....
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
++38.+ He gave orders that the infantry should take the beasts of burden
+along with the baggage tied upon them from the rear and range them in
+front of themselves. This produced a defence of greater security than
+any palisade.[324]...
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+So entirely unable are the majority of mankind to submit to that
+lightest of all burdens—silence....
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Anything in the future seems preferable to what exists in the
+present....
+
+
+
+
+BOOK IX
+
+EXTRACT FROM THE PREFACE
+
+
+[Sidenote: 142d Olympiad, B.C. 212-208.]
+
++1.+ Such are the most conspicuous transactions of this Olympiad, that
+is, of the four years which an Olympiad must be reckoned to contain;
+and I shall endeavour to include the history of them in two books.
+
+I am quite aware that my history has an element of austerity in it,
+and is adapted to, and will be approved by only one class of readers,
+owing to the uniformity of its plan. Nearly all other historians, or at
+any rate most, attract a variety of readers by entering upon all the
+various branches of history. The curious reader is attracted by the
+genealogical style; the antiquarian by the discussion of colonisations,
+origins of cities, and ties of blood, such as is found in Ephorus; the
+student of polities by the story of tribes, cities, and dynasties. It
+is to this last branch of the subject that I have had a single eye, and
+have devoted my whole work; and accordingly have, as I said before,
+accommodated all my plans to one particular class of narrative. The
+result is that I have made my work by no means attractive reading to
+the majority. Why I thus neglected other departments of history, and
+deliberately resolved to confine myself to chronicling actions, I have
+already stated at length; however, there is no reason why I should not
+briefly remind my readers of it again in this place, for the sake of
+impressing it upon them.
+
++2.+ Seeing that many writers have discussed in many varieties of style
+the question of genealogies, myths, and colonisations, as well as of
+the foundations of cities and the consanguinity of peoples, there
+was nothing left for a writer at this date but to copy the words of
+others and claim them as his own,—than which nothing could be more
+dishonourable; or, if he did not choose to do that, to absolutely
+waste his labour, being obliged to acknowledge that he is composing a
+history and bestowing thought on what has already been sufficiently set
+forth and transmitted to posterity by his predecessors. For these and
+sundry other reasons I abandoned such themes as these, and determined
+on writing a history of actions: first, because they are continually
+new and require a new narrative,—as of course one generation cannot
+give us the history of the next; and secondly, because such a narrative
+is of all others the most instructive. This it has always been: but
+it is eminently so now, because the arts and sciences have made such
+an advance in our day, that students are able to arrange every event
+as it happens according to fixed rules, as it were, of scientific
+classification. Therefore, as I did not aim so much at giving pleasure
+to my readers, as at profiting those who apply to such studies, I
+omitted all other themes and devoted myself wholly to this. But on
+these points, those who give a careful attention to my narrative will
+be the best witnesses to the truth of what I say....
+
+
+THE HANNIBALIAN WAR
+
+_In the previous year (212 B.C.) Syracuse had fallen: the two Scipios
+had been conquered and killed in Spain: the siege-works had been
+constructed round Capua, at the very time of the fall of Syracuse, i.e.
+in the autumn, Hannibal being engaged in fruitless attempts upon the
+citadel of Tarentum. See Livy, 25, 22._
+
+[Sidenote: Q. Fulvius and Appius Claudius, the Consuls of the previous
+year, were continued in command there, with orders not to leave the
+place till it fell. Livy, 26, 1. Hannibal tries to raise the siege.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 211. Coss. Gnaeus Fulvius Centumalus, P. Sulpicius
+Galba. The Romans were still engaged in the siege of Capua.]
+
++3.+ Entirely surrounding the position of Appius Claudius, Hannibal
+at first skirmished, and tried all he could to tempt him to come out
+and give him battle. But as no one attended to him, his attack became
+very like an attempt to storm the camp; for his cavalry charged in
+their squadrons, and with loud cries hurled their javelins inside the
+entrenchments, and the infantry attacked in their regular companies,
+and tried to pull down the palisading round the camp. But not even
+so could he move the Romans from their purpose: they employed their
+light-armed troops to repulse those who were actually attacking the
+palisade, but protecting themselves with their heavy shields against
+the javelins of the enemy, they remained drawn up near their standards
+without moving. Discomfited at being neither able to throw himself into
+Capua, nor induce the Romans to leave their camp, Hannibal retired to
+consult as to what was best to be done.
+
+[Sidenote: The determination and cautious tactics of the Romans.]
+
+It is no wonder, in my opinion, that the Carthaginians were puzzled. I
+think any one who heard the facts would be the same. For who would not
+have received with incredulity the statement that the Romans, after
+losing so many battles to the Carthaginians, and though they did not
+venture to meet them on the field, could not nevertheless be induced
+to give up the contest or abandon the command of the country? Up to
+this time, moreover, they had contented themselves with hovering in
+his neighbourhood, keeping along the skirts of the mountains; but now
+they had taken up a position on the plains, and those the fairest in
+all Italy, and were besieging the strongest city in it; and that with
+an enemy attacking them, whom they could not endure even the thought of
+meeting face to face: while the Carthaginians, who beyond all dispute
+had won the battles, were sometimes in as great difficulties as the
+losers. I think the reason of the strategy adopted by the two sides
+respectively was, that they both had seen that Hannibal’s cavalry
+was the main cause of the Carthaginian victory and Roman defeat.
+Accordingly the plan of the losers after the battles, of following
+their enemies at a distance, was the natural one to adopt; for the
+country through which they went was such that the enemy’s cavalry would
+be unable to do them any damage. Similarly what now happened at Capua
+to either side was natural and inevitable.
+
+[Sidenote: Carthaginian difficulties.]
+
++4.+ For the Roman army did not venture to come out and give battle,
+from fear of the enemy’s horse, but remained resolutely within their
+entrenchment; well knowing that the cavalry, by which they had
+been worsted in the battles, could not hurt them there. While the
+Carthaginians, again, naturally could not remain any longer encamped
+with their cavalry, because all the pastures in the surrounding country
+had been utterly destroyed by the Romans with that very view; and it
+was impossible for animals to come from such a distance, carrying on
+their backs hay and barley for so large a body of cavalry, and so many
+beasts of burden; nor again did they venture, when encamped without
+their cavalry, to attack an enemy protected by a palisade and fosse,
+with whom a contest, even without these advantages in their favour, was
+likely to be a doubtful one if they had not got their cavalry. Besides
+this they were much alarmed about the new Consuls, lest they should
+come and encamp against them, and reduce them to serious straits by
+cutting off their supplies of provisions.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal determines on creating a diversion by threatening
+Rome.]
+
+These considerations convinced Hannibal that it was impossible to raise
+the siege by an open attack, and he therefore changed his tactics. He
+imagined that if by a secret march he could suddenly appear in the
+neighbourhood of Rome, he might by the alarm which he would inspire in
+the inhabitants by his unexpected movement, perhaps do something worth
+while against the city itself; or, if he could not do that, would at
+least force Appius either to raise the siege of Capua, in order to
+hasten to the relief of his native town, or to divide the Roman forces;
+which would then be easier for him to conquer in detail.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal informs the Capuans of his purpose.]
+
++5.+ With this purpose in his mind he sent a letter-carrier into
+Capua. This he did by persuading one of his Libyans to desert to the
+Roman camp, and thence to Capua. He took this trouble to secure the
+safe delivery of his letter, because he was very much afraid that the
+Capuans, if they saw him departing, would consider that he despaired of
+them, and would therefore give up hope and surrender to the Romans. He
+wrote therefore an explanation of his design, and sent the Libyan the
+day after, in order that the Capuans, being acquainted with the purpose
+of his departure, might go on courageously sustaining the siege.
+
+[Sidenote: Excitement and activity at Rome.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal starts.]
+
+When the news had arrived at Rome that Hannibal had encamped over
+against their lines, and was actually besieging their forces, there
+was universal excitement and terror, from a feeling that the result of
+the impending battle would decide the whole war. Consequently, with
+one heart and soul, the citizens had all devoted themselves to sending
+out reinforcements and making preparations for this struggle. On their
+part, the Capuans were encouraged by the receipt of Hannibal’s letter,
+and by thus learning the object of the Carthaginian movement, to stand
+by their determination, and to await the issue of this new hope. At
+the end of the fifth day, therefore, after his arrival on the ground,
+Hannibal ordered his men to take their supper as usual, and leave their
+watch-fires burning; and started with such secrecy, that none of the
+enemy knew what was happening. He took the road through Samnium, and
+marched at a great pace and without stopping, his skirmishers always
+keeping before him to reconnoitre and occupy all the posts along the
+route: and while those in Rome had their thoughts still wholly occupied
+with Capua and the campaign there, he crossed the Anio without being
+observed; and having arrived at a distance of not more than forty
+stades from Rome, there pitched his camp.
+
+[Sidenote: Terror at Rome.]
+
++6.+ On this being known at Rome, the utmost confusion and terror
+prevailed among the inhabitants,—this movement of Hannibal’s being as
+unexpected as it was sudden; for he had never been so close to the
+city before. At the same time their alarm was increased by the idea
+at once occurring to them, that he would not have ventured so near,
+if it were not that the armies at Capua were destroyed. Accordingly,
+the men at once went to line the walls, and the points of vantage in
+the defences of the town; while the women went round to the temples of
+the gods and implored their protection, sweeping the pavements of the
+temples with their hair: for this is their customary way of behaving
+when any serious danger comes upon their country. But just as Hannibal
+had encamped, and was intending to attempt the city itself next day,
+an extraordinary coincidence occurred which proved fortunate for the
+preservation of Rome.
+
+[Sidenote: The Consular levies fortunately being at Rome enable the
+Romans to make a counter-demonstration.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal devastates the Campagna.]
+
+For Gnaeus Fulvius and Publius Sulpicius, having already enrolled one
+consular army, had bound the men with the usual oath to appear at Rome
+armed on that very day; and were also engaged on that day in drawing
+out the lists and testing the men for the other army:[325] whereby
+it so happened that a large number of men had been collected in Rome
+spontaneously in the very nick of time. These troops the Consuls boldly
+led outside the walls, and, entrenching themselves there, checked
+Hannibal’s intended movement. For the Carthaginians were at first eager
+to advance, and were not altogether without hope that they would be
+able to take Rome itself by assault. But when they saw the enemy drawn
+up in order, and learnt before long from a prisoner what had happened,
+they abandoned the idea of attacking the city, and began devastating
+the country-side instead, and setting fire to the houses. In these
+first raids they collected an innumerable amount of booty, for the
+field of plunder upon which they were entered was one into which no one
+had ever expected an enemy to set foot.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal starts on his return.]
+
+[Sidenote: The passage of the Anio.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal turns upon his pursuers.]
+
++7.+ But presently, when the Consuls ventured to encamp within ten
+stades of him, Hannibal broke up his quarters before daylight. He did
+so for three reasons:—first, because he had collected an enormous
+booty; secondly, because he had given up all hope of taking Rome; and
+lastly, because he reckoned that the time had now come at which he
+expected, according to his original idea, that Appius would have learnt
+the danger threatening Rome, and would have raised the siege of Capua
+and come with his whole force to the relief of the city; or at any rate
+would hurry up with the greater part, leaving a detachment to carry on
+the siege. Publius had caused the bridges over the Anio to be broken
+down, and thus compelled Hannibal to get his army across by a ford;
+and he now attacked the Carthaginians as they were engaged in making
+the passage of the stream and caused them great distress. They were
+not able however to strike an important blow, owing to the number of
+Hannibal’s cavalry, and the activity of the Numidians in every part of
+the field. But before retiring to their camp they wrested the greater
+part of the booty from them, and killed about three hundred men; and
+then, being convinced that the Carthaginians were beating a hasty
+retreat in a panic, they followed in their rear, keeping along the
+line of hills. At first Hannibal continued to march at a rapid pace,
+being anxious to meet the force which he expected; but at the end of
+the fifth day, being informed that Appius had not left the siege of
+Capua, he halted; and waiting for the enemy to come up, made an attack
+upon his camp before daylight, killed a large number of them, and drove
+the rest out of their camp. But when day broke, and he saw the Romans
+in a strong position upon a steep hill, to which they had retired, he
+decided not to continue his attack upon them; but marching through
+Daunia and Bruttium he appeared at Rhegium, so unexpectedly, that he
+was within an ace of capturing the city, and did cut off all who were
+out in the country; and during this excursion captured a very large
+number of the Rhegini.
+
++8.+ It seems to me that the courage and determination both of the
+Carthaginians and Romans at this crisis were truly remarkable; and
+merit quite as much admiration as the conduct of Epaminondas, which I
+will describe here for the sake of pointing the comparison.
+
+[Sidenote: The rapid march of Epaminondas to Sparta, and back again to
+Mantinea. See Xenophon, _Hell._ 7, 5, 8 _sq._ B.C. 362.]
+
+[Sidenote: Xenophon, _Hell._ 7, 5, 8 _sq._ B.C. 362.]
+
+[Sidenote: A Cretan warns Agesilaus.]
+
+He reached Tegea with the allies, and when he saw that the
+Lacedaemonians with their own forces in full were come to Mantinea,
+and that their allies had mustered together in the same city, with the
+intention of offering the Thebans battle; having given orders to his
+men to get their supper early, he led his army out immediately after
+nightfall, on the pretext of being anxious to seize certain posts with
+a view to the coming battle. But having impressed this idea upon the
+common soldiers, he led them along the road to Lacedaemon itself; and
+having arrived at the city about the third hour of his march, contrary
+to all expectation, and finding Sparta destitute of defenders, he
+forced his way right up to the market-place, and occupied the quarters
+of the town which slope down to the river. Then however a contretemps
+occurred: a deserter made his way into Mantinea and told Agesilaus what
+was going on. Assistance accordingly arrived just as the city was on
+the point of being taken; and Epaminondas was disappointed of his hope.
+But having caused his men to get their breakfast along the bank of the
+Eurotas, and recovered them from their fatigue, he started to march
+back again by the same road, calculating that, as the Lacedaemonians
+and their allies had come to the relief of Sparta, Mantinea would in
+its turn be left undefended: which turned out to be the case. So he
+exhorted the Thebans to exert themselves; and, after a rapid night
+march, arrived at Mantinea about midday, finding it entirely destitute
+of defenders.
+
+But the Athenians, who were at that time zealously supporting the
+Lacedaemonians in their contest with the Thebans, had arrived in virtue
+of their treaty of alliance; and just as the Theban vanguard reached
+the temple of Poseidon, seven stades from the town, it happened that
+the Athenians showed themselves, by design, as if on the brow of the
+hill overhanging Mantinea. And when they saw them, the Mantineans who
+had been left behind at last ventured to man the wall and resist the
+attack of the Thebans. Therefore historians are justified in speaking
+with some dissatisfaction of these events,[326] when they say that
+the leader did everything which a good general could, but that, while
+conquering his enemies, Epaminondas was conquered by Fortune.
+
++9.+ Much the same remark applies to Hannibal. For who can refrain
+from regarding with respect and admiration a general capable of
+doing what he did? First he attempted by harassing the enemy with
+skirmishing attacks to raise the siege: having failed in this he
+made direct for Rome itself: baffled once more by a turn of fortune
+entirely independent of human calculation, he kept his pursuers in
+play,[327] and waited till the moment was ripe to see whether the
+besiegers of Capua stirred: and finally, without relaxing in his
+determination, swept down upon his enemies to their destruction, and
+all but depopulated Rhegium. One would be inclined however to judge the
+Romans to be superior to the Lacedaemonians at this crisis. For the
+Lacedaemonians rushed off _en masse_ at the first message and relieved
+Sparta, but, as far as they were concerned, lost Mantinea. The Romans
+guarded their own city without breaking up the siege of Capua: on the
+contrary, they remained unshaken and firm in their purpose, and in fact
+from that time pressed the Capuans with renewed spirit.
+
+I have not said this for the sake of making a panegyric on either the
+Romans or Carthaginians, whose great qualities I have already remarked
+upon more than once: but for the sake of those who are in office among
+the one or the other people, or who are in future times to direct
+the affairs of any state whatever; that by the memory, or actual
+contemplation, of exploits such as these they may be inspired with
+emulation. For in an adventurous and hazardous policy it often turns
+out that audacity was the truest safety and the finest sagacity;[328]
+and success or failure does not affect the credit and excellence of
+the original design, so long as the measures taken are the result of
+deliberate thought....
+
+
+TARENTUM
+
+[Sidenote: The Carthaginian fleet invited from Sicily to relieve
+Tarentum does more harm than good, and departs to the joy of the
+people, B.C. 211. Livy, 26, 20.]
+
+When the Romans were besieging Tarentum, Bomilcar the admiral of the
+Carthaginian fleet came to its relief with a very large force; and
+being unable to afford efficient aid to those in the town, owing to the
+strict blockade maintained by the Romans, without meaning to do so he
+used up more than he brought; and so after having been constrained by
+entreaties and large promises to come, he was afterwards forced at the
+earnest supplication of the people to depart....
+
+
+THE SPOILS OF SYRACUSE
+
++10.+ A city is not really adorned by what is brought from without, but
+by the virtue of its own inhabitants....
+
+[Sidenote: Syracuse was taken in the autumn, B.C. 212. “The ornaments
+of the city, statues and pictures were taken to Rome.” Livy, 25, 40,
+cp. 26, 21.]
+
+The Romans, then, decided to transfer these things to their own city
+and to leave nothing behind. Whether they were right in doing so, and
+consulted their true interests or the reverse, is a matter admitting
+of much discussion; but I think the balance of argument is in favour
+of believing it to have been wrong then, and wrong now. If such had
+been the works by which they had exalted their country, it is clear
+that there would have been some reason in transferring thither the
+things by which they had become great. But the fact was that, while
+leading lives of the greatest simplicity themselves, as far as possible
+removed from the luxury and extravagance which these things imply, they
+yet conquered the men who had always possessed them in the greatest
+abundance and of the finest quality. Could there have been a greater
+mistake than theirs? Surely it would be an incontestable error for a
+people to abandon the habits of the conquerors and adopt those of the
+conquered; and at the same time involve itself in that jealousy which
+is the most dangerous concomitant of excessive prosperity. For the
+looker-on never congratulates those who take what belongs to others,
+without a feeling of jealousy mingling with his pity for the losers.
+But suppose such prosperity to go on increasing, and a people to
+accumulate into its own hands all the possessions of the rest of the
+world, and moreover to invite in a way the plundered to share in the
+spectacle they present, in that case surely the mischief is doubled.
+For it is no longer a case of the spectators pitying their neighbours,
+but themselves, as they recall the ruin of their own country. Such
+a sight produces an outburst, not of jealousy merely, but of rage
+against the victors. For the reminder of their own disaster serves
+to enhance their hatred of the authors of it. To sweep the gold and
+silver, however, into their own coffers was perhaps reasonable; for it
+was impossible for them to aim at universal empire without crippling
+the means of the rest of the world, and securing the same kind of
+resources for themselves. But they might have left in their original
+sites things that had nothing to do with material wealth; and thus at
+the same time have avoided exciting jealousy, and raised the reputation
+of their country: adorning it, not with pictures and statues, but with
+dignity of character and greatness of soul. I have spoken thus much as
+a warning to those who take upon themselves to rule over others, that
+they may not imagine that, when they pillage cities, the misfortunes of
+others are an honour to their own country. The Romans, however, when
+they transferred these things to Rome, used such of them as belonged to
+individuals to increase the splendour of private establishments, and
+such as belonged to the state to adorn the city....
+
+
+SPAIN
+
+[Sidenote: The two Scipios fall in B.C. 212.]
+
+[Sidenote: Hasdrubal Gisconis tertius Carthaginiensium dux. Livy 24,
+41, cp. 25, 37.]
+
++11.+ The leaders of the Carthaginians, though they had conquered their
+enemies, could not control themselves: and having made up their minds
+that they had put an end to the Roman war, they began quarrelling
+with each other, finding continual subjects of dispute through the
+innate covetousness and ambition of the Phoenician character; among
+whom Hasdrubal, son of Gesco, pushed his authority to such a pitch
+of iniquity as to demand a large sum of money from Andobales, the
+most faithful of all their Iberian friends, who had some time before
+lost his chieftainship for the sake of the Carthaginians, and had but
+recently recovered it through his loyalty to them. When Andobales,
+trusting to his long fidelity to Carthage, refused this demand,
+Hasdrubal got up a false charge against him and compelled him to give
+up his daughters as hostages....
+
+
+ON THE ART OF COMMANDING ARMIES
+
++12.+ The chances and accidents that attend military expeditions
+require great circumspection; and it is possible to provide for all of
+them with precision, provided that a man gives his mind to the conduct
+of his plan of campaign. Now that fewer operations in war are carried
+out openly and by mere force, than by stratagem and the skillful use of
+opportunity, any one that chooses may readily learn from the history
+of the past. And again that operations depending on the choice of
+opportunity oftener fail than succeed is easily proved from experience.
+Nor can there be any doubt that the greater part of such failures are
+due to the folly or carelessness of the leaders. It is time therefore
+to inquire into the rules of this art of strategy.
+
+Such things as occur in campaigns without having been calculated upon
+in any way we must not speak of as operations, but as accidents or
+casualties. It is the conduct of a campaign in accordance with an exact
+plan that I am to set forth: omitting all such things as do not fall
+under a scientific rule, and have no fixed design.
+
+[Sidenote: The points of inherent importance in the conduct of a
+campaign,—time, place, secrecy, code of signals, agents, and method.]
+
++13.+ Every operation requires a time fixed for its commencement, a
+period and place for its execution, secrecy, definite signals, persons
+by whom and with whom it is to be executed, and a settled plan for
+conducting it. It is evident that the man who has rightly provided
+for each of these details will not fail in the ultimate result, while
+he who has neglected any single one of them will fail in the whole.
+Such is the order of nature, that one insignificant circumstance will
+suffice for failure, while for success rigid perfection of every detail
+is barely enough.
+
+Leaders then should neglect no single point in conducting such
+expeditions.
+
+[Sidenote: Things necessary. 1. Silence.]
+
+Now the head and front of such precautions is silence; and not to
+allow either joy at the appearance of an unexpected hope, or fear, or
+familiarity, or natural affection, to induce a man to communicate his
+plans to any one unconcerned, but to impart it to those and those alone
+without whom it is impossible to complete his plan, and not even to
+them a moment sooner than necessary, but only when the exigencies of
+the particular service make it inevitable. It is necessary, moreover,
+not only to be silent with the tongue, but much more so in the mind.
+For it has happened to many generals before now, while preserving an
+inviolable silence, to betray their thoughts either by the expression
+of their countenances or by their actions.
+
+[Sidenote: 2. Knowledge of the capabilities of the force in moving.]
+
+The second requisite is to know accurately the conditions under which
+marches by day or night may be performed, and the distances to which
+they can extend, and not only marches on land, but also voyages by sea.
+
+The third and most important is to have some knowledge of the seasons,
+and to be able to adapt the design to them.
+
+Nor again is the selection of the ground for the operation to be
+regarded as unimportant, since it often happens that it is this
+which makes what seems impossible possible, and what seemed possible
+impossible.
+
+[Sidenote: 3. Care in concerting signals.]
+
+[Sidenote: 4. Care in selecting men.]
+
+Finally there must be no neglect of the subject of signals and counter
+signals; and the choice of persons by whom and with whom the operation
+is to be carried out.
+
+[Sidenote: 5. Knowledge of localities.]
+
++14.+ Of these points some are learnt by experience, some from history,
+and others by the study of scientific strategy. It is a most excellent
+thing too that the general should have a personal knowledge both of
+the roads, and the locality which he has to reach, and its natural
+features, as well as of the persons by whom and with whom he is to act.
+If that is not possible, the next best thing is that he should make
+careful inquiries and not trust just any one: and men who undertake to
+act as guides to such places should always deposit security with those
+whom they are conducting.
+
+[Sidenote: 6. Accurate knowledge of natural phenomena enabling a
+general to make accurate calculation of time.]
+
+These, and other points like them, it is perhaps possible that leaders
+may learn sufficiently from the mere study of strategy, whether
+practical or in books. But scientific investigation requires scientific
+processes and demonstrations, especially in astronomy and geometry; the
+working out of which is not much to our present point, though their
+results are important, and may contribute largely to the success of
+such undertakings.
+
+The most important operation in astronomy is the calculation of the
+lengths of the days and nights. If these had been uniform it would not
+have been a matter requiring any study, but the knowledge would have
+been common to all the world: since however they not only differ with
+each other but also with themselves, it is plainly necessary to be
+acquainted with the increase and diminution of both the one and the
+other. How can a man calculate a march, and the distance practicable in
+a day or in a night, if he is unacquainted with the variation of these
+periods of time? In fact nothing can be done up to time without this
+knowledge,—it is inevitable otherwise that a man should be sometimes
+too late and sometimes too soon. And these operations are the only ones
+in which being too soon is a worse fault than being too late. For the
+general who overstays the proper hour of action only misses his chance,
+since he can find out that he has done so before he arrives, and so
+get off safely: but he that anticipates the hour is detected when he
+comes up; and so not only misses his immediate aim, but runs a risk of
+ruining himself altogether.
+
+[Sidenote: The divisions of the day;]
+
+[Sidenote: of the night.]
+
++15.+ In all human undertakings opportuneness is the most important
+thing, but especially in operations of war. Therefore a general must
+have at his fingers’ ends the season of the summer and winter solstice,
+the equinoxes, and the periods between them in which the days and
+nights increase and diminish. For it is by this knowledge alone that
+he can compute the distance that can be done whether by sea or land.
+Again, he must necessarily understand the subdivisions both of the day
+and the night, in order to know at what hour to order the reveillé,
+or the march out; for the end cannot be attained unless the beginning
+be rightly taken. As for the periods of the day, they may be observed
+by the shadows or by the sun’s course, and the quarter of the heaven
+in which it has arrived, but it is difficult to do the same for the
+night, unless a man is familiar with the phenomenon of the twelve signs
+of the Zodiac, and their law and order: and this is easy to those
+who have studied astronomy. For since, though the nights are unequal
+in length, at least six of the signs of the Zodiac are nevertheless
+above the horizon every night, it is plain that in the same portions
+of every night equal portions of the twelve signs of the Zodiac rise.
+Now as it is known what portion of the sphere is occupied by the sun
+during the day, it is evident that when he has set the arc subtended by
+the diameter of his arc must rise. Therefore the length of the night
+is exactly commensurate with the portion of the Zodiac which appears
+above the horizon after sunset. And, given that we know the number and
+size of the signs of the Zodiac, the corresponding divisions of the
+night are also known. If however the nights be cloudy, the moon must be
+watched, since owing to its size its light as a general rule is always
+visible, at whatsoever point in the heaven it may be. The hour may be
+guessed sometimes by observing the time and place of its rising, or
+again of its setting, if you only have sufficient acquaintance with
+this phenomenon to be familiar with the daily variation of its rising.
+And the law which it too follows admits of being easily observed; for
+its revolution is limited by the period of one month, which serves as a
+model to which all subsequent revolutions conform.
+
+[Sidenote: The example of Ulysses. See Odyss. 5, 270 _sq._]
+
++16.+ And here one may mention with admiration that Homer represents
+Ulysses, that truest type of a leader of men, taking observations of
+the stars, not only to direct his voyages, but his operations on land
+also. For such accidents as baffle expectation, and are incapable of
+being accurately reckoned upon, are quite sufficient to bring us to
+great and frequent distress, for instance, downpours of rain and rise
+of torrents, excessive frosts and snows, misty and cloudy weather, and
+other things like these;—but if we also neglect to provide for those
+which can be foreseen, is it not likely that we shall have ourselves
+to thank for frequent failures? None of these means then must be
+neglected, if we wish to avoid those errors into which many others are
+said to have fallen, as well as the particular generals whom I am about
+to mention by way of examples.
+
+[Sidenote: Aratus fails at Cynaetha.]
+
++17.+ When Aratus, the Strategus of the Achaean league, attempted to
+take Cynaetha by treachery, he arranged a day with those in the town
+who were co-operating with him, on which he was to arrive on the banks
+of the river which flows past Cynaetha, and to remain there quietly
+with his forces: while the party inside the town about midday, when
+they got an opportunity, were to send out one of their men quietly,
+wrapped in a cloak, and order him to take his stand upon a tomb agreed
+upon in front of the city; the rest were to attack the officers who
+were accustomed to guard the gate while taking their siesta. This
+being done, the Achaeans were to rise from their ambush and to make
+all haste to occupy the gate. These arrangements made, and the time
+having come, Aratus arrived; and having concealed himself down by the
+river, waited there for the signal. But about an hour before noon, a
+man, whose profession it was to keep a fine kind of sheep near the
+town, wishing to ask some business question of the shepherd, came out
+of the gate with his cloak on, and standing upon the same tomb looked
+round to find the shepherd. Whereupon Aratus, thinking that the signal
+had been given, hurried with all his men as fast as he could towards
+the gate. But the gate being hurriedly closed by the guard, owing to no
+preparations having yet been made by the party in the town, the result
+was that Aratus not only failed in his attempt but was the cause of the
+worst misfortunes to his partisans. For being thus detected they were
+dragged forward and put to death. What is one to say was the cause of
+this catastrophe? Surely that the general arranged only for a single
+signal, and being then quite young had no experience of the accuracy
+secured by double signals and counter-signals. On so small a point in
+war does the success or failure of an operation turn.
+
+[Sidenote: Cleomenes. See 2, 55.]
+
+[Sidenote: May 12.]
+
++18.+ Again the Spartan Cleomenes, when proposing to take Megalopolis
+by a stratagem, arranged with the guards of that part of the wall
+near what is called the Cavern to come out with all their men in the
+third watch, the hour at which his partisans were on duty on the wall;
+but not having taken into consideration the fact that at the time of
+the rising of the Pleiads the nights are very short, he started his
+army from Sparta about sunset. The result was that he was not able
+to get there in time, but being overtaken by daybreak, made a rash
+and ill-considered attempt to carry the town, and was repulsed with
+considerable loss and the danger of a complete overthrow. Now if he
+had, in accordance with his arrangement, hit the proper time, and led
+in his men while his partisans were in command of the entrance, he
+would not have failed in his attempt.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip’s attack on Meliteia. See 5, 97.]
+
+Similarly, once more, King Philip, as I have already stated, when
+carrying on an intrigue in the city of Meliteia, made a mistake in two
+ways. The ladders which he brought were too short for their purpose,
+and he mistook the time. For having arranged to arrive about midnight,
+when every one was fast asleep, he started from Larissa and arrived in
+the territory of Meliteia too early, and was neither able to halt, for
+fear of his arrival being announced in the city, nor to get back again
+without being discovered. Being compelled therefore to continue his
+advance, he arrived at the city while the inhabitants were still awake.
+Consequently he could neither carry the wall by an escalade, because of
+the insufficient length of the ladders; nor enter by the gate, because
+it was too early for his partisans inside to help him. Finally, he
+did nothing but irritate the people of the town, and, after losing a
+considerable number of his own men, retired unsuccessful and covered
+with disgrace; having only given a warning to the rest of the world to
+distrust him and be on their guard against him.
+
+[Sidenote: Nicias, B.C. 413. Thucyd. 7, 50.]
+
++19.+ Again Nicias, the general of the Athenians, had it in his power
+to have saved the army besieging Syracuse, and had selected the proper
+time of the night for escaping the observation of the enemy, and
+retiring to a place of safety. And then because the moon was eclipsed,
+regarding it superstitiously as of evil portent, he stopped the army
+from starting. Thanks to this it came about that, when he started the
+next day, the enemy had obtained information of his intention, and
+army and generals alike fell into the hands of the Syracusans. Yet if
+he had asked about this from men acquainted with such phenomena, he
+might not only have avoided missing his opportunity for such an absurd
+reason, but have also used the occurrence for his own benefit owing
+to the ignorance of the enemy. For the ignorance of their neighbours
+contributes more than anything else to the success of the instructed.
+
+[Sidenote: The method of judging of the length necessary for scaling
+ladders.]
+
+Such then are examples of the necessity of studying celestial
+phenomena. But as for securing the proper length of scaling ladders,
+the following is the method of making the calculation. Suppose the
+height of the wall to be given by one of the conspirators within, the
+measurement required for the ladders is evident; for example, if the
+height of the wall is ten feet or any other unit, the ladders must be
+full twelve; and the interval between the wall and the foot of the
+ladder must be half the length of the ladder, that the ladders may
+not break under the weight of those mounting if they are set farther
+away, nor be too steep to be safe if set nearer the perpendicular. But
+supposing it not to be possible to measure or get near the wall: the
+height of any object which rises perpendicularly on its base can be
+taken by those who choose to study mathematics.
+
++20.+ Once more, therefore, those who wish to succeed in military
+projects and operations must have studied geometry, not with
+professional completeness, but far enough to have a comprehension
+of proportion and equations. For it is not only in such cases that
+these are necessary, but also for raising the scale of the divisions
+of a camp. For sometimes the problem is to change the entire form of
+the camp, and yet to keep the same proportion between all the parts
+included: at other times to keep the same shape in the parts, and to
+increase or diminish the whole area on which the camp stands, adding
+or subtracting from all proportionally. On which point I have already
+spoken in more elaborate detail in my Notes on Military Tactics. For
+I do not think that any one will reasonably object to me that I add a
+great burden to strategy, in urging on those who endeavour to acquire
+it the study of astronomy and geometry: for, while rather rejecting
+all that is superfluous in these studies, and brought in for show and
+talk, as well as all idea of enjoining their prosecution beyond the
+point of practical utility, I am most earnest and eager for so much
+as is barely necessary. For it would be strange if those who aim at
+the sciences of dancing and flute-playing should study the preparatory
+sciences of rhythms and music, (and the like might be said of the
+pursuits of the palaestra), from the belief that the final attainment
+of each of these sciences requires the assistance of the latter; while
+the students of strategy are to feel aggrieved if they find that they
+require subsidiary sciences up to a certain point. That would mean that
+men practising common and inferior arts are more diligent and energetic
+than those who resolve to excel in the best and most dignified subject,
+which no man of sense would admit....
+
+
+THE COMPUTATION OF THE SIZE OF CITIES
+
++21.+ Most people calculate the area merely from the length of the
+circumference [of towns or camps]. [Sidenote: Sparta and Megalopolis.]
+Accordingly, when one says that the city of Megalopolis has a circuit
+of fifty stades, and that of Sparta forty-eight, but that Sparta
+is twice the size of Megalopolis, they look upon the assertion as
+incredible. And if one, by way of increasing the difficulty, were
+to say that a city or camp may have a circuit of forty stades and
+yet be double the size of one having a perimeter of a hundred, the
+statement would utterly puzzle them. The reason of this is that we do
+not remember the lessons in geometry taught us at school. I was led to
+make these remarks because it is not only common people, but actually
+some statesmen and military commanders, who have puzzled themselves
+sometimes by wondering whether it were possible that Sparta should be
+bigger, and that too by a great deal, than Megalopolis, while having a
+shorter circuit; and at other times by trying to conjecture the number
+of men by considering the mere length of a camp’s circuit. A similar
+mistake is also made in pronouncing as to the number of the inhabitants
+of cities. For most people imagine that cities in which the ground is
+broken and hilly contain more houses than a flat site. But the fact
+is not so; because houses are built at right angles not to sloping
+foundations but to the plains below, upon which the hills themselves
+are excrescences. And this admits of a proof within the intelligence
+of a child. For if one would imagine houses on slopes to be raised
+until they were of the same height; it is evident that the plane of the
+roofs of the houses thus united will be equal and parallel to the plane
+underlying the hills and foundations.
+
+So much for those who aspire to be leaders and statesmen and are yet
+ignorant and puzzled about such facts as these....
+
+Those who do not enter upon undertakings with good will and zeal cannot
+be expected to give real help when the time comes to act....
+
+
+THE HANNIBALIAN WAR, B.C. 211
+
+Such being the position of the Romans and Carthaginians, Fortune
+continually oscillating between the two, we may say with the poet
+
+   “Pain hard by joy possessed the souls of each.”[329]...
+
+There is profound truth in the observation which I have often made,
+that it is impossible to grasp or get a complete view of the fairest of
+all subjects of contemplation, the tendency of history as a whole, from
+writers of partial histories....
+
+
+THE CHARACTER OF HANNIBAL
+
++22.+ Of all that befell the Romans and Carthaginians, good or bad, the
+cause was one man and one mind,—Hannibal.
+
+For it is notorious that he managed the Italian campaigns in person,
+and the Spanish by the agency of the elder of his brothers, Hasdrubal,
+and subsequently by that of Mago, the leaders who killed the two
+Roman generals in Spain about the same time. Again, he conducted the
+Sicilian campaign at first through Hippocrates and afterwards through
+Myttonus[330] the Libyan. So also in Greece and Illyria: and, by
+brandishing before their faces the dangers arising from these latter
+places, he was enabled to distract the attention of the Romans, thanks
+to his understanding with Philip. So great and wonderful is the
+influence of a Man, and a mind duly fitted by original constitution for
+any undertaking within the reach of human powers.
+
+[Sidenote: ἀρχὴ ἄνδρα δείξει. Bias, in Aristot. Eth. 5, 1.]
+
+But since the position of affairs has brought us to an inquiry into the
+genius of Hannibal, the occasion seems to me to demand that I should
+explain in regard to him the peculiarities of his character which have
+been especially the subject of controversy. Some regard him as having
+been extraordinarily cruel, some exceedingly grasping of money. But to
+speak the truth of him, or of any person engaged in public affairs,
+is not easy. Some maintain that men’s real natures are brought out
+by their circumstances, and that they are detected when in office,
+or as some say when in misfortunes, though they have up to that time
+completely maintained their secrecy. I, on the contrary, do not regard
+this as a sound dictum. For I think that men in these circumstances
+are compelled, not only occasionally but frequently, either by the
+suggestions of friends or the complexity of affairs, to speak and act
+contrary to their real principles.
+
+[Sidenote: Examples to the contrary. 1. Agathocles.]
+
+[Sidenote: 2. Cleomenes.]
+
+[Sidenote: 3. Athens.]
+
+[Sidenote: 4. Sparta.]
+
+[Sidenote: 5. Philip V.]
+
++23.+ And there are many proofs of this to be found in past history
+if any one will give the necessary attention. Is it not universally
+stated by the historians that Agathocles, tyrant of Sicily, after
+having the reputation of extreme cruelty in his original measures for
+the establishment of his dynasty, when he had once become convinced
+that his power over the Siceliots was firmly established, is considered
+to have become the most humane and mild of rulers? Again, was not
+Cleomenes of Sparta a most excellent king, a most cruel tyrant, and
+then again as a private individual most obliging and benevolent? And
+yet it is not reasonable to suppose the most opposite dispositions
+to exist in the same nature. They are compelled to change with the
+changes of circumstances: and so some rulers often display to the world
+a disposition as opposite as possible to their true nature. Therefore
+the natures of men not only are not brought out by such things, but
+on the contrary are rather obscured. The same effect is produced also
+not only in commanders, despots, and kings, but in states also, by
+the suggestions of friends. For instance, you will find the Athenians
+responsible for very few tyrannical acts, and of many kindly and noble
+ones, while Aristeides and Pericles were at the head of the state:
+but quite the reverse when Cleon and Chares were so. And when the
+Lacedaemonians were supreme in Greece, all the measures taken by King
+Cleombrotus were conceived in the interests of their allies, but those
+by Agesilaus not so. The characters of states therefore vary with
+the variations of their leaders. King Philip again, when Taurion and
+Demetrius were acting with him, was most impious in his conduct, but
+when Aratus or Chrysogonus, most humane.
+
+[Sidenote: Hannibal mastered by circumstances.]
+
+[Sidenote: His cruelty.]
+
++24.+ The case of Hannibal seems to me to be on a par with these. His
+circumstances were so extraordinary and shifting, his closest friends
+so widely different, that it is exceedingly difficult to estimate his
+character from his proceedings in Italy. What those circumstances
+suggested to him may easily be understood from what I have already
+said, and what is immediately to follow; but it is not right to omit
+the suggestions made by his friends either, especially as this matter
+may be rendered sufficiently clear by one instance of the advice
+offered him. At the time that Hannibal was meditating the march from
+Iberia to Italy with his army, he was confronted with the extreme
+difficulty of providing food and securing provisions, both because
+the journey was thought to be of insuperable length, and because the
+barbarians that lived in the intervening country were so numerous and
+savage. It appears that at that time this difficulty frequently came
+on for discussion at the council; and that one of his friends, called
+Hannibal Monomachus, gave it as his opinion that there was one and
+only one way by which it was possible to get as far as Italy. Upon
+Hannibal bidding him speak out, he said that they must teach the army
+to eat human flesh, and make them accustomed to it. Hannibal could
+say nothing against the boldness and effectiveness of the idea, but
+was unable to persuade himself or his friends to entertain it. It is
+this man’s acts in Italy that they say were attributed to Hannibal, to
+maintain the accusation of cruelty, as well as such as were the result
+of circumstances.
+
+[Sidenote: His avarice.]
+
++25.+ Fond of money indeed he does seem to have been to a conspicuous
+degree, and to have had a friend of the same character—Mago, who
+commanded in Bruttium. That account I got from the Carthaginians
+themselves; for natives know best not only which way the wind lies, as
+the proverb has it, but the characters also of their fellow-countrymen.
+But I heard a still more detailed story from Massanissa, who maintained
+the charge of money-loving against all Carthaginians generally, but
+especially against Hannibal and Mago called the Samnite. Among other
+stories, he told me that these two men had arranged a most generous
+subdivision of operations between each other from their earliest
+youth; and though they had each taken a very large number of cities in
+Iberia and Italy by force or fraud, they had never taken part in the
+same operation together; but had always schemed against each other,
+more than against the enemy, in order to prevent the one being with
+the other at the taking of a city: that they might neither quarrel in
+consequence of things of this sort, nor have to divide the profit on
+the ground of their equality of rank.
+
+[Sidenote: Effect of the fall of Capua, B.C. 211.]
+
++26.+ The influence of friends then, and still more that of
+circumstances, in doing violence to and changing the natural character
+of Hannibal, is shown by what I have narrated and will be shown by
+what I have to narrate. For as soon as Capua fell into the hands of
+the Romans the other cities naturally became restless, and began to
+look round for opportunities and pretexts for revolting back again to
+Rome. It was then that Hannibal seems to have been at his lowest point
+of distress and despair. For neither was he able to keep a watch upon
+all the cities so widely removed from each other,—while he remained
+entrenched at one spot, and the enemy were manœuvering against him with
+several armies,—nor could he divide his force into many parts; for he
+would have put an easy victory into the hands of the enemy by becoming
+inferior to them in numbers, and finding it impossible to be personally
+present at all points. Wherefore he was obliged to completely abandon
+some of the cities, and withdraw his garrisons from others: being
+afraid lest, in the course of the revolutions which might occur, he
+should lose his own soldiers as well. Some cities again he made up his
+mind to treat with treacherous violence, removing their inhabitants to
+other cities, and giving their property up to plunder; in consequence
+of which many were enraged with him, and accused him of impiety or
+cruelty. For the fact was that these movements were accompanied by
+robberies of money, murders, and violence, on various pretexts at the
+hands of the outgoing or incoming soldiers in the cities, because they
+always supposed that the inhabitants that were left behind were on the
+verge of turning over to the enemy. It is, therefore, very difficult to
+express an opinion on the natural character of Hannibal, owing to the
+influence exercised on it by the counsel of friends and the force of
+circumstances. The prevailing notion about him, however, at Carthage
+was that he was greedy of money, at Rome that he was cruel.[331]...
+
+
+AGRIGENTUM
+
+[Sidenote: Agrigentum taken by Marcus Valerius Laevinus, late in the
+year B.C. 210, _jam magna parte anni circumacta_. Livy, 26, 40.]
+
++27.+ The city of Agrigentum is not only superior to most cities in the
+particulars I have mentioned, but above all in beauty and elaborate
+ornamentation. It stands within eighteen stades of the sea, so that it
+participates in every advantage from that quarter; while its circuit of
+fortification is particularly strong both by nature and art. For its
+wall is placed on a rock, steep and precipitous, on one side naturally,
+on the other made so artificially. And it is enclosed by rivers: for
+along the south side runs the river of the same name as the town, and
+along the west and south-west side the river called Hypsas. The citadel
+overlooks the city exactly at the south-east, girt on the outside by
+an impassable ravine, and on the inside with only one approach from
+the town. On the top of it is a temple of Athene and of Zeus Atabyrius
+as at Rhodes: for as Agrigentum was founded by the Rhodians, it is
+natural that this deity should have the same appellation as at Rhodes.
+The city is sumptuously adorned in other respects also with temples and
+colonnades. The temple of Zeus Olympius is still unfinished, but in its
+plan and dimensions it seems to be inferior to no temple whatever in
+all Greece....
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Sidenote: The treatment of the refugees and desperadoes who had
+collected at Agathyrna in Sicily. See Livy, 26, 40 _fin._]
+
+Marcus Valerius persuaded these refugees, on giving them a pledge
+for the security of their lives, to leave Sicily and go to Italy, on
+condition that they should receive pay from the people of Rhegium
+for plundering Bruttium, and retain all booty obtained from hostile
+territory....
+
+
+GREECE
+
+_Speech of Chlaeneas, the Aetolian, at Sparta. In the autumn of_ B.C.
+211 _the Consul-designate, M. Valerius Laevinus, induced the Aetolians,
+Scopas being their Strategus, to form an alliance with them against
+Philip. The treaty, as finally concluded, embraced also the Eleans,
+Lacedaemonians, King Attalus of Pergamum, the Thracian King Pleuratus,
+and the Illyrian Scerdilaidas. A mission was sent from Aetolia to
+persuade the Lacedaemonians to join. See Livy, 26, 24._
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 347.]
+
+[Sidenote: Battle of Chaeronea, B.C. 338.]
+
+[Sidenote: Succession of Alexander the Great, B.C. 336.]
+
+[Sidenote: Destruction of Thebes, B.C. 335.]
+
+“That the Macedonian supremacy, men of Sparta, was the beginning of
+slavery to the Greeks, I am persuaded that no one will venture to deny;
+and you may satisfy yourselves by looking at it thus. There was a
+league of Greeks living in the parts towards Thrace who were colonists
+from Athens and Chalcis, of which the most conspicuous and powerful was
+the city of Olynthus. Having enslaved and made an example of this town,
+Philip not only became master of the Thraceward cities, but reduced
+Thessaly also to his authority by the terror which he had thus set up.
+Not long after this he conquered the Athenians in a pitched battle, and
+used his success with magnanimity, not from any wish to benefit the
+Athenians—far from it, but in order that his favourable treatment of
+them might induce the other states to submit to him voluntarily. The
+reputation of your city was still such that it seemed likely, that, if
+a proper opportunity arose, it would recover its supremacy in Greece.
+Accordingly, without waiting for any but the slightest pretext, Philip
+came with his army and cut down everything standing in your fields, and
+destroyed the houses with fire. And at last, after destroying towns and
+open country alike, he assigned part of your territory to the Argives,
+part to Tegea and Megalopolis, and part to the Messenians: determined
+to benefit every people in spite of all justice, on the sole condition
+of their injuring you. Alexander succeeded Philip on the throne, and
+how he destroyed Thebes, because he thought that it contained a spark
+of Hellenic life, however small, you all I think know well.
+
+[Sidenote: Battle of Crannon, ending the Lamian war, 7th Aug., B.C.
+322.]
+
+[Sidenote: Defeat of Brennus at Delphi, B.C. 279. Pausan. 10, 15;
+20-23.]
+
++29.+ “And why need I speak in detail of how the successors of this
+king have treated the Greeks? For surely there is no man living, so
+uninterested in public affairs, as not to have heard how Antipater in
+his victory at Lamia treated the unhappy Athenians, as well as the
+other Greeks; and how he went so far in violence and brutality as to
+institute man-hunters, and send them to the various cities to catch all
+who had ever spoken against, or in any way annoyed, the royal family
+of Macedonia: of whom some were dragged by force from the temples,
+and others from the very altars, and put to death with torture, and
+others who escaped were forced to leave Greece entirely; nor had they
+any refuge save the Aetolian nation alone. For the Aetolians were
+the only people in Greece who withstood Antipater in behalf of those
+unjustly defrauded of safety to their lives: they alone faced the
+invasion of Brennus and his barbarian army: and they alone came to your
+aid when called upon, with a determination to assist you in regaining
+your ancestral supremacy in Greece.[332] Who again is ignorant of the
+deeds of Cassander, Demetrius, and Antigonus Gonatas? For owing to
+their recency the knowledge of them still remains distinct. Some of
+them by introducing garrisons, and others by implanting despots in the
+cities, effectually secured that every state should share the infamous
+brand of slavery. But passing by all these I will now come to the last
+Antigonus,[333] lest any of you, viewing his policy unsuspiciously,
+should consider that you are under an obligation to the Macedonians.
+For it was with no purpose of saving the Achaeans that he undertook
+the war against you, nor from any dislike of the tyranny of Cleomenes
+inducing him to free the Lacedaemonians. If any man among you holds
+this opinion, he must be simple indeed. No! It was because he saw
+that his own power would not be secure if you got the rule of the
+Peloponnese; and because he saw that Cleomenes was of a nature well
+calculated to secure this object, and that fortune was splendidly
+seconding your efforts, that he came in a tumult of fear and jealousy,
+not to help Peloponnesians, but to destroy your hopes and abase your
+power. Therefore you do not owe the Macedonians so much gratitude for
+not destroying your city when they had taken it, as hostility and
+hatred, for having more than once already stood in your way, when you
+were strong enough to grasp the supremacy of Greece.
+
+[Sidenote: Philip V.]
+
++30.+ “Again, what need to speak more on the wickedness of Philip? For
+of his impiety towards the gods his outrages on the temples at Thermus
+are a sufficient proof; and of his cruelty towards man, his perfidy and
+treachery to the Messenians.
+
+“So much for the past. But as to the present resolution before you, it
+is in a way necessary to draft it, and vote on it, as though you were
+deciding on war, and yet in real truth not to regard it as a war. For
+it is impossible for the Achaeans, beaten as they are, to damage your
+territory: but I imagine that they will be only too thankful to heaven
+if they can but protect their own, when they find themselves surrounded
+by war with Eleans and Messenians as allied to us, and with ourselves
+at the same time. And Philip, I am persuaded, will soon desist from his
+attack, when involved in a war by land with Aetolians, and by sea with
+Rome and King Attalus. The future may be easily conjectured from the
+past. For if he always failed to subdue Aetolians when they were his
+only enemies, can we conceive that he will be able to support the war
+if all these combine?
+
++31.+ “I have said thus much with the deliberate purpose of showing you
+that you are not hampered by previous engagements, but are entirely
+free in your deliberations as to which you ought to join—Aetolians or
+Macedonians. If you are under an earlier engagement, and have already
+made up your minds on these points, what room is there for further
+argument? For if you had made the alliance now existing between
+yourselves and us, previous to the good services done you by Antigonus,
+there might perhaps have been some reason for questioning whether it
+were right to neglect an old treaty in gratitude for recent favours.
+But since it was subsequent to this much vaunted freedom and security
+given you by Antigonus, and with which they are perpetually taunting
+you, that, after deliberation and frequent consideration as to which of
+the two you ought to join, you decided to combine with us Aetolians;
+and have actually exchanged pledges of fidelity with us, and have
+fought by our side in the late war against Macedonia, how can any one
+entertain a doubt on the subject any longer? For the obligations of
+kindness between you and Antigonus and Philip were cancelled then. It
+now remains for you to point out some subsequent wrong done you by
+Aetolians, or subsequent favour by Macedonians: or if neither of these
+exist, on what grounds are you now, at the instance of the very men to
+whom you justly refused to listen formerly, when no obligation existed,
+about to undo treaties and oaths—the strongest bonds of fidelity
+existing among mankind.”
+
+Such was the conclusion of what was considered a very cogent speech by
+Chlaeneas.
+
++32.+ After him the ambassador of the Acarnanians, Lyciscus, came
+forward: and at first he paused, seeing the multitude talking to each
+other about the last speech; but when at last silence was obtained, he
+began his speech as follows:—
+
+[Sidenote: Speech of Lyciscus, envoy from Acarnania, which country was
+to fall to the Aetolians by the proposed new treaty. See Livy, 26, 24.]
+
+“I and my colleagues, men of Sparta, have been sent to you by the
+common league of the Acarnanians; and as we have always shared in
+the same prospects as the Macedonians, we consider that this mission
+also is common to us and them. For just as on the field of war, owing
+to the superiority and magnitude of the Macedonian force, our safety
+is involved in their valour; so, in the controversies of diplomacy,
+our interests are inseparable from the rights of the Macedonians.
+Now Chlaeneas in the peroration of his address gave a summary of the
+obligations existing between the Aetolians and yourselves. For he said,
+'If subsequent to your making the alliance with them any fresh injury
+or offence had been committed by Aetolians, or any kindness done by
+Macedonians, the present proposal ought properly to be discussed as
+a fresh start; but that if, nothing of the sort having taken place,
+we believe that by quoting the services of Antigonus, and your former
+decrees, we shall be able to annul existing oaths and treaties, we are
+the greatest simpletons in the world.’ To this I reply by acknowledging
+that I must indeed be the most foolish of men, and that the arguments
+I am about to put forward are indeed futile, if, as he maintains,
+nothing fresh has happened, and Greek affairs are in precisely the same
+position as before. But if exactly the reverse be the case, as I shall
+clearly prove in the course of my speech,—then I imagine that I shall
+be shown to give you some salutary advice, and Chlaeneas to be quite in
+the wrong. We are come, then, expressly because we are convinced that
+it is needful for us to speak on this very point: namely, to point out
+to you that it is at once your duty and your interest, after hearing of
+the evils threatening Greece, to adopt if possible a policy excellent
+and worthy of yourselves by uniting your prospects with ours; or if
+that cannot be, at least to abstain from this movement for the present.
+
++33.+ “But since the last speaker has ventured to go back to ancient
+times for his denunciations of the Macedonian royal family, I feel
+it incumbent on me also to say a few words first on these points, to
+remove the misconception of those who have been carried away by his
+words.
+
+[Sidenote: Sacred war, B.C. 357-346. Onomarchus killed near the gulf of
+Pagasae, B.C. 352. See Diodor. 16, 32-35.]
+
+[Sidenote: Philip elected generalissimo against Persia in the congress
+of allies at Corinth, B.C. 338.]
+
+“Chlaenaes said, then, that Philip son of Amyntas became master of
+Thessaly by the ruin of Olynthus. But I conceive that not only the
+Thessalians, but the other Greeks also, were preserved by Philip’s
+means. For at the time when Onomarchus and Philomelus, in defiance
+of religion and law seized Delphi and made themselves masters of the
+treasury of the god, who is there among you who does not know that
+they collected such a mighty force as no Greek dared any longer face?
+Nay, along with this violation of religion, they were within an ace of
+becoming lords of all Greece also. At that crisis Philip volunteered
+his assistance; destroyed the tyrants, secured the temple, and became
+the author of freedom to the Greeks, as is testified even to posterity
+by the facts. For Philip was unanimously elected general-in-chief
+by land and sea, not, as my opponent ventured to assert, as one who
+had wronged Thessaly; but on the ground of his being a benefactor of
+Greece: an honour which no one had previously obtained. 'Ay, but,’ he
+says, 'Philip came with an armed force into Laconia.' Yes, but it was
+not of his own choice, as you know: he reluctantly consented to do so,
+after repeated invitations and appeals by the Peloponnesians, under
+the name of their friend and ally. And when he did come, pray observe,
+Chlaeneas, how he behaved. Though he could have availed himself of
+the wishes of the neighbouring states for the destruction of these
+men’s territory and the humiliation of their city, and have won much
+gratitude too by his act, he by no means lent himself to such a policy;
+but, by striking terror into the one and the other alike, he compelled
+both parties to accommodate their differences in a congress, to the
+common benefit of all: not putting himself forward as arbitrator of the
+points in dispute, but appointing a joint board of arbitration selected
+from all Greece. Is that a proceeding which deserves to be held up to
+reproach and execration?
+
+[Sidenote: Alexander’s services to Greece.]
+
++34.+ “Again, you bitterly denounced Alexander, because, when he
+believed himself to be wronged, he punished Thebes: but of his having
+exacted vengeance of the Persians for their outrages on all the Greeks
+you made no mention at all, nor of his having released us all in common
+from heavy miseries, by enslaving the barbarians, and depriving them
+of the supplies which they used for the ruin of the Greeks,—sometimes
+pitting the Athenians against the ancestors of these gentlemen here, at
+another the Thebans; nor finally of his having subjected Asia to the
+Greeks.
+
+[Sidenote: The Diadochi.]
+
+[Sidenote: The Aetolian policy.]
+
+“As for Alexander’s successors how had you the audacity to mention
+them? They were indeed, according to the circumstances of the time, on
+many occasions the authors of good to some and of harm to others: for
+which perhaps others might be allowed to bear them a grudge. But to
+_you_ Aetolians it is in no circumstance open to do so,—you who have
+never been the authors of anything good to any one, but of mischief
+to many and on many occasions! Who was it that called in Antigonus
+son of Demetrius to the partition of the Achaean league? Who was it
+that made a sworn treaty with Alexander of Epirus for the enslaving
+and dismembering of Acarnania? Was it not you? What nation ever sent
+out military commanders duly accredited of the sort that you have? Men
+that ventured to do violence to the sanctity of asylum itself! Timaeus
+violated the sanctuary of Poseidon on Taenarum, and of Artemis at Lusi.
+Pharylus and Polycritus plundered, the former the sacred enclosure of
+Here in Argos, the latter that of Poseidon at Mantinea. What again
+about Lattabus and Nicostratus? Did not they make a treacherous attack
+on the assembly of the Pan-boeotians in time of peace, committing
+outrages worthy of Scythians and Gauls? You will find no such crimes as
+these committed by the Diadochi.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 279.]
+
+[Sidenote: Defeat and death of Ptolemy Ceraunus in the battle with the
+Gauls, B.C. 280. See Pausan. 10, 19, 7.]
+
++35.+ “Not being able to say anything in defence of any of these acts,
+you talk pompously about your having resisted the invasion of Delphi by
+the barbarians, and allege that for this Greece ought to be grateful
+to you. But if for this one service some gratitude is owing to the
+Aetolians; what high honour do the Macedonians deserve, who throughout
+nearly their whole lives are ceaselessly engaged in a struggle with
+the barbarians for the safety of the Greeks? For that Greece would
+have been continually involved in great dangers, if we had not had
+the Macedonians and the ambition of their kings as a barrier, who is
+ignorant? And there is a very striking proof of this. For no sooner had
+the Gauls conceived a contempt for the Macedonians, by their victory
+over Ptolemy Ceraunus, than, thinking the rest of no account, Brennus
+promptly marched into the middle of Greece. And this would often have
+happened if the Macedonians had not been on our frontiers.
+
+“However, though I have much that I could say on the past, I think
+this is enough. Of all the actions of Philip, they have selected his
+destruction of the temple, to fasten the charge of impiety upon him.
+They did not add a word about their own outrage and crime, which
+they perpetrated in regard to the temples in Dium, and Dodona, and
+the sacred enclosures of the gods. The speaker should have mentioned
+this first. But anything you Aetolians have suffered you recount to
+these gentlemen with exaggeration: but the things you have inflicted
+unprovoked, though many times as numerous as the others, you pass over
+in silence; because you know full well that everybody lays the blame
+of acts of injustice and mischief on those who give the provocation by
+unjust actions themselves.
+
++36.+ “Of Antigonus I will only make mention so far, as to avoid
+appearing to despise what was done, or to treat as unimportant so great
+an undertaking. For my part I think that history does not contain the
+record of a more admirable service than that which Antigonus performed
+for you: indeed it appears to me to be unsurpassable. And the following
+facts will show this. Antigonus went to war with you and conquered
+you in a pitched battle. By force of arms he became master of your
+territory and city at once. He might have exercised all the rights of
+war upon you: but he was so far from inflicting any hardships upon you,
+that, besides other benefits, he expelled your tyrant and restored your
+laws and ancestral constitution. In return for which, in the national
+assemblies, calling the Greeks to witness your words, you proclaimed
+Antigonus your benefactor and preserver.
+
+“What then ought to have been your policy? I will speak what I really
+think, gentlemen of Sparta: and you will I am sure bear with me. For
+I shall do this now from no wish to go out of my way to bring railing
+accusations against you, but under the pressure of circumstances, and
+for the common good. What then am I to say? This: that both in the late
+war you ought to have allied yourselves not with Aetolians but with
+Macedonians; and now again, in answer to these invitations, you ought
+to join Philip rather than the former people. But, it may be objected,
+you will be breaking a treaty. Which will be the graver breach of right
+on your part,—to neglect a private arrangement made with Aetolians, or
+one that has been inscribed on a column and solemnly consecrated in
+the sight of all Greece? On what ground are you so careful of breaking
+faith with this people, from whom you have never received any favour,
+while you pay no heed to Philip and the Macedonians, to whom you owe
+even the very power of deliberating to-day? Do you regard it as a duty
+to keep faith with friends? Yet it is not so much a point of conscience
+to confirm written pledges of faith, as it is a violation of conscience
+to go to war with those who preserved you: and this is what, in the
+present instance, the Aetolians are come to demand of you.
+
++37.+ “Let it, however, be granted that what I have now said may in
+the eyes of severe critics be regarded as beside the subject. I will
+now return to the main point at issue, as they state it. It was this:
+'If the circumstances are the same now as at the time when you made
+alliance with the Aetolians, then your policy ought to remain on the
+same lines.’ That was their first proposition. 'But if they have been
+entirely changed, then it is fair that you should now deliberate on the
+demands made to you as on a matter entirely new and unprejudiced.' I
+ask you therefore, Cleonicus and Chlaeneas, who were your allies on the
+former occasion when you invited this people to join you? Were they not
+all the Greeks? But with whom are you now united, or to what kind of
+federation are you now inviting this people? Is it not to one with the
+foreigner? A mighty similarity exists, no doubt, in your minds, and no
+diversity at all! _Then_ you were contending for glory and supremacy
+with Achaeans and Macedonians, men of kindred blood with yourselves,
+and with Philip their leader; _now_ a war of slavery is threatening
+Greece against men of another race, whom you think to bring against
+Philip, but have really unconsciously brought against yourselves and
+all Greece. For just as men in the stress of war, by introducing into
+their cities garrisons superior in strength to their own forces, while
+successfully repelling all danger from the enemy, put themselves at the
+mercy of their friends,—just so are the Aetolians acting in the present
+case. For in their desire to conquer Philip and humble Macedonia, they
+have unconsciously brought such a mighty cloud from the west, as for
+the present perhaps will overshadow Macedonia first, but which in the
+sequel will be the origin of heavy evils to all Greece.
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 492. Herod. 6, 48; 7, 133.]
+
+[Sidenote: B.C. 480]
+
++38.+ “All Greeks indeed have need to be on the alert for the crisis
+which is coming on: but Lacedaemonians above all. For why was it, do
+you suppose, men of Sparta, that your ancestors, when Xerxes sent an
+ambassador to your town demanding earth and water, thrust the man into
+a well, and, throwing earth upon him, bade him take back word to Xerxes
+that he had got from the Lacedaemonians what he had demanded from
+them,—earth and water? Why was it again, do you suppose, that Leonidas
+and his men started forth to a voluntary and certain death? Was it not
+that they might have the glory of being the forlorn hope, not only of
+their own freedom, but of that of all Greece also? And it would indeed
+be a worthy action for descendants of such heroes as these to make a
+league with the barbarians now, and to serve with them; and to war
+against Epirotes, Achaeans, Acarnanians, Boeotians, Thessalians, and in
+fact against nearly every Greek state except Aetolians! To these last
+it is habitual to act thus: and to regard nothing as disgraceful, so
+long only as it is accompanied by an opportunity of plunder. It is not
+so, however, with you. And what must we expect these people to do, now
+that they have obtained the support of the Roman alliance? For when
+they obtained an accession of strength and support from the Illyrians,
+they at once set about acts of piracy at sea, and treacherously seized
+Pylus; while by land they stormed the city of Cleitor, and sold the
+Cynethans into slavery. Once before they made a treaty with Antigonus,
+as I said just now, for the destruction of the Achaean and Acarnanian
+races; and now they have done the same with Rome for the destruction of
+all Greece.
+
+[Sidenote: Herod. 7, 132.]
+
++39.+ “With a knowledge of such transactions before his eyes who could
+help suspecting an attack from Rome, and feeling abhorrence at the
+abandoned conduct of the Aetolians in daring to make such a treaty?
+They have already wrested Oeniadae and Nesus from the Acarnanians,
+and recently seized the city of the unfortunate Anticyreans, whom, in
+conjunction with the Romans, they have sold into slavery.[334] Their
+children and women are led off by the Romans to suffer all the miseries
+which those must expect who fall into the hands of aliens; while the
+houses of the unhappy inhabitants are allotted among the Aetolians.
+Surely a noble alliance this to join deliberately! Especially for
+Lacedaemonians: who, after conquering the barbarians, decreed that the
+Thebans, for being the only Greeks that resolved to remain neutral
+during the Persian invasion, should pay a tenth of their goods to the
+gods.
+
+“The honourable course then, men of Sparta, and the one becoming your
+character, is to remember from what ancestors you are sprung; to be
+on your guard against an attack from Rome; to suspect the treachery
+of the Aetolians. Above all to recall the services of Antigonus: and
+so once more show your loathing for dishonest men; and, rejecting the
+friendship of the Aetolians, unite your hopes for the future with those
+of Achaia and Macedonia. If, however, any of your own influential
+citizens are intriguing against this policy, then at least remain
+neutral, and do not take part in the iniquities of these Aetolians....”
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_In the autumn of B.C. 211, Philip being in Thrace, Scopas made a
+levy of Aetolians to invade Acarnania. The Acarnanians sent their
+wives, children, and old men to Epirus, while the rest of them bound
+themselves by a solemn execration never to rejoin their friends except
+as conquerors of the invading Aetolians. Livy, 26, 25._
+
++40.+ When the Acarnanians heard of the intended invasion of the
+Aetolians, in a tumult of despair and fury they adopted a measure of
+almost frantic violence....
+
+If any one of them survived the battle and fled from the danger, they
+begged that no one should receive him in any city or give him a light
+for a fire. And this they enjoined on all with a solemn execration, and
+especially on the Epirotes, to the end that they should offer none of
+those who fled an asylum in their territory....
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_When Philip was informed of the invasion he advanced promptly to the
+relief of Acarnania; hearing of which the Aetolians returned home._
+_Livy_, l. c.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Zeal on the part of friends, if shown in time, is of great
+service; but if it is dilatory and late, it renders the assistance
+nugatory,—supposing, of course, that they wish to keep the terms of
+their alliance, not merely on paper, but by actual deeds.[335]...
+
+
+INVESTMENT OF ECHINUS BY PHILIP
+
+[Sidenote: In the campaigns of Philip, during the time that Publius
+Sulpicius Galba as Proconsul commanded a Roman fleet in Greek waters,
+_i.e._ from B.C. 209 to B.C. 206. See Livy, 26, 22, 28; 28, 5-7; 29,
+12.]
+
++41.+ Having determined to make his approach upon the town at the
+two towers, he erected opposite to them diggers’ sheds and rams; and
+opposite the space between the towers he erected a covered way between
+the rams, parallel to the wall. And when the plan was complete, the
+appearance of the works was very like the style of the wall. For the
+super-structures on the pent-houses had the appearance and style of
+towers, owing to the placing of the wattles side by side; and the space
+between looked like a wall, because the row of wattles at the top of
+the covered way were divided into battlements by the fashion in which
+they were woven. In the lowest division of these besieging towers the
+diggers employed in levelling inequalities, to allow the stands of the
+battering-rams to be brought up, kept throwing on earth, and the ram
+was propelled forward: in the second story were water vessels and other
+appliances for quenching fires, and along with them the catapults: and
+on the third a considerable body of men were placed to fight with all
+who tried to damage the rams; and they were on a level with the city
+towers. From the covered way between the besieging towers a double
+trench was to be dug towards the wall, between the city towers. There
+were also three batteries for stone-throwing machines, one of which
+carried stones of a talent weight, and the other two half that weight.
+From the camp to the pent-houses and diggers’ sheds underground tunnels
+had been constructed, to prevent men, going to the works from the camp
+or returning from the works, being wounded in any way by missiles from
+the town. These works were completed in a very few days, because the
+district round produced what was wanted for this service in abundance.
+For Echinus is situated on the Melian Gulf, facing south, exactly
+opposite the territory of Thronium, and enjoys a soil rich in every
+kind of produce; thanks to which circumstance Philip had no scarcity of
+anything he required for his purpose. Accordingly, as I said, as soon
+as the works were completed, they begun at once pushing the trenches
+and the siege machinery towards the walls....
+
+[Sidenote: Spring of B.C. 209.[336]
+
++42.+ While Philip was investing Echinus, and had secured his position
+excellently on the side of the town, and had strengthened the outer
+line of his camp with a trench and wall, Publius Sulpicius, the Roman
+proconsul, ] and Dorimachus, Strategus of the Aetolians, arrived in
+person,—Publius with a fleet, and Dorimachus with an army of infantry
+and cavalry,—and assaulted Philip’s entrenchment. Their repulse led to
+greater exertions on Philip’s part in his attack upon the Echinaeans,
+who in despair surrendered to him. For Dorimachus was not able to
+reduce Philip by cutting off his supplies, as he got them by sea....
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Sidenote: Aegina taken before the end of 208 B.C., for Sulpicius
+wintered there between 208-207 B.C. See Livy, 27, 32.]
+
+When Aegina was taken by the Romans, such of the inhabitants as had
+not escaped crowded together at the ships, and begged the proconsul to
+allow them to send ambassadors to cities of their kinsmen to obtain
+ransom. Publius at first returned a harsh answer, saying, that “When
+they were their own masters was the time that they ought to have sent
+ambassadors to their betters to ask for mercy, not now when they were
+slaves. A little while ago they had not thought an ambassador from him
+worthy of even a word; now that they were captives they expected to
+be allowed to send ambassadors to their kinsfolk: was that not sheer
+folly?” So at the time he dismissed those who came to him with these
+words. But next morning he called all the captives together and said
+that, as to the Aeginetans, he owed them no favour; but for the sake of
+the rest of the Greeks he would allow them to send ambassadors to get
+ransom, since that was the custom of their country....
+
+
+ASIA
+
+[Sidenote: July 26.]
+
+[Sidenote: The transport of the army of Antiochus in his eastern
+campaigns. See _supra_, 8, 25.]
+
++43.+ The Euphrates rises in Armenia and flows through Syria and the
+country beyond to Babylonia. It seems to discharge itself into the
+Red Sea; but in point of fact it does not do so: for its waters are
+dissipated among the ditches dug across the fields before it reaches
+the sea. Accordingly the nature of this river is the reverse of that
+of others. For in other rivers the volume of water is increased in
+proportion to the greater distance traversed, and they are at their
+highest in winter and lowest in midsummer; but this river is fullest
+of water at the rising of the dog-star, and has the largest volume
+of water in Syria, which continually decreases as it advances. The
+reason of this is that the increase is not caused by the collection
+of winter rains, but by the melting of the snows; and its decrease by
+the diversion of its stream into the land, and its subdivision for the
+purposes of irrigation. It was this which on this occasion made the
+transport of the army slow, because as the boats were heavily laden,
+and the stream very low, the forces of the current did exceedingly
+little to help them down.
+
+
+EMBASSY FROM ROME TO PTOLEMY
+
+[Sidenote: M. Atilius and Manius Glabrio sent to Alexandria with
+presents to Ptolemy Philopator and Queen Cleopatra. Livy, 27, 4, B.C.
+210.]
+
++44.+ The Romans sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, wishing to be supplied
+with corn, as they were suffering from a great scarcity of it at home;
+and, moreover, when all Italy had been laid waste by the enemy’s
+troops up to the gates of Rome, and when all supplies from abroad were
+stopped by the fact that war was raging, and armies encamped, in all
+parts of the world except in Egypt. In fact the scarcity at Rome had
+come to such a pitch, that a Sicilian medimnus was sold for fifteen
+drachmae.[337] But in spite of this distress the Romans did not relax
+in their attention to the war.
+
+END OF VOL. I
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Vita Nicolai V. a _Dominico Georgio_, Rome, 1742, p. 206.
+
+[2] Casaubon mentions in his preface several partial editions and
+translations which had appeared by Greeks, Spaniards, Italians, and
+Belgians. But he says all such translations were founded on the faulty
+Latin translation of Perotti; and none were of any value. The only
+fairly good one was a German translation.
+
+[3] Unless the avoidance of the hiatus be counted one, which has
+been pointed out by Hultsch. I cannot forbear from quoting here the
+admirable words of Casaubon on the style of Polybius:—_Non deest sed
+non eminet in Polybio facundia. Nihil vero est iniquius illis, qui
+nullam putant esse eloquentiam, nisi uti nihil est præter eloquentiam.
+Semper mihi apprime placuit Diodori Siculi sententia, vehementius in
+historico eloquentiae studium improbantis. Verborum enim curam nimiam
+veri fere par sequitur incuria. Oratio vultus animi est: ut hic fuerit
+gravis aut solutus, ita etiam illa vel severa erit vel mollis._ The
+nearest Greek to that of Polybius is II. Maccabees.
+
+[4] Livy, 38, 30-34.
+
+[5] Polyb. 23, 1, 7, 9.
+
+[6] Polyb. 24, 6.
+
+[7] Polyb. 29, 24.
+
+[8] Plutarch, _Timol._ ch. 39; Plato, _Laws_, 947.
+
+[9] Cicero, _Ep. ad Fam._ 5, 12
+
+[10] Lucian, _Macrobii_, § 22.
+
+[11] Livy, 36, 31.
+
+[12] Pausan. 7, 9, 4.
+
+[13] As Callicrates in B.C. 179; Polyb. 36, 2.
+
+[14] 25, 9.
+
+[15] 26, 3. Callicrates at the same time secured a party in his favour,
+during his year of office B.C. 179, by restoring the Spartan and
+Messenian exiles; in return for which the former set up his statue at
+Olympia, the base of which is preserved. Hicks’s _Greek Inscriptions_,
+p. 330.
+
+[16] 28, 3.
+
+[17] 28, 6.
+
+[18] See 11, 8.
+
+[19] 28, 12.
+
+[20] The decree was brought into the Peloponnese by C. Popilius and Cn.
+Octavius in B.C. 171. See Livy, 43, 17, _ne quis ullam rem in bellum
+magistratibus Romanis conferret præter quam quod Senatus censuisset_.
+Cp. Polyb. 28, 3.
+
+[21] 28, 13-14.
+
+[22] 28, 7.
+
+[23] 29, 23.
+
+[24] 29, 25, 26.
+
+[25] Thus Appius Claudius Cento would be hostile from the rejection of
+his illegal demand for 5000 men. One of the common grounds of offence
+had long been the refusal of Philopoemen and other Strategi to summon
+an assembly to meet a Roman officer unless he came duly authorised
+with a definite communication from the Senate. On this ground
+Quintus Caecilius was refused in B.C. 185 (Polyb. 23, 19) and also
+Titus Flamininus in B.C. 183 (Polyb. 24, 5). See Freeman’s _Federal
+Government_, pp. 652-655. And no doubt other cases of a similar nature
+would occur, generally leading to an unfavourable report at Rome.
+
+[26] Polyb. 30, 13. Thirlwall, vol. viii. p. 419.
+
+[27] Pausanias, 7, 10, 7-12.
+
+[28] Some few, it appears, had managed to escape, though at the risk of
+certain execution if caught.
+
+[29] Polyb. 29, 21. Plutarch, _Aemilius_, ch. 28.
+
+[30] Diodorus Sic. _fr. lib._ 31; Plutarch, _Apophth. Scip. min._ 2.
+
+[31] 32, 8-16.
+
+[32] Thus he seems to have searched the Archives of the Pontifices.
+Dionys. Halicarn. 1, 73. And he observed and criticised all Roman
+customs, as, for instance, the provision for boys’ education at Rome.
+Cic. _de Rep._ 4, 3.
+
+[33] 31, 19-21.
+
+[34] 35, 6.
+
+[35] Livy, _Ep._ 49; Appian, _Pun._ 74-77.
+
+[36] I infer this, not very confidently, from 9, 25.
+
+[37] 37, 3.
+
+[38] Scipio was born B.C. 185.
+
+[39] 9, 25.
+
+[40] 39, 3.
+
+[41] Pliny, _N. H._ 5, § 9.
+
+[42] Pausanias, 7, 11-12.
+
+[43] _Ib._ 13.
+
+[44] _Ib._ 14; Polyb. 38, 7-8.
+
+[45] 38, 7-10.
+
+[46] Thucyd. 3. 92.
+
+[47] Livy says the battle was at Thermopylae. This was near enough for
+a general statement, but Scarpheia is some miles to the south. Livy,
+_Ep._ 52, Pausan. 7. 15.
+
+[48] 39, 8 _sq._ Pausan. 7, 12 _sq._
+
+[49] This has been much disputed. See Thirlwall’s note, vol. viii. p.
+455. If the fragment, 29, 13 (40, 7) is given correctly by Strabo, it
+seems certain that he must have arrived either before or immediately
+after the fall of Corinth.
+
+[50] 39, 13-14.
+
+[51] 39. 15.
+
+[52] Livy, _Ep._ 52.
+
+[53] Pausan. 7, 16, 9. Polyb. 39, 16.
+
+[54] Thus in B.C. 44 Brutus going out as propraetor to take the
+province of Macedonia, goes first to Athens, and there, as well as
+in the rest of Greece, collects troops and money. See the note in
+Mommsen’s _History of Rome_, vol. III. p. 50 (book IV. c. 1.)
+
+[55] Pausan. 8, 9, 1.
+
+[56] _Id._ 8, 30, 8.
+
+[57] _Id._ 8, 37, 2.
+
+[58] _Id._ 8, 44, 5.
+
+[59] _Id._ 8, 48, 8.
+
+[60] The base of this has been discovered with its inscription—
+
+       Ἡ πόλις ἡ τῶν Ἠλείων Πολύβιον
+       Λυκόρτα Μεγαλοπολείτην.
+
+       Hê polis tôn Hêleiôn Polybion
+       Lykorta Megalopoleitên.
+
+[61] Cicero, _Ep. ad Fam._ 5, 12. For the Numantine war (B.C. 134-132)
+the authorities are Appian, _Hisp._ 48-98; Eutrop. 4, 17; Cicero _de
+Off._ 1, 11, Strabo, 3, p. 162.
+
+[62] 34, 14. Strabo, p. 677.
+
+[63] 1, 1.
+
+[64] 3, 4. It is clear that such passages, as for instance the
+beginning of 2, 42, must have been written before B.C. 146, and perhaps
+published, and therefore not altered. Cp. the answer of Zeno of Rhodes
+to corrections sent by Polybius, that he could not make alterations, as
+his work was already published (16, 20).
+
+[65] 3, 57, cp. 34, 5.
+
+[66] 21, 38.
+
+[67] Lucian, _Macrobii_, §22.
+
+[68] 9, 20.
+
+[69] 10, 21.
+
+[70] Cicero, _Epist. ad Fam._ 5, 12.
+
+[71] 29, 10.
+
+[72] 22, 14.
+
+[73] _Off._ 3, 32.
+
+[74] Republ. 2, 14, § 27.
+
+[75] 3, 48.
+
+[76] 3, 33.
+
+[77] 3, 59.
+
+[78] 9, 25.
+
+[79] 10, 11.
+
+[80] 16, 15.
+
+[81] Dionys. Halic. 1, 17.
+
+[82] 3, 22 _sqq._
+
+[83] 31, 38.
+
+[84] 34, 14.
+
+[85] 12, 5.
+
+[86] The elder Africanus died in B.C. 183.
+
+[87] I append a list of all writers referred to by Polybius, the index
+will show the places where they are mentioned. Aeneas Tacticus, Alcaeus
+a grammarian, Antiphanes of Berga, Antisthenes of Rhodes, Aratus of
+Sicyon, Archedicus, Aristotle, Callisthenes, Demetrius of Phalerum,
+Demosthenes, Dicaearchus, Echecrates, Ephorus of Cumae, Epicharmus of
+Cos, Eratosthenes, Eudoxus, Euemerus, Euripides, Fabius Pictor, Hesiod,
+Homer, Philinus, Phylarchus, Pindar, Plato, Pytheas, Simonides of
+Ceos, Stasinus, Strabo, Theophrastus of Lesbos, Theopompus of Chios,
+Thucydides, Timaeus, Xenophon, Zaleucus, Zeno of Rhodes.
+
+[88] 1, 14, 15.
+
+[89] See bk. 12.
+
+[90] 12, 15.
+
+[91] Athenaeus, vi. 272 _b_.
+
+[92] Plutarch, _Nicias_, 1, _Arat._ 38.
+
+[93] In the reference to the Seven Magi (5, 43), and to the story of
+Cleobis and Bito (22, 20).
+
+[94] Cornelius Nepos, _Alcib._ 11. Plutarch, _Lys._ 30. Lucian,
+_Quomodo hist. conscr._ § 59.
+
+[95] The History of the Achaean league is given with unrivalled
+learning, clearness, and impartiality by Bishop Thirlwall in the eighth
+volume of his _History of Greece_. Its constitution has been discussed
+with great fulness by Professor E. A. Freeman in his _History of
+Federal Government_. Recently Mr. Capes has published an edition of the
+parts of Polybius referring to it which will be found useful; and Mr.
+Strachan-Davidson has an able essay upon it in his edition of Extracts
+from Polybius. Still some brief statement of the main features of this
+remarkable attempt to construct a durable Hellenic Federation could not
+be altogether omitted here.
+
+[96] Take for instance the oath of the Pylagorae (Aeschin. _de Fal.
+L._ 121): “We will destroy no city of the Amphictyony, nor cut off its
+streams in peace or war; if any shall do so, we will march against him
+and destroy his cities; should any pillage the property of the god, or
+be privy to or plan anything against what is in his temple, we will
+take vengeance on him with hand and foot and voice and all our might.”
+This is indeed the language rather of a Militant Church than a state;
+but it is easily conceivable that, had these principles been carried
+out (which they were not), something nearer a central and sovereign
+parliament might have arisen.
+
+[97] Herodotus, vi. 7, 11-12.
+
+[98] See Herod. 9, 15; Thucyd. 2, 2; 4, 91; 5, 37; Xenophon _Hellen._
+3, 4, 4, Boeckh, _C. I. G._ vol. i. p. 726.
+
+[99] Herod. 7, 145-169.
+
+[100] _Id._ 7, 172-174.
+
+[101] Herod. 9, 88; Polyb. 9, 39. Equally abortive proved another
+attempt at combination in B.C. 377, when the ξύνεδροι from the islands
+met for a time at Athens. Grote, vol. ix. p. 319.
+
+[102] Herod. 6, 49.
+
+[103] Polybius (12, 26 _c_.) says that in his time the schools were
+generally in disrepute. But is not this generally the verdict of
+“practical” men on universities? The excitement at Rome at the visit
+of the philosophers (B.C. 155) seems to show that they still enjoyed a
+world-wide reputation.
+
+[104] Herod. 8, 73.
+
+[105] Thucy. 1, 103.
+
+[106] _Id._ 3, 94-98.
+
+[107] Xen. _Hellen._ 4, 6, 13, 14.
+
+[108] Pausan. 10, 38, 10.
+
+[109] Demosth. 3 _Phil._ 120.
+
+[110] Pausan. 1, 4, 4.
+
+[111] 18, 4 and 5.
+
+[112] Herod. 1, 145. Instead of Rhypes and Aegae, the first of which
+seems to have been burnt, and the other to have for some reason been
+deserted, Polybius (2, 41) mentions Leontium and Caryneia.
+
+[113] Thucyd. 1, 111, 115.
+
+[114] Thucyd. 4, 21.
+
+[115] 2, 38, 39.
+
+[116] 2, 39, 40.
+
+[117] Plutarch, _Arat._ ch. 9.
+
+[118] Plutarch, _Arat._ ch. 22.
+
+[119] Though this law was several times broken, certainly in the
+case of Philopoemen, and probably in that of Aratus also. It is very
+difficult to arrive at a satisfactory arrangement of Aratus’s seventeen
+generalships if the strict alternation is preserved. See Freeman’s
+_Federal Government_, p. 601.
+
+[120] 2, 46.
+
+[121] Plutarch, _Cleomenes_, 3-16.
+
+[122] Plutarch, _Cleom._ 3. Messenia had been free from the Spartans
+since the battle of Leuctra (B.C. 371). Epaminondas had meant by
+the foundation of Megalopolis and Messene (B.C. 371-370) to form a
+united Messenian and Arcadian state as a counterpoise to Sparta. The
+Messenians had drifted away from this arrangement, but were now members
+of the Achaean league. Polyb. 4, 32.
+
+[123] 2, 46.
+
+[124] Plutarch, _Cleom._ 15.
+
+[125] See the remarks of Plutarch, _Arat._ 38.
+
+[126] He was believed to have been long in secret communication with
+Antigonus. Plutarch, _l.c._
+
+[127] Polyb. 8, 14; Plutarch, _Arat._ 52.
+
+[128] 10, 22, 24
+
+[129] 11, 9-10.
+
+[130] Plutarch, _Philop._ 12, 13.
+
+[131] Plutarch, _Philop._ 16; Livy, 38, 32-34.
+
+[132] 2, 38.
+
+[133] 26, 3 _sq._
+
+[134] The title of Achaean Strategus seems to have been revived under
+the Empire. _C. I. G._ 1124. The principal authorities for the history
+of the last hundred years of Greek Independence, including that of
+the Achaean league, are Polybius, beginning with book 2, and in its
+turn going on throughout the rest of his work which remains; scattered
+notices in Livy from 27, 29 to the end of his extant work, and the
+epitomes of the last books, mostly translated directly from Polybius;
+Plutarch’s Lives of Agis, Cleomenes, Aratus, Philopoemen, Flamininus,
+Aemilius; Pausanias, 7, 6-16; parts of Diodorus; Justinus (epitome of
+Trogus); and some fragments of Greek historians collected by Müller.
+
+[135] I speak of course of the restored league after the election of
+one Strategus began, B.C. 255.
+
+[136] For the change of time of the election see note on 5, 1.
+
+[137] We hear nothing of a secretary under the new league after the
+abolition of the dual presidency. But he probably still existed (2, 43).
+
+[138] 10, 22.
+
+[139] See ch. 46.
+
+[140] This is certainly the meaning of the words of Polybius. But he
+has confused matters. The two new Consuls designated at the comitia
+of 249 were C. Aurelius Cotta II and P. Servilius Geminus II, whereas
+Lucius Junius Pullus was the existing Consul with the disgraced P.
+Claudius Pulcher. What really happened is made clear by Livy, Ep. 19.
+The Senate sent Junius with these supplies, recalled Claudius, and
+forced him to name a Dictator. Claudius retaliated by naming an obscure
+person, who was compelled to abdicate, and then Atilius Calatinus was
+nominated.
+
+[141] The dangerous nature of the S. Coast of Sicily was well known to
+the pilots. See above, ch. 37.
+
+[142] About £500,000. For the value of the talent, taking the Euboic
+and Attic talent as the same, see note on Book 34, 8.
+
+[143] ἱστορήσαντας. There seems no need to give this word the unusual
+sense of _narratum legere_ here, as some do.
+
+[144] Sicca Venerea, so called from a temple of Venus, was notorious
+for its licentiousness. Valer. Max. 2, 6, 15.
+
+[145] A line of the text appears to have been lost, probably containing
+an allusion to Hiero.
+
+[146] The southernmost point of Italy is Leucopetra (Capo dell' Armi).
+Cocinthus (Punta di Stilo) is much too far to the north; yet it may
+have been regarded as the conventional point of separation between
+the two seas, Sicilian and Ionian, which have no natural line of
+demarcation.
+
+[147] Really 3/16; for 16 ases = 6 obols (one drachma or denarius) see
+34, 8. The Sicilian medimnus is about a bushel and a half; the metretes
+8½ gallons.
+
+[148] Livy, 5, 17, 33-49; Plutarch, _Camillus_, 16; Mommsen, _History
+of Rome_, vol. i. p. 338 (Eng. tr.)
+
+[149] Compare the description of the Gauls given by Caesar, B.G. 6,
+11-20. They had apparently made considerable progress in civilisation
+by that time, principally perhaps from the influence of Druidism.
+But the last characteristic mentioned by Polybius is also observed
+by Caesar (15), _omnes in bello versantur atque eorum ut quisque
+est genere copiisque amplissimus, ita plurimos circum se ambactos
+clienteeque habet. Hanc unam gratiam potentiamque habent._ Even in the
+time of Cato they were at least beginning to add something to their
+warlike propensities. Or, 2, 2 (Jordan) _Pleraque Gallia duas res
+industrissime persequitur, rem militare et argute loqui_. Cf. Diod. 5,
+27 _sq._
+
+[150] Lucius Caecilius, Livy, Ep. 12.
+
+[151] For a more complete list of Gallic invasions in this period, see
+Mommsen, _H.R._ i. p. 344. The scantiness of continuous Roman history
+from B.C. 390, and its total loss from 293 to the first Punic war
+renders it difficult to determine exactly which of the many movements
+Polybius has selected.
+
+[152] Ch. 13.
+
+[153] This clause is bracketed by Hultsch, Mommsen, and
+Strachan-Davidson. See the essay of the last named in his Polybius, p.
+22. Livy, Ep. 20, gives the number of Romans and Latins as 300,000.
+
+[154] Others read Ananes and Marseilles [’Ανάνων ... Μασσαλίας]; but it
+seems impossible that the Roman march should have extended so far.
+
+[155] That is, each city struck its own coin, but on a common standard
+of weight and value. See P. Gardner’s Introduction to Catalogue of
+Greek Coins (Peloponnesus) in the British Museum, p. xxiv.
+
+[156] The Pythagorean clubs, beginning in combinations for the
+cultivation of mystic philosophy and ascetic life, had grown to be
+political,— a combination of the upper or cultivated classes to secure
+political power. Thus Archytas was for many years ruler in Tarentum
+(Strabo, 1, 3, 4). The earliest was at Croton, but they were also
+established in many cities of Magna Graecia. Sometime in the fourth
+century B.C. a general democratic rising took place against them, and
+their members were driven into exile. Strabo, 8, 7, 1; Justin, 20, 4;
+Iamblichus _vit. Pythag._, 240-262.
+
+[157] The MS. vary between ὁμάριος and ὁμόριος. The latter form seems
+to mean “god of a common frontier.” But an inscription found at
+Orchomenus gives the form ἀμάριος, which has been connected with ἡμάρα
+“day.”
+
+[158] There was still an under-strategus (ὑποστρατηγὸς), see 5, 94; 23,
+16; 30, 11. But he was entirely subordinate, and did not even succeed
+to power on the death of a strategus during the year of office, as the
+vice-president in America does.
+
+[159] Alexander II. of Epirus, son of Pyrrhus, whom he succeeded B.C.
+272. The partition of Acarnania took place in B.C. 266.
+
+[160] Near Bellina, a town on the north-west frontier of Laconia, which
+had long been a subject of dispute between Sparta and the Achaeans.
+Plutarch _Arat._ 4; Pausan. 8, 35, 4.
+
+[161] Ptolemy Euergetes (B.C. 247-222).
+
+[162] The treaty, besides securing the surrender of the Acrocorinthus,
+provided that no embassy should be sent to any other king without the
+consent of Antigonus, and that the Achaeans should supply food and pay
+for the Macedonian army of relief. Solemn sacrifices and games were
+also established in his honour, and kept up long after his death at
+Sicyon, see 28, 19; 30, 23. Plutarch, _Arat._ 45. The conduct of Aratus
+in thus bringing the Macedonians into the Peloponnese has been always
+attacked (see Plut. _Cleom._ 16). It is enough here to say that our
+judgment as to it must depend greatly on our view of the designs and
+character of Cleomenes.
+
+[163] Phylarchus, said by some to be a native of Athens, by others of
+Naucratis, and by others again of Sicyon, wrote, among other things,
+a history in twenty-eight books from the expedition of Pyrrhus into
+the Peloponnese (B.C. 272) to the death of Cleomenes. He was a fervent
+admirer of Cleomenes, and therefore probably wrote in a partisan
+spirit; yet in the matter of the outrage upon Mantinea, Polybius
+himself is not free from the same charge. See Mueller’s _Histor.
+Graec._ fr. lxxvii.-lxxxi. Plutarch, though admitting Phylarchus’s
+tendency to exaggeration (_Arat._ 38), yet uses his authority both in
+his life of Aratus and of Cleomenes; and in the case of Aristomachus
+says that he was both racked and drowned (_Arat._ 44).
+
+[164] ἡγεμόνα καὶ στρατηγὸν. It is not quite clear whether this is
+merely a description of the ordinary office of Strategus, or whether
+any special office is meant, such as that conferred on Antigonus. In
+4, 11 ἡγεμόνες includes the Strategus and other officers. See Freeman,
+_Federal Government_, p. 299.
+
+[165] Of Chaereas nothing seems known; a few fragments of an historian
+of his name are given in Müller, vol. iii. Of Sosilus, Diodorus (26,
+fr. 6) says that he was of Ilium and wrote a history of Hannibal in
+seven books. Nepos (Hann. 13) calls him a Lacedaemonian, and says that
+he lived in Hannibal’s camp and taught him Greek.
+
+[166] _i.e._ in Latium.
+
+[167] ἐπιλάβηται _injecerit manum_, the legal form of claiming a slave.
+
+[168] 1, 83.
+
+[169] Saguntum of course is south of the Iber, but the attack on it
+by Hannibal was a breach of the former of the two treaties. Livy (21,
+2) seems to assert that it was specially exempted from attack in the
+treaty with Hasdrubal.
+
+[170] From ch. 21.
+
+[171] βασιλεύς. The two Suffetes represented the original Kings of
+Carthage (6, 51). The title apparently remained for sacrificial
+purposes, like the ἄρχων βασιλεύς, and the _rex sacrificulus_.
+Polybius, like other Greek writers, calls them βασιλεῖς. _Infra_, 42.
+Herod. 7, 165. Aristot. Pol. 2, 8.
+
+[172] A promontory in Bruttium, _Capo del Colonne_.
+
+[173] This division of the world into three parts was an advance upon
+the ancient geographers, who divided it into two, combining Egypt with
+Asia, and Africa with Europe. See Sall. _Jug._ 17; Lucan, _Phars._ 9,
+411; Varro de L. L. 5, § 31. And note on 12, 25.
+
+[174] The _arae Philaenorum_ were apparently set up as boundary stones
+to mark the territory of the Pentapolis or Cyrene from Egypt: and the
+place retained the name long after the disappearance of the altars
+(Strabo, 3, 5, 5-6).
+
+[175] For Polybius’s calculation as to the length of the stade, see
+note on 34, 12.
+
+[176] Livy, 21, 25, calls it _Tannetum_, and describes it only as
+_vicus Pado propinquus_. It was a few miles from Parma.
+
+[177] _Pluribus enim divisus amnis in mare decurrit_ (Livy, 21, 26).
+
+[178] See on ch. 33, note 2.
+
+[179] This statement has done much to ruin Polybius’s credit as a
+geographer. It indicates indeed a strangely defective conception of
+distance; as his idea, of the Rhone flowing always west, does of the
+general lie of the country.
+
+[180] I have no intention of rediscussing the famous question of the
+pass by which Hannibal crossed the Alps. The reader will find an
+admirably clear statement of the various views entertained, and the
+latest arguments advanced in favour of each, in the notes to Mr. W. T.
+Arnold’s edition of Dr. Arnold’s _History of the Second Punic War_, pp.
+362-373.
+
+[181] περί τι λευκόπετρον, which, however, perhaps only means “bare
+rock,” cf. 10, 30. But see Law’s _Alps of Hannibal_, vol. i. p. 201
+_sq._
+
+[182] His life according to one story, was saved by his son, the famous
+Scipio Africanus (10, 3); according to another, by a Ligurian slave
+(Livy, 21, 46).
+
+[183] Livy says “to Mago,” Hannibal’s younger brother (21, 47). This
+Hasdrubal is called in ch. 93 “captain of pioneers.”
+
+[184] That is, four legions and their regular contingent of socii. See
+6, 19 _sqq._
+
+[185] “He crossed the Apennines, not by the ordinary road to Lucca,
+descending the valley of the Macra, but, as it appears, by a straighter
+line down the valley of the Auser or Serchio.”—ARNOLD.
+
+[186] The marshes between the Arno and the Apennines south of Florence.
+
+[187] ἀπεκοιμῶντο Schw. translates simply _dormiebant_. But the
+compound means more than that; it conveys the idea of an interval of
+sleep snatched from other employments. See Herod. 8, 76; Aristoph.
+_Vesp._ 211.
+
+[188] Livy, 22, 4-6. For a discussion of the modern views as to the
+scene of the battle, see W. T. Arnold’s edition of Dr. Arnold’s
+_History of the Second Punic War_, pp. 384-393. The radical difference
+between the account of Livy and that of Polybius seems to be that the
+former conceives the fighting to have been on the north shore of the
+lake between Tucro and Passignano; Polybius conceives the rear to have
+been caught in the defile of Passignano, the main fighting to have
+been more to the east, where the road turns up at right angles to the
+lake by La Torricella. Mr. Capes, however in his note on the passage
+of Livy, seems to think that both accounts agree in representing the
+fighting on the vanguard as being opposite Tucro.
+
+[189] This treatment of non-combatants was contrary to the usages of
+civilised warfare even in those days, and seems to have been the true
+ground for the charge of _crudelitas_ always attributed to Hannibal by
+Roman writers, as opposed to the behaviour of such an enemy as Pyrrhus
+(Cic. _de Am._ 28). It may be compared to the order of the Convention
+to give no quarter to English soldiers, which the French officers nobly
+refused to execute.
+
+[190] Polybius expresses the fact accurately, for, in the absence of
+a Consul to nominate a Dictator, Fabius was created by a plebiscitum;
+but the scruples of the lawyers were quieted by his having the title of
+_prodictator_ only (Livy, 22, 8).
+
+[191] Ramsay (_Roman Antiquities_, p. 148) denies this exception,
+quoting Livy, 6, 16. But Polybius could hardly have been mistaken on
+such a point; and there are indications (Plutarch, _Anton._ 9) that
+the Tribunes did not occupy the same position as the other magistrates
+towards the Dictator.
+
+[192] The _ager Praetutianus_ was the southern district of Picenum
+(Livy, 22, 9; 27, 43). The chief town was Interamna.
+
+[193] On the Appian Way between Equus Tuticus and Herdonia, mod.
+_Troja_.
+
+[194] Holsten for the Δαύνιοι of the old text; others suggest _Calatia_.
+
+[195] Added by conjecture of Schw. One MS. has δευτέρα ἡ ἀπὸ τοῦ
+Ἐριβανοῦ.
+
+[196] Near Cales.
+
+[197] Homer, _Odyss._ 10, 230.
+
+[198] See i. 16.
+
+[199] ἐξ ἀσπίδος ἐπιπαρενέβαλλον. The ordinary word for “forming line”
+or “taking dressing” is παρεμβάλλειν. In the other two passages where
+ἐπιπαρεμβάλλειν is used, ἐπί has a distinct (though different) force. I
+think here it must mean “against,” “so as to attack.” And this seems to
+be Casaubon’s interpretation.
+
+[200] There is nothing here absolutely to contradict the picturesque
+story of the death of Paulus given by Livy (22, 49), but the words
+certainly suggest that Polybius had never heard it.
+
+[201] A town on the lake of Trichonis, in Aetolia, but its exact
+situation is uncertain. Strabo (10, 2, 3) says that it was on a fertile
+plain, which answers best to a situation north of the lake.
+
+[202] Cf. 9, 34. We know nothing of this incident.
+
+[203] See 2, 53.
+
+[204] The Achaean Strategus was elected in the middle of May, the
+Aetolian in the autumn. Aratus would be elected May 12, B.C. 220, and
+come into office some time before midsummer; Ariston’s Aetolian office
+would terminate in September B.C. 220. See v. 1.
+
+[205] The capture of Sicyon and expulsion of the tyrant Nicocles was
+the earliest exploit of Aratus, B.C. 251. Plutarch, _Arat._ 4-9. The
+taking of the Acrocorinthus from the Macedonian garrison was in B.C.
+243, _ib._ ch. 19-24. For the affair at Pellene see _ib._ 31. The
+capture of Mantinea was immediately after a defeat by Cleomenes. See
+Plutarch, _Cleom._ 5.
+
+[206] The city of Pheia was on the isthmus connecting the promontory
+Ichthys (_Cape Katákolo_) with the mainland: opposite its harbour is
+a small island which Polybius here calls _Pheias_, _i.e._ the island
+belonging to Pheia.
+
+[207] Caphyae was on a small plain, which was subject to inundations
+from the lake of Orchomenus; the ditches here mentioned appear to be
+those dug to drain this district. They were in the time of Pausanias
+superseded by a high dyke, from the inner side of which ran the River
+Tragus (_Tara_). Pausan. 8, 23, 2.
+
+[208] The Olympiads being counted from the summer solstice, these
+events occurring before midsummer of B.C. 220 belong to the 139th
+Olympiad. The 140th begins with midsummer B.C. 220.
+
+[209] But outside the natural borders of Arcadia. Mod. Kalávryta.
+
+[210] By the diolcos which had been formed for the purpose. Strabo, 8,
+2. Ships had been dragged across the Isthmus on various occasions from
+early times. See Thucyd. 3, 15.
+
+[211] Reading, μόνου. See ch. 13.
+
+[212] A mountain on the frontier, on the pass over which the roads to
+Tegea and Argos converge.
+
+[213] A town of Phthiotis in Thessaly. See Book 25, 3.
+
+[214] See ch. 15.
+
+[215] See ch. 24.
+
+[216] See Stobaeus Floril. 58, 9, who gives three more lines.
+
+[217] Cf. ch. 74.
+
+[218] The hero of the second Messenian war, B.C. 685-668 (Pausan. 4,
+14-24). The story told by Pausanias, who also quotes these verses, is
+that Aristocrates, king of the Arcadians, twice played the traitor to
+Aristomenes, the Messenian champion: once at the battle of the Great
+Trench, and again when Aristomenes renewed the war after his escape
+from the Pits at Sparta; and that on the second occasion his own people
+stoned him to death, and set up this pillar in the sacred enclosure of
+Zeus on Mount Lycaeus.
+
+[219] But Pausanias represents the pillar as put up by the Arcadians,
+not the Messenians (4, 22, 7).
+
+[220] The text is uncertain here.
+
+[221] Reading with Hultsch, τὰ καλὰ.
+
+[222] However cogent may be the reasons for his prophecy adduced by
+Polybius, there are no signs of its being fulfilled. Indeed, the bank
+at the mouth of the Danube, which he mentions, has long disappeared.
+The fact seems to be that he failed to take into calculation the
+constant rush of water out of the Euxine, which is sufficient to carry
+off any amount of alluvial deposit.
+
+[223] Xenophon, _Hellen._ 1, 1, 22.
+
+[224] Or Tylis, according to Stephanos Byz., who says it was near the
+Haemus. Perhaps the modern Kilios.
+
+[225] Seleucus II. (Callinicus), B.C. 246-226. Seleucus III.
+(Ceraunus), B.C. 226-223. Antiochus the Great (son of Callinicus), B.C.
+223-187.
+
+[226] Of Seleucus Callinicus.
+
+[227] That this was the name of a yearly officer at Byzantium appears
+from a decree in Demosthenes (_de Cor._ § 90), and Byzantine coins,
+Eckhel, ii. p. 31. The title seems to have been brought from the
+mother-city Megara; as at Chalcedon, another colony of Megara, the same
+existed (C. I. G. 3794). It was connected with the worship of Apollo
+brought from Megara, Müller’s _Dorians_, i. p. 250. It seems that this
+use of the name (generally employed of the deputies to the Amphictyonic
+council) was peculiarly Dorian. See Boeckh. C. I., vol. i. p. 610.
+
+[228] Or Lyctos (Steph. Byz.)
+
+[229] Of Arcadia, a city of Crete (Steph. Byz.)
+
+[230] Which had a harbour formed by a projecting headland called
+Lisses. Steph. Byz., who quotes Homer, _Odyss._ 3, 293:
+
+   ἔστι δέ τις Λισσὴς αἰπεῖά τε εἰς ἅλα πέτρη.
+
+[231] As a measure of weight a talent = about 57 lbs. avoirdupois. The
+prepared hair was for making ropes and bowstrings apparently.
+
+[232] Gortyna or Gortys is an emendation of Reiske for Gorgus, which is
+not known. Gortys is mentioned by Pausanias, 5, 7, 1; 8, 27, 4; 8, 28,
+1; it was on the river Bouphagus, and in the time of Pausanias was a
+mere village.
+
+[233] See 2, 41. We have no hint, as far as I know, of the
+circumstances under which such recovery would take place. We may
+conjecture from this passage that it would be on showing that losses
+had been sustained by reason of a failure of the league to give
+protection.
+
+[234] Stephanos describes Ambracus as a πολιχνίον close to Ambracia.
+
+[235] Though it was in the territory of Acarnania (Steph. Byz.)
+
+[236] 3, 19.
+
+[237] The position of Dodona, long a subject of doubt, was settled by
+the discovery of the numerous inscriptions found about seven miles from
+Jannina, and published by Constantine Caraponos in 1878, _Dodon et ses
+Ruines_. See also _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, vol. i. p. 228.
+
+[238] See ch. 68.
+
+[239] Reading ἁλίαν. See Müller’s _Dorians_, vol. II, p. 88.
+
+[240] The local name of Tarentine, though doubtless originating in
+fact, had come to indicate a species of mercenary cavalry armed in a
+particular way. Arrian, _Tact._ 4, distinguishes two sorts of light
+cavalry for skirmishing Tarentines armed with javelins (δορατία), and
+horse archers (ἱπποτοξόται). Cp, 11, 12. Livy 35, 29; 37, 40.
+
+[241] Pausanias (8, 26, 7) calls him Hypatodorus; and mentions another
+work of his at Delphi (10, 10, 3). He flourished about B.C. 370. He
+was a native of Thebes. Sostratos was a Chian, and father of another
+statuary named Pantias. Paus. 6, 9, 3.
+
+[242] That is the office of the Polemarch, as in Athens the Strategium
+(στρατηγίον) is the office of the Strategi. Plutarch, _Nicias_, 5.
+
+[243] Yet the avowed project of Cleomenes was the restoration of the
+ancient constitution. Plutarch, _Cleom._ c. 10.
+
+[244] See ch. 59.
+
+[245] From 4, 6, it appears that the election took place at the rising
+of the Pleiades (13th May) and that the new Strategus did not enter
+upon his office until some time afterwards, towards the middle of June
+or even midsummer. But the custom apparently varied, and the use of
+τότε seems to indicate a change.
+
+[246] Later on the assemblies were held at the different cities in
+turn. See 23, 17; 24, 10, etc.
+
+[247] Νεοκρῆτες, cf. cc. 65, 79. Livy (37, 40) transcribes the word
+_Neocretes_. It is uncertain what the exact meaning of the word is. It
+seems most reasonable to suppose that, like Tarentini, it had ceased
+to be an ethnical term, and meant mercenary soldiers (νέοι) armed like
+Cretans, that is, as archers.
+
+[248] The narrow channel between Leucas and the mainland, which had
+been artificially enlarged. Dionys Halic. 1, 50.
+
+[249] 4, 63.
+
+[250] 4, 62.
+
+[251] 4, 67.
+
+[252] The pun disappears in translation. The line is
+
+   ὁρᾷς τὸ +δῖον+ οὗ βέλος δίεπτατο.
+
+[253] Games in his honour were celebrated at Sicyon. See Plutarch,
+_Arat._ 45. _Cleomenes_, 16. _Supra_, p. 147 n. _Infra_, 28, 19; 30, 23.
+
+[254] A memorial, apparently, of the fruitless expedition of Pyrrhus
+into Laconia in B.C. 272.
+
+[255] The Guard. The word _agema_ properly means the leading corps in
+an army; but it obtained this technical meaning in the Macedonian army
+(see Arrian, 1, 1, 11), whence it was used in other armies also founded
+on the Macedonian model, as for instance in Alexandria (see _infra_,
+ch. 65).
+
+[256] Hypaspists, originally a bodyguard to the king, had been extended
+in number and formed one or more distinct corps of light infantry
+(Grote, ch. 92).
+
+[257] Here again, as in 5, 1, the outgoing Strategus appears to go out
+of office at the time of the election of his successor (see note on ch.
+1, and cp. 4, 6). There seems to have been some variety of practice.
+Perhaps the interval was left somewhat to mutual arrangement, the
+summer solstice being the outside limit.
+
+[258] See 2, 69.
+
+[259] Archidamus was the brother of Agis, the king of the other line,
+who had been assassinated in B.C. 240. Plutarch, _Cleom._ 5, probably
+on the authority of Phylarchus, represents the murder of Archidamus as
+not the work of Cleomenes, but of the same party that had murdered Agis
+and feared the vengeance of his brother. (See Thirlwall, 8, p. 158, who
+agrees with Plutarch.)
+
+[260] Homer, _Il._, 22, 304.
+
+[261] The false Smerdis (Herod. 3, 61-82).
+
+[262] Hence the sacred breed of Nisaean horses, used for the Persian
+king’s chariot (Herod 7, 40; 9, 20). The Nisaean plain was one of those
+in Media containing the best pasture, and is identified by Rawlinson
+with that of _Khawar_ and _Alistan_ near _Behistun_.
+
+[263] ἕταιροι are cavalry; the πεζέταιροι of the Macedonian army are
+represented in Polybius by the Hypaspists. See _supra_, ch. 27, cp. 16,
+18.
+
+[264] That is, Demetrius II. and Antigonus Doson.
+
+[265] See Professor Mahaffy, _Greek Life and Thought_, p. 405, who
+points out that this refers to the Egyptian troops especially, whose
+old military castes (see Herod. 2, 164-6) though not extinct had
+forgotten their old skill. In a sense, however, it applies to both
+kinds of troops; for they had to be trained to act _together_, as is
+shown in the next chapter.
+
+[266] See above, ch. 5 note.
+
+[267] Two different towns of this name have already been mentioned (ch.
+48, 52). This Dura appears to be in Phoenicia; but nothing is known of
+it.
+
+[268] Seleucus I., B.C. 306-280. Antigonus, the One-eyed, in B.C. 318,
+occupied Coele-Syria and Phoenicia after a victory over Perdiccas.
+Diodor. Sic. 18, 43.
+
+[269] Battle of Ipsus, B.C. 301.
+
+[270] See _ante_, ch. 40-2, 57-8.
+
+[271] Antiochus Hierax, son of Antiochus II.
+
+[272] Laodice was the sister of the wife of Antiochus (5, 43) and a
+daughter of King Mithridates (8, 22-23).
+
+[273] Selge was said to be a colony of the Lacedaemonians. Strabo 13,
+7, 3.
+
+[274] Called Barathra. See Strabo, 17, 1, 21.
+
+[275] Agema. See note on 5, 25.
+
+[276] Sarissae, the long Macedonian spears.
+
+[277] Polybius therefore reckons the value of the λέβητες and ὑδρίαι as
+five talents.
+
+[278] That is about 171,000 lbs., see 34, 8, note, reckoning the talent
+as = 57 lbs.
+
+[279] ἀρτάβη, an Egyptian measure = the Attic medimnus.
+
+[280] Callinicus, ob. B.C. 226. This must refer to another case.
+
+[281] See _ante_, ch. 30. Agetas had been elected Aetolian Strategus in
+the autumn of 218 B.C., Aratus Achaean Strategus in the early summer of
+B.C. 217.
+
+[282] See 2, 61-4. B.C. 222.
+
+[283] See 2, 39.
+
+[284] See _supra_, ch. 24.
+
+[285] According to Suidas, these were light vessels used by pirates:
+but whether the name arose from their construction, capacity, or the
+number of their oars, seems uncertain. According to Hesychius they had
+two banks of oars (δίκροτος ναῦς· πλοῖον μικρόν).
+
+[286] See ch. 95.
+
+[287] This language is so vague that we might suppose from it that
+the Achaeans elected Timoxenus in the summer of B.C. 217 to come
+into office in the following spring. But there is nowhere else any
+indication of such an interval at this period, and we must suppose
+Polybius to be speaking in general terms of the result of the peace
+during the next ten months. Agelaus was elected Aetolian Strategus in
+the autumn of B.C. 217.
+
+[288] Euripides, fr. 529. Ed. Nauck.
+
+[289] Some disconnected fragments which are usually placed at the end
+of the first chapter, and form the second chapter of this book, I have
+placed among the minor fragments at the end of these volumes.
+
+[290] Aristotle’s classification is kingship, aristocracy, πολιτεία,
+democracy, oligarchy, tyranny (Pol. 4, 2). This was derived from Plato
+(Pol. 302, c.) who arranges the six (besides the ideal polity) in
+pairs, kingship, tyranny,—aristocracy, oligarchy,—democracy, good and
+bad. Plato has no distinct name except δημοκρατία παράνομος, for the
+bad democracy which Polybius calls ὀχλοκρατία, “mob-rule.” Polybius’s
+arrangement is this—
+
+   Kingship (arising from a natural despotism or monarchy)
+     degenerates into                                          Tyranny.
+
+   Aristocracy degenerates into                              Oligarchy.
+
+   Democracy   degenerates into                               Mob-rule.
+
+[291] εὐθύνας. Polybius uses a word well known at Athens and other
+Greek states, but the audit of a Consul seems to have been one of money
+accounts only. At the expiration, however, of his office he took an
+oath in public that he had obeyed the laws, and if any prosecution were
+brought against him it would be tried before the people. See the case
+of Publius Claudius, 1, 52.
+
+[292] This refers primarily to the _consilium_ of the _quaesitor_ in
+any special _quaestio_, which up to the time of the lex judiciaria of
+Gracchus, B.C. 122, was invariably composed of Senators. The same would
+apply to the _Quaestiones perpetuae_, only one of which existed in the
+time of Polybius, i.e., _de repetundis_, established in 149 B.C. by the
+lex Calpurnia. Other single judices in civil suits, though nominated by
+the Praetor, were, Polybius intimates, almost necessarily Senators in
+cases of importance.
+
+[293] Casaubon altered this to “two hundred.” In 3, 107, Polybius
+certainly states that the ordinary number of cavalry was 200, raised
+in cases of emergency to 300, and Livy, 22, 36, gives an instance. But
+both authors in many other passages mention 300 as the usual number,
+and any alteration of this passage would be unsafe.
+
+[294] _Praefectus sociis_ and _quaestor_. But this quaestor must be
+distinguished from the Roman quaestors.
+
+[295] For the Spanish sword see Fr. xxii.
+
+[296] Polybius does not mention the subdivision of maniples into
+centuries, for which the word ordines is sometimes used. Livy, 8, 8;
+42, 34.
+
+[297] The plethrum = 10,000 square feet. The side of the square of the
+Praetorium, therefore, is 200 feet.
+
+[298] That is the _via_ separating it from the next block, or from the
+vallum.
+
+[299] That is, one between the two legions, and two between the blocks
+in each.
+
+[300] That is to say—without the _extraordinarii_ (⅕)—there are 2400 to
+get into 10 spaces instead of 3000 into 30.
+
+[301] That is, who have been selected from the pedites sociorum to
+serve on the praetoria cohors.
+
+[302] Polybius always calls this the χάραξ or χαράκωμα. But the Romans
+had two words, _agger_ the embankment, and _vallum_ the palisading on
+the top of it. Either word, however, is often used to represent the
+whole structure.
+
+[303] That is, whether in first, second, or other watch in the night.
+
+[304] See the story of Cato’s son, Plutarch, _Cato Maj._ 20.
+
+[305] In seeking a constitution to compare with that of Rome, that of
+Athens is rejected (1) as not being a mixed one, (2) as not having been
+successful: successful, that is, in gaining or keeping an empire. He is
+speaking somewhat loosely. The power of Athens, of which Themistocles
+laid the foundation, was mainly consolidated by Pericles; so that
+Polybius includes much of the period of her rise with that of her
+decline.
+
+[306] For what remains of the account of Ephorus see Strabo, 10, 4,
+8-9. The reference to Plato is to the “Laws,” especially Book I.
+See also Aristotle, _Pol._ 2, 10, who points out the likeness and
+unlikeness between the Cretan and Lacedaemonian constitutions.
+
+[307] This equality of land had gradually disappeared by the time of
+King Agis IV. (B.C. 243-239): so that, according to Plutarch [_Agis_
+5], the number of landowners was reduced to 100. This process had been
+accelerated by the Rhetra of Epitadeus, allowing free bequest of land,
+Plutarch, _ib._ See Thirlwall, vol. viii. p. 132.
+
+[308] The meaning of νενεμημένους, which I here represent by “acquired
+a recognised position,” is at least doubtful. Casaubon translates it
+_qui in album non fuerint recepti_, referring to Sueton. Nero, 21. But
+nothing is elsewhere known of such an _album_ for registering the names
+of recognised athletes. The passage is important as helping to explain
+how the number of those entering for the contests in the greater games
+was practically limited, and therefore how it happened that, for
+instance, the five contests of the Pentathlum did not often fall to
+different athletes so as to leave the victory uncertain.
+
+[309] The Carthaginian Suffetes are always called βασιλεῖς by the
+Greek writers: see 3, 33, note; Herod. 7, 165; Diod. Sic. 14, 53.
+Aristotle [_Pol._ 2, 11], in contrasting the Spartan and Carthaginian
+constitutions, mentions with approval that, unlike the Spartan kings,
+those at Carthage were elected, and were not confined to a particular
+family.
+
+[310] See Bosworth Smith, _Carthage and the Carthaginians_, p. 26 ff.
+
+[311] This seems to be the only authority for assigning to the censors
+the _toga purpurea_ instead of the _toga praetexta_: and, indeed,
+Athenaeus speaks of them as wearing the toga praetexta περιπόρφυρος,
+14, 69. In Livy, 40, 45, they occupy _sellae curules_.
+
+[312] Livy (2, 10) makes Cocles succeed in reaching the bank alive.
+
+[313] But Polybius afterwards admits that a falling off in this respect
+had begun. See 18, 35; 32, 11.
+
+[314] Livy, 22, 58-61.
+
+[315] κακοὶ κακῶς, a phrase at once insulting and vulgar.
+
+[316] Plutarch, _Aratus_, ch. 48.
+
+[317] βαλανάγρας. The βαλανάγρα was a straight piece of wood with
+upright pins corresponding with those that fall into the bolt (the
+βάλανοι), and which are pushed up by it. It was thus used as a key
+which could be taken out and kept by the Commandant, as in Herod. 3,
+155; Thucyd. 2, 4. But Polybius here seems to use it as equivalent to
+βάλανος. See Aeneas, _Tact._ 18-20, who recommends that the μόχλος
+should be sheeted with iron to prevent this very operation. Cp. 4, 57.
+What he means by ζύγωμα on the outside (here translated “fastenings”)
+is also somewhat doubtful. From Hesychius, s.v. ἐπιξευκτήρ, it might be
+conjectured that chains of some kind were intended. Casaubon supposed
+it to be a cross bar similar to the μόχλος inside, and Schw. to
+represent the posts and the lintel connecting them.
+
+[318] See 5, 37. According to Phylarchus the murder of Archidamus was
+against the wish of Cleomenes. Plut. _Cleom._ 5.
+
+[319] To which proceedings may be referred a sentence of Polybius
+preserved by Suidas, s.v. διεσκευασμένην—“They send out certain
+Cretans, as though on a raid, giving them a sham despatch to carry.”
+See Livy, 24, 30-31.
+
+[320] Cp. 1, 35.
+
+[321] σκορπίδια, mentioned among a number of similar engines in 1
+Macc. 6, 51. Plutarch calls them σκορπίοι, and explains that they only
+carried a short distance, but, being concealed, gave wounds at close
+quarters; hence, doubtless, their name.
+
+[322] See also Athenaeus, 4, 166-167. Theopompus of Chius was a
+contemporary of Philip II. and Alexander, having been born about B.C.
+376-372.
+
+[323] The accusation of administering slow poisons is a very common
+one, as readers of mediæval history know. But the ignorance of the
+conditions of health was too great to allow us to accept them without
+question. It is doubtful whether drugs, acting in this particular way,
+were known to the ancients; and certainly spitting blood would be no
+conclusive evidence of the presence of poison. See Creighton’s _History
+of the Papacy_, vol. iv. Append.
+
+[324] This fragment is supposed, by comparison with Livy, 25, 36, to
+belong to the account of the fall of Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio in Spain,
+B.C. 212.
+
+[325] Or “legion,” according to others. But as both Consuls are engaged
+in the business, it seems reasonable to refer it to the two consular
+armies of two legions each.
+
+[326] That is “blaming Fortune or Providence.” Schw. quotes Xenophon
+_Hellen._ 7, 5, 12, ἔξεστι μὲν τὸ θεῖον αἰτιᾶσθαι.
+
+[327] συμπέμψαι, a difficult word. See Strachan-Davidson’s note. It
+seems to me to be opposed to φυγεῖν or some such idea. Hannibal was
+not in flight, but kept the enemy with him, as it were, in a kind of
+procession, until the moment for striking.
+
+[328] There is some word wanting in the text here which has been
+variously supplied. I have ventured to conjecture =τὰ γὰρ δοκοῦντα=
+παράβολον κ.τ.λ., and to translate accordingly: for it is the boldness
+and apparent rashness of Hannibal’s movement that Polybius seems to
+wish to commend.
+
+[329] Cp. Homer, _Odyss._ 19, 471.
+
+[330] Livy, 25, 40, calls him Mutines.
+
+[331] See 3, 86, note. Cp. Cicero de Am. § 8, cum duobus ducibus de
+imperio in Italia decertatum est, Pyrrho et Annibale. Ab altero propter
+probitatem ejus non nimis alien os animos habemus; alterum _propter
+crudelitatem semper haec civitas oderit_.
+
+[332] The paragraph “For the Aetolians ... in Greece,” follows “the
+Messenians” in ch. 30, in the Greek texts. But it is evidently out of
+place there, and falls naturally into this position.
+
+[333] Antigonus Doson.
+
+[334] B.C. 211. See Livy, 26, 24-26.
+
+[335] On the margin of one MS. is written “For such is the
+characteristic always maintained by the Athenian State.” But its
+relevancy is not very apparent; and at any rate it seems more likely to
+be a comment of the Epitomator, than a sentence from Polybius.
+
+[336] Scopas (B.C. 211-210) must have gone out of office, _i.e._ it was
+after autumn of 210 B.C.
+
+[337] That is, 10s. 3¾d. for about a bushel and a half. See on 2, 15.
+
+
+_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, _Edinburgh_
+
+
+
+
+
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+<pre>
+
+Project Gutenberg's The Histories of Polybius, Vol. I (of 2), by Polybius
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Histories of Polybius, Vol. I (of 2)
+
+Author: Polybius
+
+Contributor: Friedrich Otto Hultsch
+
+Translator: Evelyn Shirley Shuckburgh
+
+Release Date: November 8, 2013 [EBook #44125]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS, VOL I ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Delphine Lettau, Turgut Dincer and the Online
+Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<div class="tnotes">
+  <p>Transcriber&#8217;s note:<br /><br />
+
+   This book was published in two volumes, of which this is the first. The second volume
+   was released as Project Gutenberg ebook #44126, available at
+   <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/44126">http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/44126</a>.
+   Where possible, references to the second volume in the text are linked to the version at Project Gutenberg.<br /><br />
+
+   Following entries in the Index in Vol. II. are erroneous,
+   as there is no Chapter 15 in Book XXXIV and no
+   Chapter 59 in Book VI.:<br /><br />
+
+   Sallentini, a tribe in Calabria. 34, 15, Rhyncus,
+   in Aetolia, 6, 59, Morini, a Gallic tribe, 34, 15,
+   Mauretania, 34, 15, Lugdunum, a town in Gaul, 34,
+   15. and there are no references in the text
+   related to these entries.</p>
+  <p class="covernote">The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="title-page">
+
+<h1><small>THE</small><br /><br />
+
+HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS</h1>
+
+<p class="center space-above"><small>TRANSLATED FROM THE TEXT OF F. HULTSCH<br /><br />
+
+<small>BY</small></small><br />
+
+EVELYN S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A.<br />
+
+<small><small>LATE FELLOW OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE</small></small></p>
+
+<p class="center space-above"><small><small>IN TWO VOLUMES<br />
+
+VOL. I</small></small></p>
+
+<p class="center space-above"><b>London</b><br />
+
+MACMILLAN AND CO.<br />
+
+<small>AND NEW YORK<br />
+
+1889</small></p>
+
+<p class="center space-above"><small><i>All rights reserved</i></small></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p class="tb padr10"><small>TO</small></p>
+<p class="tb padr20">F.&nbsp;&nbsp;M.&nbsp;&nbsp;S.</p>
+<p class="tb"><small>IN GRATITUDE FOR MUCH PATIENT HELP</small></p>
+
+</div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<h2>PREFACE</h2>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">This</span> is the first English translation of the complete
+works of Polybius as far as they are now known. In
+attempting such a task I feel that I ought to state
+distinctly the limits which I have proposed to myself
+in carrying it out. I have desired to present to
+English readers a faithful copy of what Polybius
+wrote, which should at the same time be a readable
+English book. I have not been careful to follow the
+Greek idiom; and have not hesitated to break up
+and curtail or enlarge his sentences, when I thought
+that, by doing so, I could present his meaning in more
+idiomatic English. Polybius is not an author likely to
+be studied for the sake of his Greek, except by a few
+technical scholars; and the modern complexion of much
+of his thought makes such a plan of translation both
+possible and desirable. How far I have succeeded I
+must leave my readers to decide. Again, I have not
+undertaken to write a commentary on Polybius, nor to
+discuss at length the many questions of interest which
+arise from his text. Such an undertaking would have
+required much more space than I was able to give: and
+happily, while my translation was passing through the
+press, two books have appeared, which will supply
+English students with much that I might have felt
+bound to endeavour to give&mdash;the Achaean league<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">viii</a></span>
+by Mr. Capes, and the sumptuous Oxford edition of
+extracts by Mr. Strachan-Davidson.</p>
+
+<p>The translation is made from the text of Hultsch
+and follows his arrangement of the fragments. If this
+causes some inconvenience to those who use the older
+texts, I hope that such inconvenience will be minimised
+by the full index which I have placed at the end of
+the second volume.</p>
+
+<p>I have not, I repeat, undertaken to write a commentary.
+I propose rather to give the materials for
+commentary to those who, for various reasons, do not
+care to use the Greek of Polybius. I have therefore in
+the first five complete books left him to speak for
+himself, with the minimum of notes which seemed
+necessary for the understanding of his text. The case
+of the fragments was different. In giving a translation
+of them I have tried, when possible, to indicate the part
+of the history to which they belong, and to connect
+them by brief sketches of intermediate events, with full
+references to those authors who supply the missing
+links.</p>
+
+<p>Imperfect as the performance of such a task must, I
+fear, be, it has been one of no ordinary labour, and has
+occupied every hour that could be spared during several
+years of a not unlaborious life. And though I cannot
+hope to have escaped errors, either of ignorance or
+human infirmity, I trust that I may have produced what
+will be found of use to some historical students, in giving
+them a fairly faithful representation of the works of an
+historian who is, in fact, our sole authority for some
+most interesting portions of the world&#8217;s history.</p>
+
+<p>It remains to give a brief account of the gradual
+formation of the text of Polybius, as we now have it.</p>
+
+<p>The revival of interest in the study of Polybius was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">ix</a></span>
+due to Pope Nicholas V (1447-1455), the founder of
+the Vatican Library. Soon after his election he seems
+to have urged Cardinal Perotti to undertake a Latin
+translation of the five books then known to exist.
+When Perotti sent him his translation of the first book,
+the Pope thus acknowledges it in a letter dated 28th
+August 1452:&mdash;<a name="FNanchor_1" id="FNanchor_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a></p>
+
+<p class="tb">&#8220;<i>Primus Polybii liber, quem ad nos misisti, nuper a
+te de Graeca in Latinam translatus, gratissimus etiam fuit
+et jucundissimus: quippe in ea translatione nobis cumulatissime
+satisfacis. Tanta enim facilitate et eloquentia
+transfers, ut Historia ipsa nunquam Graeca, sed prorsus
+Latina semper fuisse videatur. Optimum igitur ingenium
+tuum valde commendamus atque probamus, teque hortamur
+ut velis pro laude et gloria tua, et pro voluptate nimia
+singulare opus inchoatum perficere, nec labori parcas.
+Nam et rem ingenio et doctrina tua dignam, et nobis
+omnium gratissimam efficies; qui laborum et studiorum
+tuorum aliquando memores erimus.... Tu vero, si nobis
+rem gratam efficere cupis, nihil negligentiae committas in
+hoc opere traducendo. Nihil enim nobis gratius efficere
+poteris. Librum primum a vertice ad calcem legimus, in
+cujus translatione voluntati nostrae amplissime satisfactum
+est.</i>&#8221;</p>
+
+<p class="tb">On the 3d of January 1454 the Pope writes again
+to Perotti thanking him for the third book; and in a
+letter to Torelli, dated 13th November 1453, Perotti
+says that he had finished his translation of Polybius in
+the preceding September. This translation was first
+printed in 1473. The Greek text was not printed till
+1530, when an edition of the first five books in Greek,
+along with Perotti&#8217;s translation, was published at the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">x</a></span>Hague, <i>opera Vincentii Obsopaei</i>, dedicated to George,
+Marquess of Brandenburg. Perotti&#8217;s translation was
+again printed at Basle in 1549, accompanied by a Latin
+translation of the fragments of books 6 to 17 by
+Wolfgang Musculus, and reprinted at the Hague in 1598.</p>
+
+<p>The chief fragments of Polybius fall into two classes;
+(1) those made by some unknown epitomator, who
+Casaubon even supposed might be Marcus Brutus, who,
+according to Plutarch, was engaged in this work in his
+tent the night before the battle of Pharsalus. The
+printing of these began with two insignificant fragments
+on the battle between the Rhodians and Attalus against
+Philip, Paris, 1536; and another <i>de re navali</i>, Basle,
+1537. These fragments have continually accumulated
+by fresh discoveries. (2) The other class of fragments
+are those made by the order of Constantinus Porphyrogenitus
+(911-959), among similar ones from other
+historians, which were to be digested under fifty-three
+heads or tituli; one of which (the 27th) has come down
+to us, discovered in the sixteenth century, containing the
+<i>selecta de legationibus</i>; and another (the 50th) <i>de virtute
+et vitio</i>. The printing of the first of these begins with
+the edition of Fulvius Ursinus, published at Antwerp in
+1582. This was supplemented in 1634 (Paris) by an
+edition by Valesius of <i>excerpta ex collectaneis Constantini
+Augusti Porphyrogeneti</i>. The first edition of something
+like a complete text of Polybius, containing the five
+entire books, the <i>excerptae legationes</i>, and fragments of
+the other books, was that of Isaac Casaubon, Paris,
+1609, fo. It was accompanied by a new and very
+brilliant Latin translation, and a preface which has
+been famous among such works. It contains also a
+Latin translation of Aeneas Tacticus. Altogether it is
+a splendid book. Some additional <i>annotationes</i> of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">xi</a></span>
+Casaubon&#8217;s were published after his death in 1617,
+Paris.<a name="FNanchor_2" id="FNanchor_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> Other editions followed; that of Gronovius,
+Amsterdam, 1670: of Ernesti, Leipsic, 1764, containing
+Casaubon&#8217;s translation more or less emended, and
+additional fragments. But the next important step in
+the bibliography of Polybius was the publication of the
+great edition of Schweighaeuser, Leipsic, 1789-1795, in
+nine volumes, with a new Latin translation,&mdash;founded,
+however, to a great extent on Casaubon,&mdash;a new
+recension of the text, and still farther additions to the
+fragments; accompanied also by an excellent Lexicon
+and Onomasticon. This great work has been the
+foundation from which all modern commentaries on
+Polybius must spring. Considerable additions to the
+fragments, collected from MSS. in the Vatican by
+Cardinal Mai, were published in 1827 at Rome. The
+chief modern texts are those of Bekker, 1844; Duebner
+(with Latin translation), 1839 and 1865; Dindorf,
+1866-1868, 1882 (Teubner). A new recension of the
+five books and all the known fragments&mdash;founded on a
+collation of some twelve MSS. and all previous editions,
+as well as all the numerous works of importance on
+our Author that have appeared in Germany and elsewhere&mdash;was
+published by F. Hultsch, Berlin, 1867-1872,
+in four volumes. This must now be considered
+the standard text. A second edition of the first volume
+appeared in 1888, but after that part of my translation
+had passed through the press.</p>
+
+<p>Of English translations the earliest was by Ch.
+Watson, 1568, of the first five books. It is entitled
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">xii</a></span><i>The Hystories of the most famous Cronographer Polybios;
+Discoursing of the warres betwixt the Romanes and Carthaginenses,
+a rich and goodly work, conteining holsome
+counsels and wonderful devices against the inconstances
+of fickle Fortune. Englished by C[hristopher] W[atson]
+whereunto is annexed an Abstract, compendiously coarcted
+out of the life and worthy Acts perpetrate by oure puissant
+Prince King Henry the fift. London, Imprinted by
+Henry Byneman for Tho. Hacket, 1568</i>, 8vo. See
+Herbert&#8217;s <i>Ames</i>, p. 895. Another translation of the
+five books was published by Edward Grimestone,
+London, 1634, of which a second and third edition
+appeared in 1648 and 1673. A translation of the
+Mercenary War from the first book was made by Sir
+Walter Raleigh, and published after his death in 1647
+(London, 4to). Next, a new translation of the five books
+was published in London, 1693 (2 vols. 8vo), by Sir
+H[enry] S[hears], with a preface by Dryden. In 1741
+(London, 4to) appeared &#8220;A fragment of the 6th book
+containing a dissertation on government, translated from
+the Greek of Polybius, with notes, etc., by A Gentleman.&#8221;
+This was followed by the first English translation, which
+contained any part of the fragments, as well as the five
+books, by the Rev. James Hampton, London, 4to, 1756-1761,
+which between that date and 1823 (2 vols.,
+Oxford) went through at least seven editions. Lastly,
+a translation of Polybius&#8217;s account of Hannibal&#8217;s
+passage of the Alps is appended by Messrs. Church
+and Brodribb to their translation of Livy, 21-22.
+There is a German translation by A. Haakh and Kraz,
+Stuttgart, 1858-1875. And a French translation by
+J. A. C. Buchon, Paris, 1842, Orl&eacute;ans, 1875. For the
+numerous German essays and dissertations on the text,
+and particular questions arising from the history, I must
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">xiii</a></span>
+refer my readers to Engelmann&#8217;s <i>Bibliotheca</i>. In England
+such studies are rare. Mr. Strachan-Davidson published
+an essay on Polybius in Hellenica; and his edition of
+extracts of the text (Oxford, 1888) contains several
+dissertations of value. Mr. Capes (London, 1888) has
+published an edition of extracts referring to the Achaean
+league, with an introductory essay on the author and
+his work. And a very admirable article on Polybius
+appears in the recent edition of the <i>Encyclop&aelig;dia
+Britannica</i> by Mr. H. F. Pelham. There is also a good
+paper on Polybius in the <i>Quarterly Review</i> for 1879,
+No. 296. Criticisms on Polybius, and estimates of his
+value as an historian, will be found in Thirlwall&#8217;s
+<i>History of Greece</i>, vol. viii.; Arnold&#8217;s <i>History of Rome</i>;
+Mommsen&#8217;s <i>History of Rome</i>, book iv. c. xiii.; Freeman&#8217;s
+<i>History of Federal Government</i> and <i>Essays</i>; Bunbury&#8217;s
+<i>Ancient Geography</i>, vol. ii. p. 16; Law&#8217;s <i>Alps of
+Hannibal</i>. For the Roman side of his history, besides
+the works mentioned by Mr. Strachan-Davidson, a good
+list of the literature on the 2d Punic war is given by
+Mr. W. T. Arnold in his edition of Dr. Arnold&#8217;s history
+of that period [London, Macmillan, 1886].</p>
+
+<p>Finally, I have to express my warm thanks to Dr.
+Warre, Head Master of Eton, for aiding me with his
+unique knowledge of ancient and modern tactics in
+clearing up many points very puzzling to a civilian.
+To Mr. W. Chawner, Fellow and Tutor of Emmanuel
+College, for reading part of the translation in proof, and
+making valuable corrections and suggestions. And to
+Professor Ridgway, of Queen&#8217;s College, Cork, for corrections
+in the geographical fragments of book 34.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">xiv</a></span></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<table width="100%" summary="CONTENTS">
+<tr>
+<td class="left">&nbsp;</td>
+<td class="right"><span class="smcap">pages</span></td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="left"><span class="smcap">Introduction</span></td>
+<td class="right"><a href="#Page_xvii">xvii</a>-lx</td>
+</tr>
+<tr>
+<td class="left"><span class="smcap">Books I to IX</span></td>
+<td class="right"><a href="#Page_1">1</a>-602</td>
+</tr>
+</table>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xvii" id="Page_xvii">xvii</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>INTRODUCTION</h2>
+
+<h3>I. POLYBIUS</h3>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Fortune</span> cast the life of Polybius in stirring times. His
+special claim to our admiration is that he understood the
+importance in the history of the world of the changes which
+were passing under his eyes, and exerted himself to trace the
+events which immediately preceded them, and from which
+they sprang, while it was yet possible to see and question
+surviving participators in them; to examine places, before
+they had lost all marks of the great events of which they had
+been the scene; and records or monuments before time had
+cast a doubt upon their meaning or authenticity. Nor is this
+ordinary praise. Men are apt to turn their eyes upon the
+past, as holding all that is worthy of contemplation, while
+they fail to take note of history &#8220;in the making,&#8221; or to grasp
+the importance of the transactions of their own day. But as
+every year has its decisive influence on the years which
+succeed it, the greatest benefactor of posterity is the man who
+understands and records events as they pass with care and
+sincerity. Laborious compilation, from the study and comparison
+of ancient records and monuments, has its value: it
+may often be all that it is possible to obtain; it may not unfrequently
+even serve to correct statements of contemporaries
+which have been deformed by carelessness or coloured by
+prejudice. But the best compilation is infinitely inferior in
+interest and instructiveness to the barest report of a contemporary.
+And when such a man is also an eye-witness of
+much that he relates; when he knew and conversed with
+many of the chief actors in the great events which he records;
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xviii" id="Page_xviii">xviii</a></span>
+when again he tells us of transactions so remote in time, that
+all written documents have necessarily perished, and those in
+more durable bronze and stone all but followed in their train,
+then indeed the interest rises to the highest pitch. Like
+Herodotus and Thucydides, then, Polybius tells us of his own
+times, and of the generations immediately preceding them.
+It is true that the part of his work which has survived in a
+complete form deals with a period before his own day, just as
+the greater part of the history of Herodotus does, but in the
+larger part of the fragments he is writing with even more complete
+personal knowledge than Thucydides. He had, again,
+neither the faculty for story-telling possessed by Herodotus
+nor the literary and dramatic force of Thucydides. The
+language which he spoke and wrote had lost the magic of style;
+had lost the lucidity and grace of Sophocles, and the rugged
+vigour and terseness of Thucydides. Nor had he apparently
+acquired any of those artifices which, while they sometimes
+weary us in the later rhetoricians, yet generally serve to make
+their writings the easiest and pleasantest of reading. Equally
+remote again is his style from the elaborate and involved
+manner of Plutarch, with its huge compound words built up
+of intricate sentences, more like difficult German than Greek.
+Polybius had no tricks of this sort;<a name="FNanchor_3" id="FNanchor_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> but his style lacks
+logical order and clearness. It seems rather the language of
+a man of affairs, who had had neither leisure to study style,
+nor taste to read widely with a view to literature as such.
+But after all it is Greek, and Greek that still retained its
+marvellous adaptability to every purpose, to every shade of
+thought, and every form of literature. Nor is his style in the
+purely narrative parts of his work wanting in a certain force,
+derived from singleness and directness of purpose. He
+&#8220;speaks right on,&#8221; and turns neither to the right hand nor
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xix" id="Page_xix">xix</a></span>the left. It is when he reflects and argues and moralises, that
+his want of literary skill sometimes makes him difficult and
+involved; and though the thought is essentially just, and his
+point of view wonderfully modern, we continually feel the want
+of that nameless charm which the Greeks called &#967;&#8049;&#961;&#953;&#962;.</p>
+
+<p>His bent for historical composition was fortunately
+encouraged by the circumstances of his life, which gave
+Polybius special opportunities of satisfying his curiosity and
+completing his knowledge. Not only was he the son of a man
+who had held the highest office in the league, and so must have
+heard the politics and history of Achaia discussed from his earliest
+youth; not only from early manhood was he himself in the thick
+of political business; but he knew the sovereigns of Egypt and
+Pergamus, of Macedonia and Syria, and the Roman generals
+who conquered the latter. He had visited a Roman camp and
+witnessed its practical arrangements and discipline. And his
+enforced residence of sixteen years in Italy and Rome was, by
+the good fortune of his introduction to Aemilius Paullus and
+his sons, turned into an opportunity of unrivalled advantage
+for studying the laws, military discipline, and character of the
+imperial people whose world conquest he chronicles. Unlike
+his fellow-exiles, he did not allow his depressing circumstances
+to numb his faculties, exasperate his temper, or deaden his
+curiosity. He won the confidence of the leading men at
+Rome; and seems, while pushing on his inquiries with untiring
+vigour, to have used his influence for the benefit of his
+countrymen, and of all Greek subjects of Rome.</p>
+
+<p>But, like so many of the writers of antiquity, he has had
+no one to perform for him the service he had done for others
+in rescuing their achievements and the particulars of their
+career from oblivion. Of the many <i>testimonia</i> collected by
+Schweighaeuser and others from ancient writers, scarcely one
+gives us any details or anecdotes of the writer, whose work
+they briefly describe or praise. We are reduced as usual to
+pick out from his own writings the scattered allusions or
+statements which help us to picture his character and career.</p>
+
+<p>Polybius of Megalopolis was the son of Lycortas, the friend
+and partisan of Philopoemen, who had served the Achaean
+league in several capacities: as ambassador to Rome in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;189,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xx" id="Page_xx">xx</a></span>
+<span class="sidenote">Birth of Polybius.</span>
+along with Diophanes, on the question of the war with
+Sparta,<a name="FNanchor_4" id="FNanchor_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> and to Ptolemy Epiphanes in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;186,
+<a name="FNanchor_5" id="FNanchor_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> and finally as Strategus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;184-183.
+Of the year of his birth we cannot be certain.
+He tells us that he was elected to go on embassy from the
+league to Ptolemy Epiphanes in the year of the death of that
+monarch (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;181), although he was below the legal age.<a name="FNanchor_6" id="FNanchor_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a>
+But we do not know for certain what that age was; although
+it seems likely that it was thirty, that apparently being the age
+at which a member of the league exercised his full privileges.<a name="FNanchor_7" id="FNanchor_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a>
+But assuming this, we do not know how much under that age
+he was. Two years previously (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;183) he had carried the
+urn at Philopoemen&#8217;s funeral. This was an office usually performed
+by quite young men (&#957;&#949;&#945;&#957;&#8055;&#963;&#954;&#959;&#953;)<a name="FNanchor_8" id="FNanchor_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a>, probably not much
+over twenty years old. As we know that he lived to write a history
+of the Numantine war, which ended <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;133<a name="FNanchor_9" id="FNanchor_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a>, and that he
+was eighty-two at the time of his death<a name="FNanchor_10" id="FNanchor_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a>, we shall not, I think,
+be probably far wrong if we place his birth in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;203 and
+his death in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;121 as Casaubon does, who notes that the
+latter is just sixteen years before the birth of Cicero. But
+though this is a good working hypothesis, it is very far from
+being a demonstrated fact.</p>
+
+<p>Between <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;181-168 he was closely allied with his father
+in politics; and if we wish to have any conception of what he
+was doing, it is necessary to form some idea of the state of
+parties in the Peloponnese at the time.</p>
+
+<p>The crowning achievement of Philopoemen&#8217;s career had
+been the uniting of Sparta to the Achaean league, after the
+murder of the tyrant Nabis by the Aetolians who had come to
+Sparta as his allies (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;192). In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;191 the Achaeans
+were allowed to add Messene and Elis to their league, as a
+reward for their services to Rome in the war against Antiochus.
+The Aetolian league, the chief enemy and opponent of
+Achaia, was reduced to a state of humble dependence on
+Rome in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;189, after the defeat of Antiochus at Thermopylae
+(<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;191) and the Aetolian war (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;191-189). From <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxi" id="Page_xxi">xxi</a></span>190 then begins the time during which Polybius says that the
+&#8220;name of the Achaeans became the universal one for all the
+inhabitants of the Peloponnese&#8221; (<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_42">42</a>). But though Sparta
+was included in the league she was always a restive and dissatisfied
+member; and the people of Elis and Messene, who
+were not very willing members either, were told by Flamininus
+that if they had any reason to complain of the federal government
+they were to appeal to him.<a name="FNanchor_11" id="FNanchor_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> Now, by a treaty of
+alliance with Rome, decreed at Sikyon in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;198, it was
+provided that Rome should receive no envoys from separate
+states of the league, but only from the league itself.<a name="FNanchor_12" id="FNanchor_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> Flamininus,
+therefore, if he said what Livy reports him to have said,
+was violating this treaty. And this will be a good instance to
+illustrate the divisions of parties existing during the period of
+Polybius&#8217;s active political life (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;181-169). We have seen
+that in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;198 the Achaean league became an ally of Rome
+as a complete and independent state; that this state was
+consolidated by the addition of Sparta (192) and Elis and
+Messene (191) so as to embrace the whole of the Peloponnese;
+that its chief enemy in Greece, the Aetolian league,
+was rendered powerless in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;189. The Macedonian influence
+in the Peloponnese had been abolished after the battle
+of Cynoscephalae (197) by the proclamation of Greek freedom
+by Flamininus (196). But all this seeming liberty and growth
+in power really depended upon the favour of Rome, and was
+continually endangered not only by the appeals to the Senate
+from separate states in the league, who conceived themselves
+wronged, but by treasonable representations of her own envoys,
+who preferred a party triumph to the welfare and independence
+of their country<a name="FNanchor_13" id="FNanchor_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a>. In these circumstances, there were
+naturally differences of opinion as to the proper attitude for
+the league government to assume towards a state, which was
+nominally an equal ally, but really an absolute master.
+There was one party who were for submissively carrying
+out the will of the Roman officers who from time to
+time visited the Peloponnese; and for conciliating the
+Senate by displaying a perpetual readiness to carry out its
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxii" id="Page_xxii">xxii</a></span>wishes, without putting forward in any way the rights which
+the treaty of 198 had secured to them. The leaders of this
+party, in the time of Philopoemen, were Aristaenos and
+Diophanes. The other party, headed till his death by
+Philopoemen, equally admitting that the Roman government
+could not be safely defied, were yet for aiming at preserving
+their country&#8217;s independence by strictly carrying out the terms
+of the Roman alliance, and respectfully but firmly resisting
+any encroachment upon those terms by the officers representing
+the Roman government. On Philopoemen&#8217;s death (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+183) Lycortas, who had been his most devoted follower, took,
+along with Archon, the lead of the party which were for carrying
+out his policy; while Callicrates became the most prominent
+of the Romanising party. Lycortas was supported by his son
+Polybius when about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;181 he began to take part in politics.
+Polybius seems always to have consistently maintained this
+policy. His view seems to have been that Rome, having crushed
+Philip and Antiochus, was necessarily the supreme power. The
+Greeks must recognise facts; must avoid offending Rome; but
+must do so by keeping to a position of strict legality, maintaining
+their rights, and neither flattering nor defying the victorious
+Commonwealth. He believed that the Romans meant fairly
+by Greece, and that Greek freedom was safe in their hands<a name="FNanchor_14" id="FNanchor_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a>.
+But the straightforward policy of the Senate, if it was ever
+sincere, was altered by the traitor Callicrates in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;179;
+who, being sent to Rome to oppose what the league thought
+the unconstitutional restitution of certain Spartan exiles, advised
+the Senate to use the Romanising party in each state to
+secure a direct control in Achaia<a name="FNanchor_15" id="FNanchor_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a>. Acting on this insidious
+advice, the Roman government began to view with suspicion
+the legal and independent attitude of the other party, and to
+believe or affect to believe that they were enemies of the
+Roman supremacy. Lycortas, Archon, and Polybius, finding
+themselves the objects of suspicion, not less dangerous because
+undeserved, to the Roman government, appear to have
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxiii" id="Page_xxiii">xxiii</a></span>adopted an attitude of reserve, abstaining from taking an
+active or prominent part in the business of the assemblies.
+This, however, did not succeed in averting Roman jealousy;
+and the commissioners, Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius,
+who visited the Peloponnese in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;169, gave out that those
+who held aloof were as displeasing to the Senate as those who
+openly opposed it. They were said to have resolved on
+formally impeaching the three statesmen before the Achaean
+assembly as being enemies of Rome; but when the assembly
+met at Aegium, they had failed to obtain any reasonable
+handle against them, and contented themselves with a speech
+of general exhortation.<a name="FNanchor_16" id="FNanchor_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> This was during the war with Perseus,
+when the Romans kept a vigilant eye on all parts of
+Greece, and closely inquired which politicians in the several
+states ventured to display the least sympathy with the
+Macedonian king, or were believed to secretly nourish any wish
+for his success. It speaks strongly both for the independent
+spirit still surviving in the league, as well as for the character
+of Archon and Polybius, that they were elected, apparently
+in the same assembly, the one Strategus and the other
+Hipparch for the year <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;169-168.<a name="FNanchor_17" id="FNanchor_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> In this office Polybius
+doubtless hoped to carry out the principles and discipline of
+Philopoemen, under whom he had probably served in the
+cavalry, and whose management of this branch of the service
+he had at any rate minutely studied.<a name="FNanchor_18" id="FNanchor_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> But there was little
+occasion for the use of the Achaean cavalry in his year.
+Being sent on a mission to Q. Marcius Philippus at Heracleia
+to offer the league&#8217;s assistance in the war with Perseus, when
+their help was declined, he remained behind after the other
+ambassadors had returned, to witness the campaign.<a name="FNanchor_19" id="FNanchor_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> After
+spending some time in the Roman camp, he was sent by
+Q. Marcius to prevent the Achaeans from consenting to supply
+five thousand men to Appius Claudius Cento in Epirus. This
+was a matter of considerable delicacy. He had to choose
+between offending one or the other powerful Roman. But he
+conducted the affair with prudence, and on the lines he had
+always laid down, those, namely, of strict legality. He found
+the Achaean assembly in session at Sicyon; and he carried
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxiv" id="Page_xxiv">xxiv</a></span>his point by representing that the demand of Appius Claudius
+did not bear on the face of it the order of the Senate, without
+which they were prohibited from supplying the requisitions of
+Roman commanders.<a name="FNanchor_20" id="FNanchor_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> He thus did not betray that he was
+acting on the instigation of Quintus Marcius, and put himself
+and the league in an attitude of loyalty toward the Senate.<a name="FNanchor_21" id="FNanchor_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a>
+In the same cautious spirit he avoided another complication.
+Certain complimentary statues or inscriptions had been put
+up in various cities of the league in honour of Eumenes, king
+of Pergamus, and on some offence arising had been taken
+down. This seems to have annoyed Eumenes exceedingly;
+and Polybius persuaded the people that it had been ordered
+by Sosigenes and Diopeithes, as judges, from feelings of
+personal spite, and without any act of Eumenes unfriendly to
+the league. He carried his point, and thus avoided offending
+a king who at that time was on very friendly terms with
+Rome.<a name="FNanchor_22" id="FNanchor_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> But while thus minded to avoid unnecessary offence,
+Polybius and his party were in favour of strengthening the
+league by alliances which could be entered upon with safety.
+Egypt at this time was under the joint government of two
+Ptolemies, Philometor and Physcon, who were being threatened
+with an invasion by Antiochus Epiphanes. The friendship
+of the league with the kings of Egypt had been of long
+standing, as far back as the time of Aratus; and though that
+friendship had been afterwards interrupted by the Macedonian
+policy of Aratus, just before his death the father of these kings
+had presented the league with ten ships and a sum of money.
+The two kings now sent to beg for aid; and asked that
+Lycortas should come as commander-in-chief, and Polybius as
+hipparch. Lycortas and Polybius were in favour of supplying
+the assistance asked.<a name="FNanchor_23" id="FNanchor_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> But the measure was opposed by
+Callicrates and his partisans, on the specious ground that their
+whole efforts should be directed to aid the Romans against
+Perseus. Lycortas and Polybius replied that the Romans did
+not require their help; and that they were bound, by gratitude,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxv" id="Page_xxv">xxv</a></span>as well as by treaty, to help the Ptolemies. They carried with
+them the popular feeling: but Callicrates outwitted them by
+obtaining a dispatch from Q. Marcius, urging the league to
+join the senate in effecting a reconciliation between Antiochus
+and the kings of Egypt. Polybius gave in, and advised compliance.
+Ambassadors were appointed to aid in the pacification;
+and the envoys from Alexandria were obliged to depart
+without effecting their object. They contented themselves
+with handing in to the magistrates the Royal letters, in which
+Lycortas and Polybius were invited by name to come to
+Alexandria.<a name="FNanchor_24" id="FNanchor_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">24</a></p>
+
+<p>Careful, however, as he had ever been to avoid giving just
+offence to Rome, he and his party had long <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;167.</span>
+been marked by the Senate as opponents of
+that more complete interference in the details of Achaean
+politics which it wished to exercise. This was partly owing to
+the machinations of Callicrates; but it was also the result of
+the deliberate policy of the Senate: and it was doubtless helped
+by the report of every Roman officer who had found himself
+thwarted by the appeal to legality, under the influence of the
+party in the league with which Polybius was connected.<a name="FNanchor_25" id="FNanchor_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">25</a>
+Accordingly, soon after the final defeat of Perseus by Aemilius
+Paulus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;168, and the consequent dismemberment of
+Macedonia, the Senate proceeded to execute its vengeance
+upon those citizens in every state in Greece who were believed
+to have been opposed to the Roman interests. The commissioners
+entrusted with the settlement and division of Macedonia
+were directed to hold an inquiry into this matter also. From
+every city the extreme partisans of Rome were summoned to
+assist them, men who were only too ready to sacrifice their
+political opponents to the vengeance of the power to which
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxvi" id="Page_xxvi">xxvi</a></span>they had long been paying a servile and treacherous court.
+From Boeotia came Mnasippus; from Acarnania, Chremes;
+from Epirus, Charops and Nicias; from Aetolia, Lyciscus and
+Tisippus; and from Achaia, Callicrates, Agesias, and Philippus.<a name="FNanchor_26" id="FNanchor_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">26</a>
+Instigated by these advisers, the commissioners ordered the
+supposed covert enemies of Rome in the several states to
+proceed to Italy to take their trial. To Achaia two commissioners,
+Gaius Claudius and Gnaeus Domitius, were sent.
+An Achaean assembly being summoned to meet them, they
+announced that there were certain men of influence in the
+league who had helped Perseus by money and other support.
+They required that a vote should be passed condemning them
+all to death; and said that, when that was done, they would
+publish the names. Such a monstrous perversion of justice
+was too much for the assembly, who refused to vote until they
+knew the names. The commissioners then said that all the
+Strategi who had been in office since the beginning of the war
+were involved. One of them, Xeno, came forward, declared
+his innocence, and asserted that he was ready to plead his
+cause before any tribunal, Achaean or Roman. Upon this the
+commissioners required that all the accused persons should
+go to Rome. A list of one thousand names was drawn up, under
+the guidance of Callicrates, of those who were at once to proceed
+to Italy<a name="FNanchor_27" id="FNanchor_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;167). The court of inquiry, before which they
+were to appear, was never held. They were not allowed even
+to stay in Rome, but were quartered in various cities of Italy,
+which were made responsible for their safe custody: and there
+they remained until <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;151, when such of them as were still
+alive, numbering then somewhat less than three hundred, were
+contemptuously allowed to return.<a name="FNanchor_28" id="FNanchor_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> Among these detenus was
+Polybius. We do not hear that Lycortas was also one, from
+which it has been with some probability supposed that he was
+dead. More fortunate than the rest, Polybius was allowed to
+remain at Rome. He had made, it seems, the acquaintance of
+Aemilius Paulus and his two sons in Macedonia, and during
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxvii" id="Page_xxvii">xxvii</a></span>the tour of Aemelius through Greece after the Macedonian war.<a name="FNanchor_29" id="FNanchor_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">29</a>
+And on their return to Italy he was allowed by their influence to
+remain in Rome; and, acting as tutor to the two boys,<a name="FNanchor_30" id="FNanchor_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> became
+well acquainted with all the best society in the city. The
+charming account which he gives<a name="FNanchor_31" id="FNanchor_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> of the mutual affection
+existing between him and the younger son of Aemilius (by
+adoption now called Publius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus)
+bears all the marks of sincerity, and is highly to the credit
+of both. To it we may add the anecdote of Plutarch, that
+&#8220;Scipio, in observance of the precept of Polybius, endeavoured
+never to leave the forum without having made a close friend of
+some one he met there.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>But much as he owed to the friendship of the sons of
+Aemilius, he owed it also to his own energy and cheerful
+vigour that these sixteen years of exile were not lost time in his
+life. He employed them, not in fruitless indulgence in homesickness,
+or in gloomy brooding over his wrongs, but in a careful
+and industrious study of the history and institutions of the
+people among whom he was compelled to reside<a name="FNanchor_32" id="FNanchor_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">32</a>; in ingratiating
+himself with those members of the Senate who he thought
+might be useful to his countrymen; and in forming and
+maturing his judgment as to the course of policy they ought to
+pursue. Nor was he without means of gratifying lighter tastes.
+He was an active sportsman: and the boar-hunting in the district
+of Laurentum not only diverted his attention from the
+distressing circumstances of his exile, and kept his body in
+vigorous health, but obtained for him the acquaintance of many
+men of rank and influence. Thus for instance his intimacy
+with the Syrian prince Demetrius, afterwards king Demetrius
+Soter, was made in the hunting-field<a name="FNanchor_33" id="FNanchor_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">33</a>: and the value which
+this young man attached to his advice and support is some
+measure of the opinion entertained generally of his wisdom,
+moderation, and good judgment. We have no further details
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxviii" id="Page_xxviii">xxviii</a></span>of his life in Rome; but we have what is better,&mdash;its fruits,
+in the luminous account of its polity, the constitution of its
+army, and the aims of its statesmen.</p>
+
+<p>At last the time came when he was once more free to visit
+his own country, or to extend his knowledge by <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;151.
+Release of the
+detenus.</span>
+visiting the countries which he wished to
+describe. After repeated applications to the
+Senate by embassies from Achaia, made without avail, in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+151 Polybius appeared in person to plead the cause before the
+Fathers. There was now, it was thought, no reason for retaining
+these unfortunate men. The original thousand had shrunk
+to less than three hundred; middle-aged men had become in
+sixteen years old and decrepit; they had lost connexions and
+influence in the Peloponnese; they had learnt by bitter experience
+the impossibility of resisting the power of Rome, and
+were no longer likely to venture on organising any opposition.
+Their longer detention could only be a measure of vengeance,
+and useless vengeance. Still the debate in the Senate was long
+and doubtful, until it was brought to a conclusion by the contemptuous
+exclamation of Cato: &#8220;Are we to sit here all day
+discussing whether some old Greek dotards are to be buried
+by Italian or Achaean undertakers?&#8221; Polybius, elated by a
+concession thus ungraciously accorded, wished to enter the
+Senate once more with a further request for a restitution of
+their property in Achaia. But Cato bluntly bade him &#8220;remember
+Ulysses, who wanted to go back into the cave of the Cyclops
+to fetch his cap and belt.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_34" id="FNanchor_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">34</a></p>
+
+<p>Polybius seems to have returned to the Peloponnese at
+once, and to have remained there until <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;149, <span class="sidenote">Coss. L. Marcius
+Censornius,
+Manius Manilius,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;149.
+Polybius sent
+for to
+Lilybaeum.</span>
+when he was suddenly summoned to serve the
+government whose enforced guest he had been
+so long. It was the year in which the Senate
+had determined to commence their proceedings
+against Carthage, which were not to be stayed
+until she was levelled with the ground. In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;150 the
+victory of Massanissa had restored the oligarchs, who had been
+superseded by the popular anti-Roman party in Carthage. These
+men hastened to make every possible offer of submission to
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxix" id="Page_xxix">xxix</a></span>Rome. The Senate had made up its mind for war; and yet did
+not at once say so. After demanding that full satisfaction should
+be made to Massanissa, it next decreed that the Carthaginians
+must at once give three hundred of their noblest youths as
+hostages to the Roman consuls Manilius and Censorinus, who
+had sailed to Lilybaeum with secret orders to let no concession
+induce them to stop the war until Carthage was destroyed.<a name="FNanchor_35" id="FNanchor_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">35</a>
+There was naturally some hesitation in obeying this demand
+at Carthage; for the hostages were to be given to the Romans
+absolutely without any terms, and without any security. They
+felt that it was practically a surrender of their city. To overcome
+this hesitation Manilius sent for Polybius, perhaps
+because he had known and respected him at Rome, and believed
+that he could trust him; perhaps because his well-known
+opinion, as to the safety in trusting the Roman <i>fides</i>, might
+make him a useful agent. But also probably because he was
+known to many influential Carthaginians, and perhaps spoke
+their language.<a name="FNanchor_36" id="FNanchor_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> He started for Lilybaeum at once. But
+when he reached Corcyra he was met with the news that the
+hostages had been given up to the consul: he thought, therefore,
+that the chance of war was at an end, and he returned to
+the Peloponnese.<a name="FNanchor_37" id="FNanchor_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">37</a></p>
+
+<p>He must soon have learnt his mistake. The Consul, in
+accordance with his secret instructions,&mdash;first to secure the
+arms in Carthage, and then to insist on the destruction of the
+town,&mdash;gradually let the wretched people know the extent of
+the submission required of them. These outrageous demands
+resulted in the Carthaginians taking the desperate resolution
+of standing a siege. Censorinus and his colleague accordingly
+began operations; but they were not capable of so great an
+undertaking. The eyes of the whole army were turned upon
+Scipio Aemilianus, who was serving as a military tribune. The
+siege lingered through the summer of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;148 without any
+result; and when in the autumn Scipio left for Rome, to stand
+for the Aedileship, he started amidst loud expressions of hope
+that he might return as Consul, though below the legal age.<a name="FNanchor_38" id="FNanchor_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">38</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxx" id="Page_xxx">xxx</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The loss of so much of Polybius&#8217;s narrative at this point leaves
+us uncertain when he arrived in Africa: but as he met and conversed
+with Massanissa,<a name="FNanchor_39" id="FNanchor_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> who died in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;148, it seems likely
+that he did join the army after all in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;149. At any rate
+he was in Scipio&#8217;s train in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;147-146, when he was in chief
+command of the army, first as consul, and then as proconsul;
+advised him on sundry points in the formation of
+his siege works; stood by his side when Carthage was burning;
+and heard him, as he watched the dreadful sight, utter
+with tearful eyes the foreboding of what might one day befall
+Rome.<a name="FNanchor_40" id="FNanchor_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> Scipio is also said to have supplied him with ships
+for an exploring expedition round the coast of Africa;<a name="FNanchor_41" id="FNanchor_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> and
+it seems most likely that this was in his year of consulship
+(147), as after the fall of Carthage Polybius went home.</p>
+
+<p>The destruction of Carthage took place in the spring of
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;146. When Scipio went back to celebrate his triumph,
+Polybius seems to have returned to the Peloponnese, there to
+witness another act of vengeance on the part of Rome, and to
+do what he could to lighten the blow to his countrymen, and
+to preserve the fragments of their shattered liberties.</p>
+
+<p>Among the restored Achaean exiles were Diaeus, Damocritus,
+Alcamenes, Theodectes, and Archicrates. They had
+returned with feelings embittered by their exile; and without
+any of the experience of active life, which might have taught
+them to subordinate their private thirst for revenge to the
+safety of their country. Callicrates died in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;148, and Diaeus
+was Strategus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;149-148, 147-146. The appearance of
+the pseudo-Philip (Andriscus) in Macedonia, and the continued
+resistance of Carthage during his first year of office (148), encouraged
+him perhaps to venture on a course, and to recommend
+the people to adopt a policy, on which he would otherwise
+not have ventured. Troubles arising out of a disgraceful
+money transaction between the Spartan Menalchidas, Achaean
+Strategus, and the Oropians, who had bribed him to aid them
+against the Athenians, had led to a violent quarrel with Callicrates,
+who threatened to impeach him for treason to the league
+in the course of an embassy to Rome. To save himself he gave
+half the Oropian money to Diaeus, his successor as Strategus
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxi" id="Page_xxxi">xxxi</a></span>
+(<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;149-148). This led to a popular clamour against Diaeus:
+who, to save himself, falsely reported that the Senate had
+granted the Achaeans leave to try and condemn certain Spartans
+for the offence of occupying a disputed territory. Sparta was
+prepared to resist in arms, and a war seemed to be on the
+point of breaking out. Callicrates and Diaeus, however, were
+sent early in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;148 to place the Achaean case before the
+Senate, while the Spartans sent Menalchidas. Callicrates
+died on the road. The Senate heard, therefore, the two sides
+from Diaeus and Menalchidas, and answered that they would
+send commissioners to inquire into the case. The commissioners,
+however, were slow in coming; so that both Diaeus
+and Menalchidas had time to misrepresent the Senate&#8217;s answer
+to their respective peoples. The Achaeans believed that they
+had full leave to proceed according to the league law against
+the Spartans; the Spartans believed that they had permission
+to break off from the league. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;148.</span>
+Once more,
+therefore, war was on the point of breaking
+out.<a name="FNanchor_42" id="FNanchor_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> Just at this time Q. Caecilius Metellus was in Macedonia
+with an army to crush Andriscus. He was sending
+some commissioners to Asia, and ordered them to visit the
+Peloponnese on their way and give a friendly warning. It
+was neglected, and the Spartans sustained a defeat, which
+irritated them without crushing their revolt. When Diaeus
+succeeded Damocritus as Strategus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;147, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;147.</span>
+he answered a second embassy from Metellus
+by a promise not to take any hostile steps until the Roman
+commissioners arrived. But he irritated the Spartans by
+putting garrisons into some forts which commanded Laconia;
+and they actually elected Menalchidas as a Strategus in
+opposition to Diaeus. But finding that he had no chance of
+success Menalchidas poisoned himself.<a name="FNanchor_43" id="FNanchor_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a></p>
+
+<p>Then followed the riot at Corinth.<a name="FNanchor_44" id="FNanchor_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> Marcus Aurelius
+Orestes at the head of a commission arrived at last at Corinth,
+and there informed the magistrates in council that the league
+must give up Argos, Corinth, and Sparta. The magistrates
+hastily summoned an assembly and announced the message
+from the Senate; a furious riot followed, every man in
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxii" id="Page_xxxii">xxxii</a></span>
+Corinth suspected of being a Spartan was seized and thrown
+into prison; the very residence of the Roman commissioners
+was not able to afford such persons any protection, and even
+the persons of Orestes and his colleagues were in imminent
+danger.</p>
+
+<p>Some months afterwards a second commission arrived
+headed by Sextus Julius Caesar, and demanded, without any
+express menace, that the authors of the riot should be given up.
+The demand was evaded; and when Caesar returned to Rome
+with his report, war was at once declared.</p>
+
+<p>The new Strategus, elected in the autumn of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;147, was
+Critolaus. He was a bitter anti-Romanist like
+Diaeus: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;147-146.</span>
+and these statesmen and their party
+fancied that the Romans, having already two wars on hand, at
+Carthage and in Spain, would make any sacrifice to keep peace
+with Achaia. They had not indeed openly declined the demands
+of Sextus, but, to use Polybius&#8217;s expressive phrase, &#8220;they
+accepted with the left hand what the Romans offered with the
+right.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_45" id="FNanchor_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> While pretending to be preparing to submit their case
+to the Senate, they were collecting an army from the cities of
+the league. Inspired with an inexplicable infatuation, which
+does not deserve the name of courage, Critolaus even advanced
+northwards towards Thermopylae, as if he could with his petty
+force bar the road to the Romans and free Greece. He was
+encouraged, it was said, by a party at Thebes which had suffered
+from Rome for its Macedonising policy. But, rash as the
+march was, it was managed with at least equal imprudence.
+Instead of occupying Thermopylae, they stopped short of it to
+besiege Trachinian Heracleia, an old Spartan colony,<a name="FNanchor_46" id="FNanchor_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> which
+refused to join the league. While engaged in this, Critolaus
+heard that Metellus (who wished to anticipate his successor
+Mummius) was on the march from Macedonia. He beat a
+hasty retreat to Scarpheia in Locris,<a name="FNanchor_47" id="FNanchor_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> which was on the road
+leading to Elateia and the south; here he was overtaken and
+defeated with considerable slaughter. Critolaus appears not to
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxiii" id="Page_xxxiii">xxxiii</a></span>have fallen on the field; but he was never seen again. He was
+either lost in some marshes over which he attempted to escape,
+as Pausanias suggests, or poisoned himself, as Livy says.
+Diaeus, as his predecessor, became Strategus, and was elected
+for the following year also. Diaeus exerted himself to collect
+troops for the defence of Corinth, nominally as being at
+war with Sparta. He succeeded in getting as many as
+fourteen thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry, consisting
+partly of citizens and partly of slaves; and sent
+four thousand picked men under Alcamenes to hold
+Megara, while he himself occupied Corinth. When Metellus
+approached, however, this outpost at Megara hastily retreated
+into Corinth. Metellus took up his position in the Isthmus,
+and offered the Achaeans the fairest terms. Diaeus, however,
+induced them to reject all offers; and Metellus was kept some
+time encamped before Corinth.</p>
+
+<p>It was now late in the spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;146, and the new
+Consul, Lucius Mummius, arrived at the Roman
+camp. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;146.
+Arrival of
+Mummius.</span>
+He at once sent Metellus back to
+Macedonia, and quietly awaited the arrival of
+fresh troops, which he had sent for from Crete and Pergamum,
+as well as from Italy.<a name="FNanchor_48" id="FNanchor_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> He eventually had an army of about
+thirty thousand men, nearly double of the Greek army in
+Corinth. Nothing apparently was done till the late summer, or
+autumn. But then the final catastrophe was rapid and complete.
+The Roman officers regarded the Achaean force with such
+contempt, that they did not take proper precautions, so that
+Diaeus won a slight advantage against one of the Roman
+outposts. Flushed with this success, he drew out for a pitched
+battle, in which he was totally defeated. He made his way to
+Megalopolis, where, after killing his wife, he poisoned himself.</p>
+
+<p>Thus by a series of imprudent measures, which Polybius
+denounces, but was not at home to oppose, the Achaean league
+had drifted into downright war with Rome; and, almost without
+a struggle, had fallen helplessly at her feet, forced to accept
+whatever her mercy or contempt might grant. Mercy, however,
+was to be preceded by stern punishment. Corinth was given
+up to plunder and to fire, and Polybius returned from Africa in
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxiv" id="Page_xxxiv">xxxiv</a></span>
+time to witness it.<a name="FNanchor_49" id="FNanchor_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> The destruction or deportation of works of
+art, of pictures, statues, and costly furniture, he
+could not prevent; <span class="sidenote">Polybius saves
+some statues of
+national interest.</span>
+but he spoke a successful
+word to preserve the statues of Philopoemen
+in the various cities from destruction; and also begged successfully
+for the restoration of some of the Eponymous hero
+Achaeus, and of Philopoemen and Aratus, which had already
+been transported as far as Acarnania on their way to Italy.<a name="FNanchor_50" id="FNanchor_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">50</a>
+He also dissuaded his friends from rushing to take their share
+in the plunder by purchasing the confiscated goods of Diaeus,
+which were put to auction and could be bought at low rates;
+and he refused to accept any of them himself.<a name="FNanchor_51" id="FNanchor_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">51</a></p>
+
+<p>The settlement of the territories of the league was put into
+the hands of a commission of ten men who
+were sent out after the sack of Corinth; <span class="sidenote">The new settlement
+of the Peloponnese,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;146-145.</span>
+while
+Mummius, after seeing that such towns in the
+Peloponnese as had joined in the war were
+deprived of their fortifications and arms, and after inflicting
+punishment upon other towns in Greece which had shown
+active sympathy with Perseus, especially Thebes and Chalcis,
+returned home to celebrate his triumph, which was adorned
+with marble and bronze statues and pictures from Corinth.<a name="FNanchor_52" id="FNanchor_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">52</a>
+The commissioners who had been sent out to make a final settlement
+of Greece, or Achaia, as it was henceforth to be called in
+official language, settled the general plan in conjunction with
+Mummius; but the commissioners continued their labours
+for six months, at the end of which time they departed, leaving
+Polybius to settle with each town the details of their local
+legislation. The general principles which the commissioners
+laid down were first, the entire abolition of all the leagues, and
+consequently of the league assemblies; each town, with its
+surrounding district, which had once formed a canton in the
+league, was to be separate and independent: its magistrates,
+secondly, were to be selected according to a fixed assessment
+of property, the old equality or democracy being abolished:
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxv" id="Page_xxxv">xxxv</a>
+</span>thirdly, no member of one canton might own property in
+another: fourthly, the Boeotians were ordered to pay a heavy
+compensation to the Heracleots and Euboeans, and the
+Achaeans to the Spartans: lastly, a fixed tribute to Rome
+was imposed on all states in Greece.<a name="FNanchor_53" id="FNanchor_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> Some of these measures
+were in a few years&#8217; time relaxed, the fines were mitigated,
+the rule against inter-possession of property was abolished, and
+the league assemblies were again allowed for certain local
+purposes. But this was the end of the league as a free
+federation. It is often said that &#8220;Greece was now reduced
+to the form of a Roman province under the name of Achaia.&#8221;
+This is true in a sense, and yet is misleading. Achaia did
+not become a province like the other provinces, yearly allotted
+to a proconsul or propraetor or legatus, until the time of
+Augustus. Such direct interference from a Roman magistrate
+as was thought necessary was left to the governor of Macedonia.<a name="FNanchor_54" id="FNanchor_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">54</a>
+Yet in a certain sense Achaia was treated as a
+separate entity, and had a &#8220;formula,&#8221; or constitution, founded
+on the separate local laws which the commissioners found
+existing, or imposed, with the help of Polybius, on the several
+states; it paid tribute like other provinces, and was in fact,
+though called free, subject to Rome.</p>
+
+<p>Polybius performed his task of visiting the various towns
+in the Peloponnese, explaining when necessary the meaning of
+the new arrangements, and advising them, when they had to
+make others for themselves, so much to the satisfaction of
+every one, that there was a universal feeling that he had been
+a benefactor to his country, and had made the best of their
+situation that could be made. Statues of him are mentioned
+by Pausanias in several places in the Peloponnese: in Mantinea<a name="FNanchor_55" id="FNanchor_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">55</a>
+and at Megalopolis,<a name="FNanchor_56" id="FNanchor_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> with an inscription in elegiacs to the
+effect that &#8220;he had travelled over every land and sea; was an
+ally of the Romans, and mitigated their wrath against Greece.&#8221;
+Another in the temple of Persephone, near Acacesium,<a name="FNanchor_57" id="FNanchor_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> under
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxvi" id="Page_xxxvi">xxxvi</a></span>which was a legend stating that &#8220;Greece would not have erred
+at all if she had obeyed Polybius; and that when she did err,
+he alone proved of any help to her.&#8221; There were others also
+at Pallantium,<a name="FNanchor_58" id="FNanchor_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> Tegea,<a name="FNanchor_59" id="FNanchor_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> and Olympia.<a name="FNanchor_60" id="FNanchor_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">60</a></p>
+
+<p>In these services to his country Polybius was occupied in
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;145. Of his life after that we have no detailed record.
+He is believed to have visited Scipio while engaged on the
+siege of Numantia (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;134-132), on which he wrote a separate
+treatise.<a name="FNanchor_61" id="FNanchor_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> We know also that he visited Alexandria in the
+reign of Ptolemy Physcon (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;146-117), and expressed
+his contempt for the state of the people and their rulers.<a name="FNanchor_62" id="FNanchor_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a>
+These years must have been also much occupied with the
+extension of his history, which he originally intended should
+end with the fall of the Macedonian kingdom (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;168),<a name="FNanchor_63" id="FNanchor_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> but
+which was afterwards continued to the fall of Carthage and
+Greece (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;146);<a name="FNanchor_64" id="FNanchor_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> for even if the history had been completed
+up to its originally intended limit, and the notice of extension
+afterwards inserted, there still was enough to do to occupy
+some years of a busy life; especially as he seems to have
+carried out his principle that an historian ought to be a
+traveller, visiting the localities of which he speaks, and testing
+by personal inspection the possibility of the military evolutions
+which he undertakes to describe. His travels appear certainly
+to have embraced the greater part of Gaul, and it even seems
+possible from one passage that he visited Britain.<a name="FNanchor_65" id="FNanchor_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> His explorations
+on the African coast were doubtless extensive, and
+he appears to have visited Phoenicia, Cilicia, and Asia Minor.
+We hear of him at Sardis, though we cannot fix the date of
+the visit.<a name="FNanchor_66" id="FNanchor_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> Lastly, Lucian tells us that, &#8220;returning from the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxvii" id="Page_xxxvii">xxxvii</a></span>
+country, he had a fall from his horse, from the effects of which
+he died at the age of eighty-two.&#8221; No place is given, and no
+clue which may help us to be certain of the date.<a name="FNanchor_67" id="FNanchor_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> Polybius,
+besides the general history, had written a treatise on Tactics,<a name="FNanchor_68" id="FNanchor_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">68</a>
+a panegyric on Philopoemen,<a name="FNanchor_69" id="FNanchor_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> a history of the Numantine
+war,<a name="FNanchor_70" id="FNanchor_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> and perhaps a treatise on public speaking (&#948;&#951;&#956;&#951;&#947;&#959;&#961;&#8055;&#945;).<a name="FNanchor_71" id="FNanchor_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">71</a></p>
+
+<h3>&sect; 2.&mdash;THE SOURCES OF POLYBIUS&#8217;S HISTORY</h3>
+
+<p>Polybius always maintains that the study of documents is
+only one, and not the most important, element in the equipment
+of an historian. The best is personal experience and
+personal inquiry.</p>
+
+<p>Of the sources of his own history, then, the first and best
+<span class="sidenote">Personal
+knowledge.</span>
+may be set down as knowledge acquired by
+being actually present at great events, such as the
+destruction of Carthage and the sack of Corinth;
+visits to the Roman army in camp; assisting at actual debates
+in his own country; personal knowledge of and service under
+men of the first position in Achaia; personal visits to famous
+localities; voyages and tours undertaken for the definite object
+of inspection and inquiry; and, lastly, seeing and questioning
+the survivors of great battles, or the men who had played a
+leading part in conspicuous political transactions.</p>
+
+<p>From his earliest youth Polybius had enjoyed some special
+advantages in these respects. As he himself says, &#8220;the events
+in Greece fell within his own generation, or that immediately
+preceding his own,&mdash;and he therefore could relate what he
+had seen, or what he had heard from eye-witnesses&#8221; (<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_2">2</a>).
+And of the later period he &#8220;was not only an eye-witness, but
+in some cases an actor, and in others the chief actor&#8221; (<b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_4">4</a>).
+When he was probably under twenty we hear of his being present
+at an important interview between Philopoemen and Archon;<a name="FNanchor_72" id="FNanchor_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a>
+and his election as hipparch in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;169, soon after he reached
+the legal age, was in consequence of his having thrown himself
+with vigour into the practical working of the cavalry under
+Philopoemen. In regard to Roman history and polity, we
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxviii" id="Page_xxxviii">xxxviii</a></span>have Cicero&#8217;s testimony that he was <i>bonus auctor in primis</i>,<a name="FNanchor_73" id="FNanchor_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> and
+more particularly in regard to chronology, <i>quo nemo fuit in
+exquirendis temporibus diligentius</i>.<a name="FNanchor_74" id="FNanchor_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> Nor is this praise undeserved,
+as is shown by his energy in pushing minute and
+personal inquiries. Thus he learnt the details of the Hannibalic
+war from some of the survivors of those actually engaged;
+visited the localities, and made the pass of the Alps used
+by Hannibal;<a name="FNanchor_75" id="FNanchor_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> studied and transcribed the stele or bronze
+tablet placed by Hannibal on the Lacinian promontory;<a name="FNanchor_76" id="FNanchor_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a>
+travelled through Libya, Spain, Gaul, and the seas which
+washed their shores (perhaps even as far as Britain), in order to
+give a true account of them.<a name="FNanchor_77" id="FNanchor_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> Conversed with Massanissa on
+the character of the Carthaginians, as well as with many of the
+Carthaginians themselves.<a name="FNanchor_78" id="FNanchor_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> Carefully observed Carthagena.<a name="FNanchor_79" id="FNanchor_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a>
+Inspected the records at Rhodes,<a name="FNanchor_80" id="FNanchor_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> and the Archives at Rome;<a name="FNanchor_81" id="FNanchor_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">81</a>
+and studied and transcribed the treaties preserved there.<a name="FNanchor_82" id="FNanchor_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">82</a>
+Visited Sardis,<a name="FNanchor_83" id="FNanchor_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> Alexandria,<a name="FNanchor_84" id="FNanchor_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> and Locri Epizephyrii.<a name="FNanchor_85" id="FNanchor_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> To
+this, which is by no means an exhaustive account of his travels
+and inquiries, may be added the fact that his intimacy with
+the younger Africanus, grandson by adoption and nephew by
+marriage of the elder Scipio, must have placed at his disposal
+a considerable mass of information contained in the family
+archives of the Scipios, as to the Hannibalian war, and especially
+as to the campaigns in Spain.<a name="FNanchor_86" id="FNanchor_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">86</a></p>
+
+<p>Such were some of the means by which Polybius was
+enabled to obtain accurate and trustworthy information.</p>
+
+<p>It remains to inquire how far Polybius availed himself of
+<span class="sidenote">Use of previous
+writers by
+Polybius.</span>
+the writings of others. He looks upon the
+study of books as an important part of an historian&#8217;s
+work, but, as we have seen, not the
+most important. His practice appears to have been conformable
+to his theory. The greater part of his information
+he gained from personal observation and personal inquiry.
+Nevertheless, some of his history must have been learnt from
+books, and very little of it could have been entirely independent
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xxxix" id="Page_xxxix">xxxix</a></span>
+of them. Still, as far as we have the means of judging
+from the fragments of his work that have come down to us,
+his obligations to his predecessors are not as extensive as that
+of most of those who wrote after him; nor is the number of
+those to whom he refers great.<a name="FNanchor_87" id="FNanchor_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a></p>
+
+<p>Of his preliminary sketch contained in books 1 and 2,
+<span class="sidenote">The Punic wars.</span>
+the first book, containing the account of the first
+Punic war and the Mercenary war, appears to
+have been derived mainly from the writings of Fabius Pictor
+(b. circ. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;260), and Philinus of Agrigentum (contemporary
+and secretary of Hannibal). He complains that they were
+violent partisans, the one of Rome, the other of Carthage.<a name="FNanchor_88" id="FNanchor_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a>
+But by comparing the two, and checking both by documents
+and inscriptions at Rome, he, no doubt, found sufficient material
+for his purpose.</p>
+
+<p>The second book contains an account of the origin of the
+<span class="sidenote">Illyrians and
+Gauls.</span>
+war between Rome and Illyricum; of the
+Gallic or Celtic wars from the earliest times;
+and a sketch of Achaean history to the end of the Cleomenic
+war. The first two of these must have been compiled
+with great labour from various public documents and
+family records, as well as in part from Pictor. The sketch of
+<span class="sidenote">Achaia.</span>
+Achaean history rested mainly, as far as it
+depends on books, on the Memoirs of Aratus;
+while he studied only to refute the writings of Phylarchus the
+panegyrist of Cleomenes. He complains of the partiality of
+Phylarchus: but in this part of the history it was perhaps
+inevitable that his own views should have been coloured by
+the prejudices and prepossessions of a politician, and one who
+had been closely connected from boyhood with the patriotic
+Achaean party, led by Philopoemen, which was ever at enmity
+with all that Cleomenes did his utmost to establish.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xl" id="Page_xl">xl</a></span></p>
+
+<p>For his account of Sicilian affairs he had studied the works
+<span class="sidenote">Sicilian history.</span>
+of Timaeus of Tauromenium. Although he
+accuses him bitterly, and at excessive length,<a name="FNanchor_89" id="FNanchor_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">89</a>
+of all the faults of which an historian can be guilty, he yet confesses
+that he found in his books much that was of assistance
+to him<a name="FNanchor_90" id="FNanchor_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> in regard both to Magna Graecia and Sicily; for which
+he also consulted the writings of Aristotle, especially it appears
+the now lost works on Polities (&#960;&#959;&#955;&#953;&#964;&#949;&#8055;&#945;&#953;), and Founding of
+Cities (&#954;&#964;&#8055;&#963;&#949;&#953;&#962;). The severity of his criticism of Timaeus is
+supported by later authors. He was nicknamed &#7952;&#960;&#953;&#964;&#8055;&#956;&#945;&#953;&#959;&#962;, in
+allusion to the petulance of his criticism of others;<a name="FNanchor_91" id="FNanchor_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> and
+Plutarch attacks him for his perversion of truth and his foolish
+and self-satisfied attempts to rival the best of the ancient writers,
+and to diminish the credit of the most famous philosophers.<a name="FNanchor_92" id="FNanchor_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">92</a></p>
+
+<p>As far as we possess his writings, we find little trace in
+<span class="sidenote">Greek history.</span>
+Polybius of a reference to the earliest historians.
+Herodotus is not mentioned, though there may
+be some indications of acquaintance with his work;<a name="FNanchor_93" id="FNanchor_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> nor the
+Sicilian Philistus who flourished about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;430. Thucydides
+is mentioned once, and Xenophon three times. Polybius was
+engaged in the history of a definite period, and had not much
+occasion to refer to earlier times; and perhaps the epitomator,
+in extracting what seemed of value, chose those parts especially
+where he was the sole or best authority.</p>
+
+<p>For the early history of Macedonia, he seems to have relied
+<span class="sidenote">Macedonia.</span>
+mostly on two pupils of Isocrates, Ephorus of
+Cumae and Theopompus of Chios; though
+the malignity of the latter deprived his authority of much
+weight.<a name="FNanchor_94" id="FNanchor_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> He also studied the work of Alexander&#8217;s friend and
+victim, Callisthenes; and vehemently assailed his veracity, as
+others have done. More important to him perhaps were the
+writings of his own contemporaries, the Rhodians Antisthenes
+and Zeno; though he detects them in some inaccuracies,
+which in the case of Zeno he took the trouble to correct:
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xli" id="Page_xli">xli</a></span>and of Demetrius of Phalerum, whose writings he seems to
+have greatly admired.</p>
+
+<p>For the contemporary history of Egypt and Syria he seems
+<span class="sidenote">Egypt and Syria.</span>
+to have trusted principally to personal inquiry.
+He expressly (<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_37">37</a>) declines entering on the
+early history of Egypt on the ground of its having been fully
+done by others (referring, perhaps, to Herodotus, Manetho,
+and Ptolemy of Megalopolis). For the Seleucid dynasty of
+Syria he quotes no authorities.</p>
+
+<p>On no subject does Polybius seem to have read so widely
+<span class="sidenote">Geography.</span>
+as on geography: doubtless as preparing himself
+not only for writing, but for being able to
+travel with the knowledge and intelligence necessary to enable
+him to observe rightly. He had studied minutely and criticised
+freely the writings of Dicaearchus, Pytheas, Eudoxus,
+and Eratosthenes. He was quick to detect fallacies in these
+writers, and to reject their dogmatising on the possibilities of
+nature; yet he does not seem to have had in an eminent degree
+the topographical faculty, or the power of giving a graphic
+picture of a locality. Modern research has tended rather to
+strengthen than weaken our belief in the accuracy of his
+descriptions, as in the case of Carthagena and the site of the
+battle of Cannae; still it cannot be asserted that he is to be
+classed high in the list of topographers, whether scientific or
+picturesque.</p>
+
+<p>He appears to have been fairly well acquainted with the
+<span class="sidenote">General Literature.</span>
+poets; but his occasions for quoting them, as
+far as we have his work, are not very frequent.
+He seems to have known his Homer, as every Greek was
+bound to do. He quotes the Cypria of Stasinus, who, according
+to tradition, was son-in-law of Homer; Hesiod, Simonides
+of Ceos, Pindar, Euripides, and Epicharmus of Cos. He
+quotes or refers to Plato, whom he appears chiefly to have
+studied for his political theories; and certain technical writers,
+such as Aeneas Tacticus, and Cleoxenos and Democlitus,
+inventors of a new system of telegraphy, if they wrote it rather
+than taught it practically.</p>
+
+<p>Even allowing for the loss of so great a part of his work,
+the list of authors is not a long one: and it suggests the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xlii" id="Page_xlii">xlii</a></span>
+remark, which his style as well as his own professions tend to
+confirm, that he was not primarily a man of letters, but a man
+of affairs and action, who loved the stir of political agitation,
+and unbent his mind by the excitement of travel and the
+chase. Nothing moves his contempt more than the idea of
+Timaeus living peaceably for fifty years at Athens, holding
+aloof from all active life, and poring over the books in the
+Athenian libraries as a preparation for writing history; which,
+according to him, can only be worth reading when it springs,
+not from rummaging Record offices, but from taking a personal
+share in the political strife of the day; studying military tactics
+in the camp and field; witnessing battles; questioning the
+actors in great events; and visiting the sites of battles, the cities
+and lands which are to be described.</p>
+
+<h3>&sect; 3. THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE<a name="FNanchor_95" id="FNanchor_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">95</a></h3>
+
+<p>To the student of politics the history of Greece is chiefly
+interesting as offering examples of numerous small states enjoying
+complete local autonomy, yet retaining a feeling of a
+larger nationality founded in a community of blood, language,
+and religion; a community, that is, in the sense that, fundamentally
+united in these three particulars, they yet acknowledged
+variations even in them, which distinguished without
+entirely separating them. From some points of view the experiment
+may be regarded as having been successful. From others
+it was a signal failure. Local jealousies and mutual provocations
+not only continually set city against city, clan against
+clan, but perpetually suggested invitations sent by one city,
+or even one party in a city, to foreign potentates or peoples to
+interfere in their behalf against another city or party, which
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xliii" id="Page_xliii">xliii</a></span>they hated or feared, but were too weak to resist. Thus we
+find the Persians, Macedonians, Syrians, and Romans successively
+induced to interfere in Greek politics with the assurance
+that there were always some states, or some party in each state,
+who would welcome them. From time to time men of larger
+views had conceived the idea of creating a united Empire of
+Hellas, which might present an unbroken front to the foreigner.
+From time to time philosophers had preached the impossibility
+of combining complete local independence with the idea of a
+strong and vigorous nationality. But the true solution of the
+problem had never been successfully hit upon: and after various
+abortive attempts at combination, Greece was left, a helpless
+collection of disjointed fragments, to fall under the intrigues
+of Macedonia and Rome.</p>
+
+<p>The Achaean league was not the first attempt at such a
+formation; though it was the first that ever arrived at anything
+like a complete scheme of federalism (unless the Aetolian
+preceded it); and was in many respects a fresh departure in
+Hellenic policy, and the first experiment in federation which
+seemed to contain the elements of success. From the
+earliest times certain Greek states had combined more or less
+closely, or loosely, for certain specific purposes. Such were
+the various Amphictyonies, and especially the Amphictyonic
+league of Thermopylae and Delphi. The object of these was
+primarily religious: the worship of a particular deity, the care
+of a particular temple; the first condition of membership being
+therefore community of blood. But though this was the
+origin of their being, there were elements in their constitution
+which might have developed into some form of federalism,
+had it not been for the centrifugal forces that always tended to
+keep Greek states apart. Thus we can conceive the idea of the
+Pylagorae from the various states gradually giving rise to the
+notion of a central parliament of elected representatives; and
+the sphere of its activity gradually extending to matters purely
+political, beginning with those which were on the borderland
+of religion and politics. And, indeed, the action of the great
+Amphictyonic league at times seemed to be approaching this.<a name="FNanchor_96" id="FNanchor_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">96</a></p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xliv" id="Page_xliv">xliv</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But the forces tending to decentralisation were always the
+stronger: and though the league continued to exist for many
+centuries, it became less and less political, and less and less
+influential in Greece. So too with other combinations in
+Greece. The community (&#964;&#8056; &#954;&#959;&#953;&#957;&#8056;&#957;) of the Ionians, beginning
+with a common meeting for worship at the Panionium, on one
+memorable occasion at least seemed for a brief space to
+promise to develop into a federation for mutual succour and
+defence. In the Ionian revolt in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;500, the deputies
+(&#960;&#961;&#8057;&#946;&#959;&#965;&#955;&#959;&#953;) of the Ionian states met and determined to combine
+against the enemy; they even went so far as to appoint
+a common general or admiral. But the instinct of separation
+was too strong; at the first touch of difficulty and hardship
+the union was resolved into its elements.<a name="FNanchor_97" id="FNanchor_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">97</a></p>
+
+<p>The constitution of the Boeotian league was somewhat
+more regular and permanent. The Boeotarchs appear to have
+met at regular intervals, and now and again to have succeeded
+in mustering a national levy. There were also four regularly
+constituted &#8220;Senates&#8221; to control them, though we know
+nothing of their constitution.<a name="FNanchor_98" id="FNanchor_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> But the league had come to
+nothing; partly from the resistance of the towns to the overweening
+pretensions of Thebes, and later from the severity of
+the treatment experienced by it at the hands of Alexander and
+his successors.</p>
+
+<p>Thessaly, again, was a loose confederacy of towns or cantons,
+in which certain great families, such as the Aleuadae and
+Scopadae, held the direction of their local affairs; or some
+tyrannus, as Alexander of Pherae, obtained sovereign powers.
+Still, for certain purposes, a connexion was acknowledged, and
+a Tagus of Thessaly was appointed, with the power of summoning
+a general levy of men. For a short time prior to the
+Roman conquest these officers appear to have gained additional
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xlv" id="Page_xlv">xlv</a></span>
+importance; but Thessaly never was united enough to
+be of importance, in spite of its famous cavalry, even among
+Greek nations, far less to be capable of presenting a firm
+front to the foreigner.</p>
+
+<p>One other early attempt at forming something like a Panhellenic
+union ought to be noticed. When the Persian invasion
+of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;480 was threatening, deputies (&#960;&#961;&#8057;&#946;&#959;&#965;&#955;&#959;&#953;) met at the
+Isthmus, sat there in council for some months, and endeavoured
+to unite Greece against the foreigner.<a name="FNanchor_99" id="FNanchor_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> But the
+one expedition which was sent solely by their instigation
+proved a failure.<a name="FNanchor_100" id="FNanchor_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> And when the danger was over, principally
+by the combined exertion of Athens and Sparta, this council
+seems to have died a natural death. Still for a time it acted
+as a supreme parliament of Greece, and assumed the power
+to punish with fine or death those Greeks who had medised.<a name="FNanchor_101" id="FNanchor_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">101</a></p>
+
+<p>Besides these rudimentary leagues, which might, but did
+not, issue in some form of Panhellenic government, there were
+periods in Greek history in which the Hegemone of one state
+did something towards presenting the appearance of union.
+Thus Polycrates of Samos seemed at one time to be likely to
+succeed in forming a great Ionian Empire. And in continental
+Greece, before the Persian wars, we find Sparta occupying
+the position of an acknowledged court of reference in
+international questions,<a name="FNanchor_102" id="FNanchor_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">102</a>&mdash;a position in which she probably
+had been preceded by Argos. And after those wars, by
+means of the confederacy of Delos, formed at first for one
+specific purpose&mdash;that of keeping the Aegean free of the
+Persians&mdash;Athens gradually rose to the position of an imperial
+city, claiming active control over the external politics of a
+considerable portion of Greece and nearly all the islands (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+478-404). But this proved after all but a passing episode in
+Greek history. Athens perhaps misused her power; and Sparta
+took up the task with great professions, but in a spirit even
+less acceptable to the Greek world than that of Athens; and
+by the peace of Antalcidas (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;387) the issue of the hundred
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xlvi" id="Page_xlvi">xlvi</a></span>
+years&#8217; struggle with Persia left one of the fairest portions of
+Hellas permanently separated from the main body. Asiatic
+Greece never became Hellenic again. The fall of the Persian
+empire before the invasion of Alexander for a while reunited
+it to a semi-Greek power; but Alexander&#8217;s death left it a prey
+to warring tyrants. It lost its prosperity and its commerce;
+and whatever else it became, it was never independent, or really
+Hellenic again.</p>
+
+<p>For a few years more Sparta and then Thebes assumed to
+be head of Greece, but the Macedonian supremacy secured at
+Chaeronea (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;338), still more fully after the abortive Lamian
+war (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;323), left Greece only a nominal freedom, again and
+again assured to it by various Macedonian monarchs, but
+really held only on sufferance. The country seemed to settle
+down without farther struggle into political insignificance.
+The games and festivals went on, and there was still some
+high talk of Hellenic glories. But one after another of the
+towns submitted to receive Macedonian garrisons and governors;
+and Athens, once the brilliant leader in national aspirations,
+practically abandoned politics, and was content to enjoy
+a reputation partly founded on her past, and partly on the
+fame of the philosophers who still taught in her gardens and
+porches, and attracted young men from all parts of the world to
+listen to their discourses, and to sharpen their wits by the acute
+if not very useful discussions which they promoted.<a name="FNanchor_103" id="FNanchor_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> Sparta,
+far from retaining her old ascendency, had been losing with it
+her ancient constitution, which had been the foundation of
+her glory, as well perhaps as in some respects the source of
+her weakness; and for good or evil had ceased to count for
+much in Hellenic politics.</p>
+
+<p>In the midst of this general collapse two portions of the
+Hellenic race gradually formed or recovered some sort of
+united government, which enabled them to play a conspicuous
+part in the later history of Greece, and which was essentially
+different from any of the combinations of earlier times of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xlvii" id="Page_xlvii">xlvii</a></span>which I have been speaking. These were the Aetolians and
+Achaeans.</p>
+
+<p>With regard to the former our information is exceedingly
+<span class="sidenote">Aetolian league.</span>
+scanty. They were said to have been an emigration
+from Elis originally;<a name="FNanchor_104" id="FNanchor_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> but they were
+little known to the rest of Greece. Strange stories were told
+of them, of their savage mode of life, their scarcely intelligible
+language, their feeding on raw flesh, and their fierceness as
+soldiers. They were said to live in open villages, widely
+removed from each other, and without effective means of
+combination for mutual protection. Their piracies, which were
+chiefly directed to the coasts of Messenia, caused the Messenians
+to seize the opportunity of Demosthenes being in their
+neighbourhood in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;426, with a considerable Athenian army,
+to persuade him to invade the Aetolians, who were always on
+the look-out to attack Naupactus, a town which the Athenians
+had held since <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;455,<a name="FNanchor_105" id="FNanchor_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> and which was naturally an object
+of envy to them as commanding the entrance to the Corinthian
+gulf. But when Demosthenes attempted the invasion,
+he found to his cost that the Aetolians knew how to combine,
+and he had to retire beaten with severe loss.<a name="FNanchor_106" id="FNanchor_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> The separate
+tribes in Aetolia seem soon afterwards to have had, if they
+had not already, some form of central government; for we find
+them negotiating with Agesilaus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;390, with the same
+object of obtaining Naupactus,<a name="FNanchor_107" id="FNanchor_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> when the Athenians had lost
+it, and it had fallen into the hands of the Locrians.<a name="FNanchor_108" id="FNanchor_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> The
+Aetolians appear to have gradually increased in importance:
+for we find Philip making terms with them and giving them
+the coveted Naupactus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;341, which had at some time
+previous come into the possession of the Achaeans.<a name="FNanchor_109" id="FNanchor_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> But
+their most conspicuous achievement, which caused them to
+take a position of importance in Greece, was their brilliant
+defeat of the invading Gauls at Delphi in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;279.<a name="FNanchor_110" id="FNanchor_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> By this
+time their federal constitution must in some shape have
+been formed. The people elected a Strategus in a general
+meeting, usually held at Thermus, at the autumn equinox,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xlviii" id="Page_xlviii">xlviii</a></span>
+to which apparently all Aetolians were at liberty to come,
+and at which questions of peace and war and external politics
+generally were brought forward; though meanwhile the Strategus
+appears to have had the right of declaring and carrying on war
+as he chose. There was also a hipparch and a secretary
+(<b>21</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b21_22">22</a>); and a senate called Apocleti (<b>20</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b20_1">1</a>); and a body
+called <i>Synedri</i> (<i>C. I. G.</i> 2350), which seem to have been
+judicial, and another called <i>Nomographi</i> (<b>13</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b13_1">1</a>, <i>C. I. G.</i>
+3046), who were apparently an occasional board for legislation.
+They produced some writers, but their works are lost.
+Accordingly, as Professor Mahaffy observes, &#8220;we know them
+entirely from their enemies.&#8221; Still the acknowledged principle
+on which they acted, &#7940;&#947;&#949;&#953;&#957; &#955;&#8049;&#966;&#965;&#961;&#959;&#957; &#7936;&#960;&#8056; &#955;&#945;&#966;&#8059;&#961;&#959;&#965;<a name="FNanchor_111" id="FNanchor_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a>&mdash;that is, that
+where spoils were going, whether from friend or foe, they
+were justified in taking a part, speaks for itself, and is enough
+to stamp them as at least dangerous and unpleasant neighbours.</p>
+
+<p>The Achaeans have a different and more interesting <span class="sidenote">Achaean league.</span>
+history.</p>
+
+<p>The original Achaean league consisted of a federation of
+twelve cities and their respective territory (&#956;&#8051;&#961;&#959;&#962;): Pellene,
+Aegira, Aegae, Bura, Helice, Aegium, Rhypes, Patrae, Pharae,
+Olenus, Dyme, Tritaea.<a name="FNanchor_112" id="FNanchor_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> This league was of great antiquity,
+but we know nothing of its history, or how it differed from
+other leagues, such as I have already mentioned, in adding
+political to religious unity. In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;454 it submitted to Athens;
+but was restored to its original position in the same year on the
+signing of the thirty years&#8217; truce between Sparta and Athens;<a name="FNanchor_113" id="FNanchor_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a>
+and though the Athenians demanded that their authority over
+it should be restored to them in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;425, when they had
+caught the Spartan army at Sphacteria, no change appears
+to have been made.<a name="FNanchor_114" id="FNanchor_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> Thucydides certainly seems to speak
+of it, not as entirely free, but as in some special manner
+subject to the supremacy of Sparta. Polybius, however,
+claims for them, at an early period, a peculiar and honourable
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xlix" id="Page_xlix">xlix</a></span>place in Greek politics, as being distinguished for probity and
+honour. Thus they were chosen as arbitrators in the intestine
+of Magna Graecia (about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;400-390); and again,
+after the battle of Leuctra (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;371) to mediate between
+Sparta and Thebes.<a name="FNanchor_115" id="FNanchor_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a> They must therefore, between <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;425-390,
+have obtained a virtual independence. They shared,
+however, in the universal decline of Hellenic activity during
+the Macedonian period (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 359 to about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 285), and
+Polybius complains that they were systematically depressed by
+the intrigues of Sparta and Macedonia; both which powers
+took care to prevent any Achaean of promising ability from
+attaining influence in the Peloponnese.<a name="FNanchor_116" id="FNanchor_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">116</a> The same influence
+was exerted to estrange the Achaean cities from each other.
+They were garrisoned by Macedonian troops, or fell under the
+power of tyrants; and to all appearance the league had fared
+as other such combinations had fared before, and had been
+resolved into its original elements.</p>
+
+<p>But the tradition of the old union did not die out entirely.
+Eight of the old cities still existed in a state of
+more or less vigour. <span class="sidenote">Revival of the
+league,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;284-280.</span>
+Olenus and Helice had
+long ago disappeared by encroachments of the
+sea (before <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;371), and their places had not been filled up
+by others. Two other towns, Rhypes and Aegae, had from
+various causes ceased to be inhabited, and their places had
+been taken in the league (before the dissolution) by Leontium
+and Caryneia. There were therefore ten cities which had once
+known the advantages and disadvantages of some sort of federal
+union; as well as the misfortunes which attached to disunion,
+aggravated by constant interference from without.</p>
+
+<p>The first step in an attempt to resuscitate the league was
+taken in the 124th Olympiad (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;284-280). Macedonia
+was at the time weakened by the troubles of a disputed succession:
+Pyrrhus was absorbed in his futile Italian expedition: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;284.
+First union of
+Dyme, Patrae,
+Tritaea, Pharae.</span>
+a change in the sovereign of Egypt opened a
+way to a possible change of policy at Alexandria:
+and the death of Lysimachus gave the monarchs
+something else to do than to trouble themselves
+about the Peloponnese. At this period four of the Achaean
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_l" id="Page_l">l</a></span>
+towns, Dyme, Patrae, Tritaea, and Pharae, formed a league
+for mutual help. <span class="sidenote">Adherence of
+Aegium, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;279.</span>
+This proving, after a trial of five years, to
+have some stability, it was joined by Aegium,
+from which the Macedonian garrison was expelled.
+At intervals, of which we are not informed,
+this was again joined by Bura and Caryneia. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;279-255.</span>
+These
+seven cities continued to constitute the entire
+league for twenty-five years; the federal magistrates
+consisting of two Strategi, elected by each city in turns,
+and a secretary. As to the doings of the league during this
+period we are entirely in the dark. <span class="sidenote">Margos of
+Caryneia first sole
+Strategus,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;255.</span>
+The next
+step that we hear of is the abolition of the dual
+presidency and the election of Margos of
+Caryneia as sole Strategus. We are not told
+the reasons of the change; but it is clear that a divided command
+might often give room for delay, when delay was fatal;
+and for the conflict of local interests, where the interests of the
+community should be the paramount consideration. At any
+rate the change was made: and Margos, who had been a loyal
+servant of the league, was the first sole Strategus. His
+immediate successors we do not know. The next fact in the
+history of the league was the adherence of Sicyon, a powerful
+town and the first of any, not in the number of the old
+Achaean federation, to join. This therefore was a great step in
+the direction of extending the federation over the Peloponnese;
+and it was the work of the man destined to do much in moulding
+the league into the shape in which it attained its greatest
+effectiveness, Aratus of Sicyon. He found it weak; its cities
+poor and insignificant; with no aid from rich soil or good
+harbourage to increase its wealth or property;<a name="FNanchor_117" id="FNanchor_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> he left it, not
+indeed free from serious dangers and difficulties,&mdash;in part the
+result of his own policy in calling in the aid of the Macedonians,
+in part created by the persistent hostility of Aetolia
+and Sparta,&mdash;but yet possessed of great vitality, and fast becoming
+the most powerful and influential of all the Greek
+governments; although at no time can it be spoken of as
+Panhellenic without very considerable exaggeration. Aratus
+had been brought up in exile at Argos, after the murder of his
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_li" id="Page_li">li</a></span>father Cleinias (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;271); and, when twenty years of age, by a
+gallant and romantic adventure, had driven out the tyrant
+Nicocles from Sicyon (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;251). He became the chief magistrate
+of his native town, which he induced to join the Achaean
+league, thus causing, as I have said, the league to take its
+first step towards embracing all the Peloponnese. It seems that
+for five years Aratus remained chief magistrate of Sicyon, but
+a private citizen of the league. In <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;245 (though of the
+exact year we have no positive information), he appears to
+have been first elected Strategus of the league. But it was
+not until his second year of office, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;243-242, that he began
+putting in practice the policy which he proposed to himself,&mdash;the
+expulsion of the Macedonian garrisons and the despots
+from the cities of the Peloponnese, with the view of their joining
+the league. He began with the Acrocorinthus. Corinth,
+freed from the foreign garrison, joined the league, and was
+followed soon after by Megara<a name="FNanchor_118" id="FNanchor_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;240). From this time
+Aratus was Strategus of the league in alternate years to the
+time of his death, the federal law not allowing two consecutive
+years of office.<a name="FNanchor_119" id="FNanchor_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">119</a></p>
+
+<p>The death of Antigonus Gonatas (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;239) led to a new
+departure. Hitherto the Aetolians had been in league with
+the Macedonians to vex and harry the Achaeans. The two
+leagues now made peace, and the Aetolians aided the
+Achaeans in their resistance to Gonatas&#8217;s successor, Demetrius
+(<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;239-229). Still the despots in many of the Peloponnesian
+towns held out, trusting to the support of Demetrius.
+When he died (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;229) there was a general movement among
+them to abdicate and join their cities to the league. Lydiades
+of Megalopolis had done so during Demetrius&#8217;s lifetime; and
+now Aristomachus of Argos, Xeno of Hermione, and Cleonymus
+of Phlius did the same. The rapid extension of the Achaean
+league, however, could not fail to excite the jealousy of the
+Aetolians, to whose league belonged certain Arcadian cities
+such as Mantinea, Tegea, and Orchomenus. These they
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lii" id="Page_lii">lii</a></span>imagined to be threatened by the policy of Aratus, which was
+apt to proceed on the line that even a forcible attachment of a
+Peloponnesian town to the league was in reality a liberation of
+its people from a constraining power. The Spartan jealousy was
+aroused by the same fear. And then, as Polybius puts it, the
+Aetolians connived at the extension of Spartan power, even at
+the expense of cities in league with themselves, in order to
+strengthen Cleomenes in his attitude of opposition to the
+Achaeans.<a name="FNanchor_120" id="FNanchor_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> Aratus, however, resolved to wait for some
+definite act of hostility before moving. This was supplied by
+Cleomenes building a fort (the Athenaeum) at Belbina, in the
+territory of Megalopolis, a league city. <span class="sidenote">Cleomenic war,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;227-221.</span>
+Upon
+this the league necessarily proclaimed war with
+Sparta. Thus does Polybius, a warm friend of
+the league, state the case in its behalf. The league, he argues,
+had been growing by the voluntary adherence of independent
+towns: it had shown no sign of an intention to attack Laconian
+territory, or towns in league with Aetolia: while Cleomenes
+had committed an act of wanton aggression and provocation by
+building a hostile fort in its territory. But what the other side
+had to say may be gathered from Plutarch&#8217;s life of Cleomenes,
+founded principally on the work of Phylarchus the panegyrist
+of Cleomenes.<a name="FNanchor_121" id="FNanchor_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> Here the case is put very differently.
+Aratus, according to him, had made up his mind that a union
+of the Peloponnesus was the one thing necessary for the safety
+of the league. In a great measure he had been already successful;
+but the parts which still stood aloof were Elis, Laconia,
+and the cities of Arcadia which were under the influence of
+Sparta.<a name="FNanchor_122" id="FNanchor_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> He therefore harassed these last by every means
+in his power; and the erection or fortification of the Athenaeum
+at Belbina by Cleomenes was in truth only a measure of necessary
+defence. Aratus, indeed, held that some of these Arcadian
+cities had been unfairly seized by Cleomenes, with the connivance
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_liii" id="Page_liii">liii</a></span>
+of the Aetolians;<a name="FNanchor_123" id="FNanchor_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> but to this Cleomenes might reply
+that, if the league claimed the right of extending its connexion
+with the assent, often extorted, of the various cities annexed,
+the same right could not justly be denied to himself. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;226-221.</span>A series
+of military operations took place during the next
+five years, in which Cleomenes nearly always
+got the better of Aratus; who, able and courageous in plots
+and surprises, was timid and ineffective in the field. The one
+important blow struck by Aratus, that of seizing Mantinea,
+was afterwards nullified by a counter-occupation of it by the
+Lacedaemonians; and in spite of troubles at home, caused by
+his great scheme of reform, Cleomenes was by <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;224 in so
+superior a position that he could with dignity propose terms to
+the league. He asked to be elected Strategus, therefore.<a name="FNanchor_124" id="FNanchor_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">124</a>
+At first sight this seemed a means of effecting the desired
+union of the Peloponnese; and as such the Achaeans were inclined
+to accept the proposal. Aratus, however, exerted all
+his influence to defeat the measure: and, in spite of all his
+failures, his services to the league enabled him to convince his
+countrymen that they should reject the offer; and he was himself
+elected Strategus for the twelfth time in the spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+223. Aratus has been loudly condemned for allowing a
+selfish jealousy to override his care for the true interests of his
+country, in thus refusing a prospect of a united Achaia, in which
+some one besides himself should be the leading man.<a name="FNanchor_125" id="FNanchor_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> But I
+think there is something to be said on the other side. What
+Aratus had been working for with a passionate eagerness was
+a union of free democratic states. Cleomenes, in spite of his
+liberal reforms at home, was a Spartan to the back bone.
+Aratus would have no manner of doubt that a league, with
+Sparta supreme in it, would inevitably become a Spartan kingdom.
+The forces of Sparta would be used to crush dissenting
+cities; and soon to put down the free institution which would
+always be disliked and feared by the Spartan government. Security
+from Macedonian influence, if it were really obtained,&mdash;and
+that was far from certain,&mdash;would be dearly purchased at the
+price of submission to Spartan tyranny, which would be more
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_liv" id="Page_liv">liv</a></span>galling and oppressive in proportion as it was nearer and more
+unremitting. With these views Aratus began to turn his eyes
+to the Macedonian court, as the only possible means of resisting
+the encroaching policy of Cleomenes. The character of
+Antigonus Doson, who was then administering Macedonia,
+gave some encouragement to hope for honest and honourable
+conduct on his part; and after some hesitation Aratus took
+the final step of asking for his aid.<a name="FNanchor_126" id="FNanchor_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> I do not expect to carry
+the assent of many readers when I express the opinion that he
+was right; and that the Greek policy towards Macedonia had
+been from the first a grievous error,&mdash;fostered originally by the
+patriotic eloquence of Demosthenes, and continued ever since by
+that ineradicable sentiment for local autonomy which makes
+Greek history so interesting, but inevitably tended to the political
+annihilation of Greece. Had some <i>modus vivendi</i> been
+found with the series of very able sovereigns who ruled Macedonia,
+a strong Greek nation might have been the result, with a
+central government able to hold its own even in the face of the
+great &#8220;cloud in the West,&#8221; which was surely overshadowing
+Greek freedom. But this was not to be. The taste for local
+freedom was too strong; and showed itself by constant appeals
+to an outside power against neighbours, which yet the very
+men who appealed to it would not recognise or obey. The
+Greeks had to learn that nations cannot, any more than individuals,
+eat their cake and have it too. Local autonomy, and
+the complete liberty of every state to war with its neighbours
+as it chooses, and of every one to speak and act as he pleases,
+have their charms; but they are not compatible with a united
+resistance to a great centralised and law-abiding power. And
+all the eloquence of all the Greek orators rolled into one could
+not make up for the lack of unity, or enable the distracted
+Greeks to raise an army which might stand before a volley of
+Roman pila or a charge of Roman legionaries.</p>
+
+<p>The help asked of Antigonus Doson was given with fatal
+readiness; but it had to be purchased by the admission of a
+Macedonian garrison into the Acrocorinthus, one of those
+&#8220;fetters of Greece,&#8221; the recovery of which had been among
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lv" id="Page_lv">lv</a></span>Aratus&#8217;s earliest and most glorious triumphs. The battle of
+Sellasia (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;221) settled the question of Spartan influence.
+Cleomenes fled to Alexandria and never returned. Sparta
+was not enslaved by Antigonus; who on the contrary professed
+to restore her ancient constitution,&mdash;probably meaning
+that the Ephoralty destroyed by Cleomenes was to be reconstituted,
+and the exiles banished by him recalled. Practically
+she was left a prey to a series of unscrupulous tyrants who one
+after the other managed to obtain absolute power, Lycurgus
+(<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220-210), Machanidas, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;210-207; Nabis, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;207-192;
+who, though differing in their home administrations, all
+agreed in using the enmity of the Aetolians in order to harass
+and oppress the Achaeans in every possible way.</p>
+
+<p>Aratus died in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;213. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;213.
+Death of Aratus.</span>
+The last seven years of his life
+were embittered by much ill success in his
+struggles with the Aetolians; and by seeing
+Philip V., of whose presence in the Peloponnese
+he was the main cause, after rendering some brilliant
+services to the league, both in the Peloponnese and the invasion
+of Aetolia, develop some of the worst vices of the
+tyrant; and he believed himself, whether rightly or wrongly,
+to be poisoned by Philip&#8217;s order: &#8220;This is the reward,&#8221; he
+said to an attendant when he felt himself dying, &#8220;of my friendship
+for Philip.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_127" id="FNanchor_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">127</a></p>
+
+<p>The history of the league after his death followed the
+same course for some years. The war with the Aetolians
+went on, sometimes slackly, sometimes vigorously, as Philip V.
+was or was not diverted by contests with his barbarian neighbours,
+or by schemes for joining the Carthaginian assaults
+upon the Roman power.</p>
+
+<p>The next phase of vigorous action on the part of the
+league is that which corresponds with the
+career of Philopoemen, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;208-183, Philopoemen.</span>
+who had already shown
+his energy and skill at the battle of Sellasia.
+He was elected Hipparch in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;210, and Strategus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+209. In his first office he did much to reorganise the
+Achaean cavalry and restore them to some discipline,<a name="FNanchor_128" id="FNanchor_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">128</a> and he
+extended this as Strategus to the whole army.<a name="FNanchor_129" id="FNanchor_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> His life&#8217;s
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lvi" id="Page_lvi">lvi</a></span>
+work, however, was the defeating and either killing or confining
+to their frontier the tyrants of Sparta. But while he was
+absent from the country after <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;200 a new element appeared
+in the Peloponnese. In 197 the battle of Cynoscephalae
+put an end for ever to Macedonian influence, and Flamininus
+proclaimed the liberty of all Greece in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;195 at the Nemean
+festival. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;195-194.</span>
+But Nabis was not deposed; he was
+secured in his power by a treaty with Rome;
+and when Philopoemen returned from Crete (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;193), he
+found a fresh war on the point of breaking out owing to intrigues
+between that tyrant and the Aetolians. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;193.</span>
+They suggested, and he eagerly undertook to
+make, an attempt to recover the maritime towns of which he
+had been deprived by the Roman settlement.<a name="FNanchor_130" id="FNanchor_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">130</a><span class="sidenote">193-192.</span>Nabis at once
+attacked Gythium: and seemed on the point
+of taking it and the whole of the coast towns,
+which would thus have been lost to the league. Philopoemen,
+now again Strategus (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;192), failed to relieve Gythium;
+but by a skilful piece of generalship inflicted so severe a defeat
+on Nabis, as he was returning to Sparta, that he did not
+venture on further movements beyond Laconia; and shortly
+afterwards was assassinated by some Aetolians whom he had
+summoned to his aid.</p>
+
+<p>But the comparative peace in the Peloponnese was again broken in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+189 <span class="sidenote">189-187.</span>by the Spartans seizing a maritime town called
+Las; the object being to relieve themselves of the restraint which shut
+them from the sea, and the possible attacks of the exiles who had been
+banished by Nabis, and who were always watching an opportunity to effect
+their return. Philopoemen (Strategus both 189 and 188 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>) led an army
+to the Laconian frontier in the spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;188, and after the
+execution of eighty Spartans, who had been surrendered on account of the
+seizure of Las, and of the murder of thirty citizens who were supposed
+to have Achaean proclivities&mdash;Sparta submitted to his demand to raze the
+fortifications, dismiss the mercenaries, send away the new citizens
+enrolled by the tyrants, and abolish the Lycurgean laws, accepting the
+Achaean institutions instead. This was
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lvii" id="Page_lvii">lvii</a></span>
+afterwards supplemented by a demand for the restoration of the
+exiles banished by the tyrants. Such of the new citizens (three
+thousand) as did not leave the country by the day named
+were seized and sold as slaves.<a name="FNanchor_131" id="FNanchor_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">131</a></p>
+
+<p>Sparta was now part of the Achaean league, which at this
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;188.</span>
+time reached its highest point of power; and its
+alliance was solicited by the most powerful
+princes of the east. <span class="sidenote">188-183.</span>It is this period which Polybius seems
+to have in mind in his description of the league
+at its best, as embracing the whole of the
+Peloponnese.<a name="FNanchor_132" id="FNanchor_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">132</a><span class="sidenote">Lycortas
+Strategus,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;184-182.</span>was in this third period of the existence
+of the renewed league that his father Lycortas
+came to the front, and he himself at an early
+age began taking part in politics.</p>
+
+<p>But the terms imposed on Sparta were essentially violent
+and unjust, and, as it turned out, impolitic. Cowed into submission,
+she proved a thorn in the side of the league. The
+exiles continually appealed to Rome; and after Philopoemen&#8217;s
+death (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;183) the affairs of the league began more and more
+to come before the Roman Senate. As usual, traitors were at
+hand ready to sell their country for the sake of the triumph
+of their party; and Callicrates, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;179.</span>sent to Rome to
+plead the cause of the league,<a name="FNanchor_133" id="FNanchor_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> employed the
+opportunity to support himself and his party by advising the
+Senate to give support to &#8220;the Romanisers&#8221; in every state.
+This Polybius regards as the beginning of the decline of the
+league. And the party of moderation, to which he and his
+father Lycortas belonged, and which wished to assert the
+dignity and legal rights of their country while offering no
+provocation to the Romans, were eventually included under
+the sweeping decree which caused them, to the number of a
+thousand, to be deported to Italy. We have already seen, in
+tracing the life of Polybius, how the poor remnants of these
+exiles returned in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;151, embittered against Rome, and
+having learnt nothing and forgotten nothing. And how the
+old quarrels were renewed, until an armed interference of
+Rome was brought upon them; and how the victory of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lviii" id="Page_lviii">lviii</a></span>
+Mummius at Corinth (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;146), and the consequent settlement
+of the commissioners, finally dissolved the league into separate
+cantons, nominally autonomous, but really entirely subject to
+Rome.<a name="FNanchor_134" id="FNanchor_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">134</a></p>
+
+<p>The constitution of the league presents many points of
+interest to the student of politics, and has been elaborately
+discussed by more than one English scholar. I shall content
+myself here with pointing out some of the main features as
+they are mentioned by Polybius.<a name="FNanchor_135" id="FNanchor_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">135</a></p>
+
+<p>The league was a federation of free towns, all retaining
+full local autonomy of some form or other of democracy,
+which for certain purposes were under federal laws and federal
+magistrates, elected in a federal assembly which all citizens of
+the league towns might if they chose attend. All towns of the
+league also used the same standards in coinage and weights and
+measures (<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_37">37</a>). The assembly of the league (&#963;&#8059;&#957;&#959;&#948;&#959;&#962;) met
+for election of the chief magistrate in May of each year, at first
+always at Aegium, but later at the other towns of the league
+in turn (<b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_23">23</a>); and a second time in the autumn.<a name="FNanchor_136" id="FNanchor_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> And
+besides these annual meetings, the Strategus, acting with his
+council of magistrates, could summon a meeting at any time for
+three days (<i>e.g.</i> at Sicyon, <b>23</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b23_17">17</a>); and on one occasion we
+find the assembly delegating its powers to the armed levy of
+league troops, who for the nonce were to act as an assembly
+(<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_7">7</a>). Side by side with this general assembly was a council
+(&#946;&#959;&#965;&#955;&#8053;), the functions and powers of which we cannot clearly
+ascertain. It seems to have acted as representing the general
+assembly in foreign affairs (<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_26">26</a>; <b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_12">12</a>); and, being a
+working committee of the whole assembly, it sometimes happened
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lix" id="Page_lix">lix</a></span>
+that when an assembly was summoned on some subject
+which did not rouse popular interest, it practically was the
+assembly (<b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_24">24</a>). Its numbers have been assumed to be
+one hundred and twenty, from the fact that Eumenes offered
+them a present of one hundred and twenty talents, the interest
+of which was to pay their expenses. But this, after all, is not
+a certain deduction (<b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_10">10</a>).</p>
+
+<p>The officers of the league were: First, a President or
+Strategus who kept the seal of the league (<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_7">7</a>), ordered the
+levy of federal troops, and commanded it in the field. He
+also summoned the assemblies, and brought the business to
+be done before them, which was in the form of a proposal to
+be accepted or rejected, not amended. He was not chairman of
+the assembly, but like an English minister or a Roman consul
+brought on the proposals. He was assisted by a kind of
+cabinet of ten magistrates from the several towns, who were
+called Demiurgi (&#948;&#951;&#956;&#953;&#959;&#965;&#961;&#947;&#959;&#8054; <b>23</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b23_5">5</a>).<a name="FNanchor_137" id="FNanchor_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> This was their technical
+name: but Polybius also speaks of them under the more
+general appellation of &#959;&#7985; &#7940;&#961;&#967;&#959;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#962; (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_1">1</a>), &#959;&#7985; &#963;&#965;&#957;&#8049;&#961;&#967;&#959;&#957;&#964;&#949;&#962;
+(<b>23</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b23_16">16</a>), &#945;&#7985; &#7936;&#961;&#967;&#945;&#8054; (<b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_13">13</a>), &#945;&#7985; &#963;&#965;&#957;&#945;&#961;&#967;&#8055;&#945;&#953; (<b>27</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b27_2">2</a>). Whether
+the number ten had reference to the ten old towns of the
+league or not, it was not increased with the number of the
+towns; and, though we are not informed how they were elected,
+it seems reasonable to suppose that they were freely selected
+without reference to the towns from which they came, as the
+Strategus himself was. There was also a vice-president, or
+hypo-strategus, whose position was, I think, wholly military.
+He did not rule in absence of the Strategus, or succeed him in
+case of death, that being reserved for the Strategus of the
+previous year; but he took a certain command in war next
+the Strategus (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_94">94</a>; <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_59">59</a>). Besides these we hear of a
+Hipparch to command the league cavalry (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_95">95</a>; <b>7</b>, <b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_22">22</a>), an
+office which seems to have been regarded as stepping-stone to
+that of Strategus. This proved a bad arrangement, as its
+holder was tempted to seek popularity by winking at derelictions
+of duty among the cavalry who were voters.<a name="FNanchor_138" id="FNanchor_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> There was
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_lx" id="Page_lx">lx</a></span>
+also a Navarch to command the regular squadron of federal
+ships (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_94">94</a>), who does not seem to have been so important
+a person. There are also mentioned certain judges (&#948;&#8055;&#954;&#945;&#963;&#964;&#945;&#953;)
+to administer the federal law. We hear of them, however,
+performing duties closely bordering on politics; for they decided
+whether certain honorary inscriptions, statues, or other marks
+of respect to king Eumenes should be allowed to remain in
+the Achaean cities (<b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_7">7</a>).</p>
+
+<p>The Strategus, on the order of the assembly, raised the
+federal army (<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_7">7</a>). The number of men raised differed
+according to circumstances. A fairly full levy seems to have
+been five thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry (<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_15">15</a>).
+But the league also used mercenaries to a great extent. And
+we hear of one army which was to consist of eight thousand
+mercenary infantry, with five hundred mercenary cavalry; and
+in this case the Achaean levy was only to be three thousand
+infantry, with three hundred cavalry (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_91">91</a>).</p>
+
+<p>The pay of the mercenaries and other league expenses
+were provided for by an &#949;&#7984;&#963;&#966;&#959;&#961;&#8049; or contribution from all the
+states (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_31">31</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b5_91">91</a>). The contributing towns appear to have
+been able to recover their payments as an indemnification for
+damage which the federal forces had failed to avert (<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_60">60</a>).</p>
+
+<p>The regular federal squadron of ships for guarding the sea-coasts
+appears to have consisted of ten triremes
+(<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_9">9</a>; &#948;&#949;&#954;&#945;&#957;&#945;&#8055;&#945; &#956;&#945;&#954;&#961;&#8182;&#957; &#960;&#955;&#959;&#8055;&#969;&#957; <b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_10">10</a>).</p>
+
+<p>Such was the organisation of the Federal Government. It
+was in form purely democratic, all members of thirty years old
+being eligible for office, as well as possessing a vote in the
+assemblies. But a mass assembly where the members are
+widely scattered inevitably becomes oligarchic. Only the well-to-do
+and the energetic will be able or will care to come a
+long journey to attend. And as the votes in the assembly
+were given by towns, it must often have happened that the
+votes of many towns were decided by a very small number of
+their citizens who were there. No doubt, in times of great
+excitement, the attendance would be large and the vote a
+popular one. But the general policy of the league must
+have been directed by a small number of energetic men, who
+made politics their profession and could afford to do so.</p>
+
+<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"><h3>ROMAN CAMP FOR TWO LEGIONS</h3>
+<p class="center">CONTAINING 4,068,289 SQUARE FEET</p><a name="camp" id="camp" />
+<img src="images/camp.jpg" width="500" height="508" alt="Roman Camp." />
+
+<table style="font-size: .80em;" summary="Roman Camp" border="0">
+<tr>
+<td class="right">P*.</td>
+<td class="left">Praetorium.</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">T&nbsp;T&#8217;.</td>
+<td class="left">Tents of the Tribuni Militum of two legions.</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">E&nbsp;E&#8217;.</td>
+<td class="left">Equites of two legions.</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">P&nbsp;P&#8217;.</td>
+<td class="left">Principes<span class="vh">ofii</span>&#8221;<span class="vh">legi</span>&#8221;</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">H&nbsp;H&#8217;.</td>
+<td class="left">Hastati<span class="vh">xxofi.</span>&#8221;<span class="vh">legi</span>&#8221;</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">T&nbsp;T&#8217;.</td>
+<td class="left">Triarii<span class="vh">ixxxof</span>&#8221;<span class="vh">legi</span>&#8221;</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">ES&nbsp;ES&#8217;.</td>
+<td class="left">Equites of Socii of two legions.</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">PS&nbsp;PS&#8217;.</td>
+<td class="left">Pedites<span class="vh">of So</span>&#8221;<span class="vh">ii ofxxx</span>&#8221;<span class="vh">Soc</span>&#8221;</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">PE&nbsp;PE&#8217;.</td>
+<td class="left">Equites of the Praetorian Cohort of two legions.</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">PP&nbsp;PP&#8217;.</td>
+<td class="left">Pedites<span class="vh"> of</span>&#8221;<span class="vh">the Pra</span>&#8221;<span class="vh">etorian Co</span>&#8221;<span class="vh">rt of two le</span>&#8221;</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">EP&nbsp;EP&#8217;.</td>
+<td class="left">Pedites extraordinarii of two legions.</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">EE&nbsp;EE&#8217;.</td>
+<td class="left">Equites <span class="vh">extraor</span>&#8221;<span class="vh">dinarii two</span>&#8221;</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">Q.</td>
+<td class="left">Quaestorium.</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">F.</td>
+<td class="left">Forum or market-place.</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="right">V&nbsp;V&#8217;.</td>
+<td class="left">Foreigners or volunteers.</td>
+</tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1"></a><span class='pagenum'>1</span></p>
+
+<h2 style="font-size: 1.5em;">THE HISTORIES OF POLYBIUS</h2>
+
+<h2>BOOK I</h2>
+
+<p><a name="b1_1" id="b1_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">Had</span> the praise of History been passed over by former Chroniclers it
+<span class="sidenote">Introduction. The importance and magnitude of the subject.</span>
+would perhaps have been incumbent upon me to urge the choice and special
+study of records of this sort, as the readiest means men can have of
+correcting their knowledge of the past. But my predecessors have not
+been sparing in this respect. They have all begun and ended, so to
+speak, by enlarging on this theme: asserting again and again that the
+study of History is in the truest sense an education, and a training for
+political life; and that the most instructive, or rather the only,
+method of learning to bear with dignity the vicissitudes of fortune is
+to recall the catastrophes of others. It is evident, therefore, that no
+one need think it his duty to repeat what has been said by many, and
+said well. Least of all myself: for the surprising nature of the events
+which I have undertaken to relate is in itself sufficient to challenge
+and stimulate the attention of every one, old or young, to the study of
+my work. Can any one be so indifferent or idle as not to care to know by
+what means, and under what kind of polity, almost the whole inhabited
+world was conquered and brought under the dominion of the single city of
+Rome, and that too within a period of not quite fifty-three years?
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;219-167.</span>Or who again can be so completely absorbed in
+other subjects of contemplation or study, as to think any of them
+superior in importance to the accurate understanding of an event for
+which the past affords no precedent.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">2</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_2" id="b1_2"><b>2.</b></a> We shall best show how marvellous and vast our subject <span class="sidenote">
+Immensity of the Roman Empire shown by comparison with Persia, Sparta,
+Macedonia. 1. Persia.</span>is by comparing the most famous Empires which
+preceded, and which have been the favourite themes of historians, and
+measuring them with the superior greatness of Rome. There are but three
+that deserve even to be so compared and measured: and they are these.
+The Persians for a certain length of time were possessed of a great
+empire and dominion. <span class="sidenote">2. Sparta. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;405-394.</span>But every time
+they ventured beyond the limits of Asia, they found not only their
+empire, but their own existence also in danger. The Lacedaemonians,
+after contending for supremacy in Greece for many generations, when they
+did get it, held it without dispute for barely twelve years. <span class="sidenote">
+3. Macedonia.</span>The Macedonians obtained dominion in Europe from the
+lands bordering on the Adriatic to the Danube,&mdash;which after all is but a
+small fraction of this continent,&mdash;and, by the destruction of the
+Persian Empire, they afterwards added to that the dominion of Asia. And
+yet, though they had the credit of having made themselves masters of a
+larger number of countries and states than any people had ever done,
+they still left the greater half of the inhabited world in the hands of
+others. They never so much as thought of attempting Sicily, Sardinia, or
+Libya: and as to Europe, to speak the plain truth, they never even knew
+of the most warlike tribes of the West. The Roman conquest, on the other
+hand, was not partial. Nearly the whole inhabited world was reduced by
+them to obedience: and they left behind them an empire not to be
+paralleled in the past or rivalled in the future. Students will gain
+from my narrative a clearer view of the whole story, and of the numerous
+and important advantages which such exact record of events offers.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_3" id="b1_3"><b>3.</b></a> My History begins in the 140th Olympiad. The events from which it starts are these. In
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220-217. The
+History starts from the 140th Olympiad, when the tendency towards unity
+first shows itself.</span>
+Greece, what is called the Social war: the first waged by Philip, son of
+Demetrius and father of Perseus, in league with the Achaeans against the
+Aetolians. In Asia, the war for the possession of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">3</a></span> Coele-Syria which
+Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopator carried on against each other. In
+Italy, Libya, and their neighbourhood, the conflict between Rome and
+Carthage, generally called the Hannibalian war. My work thus begins
+where that of Aratus of Sicyon leaves off. Now up to this time the
+world&#8217;s history had been, so to speak, a series of disconnected
+transactions, as widely separated in their origin and results as in
+their localities. But from this time forth History becomes a connected
+whole: the affairs of Italy and Libya are involved with those of Asia
+and Greece, and the tendency of all is to unity. This is why I have
+fixed upon this era as the starting-point of my work. For it was their
+victory over the Carthaginians in this war, and their conviction that
+thereby the most difficult and most essential step towards universal
+empire had been taken, which encouraged the Romans for the first time to
+stretch out their hands upon the rest, and to cross with an army into
+Greece and Asia.</p>
+
+<p>Now, had the states that were rivals for universal empire been
+familiarly known to us, <span class="sidenote">A sketch of their previous history
+necessary to explain the success of the Romans.</span>no reference perhaps to
+their previous history would have been necessary, to show the purpose
+and the forces with which they approached an undertaking of this nature
+and magnitude. But the fact is that the majority of the Greeks have no
+knowledge of the previous constitution, power, or achievements either of
+Rome or Carthage. I therefore concluded that it was necessary to prefix
+this and the next book to my History. I was anxious that no one, when
+fairly embarked upon my actual narrative, should feel at a loss, and
+have to ask what were the designs entertained by the Romans, or the
+forces and means at their disposal, that they entered upon those
+undertakings, which did in fact lead to their becoming masters of land
+and sea everywhere in our part of the world. I wished, on the contrary,
+that these books of mine, and the prefatory sketch which they contained,
+might make it clear that the resources they started with justified their
+original idea, and sufficiently explained their final success in
+grasping universal empire and dominion.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">4</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_4" id="b1_4"><b>4.</b></a> There is this analogy between the plan of my History and the
+marvellous spirit of the age with which I have to deal. <span class="sidenote">The
+need of a comprehensive view of history as well as a close study of an
+epoch.</span>Just as Fortune made almost all the affairs of the world incline
+in one direction, and forced them to converge upon one and the same
+point; so it is my task as an historian to put before my readers a
+compendious view of the part played by Fortune in bringing about the
+general catastrophe. It was this peculiarity which originally challenged
+my attention, and determined me on undertaking this work. And combined
+with this was the fact that no writer of our time has undertaken a
+general history. Had any one done so my ambition in this direction would
+have been much diminished. But, in point of fact, I notice that by far
+the greater number of historians concern themselves with isolated wars
+and the incidents that accompany them: while as to a general and
+comprehensive scheme of events, their date, origin, and catastrophe, no
+one as far as I know has undertaken to examine it. I thought it,
+therefore, distinctly my duty neither to pass by myself, nor allow any
+one else to pass by, without full study, a characteristic specimen of
+the dealings of Fortune at once brilliant and instructive in the highest
+degree. For fruitful as Fortune is in change, and constantly as she is
+producing dramas in the life of men, yet never assuredly before this did
+she work such a marvel, or act such a drama, as that which we have
+witnessed. And of this we cannot obtain a comprehensive view from
+writers of mere episodes. It would be as absurd to expect to do so as
+for a man to imagine that he has learnt the shape of the whole world,
+its entire arrangement and order, because he has visited one after the
+other the most famous cities in it; or perhaps merely examined them in
+separate pictures. That would be indeed absurd: and it has always seemed
+to me that men, who are persuaded that they get a competent view of
+universal from episodical history, are very like persons who should see
+the limbs of some body, which had once been living and beautiful,
+scattered and remote; and should imagine that to be quite as good as
+actually beholding the activity and beauty of the living creature
+itself. But if some one could there and then<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">5</a></span> reconstruct the animal
+once more, in the perfection of its beauty and the charm of its
+vitality, and could display it to the same people, they would beyond
+doubt confess that they had been far from conceiving the truth, and had
+been little better than dreamers. For indeed some idea of a whole may be
+got from a part, but an accurate knowledge and clear comprehension
+cannot. Wherefore we must conclude that episodical history contributes
+exceedingly little to the familiar knowledge and secure grasp of
+universal history. While it is only by the combination and comparison of
+the separate parts of the whole,&mdash;by observing their likeness and their
+difference,&mdash;that a man can attain his object: can obtain a view at once
+clear and complete; and thus secure both the profit and the delight of
+History.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_5" id="b1_5"><b>5.</b></a> I shall adopt as the starting-point of this book the first occasion
+on which the Romans crossed the sea from Italy. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;264-261.
+I begin my preliminary account in the 129th Olympiad, and with the
+circumstances which took the Romans to Sicily.</span>This is just where the
+History of Timaeus left off; and it falls in the 129th Olympiad. I shall
+accordingly have to describe what the state of their affairs in Italy
+was, how long that settlement had lasted, and on what resources they
+reckoned, when they resolved to invade Sicily. For this was the first
+place outside Italy in which they set foot. The precise cause of their
+thus crossing I must state without comment; for if I let one cause lead
+me back to another, my point of departure will always elude my grasp,
+and I shall never arrive at the view of my subject which I wish to
+present. As to dates, then, I must fix on some era agreed upon and
+recognised by all: and as to events, one that admits of distinctly
+separate treatment; even though I may be obliged to go back some short
+way in point of time, and take a summary review of the intermediate
+transactions. For if the facts with which one starts are unknown, or
+even open to controversy, all that comes after will fail of approval and
+belief. But opinion being once formed on that point, and a general
+assent obtained, all the succeeding narrative becomes intelligible.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">6</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_6" id="b1_6"><b>6.</b></a> It was in the nineteenth year after the sea-fight at Aegospotami, and
+the sixteenth before the battle at Leuctra; <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;387-386. The
+rise of the Roman dominion may be traced from the retirement of the
+Gauls from the city. From that time one nation after another in Italy
+fell into their hands.</span>the year in which the Lacedaemonians made what
+is called the Peace of Antalcidas with the King of Persia; the year in
+which the elder Dionysius was besieging Rhegium after beating the
+Italian Greeks on the River Elleporus; and in which the Gauls took Rome
+itself by storm and were occupying the whole of it except the Capitol.
+With these Gauls the Romans made a treaty and settlement which they were
+content to accept: and having thus become beyond all expectation once
+more masters of their own country, they made a start in their career of
+expansion; and in the succeeding period engaged in various wars with
+their neighbours. <span class="sidenote">The Latini.</span>First, by dint of valour, and
+the good fortune which attended them in the field, they mastered all the
+Latini; then they went to war with the Etruscans; <span class="sidenote">The
+Etruscans, Gauls, and Samnites.</span>then with the Celts; and next with the
+Samnites, who lived on the eastern and northern frontiers of Latium.
+Some time after this the Tarentines insulted the ambassadors of Rome,
+and, in fear of the consequences, invited and obtained the assistance of
+Pyrrhus. <span class="sidenote">Pyrrhus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;280.</span>This happened in the year before
+the Gauls invaded Greece, some of whom perished near Delphi, while
+others crossed into Asia. Then it was that the Romans&mdash;having reduced
+the Etruscans and Samnites to obedience, and conquered the Italian Celts
+in many battles&mdash;attempted for the first time the reduction of the rest
+of Italy. <span class="sidenote">Southern Italy.</span>The nations for whose possessions
+they were about to fight they affected to regard, not in the light of
+foreigners, but as already for the most part belonging and pertaining to
+themselves. The experience gained from their contests with the Samnites
+and the Celts had served as a genuine training in the art of war.
+<span class="sidenote">Pyrrhus finally quits Italy, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;274.</span>Accordingly, they
+entered upon the war with spirit, drove Pyrrhus from Italy, and then
+undertook to fight with and subdue those who had taken part with him.
+They succeeded everywhere<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">7</a></span> to a marvel, and reduced to obedience all the
+tribes inhabiting Italy except the Celts; after which they undertook to
+besiege some of their own citizens, who at that time were occupying
+Rhegium.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_7" id="b1_7"><b>7.</b></a> For misfortunes befell Messene and Rhegium, the cities built on
+either side of the Strait, peculiar in <span class="sidenote">The story of the
+Mamertines at Messene, and the Roman garrison at Rhegium, Dio. Cassius
+<i>fr.</i></span> their nature and alike in their circumstances.</p>
+
+<p>Not long before the period we are now describing some Campanian
+mercenaries of Agathocles, having for some time cast greedy eyes upon
+Messene, owing to its beauty and wealth, no sooner got an opportunity
+than they made a treacherous attempt upon that city. <span class="sidenote">1.
+Messene.</span>They entered the town under guise of friendship, and, having
+once got possession of it, they drove out some of the citizens and put
+others to the sword. <span class="sidenote">Agathocles died, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;289.</span> This done,
+they seized promiscuously the wives and children of the dispossessed
+citizens, each keeping those which fortune had assigned him at the very
+moment of the lawless deed. All other property and the land they took
+possession of by a subsequent division and retained.</p>
+
+<p>The speed with which they became masters of a fair territory and city
+found ready imitators of their conduct. <span class="sidenote">2. Rhegium, Livy Ep.
+12.</span>The people of Rhegium, when Pyrrhus was crossing to Italy, felt a
+double anxiety. They were dismayed at the thought of his approach, and
+at the same time were afraid of the Carthaginians as being masters of
+the sea. <span class="sidenote">Pyrrhus in Sicily, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;278-275.</span>They accordingly
+asked and obtained a force from Rome to guard and support them. The
+garrison, four thousand in number, under the command of a Campanian
+named Decius Jubellius, entered the city, and for a time preserved it,
+as well as their own faith. But at last, conceiving the idea of
+imitating the Mamertines, and having at the same time obtained their
+co-operation, they broke faith with the people of Rhegium, enamoured of
+the pleasant site of the town and the private wealth of the citizens,
+and seized the city after having, in imitation of the Mamertines, first
+driven out some of the people and put others to the sword. Now, though
+the Romans were much annoyed at this transaction,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">8</a></span> they could take no
+active steps, because they were deeply engaged in the wars I have
+mentioned above. But having got free from them they invested and
+besieged the troops. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;271. C. Quintus Claudius, L. Genucius
+Clepsina, Coss.</span>They presently took the place and killed the greater
+number in the assault,&mdash;for the men resisted desperately, knowing what
+must follow,&mdash;but took more than three hundred alive. These were sent to
+Rome, and there the Consuls brought them into the forum, where they were
+scourged and beheaded according to custom: for they wished as far as
+they could to vindicate their good faith in the eyes of the allies. The
+territory and town they at once handed over to the people of Rhegium.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_8" id="b1_8"><b>8.</b></a> But the Mamertines (for this was the name which the Campanians gave
+themselves after they became masters of Messene), <span class="sidenote">Effect of
+the fall of the rebellious garrison of Rhegium on the Mamertines.</span>as
+long as they enjoyed the alliance of the Roman captors of Rhegium, not
+only exercised absolute control over their own town and district
+undisturbed, but about the neighbouring territory also gave no little
+trouble to the Carthaginians and Syracusans, and levied tribute from
+many parts of Sicily. But when they were deprived of this support, the
+captors of Rhegium being now invested and besieged, they were themselves
+promptly forced back into the town again by the Syracusans, under
+circumstances which I will now detail.</p>
+
+<p>Not long before this the military forces of the Syracusans had
+quarrelled with the citizens, and while stationed near Mergan&egrave; elected
+commanders from their own body. <span class="sidenote">The rise of Hiero. He is
+elected General by the army, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;275-274.</span>These were Artemidorus and
+Hiero, the latter of whom afterwards became King of Syracuse. At this
+time he was quite a young man, but had a certain natural aptitude for
+kingcraft and the politic conduct of affairs. Having taken over the
+command, and having by means of some of his connexions made his way into
+the city, he got his political opponents into his hands; but conducted
+the government with such mildness, and in so lofty a spirit, that the
+Syracusans, though by no means usually acquiescing in the election of
+officers by the soldiers, did on this occasion<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">9</a></span> unanimously approve of
+Hiero as their general. His first step made it evident to close
+observers that his hopes soared above the position of a mere general.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_9" id="b1_9"><b>9.</b></a> He noticed that among the Syracusans the despatch of troops, and of
+magistrates in command of them, was always the signal for revolutionary
+movements of some sort or another. <span class="sidenote">Secures support of Leptines
+by marrying his daughter.</span>He knew, too, that of all the citizens
+Leptines enjoyed the highest position and credit, and that among the
+common people especially he was by far the most influential man
+existing. He accordingly contracted a relationship by marriage with him,
+that he might have a representative of his interests left at home at
+such times as he should be himself bound to go abroad with the troops
+for a campaign. After marrying the daughter of this man, his next step
+was in regard to the old mercenaries. <span class="sidenote">His device for getting
+rid of mutinous mercenaries.</span>He observed that they were disaffected and
+mutinous: and he accordingly led out an expedition, with the ostensible
+purpose of attacking the foreigners who were in occupation of Messene.
+He pitched a camp against the enemy near Centuripa, and drew up his line
+resting on the River Cyamosorus. <span class="sidenote">Fiume Salso.</span>But the cavalry
+and infantry, which consisted of citizens, he kept together under his
+personal command at some distance, on pretence of intending to attack
+the enemy on another quarter: the mercenaries he thrust to the front and
+allowed them to be completely cut to pieces by the foreigners; while he
+seized the moment of their rout to affect a safe retreat for himself and
+the citizens into Syracuse. This stroke of policy was skilful and
+successful. He had got rid of the mutinous and seditious element in the
+army; and after enlisting on his own account a sufficient body of
+mercenaries, he thenceforth carried on the business of the government in
+security. But seeing that the Mamertines <span class="sidenote">Hiero next attacks
+the Mamertines and defeats them near Mylae, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;268.</span>were encouraged
+by their success to greater confidence and recklessness in their
+excursions, he fully armed and energetically drilled the citizen levies,
+led them out, and engaged the enemy on the Mylaean plain near the River
+Longanus. He inflicted a severe defeat upon them:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">10</a></span> took their leaders
+prisoners: put a complete end to their audacious proceedings: and on his
+return to Syracuse was himself greeted by all the allies with the title
+of King.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_10" id="b1_10"><b>10.</b></a> Thus were the Mamertines first deprived of support from Rhegium, and
+then subjected, from causes which I have just stated, to a complete
+defeat on their own account. <span class="sidenote">Some of the conquered Mamertines
+appeal to Rome for help.</span>Thereupon some of them betook themselves to
+the protection of the Carthaginians, and were for putting themselves and
+their citadel into their hands; while others set about sending an
+embassy to Rome to offer a surrender of their city, and to beg
+assistance on the ground of the ties of race which united them. The
+Romans were long in doubt. The inconsistency of sending such aid seemed
+manifest. A little while ago they had put some of their own citizens to
+death, with the extreme penalties of the law, for having broken faith
+with the people of Rhegium: and now so soon afterwards to assist the
+Mamertines, <span class="sidenote">The motives of the Romans in acceding to this
+prayer,&mdash;jealousy of the growing power of Carthage.</span>who had done
+precisely the same to Messene as well as Rhegium, involved a breach of
+equity very hard to justify. But while fully alive to these points, they
+yet saw that Carthaginian aggrandisement was not confined to Libya, but
+had embraced many districts in Iberia as well; and that Carthage was,
+besides, mistress of all the islands in the Sardinian and Tyrrhenian
+seas: they were beginning, therefore, to be exceedingly anxious lest, if
+the Carthaginians became masters of Sicily also, they should find them
+very dangerous and formidable neighbours, surrounding them as they would
+on every side, and occupying a position which commanded all the coasts
+of Italy. Now it was clear that, if the Mamertines did not obtain the
+assistance they asked for, the Carthaginians would very soon reduce
+Sicily. For should they avail themselves of the voluntary offer of
+Messene and become masters of it, they were certain before long to crush
+Syracuse also, since they were already lords of nearly the whole of the
+rest of Sicily. The Romans saw all this, and felt that it was absolutely
+necessary not to let Messene slip, or allow the Carthaginians to secure
+what would be like a bridge to enable them to cross into Italy.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">11</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_11" id="b1_11"><b>11.</b></a> In spite of protracted deliberations, the conflict of motives proved
+too strong, <span class="sidenote">The Senate shirk the responsibility of decision.
+The people vote for helping the Mamertines.</span>after all, to allow of the
+Senate coming to any decision; for the inconsistency of aiding the
+Messenians appeared to them to be evenly balanced by the advantages to
+be gained by doing so. The people, however, had suffered much from the
+previous wars, and wanted some means of repairing the losses which they
+had sustained in every department. Besides these national advantages to
+be gained by the war, the military commanders suggested that
+individually they would get manifest and important benefits from it.
+They accordingly voted in favour of giving the aid. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;264.
+Appius Claudius Caudex. M. Fulvius Flaccus, Coss.</span>The decree having
+thus been passed by the people, they elected one of the consuls, Appius
+Claudius, to the command, and sent him out with instructions to cross to
+Messene and relieve the Mamertines. These latter managed, between
+threats and false representations, to oust the Carthaginian commander
+who was already in possession of the citadel, invited Appius in, and
+offered to deliver the city into his hands. The Carthaginians crucified
+their commander for what they considered to be his cowardice and folly
+in thus losing the citadel; stationed their fleet near Pelorus; their
+land forces at a place called Synes; and laid vigorous siege to Messene.
+<span class="sidenote">Hiero joins Carthage in laying siege to the Mamertines in
+Messene. Appius comes to the relief of the besieged, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;264.</span>Now at
+this juncture Hiero, thinking it a favourable opportunity for totally
+expelling from Sicily the foreigners who were in occupation of Messene,
+made a treaty with the Carthaginians. Having done this, he started from
+Syracuse upon an expedition against that city. He pitched his camp on
+the opposite side to the Carthaginians, near what was called the
+Chalcidian Mount, whereby the garrison were cut off from that way out as
+well as from the other. The Roman Consul Appius, for his part, gallantly
+crossed the strait by night and got into Messene. But he found that the
+enemy had completely surrounded the town and were vigorously pressing on
+the attack; and he concluded on reflection that the siege could bring
+him neither credit nor security so long as the enemy commanded land as
+well as sea. He accordingly first endeavoured<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">12</a></span> to relieve the Mamertines
+from the contest altogether by sending embassies to both of the
+attacking forces. <span class="sidenote">After vain attempts at negotiation, Appius
+determines to attack Hiero.</span>Neither of them received his proposals, and
+at last, from sheer necessity, he made up his mind to hazard an
+engagement, and that he would begin with the Syracusans. So he led out
+his forces and drew them up for the fight: nor was the Syracusan
+backward in accepting the challenge, but descended simultaneously to
+give him battle. <span class="sidenote">Hiero is defeated, and returns to Syracuse.</span>
+After a prolonged struggle, Appius got the better of the enemy, and
+chased the opposing forces right up to their entrenchments. The result
+of this was that Appius, after stripping the dead, retired into Messene
+again, while Hiero, with a foreboding of the final result, only waited
+for nightfall to beat a hasty retreat to Syracuse.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_12" id="b1_12"><b>12.</b></a> Next morning, when Appius was assured of their flight, his
+confidence was strengthened, and he made up his mind to attack the
+Carthaginians without delay. <span class="sidenote">Encouraged by this success, he
+attacks and drives off the Carthaginians.</span>Accordingly, he issued orders
+to the soldiers to despatch their preparations early, and at daybreak
+commenced his sally. Having succeeded in engaging the enemy, he killed a
+large number of them, and forced the rest to fly precipitately to the
+neighbouring towns. These successes sufficed to raise the siege of
+Messene: and thenceforth he scoured the territory of Syracuse and her
+allies with impunity, and laid it waste without finding any one to
+dispute the possession of the open country with him; and finally he sat
+down before Syracuse itself and laid siege to it.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the nature and motive of the first warlike expedition of the
+Romans beyond the shores of Italy; <span class="sidenote">Such preliminary sketches
+are necessary for clearness, and my readers must not be surprised if I
+follow the same system in the case of other towns.</span>and this was the
+period at which it took place. I thought this expedition the most
+suitable starting-point for my whole narrative, and accordingly adopted
+it as a basis; though I have made a rapid survey of some anterior
+events, that in setting forth its causes no point should be left
+obscure. I thought it necessary, if we were to get an adequate and
+comprehensive view of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">13</a></span> their present supreme position, to trace clearly
+how and when the Romans, after the disaster which they sustained in the
+loss of their own city, began their upward career; and how and when,
+once more, after possessing themselves of Italy, they conceived the idea
+of attempting conquests external to it. This must account in future
+parts of my work for my taking, when treating of the most important
+states, a preliminary survey of their previous history. In doing so my
+object will be to secure such a vantage-ground as will enable us to see
+with clearness from what origin, at what period, and in what
+circumstances they severally started and arrived at their present
+position. This is exactly what I have just done with regard to the
+Romans.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_13" id="b1_13"><b>13.</b></a> It is time to have done with these explanations, and to come to my
+subject, after a brief and summary statement of the events of which my
+introductory books are to treat. <span class="sidenote">Subjects of the two first
+books of the Histories.<br />1. War in Sicily or first Punic War, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+264-241.<br />2. The Mercenary or &#8220;inexpiable&#8221; war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;240-237.<br />3.
+Carthaginian movements in Spain, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;241-218.<br />4. Illyrian war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+229-228.<br />5. Gallic war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;225-221.<br />6. Cleomenic war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;227-221.</span>
+Of these the first in order of time are those which befell the Romans
+and Carthaginians in their war for the possession of Sicily. Next comes
+the Libyan or Mercenary war; immediately following on which are the
+Carthaginian achievements in Spain, first under Hamilcar, and then under
+Hasdrubal. In the course of these events, again, occurred the first
+expedition of the Romans into Illyria and the Greek side of Europe; and,
+besides that, their struggles within Italy with the Celts. In Greece at
+the same time the war called after Cleomenes was in full action. With
+this war I design to conclude my prefatory sketch and my second book.</p>
+
+<p>To enter into minute details of these events is unnecessary, and would
+be of no advantage to my readers. It is not part of my plan to write a
+history of them: my sole object is to recapitulate them in a summary
+manner by way of introduction to the narrative I have in hand. I will,
+therefore, touch lightly upon the leading events of this period in a
+comprehensive sketch, and will endeavour to make the end of it dovetail
+with the commencement of my main history. In this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">14</a></span> way the narrative
+will acquire a continuity; and I shall be shown to have had good reason
+for touching on points already treated by others: while by such an
+arrangement the studiously inclined will find the approach to the story
+which has to be told made intelligible and easy for them. <span class="sidenote">The
+first Punic war deserves more detailed treatment, as furnishing a better
+basis for comparing Rome and Carthage than subsequent wars.</span>I shall,
+however, endeavour to describe with somewhat more care the first war
+which arose between the Romans and Carthaginians for the possession of
+Sicily. For it would not be easy to mention any war that lasted longer
+than this one; nor one in which the preparations made were on a larger
+scale, or the efforts made more sustained, or the actual engagements
+more numerous, or the reverses sustained on either side more signal.
+Moreover, the two states themselves were at the precise period of their
+history when their institutions were as yet in their original integrity,
+their fortunes still at a moderate level, and their forces on an equal
+footing. So that those who wish to gain a fair view of the national
+characteristics and resources of the two had better base their
+comparison upon this war rather than upon those which came after.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_14" id="b1_14"><b>14.</b></a> But it was not these considerations only which induced me to
+undertake the history of this war. <span class="sidenote">This is rendered more
+necessary by the partisan misrepresentations of Philinus and Fabius
+Pictor.</span>I was influenced quite as much by the fact that Philinus and
+Fabius, who have the reputation of writing with the most complete
+knowledge about it, have given us an inadequate representation of the
+truth. Now, judging from their lives and principles, I do not suppose
+that these writers have intentionally stated what was false; but I think
+that they are much in the same state of mind as men in love.
+Partisanship and complete prepossession made Philinus think that all the
+actions of the Carthaginians were characterised by wisdom, honour, and
+courage: those of the Romans by the reverse. Fabius thought the exact
+opposite. Now in other relations of life one would hesitate to exclude
+such warmth of sentiment: for a good man ought to be loyal to his
+friends and patriotic to his country; ought to be at one with his
+friends in their hatreds and likings. But directly a man<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">15</a></span> assumes the
+moral attitude of an historian he ought to forget all considerations of
+that kind. There will be many occasions on which he will be bound to
+speak well of his enemies, and even to praise them in the highest terms
+if the facts demand it: and on the other hand many occasions on which it
+will be his duty to criticise and denounce his own side, however dear to
+him, if their errors of conduct suggest that course. For as a living
+creature is rendered wholly useless if deprived of its eyes, so if you
+take truth from History what is left is but an idle unprofitable tale.
+Therefore, one must not shrink either from blaming one&#8217;s friends or
+praising one&#8217;s enemies; nor be afraid of finding fault with and
+commending the same persons at different times. For it is impossible
+that men engaged in public affairs should always be right, and unlikely
+that they should always be wrong. Holding ourselves, therefore, entirely
+aloof from the actors, we must as historians make statements and
+pronounce judgment in accordance with the actions themselves.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_15" id="b1_15"><b>15.</b></a> The writers whom I have named exemplify the truth of these
+remarks. <span class="sidenote">Philinus&#8217;s misrepresentations.</span>Philinus, for
+instance, commencing the narrative with his second book, says that the
+&#8220;Carthaginians and Syracusans engaged in the war and sat down before
+Messene; that the Romans arriving by sea entered the town, and
+immediately sallied out from it to attack the Syracusans; but that after
+suffering severely in the engagement they retired into Messene; and that
+on a second occasion, having issued forth to attack the Carthaginians,
+they not only suffered severely but lost a considerable number of their
+men captured by the enemy.&#8221; But while making this statement, he
+represents Hiero as so destitute of sense as, after this engagement, not
+only to have promptly burnt his stockade and tents and fled under cover
+of night to Syracuse, but to have abandoned all the forts which had been
+established to overawe the Messenian territory. Similarly he asserts
+that &#8220;the Carthaginians immediately after their battle evacuated their
+entrenchment and dispersed into various towns, without venturing any
+longer even to dispute the possession of the open country; and that,
+accordingly, their leaders seeing that their troops were utterly
+demoralised<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">16</a></span> determined in consideration not to risk a battle: that the
+Romans followed them, and not only laid waste the territory of the
+Carthaginians and Syracusans, but actually sat down before Syracuse
+itself and began to lay siege to it.&#8221; These statements appear to me to
+be full of glaring inconsistency, and to call for no refutation at all.
+The very men whom he describes to begin with as besieging Messene, and
+as victorious in the engagements, he afterwards represents as running
+away, abandoning the open country, and utterly demoralised: while those
+whom he starts by saying were defeated and besieged, he concludes by
+describing as engaging in a pursuit, as promptly seizing the open
+places, and finally as besieging Syracuse. Nothing can reconcile these
+statements. It is impossible. Either his initial statement, or his
+account of the subsequent events, must be false. In point of fact the
+latter part of his story is the true one. The Syracusans and
+Carthaginians <i>did</i> abandon the open country, and the Romans <i>did</i>
+immediately afterwards commence a siege of Syracuse and of Echetla,
+which lies in the district between the Syracusan and Carthaginian pales.
+For the rest it must necessarily be acknowledged that the first part of
+his account is false; and that whereas the Romans were victorious in the
+engagements under Messene, they have been represented by this historian
+as defeated. Through the whole of this work we shall find Philinus
+acting in a similar spirit: and much the same may be said of Fabius, as
+I shall show when the several points arise.</p>
+
+<p>I have now said what was proper on the subject of this
+digression. Returning to the matter in hand I will endeavour
+by a continuous narrative of moderate dimensions to guide
+my readers to a true knowledge of this war.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_16" id="b1_16"><b>16.</b></a> When news came to Rome of the successes of Appius and his
+legions, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;264.</span>the people elected Manius Otacilius and
+Manius Valerius Consuls, and despatched their whole army to Sicily, and
+both Consuls in command. <span class="sidenote">(Continuing from chap. xii.), <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+263, Manius Valerius Maximus, Manius Otacilius Crassus, Coss. The
+Consuls with four legions are sent to Sicily. A general move of the
+Sicilian cities to join them. Hiero submits.</span>Now the Romans have in
+all, as distinct from allies, four legions of Roman citizens, which they
+enrol every year, each of which consists of four thousand infantry and
+three hundred cavalry: and on their arrival most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">17</a></span> of the cities revolted
+from Syracuse as well as from Carthage, and joined the Romans. And when
+he saw the terror and dismay of the Sicilians, and compared with them
+the number and crushing strength of the legions of Rome, Hiero began,
+from a review of all these points, to conclude that the prospects of the
+Romans were brighter than those of the Carthaginians. Inclining
+therefore from these considerations to the side of the former, he began
+sending messages to the Consuls, proposing peace and friendship with
+them. The Romans accepted his offer, their chief motive being the
+consideration of provisions: for as the Carthaginians had command of the
+sea, they were afraid of being cut off at every point from their
+supplies, warned by the fact that the legions which had previously
+crossed had run very short in that respect. They therefore gladly
+accepted Hiero&#8217;s offers of friendship, supposing that he would be of
+signal service to them in this particular. The king engaged to restore
+his prisoners without ransom, and to pay besides an indemnity of a
+hundred talents of silver. The treaty being arranged on these terms, the
+Romans thenceforth regarded the Syracusans as friends and allies: while
+King Hiero, having thus placed himself under the protection of the
+Romans, never failed to supply their needs in times of difficulty; and
+for the rest of his life reigned securely in Syracuse, devoting his
+energies to gaining the gratitude and good opinion of the Greeks. And in
+point of fact no monarch ever acquired a greater reputation, or enjoyed
+for a longer period the fruits of his prudent policy in private as well
+as in public affairs.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_17" id="b1_17"><b>17.</b></a> When the text of this treaty reached Rome, and the people had
+approved and confirmed the terms made with Hiero, <span class="sidenote">The
+Carthaginians alarmed at Hiero&#8217;s defection make great efforts to
+increase their army in Sicily.</span>the Roman government thereupon decided
+not to send all their forces, as they had intended doing, but only two
+legions. For they thought that the gravity of the war was lessened by
+the adhesion of the king, and at the same time that the army would thus
+be better off for provisions. But when the Carthaginian government saw
+that Hiero had become their enemy, and that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">18</a></span> Romans were taking a
+more decided part in Sicilian politics, they conceived that they must
+have a more formidable force to enable them to confront their enemy and
+maintain their own interests in Sicily. <span class="sidenote">They select Agrigentum
+as their headquarters.</span>Accordingly, they enlisted mercenaries from over
+sea&mdash;a large number of Ligurians and Celts, and a still larger number of
+Iberians&mdash;and despatched them to Sicily. And perceiving that Agrigentum
+possessed the greatest natural advantages as a place of arms, and was
+the most powerful city in their province, they collected their supplies
+and their forces into it, deciding to use this city as their
+headquarters for the war.</p>
+
+<p>On the Roman side a change of commanders had now taken place. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;262.</span>The Consuls who made the treaty with Hiero had gone home, and
+their successors, Lucius Postumius and Quintus Mamilius, were come to
+Sicily with their legions. <span class="sidenote">The new Consuls, Lucius Postumius
+Megellus and Quintus Mamilius Vitulus, determined to lay siege to
+Agrigentum.</span>Observing the measure which the Carthaginians were taking,
+and the forces they were concentrating at Agrigentum, they made up their
+minds to take that matter in hand and strike a bold blow. Accordingly
+they suspended every other department of the war, and bearing down upon
+Agrigentum itself with their whole army, attacked it in force; pitched
+their camp within a distance of eight stades from the city; and confined
+the Carthaginians within the walls. <span class="sidenote">The Carthaginians make an
+unsuccessful sally.</span>Now it was just harvest-time, and the siege was
+evidently destined to be a long one: the soldiers, therefore, went out
+to collect the corn with greater hardihood than they ought to have done.
+Accordingly the Carthaginians, seeing the enemy scattered about the
+fields, sallied out and attacked the harvesting-parties. They easily
+routed these; and then one portion of them made a rush to destroy the
+Roman entrenchment, the other to attack the pickets. But the peculiarity
+of their institutions saved the Roman fortunes, as it had often done
+before. Among them it is death for a man to desert his post, or to fly
+from his station on any pretext whatever. Accordingly on this, as on
+other occasions, they gallantly held their ground against opponents many
+times their own number; and though they lost many of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">19</a></span> their own men,
+they killed still more of the enemy, and at last outflanked the foes
+just as they were on the point of demolishing the palisade of the camp.
+Some they put to the sword, and the rest they pursued with slaughter
+into the city.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_18" id="b1_18"><b>18.</b></a> The result was that thenceforth the Carthaginians were
+somewhat less forward in making such attacks, and the Romans
+more cautious in foraging.</p>
+
+<p>Finding that the Carthaginians would not come out to meet them at close
+quarters any more, <span class="sidenote">The Romans form two strongly-entrenched
+camps.</span>the Roman generals divided their forces: with one division they
+occupied the ground round the temple of Asclepius outside the town; with
+the other they encamped in the outskirts of the city on the side which
+looks towards Heracleia. The space between the camps on either side of
+the city they secured by two trenches,&mdash;the inner one to protect
+themselves against sallies from the city, the outer as a precaution
+against attacks from without, and to intercept those persons or supplies
+which always make their way surreptitiously into cities that are
+sustaining a siege. The spaces between the trenches uniting the camps
+they secured by pickets, taking care in their disposition to strengthen
+the several accessible points. As for food and other war material, the
+other allied cities all joined in collecting and bringing these to
+Herbesus for them: and thus they supplied themselves in abundance with
+necessaries, by continually getting provisions living and dead from this
+town, which was conveniently near. For about five months then they
+remained in the same position, without being able to obtain any decided
+advantage over each other beyond the casualties which occurred in the
+skirmishes. But the Carthaginians were beginning to be hard pressed by
+hunger, owing to the number of men shut up in the city, who amounted to
+no less than fifty thousand: and Hannibal, who had been appointed
+commander of the besieged forces, beginning by this time to be seriously
+alarmed at the state of things, kept perpetually sending messages to
+Carthage explaining their critical state, and begging for
+assistance. <span class="sidenote">A relief comes from Carthage to Agrigentum.</span>
+Thereupon the Carthaginian government put on board ship the fresh troops
+and elephants which they had collected,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">20</a></span> and despatched them to Sicily,
+with orders to join the other commander Hanno. This officer collected all his war material and forces into
+Heracleia, and as a first step possessed himself by a stratagem of
+<span class="sidenote">Hanno seizes
+Herbesus.</span>Herbesus, thus depriving the enemy of their provisions and supply of
+necessaries. The result of this was that the Romans found themselves in
+the position of besieged as much as in that of besiegers; for they were
+reduced by short supplies of food and scarcity of necessaries to such a
+condition that they more than once contemplated raising the
+siege. <span class="sidenote">The Romans faithfully supported by Hiero.</span>And they
+would have done so at last had not Hiero, by using every effort and
+contrivance imaginable, succeeded in keeping them supplied with what
+satisfied, to a tolerable extent, their most pressing wants. This was
+Hanno&#8217;s first step. His next was as follows.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_19" id="b1_19"><b>19.</b></a> He saw that the Romans were reduced by disease and want, owing to an
+epidemic that had broken out among them, and he believed that his own
+forces were strong enough to give them battle: he accordingly collected
+his elephants, <span class="sidenote">Hanno tempts the Roman cavalry out and defeats
+them.</span>of which he had about fifty, and the whole of the rest of his
+army, and advanced at a rapid pace from Heracleia; having previously
+issued orders to the Numidian cavalry to precede him, and to endeavour,
+when they came near the enemies&#8217; stockade, to provoke them and draw
+their cavalry out; and, having done so, to wheel round and retire until
+they met him. The Numidians did as they were ordered, and advanced up to
+one of the camps. Immediately the Roman cavalry poured out and boldly
+charged the Numidians: the Libyans retired, according to their orders,
+until they reached Hanno&#8217;s division: then they wheeled round;
+surrounded, and repeatedly charged the enemy; killed a great number of
+them, and chased the rest up to their stockade. After this affair
+Hanno&#8217;s force encamped over against the Romans, having seized the hill
+called Torus, at a distance of about a mile and a quarter from their
+opponents. <span class="sidenote">After two months, Hanno is forced to try to relieve
+Agrigentum,</span> For two months they remained in position without any
+decisive action, though skirmishes took place daily. But as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">21</a></span> Hannibal
+all this time kept signalling and sending messages from the town to
+Hanno,&mdash;telling him that his men were impatient of the famine, and that
+many were even deserting to the enemy owing to the distress for
+food,&mdash;the Carthaginian general determined to risk a battle, the Romans
+being equally ready, <span class="sidenote">but is defeated in a pitched battle, and
+his army cut to pieces.</span>for the reasons I have mentioned. So both
+parties advanced into the space between the camps and engaged. The
+battle lasted a long time, but at last the Romans turned the advanced
+guard of Carthaginian mercenaries. The latter fell back upon the
+elephants and the other divisions posted in their rear; and thus the
+whole Punic army was thrown into confusion. The retreat became general:
+the larger number of the men were killed, while some effected their
+escape into Heracleia; and the Romans became masters of most of the
+elephants and all the baggage. Now night came on, and the victors,
+partly from joy at their success, partly from fatigue, kept their
+watches somewhat more carelessly than usual; <span class="sidenote">Hannibal escapes
+by night; and the Romans enter and plunder Agrigentum.</span>accordingly
+Hannibal, having given up hope of holding out, made up his mind that
+this state of things afforded him a good opportunity of escape. He
+started about midnight from the town with his mercenary troops, and
+having choked up the trenches with baskets stuffed full of chaff, led
+off his force in safety, without being detected by the enemy. When day
+dawned the Romans discovered what had happened, and indeed for a short
+time were engaged with Hannibal&#8217;s rear; but eventually they all made for
+the town gates. There they found no one to oppose them: they therefore
+threw themselves into the town, plundered it, and secured a large number
+of captives, besides a great booty of every sort and description.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_20" id="b1_20"><b>20.</b></a> Great was the joy of the Roman Senate when the news of what had
+taken place at Agrigentum arrived. <span class="sidenote">This success inspires the
+Senate with the idea of expelling the Carthaginians from Sicily.</span>Their
+ideas too were so raised that they no longer confined themselves to
+their original designs. They were not content with having saved the
+Mamertines, nor with the advantages gained in the course of the war; but
+conceived the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">22</a></span> idea that it was possible to expel the Carthaginians
+entirely from the island, and that if that were done their own power
+would receive a great increase: they accordingly engaged in this policy
+and directed their whole thoughts to this subject. As to their land
+forces they saw that things were going on as well as they could
+wish. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;261.</span>For the Consuls elected in succession to
+those who had besieged Agrigentum, Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Titus
+Otacilius Crassus, appeared to be managing the Sicilian business as well
+as circumstances admitted. Yet so long as the Carthaginians were in
+undisturbed command of the sea, the balance of success could not incline
+decisively in their favour. For instance, in the period which followed,
+though they were now in possession of Agrigentum, and though
+consequently many of the inland towns joined the Romans from dread of
+their land forces, yet a still larger number of seaboard towns held
+aloof from them in terror of the Carthaginian fleet. Seeing therefore
+that it was ever more and more the case that the balance of success
+oscillated from one side to the other from these causes; and, moreover,
+that while Italy was repeatedly ravaged by the naval force, Libya
+remained permanently uninjured; they became eager to get upon the sea
+and meet the Carthaginians there.</p>
+
+<p>It was this branch of the subject that more than anything
+else induced me to give an account of this war at somewhat
+greater length than I otherwise should have done. I was
+unwilling that a first step of this kind should be unknown,&mdash;namely
+how, and when, and why the Romans first started a navy.</p>
+
+<p>It was, then, because they saw that the war they had undertaken lingered
+to a weary length, <span class="sidenote">The Romans boldly determine to build ships
+and meet the Carthaginians at sea.</span>that they first thought of getting a
+fleet built, consisting of a hundred quinqueremes and twenty triremes.
+But one part of their undertaking caused them much difficulty. Their
+shipbuilders were entirely unacquainted with the construction of
+quinqueremes, because no one in Italy had at that time employed vessels
+of that description. There could be no more signal proof of the courage,
+or rather the extraordinary audacity of the Roman enterprise. Not only
+had they no resources for it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">23</a></span> of reasonable sufficiency; but without any
+resources for it at all, and without having ever entertained an idea of
+naval war,&mdash;for it was the first time they had thought of it,&mdash;they
+nevertheless handled the enterprise with such extraordinary audacity,
+that, without so much as a preliminary trial, they took upon themselves
+there and then to meet the Carthaginians at sea, on which they had for
+generations held undisputed supremacy. Proof of what I say, and of their
+surprising audacity, may be found in this. When they first took in hand
+to send troops across to Messene they not only had no decked vessels but
+no war-ships at all, not so much as a single galley: but they borrowed
+quinqueremes and triremes from Tarentum and Locri, and even from Elea
+and Neapolis; and having thus collected a fleet, boldly sent their men
+across upon it. <span class="sidenote">A Carthaginian ship used as a model.</span>It was
+on this occasion that, the Carthaginians having put to sea in the Strait
+to attack them, a decked vessel of theirs charged so furiously that it
+ran aground, and falling into the hands of the Romans served them as a
+model on which they constructed their whole fleet. And if this had not
+happened it is clear that they would have been completely hindered from
+carrying out their design by want of constructive knowledge.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_21" id="b1_21"><b>21.</b></a> Meanwhile, however, those who were charged with the shipbuilding
+were busied with the construction of the vessels; while others collected
+crews and were engaged in teaching them to row on dry land: which they
+contrived to do in the following manner. They made the men sit on
+rower&#8217;s benches on dry land, in the same order as they would sit on the
+benches in actual vessels: in the midst of them they stationed the
+Celeustes, and trained them to get back and draw in their hands all
+together in time, and then to swing forward and throw them out again,
+and to begin and cease these movements at the word of the Celeustes. By
+the time these preparations were completed the ships were built. They
+therefore launched them, and, after a brief preliminary practice of real
+sea-rowing, started on their coasting voyage along the shore of Italy,
+in accordance with the Consul&#8217;s order. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;260. Cn. Cornelius
+Scipio Asina, C. Duilius, Coss.</span>For Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, who had
+been appointed by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">24</a></span> Roman people a few days before to command the
+fleet, after giving the ship captains orders that as soon as they had
+fitted out the fleet they should sail to the Straits, had put to sea
+himself with seventeen ships and sailed in advance to Messene; for he
+was very eager to secure all pressing necessaries for the naval force.
+While there some negotiation was suggested to him for the surrender of
+the town of Lipara. <span class="sidenote">Cornelius captured with the loss of his
+ships.</span>Snatching at the prospect somewhat too eagerly, he sailed with
+the above-mentioned ships and anchored off the town. But having been
+informed in Panormus of what had taken place, the Carthaginian general
+Hannibal despatched Bo&#333;des, a member of the Senate, with a squadron
+of twenty ships. He accomplished the voyage at night and shut up Gnaeus
+and his men within the harbour. When day dawned the crews made for the
+shore and ran away, while Gnaeus, in utter dismay, and not knowing in
+the least what to do, eventually surrendered to the enemy. The
+Carthaginians having thus possessed themselves of the ships as well as
+the commander of their enemies, started to rejoin Hannibal. <span class="sidenote">
+The rest of the Roman fleet arrive and nearly capture Hannibal.</span>Yet a
+few days afterwards, though the disaster of Gnaeus was so signal and
+recent, Hannibal himself was within an ace of falling into the same
+glaring mistake. For having been informed that the Roman fleet in its
+voyage along the coast of Italy was close at hand, he conceived a wish
+to get a clear view of the enemy&#8217;s number and disposition. He
+accordingly set sail with fifty ships, and just as he was rounding the
+&#8220;Italian Headland&#8221; he fell in with the enemy, who were sailing in good
+order and disposition. He lost most of his ships, and with the rest
+effected his own escape in a manner beyond hope or expectation.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_22" id="b1_22"><b>22.</b></a> When the Romans had neared the coasts of Sicily and
+learnt the disaster which had befallen Gnaeus, their first step
+was to send for Gaius Duilius, who was in command of the
+land forces. Until he should come they stayed where they
+were; but at the same time, hearing that the enemy&#8217;s fleet was
+no great way off, they busied themselves with preparations
+for a sea-fight. Now their ships were badly fitted out and
+not easy to manage, and so some one suggested to them as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">25</a></span>
+likely to serve their turn in a fight the construction of what
+were afterwards called &#8220;crows.&#8221; <span class="sidenote">The &#8220;corvi&#8221; or
+#8220;crows&#8221; for
+boarding.</span>Their mechanism
+was this. A round pole was placed in the
+prow, about twenty-four feet high, and with a
+diameter of four palms. The pole itself had a pulley on the
+top, and a gangway made with cross planks nailed together,
+four feet wide and thirty-six feet long, was made to swing round
+it. Now the hole in the gangway was oval shaped, and went
+round the pole twelve feet from one end of the gangway, which
+had also a wooden railing running down each side of it to
+the height of a man&#8217;s knee. At the extremity of this gangway
+was fastened an iron spike like a miller&#8217;s pestle,
+sharpened at its lower end and fitted with a ring at its
+upper end. The whole thing looked like the machines for
+braising corn. To this ring the rope was fastened with
+which, when the ships collided, they hauled up the &#8220;crows,&#8221;
+by means of the pulley at the top of the pole, and dropped
+them down upon the deck of the enemy&#8217;s ship, sometimes over
+the prow, sometimes swinging them round when the ships
+collided broadsides. And as soon as the &#8220;crows&#8221; were fixed
+in the planks of the decks and grappled the ships together, if
+the ships were alongside of each other, the men leaped on
+board anywhere along the side, but if they were prow to prow,
+they used the &#8220;crow&#8221; itself for boarding, and advanced over
+it two abreast. The first two protected their front by holding
+up before them their shields, while those who came after
+them secured their sides by placing the rims of their shields
+upon the top of the railing. Such were the preparations
+which they made; and having completed them they watched
+an opportunity of engaging at sea.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_23" id="b1_23"><b>23.</b></a> As for Gaius Duilius, he no sooner heard of the
+disaster which had befallen the commander of <span class="sidenote">Victory of
+Duilius at
+Mylae,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;260.</span>
+the navy than handing over his legions to the
+military Tribunes he transferred himself to the
+fleet. There he learnt that the enemy was
+plundering the territory of Mylae, and at once sailed to attack
+him with the whole fleet. No sooner did the Carthaginians
+sight him than with joy and alacrity they put to sea with a
+hundred and thirty sail, feeling supreme contempt for the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">26</a></span>
+Roman ignorance of seamanship. Accordingly they all sailed
+with their prows directed straight at their enemy: they did not
+think the engagement worth even the trouble of ranging their
+ships in any order, but advanced as though to seize a booty
+exposed for their acceptance. Their commander was that
+same Hannibal who had withdrawn his forces from Agrigentum
+by a secret night movement, and he was on board a
+galley with seven banks of oars which had once belonged to
+King Pyrrhus. When they neared the enemy, and saw the
+&#8220;crows&#8221; raised aloft on the prows of the several ships, the
+Carthaginians were for a time in a state of perplexity; for they
+were quite strangers to such contrivances as these engines.
+Feeling, however, a complete contempt for their opponents,
+those on board the ships that were in the van of the squadron
+charged without flinching. But as soon as they came to
+close quarters their ships were invariably tightly grappled
+by these machines; the enemy boarded by means of the
+&#8220;crows,&#8221; and engaged them on their decks; and in the end
+some of the Carthaginians were cut down, while others surrendered
+in bewildered terror at the battle in which they
+found themselves engaged, which eventually became exactly
+like a land fight. The result was that they lost the first
+thirty ships engaged, crews and all. Among them was captured
+the commander&#8217;s ship also, though Hannibal himself
+by an unexpected piece of luck and an act of great daring
+effected his escape in the ship&#8217;s boat. The rest of the Carthaginian
+squadron were sailing up with the view of charging;
+but as they were coming near they saw what had
+happened to the ships which were sailing in the front, and
+accordingly sheered off and avoided the blows of the engines.
+Yet trusting to their speed, they managed by a man&oelig;uvre to
+sail round and charge the enemy, some on their broadside
+and others on their stern, expecting by that method to avoid
+danger. But the engines swung round to meet them in
+every direction, and dropped down upon them so infallibly,
+that no ships could come to close quarters without being
+grappled. Eventually the Carthaginians turned and fled, bewildered
+at the novelty of the occurrence, and with a loss of
+fifty ships.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">27</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_24" id="b1_24"><b>24.</b></a> Having in this unlooked-for manner made good their maritime hopes
+the Romans were doubly encouraged in their enthusiasm for the war.
+<span class="sidenote">Further operations in Sicily.<br /><br />Segesta and
+Macella.<br /><br />Hamilcar.</span>For the present they put in upon the
+coast of Sicily, raised the siege of Segesta when it was reduced to the
+last extremity, and on their way back from Segesta carried the town
+Macella by assault. But Hamilcar, the commander of the Carthaginian land
+forces happened, after the naval battle, to be informed as he lay
+encamped near Panormus that the allies were engaged in a dispute with
+the Romans about the post of honour in the battles: and ascertaining
+that the allies were encamped by themselves between Paropus and
+Himeraean Thermae, he made a sudden attack in force as they were in the
+act of moving camp and killed almost four thousand of them. <span class="sidenote">
+Hannibal in Sardinia.</span>After this action Hannibal sailed across to
+Carthage with such ships as he had left; and thence before very long
+crossed to Sardinia, with a reinforcement of ships, and accompanied by
+some of those whose reputation as naval commanders stood high. But
+before very long he was blockaded in a certain harbour by the Romans,
+and lost a large number of ships; and was thereupon summarily arrested
+by the surviving Carthaginians and crucified. This came about because
+the first thing the Romans did upon getting a navy was to try to become
+masters of Sardinia.</p>
+
+<p>During the next year the Roman legions in Sicily did nothing worthy of
+mention. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;259.</span>In the next, after the arrival of the new
+Consuls, Aulus Atilius and Gaius Sulpicius, they started to attack
+Panormus because the Carthaginian forces were wintering there. <span class="sidenote">
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;258. Coss. A. Atilius Calatinus, G. Sulpicius, Paterculus.</span>The
+Consuls advanced close up to the city with their whole force, and drew
+up in order of battle. But the enemy refusing to come out to meet them,
+they marched away and attacked the town of Hippana. This they carried by assault: but though they also
+took Myttistratum it was only after it had stood a lengthened siege
+<span class="sidenote">Hippana
+and Myttistratum.</span>owing to the strength of its situation. It<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">28</a></span> was at this time, too, that
+they recovered Camarina, which had revolted a short time previously.
+They threw up works against it, and captured it
+<span class="sidenote">Camarina.</span>after making a breach in its walls. They treated Henna, and sundry other
+strong places which had been in the hands of the Carthaginians, in the
+same way; and when they had finished these operations they undertook to
+lay siege to Lipara.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_25" id="b1_25"><b>25.</b></a> Next year Gaius Atilius, the Consul, happened to be at anchor off
+Tyndaris, when he observed the Carthaginian fleet sailing by in a
+straggling manner. <span class="sidenote">Coss. C. Atilius Regulus, Cn. Cornelius,
+Blasio II. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;257.<br /><br />Fighting off Tyndaris.</span>He passed the
+word to the crews of his own ships to follow the advanced squadron, and
+started himself before the rest with ten ships of equal sailing powers.
+When the Carthaginians became aware that while some of the enemy were
+still embarking, others were already putting out to sea, and that the
+advanced squadron were considerably ahead of the rest, they stood round
+and went to meet them. They succeeded in surrounding and destroying all
+of them except the Consul&#8217;s ship, and that they all but captured with
+its crew. This last, however, by the perfection of its rowers and its
+consequent speed, effected a desperate escape. Meanwhile the remaining
+ships of the Romans were sailing up and gradually drawing close
+together. Having got into line, they charged the enemy, took ten ships
+with their crews, and sunk eight. The rest of the Carthaginian ships
+retired to the Liparean Islands.</p>
+
+<p>The result of this battle was that both sides concluded that they were
+now fairly matched, and accordingly made more systematic efforts to
+secure a naval force, <span class="sidenote">Winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;257-256.</span>and to dispute
+the supremacy at sea. While these things were going on, the land forces
+effected nothing worth recording; but wasted all their time in such
+petty operations as chance threw in their way. Therefore, after making
+the preparations <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;256. Coss. L. Manlius, Vulso Longus, M.
+Atilius Regulus II. (Suff.)</span>I have mentioned for the approaching
+summer, the Romans, with three hundred and thirty decked ships of war,
+touched at Messene; thence put to sea, keeping Sicily on their right;
+and after doubling the headland Pachynus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">29</a></span> passed on to Ecnomus, because
+the land force was also in that district. The Carthaginians on their
+part put to sea again with three hundred and fifty decked ships, touched
+at Lilybaeum, and thence dropped anchor at Heracleia Minoa.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_26" id="b1_26"><b>26.</b></a> Now it was the purpose of the Romans to sail across to Libya and
+transfer the war there, <span class="sidenote">Preparations for the Battle of
+Ecnomus.</span>in order that the Carthaginians might find the danger
+affecting themselves and their own country rather than Sicily. But the
+Carthaginians were determined to prevent this. They knew that Libya was
+easily invaded, and that the invaders if they once effected a landing
+would meet with little resistance from the inhabitants; and they
+therefore made up their minds not to allow it, and were eager rather to
+bring the matter to a decisive issue by a battle at sea. The one side
+was determined to cross, the other to prevent their crossing; and their
+enthusiastic rivalry gave promise of a desperate struggle. The
+preparations of the Romans were made to suit either contingency, an
+engagement at sea or a disembarkation on the enemy&#8217;s soil. Accordingly
+they picked out the best hands from the land army and divided the whole
+force which they meant to take on board into four divisions. Each
+division had alternative titles; <span class="sidenote">Roman forces. 330 ships, with
+average of 420 men (300 rowers + 120 marines) = 138,600 men.</span>the first
+was called the &#8220;First Legion&#8221; or the &#8220;First Squadron,&#8221;&mdash;and so on with
+the others. The fourth had a third title besides. They were called
+&#8220;Triarii,&#8221; on the analogy of land armies. The total number of men thus
+making up the naval force amounted to nearly one hundred and forty
+thousand, reckoning each ship as carrying three hundred rowers and one
+hundred and twenty soldiers. The Carthaginians, on the other hand, made
+their preparations almost exclusively with a view to a naval engagement.
+<span class="sidenote">Carthaginian numbers, 150,000 men.</span>Their numbers, if we
+reckon by the number of their ships, were over one hundred and fifty
+thousand men. The mere recital of these figures must, I should imagine,
+strike any one with astonishment at the magnitude of the struggle, and
+the vast resources of the contending states. An actual view of them
+itself could hardly be more impressive than the bare statement of the
+number of men and ships.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">30</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Now the Romans had two facts to consider: <span class="sidenote">The Roman order
+at Ecnomus.</span>First, that
+circumstances compelled them to face the open
+sea; and, secondly, that their enemies had the
+advantage of fast sailing vessels. They therefore
+took every precaution for keeping their line unbroken
+and difficult to attack. They had only two ships with six
+banks of oars, those, namely, on which the Consuls Marcus
+Atilius and Lucius Manlius respectively were sailing. These
+they stationed side by side in front and in a line with each other.
+Behind each of these they stationed ships one behind the other
+in single file&mdash;the first squadron behind the one, and the
+second squadron behind the other. These were so arranged
+that, as each ship came to its place, the two files diverged
+farther and farther from each other; the vessels being also
+stationed one behind the other with their prows inclining outwards.
+Having thus arranged the first and second squadrons
+in single file so as to form a wedge, they stationed the third
+division in a single line at its base; so that the whole finally
+presented the appearance of a triangle. Behind this base they
+stationed the horse-transports, attaching them by towing-ropes
+to the ships of the third squadron. And to the rear of them
+they placed the fourth squadron, called the Triarii, in a single
+line, so extended as to overlap the line in front of them at both
+extremities. When these dispositions were complete the
+general appearance was that of a beak or wedge, the apex of
+which was open, the base compact and strong; while the
+whole was easy to work and serviceable, and at the same time
+difficult to break up.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_27" id="b1_27"><b>27.</b></a> Meanwhile the Carthaginian commanders had briefly addressed their
+men. <span class="sidenote">The disposition of the Carthaginian fleet.</span>They pointed
+out to them that victory in this battle would ensure the war in the
+future being confined to the question of the possession of Sicily; while
+if they were beaten they would have hereafter to fight for their native
+land and for all that they held dear. With these words they passed the
+word to embark. The order was obeyed with universal enthusiasm, for what
+had been said brought home to them the issues at stake; and they put to
+sea in the full fervour of excited gallantry, which might well have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">31</a></span>
+struck terror into all who saw it. When their commanders saw the
+arrangement of the enemies&#8217; ships they adapted their own to match it.
+Three-fourths of their force they posted in a single line, extending
+their right wing towards the open sea with a view of outflanking their
+opponents, and placing their ships with prows facing the enemy; while
+the other fourth part was posted to form a left wing of the whole, the
+vessels being at right angles to the others and close to the shore. The
+two Carthaginian commanders were Hanno and Hamilcar. <span class="sidenote">ch. 19.</span>
+The former was the general who had been defeated in the engagement at
+Agrigentum. He now commanded the right wing, supported by beaked vessels
+for charging, and the fastest sailing quinqueremes for outflanking, the
+enemy. <span class="sidenote">ch. 25.</span>The latter, who had been in the engagement
+off Tyndaris, had charge of the left wing. This officer, occupying the
+central position of the entire line, on this occasion employed a
+stratagem which I will now describe. <span class="sidenote">The battle.</span>The battle
+began by the Romans charging the centre of the Carthaginians, because
+they observed that it was weakened by their great extension. The ships
+in the Carthaginian centre, in accordance with their orders, at once
+turned and fled with a view of breaking up the Roman close order. They
+began to retire with all speed, and the Romans pursued them with
+exultation. The consequence was that, while the first and second Roman
+squadrons were pressing the flying enemy, the third and fourth &#8220;legions&#8221;
+had become detached and were left behind,&mdash;the former because they had
+to tow the horse-transports, and the &#8220;Triarii&#8221; because they kept their
+station with them and helped them to form a reserve. But when the
+Carthaginians thought that they had drawn the first and second squadron
+a sufficient distance from the main body a signal was hoisted on board
+Hamilcar&#8217;s ship, and they all simultaneously swung their ships round and
+engaged their pursuers. The contest was a severe one. The Carthaginians
+had a great superiority in the rapidity with which they man&oelig;uvred
+their ships. They darted out from their line and rowed round the enemy:
+they approached them with ease, and retired with despatch. But the
+Romans, no less than the Carthaginians, had their reasons<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">32</a></span> for
+entertaining hopes of victory: for when the vessels got locked together
+the contest became one of sheer strength: their engines, the &#8220;crows,&#8221;
+grappled all that once came to close quarters: and, finally, both the
+Consuls were present in person and were witnesses of their behaviour in
+battle.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_28" id="b1_28"><b>28.</b></a> This was the state of affairs on the centre. But
+meanwhile Hanno with the right wing, which had held aloof
+when the first encounter took place, crossing the open sea,
+charged the ships of the Triarii and caused them great
+difficulty and embarrassment: while those of the Carthaginians
+who had been posted near the land man&oelig;uvred into line,
+and getting their ships straight, charged the men who were
+towing the horse-transports. These latter let go the towing-ropes,
+grappled with the enemy, and kept up a desperate
+struggle.</p>
+
+<p>So that the engagement was in three separate divisions,
+or rather there were three sea-fights going on at
+wide intervals from each other. <span class="sidenote">Three separate
+battles.</span>Now in these
+three engagements the opposing parties were in
+each case fairly matched, thanks to the original disposition of
+the ships, and therefore the victory was in each case closely
+contested. However the result in the several cases was very
+much what was to be expected where forces were so equal.
+The first to engage were the first to separate: <span class="sidenote">First with Hamilcar&#8217;s
+squadron.</span>
+for Hamilcar&#8217;s division at last were overpowered
+and fled. But while Lucius was
+engaged in securing his prizes, Marcus observing the struggle
+in which the Triarii and horse-transports were involved, went
+with all speed to their assistance, taking with him all the
+ships of the second squadron which were undamaged. <span class="sidenote">Second squadron
+under Regulus.</span>
+As soon as he had reached and
+engaged Hanno&#8217;s division, the Triarii quickly
+picked up courage, though they were then getting much
+the worst of it, and returned with renewed spirits to the
+fight. It was now the turn for the Carthaginians to be in
+difficulties. They were charged in front and on the rear,
+and found to their surprise that they were being surrounded
+by the relieving squadron. They at once gave way and
+retreated in the direction of the open sea.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">33</a></span></p>
+
+<p>While this was going on, Lucius, who was sailing back to
+rejoin his colleague, observed that the third
+squadron had got wedged in by the Carthaginians
+close in shore. <span class="sidenote">Third squadron
+relieved by Regulus
+and Manlius.</span>
+Accordingly he and
+Marcus, who had by this time secured the safety of the transports
+and Triarii, started together to relieve their imperilled
+comrades, who were now sustaining something very like a
+blockade. And the fact is that they would long before this
+have been utterly destroyed had not the Carthaginians been
+afraid of the &#8220;crows,&#8221; and confined themselves to surrounding
+and penning them in close to land, without attempting to
+charge for fear of being caught by the grappling-irons. The
+Consuls came up rapidly, and surrounding the Carthaginians
+captured fifty of their ships with their crews, while some few
+of them managed to slip away and escape by keeping close
+to the shore.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the result of the separate engagements. But the
+general upshot of the whole battle was in favour
+of the Romans. <span class="sidenote">General result.</span>Twenty-four of their vessels were
+destroyed; over thirty of the Carthaginians. Not a single
+Roman ship was captured with its crew; sixty-four of the
+Carthaginians were so taken.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_29" id="b1_29"><b>29.</b></a> After the battle the Romans took in a fresh supply of
+victual, repaired and refitted the ships they had captured,
+bestowed upon the crews the attention which they had
+deserved by their victory, and then put to sea with a view
+of continuing their voyage to Libya. Their leading ships made
+the shore just under the headland called the Hermaeum, which
+is the extreme point on the east of the Gulf of Carthage, and
+runs out into the open sea in the direction of Sicily. There
+they waited for the rest of the ships to come up, and having
+got the entire fleet together coasted along until
+they came to the city called Aspis. <span class="sidenote">Siege of Aspis. (Clupea.)</span> Here they
+disembarked, beached their ships, dug a trench,
+and constructed a stockade round them; and on the inhabitants
+of the city refusing to submit without compulsion,
+they set to work to besiege the town. Presently those of the
+Carthaginians who had survived the sea-fight came to land
+also; and feeling sure that the enemy, in the flush of their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">34</a></span>
+victory, intended to sail straight against Carthage itself, they
+began by keeping a chain of advanced guards at outlying
+points to protect the capital with their military and naval
+forces. But when they ascertained that the Romans had
+disembarked without resistance and were engaged in besieging
+Aspis, they gave up the idea of watching for the
+descent of the fleet; but concentrated their forces, and devoted
+themselves to the protection of the capital and its
+environs.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile the Romans had taken Aspis, had placed in it a
+garrison to hold it and its territory, and had
+besides sent home to Rome to announce the <span class="sidenote">Aspis taken.</span>
+events which had taken place and to ask for instructions as
+to the future,&mdash;what they were to do, and what arrangements
+they were to make. Having done this they made active
+preparations for a general advance and set about plundering
+the country. They met with no opposition in this: they
+destroyed numerous dwelling houses of remarkably fine construction,
+possessed themselves of a great number of cattle;
+and captured more than twenty thousand slaves whom they
+took to their ships. In the midst of these proceedings the
+messengers arrived from Rome with orders that one Consul
+was to remain with an adequate force, the other was to bring
+the fleet to Rome. Accordingly Marcus was <span class="sidenote">M. Atilius Regulus
+remains in
+Africa, winter of
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;256-255.</span>
+left behind with forty ships, fifteen thousand
+infantry, and five hundred cavalry; while
+Lucius put the crowd of captives on board, and
+having embarked his men, sailed along the coast of Sicily
+without encountering any danger, and reached Rome.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_30" id="b1_30"><b>30.</b></a> The Carthaginians now saw that their enemies contemplated
+a lengthened occupation of the country. They
+therefore proceeded first of all to elect two of their own
+citizens, Hasdrubal son of Hanno, and Bostarus, to the office
+of general; and next sent to Heracleia a pressing summons to
+Hamilcar. He obeyed immediately, and arrived at Carthage
+with five hundred cavalry and five thousand infantry. He was
+forthwith appointed general in conjunction with the other two,
+and entered into consultation with Hasdrubal and his colleague
+as to the measures necessary to be taken in the present crisis.
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">35</a></span>
+They decided to defend the country and not to allow it to be
+devastated without resistance.</p>
+
+<p>A few days afterwards Marcus sallied forth on one of his
+marauding expeditions. Such towns as were
+unwalled he carried by assault and plundered, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;256-255.
+The operations of
+Regulus in Libya.</span>
+and such as were walled he besieged. Among
+others he came to the considerable town of Adys, and having
+placed his troops round it was beginning with all speed to raise
+siege works. The Carthaginians were both eager to relieve
+the town and determined to dispute the possession of the open
+country. They therefore led out their army; but their operations
+were not skilfully conducted. They indeed seized and
+encamped upon a piece of rising ground which commanded
+the enemy; but it was unsuitable to themselves. Their best
+hopes rested on their cavalry and their elephants, and yet they
+abandoned the level plain and cooped themselves up in a position
+at once steep and difficult of access. The enemy, as might
+have been expected, were not slow to take advantage of this
+mistake. The Roman commanders were skilful enough to
+understand that the best and most formidable part of the forces
+opposed to them was rendered useless by the nature of the
+ground. They did not therefore wait for them to come down
+to the plain and offer battle, but choosing the time which
+suited themselves, began at daybreak a forward movement on
+both sides of the hill. <span class="sidenote">Defeat of the
+Carthaginians
+near Adys.</span>
+In the battle which
+followed the Carthaginians could not use their
+cavalry or elephants at all; but their mercenary
+troops made a really gallant and spirited sally. They even
+forced the first division of the Romans to give way and fly:
+but they advanced too far, and were surrounded and routed by
+the division which was advancing from the other direction.
+This was immediately followed by the whole force being
+dislodged from their encampment. The elephants and cavalry
+as soon as they gained level ground made good their retreat
+without loss; but the infantry were pursued by the Romans.
+The latter however soon desisted from the pursuit. They
+presently returned, dismantled the enemy&#8217;s entrenchment, and
+destroyed the stockade; and from thenceforth overran the
+whole country-side and sacked the towns without opposition.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">36</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Among others they seized the town called Tunes. This place
+had many natural advantages for expeditions
+such as those in which they were engaged, <span class="sidenote">Tunes.</span>
+and
+was so situated as to form a convenient base of operations
+against the capital and its immediate neighbourhood. They
+accordingly fixed their headquarters in it.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_31" id="b1_31"><b>31.</b></a> The Carthaginians were now indeed in evil case. It
+was not long since they had sustained a disaster
+at sea: and now they had met with one on land, <span class="sidenote">Distress at
+Carthage, which
+is heightened by
+an inroad of
+Numidians.</span>
+not from any failure of courage on the part of
+their soldiers, but from the incompetency of their
+commanders. Simultaneously with these misfortunes,
+they were suffering from an inroad of the Numidians,
+who were doing even more damage to the country than the
+Romans. The terror which they inspired drove the country
+folk to flock for safety into the city; and the city itself had to
+face a serious famine as well as a panic, the former from the
+numbers that crowded into it, the latter from the hourly
+expectation of a siege. <span class="sidenote">Spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;255.
+Regulus proposes
+harsh terms.</span>
+But Regulus had
+different views. The double defeat sustained
+by the Carthaginians, by land as well as by sea,
+convinced him that the capture of Carthage was a question of
+a very short time; and he was in a state of great anxiety lest
+his successor in the Consulship should arrive from Rome in
+time to rob him of the glory of the achievement. He therefore
+invited the Carthaginians to make terms. They were
+only too glad of the proposal, and sent their leading citizens
+to meet him. The meeting took place: but the commissioners
+could not bring their minds to entertain his proposals; they
+were so severe that it was almost more than they could bear to
+listen to them at all. Regulus regarded himself as practically
+master of the city, and considered that they ought to regard
+any concession on his part as a matter of favour and pure
+grace. <span class="sidenote">The terms
+rejected.</span>
+The Carthaginians on the other hand
+concluded that nothing worse could be imposed
+on them if they suffered capture than was
+now enjoined. They therefore returned home without
+accepting the offers of Regulus, and extremely exasperated by
+his unreasonable harshness. When the Carthaginian Senate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">37</a></span>
+heard the conditions offered by the Roman general, though
+they had almost relinquished every hope of safety, they came
+to the gallant and noble resolution that they would brave
+anything, that they would try every possible means and endure
+every extremity, rather than submit to terms so dishonourable
+and so unworthy of their past history.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_32" id="b1_32"><b>32.</b></a> Now it happened that just about this time one of their
+recruiting agents, who had some time before
+been despatched to Greece, arrived home. <span class="sidenote">Arrival of the
+Spartan Xanthippus
+in Carthage.</span>He
+brought a large number of men with him, and
+among them a certain Lacedaemonian named Xanthippus, a
+man trained in the Spartan discipline, and of large experience
+in war. When this man was informed of their defeat, and of
+how it had taken place, and when he had reviewed the military
+resources still left to the Carthaginians, and the number of
+their cavalry and elephants, he did not take long to come to
+a decided conclusion. He expressed his opinion to his friends
+that the Carthaginians had owed their defeat, not to the
+superiority of the Romans, but to the unskilfulness of their
+own commanders. The dangerous state of their affairs caused
+the words of Xanthippus to get abroad quickly among the
+people and to reach the ears of the generals; and the men in
+authority determined to summon and question him. He
+appeared, and laid his views before the magistrates; in which
+he showed to what they owed their present disasters, and that
+if they would take his advice and keep to the flat parts of the
+country alike in marching, encamping, and giving battle, they
+would be able with perfect ease to secure safety for themselves
+and to defeat their opponents in the field. The generals
+accepted the suggestion, resolved to follow his advice, and
+there and then put their forces at his command. Among the
+multitude the observation of Xanthippus was passed from
+mouth to mouth, and gave rise, as was to be expected, to
+a good deal of popular rumour and sanguine talk. This
+was confirmed when he had once handled the troops. The
+way in which he got them into order when he had led them
+outside the town; the skill with which he man&oelig;uvred the
+separate detachments, and passed the word of command
+down the ranks in due conformity to the rules of tactics, at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">38</a></span>
+once impressed every one with the contrast to the blundering
+of their former generals. The multitude expressed their
+approbation by loud cheers, and were for engaging the enemy
+without delay, convinced that no harm could happen to them
+as long as Xanthippus was their leader. The generals took
+advantage of this circumstance, and of the extraordinary
+recovery which they saw had taken place in the spirits of
+the people. They addressed them some exhortations befitting
+the occasion, and after a few days&#8217; delay got their
+forces on foot and started. Their army consisted of twelve
+thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry, and nearly a hundred
+elephants.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_33" id="b1_33"><b>33.</b></a> The Romans at once noticed a change. They saw
+that the Carthaginians chose level country for
+their line of march, <span class="sidenote">The new strategy
+of the Carthaginians.</span>
+and flat places for their
+encampments. This novelty puzzled and rather
+alarmed them, yet their prevailing feeling was an eager desire
+to come to close quarters with the enemy. They therefore
+advanced to a position about ten stades from them and employed
+the first day in pitching a camp there. Next day,
+while the chief officers of the Carthaginians were discussing
+in a council of war what dispositions were called for, and
+what line of strategy they were to adopt, the common soldiers,
+in their eagerness for the engagement, collected in groups,
+shouted out the name of Xanthippus, and showed that their
+opinion was in favour of an immediate forward movement.
+Influenced by the evident enthusiasm and eagerness of the
+army, and by the appeals of Xanthippus that they should not
+let the opportunity slip, the generals gave orders to the men
+to get ready, and resigned to Xanthippus the entire direction
+of affairs, with full authority to act as he thought most advantageous.
+He at once acted upon this authority. <span class="sidenote">The dispositions
+for the battle.</span>
+He ordered out the elephants, and placed them
+in a single line in front of the whole army.
+The heavy phalanx of the Carthaginians he stationed at a
+moderate interval in the rear of these. He divided the
+mercenaries into three corps. One he stationed on the right
+wing; while the other two, which consisted of the most active,
+he placed with the cavalry on both wings. When the Romans<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">39</a></span>
+saw that the enemy were drawn up to offer them battle
+they readily advanced to accept it. They were however
+alarmed at the elephants, and made special arrangements
+with a view to resist their charge. They stationed the velites
+in the van, and behind them the legionaries, many maniples
+deep, while they divided the cavalry between the two wings.
+Their line of battle was thus less extended than usual, but
+deeper. And though they had thereby made a sufficient provision
+against the elephants, yet being far out-numbered in
+cavalry, their provision in that part of the field was altogether
+inadequate. At length both sides had made their dispositions
+according to their respective plans of operation, and had placed
+their several men in the posts assigned to them: and now they
+were standing drawn up in order, and were each of them
+watching for the right moment for beginning the attack.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_34" id="b1_34"><b>34.</b></a> No sooner had Xanthippus given the order to the
+men on the elephants to advance and disperse <span class="sidenote">The battle.</span>
+the lines in front of them, and to his cavalry to
+outflank both wings and charge the enemy, than the Roman
+army&mdash;clashing their shields and spears together after their
+usual custom, and simultaneously raising their battle-cry&mdash;charged
+the enemy. The Roman cavalry being far out-numbered
+by the Carthaginians were soon in full retreat on
+both wings. But the fortune of the several divisions of the
+infantry was various. Those stationed on the left wing&mdash;partly
+because they could avoid the elephants and partly
+because they thought contemptuously of the mercenaries&mdash;charged
+the right wing of the Carthaginians, succeeded in
+driving them from their ground, and pursued them as far as
+their entrenchment. Those stationed in front of the elephants
+were less fortunate. The maniples in front were thrown
+into utter confusion by the crushing weight of the animals:
+knocked down and trampled upon by them they perished in
+heaps upon the field; yet owing to its great depth the main
+body remained for a time unbroken. <span class="sidenote">The Romans are
+beaten and
+annihilated.</span>
+But it
+was not for long. The maniples on the rear
+found themselves outflanked by the cavalry,
+and were forced to face round and resist them: those on the
+other hand who forced their way to the front through the elephants,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">40</a></span>
+and had now those beasts on their rear, found themselves
+confronted by the phalanx of Carthaginians, which
+had not yet been in action and was still in close unbroken
+order, and so were cut to pieces. This was followed by a
+general rout. Most of the Romans were trampled to death
+by the enormous weight of the elephants; the rest were
+shot down in their ranks by the numerous cavalry: and
+there were only a very few who attempted to save themselves
+by flight. But the flatness of the country was unfavourable
+to escape in this manner. Some of the fugitives were
+destroyed by the elephants and cavalry; <span class="sidenote">Regulus made
+prisoner.</span>
+while only those who
+fled with the general Regulus, amounting perhaps
+to five hundred, were after a short pursuit
+made prisoners with him to a man.</p>
+
+<p>On the Carthaginian side there fell about eight hundred of
+the mercenaries, those namely who had been stationed opposite
+the left wing of the Romans. On the part of the Romans
+about two thousand survived. These were those whom I have
+already described as having chased the Carthaginian right wing
+to their entrenchment, and who were thus not involved in the
+general engagement. The rest were entirely destroyed with
+the exception of those who fled with Regulus. The surviving
+maniples escaped with considerable difficulty to the town of
+Aspis. The Carthaginians stripped the dead, and taking with
+them the Roman general and the rest of their prisoners,
+returned to the capital in a high state of exultation at the turn
+their affairs had now taken.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_35" id="b1_35"><b>35.</b></a> This event conveys many useful lessons to a thoughtful
+observer. Above all, the disaster of Regulus gives the
+clearest possible warning that no one should feel too confident
+of the favours of Fortune, especially in the hour of success.
+<span class="sidenote">Eurip. fr.</span>Here we see one, who a short time before refused all pity
+or consideration to the fallen, brought incontinently
+to beg them for his own life. Again, we
+are taught the truth of that saying of Euripides&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+<div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza">
+<div class="line">One wise man&#8217;s skill is worth a world in arms.</div>
+</div></div></div>
+
+<p>For it was one man, one brain, that defeated the numbers
+which were believed to be invincible and able to accomplish<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">41</a></span>
+anything; and restored to confidence a whole city that was
+unmistakably and utterly ruined, and the spirits of its army
+which had sunk to the lowest depths of despair. I record these
+things in the hope of benefiting my readers. There are two
+roads to reformation for mankind&mdash;one through misfortunes of
+their own, the other through those of others: the former is the
+most unmistakable, the latter the less painful. One should
+never therefore voluntarily choose the former, for it makes reformation
+a matter of great difficulty and danger; but we
+should always look out for the latter, for thereby we can
+without hurt to ourselves gain a clear view of the best course
+to pursue. It is this which forces us to consider that the
+knowledge gained from the study of true history is the best of
+all educations for practical life. For it is history, and history
+alone, which, without involving us in actual danger, will mature
+our judgment and prepare us to take right views, whatever may
+be the crisis or the posture of affairs.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_36" id="b1_36"><b>36.</b></a> To return to our narrative. Having obtained this
+complete success the Carthaginians indulged
+in every sign of exultation. <span class="sidenote">Xanthippus quits
+Carthage.</span>
+Thanksgivings
+were poured out to God, and joyful congratulations
+interchanged among themselves. But Xanthippus, by
+whose means such a happy change had been brought about
+and such an impulse been given to the fortunes of Carthage,
+did not remain there long, but took ship for home again. In
+this he showed his wisdom and discernment. For it is the
+nature of extraordinary and conspicuous achievements to exasperate
+jealousies and envenom slander; against which a native
+may perhaps stand with the support of kinsfolk and friends,
+but a foreigner when exposed to one or the other of them is
+inevitably overpowered before long and put in danger. There
+is however another account sometimes given of the departure
+of Xanthippus, which I will endeavour at a more suitable
+opportunity to set forth.</p>
+
+<p>Upon this unlooked-for catastrophe in the Libyan campaign,
+the Roman government at once set to <span class="sidenote">The Romans
+prepare a fleet to
+relieve their
+beaten army.</span>
+work to fit out a fleet to take off the men who
+were still surviving there; while the Carthaginians
+followed up their success by sitting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">42</a></span>
+down before Aspis, and besieging it, being anxious to get the
+survivors of the battle into their hands. But failing to capture
+the place, owing to the gallantry and determined courage
+of these men, they eventually raised the siege. When they
+heard that the Romans were preparing their fleet, and were
+intending to sail once more against Libya, they set about
+shipbuilding also, partly repairing old vessels and partly constructing
+new. Before very long they had manned and
+launched two hundred ships, and were on the watch for the
+coming of their enemies. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;255.
+Coss. Ser. Fulvius
+Paetinus
+Nobilior, M.
+Aemilius Paullus.</span>
+By the beginning of
+the summer the Romans had launched three
+hundred and fifty vessels. They put them
+under the command of the Consuls Marcus
+Aemilius and Servius Fulvius, and despatched
+them. This fleet coasted along Sicily; made for Libya;
+and having fallen in with the Carthaginian squadron off Hermaeum,
+at once charged and easily turned them to flight;
+captured a hundred and fourteen with their crews, and having
+taken on board their men who had maintained themselves
+in Libya, started from Aspis on their return voyage
+to Sicily.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_37" id="b1_37"><b>37.</b></a> The passage was effected in safety, and the coast of
+Camarina was reached: but there they experienced so terrible
+a storm, and suffered so dreadfully, as almost to
+beggar description. <span class="sidenote">The fleet is lost
+in a storm.</span>
+The disaster was indeed
+extreme: for out of their three hundred and
+sixty-four vessels eighty only remained. The rest were either
+swamped or driven by the surf upon the rocks and headlands,
+where they went to pieces and filled all the seaboard with
+corpses and wreckage. No greater catastrophe is to be found
+in all history as befalling a fleet at one time. And for this
+Fortune was not so much to blame as the commanders themselves.
+They had been warned again and again by the pilots
+not to steer along the southern coast of Sicily facing the
+Libyan sea, because it was exposed and yielded no safe anchorage;
+and because, of the two dangerous constellations, <span class="sidenote">Between June 28
+and July 26.</span>
+one had
+not yet set and the other was on the point of
+rising (for their voyage fell between the rising of
+Orion and that of the Dog Star). Yet they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">43</a></span>
+attended to none of these warnings; but, intoxicated by their
+recent success, were anxious to capture certain cities as they
+coasted along, and in pursuance of this idea thoughtlessly exposed
+themselves to the full fury of the open sea. As far as these
+particular men were concerned, the disaster which they brought
+upon themselves in the pursuit of trivial advantages convinced
+them of the folly of their conduct. But it is a peculiarity of
+the Roman people as a whole to treat everything as a question
+of main strength; to consider that they must of course accomplish
+whatever they have proposed to themselves; and that
+nothing is impossible that they have once determined upon.
+The result of such self-confidence is that in many things they
+do succeed, while in some few they conspicuously fail, and
+especially at sea. On land it is against men only and their
+works that they have to direct their efforts: and as the forces
+against which they exert their strength do not differ intrinsically
+from their own, as a general rule they succeed; while
+their failures are exceptional and rare. But to contend with the
+sea and sky is to fight against a force immeasurably superior to
+their own: and when they trust to an exertion of sheer strength
+in such a contest the disasters which they meet with are signal.
+This is what they experienced on the present occasion: they
+have often experienced it since; and will continue to do so,
+as long as they maintain their headstrong and foolhardy notion
+that any season of the year admits of sailing as well as
+marching.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_38" id="b1_38"><b>38.</b></a> When the Carthaginians heard of the destruction which
+had befallen the Roman fleet, they made up their minds that
+as their late victory had made them a match for their enemy
+on land, so now the Roman catastrophe had made them a
+match for him at sea. Accordingly they devoted themselves
+with still greater eagerness than before to their naval and military
+preparations. <span class="sidenote">The
+Carthaginians
+renew operations
+in Sicily.</span>
+And first, they lost no time in
+despatching Hasdrubal to Sicily, and with him
+not only the soldiers that they had already collected,
+but those also whom they had recalled
+from Heracleia; and along with them they sent also a hundred
+and forty elephants. And next, after despatching him, they
+began fitting out two hundred ships and making all other<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">44</a></span>
+preparations necessary for a naval expedition. Hasdrubal
+reached Lilybaeum safely, and immediately set to work to
+train his elephants and drill his men, and showed his intention
+of striking a blow for the possession of the open
+country.</p>
+
+<p>The Roman government, when they heard of this from the
+survivors of the wreck on their arrival home, felt it to be a
+grievous misfortune; but being absolutely resolved not to give
+in, they determined once more to put two hundred and twenty
+vessels on the stocks and build afresh. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;254.
+Coss. Gn. Cornelius
+Scipio Asina II.,
+Aulus Atilius,
+Calatinus II.</span>
+These
+were finished in three months, an almost incredibly
+short time, and the new Consuls Aulus
+Atilius and Gnaeus Cornelius fitted out the
+fleet and put to sea. As they passed through
+the straits they took up from Messene those of the vessels
+which had been saved from the wreck; and having thus arrived
+with three hundred ships off Panormus, which is the
+strongest town of all the Carthaginian province in Sicily, they
+began to besiege it. They threw up works in two distinct
+places, and after other necessary preparations brought up their
+battering rams. The tower next the sea was destroyed with
+ease, and the soldiers forced their way in through the breach:
+and so what is called the New Town was carried by assault;
+while what is called the Old Town being placed by this event
+in imminent danger, its inhabitants made haste to surrender
+it. Having thus made themselves masters of the place,
+the army sailed back to Rome, leaving a garrison in the
+town.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_39" id="b1_39"><b>39.</b></a> But next summer the new Consuls Gnaeus Servilius
+and Gaius Sempronius put again to sea with
+their full strength, and after touching at Sicily
+started thence for Libya. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;253.
+Coss. Gn.
+Servilius Caepio,
+G. Sempronius
+Blaesus.</span>
+There, as they coasted
+along the shore, they made a great number of
+descents upon the country without accomplishing
+anything of importance in any of them. At length they
+came to the island of the Lotophagi called M&#275;nix, which is
+not far from the Lesser Syrtis. There, from ignorance of the
+waters, they ran upon some shallows; the tide receded, their
+ships went aground, and they were in extreme peril. However,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">45</a></span>
+after a while the tide unexpectedly flowed back again, and by
+dint of throwing overboard all their heavy goods they just
+managed to float the ships. After this their return voyage was
+more like a flight than anything else. When they reached
+Sicily and had made the promontory of Lilybaeum they cast
+anchor at Panormus. Thence they weighed anchor for Rome,
+and rashly ventured upon the open sea-line as the shortest;
+but while on their voyage they once more encountered so
+terrible a storm that they lost more than a hundred and
+fifty ships.</p>
+
+<p>The Romans after this misfortune, though they are eminently
+persistent in carrying out their undertakings, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;252.</span>
+yet owing to the severity and frequency
+of their disasters, now yielded to the force of circumstances
+and refrained from constructing another fleet. All the hopes
+still left to them they rested upon their land
+forces: and, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;251.
+Coss. Lucius
+Caecilius
+Metellus, G.
+Furius Pacilus.</span>
+accordingly, they despatched the
+Consuls Lucius Caecilius and Gaius Furius with
+their legions to Sicily; but they only manned
+sixty ships to carry provisions for the legions.
+The fortunes of the Carthaginians had in their turn considerably
+improved owing to the catastrophes I have described.
+They now commanded the sea without let or hindrance,
+since the Romans had abandoned it; while in their land
+forces their hopes were high. Nor was it unreasonable
+that it should be so. The account of the battle of Libya
+had reached the ears of the Romans: they had heard that
+the elephants had broken their ranks and had killed the large
+part of those that fell: and they were in such terror of them,
+that though during two years running after that time they
+had on many occasions, in the territory either of Lilybaeum or
+Selinus, found themselves in order of battle within five or six
+stades of the enemy, they never plucked up courage to begin
+an attack, or in fact to come down upon level ground at all,
+all because of their fear of an elephant charge. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;252-251.</span>
+And in these two seasons all they did was to
+reduce Therma and Lipara by siege, keeping close all the
+while to mountainous districts and such as were difficult to
+cross. The timidity and want of confidence thus displayed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">46</a></span>
+by their land forces induced the Roman government to
+change their minds and once more to attempt
+success at sea. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;250.</span>Accordingly, in the second consulship
+of Caius Atilius and Lucius Manlius, we find them
+ordering fifty ships to be built, enrolling sailors and energetically
+collecting a naval armament.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_40" id="b1_40"><b>40.</b></a> Meanwhile Hasdrubal noticed the terror displayed by
+the Romans whenever they had lately found
+themselves in the presence of the enemy. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;251.</span>He
+learnt also that one of the Consuls had departed and gone
+to Italy, and that Caecilius was lingering in Panormus with
+the other half of the army, <span class="sidenote">Skirmishing
+at Panormus.</span>with the view of
+protecting the corn-crops of the allies just
+then ripe for the harvest. He therefore got
+his troops in motion, marched out, and encamped on the
+frontier of the territory of Panormus. Caecilius saw well
+enough that the enemy had become supremely confident, and
+he was anxious to draw him on; he therefore kept his men
+within the walls. Hasdrubal imagined that Caecilius dared
+not come out to give him battle. Elated with this idea, he
+pushed boldly forward with his whole army and marched over
+the pass into the territory of Panormus. But though he was
+destroying all the standing crops up to the very walls of the
+town, Caecilius was not shaken from his resolution, but kept
+persistently to it, until he had induced him to cross the river
+which lay between him and the town. But no sooner had the
+Carthaginians got their elephants and men across, than
+Caecilius commenced sending out his light-armed troops to
+harass them, until he had forced them to get their whole army
+into fighting order. When he saw that everything was happening
+as he designed it, he placed some of his light troops to
+line the wall and moat, with instructions that if the elephants
+came within range they should pour volleys of their missiles
+upon them; but that whenever they found themselves being
+forced from their ground by them, they should retreat into the
+moat, rush out of it again, and hurl darts at the elephants
+which happened to be nearest. At the same time he gave
+orders to the armourers in the market-place to carry the
+missiles and heap them up outside at the foot of the wall.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">47</a></span>
+Meanwhile he took up his own position with his maniples at
+the gate which was opposite the enemy&#8217;s left wing, and kept
+despatching detachment after detachment to reinforce his
+skirmishers. The engagement commenced by them becoming
+more and more general, a feeling of emulation took possession
+of the officers in charge of the elephants. They wished
+to distinguish themselves in the eyes of Hasdrubal, and
+they desired that the credit of the victory should be theirs:
+they therefore, with one accord, charged the advanced skirmishing
+parties of the enemy, routed them with ease, and
+pursued them up to the moat. But no sooner did the elephants
+thus come to close quarters than they were wounded by
+the archers on the wall, and overwhelmed with volleys of pila
+and javelins which poured thick and fast upon them from the
+men stationed on the outer edge of the moat, and who had
+not yet been engaged,&mdash;and thus, studded all over with darts,
+and wounded past all bearing, they soon got beyond control.
+They turned and bore down upon their own masters, trampling
+men to death, and throwing their own lines into utter disorder
+and confusion. When Caecilius saw this he led out his men
+with promptitude. His troops were fresh; the enemy were in
+disorder; and he charged them diagonally on the flank: the
+result was that he inflicted a severe defeat upon them, killed a
+large number, and forced the rest into precipitate flight. Of the
+elephants he captured ten along with their Indian riders: the
+rest which had thrown their Indians he managed to drive into
+a herd after the battle, and secured every one of them. This
+achievement gained him the credit on all hands of having substantially
+benefited the Roman cause, by once more restoring
+confidence to the army, and giving them the command of the
+open country.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_41" id="b1_41"><b>41.</b></a> The announcement of this success at Rome was received
+with extreme delight; not so much at the blow inflicted
+on the enemy by the loss of their elephants, as at the confidence
+inspired in their own troops by a victory over these animals. With
+their confidence thus restored, the Roman government recurred
+to their original plan of sending out the Consuls upon this service
+with a fleet and naval forces; for they were eager, by all means
+in their power, to put a period to the war. Accordingly, in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">48</a></span>
+the fourteenth year of the war, the supplies necessary for
+the despatch of the expedition were got ready, and the Consuls
+set sail for Sicily with two hundred ships. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;250.
+C. Caecilius Regulus II.,
+L. Manlius Vulso II.</span>
+They dropped anchor at Lilybaeum; and the
+army having met them there, they began to
+besiege it by sea and land. Their view was
+that if they could obtain possession of this
+town they would have no difficulty in transferring the seat
+of war to Libya. The Carthaginian leaders were of the same
+opinion, and entirely agreed with the Roman view of the value
+of the place. They accordingly subordinated everything else
+to this; devoted themselves to the relief of the place at all
+hazards; and resolved to retain this town at any sacrifice: for
+now that the Romans were masters of all the rest of Sicily,
+except Drepana, it was the only foothold they had left in the
+island.</p>
+
+<p>To understand my story a knowledge of the topography of
+the district is necessary. I will therefore endeavour in a few
+words to convey a comprehension to my readers of its
+geographical position and its peculiar advantages.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_42" id="b1_42"><b>42.</b></a> Sicily, then, lies towards Southern Italy very much in
+the same relative position as the Peloponnese does to the rest
+of Greece. The only difference is that the one is an island,
+the other a peninsula; and consequently in the former case
+there is no communication except by sea, in the latter there is
+a land communication also. The shape of Sicily is a triangle,
+of which the several angles are represented by promontories:
+that to the south jutting out into the Sicilian Sea is called
+Pachynus; that which looks to the north forms the western
+extremity of the Straits of Messene and is about twelve
+stades from Italy, its name is Pelorus; while the third
+projects in the direction of Libya itself, and is conveniently
+situated opposite the promontories which cover Carthage, at a
+distance of about a thousand stades: it looks somewhat south
+of due west, dividing the Libyan from the Sardinian Sea, and
+is called Lilybaeum. On this last there is a city of the same
+name. It was this city that the Romans were now besieging.
+It was exceedingly strongly fortified: for besides its walls there
+was a deep ditch running all round it, and on the side of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">49</a></span>
+sea it was protected by lagoons, to steer through which into
+the harbour was a task requiring much skill and practice.</p>
+
+<p>The Romans made two camps, one on each side of the
+town, and connected them with a ditch, <span class="sidenote">Siege of
+Lilybaeum,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;250.</span>
+stockade, and wall. Having done this, they
+began the assault by advancing their siege-works
+in the direction of the tower nearest the sea, which commands
+a view of the Libyan main. They did this gradually, always
+adding something to what they had already constructed; and
+thus bit by bit pushed their works forward and extended them
+laterally, till at last they had brought down not only this tower,
+but the six next to it also; and at the same time began battering
+all the others with battering-rams. The siege was carried
+on with vigour and terrific energy: every day some of the
+towers were shaken and others reduced to ruins; every
+day too the siege-works advanced farther and farther, and
+more and more towards the heart of the city. And though
+there were in the town, besides the ordinary inhabitants, as
+many as ten thousand hired soldiers, the consternation and
+despondency became overwhelming. Yet their commander
+Himilco omitted no measure within his power. As fast
+as the enemy demolished a fortification he threw up a new
+one; he also countermined them, and reduced the assailants
+to straits of no ordinary difficulty. Moreover, he made
+daily sallies, attempted to carry or throw fire into the siege-works,
+and with this end in view fought many desperate
+engagements by night as well as by day: so determined was
+the fighting in these struggles, that sometimes the number of
+the dead was greater than it ordinarily is in a pitched battle.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_43" id="b1_43"><b>43.</b></a> But about this time some of the officers of highest
+rank in the mercenary army discussed among <span class="sidenote">Attempted
+treason in
+Lilybaeum.</span>
+themselves a project for surrendering the town
+to the Romans, being fully persuaded that the
+men under their command would obey their orders. They
+got out of the city at night, went to the enemy&#8217;s camp, and
+held a parley with the Roman commander on the subject.
+But Alexon the Achaean, who on a former occasion had saved
+Agrigentum from destruction when the mercenary troops of
+Syracuse made a plot to betray it, was on this occasion<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">50</a></span>
+once more the first to detect this treason, and to report it to the
+general of the Carthaginians. The latter no sooner heard it
+than he at once summoned a meeting of those officers who
+were still in their quarters; and exhorted them to loyalty with
+prayers and promises of liberal bounties and favours, if they
+would only remain faithful to him, and not join in the treason
+of the officers who had left the town. They received his
+speech with enthusiasm, and were there and then commissioned
+by him, some to go to the Celts accompanied by Hannibal,
+who was the son of the Hannibal killed in Sardinia, and who
+had a previous acquaintance with that people gained in the
+expedition against them; others to fetch the rest of the
+mercenary troops, accompanied by Alexon, because he was
+liked and trusted by them. These officers then proceeded to
+summon a meeting of their men and address them. They
+pledged their own credit for the bounties promised them
+severally by the General, and without difficulty persuaded the
+men to remain staunch. The result was that when the
+officers, who had joined in the secret mission, returned to the
+walls and tried to address their men, and communicate the
+terms offered by the Romans, so far from finding any adherents,
+they could not even obtain a hearing, but were driven from
+the wall with volleys of stones and darts. But this treason
+among their mercenaries constituted a serious danger: the
+Carthaginians had a narrow escape from absolute ruin, and
+they owed their preservation from it to that same Alexon whose
+fidelity had on a former occasion preserved for Agrigentum
+her territory, constitution, and freedom.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_44" id="b1_44"><b>44.</b></a> Meanwhile the Carthaginians at home knew nothing of
+what was going on. But they could calculate
+the requirements of a besieged garrison; <span class="sidenote">Hannibal relieves
+Lilybaeum.</span>
+and
+they accordingly filled fifty vessels with soldiers,
+furnished their commander Hannibal, a son of Hamilcar, and
+an officer and prime favourite of Adherbal&#8217;s, with instructions
+suitable to the business in hand, and despatched him with all
+speed: charging him to be guilty of no delay, to omit no
+opportunity, and to shrink from no attempt however venturesome
+to relieve the besieged. He put to sea with his ten
+thousand men, and dropped anchor at the islands called<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">51</a></span>
+Aegusae, which lie in the course between Lilybaeum and
+Carthage, and there looked out for an opportunity of making
+Lilybaeum. At last a strong breeze sprang up in exactly the
+right quarter: he crowded all sail and bore down before the
+wind right upon the entrance of the harbour, with his men
+upon the decks fully armed and ready for battle. Partly from
+astonishment at this sudden appearance, partly from dread of
+being carried along with the enemy by the violence of the
+gale into the harbour of their opponents, the Romans did not
+venture to obstruct the entrance of the reinforcement; but
+stood out at sea overpowered with amazement at the audacity
+of the enemy.</p>
+
+<p>The town population crowded to the walls, in an agony of
+anxiety as to what would happen, no less than in an excess of
+joy at the unlooked-for appearance of hope, and cheered on the
+crews as they sailed into the harbour, with clapping hands
+and cries of gladness. To sail into the harbour was an
+achievement of great danger; but Hannibal accomplished it
+gallantly, and, dropping anchor there, safely disembarked his
+soldiers. The exultation of all who were in the city was not
+caused so much by the presence of the reinforcement, though
+they had thereby gained a strong revival of hope, and a large
+addition to their strength, as by the fact that the Romans had
+not dared to intercept the course of the Carthaginians.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_45" id="b1_45"><b>45.</b></a> Himilco, the general in command at Lilybaeum, now
+saw that both divisions of his troops were in <span class="sidenote">A sally from
+Lilybaeum.</span>high spirits and eager for service,&mdash;the original
+garrison owing to the presence of the reinforcement,
+the newly arrived because they had as yet had no experience
+of the hardships of the situation. He wished to take
+advantage of the excited feelings of both parties, before they
+cooled, in order to organise an attempt to set fire to the works of
+the besiegers. He therefore summoned the whole army to a
+meeting, and dwelt upon the themes suitable to the occasion
+at somewhat greater length than usual. He raised their zeal
+to an enthusiastic height by the magnitude of his promises for
+individual acts of courage, and by declaring the favours and
+rewards which awaited them as an army at the hands of the
+Carthaginians. His speech was received with lively marks of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">52</a></span>
+satisfaction; and the men with loud shouts bade him delay no
+more, but lead them into the field. For the present, however,
+he contented himself with thanking them and expressing his
+delight at their excellent spirit, and bidding them go early to
+rest and obey their officers, dismissed them. But shortly
+afterwards he summoned the officers; assigned to them severally
+the posts best calculated for the success of the undertaking;
+communicated to them the watchword and the exact moment
+the movement was to be made; and issued orders to the commanders
+to be at the posts assigned with their men at the
+morning watch. His orders were punctually obeyed: and at
+daybreak he led out his forces and made attempts upon the
+siege-works at several points. But the Romans had not been
+blind to what was coming, and were neither idle nor unprepared.
+Wherever help was required it was promptly rendered;
+and at every point they made a stout resistance to the enemy.
+Before long there was fighting all along the line, and an
+obstinate struggle round the entire circuit of the wall; for the
+sallying party were not less than twenty thousand strong, and
+their opponents more numerous still. The contest was all
+the hotter from the fact that the men were not fighting in
+their regular ranks, but indiscriminately, and as their own
+judgment directed; the result of which was that a spirit of
+personal emulation arose among the combatants, because,
+though the numbers engaged were so great, there was a series
+of single combats between man and man, or company and
+company. However, it was at the siege-works themselves that
+the shouting was loudest and the throng of combatants the
+densest. At these troops had been massed deliberately for
+attack and defence. The assailants strove their utmost to
+dislodge the defenders, the defenders exerted all their courage
+to hold their ground and not yield an inch to the assailants,&mdash;and
+with such emulation and fury on both sides, that they
+ended by falling at their posts rather than yield. But there
+were others mingled with these, carrying torchwood and tow
+and fire, who made a simultaneous attack upon the battering-rams
+at every point: hurling these fiery missiles against them
+with such audacity, that the Romans were reduced to the last
+extremity of danger, being quite unable to overpower the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">53</a></span>
+attack of the enemy. But the general of the Carthaginians,
+seeing that he was losing large numbers in the
+engagement, <span class="sidenote">It fails.</span>without being able to gain the
+object of the sortie, which was to take the siege-works, ordered
+his trumpeters to sound a recall. So the Romans, after
+coming within an ace of losing all their siege-gear, finally kept
+possession of the works, and were able to maintain them all
+without dispute.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_46" id="b1_46"><b>46.</b></a> After this affair Hannibal eluded the enemy&#8217;s watch,
+and sailed out of the harbour by night with his ships to
+Drepana, to join the Carthaginian Commander-in-Chief,
+Adherbal. Drepana is about one hundred and twenty
+stades from Lilybaeum, and was always an object of special
+care to the Carthaginians from the convenience of its position
+and the excellence of its harbour.</p>
+
+<p>Now the Carthaginian government were anxious to learn
+the state of affairs at Lilybaeum, but could not
+do so because the garrison was strictly blockaded,
+and the Romans were exceedingly vigilant. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal the Rhodian offers to run the blockade.</span>
+In this difficulty a nobleman, called Hannibal
+the Rhodian, came to them, and offered to run the
+blockade, to see what was going on in Lilybaeum with his own
+eyes, and to report. The offer delighted them, but they did
+not believe in the possibility of its fulfilment with the Roman
+fleet lying at the very entrance of the channel. However, the
+man fitted out his own private vessel and put to sea. He
+first crossed to one of the islands lying off Lilybaeum. Next
+day he obtained a wind in the right quarter, and about ten
+o&#8217;clock in the morning actually sailed into the harbour in the
+full view of the enemy, who looked on with amazement at his
+audacity. Next day he lost no time in setting about a return
+voyage. The Roman Consul had determined on taking extra
+precautions for watching the sea near the channel: with this
+view he had during the night got ready his ten fastest-sailing
+vessels, and taking up a position on shore close to the harbour
+mouth, was watching with his own eyes what would happen.
+The whole army was watching also; while the ships on both
+sides of the mouth of the channel got as close to the shallows
+as it was possible to approach, and there rested with their oars<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">54</a></span>
+out, and ready to run down and capture the ship that was
+about to sail out. The Rhodian, on his side, attempted no
+concealment. He put boldly to sea, and so confounded the
+enemy by his audacity, and the speed of his vessel, that he not
+only sailed out without receiving any damage to ship or crew,
+scudding along the bows of the enemy as though they were
+fixed in their places, but even brought his ship to, after running
+a short way ahead, and, with his oars out and ready,
+seemed to challenge the foe to a contest. When none of them
+ventured to put out to attack him, because of the speed of his
+rowing, he sailed away: having thus with his one ship successfully
+defied the entire fleet of the enemy. From this time he
+frequently performed the same feat, and proved exceedingly
+serviceable both to the government at Carthage and the
+besieged garrison. To the former by informing them from
+time to time of what was pressingly necessary; and to the latter
+by inspiring them with confidence, and dismaying the Romans
+by his audacity.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_47" id="b1_47"><b>47.</b></a> What contributed most to encourage him to a repetition
+of the feat was the fact that by frequent experience
+he had marked out the course for himself by clear land
+marks. As soon as he had crossed the open sea, and
+was coming into sight, he used to steer as though he were
+coming from Italy, keeping the seaward tower exactly on his
+bows, in such a way as to be in a line with the city towers
+which faced towards Libya; and this is the only possible
+course to hit the mouth of the channel with the wind astern.
+The successful boldness of the Rhodian inspired <span class="sidenote">His example is
+followed by
+others.</span>
+several of those who were acquainted with these
+waters to make similar attempts. The Romans
+felt themselves to be in a great difficulty; and what was taking
+place determined them to attempt blocking up the mouth of
+the harbour. The greater part of the attempted work was a
+failure: the sea was too deep, and none of the material which
+they threw into it would hold, or in fact keep in the least
+compact. The breakers and the force of the current dislodged
+and scattered everything that was thrown in, before it could
+even reach the bottom. But there was one point where the
+water was shallow, at which a mole was with infinite labour<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">55</a></span>
+made to hold together; and upon it a vessel with four banks
+of oars and of unusually fine build stuck fast
+as it was making the outward passage at night, <span class="sidenote">The Rhodian is
+at length
+captured.</span>
+and thus fell into the hands of the enemy.
+The Romans took possession of it, manned it with a picked
+crew, and used it for keeping a look out for all who should
+try to enter the harbour, and especially for the Rhodian. He
+had sailed in, as it happened, that very night, and was afterwards
+putting out to sea again in his usual open manner. He
+was, however, startled to see the four-banked vessel put out
+to sea again simultaneously with himself. He recognised
+what ship it was, and his first impulse was to escape her by his
+superior speed. But finding himself getting overhauled by
+the excellence of her rowers, he was finally compelled to
+bring to and engage at close quarters. But in a struggle of
+marines he was at a complete disadvantage: the enemy were
+superior in numbers, and their soldiers were picked men; and
+he was made prisoner. The possession of this ship of superior
+build enabled the Romans, by equipping her with whatever
+was wanted for the service she had to perform, to intercept all
+who were adventurous enough to try running the blockade of
+Lilybaeum.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_48" id="b1_48"><b>48.</b></a> Meanwhile, the besieged were energetically carrying
+on counterworks, having abandoned the hope
+of damaging or destroying the constructions of
+the enemy. <span class="sidenote">A storm having
+damaged the
+siege-works, the
+Lilybaeans succeed
+in burning them.</span>
+But in the midst of these proceedings
+a storm of wind, of such tremendous
+violence and fury, blew upon the machinery of
+the engines, that it wrecked the pent-houses,
+and carried away by its force the towers erected to cover
+them. Some of the Greek mercenaries perceived the advantage
+such a state of things offered for the destruction of the
+siege-works, and communicated their idea to the commander.
+He caught at the suggestion, and lost no time in making every
+preparation suitable to the undertaking. Then the young men
+mustered at three several points, and threw lighted brands into
+the enemy&#8217;s works. The length of time during which these
+works had been standing made them exactly in the proper state
+to catch fire easily; and when to this was added a violent wind,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">56</a></span>
+blowing right upon the engines and towers, the natural result
+was that the spreading of the fire became rapid and destructive;
+while all attempts on the Roman side to master it, and rescue
+their works, had to be abandoned as difficult or wholly
+impracticable. Those who tried to come to the rescue were
+so appalled at the scene, that they could neither fully grasp
+nor clearly see what was going on. Flames, sparks, and
+volumes of smoke blew right in their faces and blinded them;
+and not a few dropped down and perished without ever getting
+near enough to attempt to combat the fire. The same
+circumstances, which caused these overwhelming difficulties to
+the besiegers, favoured those who were throwing the fire-brands
+in exactly the same proportion. Everything that could obscure
+their vision or hurt them was blown clean away and carried
+into the faces of the enemy; while their being able to see the
+intervening space enabled the shooters to take a good aim at
+those of the enemy who came to the rescue, and the throwers
+of the fire-brands to lodge them at the proper places for the
+destruction of the works. The violence of the wind, too,
+contributed to the deadly effect of the missiles by increasing
+the force of their blows. Eventually the destruction was so
+complete, that the foundations of the siege-towers and the
+blocks of the battering-rams were rendered unusable by the
+fire. In spite of this disaster, though they gave up the idea
+of assaulting the place any longer by means of their works,
+the Romans still persisted. They surrounded the town with
+a ditch and stockade, threw up an additional wall to secure
+their own encampment, and left the completion of their
+purpose to time. Nor were the besieged less determined.
+They repaired the part of their walls which had been thrown
+down, and prepared to endure the siege with good courage.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_49" id="b1_49"><b>49.</b></a> When the announcement of these events at Rome was
+followed by reiterated tidings that the larger <span class="sidenote">The Roman army
+is reinforced.</span>
+part of the crews of the fleet had been destroyed,
+either at the works, or in the general conduct of
+the siege, the Roman government set zealously to work to
+enlist sailors; and, having collected as many as ten thousand,
+sent them to Sicily. They crossed the straits, and reached
+the camp on foot; and when they had joined, Publius Claudius,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">57</a></span>
+the Consul, assembled his tribunes, and said that it was just
+the time to sail to the attack of Drepana with <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;249.
+Coss. P. Claudius
+Pulcher, L.
+Junius Pullus.</span>
+the whole squadron: for that Adherbal,<a name="FNanchor_139" id="FNanchor_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> who
+was in command there, was quite unprepared
+for such an event, because he as yet knew nothing
+of the new crews having arrived; and was fully persuaded
+that their fleet could not sail, owing to their loss of men in
+the siege. His proposition met with a ready assent from the
+council of officers, and he immediately set about getting his
+men on board, the old crews as well as those who had recently
+joined. As for marines, he selected the best men from the
+whole army, who were ready enough to join an expedition
+which involved so short a voyage and so immediate
+and certain an advantage. Having <span class="sidenote">Claudius sails to
+attack Drepana.</span>
+completed these preparations, he set sail about
+midnight, without being detected by the enemy; and for the
+first part of the day he sailed in close order, keeping the
+land on his right. By daybreak the leading ships could be
+seen coming towards Drepana; and at the first sight of them
+Adherbal was overwhelmed with surprise. He quickly recovered
+his self-possession however: and, fully appreciating
+the significance of the enemy&#8217;s attack, he determined to try
+every man&oelig;uvre, and hazard every danger, rather than allow
+himself and his men to be shut up in the blockade which
+threatened them. He lost no time in collecting his rowing-crews
+upon the beach, and summoning the mercenary soldiers
+who were in the town by proclamation. When the muster
+had taken place, he endeavoured to impress upon them in
+a few words what good hopes of victory they had, if they
+were bold enough to fight at sea; and what hardships they
+would have to endure in a blockade, if they hesitated from
+any fear of danger and played the coward. The men
+showed a ready enthusiasm for the sea-fight, and demanded
+with shouts that he would lead them to it without delay.
+He thanked them, praised their zeal, and gave the order
+to embark with all speed, to keep their eyes upon his ship,
+and follow in its wake. Having made these instructions
+clear as quickly as he could, he got under weigh himself
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">58</a></span>first, and guided his fleet close under the rocks, on the
+opposite side of the harbour to that by which the enemy were
+entering.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_50" id="b1_50"><b>50.</b></a> When the Consul Publius saw, to his surprise, that the
+enemy, so far from giving in or being
+dismayed at his approach, <span class="sidenote">Unexpected resistance
+of Adherbal. The Roman
+fleet checked.</span>
+were determined
+upon fighting him at sea: while of his own ships
+some were already within the harbour, others
+just in the very entrance channel, and others still on their
+way towards it; he at once issued orders to all the ships to
+turn round and make the best of their way out again.
+The result of this was that, as some of the ships were in the
+harbour, and others at the entrance, they fouled each other
+when they began reversing their course; and not only did a
+great confusion arise among the men, but the ships got their
+oars broken also in the collisions which occurred. However,
+the captains exerted themselves to get the ships into line
+close under the shore, as they successively cleared the harbour,
+and with their prows directed towards the enemy. Publius
+himself was originally bringing up the rear of the entire squadron;
+but he now, while the movement was actually in execution,
+turned towards the open sea and transferred himself to a position
+on the left wing of the fleet. At the same moment Adherbal
+succeeded in outflanking the left of his opponents with five vessels
+furnished with charging beaks. He turned his own ship with
+its prow towards the enemy, and brought to. As each of the
+others came up, and fell into line with him, he sent orders to
+them by his staff officers to do the same as he had done. Thus
+they all fell in and formed a complete line. The signal which
+had been agreed upon before was given, and an advance was begun,
+which was made at first without disarranging the line. The
+Romans were still close in-shore, waiting for the coming out of
+their ships from the harbour; and this proximity to the land
+proved of infinite disadvantage to them in the engagement.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_51" id="b1_51"><b>51.</b></a> And now the fleets were within a short distance of each
+other: the signals were raised from the ships <span class="sidenote">The battle.</span>
+of the respective commanders; the charge was
+made; and ship grappled with ship. At first the engagement
+was evenly balanced, because each fleet had the pick of their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">59</a></span>
+land forces serving as marines on board. But as it went on
+the many advantages which, taking it as a whole, the Carthaginians
+possessed, gave them a continually increasing superiority.
+Owing to the better construction of their ships they
+had much the advantage in point of speed, while their position
+with the open sea behind them materially contributed to their
+success, by giving them freer space for their man&oelig;uvres. Were
+any of them hard pressed by the enemy? Their speed secured
+them a sure escape, and a wide expanse of water was open to
+their flight. There they would swing round and attack the leading
+ships which were pursuing them: sometimes rowing round
+them and charging their broadsides, at other times running
+alongside them as they lurched awkwardly round, from the weight
+of the vessels and the unskilfulness of the crews. In this way
+they were charging perpetually, and managed to sink a large
+number of the ships. Or was one of their number in danger?
+They were ready to come to the rescue, being out of danger
+themselves, and being able to effect a movement to right or
+left, by steering along the sterns of their own ships and through
+the open sea unmolested. <span class="sidenote">The Romans
+beaten.</span>
+The case of the
+Romans was exactly the reverse. If any of
+them were hard pressed, there was nowhere for
+them to retreat, for they were fighting close to the shore; and
+any ship of theirs that was hard driven by the enemy either
+backed into shallow water and stuck fast, or ran ashore and
+was stranded. Moreover, that most effective of all man&oelig;uvres
+in sea fights,&mdash;sailing through the enemy&#8217;s line and appearing
+on their stern while they are engaged with others,&mdash;was
+rendered impossible for them, owing to the bulk of their
+vessels; and still more so by the unskilfulness of their crews.
+Nor, again, were they able to bring help from behind to those
+who wanted it, because they were hemmed in so close to the
+shore that there was not the smallest space left in which those
+who wished to render such help might move. When the
+Consul saw how ill things were going for him all along the
+line; when he saw some of his ships sticking fast in the
+shallows, and others cast ashore; he took to flight. Thirty
+other ships which happened to be near him followed him as he
+sailed from the left, and coasted along the shore. But the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">60</a></span>
+remaining vessels, which amounted to ninety-three, the Carthaginians
+captured with their crews, except in the case of those
+who ran their ships ashore and got away.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_52" id="b1_52"><b>52.</b></a> The result of this sea fight gave Adherbal a high reputation
+at Carthage; for his success was looked upon as wholly
+due to himself, and his own foresight and courage: while
+at Rome Publius fell into great disrepute, and was loudly censured
+as having acted without due caution or calculation, and
+as having during his administration, as far as a single man
+could, involved Rome in serious disasters. He was accordingly
+some time afterwards brought to trial, was heavily fined,
+and exposed to considerable danger. Not that the Romans
+gave way in consequence of these events. <span class="sidenote">The Romans not
+discouraged send
+the Consul L.
+Junius with a
+large supply of
+provisions in 800
+transports, convoyed
+by 60 ships
+of war to
+Lilybaeum.</span>
+On the contrary,
+they omitted nothing that was within their
+power to do, and continued resolute to prosecute
+the campaign. It was now the time for
+the Consular elections: as soon as they were
+over and two Consuls appointed; one of them,
+Lucius Junius,<a name="FNanchor_140" id="FNanchor_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> was immediately sent to convey
+corn to the besiegers of Lilybaeum, and other
+provisions and supplies necessary for the army,
+sixty ships being also manned to convoy them.
+Upon his arrival at Messene, Junius took over such ships as he
+found there to meet him, whether from the army or from the
+other parts of Sicily, and coasted along with all speed to Syracuse,
+with a hundred and twenty ships, and his supplies on
+board about eight hundred transports. Arrived there, he
+handed over to the Quaestors half his transports and some of
+his war-ships, and sent them off, being very anxious that
+what the army needed should reach them promptly. He remained
+at Syracuse himself, waiting for such of his ships as
+had not yet arrived from Messene, and collecting additional
+supplies of corn from the allies in the central districts of the
+island.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">61</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_53" id="b1_53"><b>53.</b></a> Meanwhile Adherbal sent the prisoners he had taken
+in the sea fight, and the captured vessels, to Carthage; and
+giving Carthalo his colleague thirty vessels, in addition to the
+seventy in command of which he had come, despatched him
+with instructions to make a sudden attack upon the enemy&#8217;s
+ships that were at anchor off Lilybaeum, capture all he could, <span class="sidenote">Carthalo tries to
+intercept the
+transports.</span>
+and set fire to the rest. In obedience to these
+instructions Carthalo accomplished his passage
+just before daybreak, fired some of the vessels,
+and towed off others. Great was the commotion at the
+quarters of the Romans. For as they hurried to the rescue of
+the ships, the attention of Himilco, the commander of the
+garrison, was aroused by their shouts; and as the day was
+now beginning to break, he could see what was happening, and
+despatched the mercenary troops who were in the town.
+Thus the Romans found themselves surrounded by danger on
+every side, and fell into a state of consternation more than
+usually profound and serious. The Carthaginian admiral
+contented himself with either towing off or breaking up some
+few of their vessels, and shortly afterwards coasted along under
+the pretence of making for Heracleia: though he was really
+lying in wait, with the view of intercepting those who were
+coming by sea to the Roman army. When his look-out men
+brought him word that a considerable number of vessels of all
+sorts were bearing down upon him, and were now getting
+close, he stood out to sea and started to meet them: for the
+success just obtained over the Romans inspired him with such
+contempt for them, that he was eager to come to an engagement.
+The vessels in question were those which had been
+despatched in advance under the charge of the Quaestors
+from Syracuse. And they too had warning of their danger.
+Light boats were accustomed to sail in advance of a squadron,
+and these announced the approach of the enemy to the
+Quaestors; who being convinced that they were not strong
+enough to stand a battle at sea, dropped anchor under a small
+fortified town which was subject to Rome, and which, though
+it had no regular harbour, yet possessed roadsteads, and headlands<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">62</a></span>
+projecting from the mainland, and surrounding the
+roadsteads, so as to form a convenient refuge. There they
+disembarked; and having set up some catapults and ballistae,
+which they got from the town, awaited the approach of the
+enemy. When the Carthaginians arrived, their first idea was
+to blockade them: for they supposed that the men would
+be terrified and retreat to the fortified town, leaving
+them to take possession of the vessels without resistance.
+Their expectations, however, were not fulfilled; and finding
+that the men on the contrary resisted with spirit, and that
+the situation of the spot presented many difficulties of every
+description, they sailed away again after towing off some
+few of the transports laden with provisions, and retired to a
+certain river, in which they anchored and kept a look out for
+the enemy to renew their voyage.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_54" id="b1_54"><b>54.</b></a> In complete ignorance of what had happened to his
+advanced squadron, the Consul, who had remained behind at
+Syracuse, after completing all he meant to do there, put to sea;
+and, after rounding Pachynus, was proceeding on his voyage
+to Lilybaeum. The appearance of the enemy was once more
+signalled to the Carthaginian admiral by his look-out men,
+and he at once put out to sea, with the view of engaging them
+as far as possible away from their comrades. Junius saw the
+Carthaginian fleet from a considerable distance, and observing
+their great numbers did not dare to engage them, and yet
+found it impossible to avoid them by flight because they were
+now too close. He therefore steered towards land, and
+anchored under a rocky and altogether dangerous part of the
+shore; for he judged it better to run all risks rather than
+allow his squadron, with all its men, to fall into the hands
+of the enemy. The Carthaginian admiral saw what he had
+done; and determined that it was unadvisable for him to
+engage the enemy, or bring his ships near such a dangerous
+place. He therefore made for a certain headland between the
+two squadrons of the enemy, and there kept a look out upon
+both with equal vigilance. Presently, however, the weather
+became rough, and there was an appearance of an unusually
+dangerous disturbance setting in from the sea. The Carthaginian
+pilots, from their knowledge of the particular localities,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">63</a></span>
+and of seamanship generally, foresaw what was coming;
+and persuaded Carthalo to avoid the storm and
+round the promontory of Pachynus.<a name="FNanchor_141" id="FNanchor_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> He
+had the good sense to take their advice: <span class="sidenote">The Roman fleet
+is wrecked.</span>and
+accordingly these men, with great exertions and extreme difficulty,
+did get round the promontory and anchored in safety;
+while the Romans, being exposed to the storm in places entirely
+destitute of harbours, suffered such complete destruction,
+that not one of the wrecks even was left in a state available for
+use. Both of their squadrons in fact were completely disabled
+to a degree past belief.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_55" id="b1_55"><b>55.</b></a> This occurrence caused the Carthaginian interests to
+look up again and their hopes to revive. <span class="sidenote">The Romans
+abandon the sea.</span>
+But
+the Romans, though they had met with partial
+misfortunes before, had never suffered a naval
+disaster so complete and final. They, in fact, abandoned the
+sea, and confined themselves to holding the country; while the
+Carthaginians remained masters of the sea, without wholly
+despairing of the land.</p>
+
+<p>Great and general was the dismay both at Rome and in
+the camp at Lilybaeum. Yet they did not
+abandon their determination of starving out that
+town. <span class="sidenote">Lucius Junius
+perseveres in the
+siege. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;248.</span>
+The Roman government did not allow
+their disasters to prevent their sending provisions into the
+camp overland; and the besiegers kept up the investment as
+strictly as they possibly could. Lucius Junius joined the
+camp after the shipwreck, and, being in a state of great distress
+at what had happened, was all eagerness to strike some
+new and effective blow, and thus repair the disaster which
+had befallen him. Accordingly he took the first slight opening
+that offered to surprise and seize Eryx; <span class="sidenote">Eryx.</span>
+and became master both of the temple of
+Aphrodite and of the city. This is a mountain close to the
+sea-coast on that side of Sicily which looks towards Italy,
+between Drepana and Panormus, but nearer to Drepana
+of the two. It is by far the greatest mountain in Sicily next
+to Aetna; and on its summit, which is flat, stands the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">64</a></span>temple of Erycinian Aphrodite, confessedly the most splendid
+of all the temples in Sicily for its wealth and general
+magnificence. The town stands immediately below the
+summit, and is approached by a very long and steep
+ascent. Lucius seized both town and temple; and established
+a garrison both upon the summit and at the foot
+of the road to it from Drepana. He kept a strict guard
+at both points, but more especially at the foot of the ascent,
+believing that by so doing he should secure possession of
+the whole mountain as well as the town.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_56" id="b1_56"><b>56.</b></a> Next year, the eighteenth of the war, the Carthaginians
+appointed Hamilcar Barcas general, and put the
+management of the fleet in his hands. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;247.</span>
+He
+took over the command, and started to ravage the Italian
+coast. After devastating the districts of Locri, and the rest
+of Bruttium, he sailed away with his whole fleet
+to the coast of Panormus and seized on a place
+called Hercte, <span class="sidenote">Occupation of
+Hercte by Hamilcar.</span>
+which lies between Eryx and
+Panormus on the coast, and is reputed the best situation in
+the district for a safe and permanent camp. For it is a
+mountain rising sheer on every side, standing out above the
+surrounding country to a considerable height. The table-land
+on its summit has a circumference of not less than a hundred
+stades, within which the soil is rich in pasture and suitable for
+agriculture; the sea-breezes render it healthy; and it is entirely
+free from all dangerous animals. On the side which looks towards
+the sea, as well as that which faces the central part of the
+island, it is enclosed by inaccessible precipices; while the spaces
+between them require only slight fortifications, and of no great
+extent, to make them secure. There is in it also an eminence,
+which serves at once as an acropolis and as a convenient tower
+of observation, commanding the surrounding district. It also
+commands a harbour conveniently situated for the passage
+from Drepana and Lilybaeum to Italy, in which there is always
+abundant depth of water; finally, it can only be reached by
+three ways&mdash;two from the land side, one from the sea, all of
+them difficult. Here Hamilcar entrenched himself. It was a
+bold measure: but he had no city which he could count upon
+as friendly, and no other hope on which he could rely; and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">65</a></span>
+though by so doing he placed himself in the very midst of the
+enemy, he nevertheless managed to involve the Romans in
+many struggles and dangers. To begin with, he would start
+from this place and ravage the seaboard of Italy as far as
+Cumae; and again on shore, when the Romans had pitched a
+camp to overawe him, in front of the city of Panormus, within
+about five stades of him, he harassed them in every sort of
+way, and forced them to engage in numerous skirmishes, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;247-244.</span>
+for the
+space of nearly three years. Of these combats
+it is impossible to give a detailed account in
+writing.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_57" id="b1_57"><b>57.</b></a> It is like the case of two boxers, eminent alike for
+their courage and their physical condition, engaged in a formal
+contest for the prize. As the match goes on, blow after blow
+is interchanged without intermission; but to anticipate, or keep
+account of every feint or every blow delivered is impossible
+for combatants and spectators alike. Still one may conceive a
+sufficiently distinct idea of the affair by taking into account
+the general activity of the men, the ambition actuating
+each side, and the amount of their experience, strength,
+and courage. The same may be said of these two generals.
+No writer could set down, and no reader would endure the
+wearisome and profitless task of reading, a detailed statement
+of the transactions of every day; why they were undertaken,
+and how they were carried out. For every day had its ambuscade
+on one side or the other, its attack, or assault. A
+general assertion in regard to the men, combined with the
+actual result of their mutual determination to conquer, will
+give a far better idea of the facts. It may be said then, generally,
+that nothing was left untried,&mdash;whether it be stratagems
+which could be learnt from history, or plans suggested by the
+necessities of the hour and the immediate circumstances of the
+case, or undertakings depending upon an adventurous spirit
+and a reckless daring. The matter, however, for several
+reasons, could not be brought to a decisive issue. In the first
+place, the forces on either side were evenly matched: and in
+the second place, while the camps were in the case of both
+equally impregnable, the space which separated the two was
+very small. The result of this was that skirmishes between<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">66</a></span>
+detached parties on both sides were always going on during
+the day, and yet nothing decisive occurred. For though the
+men actually engaged in such skirmishes from time to time
+were cut to pieces, it did not affect the main body. They
+had only to wheel round to find themselves out of the reach
+of danger behind their own defences. Once there, they could
+face about and again engage the enemy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_58" id="b1_58"><b>58.</b></a> Presently however Fortune, acting like a good umpire in
+the games, transferred them by a bold stroke from
+the locality just described, <span class="sidenote">Siege of Eryx,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;244.</span>
+and the contest in
+which they were engaged, to a struggle of greater
+danger and a locality of narrower dimensions. The Romans,
+as we have said, were in occupation of the summit of Eryx,
+and had a guard stationed at its foot. But Hamilcar managed
+to seize the town which lay between these two spots. There
+ensued a siege of the Romans who were on the summit,
+supported by them with extraordinary hardihood and adventurous
+daring: while the Carthaginians, finding themselves
+between two hostile armies, and their supplies brought to them
+with difficulty, because they were in communication with the
+sea at only one point and by one road, yet held out with a
+determination that passes belief. Every contrivance which
+skill or force could sustain did they put in use against each
+other, as before; every imaginable privation was submitted
+to; surprises and pitched battles were alike tried: and
+finally they left the combat a drawn one, not, as Fabius says,
+from utter weakness and misery, but like men still unbroken
+and unconquered. The fact is that before either party had got
+completely the better of the other, though they had maintained
+the conflict for another two years, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;243-242.</span>
+the war happened
+to be decided in quite a different manner.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the state of affairs at Eryx and with the forces
+employed there. <span class="sidenote">The obstinate
+persistence of
+the Romans and
+Carthaginians.</span>
+The two nations engaged
+were like well-bred game-cocks that fight to
+their last gasp. You may see them often, when
+too weak to use their wings, yet full of pluck to
+the end, and striking again and again. Finally, chance brings
+them the opportunity of once more grappling, and they hold
+on until one or other of them drops down dead.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">67</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_59" id="b1_59"><b>59.</b></a> So it was with the Romans and Carthaginians. They
+were worn out by the labours of the war; the perpetual
+succession of hard fought struggles was at last driving them
+to despair; their strength had become paralysed, and their
+resources reduced almost to extinction by war-taxes and expenses
+extending over so many years. And yet the Romans
+did not give in. For the last five years indeed they had
+entirely abandoned the sea, partly because of the disasters they
+had sustained there, and partly because they felt confident of
+deciding the war by means of their land forces; but they now
+determined for the third time to make trial of their fortune
+in naval warfare. They saw that their operations were not
+succeeding according to their calculations, mainly owing to
+the obstinate gallantry of the Carthaginian general. They
+therefore adopted this resolution from a conviction that by
+this means alone, if their design were but well directed, would
+they be able to bring the war to a successful conclusion. In
+their first attempt they had been compelled to abandon the sea
+by disasters arising from sheer bad luck; in their second by
+the loss of the naval battle off Drepana. This third attempt
+was successful: they shut off the Carthaginian forces at Eryx
+from getting their supplies by sea, and eventually put a period
+to the whole war. Nevertheless it was essentially an effort of
+despair. <span class="sidenote">The Romans once
+more fit out a
+fleet.</span>
+The treasury was empty, and would
+not supply the funds necessary for the undertaking,
+which were, however, obtained by the
+patriotism and generosity of the leading citizens. They undertook
+singly, or by two or three combining, according to their
+means, to supply a quinquereme fully fitted out, on the understanding
+that they were to be repaid if the expedition was
+successful. By these means a fleet of two hundred quinqueremes
+were quickly prepared, built on the model of the
+ship of the Rhodian. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;242.
+Coss. C.
+Lutatius Catulus,
+A. Postumius
+Albinus.</span>
+Gaius Lutatius was then
+appointed to the command, and despatched at
+the beginning of the summer. His appearance
+on the coasts of Sicily was a surprise: the whole
+of the Carthaginian fleet had gone home; and
+he took possession both of the harbour near Drepana, and
+the roadsteads near Lilybaeum. He then threw up works<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">68</a></span>
+round the city on Drepana, and made other preparations for
+besieging it. And while he pushed on these operations with
+all his might, he did not at the same time lose sight of the
+approach of the Carthaginian fleet. He kept in mind the
+original idea of this expedition, that it was by a victory at sea
+alone that the result of the whole war could be decided. He
+did not, therefore, allow the time to be wasted or unemployed.
+He practised and drilled his crews every day in the man&oelig;uvres
+which they would be called upon to perform; and by
+his attention to discipline generally brought his sailors in a
+very short time to the condition of trained athletes for the
+contest before them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_60" id="b1_60"><b>60.</b></a> That the Romans should have a fleet afloat once more,
+and be again bidding for the mastery at sea, was
+a contingency wholly unexpected by the Carthaginians. <span class="sidenote">The Carthaginians
+send Hanno
+with a fleet.</span>
+They at once set about fitting out
+their ships, loaded them with corn and other provisions, and
+despatched their fleet: determined that their troops round
+Eryx should not run short of necessary provisions. Hanno,
+who was appointed to command the fleet, put to sea and
+arrived at the island called Holy Isle. He was eager as
+soon as possible, if he could escape the observation of the
+enemy, to get across to Eryx; disembark his stores; and having
+thus lightened his ships, take on board as marines those of the
+mercenary troops who were suitable to the service, and Barcas
+with them; and not to engage the enemy until he had thus
+reinforced himself. But Lutatius was informed of the arrival
+of Hanno&#8217;s squadron, and correctly interpreted their design.
+He at once took on board the best soldiers of his army, and
+crossed to the Island of Aegusa, which lies directly opposite
+Lilybaeum. There he addressed his forces some words
+suitable to the occasion, and gave full instructions to the
+pilots, with the understanding that a battle was to be fought
+on the morrow. <span class="sidenote">10th March <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+241.
+A strong breeze
+is blowing.</span>
+At daybreak the next morning
+Lutatius found that a strong breeze had sprung
+up on the stern of the enemy, and that an advance
+towards them in the teeth of it would be
+difficult for his ships. The sea too was rough and boisterous:
+and for a while he could not make up his mind what he had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">69</a></span>
+better do in the circumstances. Finally, however, he was decided
+by the following considerations. If he boarded the enemy&#8217;s
+fleet during the continuance of the storm, he would only have
+to contend with Hanno, and the levies of sailors which he had
+on board, before they could be reinforced by the troops, and with
+ships which were still heavily laden with stores: but if he waited
+for calm weather, and allowed the enemy to get across and
+unite with their land forces, he would then have to contend
+with ships lightened of their burden, and therefore in a more
+navigable condition, and against the picked men of the land
+forces; and what was more formidable than anything else,
+against the determined bravery of Hamilcar. He made up
+his mind, therefore, not to let the present opportunity
+slip; <span class="sidenote">Lutatius however
+decides to fight.</span>
+and when he saw the enemy&#8217;s ships
+crowding sail, he put to sea with all speed. The
+rowers, from their excellent physical condition, found no
+difficulty in overcoming the heavy sea, and Lutatius soon
+got his fleet into single line with prows directed to the
+foe.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_61" id="b1_61"><b>61.</b></a> When the Carthaginians saw that the Romans were
+intercepting their passage across, they lowered
+their masts, <span class="sidenote">The battle
+of Aegusa.</span>
+and after some words of mutual
+exhortation had been uttered in the several
+ships, closed with their opponents. But the respective
+state of equipment of the two sides was exactly the converse
+of what it had been in the battle off Drepana; and
+the result of the battle was, therefore, naturally reversed also.
+The Romans had reformed their mode of shipbuilding, and
+had eased their vessels of all freight, except the provisions
+necessary for the battle: while their rowers having been
+thoroughly trained and got well together, performed their
+office in an altogether superior manner, and were backed up by
+marines who, being picked men from the legions, were all but
+invincible. The case with the Carthaginians was exactly the
+reverse. Their ships were heavily laden and therefore unmanageable
+in the engagement; while their rowers were entirely
+untrained, and merely put on board for the emergency; and
+such marines as they had were raw recruits, who had never
+had any previous experience of any difficult or dangerous<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">70</a></span>
+service. The fact is that the Carthaginian government never
+expected that the Romans would again attempt to dispute the
+supremacy at sea: they had, therefore, in contempt for them,
+neglected their navy. The result was that, as soon as they
+closed, their manifold disadvantages quickly decided the battle
+against them. <span class="sidenote">Victory of
+the Romans.</span>
+They had fifty ships sunk, and
+seventy taken with their crews. The rest set
+their sails, and running before the wind, which
+luckily for them suddenly veered round at the nick of time
+to help them, got away again to Holy Isle. The Roman
+Consul sailed back to Lilybaeum to join the army, and there
+occupied himself in making arrangements for the ships and men
+which he had captured; which was a business of considerable
+magnitude, for the prisoners made in the battle amounted to
+little short of ten thousand.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_62" id="b1_62"><b>62.</b></a> As far as strength of feeling and desire for victory were
+concerned, this unexpected reverse did not diminish the
+readiness of the Carthaginians to carry on the war; but when
+they came to reckon up their resources they were at a complete
+standstill. <span class="sidenote">Barcas makes
+terms.</span>
+On the one hand, they could not any longer
+send supplies to their forces in Sicily, because
+the enemy commanded the sea: on the other, to
+abandon and, as it were, to betray these, left
+them without men and without leaders to carry on the war.
+They therefore sent a despatch to Barcas with all speed, leaving
+the decision of the whole matter in his hands. Nor was their
+confidence misplaced. He acted the part of a gallant general
+and a sensible man. As long as there was any reasonable hope
+of success in the business he had in hand, nothing was too
+adventurous or too dangerous for him to attempt; and if any
+general ever did so, he put every chance of victory to the
+fullest proof. But when all his endeavours miscarried, and no
+reasonable expectation was left of saving his troops, he yielded
+to the inevitable, and sent ambassadors to treat of peace and
+terms of accommodation. And in this he showed great good
+sense and practical ability; for it is quite as much the duty of
+a leader to be able to see when it is time to give in, as when
+it is the time to win a victory. Lutatius was ready enough to
+listen to the proposal, because he was fully aware that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">71</a></span>
+resources of Rome were at the lowest ebb from the strain of the
+war; and eventually it was his fortune to put
+an end to the contest by a treaty of which I here
+give the terms. <span class="sidenote">The treaty,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;242.</span>
+&#8220;<i>Friendship is established between
+the Carthaginians and Romans on the following terms, provided
+always that they are ratified by the Roman people. The Carthaginians
+shall evacuate the whole of Sicily: they shall not make
+war upon Hiero, nor bear arms against the Syracusans or their
+allies. The Carthaginians shall give up to the Romans all
+prisoners without ransom. The Carthaginians shall pay to the
+Romans in twenty years 2200 Euboic talents of silver.</i>&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_142" id="FNanchor_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">142</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_63" id="b1_63"><b>63.</b></a> When this treaty was sent to Rome the people refused
+to accept it, but sent ten commissioners to examine into the
+business. Upon their arrival they made no change in the
+general terms of the treaty, but they introduced some slight
+alterations in the direction of increased severity towards
+Carthage. Thus they reduced the time allowed for the
+payment of the indemnity by one half; they added a thousand
+talents to the sum demanded; and extended the evacuation of
+Sicily to all islands lying between Sicily and Italy.</p>
+
+<p>Such were the conditions on which the war was ended, after
+lasting twenty-four years continuously. <span class="sidenote">Greatness of the
+war.</span>
+It was
+at once the longest, most continuous, and most
+severely contested war known to us in history.
+Apart from the other battles fought and the preparations made,
+which I have described in my previous chapters, there were two
+sea fights, in one of which the combined numbers of the two
+fleets exceeded five hundred quinqueremes, in the other nearly
+approached seven hundred. In the course of the war, counting
+what were destroyed by shipwreck, the Romans lost seven
+hundred quinqueremes, the Carthaginians five hundred. Those
+therefore who have spoken with wonder of the sea-battles
+of an Antigonus, a Ptolemy, or a Demetrius, and the greatness
+of their fleets, would we may well believe have been overwhelmed
+with astonishment at the hugeness of these proportions
+if they had had to tell the story of this war.<a name="FNanchor_143" id="FNanchor_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> If, further,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">72</a></span>we take into consideration the superior size of the quinqueremes,
+compared with the triremes employed by the Persians against
+the Greeks, and again by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians
+in their wars with each other, we shall find that never in the
+whole history of the world have such enormous forces contended
+for mastery at sea.</p>
+
+<p>These considerations will establish my original observation,
+and show the falseness of the opinion entertained by
+certain Greeks. It was <i>not</i> by mere chance or without
+knowing what they were doing that the Romans struck their
+bold stroke for universal supremacy and dominion, and
+justified their boldness by its success. No: it was the natural
+result of discipline gained in the stern school of difficulty and
+danger.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_64" id="b1_64"><b>64.</b></a> And no doubt the question does naturally arise here
+as to why they find it impossible in our days to man so many
+ships, or take the sea with such large fleets, though masters of
+the world, and possessing a superiority over others many times
+as great as before. The explanation of this difficulty will be
+clearly understood when we come to the description of their
+civil constitution. I look upon this description as a most
+important part of my work, and one demanding close attention
+on the part of my readers. For the subject is calculated to
+afford pleasure in the contemplation, and is up to this time
+so to speak absolutely unknown, thanks to historians, some of
+whom have been ignorant, while others have given so confused
+an account of it as to be practically useless. For the present
+it suffices to say that, as far as the late war was concerned, the
+two nations were closely matched in the character of the
+designs they entertained, as well as in the lofty courage they
+showed in prosecuting them: and this is especially true of
+the eager ambition displayed on either side to secure the
+supremacy. But in the individual gallantry of their men the
+Romans had decidedly the advantage; while we must credit
+the Carthaginians with the best general of the day both for
+genius and daring. I mean Hamilcar Barcas, own father of
+Rome&#8217;s future enemy Hannibal.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_65" id="b1_65"><b>65.</b></a> The confirmation of this peace was followed by events
+which involved both nations in a struggle of an identical or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">73</a></span>
+similar nature. At Rome the late war was succeeded by a
+social war against the Faliscans, which, however, they brought
+to a speedy and successful termination by the
+capture of Falerii after only a few days&#8217; siege. <span class="sidenote">War between
+Rome and
+Falerii.</span>
+The Carthaginians were not so fortunate. Just
+about the same time they found themselves confronted by three
+enemies at once, their own mercenaries, the
+Numidians, and such Libyans as joined the former
+in their revolt. <span class="sidenote">The mercenary
+war,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;241.</span>
+And this war proved to be
+neither insignificant nor contemptible. It exposed them to frequent
+and terrible alarms; and, finally, it became a question to
+them not merely of a loss of territory, but of their own bare
+existence, and of the safety of the very walls and buildings of
+their city. There are many reasons that make it worth while
+to dwell upon the history of this war: yet I must give only a
+summary account of it, in accordance with the original plan of
+this work. The nature and peculiar ferocity of the struggle,
+which has been generally called the &#8220;truceless war,&#8221; may be
+best learnt from its incidents. It conveys two important
+lessons: it most conspicuously shows those who employ
+mercenaries what dangers they should foresee and provide
+against; and secondly, it teaches how wide the distinction is
+between the character of troops composed of a confused mass
+of uncivilised tribes, and of those which have had the benefit
+of education, the habits of social life, and the restraints of law.
+But what is of most importance to us is, that we may trace
+from the actual events of this period the causes which led to
+the war between Rome and Carthage in the time of Hannibal.
+These causes have not only been a subject of dispute among
+historians, but still continue to be so among those who were
+actually engaged; it is therefore a matter of importance to
+enable students to form an opinion on this matter as nearly as
+possible in accordance with the truth.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_66" id="b1_66"><b>66.</b></a> The course of events at Carthage subsequent to the
+peace was as follows: <span class="sidenote">Evacuation of
+Sicily.</span>As soon as possible
+after it was finally ratified Barcas withdrew the
+troops at Eryx to Lilybaeum, and then immediately
+laid down his command. Gesco, who was commandant
+of the town, proceeded to transport the soldiers into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">74</a></span>
+Libya. But foreseeing what was likely to happen, he very
+prudently embarked them in detachments, and did not send
+them all in one voyage. His object was to gain time for the
+Carthaginian government; so that one detachment should
+come to shore, receive the pay due to them, and depart from
+Carthage to their own country, before the next detachment was
+brought across and joined them. In accordance with this idea
+Gesco began the transportation of the troops. But the Government&mdash;partly
+because the recent expenses had reduced their
+finances to a low ebb, partly because they felt certain that, if
+they collected the whole force and entertained them in Carthage,
+they would be able to persuade the mercenaries to
+accept something less than the whole pay due to them&mdash;did
+not dismiss the detachments as they landed, but kept them
+massed in the city. But when this resulted in the commission
+of many acts of lawlessness by night and day, they began to
+feel uneasy at their numbers and their growing licentiousness;
+and required the officers, until such time as arrangements for
+discharging their pay should have been made, and the rest of
+the army should have arrived, to withdraw with <span class="sidenote">The mercenaries
+sent to Sicca.</span>
+all their men to a certain town called Sicca,
+receiving each a piece of gold for their immediate
+necessities. As far as quitting the city was concerned
+they were ready enough to obey; but they desired to leave
+their heavy baggage there as before, on the ground that they
+would soon have to return to the city for their wages. But
+the Carthaginian government were in terror lest, considering
+the length of their absence and their natural desire for the
+society of wives or children, they would either not quit the city
+at all; or, if they did, would be sure to be enticed by these feelings
+to return, and that thus there would be no decrease of
+outrages in the city. Accordingly they forced them to take
+their baggage with them: but it was sorely against the will of
+the men, and roused strong feelings of animosity among them.
+These mercenaries being forced to retire to Sicca, lived there
+as they chose without any restraint upon their lawlessness.
+For they had obtained two things the most demoralising for
+hired forces, and which in a word are in themselves the all-sufficient
+source and origin of mutinies,&mdash;relaxation of discipline<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">75</a></span>
+and want of employment.<a name="FNanchor_144" id="FNanchor_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">144</a> For lack of something better to do,
+some of them began calculating, always to their own advantage,
+the amount of pay owing to them; and thus making out the
+total to be many times more than was really due, they gave out
+that this was the amount which they ought to demand from
+the Carthaginians. Moreover they all began to call to mind
+the promises made to them by the generals in their harangues,
+delivered on various occasions of special danger, and to entertain
+high hopes and great expectations of the amount of compensation
+which awaited them. The natural result followed.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_67" id="b1_67"><b>67.</b></a> When the whole army had mustered at Sicca, and Hanno,
+now appointed general in Libya, <span class="sidenote">The beginning
+of the outbreak,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;241.</span>
+far from satisfying
+these hopes and the promises they had received,
+talked on the contrary of the burden of the taxes
+and the embarrassment of the public finances; and actually
+endeavoured to obtain from them an abatement even from the
+amount of pay acknowledged to be due to them; excited and
+mutinous feelings at once began to manifest themselves. There
+were constant conferences hastily got together, sometimes in
+separate nationalities, sometimes of the whole army; and there
+being no unity of race or language among them, the whole camp
+became a babel of confusion, a scene of inarticulate tumult, and
+a veritable revel of misrule. For the Carthaginians being
+always accustomed to employ mercenary troops of miscellaneous
+nationalities, in securing that an army should consist of several
+different races, act wisely as far as the prevention of any rapid
+combinations for mutiny, or difficulty on the part of the commanders
+in overawing insubordination, are concerned: but the
+policy utterly breaks down when an outburst of anger, or
+popular delusion, or internal dissension, has actually occurred;
+for it makes it impossible for the commander to soothe excited
+feelings, to remove misapprehensions, or to show the ignorant
+their error. Armies in such a state are not usually content
+with mere human wickedness; they end by assuming the
+ferocity of wild beasts and the vindictiveness of insanity.</p>
+
+<p>This is just what happened in this case. There were in the
+army Iberians and Celts, men from Liguria and the Balearic
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">76</a></span>Islands, and a considerable number of half-bred Greeks,
+mostly deserters and slaves; while the main body consisted of
+Libyans. Consequently it was impossible to collect and address
+them <i>en masse</i>, or to approach them with this view by any
+means whatever. There was no help for it: the general could
+not possibly know their several languages; and to make a
+speech four or five times on the same subject, by the mouths
+of several interpreters, was almost more impossible, if I may say
+so, than that. The only alternative was for him to address his
+entreaties and exhortations to the soldiers through their officers.
+And this Hanno continually endeavoured to do. But there
+was the same difficulty with them. Sometimes they failed to
+understand what he said: at others they received his words
+with expressions of approval to his face, and yet from error or
+malice reported them in a contrary sense to the common soldiers.
+The result was a general scene of uncertainty, mistrust,
+and misunderstanding. And to crown all, they took it into
+their heads that the Carthaginian government had a design in
+thus sending Hanno to them: that they purposely did not
+send the generals who were acquainted with the services they
+had rendered in Sicily, and who had been the authors of the
+promises made to them; but had sent the one man who had
+not been present at any of these transactions. Whether that
+were so or not, they finally broke off all negotiations with
+Hanno; conceived a violent mistrust of their several commanders;
+and in a furious outburst of anger with the Carthaginians
+started towards the city, and pitched their camp about
+a hundred and twenty stades from Carthage, at the town of
+Tunes, to the number of over twenty thousand.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_68" id="b1_68"><b>68.</b></a> The Carthaginians saw their folly when it was too late.
+It was a grave mistake to have collected so
+large a number of mercenaries into one place <span class="sidenote">The mercenaries
+at Tunes.</span>
+without any warlike force of their own citizens
+to fall back upon: but it was a still graver mistake to have
+delivered up to them their children and wives, with their heavy
+baggage to boot; which they might have retained as hostages,
+and thus have had greater security for concerting their own
+measures, and more power of ensuring obedience to their
+orders. However, being thoroughly alarmed at the action<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">77</a></span>
+of the men in regard to their encampment, they went to every
+length in their eagerness to pacify their anger. They sent
+them supplies of provisions in rich abundance, <span class="sidenote">Attempts to
+pacify them.</span>
+to be purchased exactly on their own terms,
+and at their own price. Members of the Senate
+were despatched, one after the other, to treat with them; and
+they were promised that whatever they demanded should be
+conceded if it were within the bounds of possibility. Day by
+day the ideas of the mercenaries rose higher. For their contempt
+became supreme when they saw the dismay and excitement
+in Carthage; <span class="sidenote">The demands of
+the mercenaries.</span>their confidence in themselves
+was profound; and their engagements
+with the Roman legions in Sicily had convinced
+them, that not only was it impossible for the Carthaginians to
+face them in the field, but that it would be difficult to find any
+nation in the world who could. Therefore, when the Carthaginians
+conceded the point of their pay, they made a further
+claim for the value of the horses they had lost. When this
+too was conceded, they said that they ought to receive the
+value of the rations of corn due to them from a long time previous,
+reckoned at the highest price reached during the war.
+And in short, the ill-disposed and mutinous among them being
+numerous, they always found out some new demand which
+made it impossible to come to terms. Upon the Carthaginian
+government, however, pledging themselves to the full extent
+of their powers, they eventually agreed to refer the matter to
+the arbitration of some one of the generals who had been
+actually engaged in Sicily. Now they were displeased with
+Hamilcar Barcas, who was one of those under whom they had
+fought in Sicily, because they thought that their present unfavourable
+position was attributable chiefly to him. <span class="sidenote">The dispute referred
+to the
+arbitration
+of Gesco.</span>
+They
+thought this from the fact that he never came to them as an
+ambassador, and had, as was believed, voluntarily resigned his
+command. But towards Gesco their feelings
+were altogether friendly. He had, as they
+thought, taken every possible precaution for
+their interests, and especially in the arrangements
+for their conveyance to Libya. Accordingly they referred
+the dispute to the arbitration of the latter.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">78</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_69" id="b1_69"><b>69.</b></a> Gesco came to Tunes by sea, bringing the money with
+him. There he held a meeting first of the officers, and then
+of the men, according to their nationalities; rebuked them for
+their past behaviour, and endeavoured to convince them as to
+their duty in the present: but most of all he dwelt upon their
+obligation in the future to show themselves well-disposed towards
+the people whose pay they had been so long enjoying.
+Finally, he proceeded to discharge the arrears of pay, taking
+each nationality separately. But there was a certain Campanian
+in the army, <span class="sidenote">Spendius.</span>
+a runaway Roman slave
+named Spendius, a man of extraordinary physical
+strength and reckless courage in the field. Alarmed lest
+his master should recover possession of him, and he should
+be put to death with torture, in accordance with the laws of
+Rome, this man exerted himself to the utmost in word and
+deed to break off the arrangement with the Carthaginians.
+He was seconded by a Libyan called Math&#333;s, <span class="sidenote">Math&#333;s.</span>
+who was not a slave but free, and had actually
+served in the campaign. But he had been one of the most
+active agitators in the late disturbances: and being in terror
+of punishment for the past, he now gave in his adhesion to
+the party of Spendius; and taking the Libyans aside, suggested
+to them that, when the men of other races had received their
+pay, and taken their departure to their several countries, the
+Carthaginians would wreak upon them the full weight of the
+resentment which they had, in common with themselves, incurred;
+and would look upon their punishment as a means of
+striking terror into all the inhabitants of Libya. It did not
+take long to rouse the men by such arguments, nor were they
+at a loss for a pretext, however insignificant. In discharging
+the pay, Gesco postponed the payment of the valuations of
+rations and horses. <span class="sidenote">Spendius and
+Math&#333;s cause an
+outbreak.</span>
+This was enough: the
+men at once hurried to make a meeting; Spendius
+and Math&#333;s delivered violent invectives
+against Gesco and the Carthaginians; their words were received
+with every sign of approval; no one else could get a
+hearing; whoever did attempt to speak was promptly stoned
+to death, without the assembly so much as waiting to ascertain
+whether he intended to support the party of Spendius or no.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">79</a></span></p>
+
+<p>A considerable number of privates as well as officers were
+killed in this manner in the various <i>&eacute;meutes</i> which took place;
+and from the constant repetition of this act of violence the
+whole army learnt the meaning of the word <span class="sidenote">&#946;&#8049;&#955;&#955;&#949;.</span>
+&#8220;throw,&#8221; although there was not another word
+which was intelligible to them all in common. The most
+usual occasion for this to happen was when they collected
+in crowds flushed with wine after their midday meal. On
+such occasions, if only some one started the cry &#8220;throw,&#8221; such
+volleys were poured in from every side, and with such rapidity,
+that it was impossible for any one to escape who once ventured
+to stand forward to address them. The result was that
+soon no one had the courage to offer them any counsel at all;
+and they accordingly appointed Math&#333;s and Spendius as their&#333;
+commanders.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_70" id="b1_70"><b>70.</b></a> This complete disorganisation and disorder did not
+escape the observation of Gesco. But his chief anxiety was
+to secure the safety of his country; and seeing clearly that, if
+these men were driven to exasperation, the Carthaginians
+would be in danger of total destruction, he exerted himself
+with desperate courage and persistence: sometimes summoning
+their officers, sometimes calling a meeting of the men
+according to their nationalities and remonstrating with them.
+But on one occasion the Libyans, not having received their
+wages as soon as they considered that they ought to have been
+paid to them, approached Gesco himself with
+some insolence. <span class="sidenote">Gesco and his
+staff seized and
+thrown into chains.</span>
+With the idea of rebuking
+their precipitancy he refused to produce the pay,
+and bade them &#8220;go and ask their general Math&#333;s
+for it.&#8221; This so enraged them, that without a moment&#8217;s delay
+they first made a raid upon the money that was kept in
+readiness, and then arrested Gesco and the Carthaginians
+with him. Math&#333;s and Spendius thought that the speediest
+way to secure an outbreak of war was for the men to commit
+some outrage upon the sanctity of law and in violation of their
+engagements. They therefore co-operated with the mass of
+the men in their reckless outrages; plundered the baggage of
+the Carthaginians along with their money; manacled Gesco and
+his staff with every mark of insolent violence, and committed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">80</a></span>
+them into custody. Thenceforth they were at open war with
+Carthage, having bound themselves together by oaths which
+were at once impious and contrary to the principles universally
+received among mankind.</p>
+
+<p>This was the origin and beginning of the mercenary, or, as
+it is also called, the Libyan war. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;240.</span>Math&#333;s lost no
+time after this outrage in sending emissaries to
+the various cities in Libya, urging them to assert their freedom,
+and begging them to come to their aid and join them in their
+undertaking. The appeal was successful: nearly all the cities
+in Libya readily listened to the proposal that they should revolt
+against Carthage, and were soon zealously engaged in sending
+them supplies and reinforcements. They therefore divided
+themselves into two parties; one of which laid siege to Utica,
+the other to Hippo Zarytus, because these two cities refused
+to participate in the revolt.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_71" id="b1_71"><b>71.</b></a> Three things must be noticed in regard to the Carthaginians.
+First, among them the means of life of private
+persons are supplied by the produce of the land; secondly, all
+public expenses for war material and stores are discharged
+from the tribute paid by the people of Libya; and thirdly, it is
+their regular custom to carry on war by means of mercenary
+troops. At this moment they not only found themselves unexpectedly
+deprived of all these resources at once, but saw
+each one of them actually employed against
+themselves. <span class="sidenote">Despair at
+Carthage.</span>Such an unlooked-for event
+naturally reduced them to a state of great
+discouragement and despair. After the long agony of the
+Sicilian war they were in hopes, when the peace was ratified,
+that they might obtain some breathing space and some period
+of settled content. The very reverse was now befalling them.
+They were confronted by an outbreak of war still more difficult
+and formidable. In the former they were disputing with Rome
+for the possession of Sicily: but this was a domestic war, and
+the issue at stake was the bare existence of themselves and
+their country. Besides, the many battles in which they had
+been engaged at sea had naturally left them ill supplied with
+arms, sailors, and vessels. They had no store of provisions
+ready, and no expectation whatever of external assistance from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">81</a></span>
+friends or allies. They were indeed now thoroughly taught
+the difference between a foreign war, carried on beyond the
+seas, and a domestic insurrection and disturbance.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_72" id="b1_72"><b>72.</b></a> And for these overpowering miseries they had themselves
+to thank more than any one else. During the late war
+they had availed themselves of what they regarded as a reasonable
+pretext for exercising their supremacy over the inhabitants
+of Libya with excessive harshness. They had exacted half of
+all agricultural produce; had doubled the tribute of the towns;
+and, in levying these contributions, had refused to show any
+grace or indulgence whatever to those who were in embarrassed
+circumstances. Their admiration and rewards were reserved,
+not for those generals who treated the people with mildness
+and humanity, but exclusively for those who like Hanno secured
+them the most abundant supplies and war material,
+though at the cost of the harshest treatment of the provincials.</p>
+
+<p>These people therefore needed no urging to revolt: a
+single messenger sufficed. <span class="sidenote">Revolt of the
+country people.</span>
+The women, who
+up to this time had passively looked on while
+their husbands and fathers were being led off to
+prison for the non-payment of the taxes, now bound themselves
+by an oath in their several towns that they would conceal
+nothing that they possessed; and, stripping off their ornaments,
+unreservedly contributed them to furnish pay for the
+soldiers. They thus put such large means into the hands of
+Math&#333;s and Spendius, that they not only discharged the
+arrears due to the mercenaries, which they had promised them
+as an inducement to mutiny, but remained well supplied for
+future needs. A striking illustration of the fact that true policy
+does not regard only the immediate necessities of the hour,
+but must ever look still more keenly to the future.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_73" id="b1_73"><b>73.</b></a> No such considerations, however, prevented the
+Carthaginians in their hour of distress from
+appointing Hanno general; <span class="sidenote">Hanno&#8217;s management
+of the war.</span>because he had the
+credit of having on a former occasion reduced
+the city called Hecatompylos, in Libya, to obedience. They
+also set about collecting mercenaries; arming their own citizens
+who were of military age; training and drilling the city cavalry;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">82</a></span>
+and refitting what were left of their ships, triremes, penteconters,
+and the largest of the pinnaces. Meanwhile Math&#333;s,
+being joined by as many as seventy thousand Libyans, distributed
+these fresh troops between the two forces which were
+besieging Utica and Hippo Zarytus, and carried on those
+sieges without let or hindrance. At the same time they kept
+firm possession of the encampment at Tunes, and had thus
+shut out the Carthaginians from the whole of outer Libya.
+For Carthage itself stands on a projecting peninsula in a gulf,
+nearly surrounded by the sea and in part also by a lake. The
+isthmus that connects it with Libya is three miles broad: upon
+one side of this isthmus, in the direction of the open sea and
+at no great distance, stands the city of Utica, and on the other
+stands Tunes, upon the shore of the lake. The mercenaries
+occupied both these points, and having thus cut off the Carthaginians
+from the open country, proceeded to take measures
+against Utica itself. They made frequent excursions up to
+the town wall, sometimes by day and sometimes by night, and
+were continually throwing the citizens into a state of alarm and
+absolute panic.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_74" id="b1_74"><b>74.</b></a> Hanno, however, was busying himself with some success
+in providing defences. In this department of a general&#8217;s
+duty he showed considerable ability; but he was quite a
+different man at the head of a sally in force: he was not
+sagacious in his use of opportunities, and managed the whole
+business with neither skill nor promptitude. It was thus that
+his first expedition miscarried when he went to <span class="sidenote">Fails to relieve
+Utica.</span>
+relieve Utica. The number of his elephants,
+of which he had as many as a hundred, struck
+terror into the enemy; yet he made so poor a use of this
+advantage that, instead of turning it into a complete victory,
+he very nearly brought the besieged, as well as himself, to
+utter destruction. He brought from Carthage catapults and
+darts, and in fact all the apparatus for a siege; and having
+encamped outside Utica undertook an assault upon the
+enemy&#8217;s entrenchment. The elephants forced their way into
+the camp, and the enemy, unable to withstand their weight and
+the fury of their attack, entirely evacuated the position. They
+lost a large number from wounds inflicted by the elephants<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">83</a></span>&#8217;
+tusks; while the survivors made their way to a certain hill,
+which was a kind of natural fortification thickly covered with
+trees, and there halted, relying upon the strength of the position.
+But Hanno, accustomed to fight with Numidians and
+Libyans, who, once turned, never stay their flight till they
+are two days removed from the scene of the action, imagined
+that he had already put an end to the war and had gained a
+complete victory. He therefore troubled himself no more
+about his men, or about the camp generally, but went inside
+the town and occupied himself with his own personal comfort.
+But the mercenaries, who had fled in a body on to the hill,
+had been trained in the daring tactics of Barcas, and accustomed
+from their experience in the Sicilian warfare to retreat
+and return again to the attack many times in the same day.
+They now saw that the general had left his army and gone
+into the town, and that the soldiers, owing to their victory,
+were behaving carelessly, and in fact slipping out of the camp
+in various directions: they accordingly got themselves into
+order and made an assault upon the camp; killed a large
+number of the men; forced the rest to fly ignominiously to
+the protection of the city walls and gates; and possessed
+themselves of all the baggage and apparatus belonging to
+the besieged, which Hanno had brought outside the town in
+addition to his own, and thus put into the hands of the enemy.</p>
+
+<p>But this was not the only instance of his incompetence.
+A few days afterwards, near a place called
+Gorza, he came right upon the enemy, who lay <span class="sidenote">Hanno&#8217;s continued
+ill success.</span>
+encamped there, and had two opportunities of
+securing a victory by pitched battles; and two more by surprising
+them, as they changed quarters close to where he was.
+But in both cases he let the opportunities slip for want of
+care and proper calculation.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_75" id="b1_75"><b>75.</b></a> The Carthaginians, therefore, when they saw his mismanagement
+of the campaign, once more placed
+Hamilcar Barcas at the head of affairs; and despatched
+him to the war as commander-in-chief, <span class="sidenote">Hamilcar Barcas
+takes the command.</span>
+with seventy elephants, the newly-collected mercenaries, and
+the deserters from the enemy; and along with them the
+cavalry and infantry enrolled from the citizens themselves,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">84</a></span>
+amounting in all to ten thousand men. His appearance from
+the first produced an immediate impression. The expedition
+was unexpected; and he was thus able, by the dismay which it
+produced, to lower the courage of the enemy. He succeeded
+in raising the siege of Utica, and showed himself worthy of
+his former achievements, and of the confidence felt in him by
+the people. What he accomplished on this service was this.</p>
+
+<p>A chain of hills runs along the isthmus connecting Carthage
+with the mainland, which are difficult of access, and are crossed
+by artificial passes into the mainland; of these hills Math&#333;s
+had occupied all the available points and posted guards there.
+Besides these there is a river called Macaras (Bagradas), which
+at certain points interrupts the passage of travellers from the
+city to the mainland, and though for the most <span class="sidenote">He gets his men
+across the Macaras.</span>
+part impassable, owing to the strength of its
+stream, is only crossed by one bridge. This
+means of egress also Math&#333;s was guarding securely, and had
+built a town on it. The result was that, to say nothing of
+the Carthaginians entering the mainland with an army, it was
+rendered exceedingly difficult even for private individuals, who
+might wish to make their way through, to elude the vigilance
+of the enemy. This did not escape the observation and care
+of Hamilcar; and while revolving every means and every
+chance of putting an end to this difficulty about a passage, he
+at length hit upon the following. He observed that where
+the river discharges itself into the sea its mouth got silted up
+in certain positions of the wind, and that then the passage
+over the river at its mouth became like that over a marsh.
+He accordingly got everything ready in the camp for the
+expedition, without telling any one what he was going to do;
+and then watched for this state of things to occur. When the
+right moment arrived, he started under cover of night; and by
+daybreak had, without being observed by any one, got his army
+across this place, to the surprise of the citizens of Utica as well
+as of the enemy. Marching across the plain, he led his men
+straight against the enemy who were guarding the bridge.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_76" id="b1_76"><b>76.</b></a> When he understood what had taken place Spendius advanced
+into the plain to meet Hamilcar. The force from the city
+at the bridge amounted to ten thousand men; that from before<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">85</a></span>
+Utica to more than fifteen thousand men; both of which now
+advanced to support each other. When they had
+effected a junction they imagined that they had <span class="sidenote">And defeats
+Spendius.</span>
+the Carthaginians in a trap, and therefore with
+mutual words of exhortation passed the order to engage, and at
+once commenced. Hamilcar was marching with his elephants in
+front, his cavalry and light troops next, while his heavy armed
+hoplites brought up the rear. But when he saw the precipitation
+of the enemy&#8217;s attack, he passed the word to his men to turn
+to the rear. His instructions were that the troops in front
+should, after thus turning to the rear, retire with all speed:
+while he again wheeled to the right about what had been originally
+his rear divisions, and got them into line successively so as
+to face the enemy. The Libyans and mercenaries mistook the
+object of this movement, and imagined that the Carthaginians
+were panic-stricken and in full retreat. Thereupon they broke
+from their ranks and, rushing forward, began a vigorous hand
+to hand struggle. When, however, they found that the cavalry
+had wheeled round again, and were drawn up close to the hoplites,
+and that the rest of the army also was being brought up,
+surprise filled the Libyans with panic; they immediately turned
+and began a retreat as precipitate and disorderly as their
+advance. In the blind flight which followed some of them
+ran foul of their own rear-guard, who were still advancing, and
+caused their own destruction or that of their comrades; but
+the greater part were trampled to death by the cavalry and
+elephants who immediately charged. As many as six thousand
+of the Libyans and foreign troops were killed, and about
+two thousand taken prisoners. The rest made good their
+escape, either to the town on the bridge or to the camp near
+Utica. After this victory Hamilcar followed close upon the
+heels of the enemy, carried the town on the bridge by assault,
+the enemy there abandoning it and flying to Tunes, and then
+proceeded to scour the rest of the district: some of the towns
+submitting, while the greater number he had to reduce by
+force. And thus he revived in the breasts of the Carthaginians
+some little spirit and courage, or at least rescued them from
+the state of absolute despair into which they had fallen.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_77" id="b1_77"><b>77.</b></a> Meanwhile Math&#333;s himself was continuing the siege<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">86</a></span>
+of Hippo Zarytus, and he now counselled Autaritus, the
+leader of the Gauls, and Spendius to stick close
+to the skirts of the enemy, avoiding the plains, <span class="sidenote">Math&#333;s harasses
+Hamilcar&#8217;s march.</span>
+because the enemy were strong in cavalry
+and elephants, but marching parallel with them on the slopes
+of the mountains, and attacking them whenever they saw them
+in any difficulty. While suggesting these tactics, he at the
+same time sent messengers to the Numidians and Libyans,
+entreating them to come to their aid, and not to let slip the
+opportunity of securing their own freedom. Accordingly,
+Spendius took with him a force of six thousand men, selected
+from each of the several nationalities at Tunes, and started,
+keeping along a line of hills parallel to the Carthaginians.
+Besides these six thousand he had two thousand Gauls under
+Autaritus, who were all that were left of the original number,
+the rest having deserted to the Romans during the period of
+the occupation of Eryx. Now it happened that, just when
+Hamilcar had taken up a position in a certain plain which
+was surrounded on all sides by mountains, the reinforcements
+of Numidians and Libyans joined Spendius. The Carthaginians,
+therefore, suddenly found a Libyan encampment
+right on their front, another of Numidians on their rear, and
+that of Spendius on their flank; and it seemed impossible to
+escape from the danger which thus menaced them on every
+side.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_78" id="b1_78"><b>78.</b></a> But there was at that time a certain Nar&aacute;vas, a Numidian
+of high rank and warlike spirit, who entertained
+an ancestral feeling of affection for the Carthaginians, <span class="sidenote">Hamilcar is joined
+by the Numidian Nar&aacute;vas.</span>
+rendered especially warm at that
+time by admiration for Hamilcar. He now thought that he
+had an excellent opportunity for an interview and association
+with that general; and accordingly came to the Carthaginian
+quarters with a body of a hundred Numidians, and boldly approaching
+the out-works, remained there waving his hand.
+Wondering what his object could be Hamilcar sent a horseman
+to see; to whom Nar&aacute;vas said that he wished for an interview
+with the general. The Carthaginian leader still showing hesitation
+and incredulity, Nar&aacute;vas committed his horse and javelins
+to the care of his guards, and boldly came into the camp unarmed.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">87</a></span>
+His fearlessness made a profound impression not unmixed
+with surprise. No further objection, however, was made
+to his presence, and the desired interview was accorded; in
+which he declared his goodwill to the Carthaginians generally,
+and his especial desire to be friends with Barcas. &#8220;This was
+the motive of his presence,&#8221; he said; &#8220;he was come with the
+full intention of taking his place by his side and of faithfully
+sharing all his actions and undertakings.&#8221; Hamilcar, on hearing
+these words, was so immensely charmed by the young man&#8217;s
+courage in coming, and his honest simplicity in the interview,
+that he not only consented to accept his co-operation, but promised
+also with an oath that he would give him his daughter in
+marriage if he kept faith with Carthage to the end. The agreement
+having been thus made, Nar&aacute;vas came with his division of
+Numidians, numbering two thousand. Thus reinforced Hamilcar
+offered the enemy battle; which Spendius, having joined forces
+with the Libyans, accepted; and descending into <span class="sidenote">Again defeats
+Spendius.</span>
+the plain engaged the Carthaginians. In the
+severe battle which followed Hamilcar&#8217;s army
+was victorious: a result which he owed partly to the excellent
+behaviour of the elephants, but particularly to the brilliant
+services rendered by Nar&aacute;vas. Autaritus and Spendius managed
+to escape; but of the rest as many as ten thousand were killed and
+four thousand taken prisoners. When the victory was complete,
+Hamilcar gave permission to those of the prisoners who chose
+to enlist in his army, and furnished them with arms from the
+spoils of the enemy&#8217;s slain: those who did not choose to accept
+this offer he summoned to a meeting and harangued them.
+He told them that the crimes committed by them up to that
+moment were pardoned, and they were permitted to go their
+several ways, wheresoever they chose, but on condition that
+none of them bore arms against Carthage again: if any one of
+them were ever caught so doing, he warned them distinctly
+that he would meet with no mercy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_79" id="b1_79"><b>79.</b></a> This conspiracy of Math&#333;s and Spendius caused an
+outbreak about this same time in another
+quarter. For the mercenaries who were in <span class="sidenote">Mutiny in
+Sardinia.</span>
+garrison in Sardinia, inspired by their example,
+attacked the Carthaginians in the island; beleaguered Bostarus,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">88</a></span>
+the commander of the foreign contingent, in the citadel; and
+finally put him and his compatriots to the sword. The
+Carthaginians thereupon sent another army into the island
+under Hanno. But the men deserted to the mutineers; who
+then seized Hanno and crucified him, and exercising all their
+ingenuity in the invention of tortures racked to death every
+Carthaginian in the island. Having got the towns into their
+power, they thenceforth kept forcible possession of the island;
+until they quarrelled with the natives and were driven by them
+into Italy. This was the way in which Carthage lost Sardinia,
+an island of first rate importance from its size, the number of
+its inhabitants, and its natural products. But as many have
+described it at great length, I do not think that I need repeat
+statements about which there is no manner of dispute.</p>
+
+<p>To return to Libya. The indulgence shown by Hamilcar
+to the captives alarmed Math&#333;s and Spendius
+and Autaritus the Gaul. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;239.
+Plan of Spendius
+for doing away
+with the good
+impression made
+by the leniency of
+Barcas.</span>They were afraid that
+conciliatory treatment of this sort would induce
+the Libyans, and the main body of the mercenaries,
+to embrace with eagerness the impunity
+thus displayed before their eyes. They consulted
+together, therefore, how they might by some new act
+of infamy inflame to the highest pitch of fury the feelings of
+their men against the Carthaginians. They finally determined
+upon the following plan. They summoned a meeting of the
+soldiers; and when it was assembled, they introduced a bearer
+of a despatch which they represented to have been sent by
+their fellow conspirators in Sardinia. The despatch warned
+them to keep a careful watch over Gesco and all his fellow
+prisoners (whom, as has been stated, they had treacherously
+seized in Tunes), as certain persons in the camp were secretly
+negotiating with the Carthaginians for their release. Taking
+this as his text, Spendius commenced by urging the men not
+to put any trust in the indulgence shown by the Carthaginian
+general to the prisoners of war, &#8220;For,&#8221; said he, &#8220;it is with no
+intention of saving their lives that he adopted this course in
+regard to the prisoners; his aim was, by releasing them, to get
+us into his power, that punishment might not be confined to
+some of us, but might fall on all at once.&#8221; He went on to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">89</a></span>
+urge them to be on their guard, lest by letting Gesco&#8217;s party
+go they should teach their enemies to despise them; and should
+also do great practical damage to their own interests, by suffering
+a man to escape who was an excellent general, and likely
+to be a most formidable enemy to themselves. Before he had
+finished this speech another courier arrived, pretending to
+have been sent by the garrison at Tunes, and bearing a
+despatch containing warnings similar to that from Sardinia.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_80" id="b1_80"><b>80.</b></a> It was now the turn of Autaritus the Gaul. &#8220;Your only
+hope,&#8221; he said, &#8220;of safety is to reject all hopes which rest on
+the Carthaginians. So long as any man clings to the idea of
+indulgence at their hands, he cannot possibly be a genuine
+ally of yours. Never trust, never listen, never attend to anyone,
+unless he recommend unrelenting hostility and implacable
+hatred towards the Carthaginians: all who speak on the other
+side regard as traitors and enemies.&#8221; After this preface, he
+gave it as his advice that they should put to death with torture
+both Gesco and those who had been seized with him, as well
+as the Carthaginian prisoners of war who had been captured
+since. Now this Autaritus was the most effective speaker of
+any, because he could make himself understood to a large
+number of those present at a meeting. For, owing to his
+length of service, he knew how to speak Phoenician; and
+Phoenician was the language in which the largest number of
+men, thanks to the length of the late war, could listen to
+with satisfaction. Accordingly his speech was received with
+acclamation, and he stood down amidst loud applause. But
+when many came forward from the several nationalities at
+the same time; and, moved by Gesco&#8217;s former kindnesses to
+themselves, would have deprecated at least the infliction of
+torture, not a word of what they said was understood: partly
+because many were speaking at the same time, and partly
+because each spoke in his own language. But when at
+length it was disclosed that what they meant was to dissuade
+the infliction of torture, upon one of those present shouting
+out &#8220;Throw!&#8221; they promptly stoned to death all who had
+come forward to speak; and their relations <span class="sidenote">Murder of Gesco.</span>
+buried their bodies, which were crushed into
+shapeless masses as though by the feet of elephants. Still they at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">90</a></span>
+least were buried. But the followers of Spendius now seized
+Gesco and his fellow prisoners, numbering about seven
+hundred, led them outside the stockade, and having made
+them march a short distance from the camp, first cut off their
+hands, beginning with Gesco, the man whom a short while
+before they had selected out of all Carthage as their benefactor
+and had chosen as arbitrator in their controversy. When they
+had cut off their hands, they proceeded to lop off the extremities
+of the unhappy men, and having thus mutilated
+them and broken their legs, they threw them still alive into a
+trench.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_81" id="b1_81"><b>81.</b></a> When news of this dreadful affair reached the Carthaginians,
+they were powerless indeed to do anything, but they were
+filled with horror; and in a transport of agony despatched messengers
+to Hamilcar and the second general Hanno, entreating
+them to rally to their aid and avenge the unhappy victims;
+and at the same time they sent heralds to the authors of this
+crime to negotiate for the recovery of the dead bodies. But
+the latter sternly refused; and warned the messengers to send
+neither herald nor ambassador to them again; for the same
+punishment which had just befallen Gesco awaited all who
+came. And for the future they passed a resolution, which
+they encouraged each other to observe, to put every Carthaginian
+whom they caught to death with torture; and that
+whenever they captured one of their auxiliaries they would cut
+off his hands and send him back to Carthage. And this
+resolution they exactly and persistently carried out. Such
+horrors justify the remark that it is not only the bodies of men,
+and the ulcers and imposthumes which are bred in them, that
+grow to a fatal and completely incurable state of inflammation,
+but their souls also most of all. For as in the case of
+ulcers, sometimes medical treatment on the one hand only
+serves to irritate them and make them spread more rapidly,
+while if, on the other hand, the medical treatment is stopped,
+having nothing to check their natural destructiveness, they
+gradually destroy the substance on which they feed; just so at
+times it happens that similar plague spots and gangrenes fasten
+upon men&#8217;s souls; and when this is so, no wild beast can be
+more wicked or more cruel than a man. To men in such a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">91</a></span>
+frame of mind if you show indulgence or kindness, they regard
+it as a cover for trickery and sinister designs, and only become
+more suspicious and more inflamed against the authors of it;
+while if you retaliate, their passions are aroused to a kind of
+dreadful rivalry, and then there is no crime too monstrous or
+too cruel for them to commit. The upshot with these men
+was, that their feelings became so brutalised that they lost the
+instincts of humanity: which we must ascribe in the first place,
+and to the greatest extent, to uncivilised habits and a
+wretchedly bad early training; but many other things contributed
+to this result, and among them we must reckon as
+most important the acts of violence and rapacity committed by
+their leaders, sins which at that time were prevalent among
+the whole mercenary body, but especially so with their leaders.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_82" id="b1_82"><b>82.</b></a> Alarmed by the recklessness displayed by the enemy,
+Hamilcar summoned Hanno to join him, being convinced that
+a consolidation of the two armies would give him the best
+chance of putting an end to the whole war. Such of the
+enemy as he took in the field he put to execution on the spot,
+while those who were made prisoners and brought to him he
+threw to the elephants to be trampled to death; for he now
+made up his mind that the only possibility of <span class="sidenote">Quarrels of
+Hanno and
+Hamilcar.</span>
+finishing the war was to entirely destroy the
+enemy. But just as the Carthaginians were
+beginning to entertain brighter hopes in regard to the
+war, a reverse as complete as it was unexpected brought
+their fortunes to the lowest ebb. For these two generals,
+when they had joined forces, quarrelled so bitterly with
+each other, that they not only omitted to take advantage of
+chances against the enemy, but by their mutual animosity gave
+the enemy many opportunities against themselves. Finding
+this to be the case, the Carthaginian government sent out
+instructions that one of the generals was to retire, the other to
+remain, and that the army itself was to decide which of them
+it should be. This was one cause of the reverse in the fortunes
+of Carthage at this time. Another, which was almost contemporaneous,
+was this. Their chief hope of furnishing the army
+with provisions and other necessaries rested upon the supplies
+that were being brought from a place to which they give the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">92</a></span>
+name of Emporiae: but as these supplies were on their way,
+they were overtaken by a storm at sea and entirely destroyed.
+This was all the more fatal because Sardinia was lost to them
+at the time, as we have seen, and that island had always been
+of the greatest service to them in difficulties of this sort. But
+the worst blow of all was the revolt of the <span class="sidenote">Revolt of Hippo
+Zarytus and
+Utica.</span>
+cities of Hippo Zarytus and Utica, the only
+cities in all Libya that had been faithful to
+them, not only in the present war, but also at the time of the
+invasion of Agathocles, as well as that of the Romans. To
+both these latter they had offered a gallant resistance; and,
+in short, had never at any time adopted any policy hostile to
+Carthage. But now they were not satisfied with simply revolting
+to the Libyans, without any reason to allege for their conduct.
+With all the bitterness of turncoats, they suddenly paraded
+an ostentatious friendship and fidelity to them, and gave
+practical expression to implacable rage and hatred towards the
+Carthaginians. They killed every man of the force which had
+come from Carthage to their aid, as well as its commander,
+and threw the bodies from the wall. They surrendered their
+town to the Libyans, while they even refused the request of
+the Carthaginians to be allowed to bury the corpses of their
+unfortunate soldiers. Math&#333;s and Spendius were so elated by
+these events that they were emboldened to attempt Carthage
+itself. But Barcas had now got Hannibal as his coadjutor,
+who had been sent by the citizens to the army in the place of
+Hanno,&mdash;recalled in accordance with the sentence of the
+army, which the government had left to their discretion in
+reference to the disputes that arose between the two generals.
+Accompanied, therefore, by this Hannibal and by Nar&aacute;vas,
+Hamilcar scoured the country to intercept the supplies of
+Math&#333;s and Spendius, receiving his most efficient support in
+this, as in other things, from the Numidian Nar&aacute;vas.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_83" id="b1_83"><b>83.</b></a> Such being the position of their forces in the field, the
+Carthaginians, finding themselves hemmed in on every side,
+were compelled to have recourse to the help of the free states in
+alliance with them.<a name="FNanchor_145" id="FNanchor_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> Now Hiero, of Syracuse, had during this
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">93</a></span>
+war been all along exceedingly anxious to do everything which
+the Carthaginians asked him; and at this point
+of it was more forward to do so than ever, <span class="sidenote">Hiero of
+Syracuse.</span>from
+a conviction that it was for his interest, with a
+view alike to his own sovereignty and to his friendship with
+Rome, that Carthage should not perish, and so leave the
+superior power to work its own will without resistance. And
+his reasoning was entirely sound and prudent. It is never
+right to permit such a state of things; nor to help any one to
+build up so preponderating a power as to make resistance to
+it impossible, however just the cause. Not that the Romans
+themselves had failed to observe the obligations
+of the treaty, <span class="sidenote">Friendly disposition
+of Rome.</span>or were showing any failure of
+friendly dispositions; though at first a question
+had arisen between the two powers, from the following circumstance.
+At the beginning of the war, certain persons
+sailing from Italy with provisions for the mutineers, the Carthaginians
+captured them and forced them to land in their own
+harbour; and presently had as many as five hundred such persons
+in their prisons. This caused considerable annoyance at
+Rome: but, after sending ambassadors to Carthage and recovering
+possession of the men by diplomatic means, the Romans
+were so much gratified that, by way of returning the favour,
+they restored the prisoners made in the Sicilian war whom they
+still retained; and from that time forth responded cheerfully
+and generously to all requests made to them. They allowed
+their merchants to export to Carthage whatever from time to
+time was wanted, and prohibited those who were exporting to
+the mutineers. When, subsequently, the mercenaries in
+Sardinia, having revolted from Carthage, invited their interference
+on the island, they did not respond to the invitation; nor when
+the people of Utica offered them their submission did they
+accept it, but kept strictly to the engagements contained in
+the treaty.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_84" id="b1_84"><b>84.</b></a> The assistance thus obtained from these allies encouraged
+the Carthaginians to maintain their resistance: while
+Math&#333;s and Spendius found themselves quite as much in the
+position of besieged as in that of besiegers; for Hamilcar&#8217;s
+force reduced them to such distress for provisions that they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">94</a></span>
+were at last compelled to raise the siege. However, after a
+short interval, they managed to muster the most <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;238.
+Hamilcar, with
+assistance from
+Sicily, surrounds
+Math&#333;s and
+Spendius.</span>
+effective of the mercenaries and Libyans, to the
+number in all of fifty thousand, among whom,
+besides others, was Zarzas the Libyan, with
+his division, and commenced once more to watch
+and follow on the flank of Hamilcar&#8217;s march.
+Their method was to keep away from the level country, for
+fear of the elephants and the cavalry of Nar&aacute;vas; but to seize
+in advance of him all points of vantage, whether it were rising
+ground or narrow pass. In these operations they showed
+themselves quite a match for their opponents in the fury of
+their assault and the gallantry of their attempts; but their
+ignorance of military tactics frequently placed them at a
+disadvantage. It was, in fact, a real and practical illustration
+of the difference between scientific and unscientific warfare:
+between the art of a general and the mechanical movements
+of a soldier. Like a good draught-player, by isolating and
+surrounding them, he destroyed large numbers in detail
+without coming to a general engagement at all; and in
+movements of more importance he cut off many without
+resistance by enticing them into ambushes; while he threw
+others into utter dismay by suddenly appearing where they
+least expected him, sometimes by day and sometimes by night:
+and all whom he took alive he threw to the elephants.
+Finally, he managed unexpectedly to beleaguer them on
+ground highly unfavourable to them and convenient for his
+own force; and reduced them to such a pitch of distress that,
+neither venturing to risk an engagement nor being able to run
+away, because they were entirely surrounded by a trench and
+stockade, they were at last compelled by starvation to feed on
+each other: a fitting retribution at the hands of Providence for
+their violation of all laws human and divine in their conduct
+to their enemies. To sally forth to an engagement they did
+not dare, for certain defeat stared them in the face, and they
+knew what vengeance awaited them if they were taken; and
+as to making terms, it never occurred to them to mention it,
+they were conscious that they had gone too far for that. They
+still hoped for the arrival of relief from Tunes, of which their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">95</a></span>
+officers assured them, and accordingly shrank from no suffering
+however terrible.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_85" id="b1_85"><b>85.</b></a> But when they had used up for food the captives in
+this horrible manner, and then the bodies of their slaves,
+and still no one came to their relief from Tunes, their
+sufferings became too dreadful to bear; and the common
+soldiers broke out into open threats of violence against
+their officers. Thereupon Autaritus, Zarzas, and Spendius
+decided to put themselves into the hands of the enemy and
+to hold a parley with Hamilcar, and try to make terms.
+They accordingly sent a herald and obtained permission for
+the despatch of an embassy. It consisted of
+ten ambassadors, <span class="sidenote">Spendius and
+Autaritus fall into
+the hands of
+Hamilcar.</span>who, on their arrival at the
+Carthaginian camp, concluded an agreement
+with Hamilcar on these terms: &#8220;The Carthaginians
+may select any ten men they choose from the enemy,
+and allow the rest to depart with one tunic a-piece.&#8221; No
+sooner had these terms been agreed to, than Hamilcar said at
+once that he selected, according to the terms of the agreement,
+the ten ambassadors themselves. The Carthaginians thus got
+possession of Autaritus, Spendius, and the other most conspicuous
+officers. The Libyans saw that their officers were arrested,
+and not knowing the terms of the treaty, believed that some
+perfidy was being practised against them, and accordingly flew
+to seize their arms. Hamilcar thereupon surrounded them
+with his elephants and his entire force, and destroyed them to
+a man. This slaughter, by which more than forty thousand
+perished, took place near a place called the Saw, so named from
+its shape resembling that tool.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_86" id="b1_86"><b>86.</b></a> This achievement of Hamilcar revived the hopes of
+the Carthaginians who had been in absolute despair:
+while he, in conjunction with Nar&aacute;vas
+and Hannibal, <span class="sidenote">Siege of Math&#333;s
+in Tunes.</span>employed himself in traversing
+the country and visiting the cities. His victory secured the
+submission of the Libyans; and when they had come in, and
+the greater number of the towns had been reduced to
+obedience, he and his colleagues advanced to attack Tunes,
+and commenced besieging Math&#333;s. Hannibal pitched his
+camp on the side of the town nearest to Carthage, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">96</a></span>
+Hamilcar on the opposite side. When this was done they
+brought the captives taken from the army of Spendius and
+crucified them in the sight of the enemy. But observing that
+Hannibal was conducting his command with
+negligence and over-confidence, <span class="sidenote">Defeat and death
+of Hannibal.</span>Math&#333;s assaulted
+the ramparts, killed many of the Carthaginians,
+and drove the entire army from the camp. All the
+baggage fell into the hands of the enemy, and Hannibal himself
+was made a prisoner. They at once took him up to the
+cross on which Spendius was hanging, and after the infliction
+of exquisite tortures, took down the latter&#8217;s body and fastened
+Hannibal, still living, to his cross; and then slaughtered thirty
+Carthaginians of the highest rank round the corpse of Spendius.
+It seemed as though Fortune designed a competition in cruelty,
+giving either side alternately the opportunity of outdoing the
+other in mutual vengeance. Owing to the distance of the two
+camps from each other it was late before Barcas discovered
+the attack made from the town; nor, when he had discovered it,
+could he even then go to the rescue with the necessary speed,
+because the intervening country was rugged and difficult. He
+therefore broke up his camp, and leaving Tunes marched
+down the bank of the river Macaras, and pitched his camp
+close to its mouth and to the sea.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_87" id="b1_87"><b>87.</b></a> This unexpected reverse reduced the Carthaginians
+once more to a melancholy state of despair. <span class="sidenote">By a final effort
+the Carthaginians
+raise a reinforcement
+for
+Hamilcar.</span>
+But though their recent elation of spirit was followed
+so closely by this depression, they did not
+fail to do what they could for their own preservation.
+They selected thirty members of
+the Senate; with them they associated Hanno, who had some
+time ago been recalled; and, arming all that were left of
+military age in the city, despatched them to Barcas, with the
+feeling that they were now making their supreme effort. They
+strictly charged the members of the Senate to use every effort
+to reconcile the two generals Hamilcar and Hanno, and to
+make them forget their old quarrel and act harmoniously, in
+view of the imminence of the danger. Accordingly, after the
+employment of many various arguments, they induced the
+generals to meet; and Hanno and Barcas were compelled to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">97</a></span>
+give in and yield to their representations. The result was
+that they ever afterwards co-operated with each other so cordially,
+that Math&#333;s found himself continually worsted in the
+numerous skirmishes which took place round the town called
+Leptis, as well as certain other towns; and at last became
+eager to bring the matter to the decision of a general engagement,
+a desire in which the Carthaginians also shared in an
+equal degree. Both sides therefore having determined upon
+this course: they summoned all their allies to join them in confronting
+the peril, and collected the garrisons stationed in the
+various towns, conscious that they were about to stake their all
+on the hazard. All being ready on either side for the conflict,
+they gave each other battle by mutual consent, <span class="sidenote">Math&#333;s beaten
+and captured.</span>
+both sides being drawn up in full military
+array. When victory declared itself on the
+side of the Carthaginians, the larger number of the Libyans
+perished on the field; and the rest, having escaped to a certain
+town, surrendered shortly afterwards; while Math&#333;s himself
+was taken prisoner by his enemies.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b1_88" id="b1_88"><b>88.</b></a> Most places in Libya submitted to Carthage after this
+battle. But the towns of Hippo and Utica still
+held out, <span class="sidenote">Reduction of
+Hippo and Utica,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;238.</span>feeling that they had no reasonable
+grounds for obtaining terms, because their
+original acts of hostility left them no place for mercy or
+pardon. So true is it that even in such outbreaks, however
+criminal in themselves, it is of inestimable advantage to
+be moderate, and to refrain from wanton acts which commit
+their perpetrator beyond all power of forgiveness. Nor did
+their attitude of defiance help these cities. Hanno invested
+one and Barcas the other, and quickly reduced them to accept
+whatever terms the Carthaginians might determine.</p>
+
+<p>The war with the Libyans had indeed reduced Carthage to
+dreadful danger; but its termination enabled her not only to
+re-establish her authority over Libya, but also to inflict condign
+punishment upon the authors of the revolt. For the last
+act in the drama was performed by the young men conducting
+a triumphal procession through the town, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;241-238.</span>and
+finally inflicting every kind of torture upon
+Math&#333;s. For three years and about four months did the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">98</a></span>
+mercenaries maintain a war against the Carthaginians which
+far surpassed any that I ever heard of for cruelty and inhumanity.</p>
+
+<p>And about the same time the Romans took in hand a
+naval expedition to Sardinia upon the request
+of the mercenaries who had deserted from
+that island and come to Italy; <span class="sidenote">The Romans
+interfere in
+Sardinia.</span>and when
+the Carthaginians expressed indignation at this, on the
+ground that the lordship over Sardinia more properly belonged
+to them, and were preparing to take measures against
+those who caused the revolt of the island, the Romans voted
+to declare war against them, on the pretence that they were
+making warlike preparations, not against Sardinia, but against
+themselves. The Carthaginians, however, having just had an
+almost miraculous escape from annihilation in the recent war,
+were in every respect disabled from renewing their quarrel with
+the Romans. They therefore yielded to the necessities of the
+hour, and not only abandoned Sardinia, but paid the Romans
+twelve hundred talents into the bargain, that they might not
+be obliged to undertake the war for the present.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">99</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>BOOK II</h2>
+
+<p><a name="b2_1" id="b2_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">In</span> the previous book I have described how the Romans,
+having subdued all Italy, began to aim at foreign
+dominion; <span class="sidenote">Recapitulation of
+the subjects
+treated in
+Book I.</span>how they crossed to Sicily, and the
+reasons of the war which they entered into
+against the Carthaginians for the possession of
+that island. Next I stated at what period they began the
+formation of a navy; and what befell both the one side and
+the other up to the end of the war; the consequence of which
+was that the Carthaginians entirely evacuated Sicily, and the
+Romans took possession of the whole island, except such parts
+as were still under the rule of Hiero. Following these events
+I endeavoured to describe how the mutiny of the mercenaries
+against Carthage, in what is called the Libyan War, burst out;
+the lengths to which the shocking outrages in it went; its surprises
+and extraordinary incidents, until its conclusion, and the
+final triumph of Carthage. I must now relate the events which
+immediately succeeded these, touching summarily upon each
+in accordance with my original plan.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as they had brought the Libyan war to a conclusion
+the Carthaginian government collected an army <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;238,
+Hamilcar and
+his son Hannibal
+sent to Spain.</span>
+and despatched it under the command of Hamilcar
+to Iberia. This general took over the command
+of the troops, and with his son Hannibal,
+then nine years old, crossing by the Pillars of Hercules, set
+about recovering the Carthaginian possessions in Iberia. He
+spent nine years in Iberia, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;238-229.</span>and after reducing
+many Iberian tribes by war or diplomacy to
+obedience to Carthage he died in a manner worthy of his
+great achievements; for he lost his life in a battle against the
+most warlike and powerful tribes, in which he showed a conspicuous<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">100</a></span>
+and even reckless personal gallantry. The Carthaginians
+appointed his son-in-law Hasdrubal to succeed him, who
+was at the time in command of the fleet.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_2" id="b2_2"><b>2.</b></a> It was at this same period that the Romans for the first
+time crossed to Illyricum and that part of <span class="sidenote">Illyricum.</span>
+Europe with an army. The history of this expedition
+must not be treated as immaterial; but must be carefully
+studied by those who wish to understand clearly the
+story I have undertaken to tell, and to trace the progress and
+consolidation of the Roman Empire.</p>
+
+<p>Agron, king of the Illyrians, was the son of Pleuratus, and
+possessed the most powerful force, both by
+land and sea, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;233-232.</span>
+of any of the kings who had
+reigned in Illyria before him. By a bribe received from
+Demetrius he was induced to promise help to the Medionians,
+who were at that time being besieged by the
+Aetolians, <span class="sidenote">Siege of Medion
+in Acarnania.</span>
+who, being unable to persuade the
+Medionians to join their league, had determined
+to reduce the city by force. They accordingly levied their
+full army, pitched their camp under the walls of the city, and
+kept up a continuous blockade, using every means to force
+their way in, and every kind of siege-machine. But when
+the time of the annual election of their Strategus drew near,
+the besieged being now in great distress, and seeming likely
+every day to surrender, the existing Strategus made an appeal
+to the Aetolians. He argued that as he had had during
+his term of office all the suffering and the danger, it was but
+fair that when they got possession of the town he should have
+the apportioning of the spoil, and the privilege of inscribing his
+name on such arms as should be preserved for dedication.
+This was resisted by some, and especially by those who were
+candidates for the office, who urged upon the Assembly not to
+prejudge this matter, but to leave it open for fortune to determine
+who was to be invested with this honour; and, finally, the
+Aetolians decided that whoever was general when the city was
+taken should share the apportioning of the spoils, and the
+honour of inscribing the arms, with his predecessor.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_3" id="b2_3"><b>3.</b></a> The decision was come to on the day before the election
+of a new Strategus, and the transference of the command had,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">101</a></span>
+according to the Aetolian custom, to take place. But on
+that very night a hundred galleys with five
+thousand Illyrians on board, <span class="sidenote">The Illyrians
+relieve Medion.</span>sailed up to land
+near Medion. Having dropped anchor at
+daybreak, they effected a disembarkation with secrecy and
+despatch; they then formed in the order customary in their
+country, and advanced in their several companies against the
+Aetolian lines. These last were overwhelmed with astonishment
+at the unexpected nature and boldness of the move; but
+they had long been inspired with overweening self-confidence,
+and having full reliance in their own forces were far from being
+dismayed. They drew up the greater part of their hoplites
+and cavalry in front of their lines on the level ground, and
+with a portion of their cavalry and their light infantry they
+hastened to occupy some rising ground in front of their camp,
+which nature had made easily defensible. A single charge,
+however, of the Illyrians, whose numbers and close order gave
+them irresistible weight, served to dislodge the light-armed
+troops, and forced the cavalry who were on the ground with
+them to retire to the hoplites. But the Illyrians, being on the
+higher ground, and charging down from it upon the Aetolian
+troops formed up on the plain, routed them without difficulty; the
+Medionians at the same time making a diversion in their favour
+by sallying out of the town and charging the Aetolians. Thus,
+after killing a great number, and taking a still greater number
+prisoners, and becoming masters also of their arms and
+baggage, the Illyrians, having carried out the orders of their
+king, conveyed their baggage and the rest of the booty to their
+boats, and immediately set sail for their own country.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_4" id="b2_4"><b>4.</b></a> This was a most unexpected relief to the Medionians.
+They met in public assembly and deliberated on the whole
+business, and especially as to the inscribing the arms reserved
+for dedication. They decided, in mockery of the Aetolian
+decree, that the inscription should contain the name of the
+Aetolian commander on the day of battle, and of the candidates
+for succession to his office. And indeed Fortune seems, in what
+happened to them, to have designed a display of her power to
+the rest of mankind. The very thing which these men were
+in momentary expectation of undergoing at the hands of their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">102</a></span>
+enemies, she put it in their power to inflict upon those
+enemies, and all within a very brief interval. The unexpected
+disaster of the Aetolians, too, may teach all the world not to
+calculate on the future as though it were the actually existent,
+and not to reckon securely on what may still turn out quite
+otherwise, but to allow a certain margin to the unexpected.
+And as this is true everywhere and to every man, so is it
+especially true in war.</p>
+
+<p>When his galleys returned, and he heard from his officers
+the events of the expedition, <span class="sidenote">Death of Agron,
+who is succeeded
+by his wife Teuta,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;231.</span>
+King Agron was
+so beside himself with joy at the idea of having
+conquered the Aetolians, whose confidence in
+their own prowess had been extreme, that, giving
+himself over to excessive drinking and other similar indulgences,
+he was attacked by a pleurisy of which in a few days he died.
+His wife Teuta succeeded him on the throne; and managed
+the various details of administration by means of friends whom
+she could trust. But her woman&#8217;s head had been turned by
+the success just related, and she fixed her gaze upon that, and
+had no eyes for anything going on outside the country. Her
+first measure was to grant letters of marque to privateers,
+authorising them to plunder all whom they fell in with; and
+she next collected a fleet and military force as large as the
+former one, and despatched them with general instructions to
+the leaders to regard every land as belonging to an enemy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_5" id="b2_5"><b>5.</b></a> Their first attack was to be upon the coast of Elis and
+Messenia, which had been from time immemorial
+the scene of the raids of the Illyrians. <span class="sidenote">Teuta&#8217;s piratical
+fleet,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;230.</span>
+For owing to the length of their seaboard, and
+to the fact that their most powerful cities were inland, troops
+raised to resist them had a great way to go, and were long in
+coming to the spot where the Illyrian pirates landed; who accordingly
+overran those districts, and swept them clean without
+having anything to fear. However, when this fleet was off
+Phoenice in Epirus they landed to get supplies. <span class="sidenote">Takes Phoenice
+in Epirus.</span>There they
+fell in with some Gauls, who to the number of
+eight hundred were stationed at Phoenice, being
+in the pay of the Epirotes; and contracted with
+them to betray the town into their hands. Having made this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">103</a></span>
+bargain, they disembarked and took the town and everything
+in it at the first blow, the Gauls within the walls acting in
+collusion with them. When this news was known, the
+Epirotes raised a general levy and came in haste to the
+rescue. Arriving in the neighbourhood of Phoenice, they
+pitched their camp so as to have the river which flows
+past Phoenice between them and the enemy, tearing up
+the planks of the bridge over it for security. But news
+being brought them that Scerdilaidas with five thousand
+Illyrians was marching overland by way of the pass near
+Antigoneia, they detached some of their forces to guard that
+town; while the main body gave themselves over to an
+unrestrained indulgence in all the luxuries which the country
+could supply; and among other signs of demoralisation they
+neglected the necessary precaution of posting sentries and
+night pickets. The division of their forces, as well as the
+careless conduct of the remainder, did not escape the observation
+of the Illyrians; who, sallying out at night, and replacing the
+planks on the bridge, crossed the river safely, and having
+secured a strong position, remained there quietly for the rest
+of the night. At daybreak both armies drew up their forces
+in front of the town and engaged. In this battle the Epirotes
+were decidedly worsted: a large number of them fell, still
+more were taken prisoners, and the rest fled in the direction
+of the country of the Atintanes.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_6" id="b2_6"><b>6.</b></a> Having met with this reverse, and having lost all the
+hopes which they had cherished, <span class="sidenote">The Aetolian and
+Achaean leagues
+send a force to
+the relief of the
+Epirotes. A truce
+is made. The
+Illyrians depart.</span>the Epirotes
+turned to the despatch of ambassadors to the
+Aetolians and Achaeans, earnestly begging for
+their assistance. Moved by pity for their misfortunes,
+these nations consented; and an army
+of relief sent out by them arrived at Helicranum.
+Meanwhile the Illyrians who had occupied Phoenice, having
+effected a junction with Scerdilaidas, advanced with him to this
+place, and, taking up a position opposite to this army of relief,
+wished at first to give it battle. But they were embarrassed
+by the unfavourable nature of the ground; and just then a
+despatch was received from Teuta, ordering their instant
+return, because certain Illyrians had revolted to the Dardani<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">104</a></span>.
+Accordingly, after merely stopping to plunder Epirus, they made
+a truce with the inhabitants, by which they undertook to deliver
+up all freemen, and the city of Phoenice, for a fixed ransom.
+They then took the slaves they had captured and the rest of
+their booty to their galleys, and some of them sailed away;
+while those who were with Scerdilaidas retired by land through
+the pass at Antigoneia, after inspiring no small or ordinary terror
+in the minds of the Greeks who lived along the coast. For
+seeing the most securely placed and powerful city of Epirus
+thus unexpectedly reduced to slavery, they one and all began
+henceforth to feel anxious, not merely as in former times for
+their property in the open country, but for the safety of their
+own persons and cities.</p>
+
+<p>The Epirotes were thus unexpectedly preserved: but so far
+from trying to retaliate on those who had wronged them, or expressing
+gratitude to those who had come to their relief, they
+sent ambassadors in conjunction with the Acarnanians to
+Queen Teuta, and made a treaty with the Illyrians, in virtue
+of which they engaged henceforth to co-operate with them and
+against the Achaean and Aetolian leagues. All which proceedings
+showed conclusively the levity of their conduct towards
+men who had stood their friends, as well as an originally short-sighted
+policy in regard to their own interests.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_7" id="b2_7"><b>7.</b></a> That men, in the infirmity of human nature, should fall
+into misfortunes which defy calculation, is the fault not of the
+sufferers but of Fortune, and of those who do the wrong; but
+that they should from mere levity, and with their eyes open,
+thrust themselves upon the most serious disasters is without
+dispute the fault of the victims themselves. Therefore it is
+that pity and sympathy and assistance await those whose
+failure is due to Fortune: reproach and rebuke from all men
+of sense those who have only their own folly to thank for it.</p>
+
+<p>It is the latter that the Epirotes now richly deserved at the
+hands of the Greeks. For in the first place, who in his senses,
+knowing the common report as to the character of the Gauls,
+would not have hesitated to trust to them a
+city so rich, <span class="sidenote">The career of a
+body of Gallic
+mercenaries,</span> and offering so many opportunities
+for treason? And again, who would not
+have been on his guard against the bad character of this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">105</a></span>
+particular body of them? For they had originally been
+driven from their native country by an outburst of popular
+indignation at an act of treachery done by them to their
+own kinsfolk and relations. Then having been received
+by the Carthaginians, because of the exigencies of the war
+in which the latter were engaged, <span class="sidenote">at Agrigentum,</span> and being
+drafted into Agrigentum to garrison it (being at
+the time more than three thousand strong), they seized the
+opportunity of a dispute as to pay, arising between the soldiers
+and their generals, to plunder the city; and again being brought
+by the Carthaginians into Eryx to perform the
+same duty, <span class="sidenote">at Eryx.</span>
+they first endeavoured to betray the
+city and those who were shut up in it with them to the
+Romans who were besieging it; and when they failed in that
+treason, they deserted in a body to the enemy: whose trust
+they also betrayed by plundering the temple of Aphrodite in
+Eryx. Thoroughly convinced, therefore, of their abominable
+character, as soon as they had made peace with Carthage the
+Romans made it their first business to disarm them, put them
+on board ship, and forbid them ever to enter
+any part of Italy. <span class="sidenote">Disarmed by the
+Romans.</span>
+These were the men whom the Epirotes made the protectors of their democracy
+and the guardians of their laws! To such men as these they
+entrusted their most wealthy city! How then can it be denied
+that they were the cause of their own misfortunes?</p>
+
+<p>My object, in commenting on the blind folly of the
+Epirotes, is to point out that it is never wise to introduce a
+foreign garrison, especially of barbarians, which is too strong
+to be controlled.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_8" id="b2_8"><b>8.</b></a> To return to the Illyrians. From time immemorial
+they had oppressed and pillaged vessels sailing
+from Italy: <span class="sidenote">Illyrian pirates.</span>and now while their fleet was engaged
+at Phoenice a considerable number of them, separating
+from the main body, committed acts of piracy on a
+number of Italian merchants: some they merely plundered, <span class="sidenote">The Romans interfere,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;230.</span>
+others they murdered, and a great many they
+carried off alive into captivity. Now, though
+complaints against the Illyrians had reached the
+Roman government in times past, they had always been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">106</a></span>
+neglected; but now when more and more persons approached
+the Senate on this subject, they appointed two ambassadors,
+Gaius and Lucius Coruncanius, to go to Illyricum and investigate
+the matter. But on the arrival of her galleys from
+Epirus, the enormous quantity and beauty of the spoils which
+they brought home (for Phoenice was by far the wealthiest
+city in Epirus at that time), so fired the imagination of Queen
+Teuta, that she was doubly eager to carry on the predatory
+warfare on the coasts of Greece. At the moment, however,
+she was stopped by the rebellion at home; but it had not
+taken her long to put down the revolt in Illyria, and she was
+engaged in besieging Issa, the last town which held out, when
+just at that very time the Roman ambassadors arrived. A
+time was fixed for their audience, and they proceeded to discuss
+the injuries which their citizens had sustained. <span class="sidenote">Queen Teuta&#8217;s
+reception of the
+Roman legates.</span>
+Throughout the interview, however,
+Teuta listened with an insolent and disdainful
+air; and when they had finished their speech, she replied that
+she would endeavour to take care that no injury should be
+inflicted on Roman citizens by Illyrian officials; but that it was
+not the custom for the sovereigns of Illyria to hinder private
+persons from taking booty at sea. Angered by these words,
+the younger of the two ambassadors used a plainness of speech
+which, though thoroughly to the point, was rather ill-timed.
+&#8220;The Romans,&#8221; he said, &#8220;O Teuta, have a most excellent
+custom of using the State for the punishment of private
+wrongs and the redress of private grievances: and we will
+endeavour, God willing, before long to compel you to improve
+the relations between the sovereign and the subject in
+Illyria.&#8221; The queen received this plain speaking with womanish
+passion and unreasoning anger. So enraged was she at the
+speech that, <span class="sidenote">A Roman legate
+assassinated.</span>in despite of the conventions universally observed
+among mankind, she despatched some men after
+the ambassadors, as they were sailing home, to
+kill the one who had used this plainness. Upon
+this being reported at Rome the people were highly incensed
+at the queen&#8217;s violation of the law of nations, and at once set
+about preparations for war, enrolling legions and collecting a
+fleet.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">107</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_9" id="b2_9"><b>9.</b></a> When the season for sailing was come Teuta sent out a
+larger fleet of galleys than ever against the
+Greek shores, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;229.
+Another piratical
+fleet sent out by
+Teuta.</span>some of which sailed straight to
+Corcyra; while a portion of them put into the
+harbour of Epidamnus on the pretext of taking
+in victual and water, but really to attack the town. <span class="sidenote">Their treacherous
+attack on Epidamnus,
+which is
+repulsed.</span>
+The
+Epidamnians received them without suspicion
+and without taking any precautions. Entering
+the town therefore clothed merely in their
+tunics, as though they were only come to fetch
+water, but with swords concealed in the water vessels, they
+slew the guards stationed at the gates, and in a brief space were
+masters of the gate-tower. Being energetically supported by
+a reinforcement from the ships, which came quickly up in
+accordance with a pre-arrangement, they got possession of the
+greater part of the walls without difficulty. But though the
+citizens were taken off their guard they made a determined
+and desperate resistance, and the Illyrians after maintaining
+their ground for some time were eventually driven out of
+the town. So the Epidamnians on this occasion went near to
+lose their city by their carelessness; but by the courage which
+they displayed they saved themselves from actual damage
+while receiving a useful lesson for the future. The Illyrians
+who had engaged in this enterprise made haste to put to sea, <span class="sidenote">Attack on Corcyra.</span>
+and, rejoining the advanced squadron, put in at
+Corcyra: there, to the terror of the inhabitants,
+they disembarked and set about besieging the
+town. Dismayed and despairing of their safety, the Corcyreans, <span class="sidenote">The Corcyreans
+appeal to the
+Aetolian and
+Achaean leagues.</span>
+acting in conjunction with the people of Apollonia
+and Epidamnus, sent off envoys to the
+Achaean and Aetolian leagues, begging for instant
+help, and entreating them not to allow of
+their being deprived of their homes by the Illyrians. The
+petition was accepted, and the Achaean and Aetolian leagues
+combined to send aid. The ten decked ships of war belonging
+to the Achaeans were manned, and having been fitted out in a
+few days, set sail for Corcyra in hopes of raising the siege.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_10" id="b2_10"><b>10.</b></a> But the Illyrians obtained a reinforcement of seven
+decked ships from the Acarnanians, in virtue of their treaty with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">108</a></span>
+that people, and, putting to sea, engaged the Achaean fleet off
+the islands called Paxi. The Acarnanian and Achaean ships
+fought without victory declaring for either, <span class="sidenote">Defeat of the
+Achaean ships.</span>
+and
+without receiving any further damage than
+having some of their crew wounded. But the
+Illyrians lashed their galleys four together, and, caring nothing
+for any damage that might happen to them, grappled with the
+enemy by throwing their galleys athwart their prows and encouraging
+them to charge; when the enemies&#8217; prows struck
+them, and got entangled by the lashed-together galleys
+getting hitched on to their forward gear, the Illyrians leaped
+upon the decks of the Achaean ships and captured them
+by the superior number of their armed men. In this way
+they took four triremes, and sunk one quinquereme with
+all hands, on board of which Margos of Caryneia was sailing,
+who had all his life served the Achaean league with complete
+integrity. The vessels engaged with the Acarnanians, seeing
+the triumphant success of the Illyrians, and trusting to their
+own speed, hoisted their sails to the wind and effected their
+voyage home without further disaster. The Illyrians, on the
+other hand, filled with self-confidence by their success, continued
+their siege of the town in high spirits, and without
+putting themselves to any unnecessary trouble; <span class="sidenote">Corcyra submits.</span>while the
+Corcyreans, reduced to despair of safety by
+what had happened, after sustaining the siege
+for a short time longer, made terms with the Illyrians, consenting
+to receive a garrison, and with it Demetrius of Pharos.
+After this had been settled, the Illyrian admirals put to sea
+again; and, having arrived at Epidamnus, once more set about
+besieging that town.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_11" id="b2_11"><b>11.</b></a> In this same season one of the Consuls, Gnaeus
+Fulvius, started from Rome with two hundred
+ships, and the other Consul, Aulus Postumius, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;229.
+The Roman Consuls,
+with fleet
+and army, start
+to punish
+the Illyrians.</span>
+with the land forces. The plan of Gnaeus was
+to sail direct to Corcyra, because he supposed
+that he should find the result of the siege still
+undecided. But when he found that he was too
+late for that, he determined nevertheless to sail to the island
+because he wished to know the exact facts as to what had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">109</a></span>
+happened there, and to test the sincerity of the overtures that
+had been made by Demetrius. For Demetrius, <span class="sidenote">Demetrius of Pharos.</span>
+being in disgrace with Teuta, and afraid of what
+she might do to him, had been sending messages
+to Rome, offering to put the city and everything else of which
+he was in charge into their hands. Delighted at the appearance
+of the Romans, the Corcyreans not only surrendered the garrison
+to them, with the consent of Demetrius, <span class="sidenote">Corcyra becomes a &#8220;friend of Rome.&#8221;</span>but committed
+themselves also unconditionally to the Roman
+protection; believing that this was their only
+security in the future against the piratical incursions
+of the Illyrians. So the Romans, having admitted
+the Corcyreans into the number of the friends of Rome,
+sailed for Apollonia, with Demetrius to act as their guide for
+the rest of the campaign. At the same time
+the other Consul,
+<span class="sidenote">Aulus Postumius.</span>Aulus Postumius, conveyed
+his army across from Brundisium, consisting of twenty
+thousand infantry and about two thousand horse. This
+army, as well as the fleet under Gnaeus Fulvius, being
+directed upon Apollonia, which at once put itself under
+Roman protection, both forces were again put in motion
+on news being brought that Epidamnus was being besieged
+by the enemy. No sooner did the Illyrians learn the
+approach of the Romans than they hurriedly broke up the
+siege and fled. The Romans, taking the Epidamnians under
+their protection, advanced into the interior of
+Illyricum, subduing the Ardiaei as they went. <span class="sidenote">The Roman settlement of Illyricum.</span>
+They were met on their march by envoys from
+many tribes: those of the Partheni offered an unconditional
+surrender, as also did those of the Atintanes. Both were
+accepted: and the Roman army proceeded towards Issa, which
+was being besieged by Illyrian troops. On their arrival, they
+forced the enemy to raise the siege, and received the Issaeans
+also under their protection. Besides, as the fleet coasted along,
+they took certain Illyrian cities by storm; among which was
+Nutria, where they lost not only a large number of soldiers,
+but some of the Military Tribunes also and the Quaestor.
+But they captured twenty of the galleys which were conveying
+the plunder from the country.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">110</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Of the Illyrian troops engaged in blockading Issa, those
+that belonged to Pharos were left unharmed, as a favour to
+Demetrius; while all the rest scattered and fled to Arbo.
+Teuta herself, with a very few attendants, escaped to Rhizon,
+a small town very strongly fortified, and situated on the river
+of the same name. Having accomplished all this, and having
+placed the greater part of Illyria under Demetrius, and invested
+him with a wide dominion, the Consuls retired to Epidamnus
+with their fleet and army.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_12" id="b2_12"><b>12.</b></a> Then Gnaeus Fulvius sailed back to Rome with the
+larger part of the naval and military forces, while Postumius,
+staying behind and collecting forty vessels and a legion from
+the cities in that district, wintered there to guard the Ardiaei
+and other tribes that had committed themselves to the protection
+of Rome. Just before spring in the
+next year, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;228. Teuta submits.</span>
+Teuta sent envoys to Rome and concluded
+a treaty; in virtue of which she consented
+to pay a fixed tribute, and to abandon all Illyricum, with the
+exception of some few districts: and what affected Greece more
+than anything, she agreed not to sail beyond Lissus with more
+than two galleys, and those unarmed. When this arrangement
+had been concluded, Postumius sent legates to the Aetolian
+and Achaean leagues, who on their arrival first explained the
+reasons for the war and the Roman invasion; and then stated
+what had been accomplished in it, and read the treaty which
+had been made with the Illyrians. The envoys then returned
+to Corcyra after receiving the thanks of both leagues: for they
+had freed Greece by this treaty from a very serious cause for
+alarm, the fact being that the Illyrians were not the enemies
+of this or that people, but the common enemies of all alike.</p>
+
+<p>Such were the circumstances of the first armed interference
+of the Romans in Illyricum and that part of Europe, and their
+first diplomatic relations with Greece; and such too were the
+motives which suggested them. But having thus begun, the
+Romans immediately afterwards sent envoys to Corinth and
+Athens. And it was then that the Corinthians first admitted
+Romans to take part in the Isthmian games.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_13" id="b2_13"><b>13.</b></a> We must now return to Hasdrubal in Iberia. He had
+during this period been conducting his command with ability<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">111</a></span>
+and success, and had not only given in general a great impulse
+to the Carthaginian interests there, but in particular
+had greatly strengthened them by the <span class="sidenote">Hasdrubal in
+Spain. The
+founding of New
+Carthage,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;228.</span>
+fortification of the town, variously called Carthage,
+and New Town, the situation of which was
+exceedingly convenient for operations in Libya as
+well as in Iberia. I shall take a more suitable opportunity of
+speaking of the site of this town, and pointing out the advantages
+offered by it to both countries: I must at present speak
+of the impression made by Hasdrubal&#8217;s policy at Rome.
+Seeing him strengthening the Carthaginian influence in Spain,
+and rendering it continually more formidable, the Romans
+were anxious to interfere in the politics of that country. They
+discovered, as they thought, that they had allowed their suspicions
+to be lulled to sleep, and had meanwhile given the
+Carthaginians the opportunity of consolidating their power.
+They did not venture, however, at the moment to impose
+conditions or make war on them, because they
+were in almost daily dread of an attack from
+the Celts. <span class="sidenote">Dread of the
+Gauls.</span>They determined therefore to
+mollify Hasdrubal by gentle measures, and so to leave themselves
+free to attack the Celts first and try conclusions with
+them: for they were convinced that, with such enemies on
+their flank, they would not only be unable to keep their
+hold over the rest of Italy, but even to reckon on safety in
+their own city. <span class="sidenote">Treaty with
+Hasdrubal.</span>Accordingly, while sending envoys
+to Hasdrubal, and making a treaty with him
+by which the Carthaginians, without saying anything
+of the rest of Iberia, engaged not to cross the Iber
+in arms, they pushed on the war with the Celts in Italy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_14" id="b2_14"><b>14.</b></a> This war itself I shall treat only summarily, to avoid
+breaking the thread of my history; but I must go back somewhat
+in point of time, and refer to the period at which these
+tribes originally occupied their districts in Italy. For the story
+I think is worth knowing for its own sake, and must absolutely
+be kept in mind, if we wish to understand what tribes and
+districts they were on which Hannibal relied to assist him in
+his bold design of destroying the Roman dominion. I will
+first describe the country in which they live, its nature, and its<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">112</a></span>
+relation to the rest of Italy; for if we clearly understand its
+peculiarities, geographical and natural, we shall be better able
+to grasp the salient points in the history of the war.</p>
+
+<p>Italy, taken as a whole, is a triangle, of which the eastern
+side is bounded by the Ionian Sea and the
+Adriatic Gulf, <span class="sidenote">The Geography
+of Italy.</span>its southern and western sides by
+the Sicilian and Tyrrhenian seas; these two sides
+converge to form the apex of the triangle, which is represented
+by the southern promontory of Italy called Cocinthus, and
+which separates the Ionian from the Sicilian Sea.<a name="FNanchor_146" id="FNanchor_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> The
+third side, or base of this triangle, is on the north, and is
+formed by the chain of the Alps stretching right across the
+country, beginning at Marseilles and the coast of the Sardinian
+Sea, and with no break in its continuity until within a short
+distance of the head of the Adriatic. To the south of this
+range, which I said we must regard as the base of the triangle,
+are the most northerly plains of Italy, the largest and most
+fertile of any with which I am acquainted in all Europe. This
+is the district with which we are at present concerned. Taken
+as a whole, it too forms a triangle, the apex of which is the point
+where the Apennines and Alps converge, <span class="sidenote">Col di Tenda.</span>above
+Marseilles, and not far from the coast of the
+Sardinian Sea. The northern side of this triangle is formed
+by the Alps, extending for 2200 stades; the southern by the
+Apennines, extending 3600; and the base is the seaboard of
+the Adriatic, from the town of Sena to the head of the gulf, a
+distance of more than 2500 stades. The total length of the
+three sides will thus be nearly 10,000 stades.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_15" id="b2_15"><b>15.</b></a> The yield of corn in this district is so abundant that
+wheat is often sold at four obols a Sicilian
+medimnus, <span class="sidenote">Gallia
+Cis-Alpina.</span>barley at two, or a metretes of wine
+for an equal measure of barley. The quantity
+of panic and millet produced is extraordinary; and the amount
+of acorns grown in the oak forests scattered about the country
+may be gathered from the fact that, though nowhere are more
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">113</a></span>pigs slaughtered than in Italy, for sacrifices as well as for family
+use, and for feeding the army, by far the most important
+supply is from these plains. The cheapness and abundance
+of all articles of food may also be clearly shown from the fact
+that travellers in these parts, when stopping at inns, do not
+bargain for particular articles, but simply ask what the charge is
+per head for board. And for the most part the innkeepers are
+content to supply their guests with every necessary at a charge
+rarely exceeding half an as (that is, the fourth part of an obol)<a name="FNanchor_147" id="FNanchor_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">147</a>
+a day each. Of the numbers, stature, and personal beauty of
+the inhabitants, and still more of their bravery in war, we shall
+be able to satisfy ourselves from the facts of their history.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_16" id="b2_16"><b>16.</b></a> Such parts of both slopes of the Alps as are not too
+rocky or too precipitous are inhabited by different
+tribes; those on the north towards the
+Rhone by the Gauls, <span class="sidenote">The Alps.</span>called Transalpine; those towards the
+Italian plains by the Taurisci and Agones and a number of
+other barbarous tribes. The name Transalpine is not tribal,
+but local, from the Latin proposition <i>trans</i>, &#8220;across.&#8221; The
+summits of the Alps, from their rugged character, and the
+great depth of eternal snow, are entirely uninhabited. Both
+slopes of the Apennines, <span class="sidenote">The Apennines.</span>
+towards the Tuscan
+Sea and towards the plains, are inhabited by
+the Ligurians, from above Marseilles and the junction with the
+Alps to Pisae on the coast, the first city on the west of Etruria,
+and inland to Arretium. Next to them come the Etruscans; and
+next on both slopes the Umbrians. The distance between the
+Apennines and the Adriatic averages about five hundred stades;
+and when it leaves the northern plains the chain verges to the
+right, and goes entirely through the middle of the rest of Italy, as
+far as the Sicilian Sea. The remaining portion of this triangle,
+namely the plain along the sea coast, extends as far as the town
+of Sena. The Padus, celebrated by the poets under the name
+of Eridanus, <span class="sidenote">The Po.</span>rises in the Alps near the apex
+of the triangle, and flows down to the plains
+with a southerly course; but after reaching the plains, it
+turns to the east, and flowing through them discharges<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">114</a></span>
+itself by two mouths into the Adriatic. The larger part
+of the plain is thus cut off by it, and lies between this river
+and the Alps to the head of the Adriatic. In body of water
+it is second to no river in Italy, because the mountain
+streams, descending from the Alps and Apennines to the plain,
+one and all flow into it on both sides; and its stream is at its
+height and beauty about the time of the rising of the Dog
+Star, <span class="sidenote">15th July.</span>
+because it is then swollen by the melting
+snows on those mountains. It is navigable for
+nearly two thousand stades up stream, the ships entering by
+the mouth called Olana; for though it is a single main stream
+to begin with, it branches off into two at the place called
+Trigoboli, of which streams the northern is called the Padoa,
+the southern the Olana. At the mouth of the latter there is
+a harbour affording as safe anchorage as any in the Adriatic.
+The whole river is called by the country folk the Bodencus.
+As to the other stories current in Greece about this river,&mdash;I
+mean Phaethon and his fall, and the tears of the poplars and
+the black clothes of the inhabitants along this stream, which
+they are said to wear at this day as mourning for Phaethon,&mdash;all
+such tragic incidents I omit for the present, as not being suitable
+to the kind of work I have in hand; but I shall return to them
+at some other more fitting opportunity, particularly because
+Timaeus has shown a strange ignorance of this district.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_17" id="b2_17"><b>17.</b></a> To continue my description. These plains were
+anciently inhabited by Etruscans,<a name="FNanchor_148" id="FNanchor_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">148</a> at the same
+period as what are called the Phlegraean plains
+round Capua and Nola; which latter, <span class="sidenote">Gauls expel
+Etruscans from
+the valley of the
+Po.</span>
+however,
+have enjoyed the highest reputation, because
+they lay in a great many people&#8217;s way and so got known.
+In speaking then of the history of the Etruscan Empire,
+we should not refer to the district occupied by them at the
+present time, but to these northern plains, and to what they
+did when they inhabited them. Their chief intercourse was
+with the Celts, because they occupied the adjoining districts;
+who, envying the beauty of their lands, seized some slight
+pretext to gather a great host and expel the Etruscans from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">115</a></span>
+the valley of the Padus, which they at once took possession
+of themselves. First, the country near the source of the
+Padus was occupied by the Laevi and Lebecii; after them the
+Insubres settled in the country, the largest tribe of all; and
+next them, along the bank of the river, the Cenomani. But
+the district along the shore of the Adriatic was held by another
+very ancient tribe called Ven&#277;ti, in customs and dress nearly
+allied to Celts, but using quite a different language, about
+whom the tragic poets have written a great many wonderful
+tales. South of the Padus, in the Apennine district, first
+beginning from the west, the Ananes, and next them the Boii
+settled. Next them, on the coast of the Adriatic, the Lingones;
+and south of these, still on the sea-coast, the Senones. These
+are the most important tribes that took possession
+of this part of the country. <span class="sidenote">Their character.</span>They lived
+in open villages, and without any permanent buildings. As
+they made their beds of straw or leaves, and fed on meat,
+and followed no pursuits but those of war and agriculture,
+they lived simple lives without being acquainted with any
+science or art whatever. Each man&#8217;s property, moreover,
+consisted in cattle and gold; as they were the only things
+that could be easily carried with them, when they wandered
+from place to place, and changed their dwelling as their
+fancy directed. They made a great point, however, of friendship:
+for the man who had the largest number of clients or
+companions in his wanderings, was looked upon as the most
+formidable and powerful member of the tribe.<a name="FNanchor_149" id="FNanchor_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">149</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_18" id="b2_18"><b>18.</b></a> In the early times of their settlement they did not
+merely subdue the territory which they occupied, but rendered
+also many of the neighbouring peoples subject to them, whom
+they overawed by their audacity. Some time afterwards they
+conquered the Romans in battle, and pursuing the flying<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">116</a></span>
+legions, in three days after the battle occupied Rome itself
+with the exception of the Capitol. But a circumstance
+intervened which recalled them home, <span class="sidenote">Battle of the
+Allia, 18th July,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;390.</span>
+an invasion, that is to say, of their territory by
+the Ven&#277;ti. Accordingly they made terms with the Romans,
+handed back the city, and returned to their own land; and
+subsequently were occupied with domestic wars. Some of the
+tribes, also, who dwelt on the Alps, comparing their own barren
+districts with the rich territory occupied by the others, were continually
+making raids upon them, and collecting their forces
+to attack them. <span class="sidenote">Latin war,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;349-340.</span>
+This gave the Romans time
+to recover their strength, and to come to terms
+with the people of Latium. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;360.</span>When, thirty
+years after the capture of the city, the Celts came again as far
+as Alba, the Romans were taken by surprise; and <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;348.</span>
+having had no intelligence of the intended invasion,
+nor time to collect the forces of the Socii, did not
+venture to give them battle. But when another invasion in
+great force took place twelve years later, they
+did get previous intelligence of it; and, having
+mustered their allies, sallied forth to meet them with great
+spirit, being eager to engage them and fight a decisive battle.
+But the Gauls were dismayed at their approach; and, being
+besides weakened by internal feuds, retreated homewards as
+soon as night fell, with all the appearance of a regular flight. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;334.</span>
+After this alarm they kept quiet for thirteen
+years; at the end of which period, seeing
+that the power of the Romans was growing formidable, they
+made a peace and a definite treaty with them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_19" id="b2_19"><b>19.</b></a> They abided by this treaty for thirty years: but at that
+time, alarmed by a threatening movement on the part of the
+Transalpine tribes, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;299.</span>and fearing that a dangerous war was
+imminent, they diverted the attack of the invading
+horde from themselves by presents and
+appeals to their ties of kindred, but incited them to attack the
+Romans, joining in the expedition themselves. They directed
+their march through Etruria, and were joined by the Etruscans;
+and the combined armies, after taking a great quantity of booty,
+got safely back from the Roman territory. But when they got<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">117</a></span>
+home, they quarrelled about the division of the spoil, and in
+the end destroyed most of it, as well as the flower of their own
+force. This is the way of the Gauls when they have appropriated
+their neighbours&#8217; property; and it mostly arises from
+brutal drunkenness, and intemperate feeding. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;297.</span>
+In the fourth year after this, the Samnites
+and Gauls made a league, gave the Romans battle in the
+neighbourhood of Camerium, and slew a large number.
+Incensed at this defeat, the Romans marched out a few days
+afterwards, and with two Consular armies engaged the enemy in
+the territory of Sentinum; and, having killed the greater number
+of them, forced the survivors to retreat in hot haste each
+to his own land. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;283.</span>Again, after another interval
+of ten years, the Gauls besieged Arretium with
+a great army, and the Romans went to the assistance of the
+town, and were beaten in an engagement under its walls.
+The Praetor Lucius<a name="FNanchor_150" id="FNanchor_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> having fallen in this battle, Manius
+Curius was appointed in his place. The ambassadors, sent
+by him to the Gauls to treat for the prisoners, were treacherously
+murdered by them. At this the Romans, in high wrath, sent
+an expedition against them, which was met by the tribe called
+the Senones. In a pitched battle the army of the Senones were
+cut to pieces, and the rest of the tribe expelled from the country;
+into which the Romans sent the first colony which they ever
+planted in Gaul&mdash;namely, <span class="sidenote">Sena Gallica.</span>the town of Sena, so
+called from the tribe of Gauls which formerly
+occupied it. This is the town which I mentioned before as
+lying on the coast at the extremity of the plains of the Padus.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_20" id="b2_20"><b>20.</b></a> Seeing the expulsion of the Senones, and fearing the
+same fate for themselves, the Boii made a general levy, summoned
+the Etruscans to join them, and set out to war. They
+mustered their forces near the lacus Vadimonis, and there gave
+the Romans battle; in which the Etruscans indeed suffered a loss
+of more than half their men, while scarcely any of
+the Boii escaped. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;282.</span>But yet in the very next year
+the same two nations joined forces once more; and arming even
+those of them who had only just reached manhood, gave the
+Romans battle again; and it was not until they had been utterly
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">118</a></span>defeated in this engagement that they humbled themselves so
+far as to send ambassadors to Rome and make a treaty.<a name="FNanchor_151" id="FNanchor_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">151</a></p>
+
+<p>These events took place in the third year before Pyrrhus
+crossed into Italy, and in the fifth before the destruction of the
+Gauls at Delphi. For at this period fortune seems to have
+plagued the Gauls with a kind of epidemic of war. But the
+Romans gained two most important advantages from these
+events. First, their constant defeats at the hands of the Gauls
+had inured them to the worst that could befall them; and so,
+when they had to fight with Pyrrhus, they came to the contest
+like trained and experienced gladiators. And in the second
+place, they had crushed the insolence of the Gauls just in time
+to allow them to give an undivided attention, first to the war
+with Pyrrhus for the possession of Italy, and then to the war
+with Carthage for the supremacy in Sicily.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_21" id="b2_21"><b>21.</b></a> After these defeats the Gauls maintained an unbroken
+peace with Rome for forty-five years. But when the generation
+which had witnessed the actual struggle had passed away,
+and a younger generation of men had taken their places, filled
+with unreflecting hardihood, and who had neither experienced
+nor seen any suffering or reverse, they began, as was natural, to
+disturb the settlement; <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;236.</span>and on the one hand
+to let trifling causes exasperate them against
+Rome, and on the other to invite the Alpine Gauls to join the
+fray. At first these intrigues were carried on by their chiefs
+without the knowledge of the tribesmen; and accordingly,
+when an armed host of Transalpine Gauls arrived at Ariminum,
+the Boii were suspicious; and forming a conspiracy against their
+own leaders, as well as against the new-comers, they put their
+own two kings Atis and Galatus to death, and cut each other
+to pieces in a pitched battle. Just then the Romans, alarmed
+at the threatened invasion, had despatched an army; but learning
+that the Gauls had committed this act of self-destruction, it
+returned home again. In the fifth year after this alarm, in
+the Consulship of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, the Romans<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">119</a></span>
+divided among their citizens the territory of Picenum, from
+which they had ejected the Senones when they
+conquered them: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;232.</span>a democratic measure introduced
+by Gaius Flaminius, and a policy which we must
+pronounce to have been the first step in the demoralisation of
+the people, as well as the cause of the next Gallic war. For
+many of the Gauls, and especially the Boii whose lands were
+coterminous with the Roman territory, entered upon that war
+from the conviction that the object of Rome in her wars with
+them was no longer supremacy and empire over them, but
+their total expulsion and destruction.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_22" id="b2_22"><b>22.</b></a> Accordingly the two most extensive tribes, the Insubres
+and Boii, joined in the despatch of messengers
+to the tribes living about the Alps and on the
+Rhone, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;231.</span>
+who from a word which means &#8220;serving for hire,&#8221; are
+called Gaesatae. To their kings Concolitanus and Aneroetes
+they offered a large sum of gold on the spot; and, for the future,
+pointed out to them the greatness of the wealth of Rome, and
+all the riches of which they would become possessed, if they
+took it. In these attempts to inflame their cupidity and induce
+them to join the expedition against Rome they easily succeeded.
+For they added to the above arguments pledges of their own
+alliance; and reminded them of the campaign of their own
+ancestors in which they had seized Rome itself, and had been
+masters of all it contained, as well as the city itself, for seven
+months; and had at last evacuated it of their own free will,
+and restored it by an act of free grace, returning unconquered
+and scatheless with the booty to their own land. These arguments
+made the leaders so eager for the expedition, that there
+never at any other time came from that part of Gaul a larger
+host, or one consisting of more notable warriors. Meanwhile,
+the Romans, informed of what was coming, partly by report
+and partly by conjecture, were in such a state of constant alarm
+and excitement, that they hurriedly enrolled legions, collected
+supplies, and sent out their forces to the frontier, as though
+the enemy were already in their territory, before the Gauls
+had stirred from their own lands.</p>
+
+<p>It was this movement of the Gauls that, more than anything
+else, helped the Carthaginians to consolidate their power in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">120</a></span>
+Iberia. For the Romans, as I have said, looked upon the
+Celtic question as the more pressing one of the two, as being so
+near home; and were forced to wink at what was going on in
+Iberia, in their anxiety to settle it satisfactorily first. Having,
+therefore, put their relations with the Carthaginians on a safe
+footing by the treaty with Hasdrubal, which I spoke of a short
+time back,<a name="FNanchor_152" id="FNanchor_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">152</a> they gave an undivided attention to the Celtic war,
+convinced that their interest demanded that a decisive battle
+should be fought with them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_23" id="b2_23"><b>23.</b></a> The Gaesatae, then, having collected their forces, crossed
+the Alps and descended into the valley of the Padus with a
+formidable army, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B. C.</span> 225.
+Coss. L. Aemilius
+Papus.
+C. Atilius Regulus.</span>furnished with a variety of
+armour, in the eighth year after the distribution
+of the lands of Picenum. The Insubres and
+Boii remained loyal to the agreement they had
+made with them: but the Ven&#277;ti and Cenomani being induced
+by embassies from Rome to take the Roman side, the Celtic
+kings were obliged to leave a portion of their forces behind, to
+guard against an invasion of their territory by those tribes.
+They themselves, with their main army, consisting of one hundred
+and fifty thousand foot, and twenty thousand horse and
+chariots, struck camp and started on their march, which was
+to be through Etruria, in high spirits. As soon as it was
+known at Rome that the Celts had crossed the Alps, one of
+the Consuls, Lucius Aemilius Papus, was sent with an army to
+Ariminum to guard against the passage of the enemy, and one
+of the Praetors into Etruria: for the other Consul, Gaius
+Atilius Regulus, happened to be in Sardinia with his legions.
+There was universal terror in Rome, for the danger threatening
+them was believed to be great and formidable. And naturally
+so: for the old fear of the Gauls had never been eradicated from
+their minds. No one thought of anything else: they were
+incessantly occupied in mustering the legions, or enrolling new
+ones, and in ordering up such of the allies as were ready
+for service. The proper magistrates were ordered to give in
+lists of all citizens of military age; that it might at once be
+known to what the total of the available forces amounted.
+And such stores of corn, and darts, and other military equipments<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">121</a></span>
+were collected as no one could remember on any
+former occasion. From every side assistance was eagerly
+rendered; for the inhabitants of Italy, in their terror at the
+Gallic invasion, no longer thought of the matter as a question
+of alliance with Rome, or of the war as undertaken to support
+Roman supremacy, but each people regarded it as a danger
+menacing themselves and their own city and territory. The
+response to the Roman appeal therefore was prompt.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_24" id="b2_24"><b>24.</b></a> But in order that we may learn from actual facts how
+great the power was which Hannibal subsequently
+ventured to attack, <span class="sidenote">The Roman
+resources.</span>and what a mighty
+empire he faced when he succeeded in inflicting
+upon the Roman people the most severe disasters, I
+must now state the amount of the forces they could at that
+time bring into the field. The two Consuls had marched out
+with four legions, each consisting of five thousand two hundred
+infantry and three hundred cavalry. Besides this there were
+with each Consul allies to the number of thirty thousand
+infantry and two thousand cavalry. Of Sabines and Etruscans
+too, there had come to Rome, for that special occasion, four
+thousand horse and more than fifty thousand foot. These
+were formed into an army and sent in advance into Etruria,
+under the command of one of the Praetors. Moreover, the
+Umbrians and Sarsinatae, hill tribes of the Apennine district,
+were collected to the number of twenty thousand; and with
+them were twenty thousand Ven&#277;ti and Cenomani. These
+were stationed on the frontier of the Gallic territory, that they
+might divert the attention of the invaders, by making an
+incursion into the territory of the Boii. These were the forces
+guarding the frontier. In Rome itself, ready as a reserve
+in case of the accidents of war, there remained twenty thousand
+foot and three thousand horse of citizens, and thirty thousand
+foot and two thousand horse of the allies. Lists of men for
+service had also been returned, of Latins eighty thousand foot
+and five thousand horse; of Samnites seventy thousand foot and
+seven thousand horse; of Iapygians and Messapians together
+fifty thousand foot and sixteen thousand horse; and of Lucanians
+thirty thousand foot and three thousand horse; of Marsi, and
+Marrucini, and Ferentani, and Vestini, twenty thousand foot<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">122</a></span>
+and four thousand horse. And besides these, there were in
+reserve in Sicily and Tarentum two legions, each of which consisted
+of about four thousand two hundred foot, and two hundred
+horse. Of the Romans and Campanians the total of those put
+on the roll was two hundred and fifty thousand foot and twenty-three
+thousand horse; so that the grand total of the forces actually
+defending Rome was over 150,000 foot, 6000 cavalry:<a name="FNanchor_153" id="FNanchor_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> and of
+the men able to bear arms, Romans and allies, over 700,000 foot
+and 70,000 horse; while Hannibal, when he invaded Italy, had
+less than twenty thousand to put against this immense force.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_25" id="b2_25"><b>25.</b></a> There will be another opportunity of treating the
+subject in greater detail; for the present I
+must return to the Celts. <span class="sidenote">The Gauls
+enter Etruria.</span>Having entered
+Etruria, they began their march through the
+country, devastating it as they chose, and without any
+opposition; and finally directed their course against Rome
+itself. But when they were encamped under the walls of
+Clusium, which is three days&#8217; march from Rome, news was
+brought them that the Roman forces, which were on duty in
+Etruria, were following on their rear and were close upon them;
+upon which they turned back to meet them, eager to offer
+them battle. <span class="sidenote">The Praetor&#8217;s
+army defeated
+at Clusium.</span>The two armies came in sight
+of each other about sunset, and encamped for
+the night a short distance apart. But when
+night fell, the Celts lit their watch fires; and leaving their
+cavalry on the ground, with instructions that, as soon as
+daylight made them visible to the enemy, they should follow
+by the same route, they made a secret retreat along the road
+to Faesulae, and took up their position there; that they
+might be joined by their own cavalry, and might disconcert
+the attack of the enemy. Accordingly, when at daybreak the
+Romans saw that the cavalry were alone, they believed that
+the Celts had fled, and hastened in pursuit of the retreating
+horse; but when they approached the spot where the enemy
+were stationed, the Celts suddenly left their position and fell
+upon them. The struggle was at first maintained with fury on
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">123</a></span>both sides: but the courage and superior numbers of the
+Celts eventually gave them the victory. No less than six
+thousand Romans fell: while the rest fled, most of whom
+made their way to a certain strongly fortified height, and there
+remained. The first impulse of the Celts was to besiege
+them: but they were worn out by their previous night march,
+and all the suffering and fatigue of the day; leaving therefore
+a detachment of cavalry to keep guard round the hill, they
+hastened to procure rest and refreshment, resolving to besiege
+the fugitives next day unless they voluntarily surrendered.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_26" id="b2_26"><b>26.</b></a> But meanwhile Lucius Aemilius, who had been stationed
+on the coast of the Adriatic at Ariminum, <span class="sidenote">On the arrival
+of Aemilius the
+Gauls retire.</span>
+having been informed that the Gauls had
+entered Etruria and were approaching Rome,
+set off to the rescue; and after a rapid march appeared on
+the ground just at the critical moment. He pitched his
+camp close to the enemy; and the fugitives on the hill, seeing
+his watch fires, and understanding what had happened, quickly
+recovered their courage and sent some of their men unarmed
+to make their way through the forest and tell the Consul what
+had happened. This news left the Consul as he thought no
+alternative but to fight. He therefore ordered the Tribunes to
+lead out the infantry at daybreak, while he, taking command
+of the cavalry, led the way towards the hill. The Gallic
+chieftains too had seen his watch fires, and understood that the
+enemy was come; and at once held council of war. The
+advice of King Aneroestes was, &#8220;that seeing the amount of
+booty they had taken,&mdash;an incalculable quantity indeed of
+captives, cattle, and other spoil,&mdash;they had better not run
+the risk of another general engagement, but return home in
+safety; and having disposed of this booty, and freed themselves
+from its incumbrance, return, if they thought good, to make
+another determined attack upon Rome.&#8221; Having resolved to
+follow the advice of Aneroestes in the present juncture, the
+chiefs broke up their night council, and before daybreak struck
+camp, and marched through Etruria by the road which follows
+the coast of the Ligurian bay. While Lucius, having taken off
+the remnant of the army from the hill, and combined it with
+his own forces, determined that it would not be by any means<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">124</a></span>
+advantageous to offer the enemy regular battle; but that it was
+better to dog their footsteps, watching for favourable times and
+places at which to inflict damage upon them, or wrest some of
+their booty from their hands.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_27" id="b2_27"><b>27.</b></a> Just at that time the Consul Gaius Atilius had crossed
+from Sardinia, and having landed at Pisae was
+on his way to Rome; <span class="sidenote">Atilius landing at
+Pisa intercepts
+the march of
+the Gauls.</span>and therefore he and
+the enemy were advancing to meet each
+other. When the Celts were at Telamon in
+Etruria, their advanced guard fell in with that of Gaius, and
+the men being made prisoners informed the Consul in answer
+to questions of what had taken place; and told him that both the
+armies were in the neighbourhood: that of the Celts, namely,
+and that of Lucius close upon their rear. Though somewhat
+disturbed at the events which he thus learnt, Gaius regarded
+the situation as a hopeful one, when he considered that the
+Celts were on the road between two hostile armies. He therefore
+ordered the Tribunes to martial the legions and to advance
+at the ordinary pace, and in line as far as the breadth of the
+ground permitted; while he himself having surveyed a piece
+of rising ground which commanded the road, and under which
+the Celts must march, took his cavalry with him and hurried
+on to seize the eminence, and so begin the battle in person;
+convinced that by these means he would get the principal
+credit of the action for himself. At first the Celts not knowing
+anything about the presence of Gaius Atilius, but supposing
+from what was taking place, that the cavalry of Aemilius had outmarched
+them in the night, and were seizing the points of vantage
+in the van of their route, immediately detached some cavalry and
+light armed infantry to dispute the possession of this eminence.
+But having shortly afterwards learnt the truth about the presence
+of Gaius from a prisoner who was brought in, they hurriedly
+got their infantry into position, and drew them up so as to
+face two opposite ways, some, that is, to the front and others to
+the rear. For they knew that one army was following on their
+rear; and they expected from the intelligence which had reached
+them, and from what they saw actually occurring, that they
+would have to meet another on their front.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_28" id="b2_28"><b>28.</b></a> Aemilius had heard of the landing of the legions at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">125</a></span>
+Pisae, but had not expected them to be already so far on
+their road; but the contest at the eminence proved to him
+that the two armies were quite close. <span class="sidenote">The battle of
+the horse.
+Atilius falls.</span>
+He
+accordingly despatched his horse at once to
+support the struggle for the possession of the
+hill, while he marshalled his foot in their usual order, and
+advanced to attack the enemy who barred his way. The
+Celts had stationed the Alpine tribe of the Gaesatae to face
+their enemies on the rear, and behind them the Insubres; on
+their front they had placed the Taurisci, and the Cispadane
+tribe of the Boii, facing the legions of Gaius. Their waggons
+and chariots they placed on the extremity of either wing, while
+the booty they massed upon one of the hills that skirted the
+road, under the protection of a guard. The army of the Celts
+was thus double-faced, and their mode of marshalling their
+forces was effective as well as calculated to inspire terror. The
+Insubres and Boii were clothed in their breeches and light
+cloaks; but the Gaesatae from vanity and bravado threw these
+garments away, and fell in in front of the army naked, with
+nothing but their arms; believing that, as the ground was in
+parts encumbered with brambles, which might possibly catch
+in their clothes and impede the use of their weapons, they
+would be more effective in this state. At first the only actual
+fighting was that for the possession of the hill: and the numbers
+of the cavalry, from all three armies, that had joined in
+the struggle made it a conspicuous sight to all. In the
+midst of it the Consul Gaius fell, fighting with reckless bravery
+in the thick of the battle, and his head was brought to the
+king of the Celts. The Roman cavalry, however, continued the
+struggle with spirit, and finally won the position and overpowered
+their opponents. Then the foot also came to close quarters.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_29" id="b2_29"><b>29.</b></a> It was surely a peculiar and surprising battle to witness,
+and scarcely less so to hear described. A battle, to begin
+with, in which three distinct armies were engaged, must have
+presented a strange and unusual appearance, and must have
+been fought under strange and unusual conditions. Again, it
+must have seemed to a spectator open to question, whether the
+position of the Gauls were the most dangerous conceivable, from
+being between two attacking forces; or the most favourable, as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">126</a></span>
+enabling them to meet both armies at once, while their own two
+divisions afforded each other a mutual support: and, above all,
+as putting retreat out of the question, or any hope of safety except
+in victory. For this is the peculiar advantage of having an
+army facing in two opposite directions. The Romans, on the
+other hand, while encouraged by having got their enemy between
+two of their own armies, were at the same time dismayed
+by the ornaments and clamour of the Celtic host. For there
+were among them such innumerable horns and trumpets, which
+were being blown simultaneously in all parts of their army, and
+their cries were so loud and piercing, that the noise seemed not
+to come merely from trumpets and human voices, but from
+the whole country-side at once. Not less terrifying was the
+appearance and rapid movement of the naked warriors in the
+van, which indicated men in the prime of their strength and
+beauty: while all the warriors in the front ranks were richly
+adorned with gold necklaces and bracelets. These sights
+certainly dismayed the Romans; still the hope they gave of a
+profitable victory redoubled their eagerness for the battle.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_30" id="b2_30"><b>30.</b></a> When the men who were armed with the <i>pilum</i> advanced
+in front of the legions, in accordance
+with the regular method of Roman warfare, <span class="sidenote">The infantry
+engage.</span>
+and hurled their <i>pila</i> in rapid and effective
+volleys, the inner ranks of the Celts found their jerkins
+and leather breeches of great service; but to the naked
+men in the front ranks this unexpected mode of attack caused
+great distress and discomfiture. For the Gallic shields not
+being big enough to cover the man, the larger the naked body
+the more certainty was there of the <i>pilum</i> hitting. And at last,
+not being able to retaliate, because the pilum-throwers were
+out of reach, and their weapons kept pouring in, some of them,
+in the extremity of their distress and helplessness, threw themselves
+with desperate courage and reckless violence upon the
+enemy, and thus met a voluntary death; while others gave
+ground step by step towards their own friends, whom they
+threw into confusion by this manifest acknowledgment of their
+panic. Thus the courage of the Gaesatae had broken down
+before the preliminary attack of the <i>pilum</i>. But when the
+throwers of it had rejoined their ranks, and the whole Roman<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">127</a></span>
+line charged, the Insubres, Boii, and Taurisci received the
+attack, and maintained a desperate hand-to-hand fight. Though
+almost cut to pieces, they held their ground with unabated
+courage, in spite of the fact that man for man, as well as collectively,
+they were inferior to the Romans in point of arms.
+The shields and swords of the latter were proved to be manifestly
+superior for defence and attack, for the Gallic sword can only
+deliver a cut, but cannot thrust. And when, besides, the Roman
+horse charged down from the high ground on their flank, and
+attacked them vigorously, the infantry of the Celts were cut
+to pieces on the field, while their horse turned and fled.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_31" id="b2_31"><b>31.</b></a> Forty thousand of them were slain, and quite ten
+thousand taken prisoners, among whom was one
+of their kings, <span class="sidenote">Aemilius returns
+home.</span>Concolitanus: the other king,
+Aneroestes, fled with a few followers; joined
+a few of his people in escaping to a place of security; and
+there put an end to his own life and that of his friends.
+Lucius Aemilius, the surviving Consul, collected the spoils of
+the slain and sent them to Rome, and restored the property
+taken by the Gauls to its owners. Then taking command
+of the legions, he marched along the frontier of Liguria,
+and made a raid upon the territory of the Boii; and having
+satisfied the desires of the legions with plunder, returned with
+his forces to Rome in a few days&#8217; march. There he adorned
+the Capitol with the captured standards and necklaces, which
+are gold chains worn by the Gauls round their necks; but
+the rest of the spoils, and the captives, he converted to the
+benefit of his own estate and to the adornment of his triumph.</p>
+
+<p>Thus was the most formidable Celtic invasion repelled,
+which had been regarded by all Italians, and especially by the
+Romans, as a danger of the utmost gravity. The victory
+inspired the Romans with a hope that they might be able to
+entirely expel the Celts from the valley of the Padus: and
+accordingly the Consuls of the next year, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;224.</span>
+Quintus
+Fulvius Flaccus and Titus Manlius Torquatus,
+were both sent out with their legions, and military preparations
+on a large scale, against them. By a rapid attack they
+terrified the Boii into making submission to Rome; but the
+campaign had no other practical effect, because, during the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">128</a></span>
+rest of it, there was a season of excessive rains, and an
+outbreak of pestilence in the army.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_32" id="b2_32"><b>32.</b></a> The Consuls of the next year, however, Publius Furius
+Philus and Caius Flaminius, once more invaded
+the Celtic lands, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;223.</span>
+marching through the territory
+of the Anamares, who live not far from Placentia.<a name="FNanchor_154" id="FNanchor_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> Having secured
+the friendship of this tribe, they crossed into the country
+of the Insubres, near the confluence of the Adua and Padus.
+They suffered some annoyance from the enemy, as they were
+crossing the river, and as they were pitching their camp; and
+after remaining for a short time, they made terms with the
+Insubres and left their country. After a circuitous march of
+several days, they crossed the River Clusius, and came into the
+territory of the Cenomani. As these people were allies of
+Rome, they reinforced the army with some of their men,
+which then descended once more from the Alpine regions
+into the plains belonging to the Insubres, and began laying
+waste their land and plundering their houses. The Insubrian
+chiefs, seeing that nothing could change the determination of
+the Romans to destroy them, determined that they had
+better try their fortune by a great and decisive battle.
+They therefore mustered all their forces, took down from the
+temple of Minerva the golden standards, which are called &#8220;the
+immovables,&#8221; and having made other necessary preparations,
+in high spirits and formidable array, encamped opposite to
+their enemies to the number of fifty thousand. Seeing themselves
+thus out-numbered, the Romans at first determined to
+avail themselves of the forces of the allied Celtic tribes; but
+when they reflected on the fickle character of the Gauls, and
+that they were about to fight with an enemy of the same race
+as these auxiliary troops, they hesitated to associate such men
+with themselves, at a crisis of such danger, and in an action of
+such importance. However, they finally decided to do this.
+They themselves stayed on the side of the river next the
+enemy: and sending the Celtic contingent to the other side,
+they pulled up the bridges; which at once precluded any
+fear of danger from them, and left themselves no hope of safety
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">129</a></span>except in victory; the impassable river being thus in their rear.
+These dispositions made, they were ready to engage.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_33" id="b2_33"><b>33.</b></a> The Romans are thought to have shown uncommon
+skill in this battle; the Tribunes instructing
+the troops how they were to conduct themselves
+both collectively and individually. <span class="sidenote">Battle with
+the Insubres.</span>
+They
+had learned from former engagements that Gallic tribes
+were always most formidable at the first onslaught, before their
+courage was at all damped by a check; and that the swords
+with which they were furnished, as I have mentioned before,
+could only give one downward cut with any effect,
+but that after this the edges got so turned and the blade
+so bent, that unless they had time to straighten them with
+their foot against the ground, they could not deliver a second
+blow. The Tribunes accordingly gave out the spears of the
+Triarii, who are the last of the three ranks, to the first ranks,
+or Hastati: and ordering the men to use their swords only,
+after their spears were done with, they charged the Celts
+full in front. When the Celts had rendered their swords useless
+by the first blows delivered on the spears, the Romans closed
+with them, and rendered them quite helpless, by preventing them
+from raising their hands to strike with their swords, which is
+their peculiar and only stroke, because their blade has no point.
+The Romans, on the contrary, having excellent points to their
+swords, used them not to cut but to thrust: and by thus
+repeatedly hitting the breasts and faces of the enemy, they
+eventually killed the greater number of them. And this was due
+to the foresight of the Tribunes: for the Consul Flaminius is
+thought to have made a strategic mistake in his arrangements
+for this battle. By drawing up his men along the very brink
+of the river, he rendered impossible a man&oelig;uvre characteristic
+of Roman tactics, because he left the lines no room for their
+deliberate retrograde movements; for if, in the course of the
+battle, the men had been forced ever so little from their ground,
+they would have been obliged by this blunder of their leader to
+throw themselves into the river. However, the valour of the
+soldiers secured them a brilliant victory, as I have said, and
+they returned to Rome with abundance of booty of every kind,
+and of trophies stripped from the enemy.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">130</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_34" id="b2_34"><b>34.</b></a> Next year, upon embassies coming from the Celts,
+desiring peace and making unlimited offers of
+submission, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;222.
+Attack on the
+Insubres.</span>the new Consuls, Marcus Claudius
+Marcellus and Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio Calvus,
+were urgent that no peace should be granted them. Thus
+frustrated, they determined to try a last chance, and once more
+took active measures to hire thirty thousand Gaesatae,&mdash;the
+Gallic tribe which lives on the Rhone. Having obtained these,
+they held themselves in readiness, and waited for the attack of
+their enemies. At the beginning of spring the Consuls assumed
+command of their forces, and marched them into the territory
+of the Insubres; and there encamped under the walls of the
+city of Acerrae, which lies between the Padus and the Alps,
+and laid siege to it. The Insubres, being unable to render
+any assistance, because all the positions of vantage had been
+seized by the enemy first, and being yet very anxious to break
+up the siege of Acerrae, detached a portion of their forces to
+affect a diversion by crossing the Padus and laying siege to
+Clastidium. Intelligence of this movement being brought to
+the Consuls, Marcus Claudius, taking with him his cavalry and
+some light infantry, made a forced march to relieve the besieged
+inhabitants. When the Celts heard of his approach,
+they raised the siege; and, marching out to meet him, offered
+him battle. At first they held their ground against a furious
+charge of cavalry which the Roman Consul launched at them;
+but when they presently found themselves surrounded by the
+enemy on their rear and flank, unable to maintain the
+fight any longer, they fled before the cavalry; and many of
+them were driven into the river, and were swept away by the
+stream, though the larger number were cut down by their
+enemies. Acerrae also, richly stored with corn, fell into the
+hands of the Romans: the Gauls having evacuated it, and
+retired to Mediolanum, which is the most commanding position
+in the territory of the Insubres. Gnaeus followed them
+closely, and suddenly appeared at Mediolanum. The Gauls at
+first did not stir; but upon his starting on his return march to
+Acerrae, they sallied out, and having boldly attacked his rear,
+killed a good many men, and even drove a part of it into
+flight; until Gnaeus recalled some of his vanguard, and urged<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">131</a></span>
+them to stand and engage the enemy. The Roman soldiers
+obeyed orders, and offered a vigorous resistance to the attacking
+party. The Celts, encouraged by their success, held their
+ground for a certain time with some gallantry, but before long
+turned and fled to the neighbouring mountains. Gnaeus followed
+them, wasting the country as he went, and took Mediolanum
+by assault. At this the chiefs of the Insubres, despairing of
+safety, made a complete and absolute submission to Rome.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_35" id="b2_35"><b>35.</b></a> Such was the end of the Celtic war: which, for the
+desperate determination and boldness of the enemy, for the
+obstinacy of the battles fought, and for the number of those
+who fell and of those who were engaged, is second to none
+recorded in history, but which, regarded as a specimen of
+scientific strategy, is utterly contemptible. The Gauls showed
+no power of planning or carrying out a campaign, and in
+everything they did were swayed by impulse rather than by
+sober calculation. As I have seen these tribes, after a short
+struggle, entirely ejected from the valley of the Padus, with
+the exception of some few localities lying close to the Alps, I
+thought I ought not to let their original attack upon Italy pass
+unrecorded, any more than their subsequent attempts, or their
+final ejectment: for it is the function of the historian to record
+and transmit to posterity such episodes in the drama of
+Fortune; that our posterity may not from ignorance of the past
+be unreasonably dismayed at the sudden and unexpected invasions
+of these barbarians, but may reflect how short-lived and
+easily damped the spirit of this race is; and so may stand to
+their defence, and try every possible means before yielding an
+inch to them. I think, for instance, that those who have
+recorded for our information the invasion of
+Greece by the Persians, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;480.<br /><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;279.</span>
+and of Delphi by the
+Gauls, have contributed materially to the
+struggles made for the common freedom of Greece. For a
+superiority in supplies, arms, or numbers, would scarcely
+deter any one from putting the last possible hope to the test,
+in a struggle for the integrity and the safety of his city and its
+territory, if he had before his eyes the surprising result of those
+expeditions; and remembered how many myriads of men, what
+daring confidence, and what immense armaments were baffled<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">132</a></span>
+by the skill and ability of opponents, who conducted their
+measures under the dictates of reason and sober calculation.
+And as an invasion of Gauls has been a source of alarm to
+Greece in our day, as well as in ancient times, I thought it
+worth while to give a summary sketch of their doings from the
+earliest times.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_36" id="b2_36"><b>36.</b></a> Our narrative now returns to Hasdrubal, whom we left
+in command of the Carthaginian forces in Iberia. <span class="sidenote">Death of Hasdrubal
+in Spain,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;221. See
+chap. <a href="#b2_13">13</a>.</span>
+After eight years command in that country, he
+was assassinated in his own house at night by a
+certain Celt in revenge for some private wrong.
+Before his death he had done much to strengthen the Carthaginian
+power in Iberia, not so much by military achievements,
+as by the friendly relations which he maintained with the
+native princes. <span class="sidenote">Succession of
+Hannibal to the
+command in
+Spain. His hostility
+to Rome.</span>
+Now that he was dead, the Carthaginians
+invested Hannibal with the command in Iberia,
+in spite of his youth, because of the ability in
+the conduct of affairs, and the daring spirit
+which he had displayed. He had no sooner
+assumed the command, than he nourished a fixed
+resolve to make war on Rome; nor was it long before he
+carried out this resolution. From that time forth there were
+constant suspicions and causes of offence arising between the
+Carthaginians and Romans. And no wonder: for the Carthaginians
+were meditating revenge for their defeats in Sicily; and
+the Romans were made distrustful from a knowledge of their
+designs. These things made it clear to every one of correct
+judgment that before long a war between these two nations
+was inevitable.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_37" id="b2_37"><b>37.</b></a> At the same period the Achaean league and King
+Philip, with their allies, were entering upon the
+war with the Aetolian league, <span class="sidenote">Social war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+220-217.</span>which is called the
+Social war. Now this was the point at which I
+proposed to begin my general history; and as I have brought
+the account of the affairs of Sicily and Libya, and those which
+immediately followed, in a continuous narrative, up to the date
+of the beginning of the Social and Second Punic, generally
+called the Hannibalic, wars, it will be proper to leave this branch
+of my subject for a while, and to take up the history of events<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">133</a></span>
+in Greece, that I may start upon my full and detailed narrative,
+after bringing the prefatory sketch of the history of the several
+countries to the same point of time. For since I have not
+undertaken, as previous writers have done, to write the history
+of particular peoples, such as the Greeks or Persians, but the
+history of all known parts of the world at once, because there
+was something in the state of our own times which made such
+a plan peculiarly feasible,&mdash;of which I shall speak more at
+length hereafter,&mdash;it will be proper, before entering on my main
+subject, to touch briefly on the state of the most important of
+the recognised nations of the world.</p>
+
+<p>Of Asia and Egypt I need not speak before the time at
+which my history commences. The previous history of these
+countries has been written by a number of historians
+already, and is known to all the world; nor in our days has
+any change specially remarkable or unprecedented occurred to
+them demanding a reference to their past. <span class="sidenote">The progress of
+the Achaean
+league.</span>But in regard to
+the Achaean league, and the royal family of
+Macedonia, it will be in harmony with my
+design to go somewhat farther back: for
+the latter has become entirely extinct; while the Achaeans,
+as I have stated before, have in our time made extraordinary
+progress in material prosperity and internal unity.
+For though many statesmen had tried in past times to induce
+the Peloponnesians to join in a league for the common interests
+of all, and had always failed, because every one was working
+to secure his own power rather than the freedom of the whole;
+yet in our day this policy has made such progress, and been
+carried out with such completeness, that not only is there in
+the Peloponnese a community of interests such as exists between
+allies or friends, but an absolute identity of laws, weights,
+measures, and currency.<a name="FNanchor_155" id="FNanchor_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> All the States have the same magistrates,
+senate, and judges. Nor is there any difference
+between the entire Peloponnese and a single city, except in
+the fact that its inhabitants are not included within the
+same wall; in other respects, both as a whole and in their
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">134</a></span>individual cities, there is a nearly absolute assimilation of
+institutions.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_38" id="b2_38"><b>38.</b></a> It will be useful to ascertain, to begin with, how it
+came to pass that the name of the Achaeans
+became the universal one for all the inhabitants
+of the Peloponnese. <span class="sidenote">The origin of the
+name as embracing
+all the
+Peloponnese.</span>For the original
+bearers of this ancestral name have no
+superiority over others, either in the size of their territory
+and cities, or in wealth, or in the prowess of their men. For
+they are a long way off being superior to the Arcadians
+and Lacedaemonians in number of inhabitants and extent
+of territory; nor can these latter nations be said to yield
+the first place in warlike courage to any Greek people
+whatever. Whence then comes it that these nations, with
+the rest of the inhabitants of the Peloponnese, have been
+content to adopt the constitution and the name of the
+Achaeans? To speak of chance in such a matter would not
+be to offer any adequate solution of the question, and would
+be a mere idle evasion. A cause must be sought; for without
+a cause nothing, expected or unexpected, can be accomplished.
+The cause then, in my opinion, was this. Nowhere
+could be found a more unalloyed and deliberately established
+system of equality and absolute freedom, and, in a word, of
+democracy, than among the Achaeans. This constitution
+found many of the Peloponnesians ready enough to adopt
+it of their own accord: many were brought to share in it by
+persuasion and argument: some, though acting under compulsion
+at first, were quickly brought to acquiesce in its benefits;
+for none of the original members had any special privilege
+reserved for them, but equal rights were given to all comers:
+the object aimed at was therefore quickly attained by the two
+most unfailing expedients of equality and fraternity. This
+then must be looked upon as the source and original cause
+of Peloponnesian unity and consequent prosperity.</p>
+
+<p>That this was the original principle on which the Achaeans
+acted in forming their constitution might be demonstrated by
+many proofs; but for the present purpose it will be sufficient
+to allege one or two in confirmation of my assertion.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_39" id="b2_39"><b>39.</b></a> And first: When the burning of the Pythagorean<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">135</a></span>
+clubs in Magna Grecia was followed by great constitutional
+disturbances, as was natural on the sudden disappearance of
+the leading men in each state; and the Greek cities in that
+part of Italy became the scene of murder, revolutionary warfare,
+and every kind of confusion; deputations were sent from most
+parts of Greece to endeavour to bring about some settlement
+of these disorders.<a name="FNanchor_156" id="FNanchor_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> But the disturbed states preferred the
+intervention of the Achaeans above all others, and showed
+the greatest confidence in them, in regard to the measures to
+be adopted for removing the evils that oppressed them. Nor
+was this the only occasion on which they displayed this preference.
+For shortly afterwards there was a general movement
+among them to adopt the model of the Achaean constitution.
+The first states to move in the matter were Croton, Sybaris,
+and Caulonia, who began by erecting a common temple to Zeus
+Homorios,<a name="FNanchor_157" id="FNanchor_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">157</a> and a place in which to hold their meetings and
+common councils. <span class="sidenote">&#918;&#949;&#8059;&#962; &#8001;&#956;&#8049;&#961;&#953;&#959;&#962; or &#7936;&#956;&#8049;&#961;&#953;&#959;&#962;</span> They then adopted the laws
+and customs of the Achaeans, and determined
+to conduct their constitution according to their
+principles; but finding themselves hampered by the tyranny of
+Dionysius of Syracuse, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;405-367.</span>and also by the encroachment
+of the neighbouring barbarians, they were
+forced much against their will to abandon them. Again, later on,
+when the Lacedaemonians met with their unexpected reverse
+at Leuctra, and the Thebans as unexpectedly claimed the hegemony
+in Greece, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;371.</span>
+a feeling of uncertainty prevailed
+throughout the country, and especially among the
+Lacedaemonians and Thebans themselves, because the former
+refused to allow that they were beaten, the latter felt hardly certain
+that they had conquered. On this occasion, once more, the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">136</a></span>Achaeans were the people selected by the two parties, out of all
+Greece, to act as arbitrators on the points in dispute. And
+this could not have been from any special view of their power,
+for at that time they were perhaps the weakest state in Greece;
+it was rather from a conviction of their good faith and high
+principles, in regard to which there was but one opinion
+universally entertained. At that period of their history, however,
+they possessed only the elements of success; success
+itself, and material increase, were barred by the fact that they
+had not yet been able to produce a leader worthy of the
+occasion. Whenever any man had given indications of such
+ability, he was systematically thrust into the background and
+hampered, at one time by the Lacedaemonian government, and
+at another, still more effectually, by that of Macedonia.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_40" id="b2_40"><b>40.</b></a> When at length, however, the country did obtain
+leaders of sufficient ability, it quickly manifested its intrinsic
+excellence by the accomplishment of that most glorious achievement,-&#8212;the
+union of the Peloponnese. The originator of
+this policy in the first instance was Aratus of Sicyon; its active
+promotion and consummation was due to Philopoemen of
+Megalopolis; while Lycortas and his party must be looked
+upon as the authors of the permanence which it enjoyed. The
+actual achievements of these several statesmen I shall narrate
+in their proper places: but while deferring a more detailed
+account of the other two, I think it will be right to briefly record
+here, as well as in a future portion of my work, the political
+measures of Aratus, because he has left a record of them himself
+in an admirably honest and lucid book of commentaries.</p>
+
+<p>I think the easiest method for myself, and most intelligible
+to my readers, will be to start from the period of the restoration
+of the Achaean league and federation, after its disintegration
+into separate states by the Macedonian kings: from which
+time it has enjoyed an unbroken progress towards the state of
+completion which now exists, and of which I have already
+spoken at some length.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_41" id="b2_41"><b>41.</b></a> The period I mean is the 124th Olympiad. In this
+occurred the first league of Patrae and Dyme,
+and the deaths of Ptolemy son of Lagus,
+Lysimachus, Seleucus, Ptolemy Ceraunus. <span class="sidenote">124th Olympiad,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;284-280.</span>In<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">137</a></span>
+the period before this the state of Achaia was as follows. It
+was ruled by kings from the time of Tisamenus, son of Orestes,
+who, being expelled from Sparta on the return of the Heraclidae,
+formed a kingdom in Achaia. The last of this royal line to
+maintain his power was Ogyges, whose sons so alienated the
+people by their unconstitutional and tyrannical government,
+that a revolution took place and a democracy was established.
+In the period subsequent to this, <span class="sidenote">First Achaean league.</span>up to the
+time of the establishment of the supreme
+authority of Alexander and Philip, their fortunes
+were subject to various fluctuations, but they always
+endeavoured to maintain intact in their league a democratical
+form of government, as I have already stated. This league
+consisted of twelve cities, all of them still surviving, with the
+exception of Olenus, and Helice which was engulfed by the
+sea before the battle of Leuctra. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;371.</span>The other
+ten were Patrae, Dyme, Pharae, Tritaea, Leontium,
+Aegium, Aegeira, Pellene, Bura, Caryneia. In the
+period immediately succeeding Alexander, and
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;323-284.</span>before the above-named 124th Olympiad, these
+cities, chiefly through the instrumentality of the Macedonian
+kings, became so estranged and ill-disposed to each other,
+and so divided and opposed in their interests, that some of
+them had to submit to the presence of foreign garrisons, sent
+first by Demetrius and Cassander, and afterwards by Antigonus
+Gonatas, while others even fell under the power of Tyrants;
+for no one set up more of such absolute rulers in the Greek
+states than this last-named king.</p>
+
+<p>But about the 124th Olympiad, as I have said, a change
+of sentiment prevailed among the Achaean
+cities, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;284-280,
+Second Achaean
+league.</span>
+and they began again to form a league.
+This was just at the time of Pyrrhus&#8217;s invasion
+of Italy. The first to take this step were the peoples
+of Dyme, Patrae, Tritaea, and Pharae. And as they thus
+formed the nucleus of the league, we find no column extant
+recording the compact between these cities. But about
+five years afterwards the people of Aegium expelled their
+foreign garrison and joined the league; next, the people
+of Bura put their tyrant to death and did the same; simultaneously,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">138</a></span>
+the state of Caryneia was restored to the league.
+For Iseas, the then tyrant of Caryneia, when he saw the expulsion
+of the garrison from Aegium, and the death of the
+despot in Bura at the hands of Margos and the Achaeans,
+and when he saw that he was himself on the point of being attacked
+on all sides, voluntarily laid down his office; and having
+obtained a guarantee for his personal safety from the Achaeans,
+formally gave in the adhesion of his city to the league.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_42" id="b2_42"><b>42.</b></a> My object in thus going back in point of time was,
+first, to show clearly at what epoch the Achaeans entered into
+the second league, which exists at this day, and which were the
+first members of the original league to do so; and, secondly,
+that the continuity of the policy pursued by the Achaeans
+might rest, not on my word only, but on the evidence of the
+actual facts. It was in virtue of this policy,&mdash;by holding
+out the bait of equality and freedom, and by invariably
+making war upon and crushing those who on their own account,
+or with the support of the kings, enslaved any of the
+states within their borders, that they finally accomplished the
+design which they had deliberately adopted, in some cases by
+their own unaided efforts, and in others by the help of their
+allies. For in fact whatever was effected in this direction, by
+the help of these allies in after times, must be put down to
+the credit of the deliberately adopted policy of the Achaeans
+themselves. They acted indeed jointly with others in many
+honourable undertakings, and in none more so than with the
+Romans: yet in no instance can they be said to have
+aimed at obtaining from their success any advantage for a
+particular state. In return for the zealous assistance rendered
+by them to their allies, they bargained for nothing but the
+freedom of each state and the union of the Peloponnese. But
+this will be more clearly seen from the record of their actual
+proceedings.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_43" id="b2_43"><b>43.</b></a> For the first twenty-five years of the league between the
+cities I have mentioned, a secretary and two strategi for the whole
+union were elected by each city in turn. But after this period
+they determined to appoint one strategus only,<a name="FNanchor_158" id="FNanchor_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> and put the entire<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">139</a></span>
+management of the affairs of the union in his hands. The
+first to obtain this honour was Margos of Caryneia. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;255-254.
+Margos.<br /><br /><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;251-250.
+Aratus.</span>
+In the fourth year after this man&#8217;s tenure
+of the office, Aratus of Sicyon caused his city to
+join the league, which, by his energy and courage,
+he had, when only twenty years of age, delivered from the yoke
+of its tyrant. In the eighth year again after
+this, Aratus, being elected strategus for the
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;243-242.</span>
+second time, laid a plot to seize the Acrocorinthus, then held
+by Antigonus; and by his success freed the inhabitants of the
+Peloponnese from a source of serious alarm: and having thus
+liberated Corinth he caused it to join the league. <span class="sidenote">Victory of
+Lutatius off the
+insulae Aegates,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;241.</span>In his
+same term of office he got Megara into his
+hands, and caused it to join also. These events
+occurred in the year before the decisive defeat
+of the Carthaginians, in consequence of which
+they evacuated Sicily and consented for the first time to pay
+tribute to Rome.</p>
+
+<p>Having made this remarkable progress in his design in so
+short a time, Aratus continued thenceforth in the position of
+leader of the Achaean league, and in the consistent direction
+of his whole policy to one single end; which was to expel
+Macedonians from the Peloponnese, to depose the despots,
+and to establish in each state the common freedom which
+their ancestors had enjoyed before them. So long, therefore,
+as Antigonus Gonatas was alive, <span class="sidenote">Antigonus
+Gonatas,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;283-239.</span>
+he maintained
+a continual opposition to his interference, as well
+as to the encroaching spirit of the Aetolians, and
+in both cases with signal skill and success; although their
+presumption and contempt for justice had risen to such a
+pitch, that they had actually made a formal compact with each
+other for the disruption of the Achaeans.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_44" id="b2_44"><b>44.</b></a> After the death of Antigonus, however, the Achaeans
+made terms with the Aetolians, and joined them energetically
+in the war against Demetrius; and, in place of the feelings of
+estrangement and hostility, there gradually grew up a sentiment
+of brotherhood and affection between the two peoples. Upon
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">140</a></span>the death of Demetrius, after a reign of only ten years,
+just about the time of the first invasion of
+Illyricum by the Romans, <span class="sidenote">Demetrius,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;239-229.</span>the Achaeans had
+a most excellent opportunity of establishing
+the policy which they had all along maintained. For the
+despots in the Peloponnese were in despair at the death
+of Demetrius. It was the loss to them of their chief supporter
+and paymaster. And now Aratus was for ever impressing
+upon them that they ought to abdicate, holding out
+rewards and honours for those of them who consented, and
+threatening those who refused with still greater vengeance
+from the Achaeans. There was therefore a general movement
+among them to voluntarily restore their several states to freedom
+and to join the league. I ought however to say that
+Ludiades of Megalopolis, in the lifetime of Demetrius, of
+his own deliberate choice, and foreseeing with great shrewdness
+and good sense what was going to happen, had abdicated
+his sovereignty and become a citizen of the national league.
+His example was followed by Aristomachus, tyrant of Argos,
+Xeno of Hermione, and Cleonymus of Phlius, who all likewise
+abdicated and joined the democratic league.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_45" id="b2_45"><b>45.</b></a> But the increased power and national advancement which these events
+brought to the Achaeans excited the envy of the Aetolians; who,
+<span class="sidenote">The Aetolians and Antigonus Doson, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;229-220.</span>besides
+their natural inclination to unjust and selfish aggrandisement, were
+inspired with the hope of breaking up the union of Achaean states, as
+they had before succeeded in partitioning those of Acarnania with
+Alexander,<a name="FNanchor_159" id="FNanchor_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> and had planned to do those of Achaia with Antigonus
+Gonatas. Instigated once more by similar expectations, they had now the
+assurance to enter into communication and close alliance at once with
+Antigonus (at that time ruling Macedonia as guardian of the young King
+Philip), and with Cleomenes, King of Sparta. They saw that Antigonus had
+undisputed possession of the throne of Macedonia, while he was an open
+and avowed enemy of the Achaeans owing to the surprise of the
+Acrocorinthus; and they supposed that if they could get the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">141</a></span>Lacedaemonians to join them in their hostility to the league,
+they would easily subdue it, by selecting a favourable opportunity
+for their attack, and securing that it should be assaulted
+on all sides at once. And they would in all probability have
+succeeded, but that they had left out the most important element
+in the calculation, namely, that in Aratus they had to
+reckon with an opponent to their plans of ability equal to
+almost any emergency. Accordingly, when they attempted
+this violent and unjust interference in Achaia, so far from
+succeeding in any of their devices, they, on the contrary,
+strengthened Aratus, the then president of the league, as well as
+the league itself. So consummate was the ability with which
+he foiled their plan and reduced them to impotence. The
+manner in which this was done will be made clear in what I
+am about to relate.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_46" id="b2_46"><b>46.</b></a> There could be no doubt of the policy of the Aetolians.
+They were ashamed indeed to attack the Achaeans
+openly, <span class="sidenote">The Aetolians
+intrigue with
+Cleomenes, King
+of Sparta,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;229-227.</span>
+because they could not ignore their
+recent obligations to them in the war with
+Demetrius: but they were plotting with the
+Lacedaemonians; and showed their jealousy of
+the Achaeans by not only conniving at the treacherous attack
+of Cleomenes upon Tegea, Mantinea, and Orchomenus (cities
+not only in alliance with them, but actually members of their
+league), but by confirming his occupation of those places. In old
+times they had thought almost any excuse good enough to justify
+an appeal to arms against those who, after all, had done them no
+wrong: yet they now allowed themselves to be treated with such
+treachery, and submitted without remonstrance to the loss of
+the most important towns, solely with the view of creating in
+Cleomenes a formidable antagonist to the Achaeans. These
+facts were not lost upon Aratus and the other officers of the
+league: and they resolved that, without taking the initiative in
+going to war with any one, they would resist the attempts of
+the Lacedaemonians. Such was their determination, and for a
+time they persisted in it: but immediately afterwards Cleomenes
+began to build the hostile fort in the territory of
+Megalopolis, called the Athenaeum,<a name="FNanchor_160" id="FNanchor_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">160</a> and showed an undisguised<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">142</a></span>
+and bitter hostility. Aratus and his colleagues accordingly
+summoned a meeting of the league, and it was decided
+to proclaim war openly against Sparta.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_47" id="b2_47"><b>47.</b></a> This was the origin of what is called the Cleomenic
+war. At first the Achaeans were for depending
+on their own resources for facing the Lacedaemonians. <span class="sidenote">Cleomenes,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;227-221.</span>
+They looked upon it as more honourable
+not to look to others for preservation, but to guard their
+own territory and cities themselves; and at the same time the
+remembrances of his former services made them desirous of
+keeping up their friendship with Ptolemy,<a name="FNanchor_161" id="FNanchor_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> and averse from the
+appearance of seeking aid elsewhere. But when the war had
+lasted some time; and Cleomenes had revolutionised the constitution
+of his country, and had turned its constitutional
+monarchy into a despotism; and, moreover, was conducting
+the war with extraordinary skill and boldness: <span class="sidenote">Aratus applies
+to Antigonus
+Doson.</span>seeing
+clearly what would happen, and fearing the
+reckless audacity of the Aetolians, Aratus
+determined that his first duty was to be well
+beforehand in frustrating their plans. He satisfied himself
+that Antigonus was a man of activity and practical ability,
+with some pretensions to the character of a man of honour;
+he however knew perfectly well that kings look on no man
+as a friend or foe from personal considerations, but ever
+measure friendships and enmities solely by the standard of
+expediency. He, therefore, conceived the idea of addressing
+himself to this monarch, and entering into friendly relations
+with him, taking occasion to point out to him the certain result of
+his present policy. But to act openly in this matter he thought
+inexpedient for several reasons. By doing so he would not
+only incur the opposition of Cleomenes and the Aetolians, but
+would cause consternation among the Achaeans themselves,
+because his appeal to their enemies would give the impression
+that he had abandoned all the hopes he once had in them.
+This was the very last idea he desired should go abroad; and
+he therefore determined to conduct this intrigue in secrecy.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">143</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The result of this was that he was often compelled to speak
+and act towards the public in a sense contrary to his true
+sentiments, that he might conceal his real design by suggesting
+one of an exactly opposite nature. For which reason
+there are some particulars which he did not even commit to
+his own commentaries.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_48" id="b2_48"><b>48.</b></a> It did not escape the observation of Aratus that the
+people of Megalopolis would be more ready than others to seek
+the protection of Antigonus, and the hopes of safety offered by
+Macedonia; for their neighbourhood to Sparta exposed them
+to attack before the other states; while they were unable to get
+the help which they ought to have, because the Achaeans were
+themselves hard pressed and in great difficulties. Besides
+they had special reasons for entertaining feelings of affection
+towards the royal family of Macedonia, <span class="sidenote">Philip II. in the
+Peloponnese,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;338.</span>founded
+on the favours received in the time of Philip,
+son of Amyntas. He therefore imparted his
+general design under pledge of secrecy to Nicophanes and
+Cercidas of Megalopolis, who were family friends of his own
+and of a character suited to the undertaking; and by their means
+experienced no difficulty in inducing the people of Megalopolis
+to send envoys to the league, to advise that an application for
+help should be made to Antigonus. Nicophanes and Cercidas
+were themselves selected to go on this mission to the league,
+and thence, if their view was accepted, to Antigonus. The
+league consented to allow the people of Megalopolis to send
+the mission; and accordingly Nicophanes lost no time in obtaining
+an interview with the king. About the interests of his
+own country he spoke briefly and summarily, confining himself
+to the most necessary statements; the greater part of his
+speech was, in accordance with the directions of Aratus,
+concerned with the national question.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_49" id="b2_49"><b>49.</b></a> The points suggested by Aratus for the envoy to dwell
+on were &#8220;the scope and object of the understanding
+between the Aetolians and Cleomenes, <span class="sidenote">The message to
+Antigonus Doson.</span>
+and the necessity of caution on the part primarily
+of the Achaeans, but still more even on that of Antigonus himself:
+first, because the Achaeans plainly could not resist the
+attack of both; and, secondly, because if the Aetolians and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">144</a></span>
+Cleomenes conquered them, any man of sense could easily see
+that they would not be satisfied or stop there. For the
+encroaching spirit of the Aetolians, far from being content to
+be confined by the boundaries of the Peloponnese, would find
+even those of Greece too narrow for them. Again, the ambition
+of Cleomenes was at present directed to the supremacy in the
+Peloponnese: but this obtained, he would promptly aim at that
+of all Greece, in which it would be impossible for him to
+succeed without first crushing the government of Macedonia.
+They were, therefore, to urge him to consider, with a view to
+the future, which of the two courses would be the more to his
+own interests,&mdash;to fight for supremacy in Greece in conjunction
+with the Achaeans and Boeotians against Cleomenes in
+the Peloponnese; or to abandon the most powerful race, and to
+stake the Macedonian empire on a battle in Thessaly, against a
+combined force of Aetolians and Boeotians, with the Achaeans
+and Lacedaemonians to boot. If the Aetolians, from regard
+to the goodwill shown them by the Achaeans in the time of
+Demetrius, were to pretend to be anxious to keep the peace
+as they were at present doing, they were to assert that the
+Achaeans were ready to engage Cleomenes by themselves;
+and if fortune declared in their favour they would want no
+assistance from any one: but if fortune went against them,
+and the Aetolians joined in the attack, they begged him to
+watch the course of events, that he might not let things go
+too far, but might aid the Peloponnesians while they were
+still capable of being saved. He had no need to be anxious
+about the good faith or gratitude of the Achaeans: when the
+time for action came, Aratus pledged himself to find guarantees
+which would be satisfactory to both parties; and similarly
+would himself indicate the moment at which the aid should
+be given.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_50" id="b2_50"><b>50.</b></a> These arguments seemed to Antigonus to have been
+put by Aratus with equal sincerity and ability: and after
+listening to them, he eagerly took the first necessary step by
+writing a letter to the people of Megalopolis with an offer of
+assistance, on condition that such a measure should receive the
+consent of the Achaeans. When Nicophanes and Cercidas
+returned home and delivered this despatch from the king,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">145</a></span>
+reporting at the same time his other expressions of goodwill and
+zeal in the cause, the spirits of the people of Megalopolis were
+greatly elated; and they were all eagerness to attend the
+meeting of the league, and urge that measures should be taken
+to secure the alliance of Antigonus, and to put the management
+of the war in his hands with all despatch. <span class="sidenote">Aratus wishes to
+do without the
+king if possible.</span>
+Aratus learnt privately from Nicophanes the
+king&#8217;s feelings towards the league and towards
+himself; and was delighted that his plan had not failed, and
+that he had not found the king completely alienated from
+himself, as the Aetolians hoped he would be. He regarded
+it also as eminently favourable to his policy, that the people
+of Megalopolis were so eager to use the Achaean league
+as the channel of communication with Antigonus. For his
+first object was if possible to do without this assistance; but
+if he were compelled to have recourse to it, he wished that
+the invitation should not be sent through himself personally,
+but that it should rather come from the Achaeans as a nation.
+For he feared that, if the king came, and conquered Cleomenes
+and the Lacedaemonians in the war, and should then adopt any
+policy hostile to the interests of the national constitution, he
+would have himself by general consent to bear the blame of
+the result: while Antigonus would be justified, by the injury
+which had been inflicted on the royal house of Macedonia
+in the matter of the Acrocorinthus. Accordingly when
+Megalopolitan envoys appeared in the national council,
+and showed the royal despatch, and further declared the
+general friendly disposition of the king, and added an appeal
+to the congress to secure the king&#8217;s alliance without delay;
+and when also the sense of the meeting was clearly shown
+to be in favour of taking this course, Aratus rose, and, after
+setting forth the king&#8217;s zeal, and complimenting the meeting
+upon their readiness to act in the matter, he proceeded to
+urge upon them in a long speech that &#8220;They should try if
+possible to preserve their cities and territory by their own
+efforts, for that nothing could be more honourable or more
+expedient than that: but that, if it turned out that fortune
+declared against them in this effort, they might then have
+recourse to the assistance of their friends; but not until they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">146</a></span>
+had tried all their own resources to the uttermost.&#8221; This
+speech was received with general applause: and it was decided
+to take no fresh departure at present, and to endeavour to
+bring the existing war to a conclusion unaided.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_51" id="b2_51"><b>51.</b></a> But when Ptolemy, despairing of retaining the league&#8217;s
+friendship, began to furnish Cleomenes with <span class="sidenote">Euergetes jealous
+of the Macedonian
+policy of Aratus,
+helps Cleomenes.</span>
+supplies,&mdash;which he did with a view of setting
+him up as a foil to Antigonus, thinking the
+Lacedaemonians offered him better hopes than
+the Achaeans of being able to thwart the policy of the Macedonian
+kings; and when the Achaeans themselves had suffered
+three defeats,&mdash;one at Lycaeum in an engagement with Cleomenes
+whom they had met on a march; and again in a pitched
+battle at Ladocaea in the territory of Megalopolis, in which
+Lydiades fell; and a third time decisively at a place called Hecatomboeum
+in the territory of Dyme where their whole forces had
+been engaged,&mdash;after these misfortunes, no further delay was
+possible, and they were compelled by the force of circumstances
+to appeal unanimously to Antigonus. Thereupon Aratus sent
+his son to Antigonus, and ratified the terms of the subvention.
+The great difficulty was this: it was believed to be certain that
+the king would send no assistance, except on the condition of
+the restoration of the Acrocorinthus, and of having the city
+of Corinth put into his hands as a base of operations in this
+war; and on the other hand it seemed impossible that the
+Achaeans should venture to put the Corinthians in the king&#8217;s
+power against their own consent. The final determination of
+the matter was accordingly postponed, that they might
+investigate the question of the securities to be given to the
+king.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_52" id="b2_52"><b>52.</b></a> Meanwhile, on the strength of the dismay caused by
+his successes, Cleomenes was making an unopposed
+progress through the cities, <span class="sidenote">The Achaeans
+offer to surrender
+the Acrocorinthus
+to Antigonus.</span>
+winning
+some by persuasion and others by threats. In
+this way, he got possession of Caphyae, Pellene,
+Pheneus, Argos, Phlius, Cleonae, Epidaurus, Hermione,
+Troezen, and last of all Corinth, while he personally commanded
+a siege of Sicyon. But this in reality relieved the Achaeans
+from a very grave difficulty. For the Corinthians by ordering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">147</a></span>
+Aratus, as Strategus of the league, and the Achaeans to
+evacuate the town, and by sending messages to Cleomenes
+inviting his presence, gave the Achaeans a ground of action
+and a reasonable pretext for moving. Aratus was quick to
+take advantage of this; and, as the Achaeans were in actual
+possession of the Acrocorinthus, he made his peace with the
+royal family of Macedonia by offering it to Antigonus; and
+at the same time gave thus a sufficient guarantee for friendship
+in the future, and further secured Antigonus a base of
+operations for the war with Sparta.</p>
+
+<p>Upon learning of this compact between the league and
+Antigonus, Cleomenes raised the siege of <span class="sidenote">Cleomenes prepares
+to resist.</span>
+Sicyon and pitched his camp near the Isthmus;
+and, having thrown up a line of fortification
+uniting the Acrocorinthus with the mountain called the
+&#8220;Ass&#8217;s Back,&#8221; began from this time to expect with confidence
+the empire of the Peloponnese. But Antigonus had made his
+preparations long in advance, in accordance with the suggestion
+of Aratus, and was only waiting for the right moment to act.
+<span class="sidenote">Antigonus comes
+to the Isthmus,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;224.</span>
+And now the news which he received convinced
+him that the entrance of Cleomenes
+into Thessaly, at the head of an army, was only
+a question of a very few days: he accordingly despatched
+envoys to Aratus and the league to conclude the terms
+of the treaty<a name="FNanchor_162" id="FNanchor_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">162</a> and marched to the Isthmus with his army
+by way of Euboea. He took this route because the Aetolians,
+after trying other expedients for preventing Antigonus bringing
+this aid, now forbade his marching south of Thermopylae with
+an army, threatening that, if he did, they would offer armed
+opposition to his passage.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_53" id="b2_53"><b>53.</b></a> Thus Antigonus and Cleomenes were encamped face
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">148</a></span>to face: the former desirous of effecting an entrance into the
+Peloponnese, Cleomenes determined to prevent him.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile the Achaeans, in spite of their severe disasters,
+did not abandon their purpose or give up all
+hopes of retrieving their fortunes. <span class="sidenote">The Achaeans
+seize Argos.</span>
+They gave
+Aristotle of Argos assistance when he headed a
+rising against the Cleomenic faction; and, under the command
+of Timoxenus the Strategus, surprised and seized Argos. And
+this must be regarded as the chief cause of the improvement
+which took place in their fortunes; for this reverse checked the
+ardour of Cleomenes and damped the courage of his soldiers
+in advance, as was clearly shown by what took place afterwards.
+For though Cleomenes had already possession of more advantageous
+posts, and was in the enjoyment of more abundant
+supplies than Antigonus, and was at the same time inspired
+with superior courage and ambition: yet, as soon as he was informed
+that Argos was in the hands of the Achaeans, he at once
+drew back, abandoned all these advantages, and retreated from
+the Isthmus with every appearance of precipitation, in terror of
+being completely surrounded by his enemies. At first he retired
+upon Argos, and for a time made some attempt to regain the
+town. But the Achaeans offered a gallant resistance; and the
+Argives themselves were stirred up to do the same by remorse
+for having admitted him before: and so, having failed in this
+attempt also, he marched back to Sparta by way of Mantinea.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_54" id="b2_54"><b>54.</b></a> On his part, Antigonus advanced without any casualty
+into the Peloponnese, and took over the
+Acrocorinthus; <span class="sidenote">Antigonus receives
+the Acrocorinthus.</span>
+and, without wasting time there,
+pushed on in his enterprise and entered Argos.
+He only stayed there long enough to compliment the Argives
+on their conduct, and to provide for the security of the
+city; and then immediately starting again directed his
+march towards Arcadia; and after ejecting the garrisons
+from the posts which had been fortified by Cleomenes in the
+territories of Aegys and Belmina, and, putting those strongholds
+in the hands of the people of Megalopolis, he went
+to Aegium to attend the meeting of the Achaean league.
+There he made a statement of his own proceedings, and consulted
+with the meeting as to the measures to be taken in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">149</a></span>
+future. He was appointed commander-in-chief of the allied
+army, and went into winter quarters at Sicyon and Corinth.</p>
+
+<p>At the approach of spring he broke up his camp and got
+on the march. On the third day he arrived at <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;223.
+Recovery of
+Tegea.</span>
+Tegea, and being joined there by the Achaean
+forces, he proceeded to regularly invest the city.
+But the vigour displayed by the Macedonians in conducting
+the siege, and especially in the digging of mines, soon reduced
+the Tegeans to despair, and they accordingly surrendered.
+After taking the proper measures for securing the town,
+Antigonus proceeded to extend his expedition. <span class="sidenote">Skirmish with
+Cleomenes.</span>He now
+marched with all speed into Laconia; and having
+found Cleomenes in position on the frontier, he
+was trying to bring him to an engagement, and
+was harassing him with skirmishing attacks, when news was
+brought to him by his scouts that the garrison <span class="sidenote">Capture of
+Orchomenus and Mantinea.</span>
+of Orchomenus had started to join Cleomenes.
+He at once broke up his camp, hurried thither,
+and carried the town by assault. Having done that, he next
+invested Mantinea and began to besiege it.
+This town also being soon terrified into surrender
+by the Macedonians, he started again along the road to
+Heraea and Telphusa. <span class="sidenote">and Heraea and
+Telphusa.</span>
+These towns, too, being
+secured by the voluntary surrender of their inhabitants,
+as the winter was by this time approaching,
+he went again to Aegium to attend the meeting of
+the league. His Macedonian soldiers he sent away to winter
+at home, while he himself remained to confer with the
+Achaeans on the existing state of affairs.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_55" id="b2_55"><b>55.</b></a> But Cleomenes was on the alert. He saw that the
+Macedonians in the army of Antigonus had been sent home;
+and that the king and his mercenaries in Aegium were three
+days&#8217; march from Megalopolis; and this latter town he well
+knew to be difficult to guard, owing to its great extent, and the
+sparseness of its inhabitants; and, moreover, that it was just
+then being kept with even greater carelessness than usual, owing
+to Antigonus being in the country; and what was more important
+than anything else, he knew that the larger number of
+its men of military age had fallen at the battles of Lycaeum<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">150</a></span>
+and Ladoceia. There happened to be residing in Megalopolis
+some Messenian exiles; by whose help he managed, under
+cover of night, to get within the walls without being detected.
+When day broke he had a narrow escape from being ejected, if
+not from absolute destruction, through the valour of the citizens.
+This had been his fortune three months before, when he had
+made his way into the city by the region which is called the
+C&#333;laeum: but on this occasion, by the superiority of his
+force, and the seizure in advance of the strongest positions in
+the town, he succeeded in effecting his purpose. He eventually
+ejected the inhabitants, and took entire possession of
+the city; which, once in his power, he dismantled in so savage
+and ruthless a manner as to preclude the least hope that it
+might ever be restored. The reason of his acting in this
+manner was, I believe, that Megalopolis and Stymphalus
+were the only towns in which, during the vicissitudes of
+that period, he never succeeded in obtaining a single partisan,
+or inducing a single citizen to turn traitor. For the
+passion for liberty and the loyalty of the Clitorians had been
+stained by the baseness of one man, Thearces; whom the
+Clitorians, with some reason, denied to be a native of their
+city, asserting that he had been foisted in from Orchomenus,
+and was the offspring of one of the foreign garrison there.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_56" id="b2_56"><b>56.</b></a> For the history of the same period, with which we are
+now engaged, there are two authorities, <span class="sidenote">Digression (to
+ch. 63) on the
+misstatements of
+Phylarchus.</span>
+Aratus
+and Phylarchus,<a name="FNanchor_163" id="FNanchor_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> whose opinions are opposed in
+many points and their statements contradictory.
+I think, therefore, it will be advantageous, or
+rather necessary, since I follow Aratus in my account of
+the Cleomenic war, to go into the question; and not by
+any neglect on my part to suffer misstatements in historical<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">151</a></span>
+writings to enjoy an authority equal to that of truth. The fact is
+that the latter of these two writers has, throughout the whole of his
+history, made statements at random and without discrimination.
+It is not, however, necessary for me to criticise him on other
+points on the present occasion, or to call him to strict account
+concerning them; but such of his statements as relate to the
+period which I have now in hand, that is the Cleomenic war, these
+I must thoroughly sift. They will be quite sufficient to enable
+us to form a judgment on the general spirit and ability with
+which he approaches historical writing. It was his object to
+bring into prominence the cruelty of Antigonus and the Macedonians,
+<span class="sidenote">Mantinea.</span>as well as that of Aratus and the
+Achaeans; and he accordingly asserts that, when
+Mantinea fell into their hands, it was cruelly treated; and
+that the most ancient and important of all the Arcadian
+towns was involved in calamities so terrible as to move all
+Greece to horror and tears. And being eager to stir the
+hearts of his readers to pity, and to enlist their sympathies
+by his story, he talks of women embracing, tearing their hair,
+and exposing their breasts; and again of the tears and
+lamentations of men and women, led off into captivity along
+with their children and aged parents. And this he does again
+and again throughout his whole history, by way of bringing the
+terrible scene vividly before his readers. I say nothing of the
+unworthiness and unmanliness of the course he has adopted:
+let us only inquire what is essential and to the purpose in
+history. Surely an historian&#8217;s object should not be to amaze
+his readers by a series of thrilling anecdotes; nor should he
+aim at producing speeches which <i>might</i> have been delivered,
+nor study dramatic propriety in details like a writer of tragedy:
+but his function is above all to record with fidelity what was
+actually said or done, however commonplace it may be. For
+the purposes of history and of the drama are not the same, but
+widely opposed to each other. In the former the object is to
+strike and delight by words as true to nature as possible; in
+the latter to instruct and convince by genuine words and
+deeds; in the former the effect is meant to be temporary, in
+the latter permanent. In the former, again, the power of
+carrying an audience is the chief excellence, because the object<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">152</a></span>
+is to create illusion; but in the latter the thing of primary
+importance is truth, because the object is to benefit the
+learner. And apart from these considerations, Phylarchus, in
+most of the catastrophes which he relates, omits to suggest the
+causes which gave rise to them, or the course of events which
+led up to them: and without knowing these, it is impossible to
+feel the due indignation or pity at anything which occurs. For
+instance, everybody looks upon it as an outrage that the free
+should be struck: still, if a man provokes it by an act of violence,
+he is considered to have got no more than he deserved; and,
+where it is done for correction and discipline, those who strike
+free men are deemed worthy of honour and gratitude. Again,
+the killing of a fellow-citizen is regarded as a heinous crime,
+deserving the severest penalties: and yet it is notorious that the
+man who kills a thief, or his wife&#8217;s paramour, is held guiltless;
+while he who kills a traitor or tyrant in every country receives
+honours and pre-eminence. And so in everything our final judgment
+does not depend upon the mere things done, but upon their
+causes and the views of the actors, according as these differ.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_57" id="b2_57"><b>57.</b></a> Now the people of Mantinea had in the first instance
+abandoned the league, and voluntarily submitted, first to
+the Aetolians, and afterwards to Cleomenes. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;227.</span>
+Being therefore, in accordance with this
+policy, members of the Lacedaemonian community, in the
+fourth year before the coming of Antigonus, their city was
+forcibly taken possession of by the Achaeans owing to the
+skilful plotting of Aratus. But on that occasion, so far from
+being subjected to any severity for their act of treason, it
+became a matter of general remark how promptly the feelings
+of the conquerors and the conquered underwent a
+revolution. As soon as he had got possession of the town,
+Aratus issued orders to his own men that no one was to lay a
+finger on anything that did not belong to him; and then,
+having summoned the Mantineans to a meeting, he bade them
+be of good cheer, and stay in their own houses; for that, as
+long as they remained members of the league, their safety was
+secured. On their part, the Mantineans, surprised at this
+unlooked-for prospect of safety, immediately experienced a
+universal revulsion of feeling. The very men against whom<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">153</a></span>
+they had a little while before been engaged in a war, in which
+they had seen many of their kinsfolk killed, and no small
+number grievously wounded, they now received into their
+houses, and entertained as their guests, interchanging every
+imaginable kindness with them. And naturally so. For I
+believe that there never were men who met with more kindly
+foes, or came out of a struggle with what seemed the most dreadful
+disasters more scatheless, than did the Mantineans, owing
+to the humanity of Aratus and the Achaeans towards them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_58" id="b2_58"><b>58.</b></a> But they still saw certain dangers ahead from intestine
+disorders, and the hostile designs of the Aetolians and
+Lacedaemonians; they subsequently, therefore, sent envoys
+to the league asking for a guard for their town. The request
+was granted: and three hundred of the league army were
+selected by lot to form it. These men on whom the lot fell
+started for Mantinea; and, abandoning their native cities and
+their callings in life, remained there to protect the lives and
+liberties of the citizens. Besides them, the league despatched
+two hundred mercenaries, who joined the Achaean guard in
+protecting the established constitution. But this state of
+things did not last long: an insurrection broke out in the town,
+and the Mantineans called in the aid of the Lacedaemonians;
+delivered the city into their hands; and put to death the
+garrison sent by the league. It would not be easy to
+mention a grosser or blacker act of treachery. Even if they
+resolved to utterly set at nought the gratitude they owed to,
+and the friendship they had formed with, the league; they
+ought at least to have spared these men, and to have let every
+one of them depart under some terms or another: for this
+much it is the custom by the law of nations to grant even to
+foreign enemies. But in order to satisfy Cleomenes and the
+Lacedaemonians of their fidelity in the policy of the hour, they
+deliberately, and in violation of international law, consummated
+a crime of the most impious description. To slaughter and
+wreak vengeance on the men who had just before taken
+their city, and refrained from doing them the least
+harm, and who were at that very moment engaged in protecting
+their lives and liberties,&mdash;can anything be imagined more
+detestable? What punishment can be conceived to correspond<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">154</a></span>
+with its enormity? If one suggests that they would be rightly
+served by being sold into slavery, with their wives and children,
+as soon as they were beaten in war; it may be answered that
+this much is only what, by the laws of warfare, awaits even
+those who have been guilty of no special act of impiety. They
+deserved therefore to meet with a punishment even more
+complete and heavy than they did; so that, even if what
+Phylarchus mentions did happen to them, there was no reason
+for the pity of Greece being bestowed on them: praise and
+approval rather were due to those who exacted vengeance for
+their impious crime. But since, as a matter of fact, nothing
+worse befel the Mantineans than the plunder of their property
+and the selling of their free citizens into slavery, this historian,
+for the mere sake of a sensational story, has not only told a pure
+lie, but an improbable lie. His wilful ignorance also was so supreme,
+that he was unable to compare with this alleged cruelty
+of the Achaeans the conduct of the same people in the case of
+Tegea, which they took by force at the same period, and yet did
+no injury to its inhabitants. And yet, if the natural cruelty of
+the perpetrators was the sole cause of the severity to Mantinea,
+it is to be presumed that Tegea would have been treated in the
+same way. But if their treatment of Mantinea was an exception
+to that of every other town, the necessary inference is that the
+cause for their anger was exceptional also.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_59" id="b2_59"><b>59.</b></a> Again Phylarchus says that Aristomachus the Argive,
+a man of a most distinguished family, <span class="sidenote">Aristomachus.</span>who
+had been despot of Argos, as his fathers had
+been before him, upon falling into the hands of Antigonus
+and the league &#8220;was hurried off to Cenchreae and there
+racked to death,&mdash;an unparalleled instance of injustice and
+cruelty.&#8221; But in this matter also our author preserves his
+peculiar method. He makes up a story about certain
+cries of this man, when he was on the rack, being heard
+through the night by the neighbours: &#8220;some of whom,&#8221; he
+says, &#8220;rushed to the house in their horror, or incredulity,
+or indignation at the outrage.&#8221; As for the sensational story,
+let it pass; I have said enough on that point. But I must
+express my opinion that, even if Aristomachus had committed
+no crime against the Achaeans besides, yet his whole life and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">155</a></span>
+his treason to his own country deserved the heaviest possible
+punishment. And in order, forsooth, to enhance this man&#8217;s
+reputation, and move his reader&#8217;s sympathies for his sufferings,
+our historian remarks that he had not only been a tyrant
+himself, but that his fathers had been so before him. It would
+not be easy to bring a graver or more bitter charge against a
+man than this: for the mere word &#8220;tyrant&#8221; involves the idea
+of everything that is wickedest, and includes every injustice
+and crime possible to mankind. And if Aristomachus endured
+the most terrible tortures, as Phylarchus says, he yet would
+not have been sufficiently punished for the crime of one day,
+in which, when Aratus had effected an entrance into Argos
+with the Achaean soldiers,&mdash;and after supporting the most
+severe struggles and dangers for the freedom of its citizens, had
+eventually been driven out, because the party within who were
+in league with him had not ventured to stir, for fear of the
+tyrant,&mdash;Aristomachus availed himself of the pretext of their
+complicity with the irruption of the Achaeans to put to the rack
+and execute eighty of the leading citizens, who were perfectly
+innocent, in the presence of their relations. I pass by the
+history of his whole life and the crimes of his ancestors; for
+that would be too long a story.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_60" id="b2_60"><b>60.</b></a> But this shows that we ought not to be indignant if
+a man reaps as he has sown; but rather if he is allowed to
+end his days in peace, without experiencing such retribution
+at all. Nor ought we to accuse Antigonus or Aratus of crime,
+for having racked and put to death a tyrant whom they had
+captured in war: to have killed and wreaked vengeance on
+whom, even in time of peace, would have brought praise and
+honour to the doers from all right-minded persons.</p>
+
+<p>But when, in addition to these crimes, he was guilty also of
+treachery to the league, what shall we say that he deserved?
+The facts of the case are these. He abdicated his sovereignty
+of Argos shortly before, finding himself in difficulties, owing to
+the state of affairs brought on by the death of Demetrius. He
+was, however, protected by the clemency and generosity of the
+league; and, much to his own surprise, was left unmolested.
+For the Achaean government not only secured him an
+indemnity for all crimes committed by him while despot, but
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">156</a></span>
+admitted him as a member of the league, and invested him
+with the highest office in it,&mdash;that, namely, of Commander-in-Chief
+and Strategus.<a name="FNanchor_164" id="FNanchor_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">164</a> All these favours he immediately forgot,
+as soon as his hopes were a little raised by the Cleomenic war;
+and at a crisis of the utmost importance he withdrew his
+native city, as well as his own personal adhesion, from the
+league, and attached them to its enemies. For such an act
+of treason what he deserved was not to be racked under cover
+of night at Cenchreae, and then put to death, as Phylarchus
+says: he ought to have been taken from city to city in the
+Peloponnese, and to have ended his life only after exemplary
+torture in each of them. And yet the only severity that this
+guilty wretch had to endure was to be drowned in the sea by
+order of the officers at Cenchreae.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_61" id="b2_61"><b>61.</b></a> There is another illustration of this writer&#8217;s manner
+to be found in his treatment of the cases of
+Mantinea and Megalopolis. <span class="sidenote">Megalopolis.</span>The misfortunes
+of the former he has depicted with his usual exaggeration and
+picturesqueness: apparently from the notion, that it is the
+peculiar function of an historian to select for special mention
+only such actions as are conspicuously bad. But about
+the noble conduct of the Megalopolitans at that same period
+he has not said a word: as though it were the province of history
+to deal with crimes rather than with instances of just and
+noble conduct; or as though his readers would be less improved
+by the record of what is great and worthy of imitation, than by
+that of such deeds as are base and fit only to be avoided. For
+instance, he has told us clearly enough how Cleomenes took
+the town, preserved it from damage, and forthwith sent couriers
+to the Megalopolitans in Messene with a despatch, offering
+them the safe enjoyment of their country if they would throw
+in their lot with him;&mdash;and his object in telling all this is
+to enhance the magnanimity and moderation of Cleomenes
+towards his enemies. Nay, he has gone farther, and told us
+how the people of Megalopolis would not allow the letter to
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">157</a></span>
+be read to the end, and were not far from stoning the bearers
+of it. Thus much he does tell us. But the sequel to this, so
+appropriate to an historian,&mdash;the commendation, I mean, and
+honourable mention of their noble conduct,&mdash;this he has altogether
+left out. And yet he had an opportunity ready to his
+hand. For if we view with approval the conduct of a people
+who merely by their declarations and votes support a war in
+behalf of friends and allies; while to those who go so far as to
+endure the devastation of their territory, and a siege of their
+town, we give not only praise but active gratitude: what
+must be our estimate of the people of Megalopolis?
+Must it not be of the most exalted character? First of all,
+they allowed their territory to be at the mercy of Cleomenes,
+and then consented to be entirely deprived of their city, rather
+than be false to the league: and, finally, in spite of an unexpected
+chance of recovering it, they deliberately preferred the
+loss of their territory, the tombs of their ancestors, their temples,
+their homes and property, of everything in fact which men
+value most, to forfeiting their faith to their allies. No nobler
+action has ever been, or ever will be performed; none to which
+an historian could better draw his reader&#8217;s attention. For
+what could be a higher incentive to good faith, or the maintenance
+of frank and permanent relations between states?
+But of all this Phylarchus says not a word, being, as it
+seems to me, entirely blind as to all that is noblest and best
+suited to be the theme of an historian.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_62" id="b2_62"><b>62.</b></a> He does, however, state in the course of his narrative
+that, from the spoils of Megalopolis, six thousand
+talents fell to the Lacedaemonians, <span class="sidenote">and its wealth.</span>of
+which two thousand, according to custom, were given to
+Cleomenes. This shows, to begin with, an astounding ignorance
+of the ordinary facts as to the resources of Greece:
+a knowledge which above all others should be possessed
+by historians. I am not of course now speaking of the
+period in which the Peloponnese had been ruined by the
+Macedonian kings, and still more completely by a long continuance
+of intestine struggles; but of our own times, in
+which it is believed, by the establishment of its unity, to be
+enjoying the highest prosperity of which it is capable. Still
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">158</a></span>
+even at this period, if you could collect all the movable property
+of the whole Peloponnese (leaving out the value of slaves),
+it would be impossible to get so large a sum of money together.
+That I speak on good grounds and not at random will appear
+from the following fact. Every one has read that when the
+Athenians, in conjunction with the Thebans, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;378.</span>
+entered upon the war with the Lacedaemonians,
+and despatched an army of twenty thousand men, and manned
+a hundred triremes, they resolved to supply the expenses of
+the war by the assessment of a property tax; and accordingly
+had a valuation taken, not only of the whole land of
+Attica and the houses in it, but of all other property: but yet
+the value returned fell short of six thousand talents by two
+hundred and fifty; which will show that what I have just said
+about the Peloponnese is not far wide of the mark. But at
+this period the most exaggerated estimate could scarcely give
+more than three hundred talents, as coming from Megalopolis
+itself; for it is acknowledged that most of the inhabitants, free
+and slaves, escaped to Messene. But the strongest confirmation
+of my words is the case of Mantinea, which, as he himself
+observes, was second to no Arcadian city in wealth and numbers.
+Though it was surrendered after a siege, so that no one
+could escape, and no property could without great difficulty be
+concealed; yet the value of the whole spoil of the town, including
+the price of the captives sold, amounted at this same
+period to only three hundred talents.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_63" id="b2_63"><b>63.</b></a> But a more astonishing misstatement remains to be remarked.
+In the course of his history of this
+war, <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy
+Euergetes and
+Cleomenes.</span>
+Phylarchus asserts &#8220;that about ten days
+before the battle an ambassador came from
+Ptolemy announcing to Cleomenes, that the king declined to
+continue to support him with supplies, and advised him to make
+terms with Antigonus. And that when this message had been
+delivered to Cleomenes, he made up his mind that he had
+better put his fortune to the supreme test as soon as possible,
+before his forces learnt about this message, because he
+could not hope to provide the soldiers&#8217; pay from his own resources.&#8221;
+But if he had at that very time become the master
+of six thousand talents, he would have been better supplied
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">159</a></span>
+than Ptolemy himself. And as for war with Antigonus, if he
+had become master of only three hundred talents, he would
+have been able to continue it without any difficulty. But the
+writer states two inconsistent propositions&mdash;that Cleomenes
+depended wholly on Ptolemy for money: and that he at the
+same time had become master of that enormous sum. Is this
+not irrational, and grossly careless besides? I might mention
+many instances of a similar kind, not only in his account of
+this period, but throughout his whole work; but I think for
+my present purpose enough has been said.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_64" id="b2_64"><b>64.</b></a> Megalopolis having fallen, then, Antigonus spent the
+winter at Argos. But at the approach of spring
+Cleomenes collected his army, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;222.
+Cleomenes invades
+Argos.</span>
+addressed a
+suitable exhortation to them, and led them into
+the Argive territory. Most people thought this a hazardous
+and foolhardy step, because the places at which the frontier
+was crossed were strongly fortified; but those who were
+capable of judging regarded the measure as at once safe and
+prudent. For seeing that Antigonus had dismissed his forces,
+he reckoned on two things,&mdash;there would be no one to resist
+him, and therefore he would run no risk; and when the
+Argives found that their territory was being laid waste up to
+their walls, they would be certain to be roused to anger and to
+lay the blame upon Antigonus: therefore, if on the one hand
+Antigonus, unable to bear the complaints of the populace, were
+to sally forth and give him battle with his present forces, Cleomenes
+felt sure of an easy victory; but if on the other hand
+Antigonus refused to alter his plans, and kept persistently aloof,
+he believed that he would be able to effect a safe retreat
+home, after succeeding by this expedition in terrifying his
+enemies and inspiring his own forces with courage. And this
+was the actual result. For as the devastation of the country
+went on, crowds began to collect and abuse Antigonus: but
+like a wise general and king, he refused to allow any consideration
+to outweigh that of sound strategy, and persisted in remaining
+inactive. Accordingly Cleomenes, in pursuance of his
+plan, having terrified his enemies and inspired courage in his
+own army for the coming struggle, returned home unmolested.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_65" id="b2_65"><b>65.</b></a> Summer having now come, and the Macedonian and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">160</a></span>
+Achaean soldiers having assembled from their winter quarters,
+Antigonus moved his army, along with his
+allies, into Laconia. <span class="sidenote">The summer
+campaign.
+The army of
+Antigonus.</span>The main force consisted
+of ten thousand Macedonians for the phalanx,
+three thousand light armed, and three hundred
+cavalry. With these were a thousand Agraei; the same number
+of Gauls; three thousand mercenary infantry, and three
+hundred cavalry; picked troops of the Achaeans, three
+thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry; and a thousand
+Megalopolitans armed in the Macedonian manner, under the
+command of Cercidas of Megalopolis. Of the allies there were
+two thousand infantry, and two hundred cavalry, from Boeotia;
+a thousand infantry and fifty cavalry from Epirus; the same
+number from Acarnania; and sixteen hundred from Illyria, under
+the command of Demetrius of Pharos. The whole amounted
+to twenty-eight thousand infantry and twelve hundred cavalry.</p>
+
+<p>Cleomenes had expected the attack, and had secured the
+passes into the country by posting garrisons, <span class="sidenote">The position of
+Cleomenes at
+Sellasia.</span>
+digging trenches, and felling trees; while he
+took up position at a place called Sellasia, with
+an army amounting to twenty thousand, having calculated that
+the invading forces would take that direction: which turned out
+to be the case. This pass lies between two hills, called
+respectively Evas and Olympus, and the road to Sparta follows
+the course of the river Oenus. Cleomenes strengthened both
+these hills by lines of fortification, consisting of trench and
+palisade. On Evas he posted the perioeci and allies, under
+the command of his brother Eucleidas; while he himself held
+Olympus with the Lacedaemonians and mercenaries. On
+the level ground along the river he stationed his cavalry, with
+a division of his mercenaries, on both sides of the road.
+When Antigonus arrived, he saw at once the strength of the
+position, and the skill with which Cleomenes had selected the
+different branches of his army to occupy the points of vantage,
+so that the whole aspect of the position was like that of
+skilled soldiers drawn up ready for a charge. For no preparation
+for attack or defence had been omitted; but everything
+was in order, either for offering battle with effect, or for
+holding an almost unassailable position.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">161</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_66" id="b2_66"><b>66.</b></a> The sight of these preparations decided Antigonus not
+to make an immediate attack upon the position, or rashly hazard
+an engagement. He pitched his camp a short distance from it,
+covering his front by the stream called Gorgylus, and there remained
+for some days; informing himself by reconnaissances of
+the peculiarities of the ground and the character of the troops,
+and at the same time endeavouring by feigned movements to
+elicit the intentions of the enemy. But he could never find an
+unguarded point, or one where the troops were not entirely on
+the alert, for Cleomenes was always ready at a moment&#8217;s notice
+to be at any point that was attacked. He therefore gave up
+all thoughts of attacking the position; and finally an understanding
+was come to between him and Cleomenes to bring
+the matter to the decision of battle. And, indeed, Fortune
+had there brought into competition two commanders equally
+endowed by nature with military skill. To face the division
+of the enemy on Evas Antigonus stationed his Macedonian
+hoplites with brazen shields, and the Illyrians, drawn up in
+alternate lines, under the command of Alexander, son of
+Acmetus, and Demetrius of Pharos, respectively. Behind
+them he placed the Acarnanians and Cretans, and behind
+them again were two thousand Achaeans to act as a reserve.
+His cavalry, on the banks of the river Oenous, were posted
+opposite the enemy&#8217;s cavalry, under the command of Alexander,
+and flanked by a thousand Achaean infantry and the
+same number of Megalopolitans. Antigonus himself determined
+to lead his mercenaries and Macedonian troops in
+person against the division on Olympus commanded by Cleomenes.
+Owing to the narrowness of the ground, the Macedonians
+were arranged in a double phalanx, one close behind the
+other, while the mercenaries were placed in front of them. It
+was arranged that the Illyrians, who had bivouacked in full
+order during the previous night along the river Gorgylus, close
+to the foot of Evas, were to begin their assault on the hill when
+they saw a flag of linen raised from the direction of Olympus;
+and that the Megalopolitans and cavalry should do the same
+when the king raised a scarlet flag.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_67" id="b2_67"><b>67.</b></a> The moment for beginning the battle had come: the
+signal was given to the Illyrians, and the word passed by the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">162</a></span>
+officers to their men to do their duty, and in a moment they
+started into view of the enemy and began assaulting
+the hill. <span class="sidenote">Battle of
+Sellasia.</span>
+But the light-armed troops who were
+stationed with Cleomenes&#8217;s cavalry, observing
+that the Achaean lines were not covered by any other troops
+behind them, charged them on the rear; and thus reduced the
+division while endeavouring to carry the hill of Evas to a state of
+great peril,&mdash;being met as they were on their front by Eucleidas
+from the top of the hill, <span class="sidenote">Philopoemen&#8217;s
+presence of mind.</span>
+and being charged
+and vigorously attacked by the light-armed
+mercenaries on their rear. It was at this point
+that Philopoemen of Megalopolis, with a clear understanding
+of the situation and a foresight of what would happen,
+vainly endeavoured to point out the certain result to his
+superior officers. They disregarded him for his want of
+experience in command and his extreme youth; and, accordingly
+he acted for himself, and cheering on the men of his
+own city, made a vigorous charge on the enemy. This effected
+a diversion; for the light-armed mercenaries, who were engaged
+in harassing the rear of the party ascending Evas, hearing the
+shouting and seeing the cavalry engaged, abandoned their
+attack upon this party and hurried back to their original position
+to render assistance to the cavalry. The result was that
+the division of Illyrians, Macedonians, and the rest who were
+advancing with them, no longer had their attention diverted by
+an attack upon their rear, and so continued their advance
+upon the enemy with high spirits and renewed confidence. And
+this afterwards caused it to be acknowledged that to Philopoemen
+was due the honour of the success against Eucleidas.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_68" id="b2_68"><b>68.</b></a> It is clear that Antigonus at any rate entertained that
+opinion, for after the battle he asked Alexander, the commander
+of the cavalry, with the view of convicting him of his
+shortcoming, &#8220;Why he had engaged before the signal was
+given?&#8221; And upon Alexander answering that &#8220;He had not
+done so, but that a young officer from Megalopolis had presumed
+to anticipate the signal, contrary to his wish:&#8221; Antigonus
+replied, &#8220;That young man acted like a good general in grasping
+the situation; you, general, were the youngster.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>What Eucleidas ought to have done, when he saw the enemy<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">163</a></span>&#8217;s
+lines advancing, was to have rushed down at once upon them;
+thrown their ranks into disorder; and then retired himself, step
+by step, to continually higher ground into a safe position: for
+by thus breaking them up and depriving them, to begin with,
+of the advantages of their peculiar armour and disposition, he
+would have secured the victory by the superiority of his position.
+But he did the very opposite of all this, and thereby forfeited
+the advantages of the ground. As though victory were
+assured, he kept his original position on the summit of the
+hill, with the view of catching the enemy at as great an elevation
+as possible, that their flight might be all the longer over
+steep and precipitous ground. The result, as might have been
+anticipated, was exactly the reverse. <span class="sidenote">Defeat of
+Eucleidas.</span>
+For he left himself no
+place of retreat, and by allowing the enemy to
+reach his position, unharmed and in unbroken
+order, he was placed at the disadvantage of having
+to give them battle on the very summit of the hill; and so,
+as soon as he was forced by the weight of their heavy armour
+and their close order to give any ground, it was immediately
+occupied by the Illyrians; while his own men were obliged to
+take lower ground, because they had no space for man&oelig;uvring
+on the top. The result was not long in arriving: they suffered a
+repulse, which the difficult and precipitous nature of the ground
+over which they had to retire turned into a disastrous flight.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_69" id="b2_69"><b>69.</b></a> Simultaneously with these events the cavalry engagement
+was also being brought to a decision; in which all the
+Achaean cavalry, and especially Philopoemen, fought with
+conspicuous gallantry, for to them it was a contest for freedom.
+Philopoemen himself had his horse killed under him, and while
+fighting accordingly on foot received a severe wound through
+both his thighs. <span class="sidenote">Defeat of
+Cleomenes.</span>Meanwhile the two kings
+on the other hill Olympus began by bringing
+their light-armed troops and mercenaries into
+action, of which each of them had five thousand. Both the
+kings and their entire armies had a full view of this action,
+which was fought with great gallantry on both sides: the
+charges taking place sometimes in detachments, and at other
+times along the whole line, and an eager emulation being
+displayed between the several ranks, and even between in
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">164</a></span>dividuals.
+But when Cleomenes saw that his brother&#8217;s division
+was retreating, and that the cavalry in the low ground were
+on the point of doing the same, alarmed at the prospect of
+an attack at all points at once, he was compelled to demolish
+the palisade in his front, and to lead out his whole force in
+line by one side of his position. A recall was sounded on
+the bugle for the light-armed troops of both sides, who were
+on the ground between the two armies: and the phalanxes
+shouting their war cries, and with spears couched, charged
+each other. Then a fierce struggle arose: the Macedonians
+sometimes slowly giving ground and yielding to the superior
+courage of the soldiers of Sparta, and at another time the
+Lacedaemonians being forced to give way before the overpowering
+weight of the Macedonian phalanx. At length
+Antigonus ordered a charge in close order and in double
+phalanx; the enormous weight of this peculiar formation proved
+sufficient to finally dislodge the Lacedaemonians from their
+strongholds, and they fled in disorder and suffering severely as
+they went. Cleomenes himself, with a guard of cavalry,
+effected his retreat to Sparta: but the same night he went
+down to Gythium, where all preparations for crossing the
+sea had been made long before in case of mishap, and with
+his friends sailed to Alexandria.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_70" id="b2_70"><b>70.</b></a> Having surprised and taken Sparta, Antigonus treated
+the citizens with magnanimity and humanity; and after re-establishing
+their ancient constitution, he left the town in
+a few days, on receiving intelligence that the Illyrians had
+invaded Macedonia and were laying waste the country.
+This was an instance of the fantastic way in which Fortune
+decides the most important matters. For if Cleomenes had
+only put off the battle for a few days, or if when he returned
+to Sparta he had only held out for a brief space of time, he
+would have saved his crown.</p>
+
+<p>As it was, Antigonus after going to Tegea and restoring
+its constitution, arrived on the second day at
+Argos, at the very time of the Nemean games. <span class="sidenote">Death of
+Antigonus Doson,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+Having at this assembly received every mark of
+immortal honour and glory at the hands of the Achaean
+community, as well as of the several states, he made all
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">165</a></span>
+haste to reach Macedonia. He found the Illyrians still in
+the country, and forced them to give him battle, in which,
+though he proved entirely successful, he exerted himself to
+such a pitch in shouting encouragement to his men, that he
+ruptured a bloodvessel, and fell into an illness which terminated
+shortly in his death. He was a great loss to the Greeks,
+whom he had inspired with good hopes, not only by his support
+in the field, but still more by his character and good
+principles. He left the kingdom of Macedonia to Philip, son
+of Demetrius.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b2_71" id="b2_71"><b>71.</b></a> My reason for writing about this war at such length,
+was the advisability, or rather necessity, in view of the general
+purpose of my history, of making clear the relations existing
+between Macedonia and Greece at a time which coincides
+with the period of which I am about to treat.</p>
+
+<p>Just about the same time, by the death of Euergetes,
+Ptolemy Philopator succeeded to the throne of Egypt. At the
+same period died Seleucus, son of that Seleucus who had the
+double surnames of Callinicus and Pogon: he was succeeded
+on the throne of Syria by his brother Antiochus. The deaths of
+these three sovereigns&mdash;Antigonus, Ptolemy, and Seleucus&mdash;fell
+in the same Olympiad, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;284-280.
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;224-220.</span>
+as was the case with the
+three immediate successors to Alexander the
+Great,&mdash;Seleucus, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus,&mdash;for
+the latter all died in the 124th Olympiad, and the former
+in the 139th.</p>
+
+<p>I may now fitly close this book. I have completed the
+introduction and laid the foundation on which my history
+must rest. I have shown when, how, and why the Romans,
+after becoming supreme in Italy, began to aim at dominion
+outside of it, and to dispute with the Carthaginians the dominion
+of the sea. I have at the same time explained the state of
+Greece, Macedonia, and Carthage at this epoch. I have now
+arrived at the period which I originally marked out,&mdash;that
+namely in which the Greeks were on the point of beginning
+the Social, the Romans the Hannibalic war, and the kings in
+Asia the war for the possession of Coele-Syria. The termination
+therefore of the wars just described, and the death of the
+princes engaged in them, forms a natural period to this book.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">166</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>BOOK III</h2>
+
+<p><a name="b3_1" id="b3_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">I stated</span> in my first book that my work was to start from
+the Social war, the Hannibalian war, and the war for the
+possession of Coele-Syria. In the same book I stated my
+reasons for devoting my first two books to a sketch of the
+period preceding those events. I will now, after a few
+prefatory remarks as to the scope of my own work, address
+myself to giving a complete account of these wars, the causes
+which led to them, and which account for the proportions to
+which they attained.</p>
+
+<p>The one aim and object, then, of all that I have undertaken
+to write is to show how, when, and why all the
+known parts of the world fell under the
+dominion of Rome. <span class="sidenote">A summary of
+the work from
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220 to <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;168.</span>
+Now as this great event
+admits of being exactly dated as to its beginning,
+duration, and final accomplishment, I think it will
+be advantageous to give, by way of preface, a summary statement
+of the most important phases in it between the beginning
+and the end. For I think I shall thus best secure to the
+student an adequate idea of my whole plan, for as the comprehension
+of the whole is a help to the understanding of
+details, and the knowledge of details of great service to the
+clear conception of the whole; believing that the best and
+clearest knowledge is that which is obtained from a combination
+of these, I will preface my whole history by a brief
+summary of its contents.</p>
+
+<p>I have already described its scope and limits. As to its
+several parts, the first consists of the above mentioned wars,
+while the conclusion or closing scene is the fall of the
+Macedonian monarchy. The time included between these
+limits is fifty-three years, and never has an equal space embraced<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">167</a></span>
+events of such magnitude and importance.<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220-216.</span> In describing
+them I shall start from the 140th Olympiad and
+shall arrange my exposition in the following order:</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_2" id="b3_2"><b>2.</b></a> First I shall indicate the causes of the Punic or
+Hannibalian war: and shall have to describe
+how the Carthaginians entered Italy; <span class="sidenote">1. The cause and
+course of the
+Hannibalian war.</span>
+broke up
+the Roman power there; made the Romans
+tremble for their safety and the very soil of their country;
+and contrary to all calculation acquired a good prospect of
+surprising Rome itself.</p>
+
+<p>I shall next try to make it clear how in the same period
+Philip of Macedon, after finishing his war with <span class="sidenote">2. Macedonian
+treaty with Carthage,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216.</span>
+the Aetolians, and subsequently settling the
+affairs of Greece, entered upon a design of
+forming an offensive and defensive alliance with Carthage.</p>
+
+<p>Then I shall tell how Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopator
+first quarrelled and finally went to war with <span class="sidenote">3. Syrian war,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218.</span>
+each other for the possession of Coele-Syria.</p>
+
+<p>Next how the Rhodians and Prusias went to war with the
+Byzantines, and compelled them to desist from <span class="sidenote">4. Byzantine war,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+exacting dues from ships sailing into the Pontus.</p>
+
+<p>At this point I shall pause in my narrative to introduce a
+disquisition upon the Roman Constitution, <span class="sidenote">First digression
+on the Roman
+Constitution.</span>
+in
+which I shall show that its peculiar character
+contributed largely to their success, not only in
+reducing all Italy to their authority, and in acquiring a
+supremacy over the Iberians and Gauls besides, but also at
+last, after their conquest of Carthage, to their conceiving the
+idea of universal dominion.</p>
+
+<p>Along with this I shall introduce another <span class="sidenote">Second on Hiero
+of Syracuse.</span>
+digression on the fall of Hiero of Syracuse.</p>
+
+<p>After these digressions will come the disturbances in
+Egypt; how, after the death of King Ptolemy, <span class="sidenote">5. The attempted
+partition of the
+dominions of Ptolemy
+Epiphanes,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;204.</span>
+Antiochus and Philip entered into a compact
+for the partition of the dominions of that
+monarch&#8217;s infant son. I shall describe their
+treacherous dealings, Philip laying hands upon
+the islands of the Aegean, and Caria and Samos, Antiochus
+upon Coele-Syria and Phoenicia.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">168</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_3" id="b3_3"><b>3.</b></a> Next, after a summary recapitulation of the proceedings of
+the Carthaginians and Romans in Iberia, Libya, <span class="sidenote">6. War with
+Philip, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;201-197.</span>
+and Sicily, I shall, following the changes of
+events, shift the scene of my story entirely to
+Greece. Here I shall first describe the naval battles of Attalus
+and the Rhodians against Philip; and the war between Philip
+and Rome, the persons engaged, its circumstances, and result.</p>
+
+<p>Next to this I shall have to record the wrath of the Aetolians,
+in consequence of which they invited the aid of
+Antiochus, and thereby gave rise to what is <span class="sidenote">7. Asiatic war,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;192-191.</span>
+called the Asiatic war against Rome and the
+Achaean league. Having stated the causes of this war, and
+described the crossing of Antiochus into Europe, I shall have
+to show first in what manner he was driven from Greece;
+secondly, how, being defeated in the war, he was forced to
+cede all his territory west of Taurus; and thirdly, how the
+Romans, after crushing the insolence of the Gauls, secured
+undisputed possession of Asia, and freed all the nations on
+the west of Taurus from the fear of barbarian inroads and
+the lawless violence of the Gauls.</p>
+
+<p>Next, after reviewing the disasters of the Aetolians and
+Cephallenians, I shall pass to the wars waged <span class="sidenote">8. Gallic wars of
+Eumenes and
+Prusias.</span>
+by Eumenes against Prusias and the Gauls; as
+well as that carried on in alliance with Ariarathes
+against Pharnaces.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, after speaking of the unity and settlement of the
+Peloponnese, and of the growth of the commonwealth
+of Rhodes, I shall add a summary of <span class="sidenote">9. Union of the
+Peloponnese.
+Antiochus
+Epiphanes in
+Egypt. Fall of
+the Macedonian
+monarchy,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;188-168.</span>
+my whole work, concluding by an account
+of the expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes
+against Egypt; of the war against Perseus;
+and the destruction of the Macedonian
+monarchy. Throughout the whole narrative it
+will be shown how the policy adopted by the Romans in one
+after another of these cases, as they arose, led to their eventual
+conquest of the whole world.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_4" id="b3_4"><b>4.</b></a> And if our judgment of individuals and constitutions,
+for praise or blame, could be adequately formed from a simple
+consideration of their successes or defeats, I must necessarily<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">169</a></span>
+have stopped at this point, and have concluded my history as
+soon as I reached these last events in accordance with my
+original plan. For at this point the fifty-three years were
+coming to an end, and the progress of the Roman power had
+arrived at its consummation. And, besides, by this time
+the acknowledgment had been extorted from all that the
+supremacy of Rome must be accepted, and her commands
+obeyed. <span class="sidenote">The plan extended
+to embrace
+the period from
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;168-146.</span>
+But in truth, judgments of either side
+founded on the bare facts of success or failure
+in the field are by no means final. It has
+often happened that what seemed the most
+signal successes have, from ill management, brought the
+most crushing disasters in their train; while not unfrequently
+the most terrible calamities, sustained with spirit,
+have been turned to actual advantage. I am bound, therefore,
+to add to my statement of facts a discussion on the
+subsequent policy of the conquerors, and their administration
+of their universal dominion: and again on the
+various feelings and opinions entertained by other nations
+towards their rulers. And I must also describe the tastes
+and aims of the several nations, whether in their private
+lives or public policy. The present generation will learn
+from this whether they should shun or seek the rule
+of Rome; and future generations will be taught whether to
+praise and imitate, or to decry it. The usefulness of my
+history, whether for the present or the future, will mainly lie
+in this. For the end of a policy should not be, in the eyes
+either of the actors or their historians, simply to conquer others
+and bring all into subjection. Nor does any man of sense
+go to war with his neighbours for the mere purpose of
+mastering his opponents; nor go to sea for the mere sake of
+the voyage; nor engage in professions and trades for the sole
+purpose of learning them. In all these cases the objects are
+invariably the pleasure, honour, or profit which are the results
+of the several employments. Accordingly the object of this
+work shall be to ascertain exactly what the position of the several
+states was, after the universal conquest by which they fell under
+the power of Rome, until the commotions and disturbances
+which broke out at a later period. These I designed to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">170</a></span>
+make the starting-point of what may almost be called a new
+work, partly because of the greatness and surprising nature of
+the events themselves, but chiefly because, in the case of most
+of them, I was not only an eye-witness, but in some cases one
+of the actors, and in others the chief director.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_5" id="b3_5"><b>5.</b></a> The events I refer to are the wars of Rome against the
+Celtiberians and Vaccaei; those of Carthage <span class="sidenote">A new departure;
+the breaking-up
+of the arrangement
+made after
+the fall of
+Macedonia.
+Wars of Carthage
+against Massinissa;
+and of
+Rome against
+the Celtiberians,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;155-150;
+and against Carthage
+(3d Punic
+war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;149-146).</span>
+against Massinissa, king of Libya; and those
+of Attalus and Prusias in Asia. Then also
+Ariarathes, King of Cappadocia, having been
+ejected from his throne by Orophernes through
+the agency of King Demetrius, recovered his
+ancestral power by the help of Attalus; while
+Demetrius, son of Seleucus, after twelve years&#8217;
+possession of the throne of Syria, was deprived
+of it, and of his life at the same time, by a combination
+of the other kings against him. Then
+it was, too, that the Romans restored to their
+country those Greeks who had been charged
+with guilt in the matter of the war with Perseus, after formally
+acquitting them of the crimes alleged against them. Not
+long afterwards the same people turned their hands against
+Carthage: at first with the intention of forcing its removal to
+some other spot, but finally, for reasons to be afterwards
+stated, with the resolution of utterly destroying it. Contemporaneous
+with this came the renunciation by the Macedonians
+of their friendship to Rome, and by the Lacedaemonians
+of their membership of the Achaean league, to
+which the disaster that befell all Greece alike owed its beginning
+and end.</p>
+
+<p>This is my purpose: but its fulfilment must depend upon
+whether Fortune protracts my life to the necessary length. I am
+persuaded, however, that, even if the common human destiny
+does overtake me, this theme will not be allowed to lie idle
+for want of competent men to handle it; for there are many
+besides myself who will readily undertake its completion.
+But having given the heads of the most remarkable events,
+with the object of enabling the reader to grasp the general
+scope of my history as well as the arrangement of its several<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">171</a></span>
+parts, I must now, remembering my original plan, go back to
+the point at which my history starts.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_6" id="b3_6"><b>6.</b></a> Some historians of the Hannibalian war, when they wish
+to point out to us the causes of this contest <span class="sidenote">The origin of the
+2d Punic war;</span>
+between Rome and Carthage, allege first the
+siege of Saguntum by the Carthaginians, and,
+secondly, their breach of treaty by crossing the river called by
+the natives the Iber. But though I should call these the
+first actions in the war, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;334,</span>
+I cannot admit them
+to be its causes. One might just as well say
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;192,</span>
+that the crossing of Alexander the Great into Asia was the
+<i>cause</i> of the Persian war, and the descent of
+Antiochus upon Demetrias the <i>cause</i> of his war
+with Rome. In neither would it be a probable or true statement.
+In the first case, this action of Alexander&#8217;s could not be
+called the cause of a war, for which both he and his father
+Philip in his lifetime had made elaborate preparations: and in
+the second case, we know that the Aetolian league had done
+the same, with a view to a war with Rome, before Antiochus
+came upon the scene. Such definitions are only worthy of men
+who cannot distinguish between a first overt act and a cause or
+pretext; and who do not perceive that a <i>cause</i> is the first in
+a series of events of which such an overt act is the last. I
+shall therefore regard the first attempt to put into execution
+what had already been determined as a &#8220;beginning,&#8221; but I
+shall look for &#8220;causes&#8221; in the motives which suggested such
+action and the policy which dictated it; for it is by these, and
+the calculations to which they give rise, that men are led to
+decide upon a particular line of conduct. The soundness of
+this method will be proved by the following considerations.
+The true causes and origin of the invasion of Persia by Alexander
+are patent to everybody. They were, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;401-400,</span>
+first, the return march of the Greeks under
+Xenophon through the country from the upper Satrapies;
+in the course of which, though throughout Asia all the populations
+were hostile, not a single barbarian ventured to face
+them: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;396-394,</span>
+secondly, the invasion of Asia by the
+Spartan king Agesilaus, in which, though he was
+obliged by troubles in Greece to return in the middle of his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">172</a></span>
+expedition without effecting his object, he yet found no resistance
+of any importance or adequacy. It was these circumstances
+which convinced Philip of the cowardice and inefficiency
+of the Persians; and comparing them with his own high state
+of efficiency for war, and that of his Macedonian subjects, and
+placing before his eyes the splendour of the rewards to be
+gained by such a war, and the popularity which it would bring
+him in Greece, he seized on the pretext of avenging the injuries
+done by Persia to Greece, and determined with great
+eagerness to undertake this war; and was in fact at the time
+of his death engaged in making every kind of preparation for it.</p>
+
+<p>Here we have the <i>cause</i> and the <i>pretext</i> of the Persian war.
+Alexander&#8217;s expedition into Asia was the <i>first action</i> in it.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_7" id="b3_7"><b>7.</b></a> So too of the war of Antiochus with Rome. The <i>cause</i>
+was evidently the exasperation of the Aetolians, <span class="sidenote">and of the war
+with Antiochus.</span>
+who, thinking that they had been slighted in
+a number of instances at the end of the war
+with Philip, not only called in the aid of Antiochus, but resolved
+to go to every extremity in satisfying the anger which
+the events of that time had aroused in them. This was the
+<i>cause</i>. As for the <i>pretext</i>, it was the liberation of Greece,
+which they went from city to city with Antiochus proclaiming,
+without regard to reason or truth; while the <i>first act</i> in the
+war was the descent of Antiochus upon Demetrias.</p>
+
+<p>My object in enlarging upon this distinction is not to attack
+the historians in question, but to rectify the ideas of the
+studious. A physician can do no good to the sick who does
+not know the causes of their ailments; nor can a statesman
+do any good who is unable to conceive the manner, cause, and
+source of the events with which he has from time to time to deal.
+Surely the former could not be expected to institute a suitable
+system of treatment for the body; nor the latter to grapple with
+the exigencies of the situation, without possessing this knowledge
+of its elements. There is nothing, therefore, which we
+ought to be more alive to, and to seek for, than the causes of
+every event which occurs. For the most important results
+are often produced by trifles; and it is invariably easier to
+apply remedial measures at the beginning, before things have
+got beyond the stage of conception and intention.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">173</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_8" id="b3_8"><b>8.</b></a> Now the Roman annalist Fabius asserts that the cause
+of the Hannibalian war, besides the injury inflicted
+upon Saguntum, <span class="sidenote">The credibility of
+Fabius Pictor.</span>
+was the encroaching and
+ambitious spirit of Hasdrubal. &#8220;Having secured
+great power in Iberia, he returned to Libya with the design
+of destroying the constitution and reducing Carthage to a
+despotism. But the leading statesmen, getting timely warning
+of his intention, banded themselves together and successfully
+opposed him. Suspecting this Hasdrubal retired from Libya,
+and thenceforth governed Iberia entirely at his own will without
+taking any account whatever of the Carthaginian Senate.
+This policy had had in Hannibal from his earliest youth a
+zealous supporter and imitator; and when he succeeded to
+the command in Iberia he continued it: and accordingly, even
+in the case of this war with Rome, was acting on his own
+authority and contrary to the wish of the Carthaginians; for
+none of the men of note in Carthage approved of his attack
+upon Saguntum.&#8221; This is the statement of Fabius, who goes
+on to say, that &#8220;after the capture of that city an embassy
+arrived in Carthage from Rome demanding that Hannibal
+should be given up on pain of a declaration of war.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>Now what answer could Fabius have given if we had put
+the following question to him? &#8220;What better chance or
+opportunity could the Carthaginians have had of combining
+justice and interest? According to your own account they
+disliked the proceeding of Hannibal: why did they not submit
+to the demands of Rome by surrendering the author of the
+injury; and thus get rid of the common enemy of the state
+without the odium of doing it themselves, and secure the
+safety of their territory by ridding themselves of the threatened
+war&mdash;all of which they could have effected by merely passing
+a decree?&#8221; If this question were put, I say, it would admit
+of no answer. The fact is that, so far from doing anything of
+the sort, they maintained the war in accordance with Hannibal&#8217;s
+policy for seventeen years; and refused to make terms
+until, at the end of a most determined struggle, they found
+their own city and persons in imminent danger of destruction.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_9" id="b3_9"><b>9.</b></a> I do not allude to Fabius and his annals from any fear of
+their wearing such an air of probability in themselves as to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">174</a></span>
+gain any credit,&mdash;for the fact is that his assertions are so contrary
+to reason, that it does not need any argument of mine to
+help his readers to perceive it,&mdash;but I wished to warn those
+who take up his books not to be misled by the authority of his
+name, but to be guided by facts. For there is a certain class
+of readers in whose eyes the personality of the writer is of more
+account than what he says. They look to the fact that
+Fabius was a contemporary and a member of the Senate, and
+assume without more ado that everything he says may be
+trusted. My view, however, is that we ought not to hold the
+authority of this writer lightly: yet at the same time that we
+should not regard it as all-sufficient; but in reading his writings
+should test them by a reference to the facts themselves.</p>
+
+<p>This is a digression from my immediate subject, which is
+the war between Carthage and Rome. <span class="sidenote">The Hannibalian
+or 2nd Punic war.
+First cause.</span>
+The
+cause of this war we must reckon to be the
+exasperation of Hamilcar, surnamed Barcas, the
+father of Hannibal. The result of the war in Sicily had not
+broken the spirit of that commander. He regarded himself as
+unconquered; for the troops at Eryx which he commanded
+were still sound and undismayed: and though he yielded so
+far as to make a treaty, it was a concession to the exigencies
+of the times brought on by the defeat of the Carthaginians at
+sea. But he never relaxed in his determined purpose of revenge;
+and, had it not been for the mutiny of the mercenaries
+at Carthage, he would at once have sought and made
+another occasion for bringing about a war, as far as he was
+able to do so: as it was, he was preoccupied by the domestic
+war, and had to give his attention entirely to that.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_10" id="b3_10"><b>10.</b></a> When the Romans, at the conclusion of this mercenary
+war, proclaimed war with Carthage, the latter at
+first was inclined to resist at all hazards, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;238.
+Bk. i. ch. 88.
+Second cause.</span>
+because
+the goodness of her cause gave her hopes
+of victory,&mdash;as I have shown in my former book, without which
+it would be impossible to understand adequately either this or
+what is to follow. The Romans, however, would not listen to
+anything: and the Carthaginians therefore yielded to the force
+of circumstances; and though feeling bitterly aggrieved, yet being
+quite unable to do anything, evacuated Sardinia, and consented<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">175</a></span>
+to pay a sum of twelve hundred talents, in addition to the
+former indemnity paid them, on condition of avoiding the
+war at that time. This is the second and the most important
+cause of the subsequent war. For Hamilcar, having this public
+grievance in addition to his private feelings of anger, as soon as
+he had secured his country&#8217;s safety by reducing the rebellious
+mercenaries, set at once about securing the Carthaginian
+power in Iberia with the intention of using it as a base of
+operations against Rome. <span class="sidenote">Third cause.</span>
+So that I record as a
+third cause of the war the Carthaginian success
+in Iberia: for it was the confidence inspired by their forces there
+which encouraged them to embark upon it. It would be easy
+to adduce other facts to show that Hamilcar, though he had
+been dead ten years at its commencement, largely contributed
+to bring about the second Punic war, but what I am about to
+say will be sufficient to establish the fact.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_11" id="b3_11"><b>11.</b></a> When, after his final defeat by the Romans, Hannibal
+had at last quitted his country and was staying
+at the court of Antiochus, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal&#8217;s oath.</span>
+the warlike attitude
+of the Aetolian league induced the Romans to send ambassadors
+to Antiochus, that they might be informed of the king&#8217;s
+intentions. These ambassadors found that Antiochus was inclined
+to the Aetolian alliance, and was eager for war with
+Rome; <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;195.</span>
+they accordingly paid great court to
+Hannibal with a view of bringing him into
+suspicion with the king. And in this they entirely succeeded.
+As time went on the king became ever more and more suspicious
+of Hannibal, until at length an opportunity occurred
+for an explanation of the alienation that had been thus secretly
+growing up between them. Hannibal then defended himself
+at great length, but without success, until at last he made the
+following statement: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;238.</span>
+&#8220;When my father was
+about to go on his Iberian expedition I was
+nine years old: and as he was offering the sacrifice to Zeus I
+stood near the altar. The sacrifice successfully performed,
+my father poured the libation and went through the
+usual ritual. He then bade all the other worshippers stand a
+little back, and calling me to him asked me affectionately
+whether I wished to go with him on his expedition. Upon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">176</a></span>
+my eagerly assenting, and begging with boyish enthusiasm to
+be allowed to go, he took me by the right hand and led me up
+to the altar, and bade me lay my hand upon the victim and
+swear that I would never be friends with Rome. So long,
+then, Antiochus, as your policy is one of hostility to Rome,
+you may feel quite secure of having in me a most thorough-going
+supporter. But if ever you make terms or friendship
+with her, then you need not wait for any slander to make you
+distrust me and be on your guard against me; for there is
+nothing in my power that I would not do against her.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_12" id="b3_12"><b>12.</b></a> Antiochus listened to this story, and being convinced
+that it was told with genuine feeling and sincerity, gave up all
+his suspicions. And we, too, must regard this as an unquestionable
+proof of the animosity of Hamilcar and of the aim of
+his general policy; which, indeed, is also proved by facts.
+For he inspired his son-in-law Hasdrubal and his son Hannibal
+with a bitterness of resentment against Rome which
+nothing could surpass. Hasdrubal, indeed, was prevented by
+death from showing the full extent of his purpose; but time
+gave Hannibal abundant opportunity to manifest the hatred of
+Rome which he had inherited from his father.</p>
+
+<p>The most important thing, then, for statesmen to observe is
+the motives of those who lay aside old enmities or form new
+friendships; and to ascertain when their consent to treaties is
+a mere concession to the necessities of the hour, and when it
+is the indication of a real consciousness of defeat. In the former
+case they must be on their guard against such people lying in
+wait for an opportunity; while in the latter they may unhesitatingly
+impose whatever injunctions are necessary, in full
+reliance on the genuineness of their feelings whether as subjects
+or friends. So much for the causes of the war. I will
+now relate the first actions in it.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_13" id="b3_13"><b>13.</b></a> The Carthaginians were highly incensed by their loss
+of Sicily, but their resentment was heightened still more, as I
+have said, by the transaction as to Sardinia, and by the addition
+recently made to their tribute. Accordingly, when the
+greater part of Iberia had fallen into their power, they were on
+the alert to seize any opportunity that presented itself of retaliating
+upon Rome. At the death of Hasdrubal, to whom<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">177</a></span>
+they had committed the command in Iberia after the death of
+Hamilcar, they waited at first to ascertain <span class="sidenote">Death of Hamilcar,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;229.</span>
+the feelings of the army; but when news came from
+thence that the troops had elected Hannibal as
+commander-in-chief, a popular assembly was at once held, and
+the choice of the army confirmed by a unanimous vote. As
+soon as he had taken over the command, Hannibal <span class="sidenote">Death of Hasdrubal,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;221.</span>
+set out to subdue the tribe of the Olcades;
+and, having arrived before their most formidable
+city Althaea, he pitched his camp under its walls;
+and by a series of energetic and formidable assaults succeeded
+before long in taking it: by which the rest of the tribe were
+overawed into submission to Carthage. Having imposed
+a contribution upon the towns, and thus become possessed of a
+large sum of money, he went to the New Town to winter.
+There, by a liberal treatment of the forces under his command,
+giving them an instalment of their pay at once and promising
+the rest, he established an excellent feeling towards himself in
+the army, as well as great hopes for the future.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_14" id="b3_14"><b>14.</b></a> Next summer he set out on another expedition against
+the Vaccaei, in which he took Salmantica by <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.
+Hannibal attacks
+the Vaccaei.</span>
+assault, but only succeeded in storming Arbucala,
+owing to the size of the town and the number
+and valour of its inhabitants, after a laborious siege. After this
+he suddenly found himself in a position of very great danger
+on his return march: being set upon by the Carpesii, the
+strongest tribe in those parts, who were joined also by neighbouring
+tribes, incited principally by refugees of the Olcades,
+but roused also to great wrath by those who escaped from
+Salmantica. If the Carthaginians had been compelled to give
+these people regular battle, there can be no doubt that they
+would have been defeated: but as it was, Hannibal, with
+admirable skill and caution, slowly retreated until he had put the
+Tagus between himself and the enemy; and thus giving battle
+at the crossing of the stream, supported by it and the elephants,
+of which he had about forty, he gained, to every one&#8217;s surprise,
+a complete success. For when the barbarians attempted to
+force a crossing at several points of the river at once, the
+greater number of them were killed as they left the water by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">178</a></span>
+the elephants, who marched up and down along the brink of
+the river and caught them as they were coming out. Many of
+them also were killed in the river itself by the cavalry, because
+the horses were better able than the men to stand against the
+stream, and also because the cavalry were fighting on higher
+ground than the infantry which they were attacking. At
+length Hannibal turned the tables on the enemy, and, recrossing
+the river, attacked and put to flight their whole army, to
+the number of more than a hundred thousand men. After
+the defeat of this host, no one south of the Iber rashly ventured
+to face him except the people of Saguntum. From that town
+Hannibal tried his best to keep aloof; because, acting on the
+suggestions and advice of his father Hamilcar, he did not wish
+to give the Romans an avowed pretext for war until he had
+thoroughly secured the rest of the country.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_15" id="b3_15"><b>15.</b></a> But the people of Saguntum kept sending ambassadors
+to Rome, partly because they foresaw what was
+coming, <span class="sidenote">Saguntum appeals
+to Rome.
+Winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+220-219.</span>and trembled for their own existence,
+and partly that the Romans might be kept fully
+aware of the growing power of the Carthaginians
+in Iberia. For a long time the Romans disregarded
+their words: but now they sent out some commissioners to see
+what was going on. Just at that time Hannibal had finished
+the conquests which he intended for that season, and was
+going into winter quarters at the New Town again, which was in
+a way the chief glory and capital town of the Carthaginians in
+Iberia. He found there the embassy from Rome, granted them
+an interview, and listened to the message with which they were
+charged. It was a strong injunction to him to leave Saguntum
+alone, as being under the protection of Rome; and not to cross
+the Iber, in accordance with the agreement come to in the
+time of Hasdrubal. To this Hannibal answered with all the
+heat of youth, inflamed by martial ardour, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal&#8217;s
+defiance.</span>
+recent success, and his long-standing hatred of
+Rome. He charged the Romans with having a short time before,
+when on some political disturbances arising in the town they
+had been chosen to act as arbitrators, seized the opportunity to
+put some of the leading citizens to death; and he declared
+that the Carthaginians would not allow the Saguntines to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">179</a></span>
+thus treacherously dealt with, for it was the traditional policy
+of Carthage to protect all persons so wronged. At the same
+time he sent home for instructions as to what he was to do
+&#8220;in view of the fact that the Saguntines were injuring certain
+of their subject allies.&#8221; And altogether he was in a state of
+unreasoning anger and violent exasperation, which prevented
+him from availing himself of the real causes for war, and made
+him take refuge in pretexts which would not admit of justification,
+after the manner of men whose passions master all
+considerations of equity. How much better it would have
+been to demand of Rome the restoration of Sardinia, and the
+remission of the tribute, which she had taken an unfair
+opportunity to impose on pain of a declaration of war. As
+it was, he said not a word of the real cause, but alleged the
+fictitious one of the matter of Saguntum; and so got the credit
+of beginning the war, not only in defiance of reason, but still
+more in defiance of justice. The Roman ambassadors, finding
+that there must undoubtedly be a war, sailed to Carthage to
+enter the same protest before the people there. They expected,
+however, that they would have to fight not in Italy,
+but in Iberia, and that they would have Saguntum as a base of
+operations.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_16" id="b3_16"><b>16.</b></a> Wherefore the Senate, by way of preparing to undertake
+this business, and foreseeing that the war <span class="sidenote">Illyrian war,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;219.</span>
+would be severe and protracted, and at a long
+distance from the mother country, determined
+to make Illyria safe. For it happened that, just at this time,
+Demetrius of Pharos was sacking and subduing to his authority
+the cities of Illyria which were subject to Rome, and had
+sailed beyond Lissus, in violation of the treaty, with fifty
+galleys, and had ravaged many of the Cyclades. For he
+had quite forgotten the former kindnesses done him by
+Rome, and had conceived a contempt for its power, when
+he saw it threatened first by the Gauls and then by Carthage;
+and he now rested all his hopes on the royal family of
+Macedonia, because he had fought on the side of Antigonus,
+and shared with him the dangers of the war against
+Cleomenes. These transactions attracted the observation of
+the Romans; who, seeing that the royal house of Macedonia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">180</a></span>
+was in a flourishing condition, were very anxious to secure the
+country east of Italy, feeling convinced that they would have
+ample time to correct the rash folly of the Illyrians, and rebuke
+and chastise the ingratitude and temerity of Demetrius. But
+they were deceived in their calculations. For Hannibal anticipated
+their measures by the capture of Saguntum: the result
+of which was that the war took place not in Iberia, but close <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;219.
+Coss. M. Livius
+Salinator L.
+Aemilius Paullus.</span>
+to Rome itself, and in various parts throughout
+all Italy. However, with these ideas fixed in
+their minds, the Romans despatched Lucius
+Aemilius just before summer to conduct the
+Illyrian campaign in the first year of the 140th Olympiad.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_17" id="b3_17"><b>17.</b></a> But Hannibal had started from New Carthage and was
+leading his army straight against Saguntum. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal besieges
+Saguntum.</span>
+This city is situated on the seaward foot of
+the mountain chain on which the frontiers of Iberia and
+Celtiberia converge, and is about seven stades from the sea.
+The district cultivated by its inhabitants is exceedingly
+productive, and has a soil superior to any in all Iberia.
+Under the walls of this town Hannibal pitched his camp
+and set energetically to work on the siege, foreseeing many
+advantages that would accrue if he could take it. Of these
+the first was that he would thereby disappoint the Romans
+in their expectation of making Iberia the seat of war: a
+second was that he would thereby strike a general terror,
+which would render the already obedient tribes more submissive,
+and the still independent ones more cautious of
+offending him: but the greatest advantage of all was that
+thereby he would be able to push on his advance, without
+leaving an enemy on his rear. Besides these advantages, he
+calculated that the possession of this city would secure him
+abundant supplies for his expedition, and create an enthusiasm
+in the troops excited by individual acquisitions of booty;
+while he would conciliate the goodwill of those who remained
+at Carthage by the spoils which would be sent home. With
+these ideas he pressed on the siege with energy: sometimes
+setting an example to his soldiers by personally sharing in the
+fatigues of throwing up the siege works; and sometimes cheering
+on his men and recklessly exposing himself to danger.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">181</a></span></p>
+
+<p>After a siege extending to the eighth month, in the course of
+which he endured every kind of suffering and <span class="sidenote">Fall of Saguntum.</span>
+anxiety, he finally succeeded in taking the town.
+An immense booty in money, slaves, and property fell into
+his hands, which he disposed of in accordance with his original
+design. The money he reserved for the needs of his projected
+expedition; the slaves were distributed according to
+merit among his men; while the property was at once sent
+entire to Carthage. The result answered his expectations: the
+army was rendered more eager for action; the home populace
+more ready to grant whatever he asked; and he himself was
+enabled, by the possession of such abundant means, to carry
+out many measures that were of service to his expedition.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_18" id="b3_18"><b>18.</b></a> While this was taking place, Demetrius, discovering
+the intentions of Rome, threw a sufficient garrison
+into Dimale and victualled it in proportion. <span class="sidenote">Illyrian war,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;219.</span>
+In the other towns he put those who were opposed to him
+to death, and placed the chief power in the hands of his own
+partisans; and selecting six thousand of the bravest of his
+subjects, quartered them in Pharos. When the Consul
+arrived in Illyria with his army, he found the enemies of
+Rome confident in the strength of Dimale and the elaborate
+preparations in it, and encouraged to resistance by their belief in
+its impregnability; he determined, therefore, to attack that town
+first, in order to strike terror into the enemy. Accordingly,
+after addressing an exhortation to the several officers of the
+legions, and throwing up siege works at several points, he began
+the siege in form. In seven days he took the town by assault,
+which so dismayed the enemy, that envoys immediately
+appeared from all the towns, surrendering themselves unconditionally
+to the protection of Rome. The Consul accepted
+their submission: and after imposing such conditions
+as appeared suitable to the several cases, he sailed to Pharos
+to attack Demetrius himself. Being informed that the city
+there was strongly fortified, thronged with excellent soldiers,
+and well-furnished with provisions and all other munitions of
+war, he began to entertain misgivings that the siege would be
+long and difficult; and therefore, with a view to these difficulties,
+he adopted on the spur of the moment the following<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">182</a></span>
+stratagem. He crossed to the island by night with his whole
+army. The greater part of it he disembarked at a spot where
+the ground was well-wooded and low; while with only twenty
+ships he sailed at daybreak to the harbour nearest the town.
+The smallness of the number of the ships moved only the
+contempt of Demetrius when he saw them, and he immediately
+marched out of the town down to the harbour to oppose the
+landing of the enemy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_19" id="b3_19"><b>19.</b></a> A violent struggle at once began: and, as it went on,
+division after division of the troops in the city <span class="sidenote">Capture of Pharos.</span>
+came down to support him, until at length the
+whole force had poured out to take part in the engagement. The
+Romans who had landed in the night arrived at the critical
+moment, after a march by an obscure route; and seizing
+a strong position on some rising ground between the city and
+the harbour, efficiently cut off from the city the troops that had
+sallied out. When Demetrius became aware of what had
+taken place, he desisted from opposing the disembarkation;
+and having rallied his men and addressed the ranks, he put
+them in motion, with the resolution of fighting a pitched
+battle with the troops on the hill. When the Romans
+saw the Illyrian advance being made in good order and with
+great spirit, they formed their ranks and charged furiously.
+At the same moment the Roman troops which had just
+effected their landing, seeing what was going on, charged
+the enemy on the rear, who being thus attacked on both
+sides, were thrown into great disorder and confusion. The
+result was that, finding both his van and his rear in difficulties,
+Demetrius fled. Some of his men retreated towards the city;
+but most of them escaped by bye-paths into various parts of the
+island. Demetrius himself made his way to some galleys which
+he kept at anchor at a solitary point on the coast, with a view
+to every contingency; and going on board, he sailed away
+at nightfall, and arrived unexpectedly at the court of King
+Philip, where he passed the remainder of his life:&mdash;a man
+whose undoubted boldness and courage were unsupported by
+either prudence or judgment. His end was of a piece with the
+whole tenor of his life; for while endeavouring at the instigation
+of Philip to seize Messene, he exposed himself during<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">183</a></span>
+the battle with a careless rashness which cost him his life; of
+which I shall speak in detail when I come to that period.</p>
+
+<p>The Consul Aemilius having thus taken Pharos at a blow,
+levelled the city to the ground; and then having become
+master of all Illyria, and having ordered all its affairs as he
+thought right, returned towards the end of the summer to
+Rome, where he celebrated a triumph amid expressions of
+unmixed approval; for people considered that he had managed
+this business with great prudence and even greater courage.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_20" id="b3_20"><b>20.</b></a> But when news came to Rome of the fall of Saguntum,
+there was indeed no debate on the question of
+war, <span class="sidenote">Indignation at
+Rome at the fall
+of Saguntum.</span>as some historians assert; who even add
+the speeches delivered on either side. But
+nothing could be more ridiculous. For is it conceivable
+that the Romans should have a year before proclaimed
+war with the Carthaginians in the event of their entering
+the territory of Saguntum, and yet, when the city itself
+had been taken, should have debated whether they should
+go to war or no? Just as absurd are the wonderful statements
+that the senators put on mourning, and that the
+fathers introduced their sons above twelve years old into the
+Senate House, who, being admitted to the debate, refrained
+from divulging any of its secrets even to their nearest relations.
+All this is as improbable as it is untrue; unless we are to
+believe that Fortune, among its other bounties, granted the
+Romans the privilege of being men of the world from their
+cradles. I need not waste any more words upon such compositions
+as those of Chaereas and Sosilus;<a name="FNanchor_165" id="FNanchor_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">165</a> which, in my
+judgment, are more like the gossip of the barber&#8217;s shop and the
+pavement than history.</p>
+
+<p>The truth is that, when the Romans heard of the disaster
+at Saguntum, they at once elected envoys, whom <span class="sidenote">Envoys sent to
+Carthage to
+demand surrender
+of Hannibal.</span>
+they despatched in all haste to Carthage with
+the offer of two alternatives, one of which appeared
+to the Carthaginians to involve disgrace
+as well as injury if they accepted it, while the other was the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">184</a></span>beginning of a great struggle and of great dangers. For one
+of these alternatives was the surrender of Hannibal and
+his staff to Rome, the other was war. When the Roman
+envoys arrived and declared their message to the Senate, the
+choice proposed to them between these alternatives was
+listened to by the Carthaginians with indignation. Still they
+selected the most capable of their number to state their case,
+which was grounded on the following pleas.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_21" id="b3_21"><b>21.</b></a> Passing over the treaty made with Hasdrubal, as not
+having ever been made, and, if it had, as not being binding on
+them because made without their consent (and on this point
+they quoted the precedent of the Romans themselves, who
+in the Sicilian war repudiated the terms agreed upon and
+accepted by Lutatius, as having been made without their
+consent)&mdash;passing over this, they pressed with all the
+vehemence they could, throughout the discussion, the last
+treaty made in the Sicilian war; in which they affirmed that
+there was no clause relating to Iberia, but one expressly providing
+security for the allies of both parties to the treaty. Now,
+they pointed out that the Saguntines at that time were not allies
+of Rome, and therefore were not protected by the clause. To
+prove their point, they read the treaty more than once aloud.
+On this occasion the Roman envoys contented themselves
+with the reply that, while Saguntum was intact, the matter in
+dispute admitted of pleadings and of a discussion on its merits;
+but that, that city having been treacherously seized, they had
+only two alternatives,&mdash;either to deliver the persons guilty of
+the act, and thereby make it clear that they had no share in
+their crime, and that it was done without their consent; or, if
+they were not willing to do that, and avowed their complicity
+in it, to take the consequences.</p>
+
+<p>The question of treaties between Rome and Carthage was
+referred to in general terms in the course of this debate: but I
+think a more particular examination of it will be useful both to
+practical statesmen, who require to know the exact truth of the
+matter, in order to avoid mistakes in any critical deliberation;
+and to historical students, that they may not be led astray by
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">185</a></span>the ignorance or partisan bias of historians; but may have
+before them a conspectus, acknowledged to be accurate, of the
+various compacts which have been made between Rome and
+Carthage from the earliest times to our own day.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_22" id="b3_22"><b>22.</b></a> The first treaty between Rome and Carthage was made
+in the year of Lucius Junius Brutus and Marcus
+Horatius, <span class="sidenote">Treaties between
+Rome and
+Carthage.</span>the first Consuls appointed after the
+expulsion of the kings, by which men also
+the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was consecrated. This was
+twenty-eight years before the invasion of Greece
+by Xerxes. Of this treaty I append a translation, <span class="sidenote">The first treaty,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;509-508.</span>
+as accurate as I could make it,&mdash;for the
+fact is that the ancient language differs so much from that at
+present in use, that the best scholars among the Romans themselves
+have great difficulty in interpreting some points in it,
+even after much study. The treaty is as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;There shall be friendship between the Romans and their
+allies, and the Carthaginians and their allies, on these conditions:</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;Neither the Romans nor their allies are to sail beyond
+the Fair Promontory, unless driven by stress of weather or the
+fear of enemies. If any one of them be driven ashore he
+shall not buy or take aught for himself save what is needful
+for the repair of his ship and the service of the gods, and he
+shall depart within five days.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;Men landing for traffic shall strike no bargain save in the
+presence of a herald or town-clerk. Whatever is sold in the
+presence of these, let the price be secured to the seller on the
+credit of the state&mdash;that is to say, if such sale be in Libya or
+Sardinia.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;If any Roman comes to the Carthaginian province in
+Sicily he shall enjoy all rights enjoyed by others. The Carthaginians
+shall do no injury to the people of Ardea, Antium,
+Laurentium, Circeii, Tarracina, nor any other people of the
+Latins that are subject to Rome.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;From those townships even which are not subject to
+Rome<a name="FNanchor_166" id="FNanchor_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">166</a> they shall hold their hands; and if they take one shall
+deliver it unharmed to the Romans. They shall build no fort
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">186</a></span>in Latium; and if they enter the district in arms, they shall not
+stay a night therein.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_23" id="b3_23"><b>23.</b></a> The &#8220;Fair Promontory&#8221; here referred to is that which
+lies immediately to the north of Carthage; south of which the
+Carthaginians stipulated that the Romans should not sail with
+ships of war, because, as I imagine, they did not wish them to
+be acquainted with the coast near Byzacium, or the lesser
+Syrtis, which places they call Emporia, owing to the productiveness
+of the district. The treaty then goes on to say
+that, if any one of them is driven thither by stress of weather
+or fear of an enemy, and stands in need of anything for the
+worship of the gods and the repair of his vessel, this and no
+more he may take; and all those who have come to anchor
+there must necessarily depart within five days. To Carthage,
+and all the country on the Carthaginian side of the Fair Promontory
+in Libya, to Sardinia, and the Carthaginian province of
+Sicily, the treaty allows the Romans to sail for mercantile
+purposes; and the Carthaginians engage their public credit
+that such persons shall enjoy absolute security.</p>
+
+<p>It is clear from this treaty that the Carthaginians speak of
+Sardinia and Libya as belonging to them entirely; but, on the
+other hand, make a distinction in the case of Sicily, and only
+stipulate for that part of it which is subject to Carthage.
+Similarly, the Romans also only stipulate concerning Latium;
+the rest of Italy they do not mention, as not being under their
+authority.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_24" id="b3_24"><b>24.</b></a> After this treaty there was a second, in which we find
+that the Carthaginians have included the <span class="sidenote">Second treaty,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;306 (?).</span>
+Tyrians and the township of Utica in addition
+to their former territory; and to the Fair
+Promontory Mastia and Tarseium are added, as the points
+east of which the Romans are not to make marauding expeditions
+or found a city. The treaty is as follows: &#8220;There
+shall be friendship between the Romans and their allies,
+and the Carthaginians, Tyrians, and township of Utica, on
+these terms: The Romans shall not maraud, nor traffic,
+nor found a city east of the Fair Promontory, Mastia,
+Tarseium. If the Carthaginians take any city in Latium which
+is not subject to Rome, they may keep the prisoners and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">187</a></span>
+goods, but shall deliver up the town. If the Carthaginians
+take any folk, between whom and Rome a peace has been
+made in writing, though they be not subject to them, they
+shall not bring them into any harbours of the Romans; if such
+an one be so brought ashore, and any Roman lay claim to
+him,<a name="FNanchor_167" id="FNanchor_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">167</a> he shall be released. In like manner shall the Romans
+be bound towards the Carthaginians.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;If a Roman take water or provisions from any district
+within the jurisdiction of Carthage, he shall not injure, while
+so doing, any between whom and Carthage there is peace
+and friendship. Neither shall a Carthaginian in like case. If
+any one shall do so, he shall not be punished by private
+vengeance, but such action shall be a public misdemeanour.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;In Sardinia and Libya no Roman shall traffic nor found
+a city; he shall do no more than take in provisions and refit
+his ship. If a storm drive him upon those coasts, he shall
+depart within five days.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;In the Carthaginian province of Sicily and in Carthage
+he may transact business and sell whatsoever it is lawful
+for a citizen to do. In like manner also may a Carthaginian
+at Rome.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>Once more in this treaty we may notice that the Carthaginians
+emphasise the fact of their entire possession of Libya and
+Sardinia, and prohibit any attempt of the Romans to land in
+them at all; and on the other hand, in the case of Sicily, they
+clearly distinguish their own province in it. So, too, the
+Romans, in regard to Latium, stipulate that the Carthaginians
+shall do no wrong to Ardea, Antium, Circeii, Tarracina, all of
+which are on the seaboard of Latium, to which alone the
+treaty refers.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_25" id="b3_25"><b>25.</b></a> A third treaty again was made by Rome at the time of
+the invasion of Pyrrhus into Sicily, before the <span class="sidenote">Third treaty,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;279.</span>
+Carthaginians undertook the war for the possession
+of Sicily. This treaty contains the same
+provisions as the two earlier treaties with these additional
+clauses:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;If they make a treaty of alliance with Pyrrhus, the
+Romans or Carthaginians shall make it on such terms as
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">188</a></span>not to preclude the one giving aid to the other, if that one&#8217;s
+territory is attacked.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;If one or the other stand in need of help, the Carthaginians
+shall supply the ships, whether for transport or war;
+but each people shall supply the pay for its own men employed
+on them.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;The Carthaginians shall also give aid by sea to the
+Romans if need be; but no one shall compel the crews to
+disembark against their will.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>Provision was also made for swearing to these treaties. In
+the case of the first, the Carthaginians were to swear by the
+gods of their ancestors, the Romans by Jupiter Lapis, in
+accordance with an ancient custom; in the case of the last
+treaty, by Mars and Quirinus.</p>
+
+<p>The form of swearing by Jupiter Lapis was this. The
+commissioner for swearing to the treaty took a stone in his
+hand, and, having taken the oath in the name of his country,
+added these words, &#8220;If I abide by this oath may he bless me;
+but if I do otherwise in thought or act, may all others be kept
+safe each in his own country, under his own laws, in enjoyment
+of his own goods, household gods, and tombs,&mdash;may I alone
+be cast out, even as this stone is now.&#8221; And having uttered
+these words he throws the stone from his hand.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_26" id="b3_26"><b>26.</b></a> Seeing that such treaties exist and are preserved to
+this day, engraved on brass in the treasury of <span class="sidenote">Misstatement of
+Philinus.</span>
+the Aediles in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus,
+the historian Philinus certainly does give us some reason
+to be surprised at him. Not at his ignorance of their
+existence: for even in our own day those Romans and
+Carthaginians, whose age placed them nearest to the times,
+and who had the reputation of taking the greatest interest
+in public affairs, were unaware of it. But what is surprising
+is, that he should have ventured on a statement exactly opposite:
+&#8220;That there was a treaty between Rome and Carthage, in
+virtue of which the Romans were bound to keep away from the
+whole of Sicily, the Carthaginians from the whole of Italy; and
+that the Romans broke the treaty and their oath when they
+first crossed over to Sicily.&#8221; Whereas there does not exist,
+nor ever has existed, any such written compact at all. Yet<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">189</a></span>
+this assertion he makes in so many words in his second book.
+I referred to this in the preface of my work, but reserved a
+more detailed discussion of it to this place; which was
+necessary, because the assertion of Philinus has misled a
+considerable number of people on this point. I have nothing
+to say if a man chooses to attack the Romans for crossing into
+Sicily, on the grounds of their having taken the Mamertines
+into alliance at all; or in having thus acted in answer to their
+request, after these men&#8217;s treachery to Rhegium as well as
+Messene: but if any one supposes that in so crossing they
+broke oaths or treaties, he is manifestly ignorant of the truth.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_27" id="b3_27"><b>27.</b></a> At the end of the first Punic war another treaty was
+made, of which the chief provisions were these: <span class="sidenote">Fourth treaty,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;241.</span>
+&#8220;The Carthaginians shall evacuate Sicily and
+all islands lying between Italy and Sicily.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;The allies of neither of the parties to the treaty shall be
+attacked by the other.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;Neither party shall impose any contribution, nor erect any
+public building, nor enlist soldiers in the dominions of the
+other, nor make any compact of friendship with the allies of
+the other.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;The Carthaginians shall within ten years pay to the
+Romans two-thousand two-hundred talents, and a thousand
+on the spot; and shall restore all prisoners, without ransom,
+to the Romans.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>Afterwards, at the end of the Mercenary war in Africa, the
+Romans went so far as to pass a decree for war <span class="sidenote">Fifth treaty,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;238.</span>
+with Carthage, but eventually made a treaty to
+the following effect: &#8220;The Carthaginians shall
+evacuate Sardinia, and pay an additional twelve hundred
+talents.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>Finally, in addition to these treaties, came that negotiated
+with Hasdrubal in Iberia, in which it was <span class="sidenote">Sixth treaty,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;228.</span>
+stipulated that &#8220;the Carthaginians should not
+cross the Iber with arms.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>Such were the mutual obligations established between
+Rome and Carthage from the earliest times to that of
+Hannibal.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_28" id="b3_28"><b>28.</b></a> As we find then that the Roman invasion of Sicily was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">190</a></span>
+not in contravention of their oaths, so we must acknowledge
+in the case of the second proclamation of
+war, <span class="sidenote">No excuse for the
+Roman claim
+on Sardinia.</span>in consequence of which the treaty for
+the evacuation of Sardinia was made, that
+it is impossible to find any reasonable pretext or ground
+for the Roman action. The Carthaginians were beyond
+question compelled by the necessities of their position, contrary
+to all justice, to evacuate Sardinia, and to pay this enormous sum
+of money. For as to the allegation of the Romans, that they
+had during the Mercenary war been guilty of acts of hostility
+to ships sailing from Rome,&mdash;that was barred by their own act
+in restoring, without ransom, the Carthaginian prisoners, in
+gratitude for similar conduct on the part of Carthage to
+Romans who had landed on their shores; a transaction which
+I have spoken of at length in my previous book.<a name="FNanchor_168" id="FNanchor_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">168</a></p>
+
+<p>These facts established, it remains to decide by a thorough
+investigation to which of the two nations the origin of the
+Hannibalian war is to be imputed.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_29" id="b3_29"><b>29.</b></a> I have explained the pleas advanced by the Carthaginians;
+I must now state what is alleged on the contrary by
+the Romans. For though it is true that in this particular interview,
+owing to their anger at the fall of Saguntum, they did
+not use these arguments, yet they were appealed to on many
+occasions, and by many of their citizens. <span class="sidenote">The Roman
+Case.</span>First,
+they argued that the treaty of Hasdrubal could
+not be ignored, as the Carthaginians had the assurance to do:
+for it did not contain the clause, which that of Lutatius did,
+making its validity conditional on its ratification by the people
+of Rome; but Hasdrubal made the agreement absolutely and
+authoritatively that &#8220;the Carthaginians should not cross the
+Iber in arms.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>Next they alleged that the clause in the treaty respecting
+Sicily, which by their own admission stipulated that &#8220;the allies
+of neither party should be attacked by the other,&#8221; did not refer
+to then existing allies only, as the Carthaginians interpreted it;
+for in that case a clause would have been added, disabling either
+from making new alliances in addition to those already existing,
+or excluding allies, taken subsequently to the making of the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">191</a></span>treaty, from its benefits. But since neither of these provisions
+was made, it was plain that both the then existing allies, and
+all those taken subsequently on either side, were entitled to
+reciprocal security. And this was only reasonable. For it
+was not likely that they would have made a treaty depriving
+them of the power, when opportunity offered, of taking
+on such friends or allies as seemed to their interest; nor,
+again, if they had taken any such under their protection,
+was it to be supposed that they would allow them to be
+injured by any persons whatever. But, in fact, the main thing
+present in the minds of both parties to the treaty was, that
+they should mutually agree to abstain from attacking each
+other&#8217;s allies, and on no account admit into alliance with
+themselves the allies of the other: and it was to subsequent
+allies that this particular clause applied, &#8220;Neither shall enlist
+soldiers, or impose contributions on the provinces or allies of
+the other; and all shall be alike secure of attack from the
+other side.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_30" id="b3_30"><b>30.</b></a> These things being so, they argued that it was beyond
+controversy that Saguntum had accepted the protection of
+Rome, several years before the time of Hannibal. The
+strongest proof of this, and one which would not be contested
+by the Carthaginians themselves, was that, when political
+disturbances broke out at Saguntum, the people chose the
+Romans, and not the Carthaginians, as arbitrators to settle the
+dispute and restore their constitution, although the latter were
+close at hand and were already established in Iberia.</p>
+
+<p>I conclude, then, that if the destruction of Saguntum is to
+be regarded as the cause of this war, the Carthaginians
+must be acknowledged to be in <span class="sidenote">Mutual
+provocation.</span>
+the wrong, both in view of the treaty of Lutatius, which
+secured immunity from attack for the allies of both parties,
+and in view of the treaty of Hasdrubal, which disabled
+the Carthaginians from passing the Iber with arms.<a name="FNanchor_169" id="FNanchor_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> If
+on the other hand the taking Sardinia from them, and imposing
+the heavy money fine which accompanied it, are to
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">192</a></span>be regarded as the causes, we must certainly acknowledge
+that the Carthaginians had good reason for undertaking
+the Hannibalian war: for as they had only yielded to the
+pressure of circumstances, so they seized a favourable turn in
+those circumstances to revenge themselves on their injurers.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_31" id="b3_31"><b>31.</b></a> Some uncritical readers may perhaps say that such
+minute discussion on points of this kind is unnecessary. And
+if any man were entirely self-sufficing in every event, I might
+allow that the accurate knowledge of the past, though a graceful
+accomplishment, was perhaps not essential: but as long as
+it is not in mere mortals to say this, either in public or private
+affairs,&mdash;seeing that no man of sense, even if he is prosperous
+for the moment, will ever reckon with certainty on the future,&mdash;then
+I say that such knowledge is essential, and not merely
+graceful. For take the three commonest cases. Suppose,
+first, a statesman to be attacked either in his own person or in
+that of his country: or, secondly, suppose him to be anxious
+for a forward policy and to anticipate the attack of an enemy:
+or, lastly, suppose him to desire to maintain the <i>status quo</i>.
+In all these cases it is history alone that can supply him with
+precedents, and teach him how, in the first case, to find supporters
+and allies; in the second, to incite co-operation; and
+in the third, to give vigour to the conservative forces which
+tend to maintain, as he desires, the existing state of things.
+In the case of contemporaries, it is difficult to obtain an insight
+into their purposes; because, as their words and actions are
+dictated by a desire of accommodating themselves to the
+necessity of the hour, and of keeping up appearances, the truth
+is too often obscured. Whereas the transactions of the past
+admit of being tested by naked fact; and accordingly display
+without disguise the motives and purposes of the several persons
+engaged; and teach us from what sort of people to expect
+favour, active kindness, and assistance, or the reverse. They
+give us also many opportunities of distinguishing who would
+be likely to pity us, feel indignation at our wrongs, and defend
+our cause,&mdash;a power that contributes very greatly to national
+as well as individual security. Neither the writer nor the
+reader of history, therefore, should confine his attention to a
+bare statement of facts: he must take into account all that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">193</a></span>
+preceded, accompanied, or followed them. For if you take
+from history all explanation of cause, principle, and motive,
+and of the adaptation of the means to the end, what is left
+is a mere panorama without being instructive; and, though
+it may please for the moment, has no abiding value.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_32" id="b3_32"><b>32.</b></a> Another mistake is to look upon my history as difficult
+to obtain or master, because of the number and size of the
+books. Compare it in these particulars with the various
+writings of the episodical historians. Is it not much easier to
+purchase and read my forty books, which are as it were all in
+one piece, and so to follow with a comprehensive glance the
+events in Italy, Sicily, and Libya from the time of Pyrrhus to
+the fall of Carthage, and those in the rest of the world from
+the flight of Cleomenes of Sparta, continuously, to the battle
+between the Achaeans and Romans at the Isthmus? To say
+nothing of the fact that the compositions of these historians
+are many times as numerous as mine, it is impossible for their
+readers to get any certain information from them: first,
+because most of them differ in their account of the same
+transactions; and secondly, because they omit contemporary
+history,&mdash;the comparative review of which would put a very
+different complexion upon events to that derived from isolated
+treatment,&mdash;and are unable to touch upon the most decisive
+events at all. For, indeed, the most important parts of history
+are those which treat the events which follow or accompany
+a certain course of conduct, and pre-eminently so those
+which treat of causes. For instance, we see that the war with
+Antiochus took its rise from that with Philip; that with Philip
+from the Hannibalian; and the Hannibalian from the Sicilian
+war: and though between these wars there were numerous
+events of various character, they all converged upon the same
+consummation. Such a comprehensive view may be obtained
+from universal history, but not from the histories of particular
+wars, such as those with Perseus or Philip; unless we fondly
+imagine that, by reading the accounts contained in them of
+the pitched battles, we gain a knowledge of the conduct
+and plan of the whole war. This of course is not the
+case; and in the present instance I hope that there will be
+as wide a difference between my history and such episodical<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">194</a></span>
+compositions, as between real learning and mere listening.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_33" id="b3_33"><b>33.</b></a> To resume the story of the Carthaginians and the Roman
+deputies.<a name="FNanchor_170" id="FNanchor_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> To the arguments of the former the <span class="sidenote">Answer of Fabius.
+See Livy, 21, 18.</span>
+ambassadors made no answer, except that the
+senior among them, in the presence of the assembly, pointed
+to the folds of his toga and said that in them he carried
+peace and war, and that he would bring out and leave with
+them whichever they bade him. The Carthaginian Suffete<a name="FNanchor_171" id="FNanchor_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">171</a>
+bade him bring out whichever of the two he chose: and upon
+the Roman saying that it should be war, a majority of the senators
+cried out in answer that they accepted it. It was on these terms
+that the Senate and the Roman ambassadors parted.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile Hannibal, upon going into winter quarters at
+New Carthage, first of all dismissed the Iberians
+to their various cities, with the view of their being
+prepared and vigorous for the next campaign. <span class="sidenote">Winter of 219-218
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;Hannibal&#8217;s
+arrangements
+for the
+coming campaign.</span>
+Secondly, he instructed his brother Hasdrubal
+in the management of his government in Iberia,
+and of the preparations to be made against
+Rome, in case he himself should be separated from him.
+Thirdly, he took precautions for the security of Libya, by
+selecting with prudent skill certain soldiers from the home
+army to come over to Iberia, and certain from the Iberian
+army to go to Libya; by which interchange he secured cordial
+feeling of confidence between the two armies. The Iberians
+sent to Libya were the Thersitae, the Mastiani, as well as
+the Oretes and Olcades, mustering together twelve hundred
+cavalry and thirteen thousand eight hundred and fifty foot.
+Besides these there were eight hundred and seventy slingers
+from the Balearic Isles, whose name, as that of the islands
+they inhabit, is derived from the word <i>ballein</i>, &#8220;to throw,&#8221;
+because of their peculiar skill with the sling. Most of these
+troops he ordered to be stationed at Metagonia in Libya, and
+the rest in Carthage itself. And from the cities in the district
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">195</a></span>of Metagonia he sent four thousand foot also into Carthage, to
+serve at once as hostages for the fidelity of their country, and as
+an additional guard for the city. With his brother Hasdrubal
+in Iberia he left fifty quinqueremes, two quadriremes, and five
+triremes, thirty-two of the quinqueremes being furnished with
+crews, and all five of the triremes; also cavalry consisting of
+four hundred and fifty Libyophenicians and Libyans, three
+hundred Lergetae, eighteen hundred Numidians of the Massolian,
+Massaesylian, Maccoeian, and Maurian tribes, who dwell
+by the ocean; with eleven thousand eight hundred and fifty
+Libyans, three hundred Ligures, five hundred of the Balearic
+Islanders, and twenty-one elephants.</p>
+
+<p>The accuracy of this enumeration of Hannibal&#8217;s Iberian
+establishment need excite no surprise, though <span class="sidenote">The inscription
+recording these
+facts.</span>
+it is such as a commander himself would have
+some difficulty in displaying; nor ought I to
+be condemned at once of imitating the specious falsehoods
+of historians: for the fact is that I myself found on Lacinium<a name="FNanchor_172" id="FNanchor_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">172</a>
+a bronze tablet, which Hannibal had caused to be inscribed
+with these particulars when he was in Italy; and holding it
+to be an entirely trustworthy authority for such facts, I did
+not hesitate to follow it.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_34" id="b3_34"><b>34.</b></a> Though Hannibal had taken every precaution for the
+security of Libya and Iberia, he yet waited for the messengers
+whom he expected to arrive from the Celts. He had thoroughly
+acquainted himself with the fertility and populousness of the
+districts at the foot of the Alps and in the valley of the
+Padus, as well as with the warlike courage of the men;
+but most important of all, with their hostile feelings to Rome
+derived from the previous war, which I described in my last
+book, with the express purpose of enabling my readers to
+follow my narrative. He therefore reckoned very much on
+the chance of their co-operation; and was careful to send
+messages to the chiefs of the Celts, whether dwelling actually
+on the Alps or on the Italian side of them, with unlimited
+promises; because he believed that he would be able to confine
+the war against Rome to Italy, if he could make his way
+through the intervening difficulties to these parts, and avail
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">196</a></span>himself of the active alliance of the Celts. When his messengers
+returned with a report that the Celts were ready to help
+him and all eagerness for his approach; and that the passage
+of the Alps, though laborious and difficult, was not, however,
+impossible, he collected his forces from their winter quarters
+at the approach of spring. Just before receiving this report
+he had learnt the circumstances attending the Roman embassy
+at Carthage. Encouraged by the assurance thus given him,
+that he would be supported by the popular sentiment at home,
+he no longer disguised from his army that the object of the
+forthcoming campaign was Rome; and tried to inspire them
+with courage for the undertaking. He explained to them how
+the Romans had demanded the surrender of himself and all
+the officers of the army: and pointed out the fertility of the
+country to which they were going, and the goodwill and
+active alliance which the Celts were prepared to offer them.
+When the crowd of soldiers showed an enthusiastic readiness
+to accompany him, he dismissed the assembly, after
+thanking them, and naming the day on which he intended
+to march.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_35" id="b3_35"><b>35.</b></a> These measures satisfactorily accomplished while he was
+in winter quarters, and the security of Libya <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218.
+Hannibal breaks
+up his winter
+quarters and
+starts for Italy.</span>
+and Iberia being sufficiently provided for; when
+the appointed day arrived, Hannibal got his army
+in motion, which consisted of ninety thousand
+infantry and about twelve thousand cavalry.
+After crossing the Iber, he set about subduing the tribes of
+the Ilurgetes and Bargusii, as well as the Aerenosii and Andosini,
+as far as the Pyrenees. When he had reduced all this
+country under his power, and taken certain towns by storm,
+which he did with unexpected rapidity, though not without
+severe fighting and serious loss; he left Hanno in chief command
+of all the district north of the Iber, and with absolute
+authority over the Burgusii, who were the people that gave
+him most uneasiness on account of their friendly feeling towards
+Rome. He then detached from his army ten thousand
+foot and a thousand horse for the service of Hanno,&mdash;to whom
+also he entrusted the heavy baggage of the troops that were to
+accompany himself,&mdash;and the same number to go to their own<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">197</a></span>
+land. The object of this last measure was twofold: he thereby
+left a certain number of well-affected persons behind him; and
+also held out to the others a hope of returning home, both to
+those Iberians who were to accompany him on his march, and
+to those also who for the present were to remain at home, so
+that there might be a general alacrity to join him if he were
+ever in want of a reinforcement. He then set his remaining
+troops in motion unencumbered by heavy baggage, fifty thousand
+infantry and nine thousand cavalry, and led them through
+the Pyrenees to the passage of the river Rhone. The army
+was not so much numerous, as highly efficient, and in an extraordinary
+state of physical training from their continuous
+battles with the Iberians.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_36" id="b3_36"><b>36.</b></a> But as a knowledge of topography is necessary for the
+right understanding of my narrative, <span class="sidenote">Geography of
+Hannibal&#8217;s march.</span>I must state
+the places from which Hannibal started, through
+which he marched, and into which he descended when he
+arrived in Italy. Nor must I, like some historians, content
+myself with mentioning the mere names of places and rivers,
+under the idea that that is quite sufficient to give a clear knowledge.
+My opinion is that, in the case of well-known places,
+the mention of names is of great assistance, but that, in the
+case of unknown countries, names are no better than unintelligible
+and unmeaning sounds: for the understanding
+having nothing to go upon, and being unable by referring to
+something known to translate the words into thought, the narrative
+becomes confused and vague, and conveys no clear idea.
+A plan therefore must be discovered, whereby it shall be
+possible, while speaking of unknown countries, to convey real
+and intelligible notions.</p>
+
+<p>The first, most important, and most general conception is
+that of the division of the heaven into four quarters, which all
+of us that are capable of a general idea at all know as east,
+west, south, and north. The next is to arrange the several
+parts of the globe according to these points, and always
+to refer in thought any place mentioned to one or other
+of them. We shall thus get an intelligible and familiar
+conception of places which we do not know or have never
+seen.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">198</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_37" id="b3_37"><b>37.</b></a> This principle established as universally applicable to
+the world, the next point will be to make the <span class="sidenote">General view of
+the geography of
+the world.</span>
+geography of our own part of it intelligible by a
+corresponding division.</p>
+
+<p>It falls, then, into three divisions, each distinguished by a
+particular name,&mdash;Asia, Libya, Europe.<a name="FNanchor_173" id="FNanchor_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> The boundaries are
+respectively the Don, the Nile, and the Straits of the Pillars of
+Hercules. Asia lies between the Don and the Nile, and lies
+under that portion of the heaven which is between the north-east
+and the south. Libya lies between the Nile and the Pillars
+of Hercules, and falls beneath the south portion of the heaven,
+extending to the south-west without a break, till it reaches the
+point of the equinoctial sunset, which corresponds with the
+Pillars of Hercules. These two divisions of the earth, therefore,
+regarded in a general point of view, occupy all that part
+which is south of the Mediterranean from east to west.
+Europe with respect to both of these lies to the north facing
+them, and extending continuously from east to west. Its most
+important and extensive part lies under the northern sky
+between the river Don and the Narbo, which is only a short
+distance west of Marseilles and the mouths by which the Rhone
+discharges itself into the Sardinian Sea. From Narbo is the
+district occupied by the Celts as far as the Pyrenees, stretching
+continuously from the Mediterranean to the Mare Externum.
+The rest of Europe south of the Pyrenees, to the point where
+it approaches the Pillars of Hercules, is bounded on one side
+by the Mediterranean, on the other by the Mare Externum;
+and that part of it which is washed by the Mediterranean as
+far as the Pillars of Hercules is called Iberia, while the part
+which lies along the Outer or Great Sea has no general name,
+because it has but recently been discovered, and is inhabited
+entirely by barbarous tribes, who are very numerous, and of
+whom I will speak in more detail hereafter.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_38" id="b3_38"><b>38.</b></a> But as no one up to our time has been able to settle
+in regard to those parts of Asia and Libya, where they approach<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">199</a></span>
+each other in the neighbourhood of Ethiopia, whether the
+continent is continuous to the south, <span class="sidenote">The extreme north
+and south unknown.</span>or is
+surrounded by the sea, so it is in regard to the
+part between Narbo and the Don: none of
+us as yet knows anything of the northern extent of this
+district, and anything we can ever know must be the result
+of future exploration; and those who rashly venture by word
+of mouth or written statements to describe this district must
+be looked upon as ignorant or romancing.</p>
+
+<p>My object in these observations was to prevent my narrative
+being entirely vague to those who were unacquainted
+with the localities. I hoped that, by keeping these broad
+distinctions in mind, they would have some definite standard
+to which to refer every mention of a place, starting from the
+primary one of the division of the sky into four quarters. For,
+as in the case of physical sight, we instinctively turn our faces to
+any object pointed at; so in the case of the mind, our thoughts
+ought to turn naturally to localities as they are mentioned
+from time to time.</p>
+
+<p>It is time now to return to the story we have in hand.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_39" id="b3_39"><b>39.</b></a> At this period the Carthaginians were masters of the
+whole Mediterranean coast of Libya from the Altars of
+Philaenus,<a name="FNanchor_174" id="FNanchor_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> opposite the Great Syrtis, to the Pillars of Hercules,
+a seaboard of over sixteen thousand stades. They had also
+crossed the strait of the Pillars of Hercules, and got possession
+of the whole seaboard of Iberia on the Mediterranean as far as
+the Pyrenees, which separate the Iberes from the Celts&mdash;that
+is, for a distance of about eight thousand stades: for it is
+three thousand from the Pillars to New Carthage, from which
+Hannibal started for Italy; two thousand six hundred from
+thence to the Iber; and from that river to <span class="sidenote">The length of the
+march from
+Carthagena to the
+Po, 1125 Roman
+miles.</span>
+Emporium again sixteen hundred; from which
+town, I may add, to the passage of the Rhone
+is a distance of about sixteen hundred stades;
+for all these distances have now been carefully
+measured by the Romans and marked with milestones at every
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">200</a></span>eighth stade.<a name="FNanchor_175" id="FNanchor_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> After crossing the river there was a march up
+stream along its bank of fourteen hundred stades, before reaching
+the foot of the pass over the Alps into Italy. The pass
+itself was about twelve hundred stades, which being crossed
+would bring him into the plains of the Padus in Italy. So
+that the whole length of his march from New Carthage was about
+nine thousand stades, or 1125 Roman miles. Of the country
+he had thus to traverse he had already passed almost half in
+mere distance, but in the difficulties the greater part of his
+task was still before him.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_40" id="b3_40"><b>40.</b></a> While Hannibal was thus engaged in effecting a passage
+over the Pyrenees, where he was greatly alarmed <span class="sidenote">Coss. P.
+Cornelius Scipio
+and Tib.
+Sempronius
+Longus.
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218.
+The Consuls are
+sent, one to
+Spain, and the
+other to Africa.</span>
+at the extraordinary strength of the positions
+occupied by the Celts; the Romans, having
+heard the result of the embassy to Carthage,
+and that Hannibal had crossed the Iber earlier
+than they expected, at the head of an army, voted
+to send Publius Cornelius Scipio with his legions
+into Iberia, and Tiberius Sempronius Longus
+into Libya. And while the Consuls were engaged
+in hastening on the enrolment of their legions and other
+military preparations, the people were active in bringing to
+completion the colonies which they had already voted to send
+into Gaul. They accordingly caused the fortification of these
+towns to be energetically pushed on, and ordered the colonists
+to be in residence within thirty days: six thousand having been
+assigned to each colony. One of these colonies was on the
+south bank of the Padus, and was called Placentia; <span class="sidenote">Placentia and
+Cremona.</span>
+the other on the north bank, called
+Cremona. But no sooner had these colonies
+been formed, than the Boian Gauls, who had long been
+lying in wait to throw off their loyalty to Rome, but had
+up to that time lacked an opportunity, encouraged by the
+news that reached them of Hannibal&#8217;s approach, revolted;
+thus abandoning the hostages which they had given at the end
+of the war described in my last book. The ill-feeling still
+remaining towards Rome enabled them to induce the Insubres<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">201</a></span>
+to join in the revolt; and the united tribes swept over the
+territory recently allotted by the Romans, and following close
+upon the track of the flying colonists, laid siege to the Roman
+colony of Mutina, in which the fugitives had taken refuge.
+Among them were the <i>triumviri</i> or three commissioners who
+had been sent out to allot the lands, of whom one&mdash;Gaius
+Lutatius&mdash;was an ex-consul, the other two ex-praetors. <span class="sidenote">Outrage by Boii
+and Insubres.</span>
+These
+men having demanded a parley with the
+enemy, the Boii consented: but treacherously
+seized them upon their leaving the town,
+hoping by their means to recover their own hostages. The
+praetor Lucius Manlius was on guard in the district with an
+army, and as soon as he heard what had happened, he advanced
+with all speed to the relief of Mutina. But the Boii, having got
+intelligence of his approach, prepared an ambuscade; and as
+soon as his army had entered a certain wood, they rushed out
+upon it from every side and killed a large number of his men.
+The survivors at first fled with precipitation: but having gained
+some higher ground, they rallied sufficiently to enable them
+with much difficulty to effect an honourable retreat. Even so,
+the Boii followed close upon their heels, and besieged them
+in a place called the village of Tannes.<a name="FNanchor_176" id="FNanchor_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> When the news
+arrived at Rome, that the fourth legion was surrounded and
+closely besieged by the Boii, the people in all haste despatched
+the legions which had been voted to the Consul Publius, to
+their relief, under the command of a Praetor, and ordered the
+Consul to enrol two more legions for himself from the allies.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_41" id="b3_41"><b>41.</b></a> Such was the state of Celtic affairs from the beginning
+to the arrival of Hannibal; thus completing the course of events
+which I have already had occasion to describe.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile the Consuls, having completed the necessary
+preparations for their respective missions, set sail at the beginning <span class="sidenote">Tiberius
+Sempronius
+prepares to
+attack Carthage.</span>
+of summer&mdash;Publius to Iberia, with sixty
+ships, and Tiberius Sempronius to Libya, with a
+hundred and sixty quinqueremes. The latter
+thought by means of this great fleet to strike
+terror into the enemy; and made vast preparations at Lilybaeum,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">202</a></span>
+collecting fresh troops wherever he could get them, as
+though with the view of at once blockading Carthage itself.</p>
+
+<p>Publius Cornelius coasted along Liguria, and crossing in
+five days from Pisae to Marseilles, dropped <span class="sidenote">Publius Scipio
+lands near
+Marseilles.</span>
+anchor at the most eastern mouth of the Rhone,
+called the Mouth of Marseilles,<a name="FNanchor_177" id="FNanchor_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">177</a> and began
+disembarking his troops. For though he heard that Hannibal
+was already crossing the Pyrenees, he felt sure that he was
+still a long way off, owing to the difficulty of his line of country,
+and the number of the intervening Celtic tribes. But long
+before he was expected, Hannibal had arrived at the crossing
+of the Rhone, keeping the Sardinian Sea on his right as he
+marched, and having made his way through the Celts partly
+by bribes and partly by force. Being informed that the
+enemy were at hand, Publius was at first incredulous of the
+fact, because of the rapidity of the advance; but wishing to
+know the exact state of the case,&mdash;while staying behind himself
+to refresh his troops after their voyage, and to consult with
+the Tribunes as to the best ground on which to give the
+enemy battle,&mdash;he sent out a reconnoitring party, consisting
+of three hundred of his bravest horse; joining with them as
+guides and supports some Celts, who chanced to be serving
+as mercenaries at the time in Marseilles.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_42" id="b3_42"><b>42.</b></a> Meanwhile Hannibal had reached the river and was
+trying to get across it where the stream was
+single, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal reaches
+the Rhone.</span>at a distance of four days&#8217; march
+from the sea. He did all he could to
+make the natives living by the river friendly to him, and
+purchased from them all their canoes of hollow trunks, and
+wherries, of which there were a large number, owing to the
+extensive sea traffic of the inhabitants of the Rhone valley.
+He got from them also the timber suited to the construction
+of these canoes; and so in two days had an innumerable
+supply of transports, every soldier seeking to be independent
+of his neighbour, and to have the means of crossing in his own
+hands. But now a large multitude of barbarians collected on
+the other side of the stream to hinder the passage of the Carthaginians.
+When Hannibal saw them, he came to the conclusion<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">203</a></span>
+that it would be impossible either to force a passage in
+the face of so large a body of the enemy, or to remain where
+he was, for fear of being attacked on all sides at once: and
+he accordingly, on the third night, sent forward a detachment
+of his army with native guides, under the command of Hanno,
+the son of the Suffete<a name="FNanchor_178" id="FNanchor_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> Bomilcar. <span class="sidenote">A detachment
+crosses higher up
+the river.</span>This force
+marched up stream along the bank for two
+hundred stades, until they arrived at a certain
+spot where the stream is divided by an eyot, and there
+halted. They found enough wood close at hand to enable
+them, by nailing or tying it together, to construct within a
+short time a large number of rafts good enough for temporary
+use; and on these they crossed in safety, without any one trying
+to stop them. Then, seizing upon a strong position, they kept
+quiet for the rest of the day: partly to refresh themselves after
+their fatigues, and at the same time to complete their preparations
+for the service awaiting them, as they had been ordered
+to do. Hannibal was preparing to proceed much in the
+same way with the forces left behind with himself; but his
+chief difficulty was in getting the elephants across, of which he
+had thirty-seven.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_43" id="b3_43"><b>43.</b></a> When the fifth night came, however, the division
+which had crossed first started before daybreak <span class="sidenote">The crossing
+begun.</span>
+to march down the opposite bank of
+the river and attack the barbarians; while
+Hannibal, having his men in readiness, began to attempt the
+passage of the river. He had filled the wherries with the heavy-armed
+cavalry, and the canoes with the most active of his foot;
+and he now arranged that the wherries should cross higher up
+the stream, and the canoes below them, that the violence of
+the current might be broken by the former, and the canoes
+cross more safely. The plan for the horses was that they
+should swim at the stern of the wherries, one man on each
+side of the stern guiding three or four with leading reins: so
+that a considerable number of horses were brought over at
+once with the first detachment. When they saw what the
+enemy meant to do, the barbarians, without forming their
+ranks, poured out of their entrenchments in scattered groups,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">204</a></span>feeling no doubt of being able to stop the crossing of the
+Carthaginians with ease. As soon as Hannibal saw by the
+smoke, which was the signal agreed upon, that the advanced
+detachment on the other side was approaching, he ordered
+all to go on board, and the men in charge of the transports to
+push out against the stream. This was promptly done: and
+then began a most anxious and exciting scene. Cheer after
+cheer rose from the men who were working the boats, as they
+struggled to outstrip each other, and exerted themselves to the
+utmost to overcome the force of the current. On the edge of
+either bank stood the two armies: the one sharing in the struggles
+of their comrades by sympathy, and shouting encouragement
+to them as they went; while the barbarians in front of them
+yelled their war-cries and challenged them to battle. While
+this was going on the barbarians had abandoned their tents,
+which the Carthaginians on that side of the river suddenly
+and unexpectedly seized. Some of them proceeded to set fire
+to the camp, while the greater number went to attack the men
+who were standing ready to resist the passage. Surprised by
+this unlooked-for event, some of the barbarians rushed off to
+save their tents, while others prepared to resist the attack of
+the enemy, and were now actually engaged. Seeing that
+everything was going as he had intended, Hannibal at once
+formed the first division as it disembarked: and after addressing
+some encouraging words to it, closed with the barbarians, who,
+having no time to form their ranks, and being taken by surprise,
+were quickly repulsed and put to flight.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_44" id="b3_44"><b>44.</b></a> Being thus master of the passage of the river, and
+victorious over those who opposed him, <span class="sidenote">Completed</span>the
+first care of the Carthaginian leader was
+to bring his whole army across. This being expeditiously
+accomplished, he pitched his camp for that night by the
+river-side, and on the morrow, when he was told that the
+Roman fleet was anchored off the mouths of the river,
+he detached five hundred Numidian horsemen to reconnoitre
+the enemy and find out their position, their numbers, and what
+they were going to do; and at the same time selected suitable
+men to manage the passage of the elephants. These arrangements
+made, he summoned a meeting of his army and introduced<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">205</a></span>
+Magilus and the other chiefs who had come to him
+from the valley of the Padus, and caused them to
+declare to the whole army, <span class="sidenote">Message from
+friendly Gauls.</span>
+by means of an interpreter,
+the resolutions passed by their tribes.
+The points which were the strongest encouragement to the army
+were, first, the actual appearance of envoys inviting them to come,
+and promising to take part in the war with Rome; secondly,
+the confidence inspired by their promise of guiding them by a
+route where they would be abundantly supplied with necessaries,
+and which would lead them with speed and safety into Italy;
+and, lastly, the fertility and vast extent of the country to which
+they were going, and the friendly feelings of the men with whose
+assistance they were about to fight the armies of Rome.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the substance of the speeches of the Celts.
+When they had withdrawn, Hannibal himself rose, and after
+reminding the soldiers of what they had already achieved,
+and pointing out that, though they had under his counsel and
+advice engaged in many perilous and dangerous enterprises,
+they had never failed in one, he bade them &#8220;not lose
+courage now that the most serious part of their undertaking
+was accomplished. The Rhone was crossed: they had seen
+with their own eyes the display of goodwill and zeal of their
+allies. Let this convince them that they should leave the rest
+to him with confidence; and while obeying his orders show
+themselves men of courage and worthy of their former deeds.&#8221;
+These words being received with shouts of approval, and other
+manifestations of great enthusiasm, on the part of the soldiers,
+Hannibal dismissed the assembly with words of praise to the
+men and a prayer to the gods on their behalf; after giving
+out an order that they should refresh themselves, and make
+all their preparations with despatch, as the advance must
+begin on the morrow.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_45" id="b3_45"><b>45.</b></a> When the assembly had been dismissed, the reconnoitring
+party of Numidians returned in headlong
+flight, <span class="sidenote">Skirmish between
+reconnoitring
+parties.</span>after losing more than half their
+numbers. Not far from the camp they had
+fallen in with a party of Roman horse, who had been
+sent out by Publius on the same errand; and an engagement
+took place with such fury on either side, that the Romans and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">206</a></span>
+Celts lost a hundred and forty men, and the Numidians more
+than two hundred. After this skirmish, the Romans pursued
+them up to the Carthaginian entrenchments: and having surveyed
+it, they hastened back to announce to the Consul the
+presence of the enemy. As soon as they arrived at the Roman
+camp with this intelligence, Publius put his baggage on board
+ship, and marched his men up the bank of the river, with the
+earnest desire of forcing the enemy to give him battle.</p>
+
+<p>But at sunrise on the day after the assembly, Hannibal
+having stationed his whole cavalry on the rear, in the direction
+of the sea, so as to cover the advance, ordered his infantry to
+leave the entrenchment and begin their march; while he himself
+waited behind for the elephants, and the men who had not
+yet crossed the river.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_46" id="b3_46"><b>46.</b></a> The mode of getting the elephants across was as
+follows. They made a number of rafts
+strongly compacted, <span class="sidenote">The passage of
+the elephants.</span>
+which they lashed firmly
+two and two together, so as to form combined
+a breadth of about fifty feet, and brought them close under
+the bank at the place of crossing. To the outer edge of
+these they lashed some others and made them join exactly;
+so that the whole raft thus constructed stretched out some
+way into the channel, while the edges towards the stream were
+made fast to the land with ropes tied to trees which grew along
+the brink, to secure the raft keeping its place and not drifting
+down the river. These combined rafts stretching about
+two hundred feet across the stream, they joined two other very
+large ones to the outer edges, fastened very firmly together, but
+connected with the others by ropes which admitted of being
+easily cut. To these they fastened several towing lines, that
+the wherries might prevent the rafts drifting down stream, and
+might drag them forcibly against the current and so get the
+elephants across on them. Then they threw a great deal of
+earth upon all the rafts, until they had raised the surface to the
+level of the bank, and made it look like the path on the land
+leading down to the passage. The elephants were accustomed
+to obey their Indian riders until they came to water, but could
+never be induced to step into water: they therefore led them
+upon this earth, putting two females in front whom the others<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">207</a></span>
+obediently followed. When they had set foot on the rafts
+that were farthest out in the stream, the ropes were cut which
+fastened these to the other rafts, the towing lines were pulled
+taut by the wherries, and the elephants, with the rafts on
+which they stood, were quickly towed away from the mound of
+earth. When this happened, the animals were terror-stricken;
+and at first turned round and round, and rushed first to one
+part of the raft and then to another, but finding themselves
+completely surrounded by the water, they were too frightened
+to do anything, and were obliged to stay where they were.
+And it was by repeating this contrivance of joining a pair of
+rafts to the others, that eventually the greater part of the
+elephants were got across. Some of them, however, in the
+middle of the crossing, threw themselves in their terror into
+the river: but though their Indian riders were drowned, the
+animals themselves got safe to land, saved by the strength and
+great length of their probosces; for by raising these above the
+water, they were enabled to breathe through them, and blow out
+any water that got into them, while for the most part they got
+through the river on their feet.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_47" id="b3_47"><b>47.</b></a> The elephants having been thus got across, Hannibal
+formed them and the cavalry into a rear-guard, and marched
+up the river bank away from the sea in an easterly direction, as
+though making for the central district of Europe.</p>
+
+<p>The Rhone rises to the north-west of the Adriatic Gulf on
+the northern slopes of the Alps,<a name="FNanchor_179" id="FNanchor_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> and flowing westward, eventually
+discharges itself into the Sardinian Sea. It flows for the
+most part through a deep valley, to the north of which lives the
+Celtic tribe of the Ardyes; while its southern side is entirely
+walled in by the northern slopes of the Alps, the ridges of
+which, beginning at Marseilles and extending to the head of
+the Adriatic, separate it from the valley of the Padus, of which
+I have already had occasion to speak at length. It was these
+mountains that Hannibal now crossed from the Rhone valley
+into Italy.</p>
+
+<p>Some historians of this passage of the Alps, in their desire
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">208</a></span>to produce a striking effect by their descriptions of the wonders
+of this country, have fallen into two errors which are more
+alien than anything else to the spirit of history,&mdash;perversion of
+fact and inconsistency. Introducing Hannibal as a prodigy of
+strategic skill and boldness, they yet represent him as acting
+with the most conspicuous indiscretion; and then, finding
+themselves involved in an inextricable maze of falsehood, they
+try to cut the knot by the introduction of gods and heroes
+into what is meant to be genuine history. They begin by
+saying that the Alps are so precipitous and inaccessible that, so
+far from horses and troops, accompanied too by elephants,
+being able to cross them, it would be very difficult for even
+active men on foot to do so: and similarly they tell us that
+the desolation of this district is so complete, that, had not some
+god or hero met Hannibal&#8217;s forces and showed them the way,
+they would have been hopelessly lost and perished to a man.</p>
+
+<p>Such stories involve both the errors I have mentioned,&mdash;they
+are both false and inconsistent.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_48" id="b3_48"><b>48.</b></a> For could a more irrational proceeding on the part of a
+general be imagined than that of Hannibal, if, when in command
+of so numerous an army, on whom the success of his
+expedition entirely depended, he allowed himself to remain in
+ignorance of the roads, the lie of the country, the route to be
+taken, and the people to which it led, and above all as to the
+practicability of what he was undertaking to do? They, in
+fact, represent Hannibal, when at the height of his expectation
+of success, doing what those would hardly do who have utterly
+failed and have been reduced to despair,&mdash;that is, to entrust
+themselves and their forces to an unknown country. And so,
+too, what they say about the desolation of the district, and its
+precipitous and inaccessible character, only serves to bring their
+untrustworthiness into clearer light. For first, they pass over
+the fact that the Celts of the Rhone valley had on several
+occasions before Hannibal came, and that in very recent times,
+crossed the Alps with large forces, and fought battles with the
+Romans in alliance with the Celts of the valley of the Padus, as
+I have already stated. And secondly, they are unaware of the
+fact that a very numerous tribe of people inhabit the Alps.
+Accordingly in their ignorance of these facts they take refuge<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">209</a></span>
+in the assertion that a hero showed Hannibal the way. They
+are, in fact, in the same case as tragedians, who, beginning
+with an improbable and impossible plot, are obliged to bring
+in a <i>deus ex machina</i> to solve the difficulty and end the play.
+The absurd premises of these historians naturally require some
+such supernatural agency to help them out of the difficulty:
+an absurd beginning could only have an absurd ending. For
+of course Hannibal did not act as these writers say he did;
+but, on the contrary, conducted his plans with the utmost prudence.
+He had thoroughly informed himself of the fertility of
+the country into which he designed to descend, and of the
+hostile feelings of its inhabitants towards Rome, and for his
+journey through the difficult district which intervened he
+employed native guides and pioneers, whose interests were
+bound up with his own. I speak with confidence on these
+points, because I have questioned persons actually engaged on
+the facts, and have inspected the country, and gone over the
+Alpine pass myself, in order to inform myself of the truth and
+see with my own eyes.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_49" id="b3_49"><b>49.</b></a> Three days after Hannibal had resumed his march, the
+Consul Publius arrived at the passage of the
+river. <span class="sidenote">Scipio finds that
+Hannibal has
+escaped him.</span>He was in the highest degree astonished
+to find the enemy gone: for he had persuaded
+himself that they would never venture to take this route into
+Italy, on account of the numbers and fickleness of the barbarians
+who inhabited the country. But seeing that they had
+done so, he hurried back to his ships and at once embarked
+his forces. He then despatched his brother Gnaeus to conduct
+the campaign in Iberia, while he himself turned back again
+to Italy by sea, being anxious to anticipate the enemy by
+marching through Etruria to the foot of the pass of the Alps.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile, after four days&#8217; march from the passage of the
+Rhone, Hannibal arrived at the place called
+the Island, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal&#8217;s
+march to the foot
+of the Alps.</span>a district thickly inhabited and
+exceedingly productive of corn. Its name is
+derived from its natural features: for the Rhone and Isara
+flowing on either side of it make the apex of a triangle where
+they meet, very nearly of the same size and shape as the delta
+of the Nile, except that the base of the latter is formed by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">210</a></span>
+sea into which its various streams are discharged, while in the
+case of the former this base is formed by mountains difficult
+to approach or climb, and, so to speak, almost inaccessible.
+When Hannibal arrived in this district he found two brothers
+engaged in a dispute for the royal power, and confronting each
+other with their armies. The elder sought his alliance and
+invited his assistance in gaining the crown: and the advantage
+which such a circumstance might prove to him at that
+juncture of his affairs being manifest, he consented; and
+having joined him in his attack upon his brother, and aided in
+expelling him, he obtained valuable support from the victorious
+chieftain. For this prince not only liberally supplied his army
+with provisions, but exchanged all their old and damaged
+weapons for new ones, and thus at a very opportune time
+thoroughly restored the efficiency of the troops: he also gave
+most of the men new clothes and boots, which proved of great
+advantage during their passage of the mountains. But his
+most essential service was that, the Carthaginians being greatly
+alarmed at the prospect of marching through the territory of
+the Allobroges, he acted with his army as their rear-guard, and
+secured them a safe passage as far as the foot of the pass.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_50" id="b3_50"><b>50.</b></a> Having in ten days&#8217; march accomplished a distance
+of eight hundred stades along the river bank, <span class="sidenote">The ascent.</span>
+Hannibal began the ascent of the Alps,<a name="FNanchor_180" id="FNanchor_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> and
+immediately found himself involved in the most serious
+dangers. For as long as the Carthaginians were on the
+plains, the various chiefs of the Allobroges refrained from
+attacking them from fear of their cavalry, as well as of the
+Gauls who were escorting them. But when these last departed
+back again to their own lands, and Hannibal began to enter the
+mountainous region, the chiefs of the Allobroges collected
+large numbers of their tribe and occupied the points of vantage
+in advance, on the route by which Hannibal&#8217;s troops were
+constrained to make their ascent. If they had only kept their
+design secret, the Carthaginian army would have been entirely
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">211</a></span>destroyed: as it was, their plans became known, and though
+they did much damage to Hannibal&#8217;s army, they suffered as
+much themselves. For when that general learnt that the
+natives were occupying the points of vantage, he halted and
+pitched his camp at the foot of the pass, and sent forward
+some of his Gallic guides to reconnoitre the enemy and discover
+their plan of operations. The order was obeyed: and
+he ascertained that it was the enemy&#8217;s practice to keep under
+arms, and guard these posts carefully, during the day, but at
+night to retire to some town in the neighbourhood. Hannibal
+accordingly adapted his measures to this strategy of the enemy.
+He marched forward in broad daylight, and as soon as he
+came to the mountainous part of the road, pitched his camp
+only a little way from the enemy. At nightfall he gave orders
+for the watch-fires to be lit; and leaving the main body of his
+troops in the camp, and selecting the most suitable of his men,
+he had them armed lightly, and led them through the narrow
+parts of the road during the night, and seized on the spots
+which had been previously occupied by the enemy: they having,
+according to their regular custom, abandoned them for the
+nearest town.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_51" id="b3_51"><b>51.</b></a> When day broke the natives saw what had taken place,
+and at first desisted from their attempts; <span class="sidenote">The Gauls harass
+the army.</span>
+but presently the sight of the immense string
+of beasts of burden, and of the cavalry, slowly
+and painfully making the ascent, tempted them to attack
+the advancing line. Accordingly they fell upon it at many
+points at once; and the Carthaginians sustained severe
+losses, not so much at the hands of the enemy, as from the
+dangerous nature of the ground, which proved especially fatal
+to the horses and beasts of burden. For as the ascent was
+not only narrow and rough, but flanked also with precipices,
+at every movement which tended to throw the line into disorder,
+large numbers of the beasts of burden were hurled down
+the precipices with their loads on their backs. And what
+added more than anything else to this sort of confusion were
+the wounded horses; for, maddened by their wounds, they
+either turned round and ran into the advancing beasts of
+burden, or, rushing furiously forward, dashed aside everything<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">212</a></span>
+that came in their way on the narrow path, and so threw the
+whole line into disorder. Hannibal saw what was taking
+place, and knowing that, even if they escaped this attack, they
+could never survive the loss of all their baggage, he took with
+him the men who had seized the strongholds during the night
+and went to the relief of the advancing line. Having the
+advantage of charging the enemy from the higher ground he
+inflicted a severe loss upon them, but suffered also as severe
+a one in his own army; for the commotion in the line now
+grew worse, and in both directions at once&mdash;thanks to the
+shouting and struggling of these combatants: and it was not
+until he had killed the greater number of the Allobroges, and
+forced the rest to fly to their own land, that the remainder of
+the beasts of burden and the horses got slowly, and with difficulty,
+over the dangerous ground. Hannibal himself rallied
+as many as he could after the fight, and assaulted the town
+from which the enemy had sallied; and finding it almost
+deserted, because its inhabitants had been all tempted out
+by the hope of booty, he got possession of it: from which he
+obtained many advantages for the future as well as for the
+present. The immediate gain consisted of a large number of
+horses and beasts of burden, and men taken with them; and
+for future use he got a supply of corn and cattle sufficient for
+two or three days: but the most important result of all was the
+terror inspired in the next tribes, which prevented any one of
+those who lived near the ascent from lightly venturing to meddle
+with him again.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_52" id="b3_52"><b>52.</b></a> Here he pitched a camp and remained a day, and
+started again. For the next three days <span class="sidenote">Treachery of the
+Gauls.</span>
+he accomplished a certain amount of his
+journey without accident. But on the fourth
+he again found himself in serious danger. For the dwellers
+along his route, having concerted a plan of treachery, met
+him with branches and garlands, which among nearly all
+the natives are signs of friendship, as the herald&#8217;s staff is
+among the Greeks. Hannibal was cautious about accepting
+such assurances, and took great pains to discover what their
+real intention and purpose were. The Gauls however professed
+to be fully aware of the capture of the town, and the destruction<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">213</a></span>
+of those who had attempted to do him wrong; and explained
+that those events had induced them to come, because they
+wished neither to inflict nor receive any damage; and finally
+promised to give him hostages. For a long while Hannibal
+hesitated and refused to trust their speeches. But at length
+coming to the conclusion that, if he accepted what was offered,
+he would perhaps render the men before him less mischievous
+and implacable; but that, if he rejected them, he must expect
+undisguised hostility from them, he acceded to their request,
+and feigned to accept their offer of friendship. The barbarians
+handed over the hostages, supplied him liberally with
+cattle, and in fact put themselves unreservedly into his hands;
+so that for a time Hannibal&#8217;s suspicions were allayed, and he
+employed them as guides for the next difficulty that had to be
+passed. They guided the army for two days: and then these
+tribes collected their numbers, and keeping close up with the
+Carthaginians, attacked them just as they were passing through
+a certain difficult and precipitous gorge.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_53" id="b3_53"><b>53.</b></a> Hannibal&#8217;s army would now have certainly been utterly
+destroyed, had it not been for the fact that his <span class="sidenote">Severe losses.</span>
+fears were still on the alert, and that, having a
+prescience of what was to come, he had placed his baggage and
+cavalry in the van and his hoplites in the rear. These latter
+covered his line, and were able to stem the attack of the enemy,
+and accordingly the disaster was less than it would otherwise
+have been. As it was, however, a large number of beasts of
+burden and horses perished; for the advantage of the higher
+ground being with the enemy, the Gauls moved along the
+slopes parallel with the army below, and by rolling down
+boulders, or throwing stones, reduced the troops to a state of
+the utmost confusion and danger; so that Hannibal with half
+his force was obliged to pass the night near a certain white rock,<a name="FNanchor_181" id="FNanchor_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">181</a>
+which afforded them protection, separated from his horses and
+baggage which he was covering; until after a whole night&#8217;s
+struggle they slowly and with difficulty emerged from the gorge.</p>
+
+<p>Next morning the enemy had disappeared: and Hannibal,
+having effected a junction with his cavalry and baggage, led<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">214</a></span>
+his men towards the head of the pass, without falling in
+again with any important muster of the natives, <span class="sidenote">Arrives at the
+summit.</span>
+though he was harassed by some of them
+from time to time; who seized favourable
+opportunities, now on his van and now on his rear, of
+carrying off some of his baggage. His best protection
+was his elephants; on whatever parts of the line they
+were placed the enemy never ventured to approach, being
+terrified at the unwonted appearance of the animals. The
+ninth day&#8217;s march brought him to the head of the pass:
+and there he encamped for two days, partly to rest his men
+and partly to allow stragglers to come up. Whilst they were
+there, many of the horses who had taken fright and run away,
+and many of the beasts of burden that had got rid of their
+loads, unexpectedly appeared: they had followed the tracks of
+the army and now joined the camp.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_54" id="b3_54"><b>54.</b></a> But by this time, it being nearly the period of the
+setting of the Pleiads, the snow was beginning <span class="sidenote">9th November.</span>
+to be thick on the heights; and seeing his men
+in low spirits, owing both to the fatigue they had gone through,
+and that which still lay before them, Hannibal called them
+together and tried to cheer them by dwelling on the one possible
+topic of consolation in his power, namely the view of Italy:
+which lay stretched out in both directions below those mountains,
+giving the Alps the appearance of a citadel to the whole
+of Italy. By pointing therefore to the plains of the Padus, and
+reminding them of the friendly welcome which awaited them
+from the Gauls who lived there, and at the same time indicating
+the direction of Rome itself, he did somewhat to raise the
+drooping spirits of his men.</p>
+
+<p>Next day he began the descent, in which he no longer
+met with any enemies, except some few secret
+pillagers; <span class="sidenote">The descent.</span>but from the dangerous ground and
+the snow he lost almost as many men as on the
+ascent. For the path down was narrow and precipitous,
+and the snow made it impossible for the men to
+see where they were treading, while to step aside from the
+path, or to stumble, meant being hurled down the precipices.
+The troops however bore up against the fatigue, having now<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">215</a></span>
+grown accustomed to such hardships; but when they came to
+a place where the path was too narrow for the elephants or
+beasts of burden to pass,&mdash;and which, narrowed before by
+landslips extending about a stade and a half, had recently
+been made more so by another landslip,&mdash;then once more
+despondency and consternation fell upon the troops. Hannibal&#8217;s
+first idea was to avoid this <i>mauvais pas</i> by a detour, but
+this route too being made impossible by a snow-storm, he
+abandoned the idea.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_55" id="b3_55"><b>55.</b></a> The effect of the storm was peculiar and extraordinary.
+For the present fall of snow coming <span class="sidenote">A break in the
+road.</span>
+upon the top of that which was there before,
+and had remained from the last winter, it was
+found that the former, being fresh, was soft and offered no
+resistance to the foot; but when the feet reached the lower
+frozen snow, they could no longer make any impression upon
+it, but the men found both their feet slipping from under
+them, as though they were on hard ground with a layer
+of mud on the top. And a still more serious difficulty
+followed: for not being able to get a foothold on the lower
+snow, when they fell and tried to get themselves up by their
+hands and knees, the men found themselves plunging downwards
+quicker and quicker, along with everything they laid hold
+of, the ground being a very steep decline. The beasts, however,
+when they fell did break through this lower snow as they
+struggled to rise, and having done so were obliged to remain
+there with their loads, as though they were frozen to it, both
+from the weight of these loads and the hardness of the old snow.
+Giving up, therefore, all hope of making this detour, he encamped
+upon the ridge after clearing away the snow upon it.
+He then set large parties of his men to work, and, with infinite
+toil, began constructing a road on the face of the precipice.
+One day&#8217;s work sufficed to make a path practicable for beasts
+of burden and horses; and he accordingly took them across
+at once, and having pitched his camp at a spot below the snow
+line, he let them go in search of pasture; while he told off the
+Numidians in detachments to proceed with the making of the
+road; and after three days&#8217; difficult and painful labour he got
+his elephants across, though in a miserable condition from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">216</a></span>
+hunger. For the tops of the Alps, and the parts immediately
+below them, are completely treeless and bare of vegetation,
+because the snow lies there summer and winter; but about
+half-way down the slopes on both sides they produce trees and
+shrubs, and are, in fact, fit for human habitation.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_56" id="b3_56"><b>56.</b></a> So Hannibal mustered his forces and continued the
+descent; and on the third day after passing <span class="sidenote">He reaches the
+plains.</span>
+the precipitous path just described he reached
+the plains. From the beginning of his march
+he had lost many men by the hands of the enemy, and
+in crossing rivers, and many more on the precipices and
+dangerous passes of the Alps; and not only men in this
+last way, but horses and beasts of burden in still greater
+numbers. The whole march from New Carthage had occupied
+five months, the actual passage of the Alps fifteen days; and he
+now boldly entered the valley of the Padus, and the territory of
+the Insubres, with such of his army as survived, consisting of
+twelve thousand Libyans and eight thousand Iberians, and
+not more than six thousand cavalry in all, as he himself
+distinctly states on the column erected on the promontory of
+Lacinium to record the numbers.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time, as I have before stated, Publius having left
+his legions under the command of his brother Gnaeus, with
+orders to prosecute the Iberian campaign and offer an energetic
+resistance to Hasdrubal, landed at Pisae with a small body of
+men. Thence he marched through Etruria, and taking over
+the army of the Praetors which was guarding the country against
+the Boii, he arrived in the valley of the Padus; and, pitching
+his camp there, waited for the enemy with an eager desire to
+give him battle.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_57" id="b3_57"><b>57.</b></a> Having thus brought the generals of the two nations
+and the war itself into Italy, before beginning <span class="sidenote">Digression on the
+limits of history.</span>
+the campaign, I wish to say a few words about
+what I conceive to be germane or not to
+my history.</p>
+
+<p>I can conceive some readers complaining that, while
+devoting a great deal of space to Libya and Iberia, I have said
+little or nothing about the strait of the Pillars of Hercules, the
+Mare Externum, or the British Isles, and the manufacture of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">217</a></span>
+tin in them, or even of the silver and gold mines in Iberia itself,
+of which historians give long and contradictory accounts. It was
+not, let me say, because I thought these subjects out of place in
+history that I passed them over; but because, in the first place,
+I did not wish to be diffuse, or distract the attention of students
+from the main current of my narrative; and, in the next place,
+because I was determined not to treat of them in scattered
+notices or casual allusions, but to assign them a distinct time
+and place, and at these, to the best of my ability, to give a trustworthy
+account of them. On the same principle I must
+deprecate any feeling of surprise if, in the succeeding portions
+of my history, I pass over other similar topics, which might
+seem naturally in place, for the same reasons. Those who ask
+for dissertations in history on every possible subject, are somewhat
+like greedy guests at a banquet, who, by tasting every
+dish on the table, fail to really enjoy any one of them at the
+time, or to digest and feel any benefit from them afterwards.
+Such omnivorous readers get no real pleasure in the present,
+and no adequate instruction for the future.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_58" id="b3_58"><b>58.</b></a> There can be no clearer proof, than is afforded by these
+particular instances, that this department of historical writing
+stands above all others in need of study and correction. For
+as all, or at least the greater number of writers, have endeavoured
+to describe the peculiar features and positions of the countries
+on the confines of the known world, and in doing so have,
+in most cases, made egregious mistakes, it is impossible to
+pass over their errors without some attempt at refutation; and
+that not in scattered observations or casual remarks, but
+deliberately and formally. But such confutation should not
+take the form of accusation or invective. While correcting
+their mistakes we should praise the writers, feeling sure that,
+had they lived to the present age, they would have altered and
+corrected many of their statements. The fact is that, in past
+ages, we know of very few Greeks who undertook to investigate
+these remote regions, owing to the insuperable difficulties of the
+attempt. The dangers at sea were then more than can easily be
+calculated, and those on land more numerous still. And even
+if one did reach these countries on the confines of the world,
+whether compulsorily or voluntarily, the difficulties in the way<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">218</a></span>
+of a personal inspection were only begun: for some of the
+regions were utterly barbarous, others uninhabited; and a still
+greater obstacle in way of gaining information as to what he
+saw was his ignorance of the language of the country. And
+even if he learnt this, a still greater difficulty was to preserve
+a strict moderation in his account of what he had seen, and
+despising all attempts to glorify himself by traveller&#8217;s tales of
+wonder, to report for our benefit the truth and nothing but the
+truth.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_59" id="b3_59"><b>59.</b></a> All these impediments made a true account of these
+regions in past times difficult, if not impossible. Nor ought we
+to criticise severely the omissions or mistakes of these writers:
+rather they deserve our praise and admiration for having in
+such an age gained information as to these places, which
+distinctly advanced knowledge. In our own age, however,
+the Asiatic districts have been opened up both by sea and
+land owing to the empire of Alexander, and the other places
+owing to the supremacy of Rome. Men too of practical
+experience in affairs, being released from the cares of martial or
+political ambition, have thereby had excellent opportunities for
+research and inquiry into these localities; and therefore it will
+be but right for us to have a better and truer knowledge of
+what was formerly unknown. And this I shall endeavour to
+establish, when I find a fitting opportunity in the course of my
+history. I shall be especially anxious to give the curious a
+full knowledge on these points, because it was with that express
+object that I confronted the dangers and fatigues of my travels
+in Libya, Iberia, and Gaul, as well as of the sea which washes
+the western coasts of these countries; that I might correct the
+imperfect knowledge of former writers, and make the Greeks
+acquainted with these parts of the known world.</p>
+
+<p>After this digression, I must go back to the pitched
+battles between the Romans and Carthaginians in Italy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_60" id="b3_60"><b>60.</b></a> After arriving in Italy with the number of troops
+which I have already stated, <span class="sidenote">Rest and recovery.</span>
+Hannibal pitched
+his camp at the very foot of the Alps, and
+was occupied, to begin with, in refreshing his men. For
+not only had his whole army suffered terribly from the
+difficulties of transit in the ascent, and still more in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">219</a></span>
+descent of the Alps, but it was also in evil case from the
+shortness of provisions, and the inevitable neglect of all
+proper attention to physical necessities. Many had quite
+abandoned all care for their health under the influence of
+starvation and continuous fatigue; for it had proved impossible
+to carry a full supply of food for so many thousands over such
+mountains, and what they did bring was in great part lost along
+with the beasts that carried it. So that whereas, when
+Hannibal crossed the Rhone, he had thirty-eight thousand
+infantry, and more than eight thousand cavalry, he lost nearly
+half in the pass, as I have shown above; while the survivors
+had by these long continued sufferings become almost savage
+in look and general appearance. Hannibal therefore bent his
+whole energies to the restoration of the spirits and bodies of
+his men, and of their horses also. When his army had thus
+sufficiently recovered, finding the Taurini, <span class="sidenote">Taking of Turin.</span>
+who
+live immediately under the Alps, at war with
+the Insubres and inclined to be suspicious of the Carthaginians,
+Hannibal first invited them to terms of friendship
+and alliance; and, on their refusal, invested their chief city
+and carried it after a three day&#8217;s siege. Having put to the
+sword all who had opposed him, he struck such terror into the
+minds of the neighbouring tribes, that they all gave in their
+submission out of hand. The other Celts inhabiting these
+plains were also eager to join the Carthaginians, according to
+their original purpose; but the Roman legions had by this time
+advanced too far, and had intercepted the greater part of them:
+they were therefore unable to stir, and in some cases were even
+obliged to serve in the Roman ranks. This determined
+Hannibal not to delay his advance any longer, but to strike
+some blow which might encourage those natives who were
+desirous of sharing his enterprise.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_61" id="b3_61"><b>61.</b></a> When he heard, while engaged on this design, that Publius
+had already crossed the Padus with his army, <span class="sidenote">Approach of
+Scipio.</span>
+and was at no great distance, he was at first inclined
+to disbelieve the fact, reflecting that it was
+not many days since he had left him near the passage of the
+Rhone, and that the voyage from Marseilles to Etruria was a
+long and difficult one. He was told, moreover, that from the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">220</a></span>
+Tyrrhenian Sea to the Alps through Italian soil was a long
+march, without good military roads. But when messenger after
+messenger confirmed the intelligence with increased positiveness,
+he was filled with amazement and admiration at the
+Consul&#8217;s plan of campaign, and promptness in carrying it out.
+The feelings of Publius were much the same: for he had not
+expected that Hannibal would even attempt the passage of the
+Alps with forces of different races, or, if he did attempt it,
+that he could escape utter destruction. Entertaining such ideas
+he was immensely astonished at his courage and adventurous
+daring, when he heard that he had not only got safe across,
+but was actually besieging certain towns in Italy. Similar
+feelings were entertained at Rome when the news arrived
+there. For scarcely had the last rumour about the taking of
+Saguntum by the Carthaginians ceased to attract attention, and
+scarcely had the measures adopted in view of that event been
+taken,&mdash;namely the despatch of one Consul to Libya to besiege
+Carthage, and of the other to Iberia to meet Hannibal there,&mdash;than
+news came that Hannibal had arrived in Italy with his
+army, and was already besieging certain towns in it. Thrown
+into great alarm by this unexpected turn of affairs, the Roman
+government sent at once to Tiberius at Lilybaeum, telling him
+of the presence of the enemy in Italy, <span class="sidenote">Tiberius Sempronius
+recalled.</span>
+and
+ordering him to abandon the original design
+of his expedition, and to make all haste home
+to reinforce the defences of the country. Tiberius at once
+collected the men of the fleet and sent them off, with orders
+to go home by sea; while he caused the Tribunes to administer
+an oath to the men of the legions that they would all
+appear at a fixed day at Ariminum by bedtime. Ariminum
+is a town on the Adriatic, situated at the southern boundary
+of the valley of the Padus. In every direction there was stir
+and excitement: and the news being a complete surprise to
+everybody, there was everywhere a great and irrepressible
+anxiety as to the future.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_62" id="b3_62"><b>62.</b></a> The two armies being now within a short distance of
+each other, Hannibal and Publius both thought <span class="sidenote">Gallic prisoners.</span>
+it necessary to address their men in terms
+suitable to the occasion.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">221</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The manner in which Hannibal tried to encourage his army
+was this. He mustered the men, and caused some youthful
+prisoners whom he had caught when they were attempting
+to hinder his march on the Alpine passes, to be brought
+forward. They had been subjected to great severities
+with this very object, loaded with heavy chains, half-starved,
+and their bodies a mass of bruises from scourging. Hannibal
+caused these men to be placed in the middle of the
+army, and some suits of Gallic armour, such as are worn by
+their kings when they fight in single combat, to be exhibited;
+in addition to these he placed there some horses, and brought
+in some valuable military cloaks. He then asked these young
+prisoners, which of them were willing to fight with each other
+on condition of the conqueror taking these prizes, and the
+vanquished escaping all his present miseries by death. Upon
+their all answering with a loud shout that they were desirous
+of fighting in these single combats, he bade them draw lots;
+and the pair, on whom the first lot fell, to put on the armour
+and fight with each other. As soon as the young men heard
+these orders, they lifted up their hands, and each prayed the
+gods that he might be one of those to draw the lot. And
+when the lots were drawn, those on whom they fell were overjoyed,
+and the others in despair. When the fight was finished,
+too, the surviving captives congratulated the one who had
+fallen no less than the victor, as having been freed from many
+terrible sufferings, while they themselves still remained to endure
+them. And in this feeling the Carthaginian soldiers were
+much disposed to join, all pitying the survivors and congratulating
+the fallen champion.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_63" id="b3_63"><b>63.</b></a> Having by this example made the impression he desired
+upon the minds of his troops, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal&#8217;s
+speech.</span>
+Hannibal
+then came forward himself and said, &#8220;that he
+had exhibited these captives in order that they
+might see in the person of others a vivid representation of
+what they had to expect themselves, and might so lay their plans
+all the better in view of the actual state of affairs. Fortune
+had summoned them to a life and death contest very like that
+of the two captives, and in which the prize of victory was the
+same. For they must either conquer, or die, or fall alive into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">222</a></span>
+the hands of their enemies; and the prize of victory would not
+be mere horses and military cloaks, but the most enviable position
+in the world if they became masters of the wealth of Rome:
+or if they fell in battle their reward would be to end their
+life fighting to their last breath for the noblest object, in the
+heat of the struggle, and with no sense of pain; while if they
+were beaten, or from desire of life were base enough to fly, or
+tried to prolong that life by any means except victory, every
+sort of misery and misfortune would be their lot: for it was
+impossible that any one of them could be so irrational or
+senseless, when he remembered the length of the journey he
+had performed from his native land, and the number of
+enemies that lay between him and it, and the size of the
+rivers he had crossed, as to cherish the hope of being able
+to reach his home by flight. They should therefore cast away
+such vain hopes, and regard their position as being exactly
+that of the combatants whom they had but now been watching.
+For, as in their case, all congratulated the dead as much as the
+victor, and commiserated the survivors; so they should think
+of the alternatives before themselves, and should, one and all,
+come upon the field of battle resolved, if possible, to conquer,
+and, if not, to die. Life with defeat was a hope that must
+by no means whatever be entertained. If they reasoned
+and resolved thus, victory and safety would certainly attend
+them: for it never happened that men who came to such
+a resolution, whether of deliberate purpose or from being
+driven to bay, were disappointed in their hope of beating their
+opponents in the field. And when it chanced, as was the
+case with the Romans, that the enemy had in most cases a
+hope of quite an opposite character, from the near neighbourhood
+of their native country making flight an obvious means
+of safety, then it was clear that the courage which came of
+despair would carry the day.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>When he saw that the example and the words he had
+spoken had gone home to the minds of the rank and file, and
+that the spirit and enthusiasm which he aimed at inspiring
+were created, he dismissed them for the present with commendations,
+and gave orders for an advance at daybreak on
+the next morning.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">223</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_64" id="b3_64"><b>64.</b></a> About the same day Publius Scipio, having now
+crossed the Padus, and being resolved to make <span class="sidenote">Scipio crosses
+the Ticinus.</span>
+a farther advance across the Ticinus, ordered
+those who were skilled in such works to construct
+a bridge across this latter river; and then summoned
+a meeting of the remainder of his army and addressed them:
+dwelling principally on the reputation of their country and of
+the ancestors&#8217; achievements. But he referred particularly to
+their present position, saying, &#8220;that they ought to entertain no
+doubt of victory, though they had never as yet had any experience
+of the enemy; and should regard it as a piece of
+extravagant presumption of the Carthaginians to venture to face
+Romans, by whom they had been so often beaten, and to
+whom they had for so many years paid tribute and been all
+but slaves. And when in addition to this they at present
+knew thus much of their mettle,&mdash;that they dared not face
+them, what was the fair inference to be drawn for the future?
+Their cavalry, in a chance encounter on the Rhone with those
+of Rome, had, so far from coming off well, lost a large number
+of men, and had fled with disgrace to their own camp; and the
+general and his army, as soon as they knew of the approach
+of his legions, had beat a retreat, which was exceedingly like a
+flight, and, contrary to their original purpose, had in their
+terror taken the road over the Alps. And it was evident that
+Hannibal had destroyed the greater part of his army; and that
+what he had left was feeble and unfit for service, from the
+hardships they had undergone: in the same way he had
+lost the majority of his horses, and made the rest useless from
+the length and difficult nature of the journey. They had, therefore,
+only to show themselves to the enemy.&#8221; But, above all,
+he pointed out that &#8220;his own presence at their head ought to
+be special encouragement to them: for that he would not have
+left his fleet and Spanish campaign, on which he had been sent,
+and have come to them in such haste, if he had not seen on
+consideration that his doing so was necessary for his country&#8217;s
+safety, and that a certain victory was secured to him by it.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>The weight and influence of the speaker, as well as their
+belief in his words, roused great enthusiasm among the men;
+which Scipio acknowledged, and then dismissed them with the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">224</a></span>
+additional injunction that they should hold themselves in readiness
+to obey any order sent round to them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_65" id="b3_65"><b>65.</b></a> Next day both generals led their troops along the river
+Padus, on the bank nearest the Alps, <span class="sidenote">Skirmish of
+cavalry near the
+Ticinus, Nov.
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;219.</span>
+the Romans
+having the stream on their left, the Carthaginians
+on their right; and having ascertained on
+the second day, by means of scouts, that they
+were near each other, they both halted and remained encamped
+for that day: but on the next, both taking their cavalry, and
+Publius his sharp-shooters also, they hurried across the plain
+to reconnoitre each other&#8217;s forces. As soon as they came
+within distance, and saw the dust rising from the side of their
+opponents, they drew up their lines for battle at once. Publius
+put his sharp-shooters and Gallic horsemen in front, and
+bringing the others into line, advanced at a slow pace.
+Hannibal placed his cavalry that rode with bridles, and was
+most to be depended on, in his front, and led them straight
+against the enemy; having put the Numidian cavalry on either
+wing to take the enemy on the flanks. The two generals and
+the cavalry were in such hot haste to engage, that they closed
+with each other before the sharp-shooters had an opportunity
+of discharging their javelines at all. Before they could do so,
+they left their ground, and retreated to the rear of their own
+cavalry, making their way between the squadrons, terrified at
+the approaching charge, and afraid of being trampled to death
+by the horses which were galloping down upon them. The
+cavalry charged each other front to front, and for a long time
+maintained an equal contest; and a great many men dismounting
+on the actual field, there was a mixed fight of horse and
+foot. The Numidian horse, however, having outflanked the
+Romans, charged them on the rear: and so the sharp-shooters,
+who had fled from the cavalry charge at the beginning,
+were now trampled to death by the numbers and furious
+onslaught of the Numidians; while the front ranks originally
+engaged with the Carthaginians, after losing many of
+their men and inflicting a still greater loss on the enemy,
+finding themselves charged on the rear by the Numidians,
+broke into flight: most of them scattering in every direction,
+while some of them kept closely massed round the Consul.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">225</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_66" id="b3_66"><b>66.</b></a> Publius then broke up his camp, and marched through the
+plains to the bridge over the Padus, in haste to get <span class="sidenote">Scipio retires to
+Placentia on the
+right bank of
+the Po.</span>
+his legions across before the enemy came up. He
+saw that the level country where he was then was
+favourable to the enemy with his superiority in
+cavalry. He was himself disabled by a wound;<a name="FNanchor_182" id="FNanchor_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> and he
+decided that it was necessary to shift his quarters to a place of
+safety. For a time Hannibal imagined that Scipio would give
+him battle with his infantry also: but when he saw that he had
+abandoned his camp, he went in pursuit of him as far as the
+bridge over the Ticinus; but finding that the <span class="sidenote">Hannibal crosses
+the Po higher up
+and follows
+Scipio to Placentia.</span>
+greater part of the timbers of this bridge had been
+torn away, while the men who guarded the bridge
+were left still on his side of the river, he took
+them prisoners to the number of about six hundred,
+and being informed that the main army was far on its
+way, he wheeled round and again ascended the Padus in search
+of a spot in it which admitted of being easily bridged. After
+two days&#8217; march he halted and constructed a bridge over the
+river by means of boats. He committed the task of bringing
+over the army to Hasdrubal;<a name="FNanchor_183" id="FNanchor_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> while he himself crossed at once,
+and busied himself in receiving the ambassadors who arrived
+from the neighbouring districts. For no sooner had he
+gained the advantage in the cavalry engagement, than all the
+Celts in the vicinity hastened to fulfil their original engagement
+by avowing themselves his friends, supplying him with
+provisions, and joining the Carthaginian forces. After giving
+these men a cordial reception, and getting his own army across
+the Padus, he began to march back again down stream, with an
+earnest desire of giving the enemy battle. Publius, too, had
+crossed the river and was now encamped under the walls of the
+Roman colony Placentia. There he made no sign of any
+intention to move; for he was engaged in trying to heal his own
+wound and those of his men, and considered that he had a
+secure base of operations where he was. A two days&#8217; march
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">226</a></span>from the place where he had crossed the Padus brought
+Hannibal to the neighbourhood of the enemy; and on the
+third day he drew out his army for battle in full view of his
+opponents: but as no one came out to attack, he pitched his
+camp about fifty stades from them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_67" id="b3_67"><b>67.</b></a> But the Celtic contingent of the Roman army, seeing
+that Hannibal&#8217;s prospects looked the brighter of
+the two, <span class="sidenote">Treachery of the
+Gauls serving in
+the army of
+Scipio.</span>
+concerted their plans for a fixed time,
+and waited in their several tents for the moment
+of carrying them out. When the men within the
+rampart of the camp had taken their supper and were gone to
+bed, the Celts let more than half the night pass, and just about
+the time of the morning watch armed themselves and fell upon
+the Romans who were quartered nearest to them; killed a
+considerable number, and wounded not a few; and, finally,
+cutting off the heads of the slain, departed with them to join
+the Carthaginians, to the number of two thousand infantry and
+nearly two hundred cavalry. They were received with great satisfaction
+by Hannibal; who, after addressing them encouragingly,
+and promising them all suitable rewards, sent them to their
+several cities, to declare to their compatriots what they had done,
+and to urge them to make alliance with him: for he knew that
+they would now all feel compelled to take part with him, when
+they learnt the treachery of which their fellow-countrymen had
+been guilty to the Romans. Just at the same time the Boii
+came in, and handed over to him the three Agrarian Commissioners,
+sent from Rome to divide the lands; whom, as I have
+already related, they had seized by a sudden act of treachery
+at the beginning of the war. Hannibal gratefully acknowledged
+their good intention, and made a formal alliance with those
+who came: but he handed them back their prisoners, bidding
+them keep them safe, in order to get back their own hostages
+from Rome, as they intended at first.</p>
+
+<p>Publius regarded this treachery as of most serious importance;
+and feeling sure that the Celts in the <span class="sidenote">Scipio changes
+his position at
+Placentia to one
+on the Trebia.</span>
+neighbourhood had long been ill-disposed, and
+would, after this event, all incline to the Carthaginians,
+he made up his mind that some precaution
+for the future was necessary. The next night, therefore,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">227</a></span>
+just before the morning watch, he broke up his camp and
+marched for the river Trebia, and the high ground near it,
+feeling confidence in the protection which the strength of the
+position and the neighbourhood of his allies would give him.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_68" id="b3_68"><b>68.</b></a> When Hannibal was informed of Scipio&#8217;s change of
+quarters, he sent the Numidian horse in pursuit
+at once, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal follows
+him.</span>
+and the rest soon afterwards, following
+close behind with his main army. The Numidians,
+finding the Roman camp empty, stopped to set fire to it:
+which proved of great service to the Romans; for if they had
+pushed on and caught up the Roman baggage, a large number
+of the rear-guard would have certainly been killed by the
+cavalry in the open plains. But as it was, the greater part of
+them got across the River Trebia in time; while those who
+were after all too far in the rear to escape, were either killed or
+made prisoners by the Carthaginians.</p>
+
+<p>Scipio, however, having crossed the Trebia occupied the
+first high ground; and having strengthened <span class="sidenote">Scipio&#8217;s position
+on the slopes of
+Apennines, near
+the source of
+the Trebia.</span>
+his
+camp with trench and palisade, waited the
+arrival of his colleague, Tiberius Sempronius,
+and his army; and was taking the greatest pains
+to cure his wound, because he was exceedingly
+anxious to take part in the coming engagement. Hannibal
+pitched his camp about forty stades from him. While the
+numerous Celts inhabiting the plains, excited by the good
+prospects of the Carthaginians, supplied his army with provisions
+in great abundance, and were eager to take their share with
+Hannibal in every military operation or battle.</p>
+
+<p>When news of the cavalry engagement reached Rome, the
+disappointment of their confident expectations caused a feeling
+of consternation in the minds of the people. Not but that
+plenty of pretexts were found to prove to their own satisfaction
+that the affair was not a defeat. Some laid the blame on the
+Consul&#8217;s rashness, and others on the treacherous lukewarmness
+of the Celts, which they concluded from their recent revolt
+must have been shown by them on the field. But, after all,
+as the infantry was still unimpaired, they made up their minds
+that the general result was still as hopeful as ever. Accordingly,
+when Tiberius and his legions arrived at Rome, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">228</a></span>
+marched through the city, they believed that his mere appearance
+at the seat of war would settle the matter.</p>
+
+<p>His men met Tiberius at Ariminum, according to their
+oath, and he at once led them forward in all <span class="sidenote">Tiberius Sempronius
+joins
+Scipio.</span>
+haste to join Publius Scipio. The junction
+effected, and a camp pitched by the side of his
+colleague, he was naturally obliged to refresh his men after
+their forty days&#8217; continuous march between Ariminum and
+Lilybaeum: but he went on with all preparations for a battle;
+and was continually in conference with Scipio, asking questions
+as to what had happened in the past, and discussing with him
+the measures to be taken in the present.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_69" id="b3_69"><b>69.</b></a> Meanwhile Hannibal got possession of Clastidium, by
+the treachery of a certain Brundisian, <span class="sidenote">Fall of Clastidium.
+Hannibal&#8217;s policy
+towards the
+Italians.</span>
+to whom
+it had been entrusted by the Romans. Having
+become master of the garrison and the stores of
+corn he used the latter for his present needs;
+but took the men whom he had captured with him, without
+doing them any harm, being desirous of showing by an example
+the policy he meant to pursue; that those whose present
+position towards Rome was merely the result of circumstances
+should not be terrified, and give up hope of being spared by
+him. The man who betrayed Clastidium to him he treated
+with extraordinary honour, by way of tempting all men in
+similar situations of authority to share the prospects of the
+Carthaginians. But afterwards, finding that certain Celts who
+lived in the fork of the Padus and the Trebia, while pretending
+to have made terms with him, were sending messages to the
+Romans at the same time, believing that they would thus
+secure themselves from being harmed by either side, he sent
+two thousand infantry with some Celtic and Numidian cavalry
+with orders to devastate their territory. This order being
+executed, and a great booty obtained, the Celts appeared at the
+Roman camp beseeching their aid. Tiberius had been all
+along looking out for an opportunity of striking a blow: <span class="sidenote">A skirmish
+favourable to
+the Romans.</span>
+and
+once seized on this pretext for sending out
+a party, consisting of the greater part of his
+cavalry; and a thousand sharp-shooters of his
+infantry along with them; who having speedily come up<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">229</a></span>
+with the enemy on the other side of the Trebia, and engaged
+them in a sharp struggle for the possession of the booty,
+forced the Celts and Numidians to beat a retreat to their own
+camp. Those who were on duty in front of the Carthaginian
+camp quickly perceived what was going on, and brought some
+reserves to support the retreating cavalry; then the Romans
+in their turn were routed, and had to retreat to their camp.
+At this Tiberius sent out all his cavalry and sharp-shooters;
+whereupon the Celts again gave way, and sought the protection
+of their own camp. The Carthaginian general being unprepared
+for a general engagement, and thinking it a sound
+rule not to enter upon one on every casual opportunity, or
+except in accordance with a settled design, acted, it must be
+confessed, on this occasion with admirable generalship. He
+checked their flight when his men were near the camp, and
+forced them to halt and face about; but he sent out his
+aides and buglers to recall the rest, and prevented them from
+pursuing and engaging the enemy any more. So the Romans
+after a short halt went back, having killed a large number of
+the enemy, and lost very few themselves.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_70" id="b3_70"><b>70.</b></a> Excited and overjoyed at this success Tiberius was
+all eagerness for a general engagement. Now, it was in his
+power to administer the war for the present as he chose, <span class="sidenote">Sempronius
+resolves to give
+battle.</span>
+owing to the ill-health of Publius Scipio;
+yet wishing to have his colleague&#8217;s opinion
+in support of his own, he consulted him on
+this subject. Publius however took quite an opposite view
+of the situation. He thought his legions would be all the
+better for a winter under arms; and that the fidelity of the
+fickle Celts would never stand the test of want of success
+and enforced inactivity on the part of the Carthaginians: they
+would be certain, he thought, to turn against them once more.
+Besides, when he had recovered from his wound, he hoped to
+be able to do good service to his country himself. With these
+arguments he tried to dissuade Tiberius from his design. The
+latter felt that every one of these arguments were true and
+sound; but, urged on by ambition and a blind confidence in
+his fortune, he was eager to have the credit of the decisive
+action to himself, before Scipio should be able to be present<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">230</a></span>
+at the battle, or the next Consuls arrive to take over the
+command; for the time for that to take place was now
+approaching. As therefore he selected the time for the engagement
+from personal considerations, rather than with a view
+to the actual circumstances of the case, he was bound to make
+a signal failure.</p>
+
+<p>Hannibal took much the same view of the case as Scipio,
+and was therefore, unlike him, eager for a battle; because, in
+the first place, he wished to avail himself of the enthusiasm of
+the Celts before it had at all gone off: in the second place, he
+wished to engage the Roman legions while the soldiers in
+them were raw recruits without practice in war: and, in
+the third place, because he wished to fight the battle while
+Scipio was still unfit for service: but most of all because he
+wanted to be doing something and not to let the time slip by
+fruitlessly; for when a general leads his troops into a foreign
+country, and attempts what looks like a desperate undertaking,
+the one chance for him is to keep the hopes of his allies alive
+by continually striking some fresh blow.</p>
+
+<p>Such were Hannibal&#8217;s feelings when he knew of the
+intended attack of Tiberius.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_71" id="b3_71"><b>71.</b></a> Now he had some time before remarked a certain
+piece of ground which was flat and treeless, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal prepares
+an ambuscade.</span>
+and yet well suited for an ambush, because
+there was a stream in it with a high overhanging
+bank thickly covered with thorns and brambles.
+Here he determined to entrap the enemy. The place was
+admirably adapted for putting them off their guard; because
+the Romans were always suspicious of woods, from the fact
+of the Celts invariably choosing such places for their ambuscades,
+but felt no fear at all of places that were level and without
+trees: not knowing that for the concealment and safety of an
+ambush such places are much better than woods; because
+the men can command from them a distant view of all that
+is going on: while nearly all places have sufficient cover to
+make concealment possible,&mdash;a stream with an overhanging
+bank, reeds, or ferns, or some sort of bramble-bushes,&mdash;which
+are good enough to hide not infantry only, but sometimes even
+cavalry, if the simple precaution is taken of laying conspicuous<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">231</a></span>
+arms flat upon the ground and hiding helmets under shields.
+Hannibal had confided his idea to his brother Mago and to his
+council, who had all approved of the plan. Accordingly, when
+the army had supped, he summoned this young man to his
+tent, who was full of youthful enthusiasm, and had been
+trained from boyhood in the art of war, and put under his
+command a hundred cavalry and the same number of infantry.
+These men he had himself earlier in the day selected as the
+most powerful of the whole army, and had ordered to come to
+his tent after supper. Having addressed and inspired them
+with the spirit suitable to the occasion, he bade each of them
+select ten of the bravest men of their own company, and to
+come with them to a particular spot in the camp. The order
+having been obeyed, he despatched the whole party, numbering
+a thousand cavalry and as many infantry, with guides, to the
+place selected for the ambuscade; and gave his brother
+directions as to the time at which he was to make the attempt.
+At daybreak he himself mustered the Numidian cavalry, who
+were conspicuous for their powers of endurance; and after
+addressing them, and promising them rewards if they behaved
+with gallantry, he ordered them to ride up to the enemy&#8217;s lines,
+and then quickly cross the river, and by throwing showers of
+darts at them tempt them to come out: his object being to
+get at the enemy before they had had their breakfast, or made
+any preparations for the day. The other officers of the army
+also he summoned, and gave them similar instructions for the
+battle, ordering all their men to get breakfast and to see to
+their arms and horses.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_72" id="b3_72"><b>72.</b></a> As soon as Tiberius saw the Numidian horse approaching,
+he immediately sent out his cavalry by itself <span class="sidenote">Battle of the
+Trebia,
+December <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+218.</span>
+with orders to engage the enemy, and keep them
+in play, while he despatched after them six
+thousand foot armed with javelins, and got the
+rest of the army in motion, with the idea that their appearance
+would decide the affair: for his superiority in numbers, and
+his success in the cavalry skirmish of the day before, had filled
+him with confidence. But it was now mid-winter and the day
+was snowy and excessively cold, and men and horses were
+marching out almost entirely without having tasted food; and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">232</a></span>
+accordingly, though the troops were at first in high spirits, yet
+when they had crossed the Trebia, swollen by the floods which
+the rain of the previous night had brought down from the high
+ground above the camp, wading breast deep through the
+stream, they were in a wretched state from the cold and want
+of food as the day wore on. While the Carthaginians
+on the contrary had eaten and <span class="sidenote">Hannibal&#8217;s forces.</span>
+drunk in their tents, and got their horses ready, and were all
+anointing and arming themselves round the fires. Hannibal
+waited for the right moment to strike, and as soon as he saw
+that the Romans had crossed the Trebia, throwing out eight
+thousand spearmen and slingers to cover his advance, he led out
+his whole army. When he had advanced about eight stades from
+the camp, he drew up his infantry, consisting of about twenty
+thousand Iberians, Celts, and Libyans, in one long line, while
+he divided his cavalry and placed half on each wing, amounting
+in all to more than ten thousand, counting the Celtic allies;
+his elephants also he divided between the two wings, where they
+occupied the front rank. Meanwhile Tiberius <span class="sidenote">The Roman
+forces.</span>
+had recalled his cavalry because he saw that they
+could do nothing with the enemy. For the
+Numidians when attacked retreated without difficulty, scattering
+in every direction, and then faced about again and charged,
+which is the peculiar feature of their mode of warfare. But
+he drew up his infantry in the regular Roman order, consisting
+of sixteen thousand citizens and twenty thousand allies; for
+that is the complete number of a Roman army in an important
+campaign, when the two Consuls are compelled by
+circumstances to combine forces.<a name="FNanchor_184" id="FNanchor_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">184</a> He then placed the cavalry
+on either wing, numbering four thousand, and advanced against
+the enemy in gallant style, in regular order, and at a deliberate
+pace.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_73" id="b3_73"><b>73.</b></a> When the two forces came within distance, the light-armed
+troops in front of the two armies <span class="sidenote">The Roman
+cavalry retreat.</span>
+closed with each other. In this part of the
+battle the Romans were in many respects
+at a disadvantage, while the Carthaginians had everything in
+their favour. For the Roman spearmen had been on hard
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">233</a></span>service ever since daybreak, and had expended most of their
+weapons in the engagement with the Numidians, while those
+weapons which were left had become useless from being long
+wet. Nor were the cavalry, or indeed the whole army, any
+better off in these respects. The case of the Carthaginians
+was exactly the reverse: they had come on the field perfectly
+sound and fresh, and were ready and eager for every service
+required of them. As soon, therefore, as their advanced guard
+had retired again within their lines, and the heavy-armed soldiers
+were engaged, the cavalry on the two wings of the Carthaginian
+army at once charged the enemy with all the effect of
+superiority in numbers, and in the condition both of men
+and horses secured by their freshness when they started. The
+Roman cavalry on the contrary retreated: and the flanks of
+the line being thus left unprotected, the Carthaginian spearmen
+and the main body of the Numidians, passing their own
+advanced guard, charged the Roman flanks: and, by the
+damage which they did them, prevented them from keeping
+up the fight with the troops on their front. The heavy-armed
+soldiers, however, who were in the front rank of both armies,
+and in the centre of that, maintained an obstinate and equal
+fight for a considerable time.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_74" id="b3_74"><b>74.</b></a> Just then the Numidians, who had been lying in
+ambush, left their hiding-place, <span class="sidenote">Both Roman
+wings defeated.</span>and by a
+sudden charge on the centre of the Roman
+rear produced great confusion and alarm
+throughout the army. Finally both the Roman wings, being
+hard pressed in front by the elephants, and on both flanks by
+the light-armed troops of the enemy, gave way, and in their
+flight were forced upon the river behind them. After this,
+while the centre of the Roman rear was losing heavily, and
+suffering severely from the attack of the Numidian ambuscade,
+their front, thus driven to bay, defeated the Celts and a division
+of Africans, and, after killing a large number of them, succeeded
+in cutting their way through the Carthaginian line. Then
+seeing that their wings had been forced off their ground, they
+gave up all hope of relieving them or getting back to their
+camp, partly because of the number of the enemy&#8217;s cavalry,
+and partly because they were hindered by the river and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">234</a></span>
+pelting storm of rain which was pouring down upon their
+heads. They therefore closed their ranks, <span class="sidenote">The Roman centre
+fights its way to
+Placentia.</span>
+and made their way safely to Placentia,
+to the number of ten thousand. Of the
+rest of the army the greater number were killed by the
+elephants and cavalry on the bank of the Trebia; while those
+of the infantry who escaped, and the greater part of the cavalry,
+managed to rejoin the ten thousand mentioned above, and
+arrived with them at Placentia. Meanwhile the Carthaginian
+army pursued the enemy as far as the Trebia; but being prevented
+by the storm from going farther, returned to their camp.
+They regarded the result of the battle with great exultation, as
+a complete success; for the loss of the Iberians and Africans
+had been light, the heaviest having fallen on the Celts. But
+from the rain and the snow which followed it, they suffered
+so severely, that all the elephants except one died, and a large
+number of men and horses perished from the cold.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_75" id="b3_75"><b>75.</b></a> Fully aware of the nature of his disaster, but wishing
+to conceal its extent as well as he could from the people at
+home, Tiberius sent messengers to announce that a battle had
+taken place, but that the storm had deprived them of the
+victory. For the moment this news was believed at Rome;
+but when soon afterwards it became known that the Carthaginians
+were in possession of the Roman camp, and that all the
+Celts had joined them: while their own troops had abandoned
+their camp, and, after retiring from the field of battle, were all
+collected in the neighbouring cities; and were besides being
+supplied with necessary provisions by sea up the Padus, the
+Roman people became only too certain of what had really
+happened in the battle. <span class="sidenote">Winter of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+118-117.
+Great exertions
+at Rome to meet
+the danger.</span>
+It was a most unexpected
+reverse, and it forced them at once
+to urge on with energy the remaining preparations
+for the war. They reinforced those
+positions which lay in the way of the enemy&#8217;s
+advance; sent legions to Sardinia and Sicily, as well as
+garrisons to Tarentum, and other places of strategical importance;
+and, moreover, fitted out a fleet of sixty quinqueremes.
+The Consuls designate, Gnaeus Servilius and
+Gaius Flaminius, were collecting the allies and enrolling the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">235</a></span>
+citizen legions, and sending supplies to Ariminum and Etruria,
+with a view of going to the seat of war by those two routes.
+They sent also to king Hiero asking for reinforcements, who
+sent them five hundred Cretan archers and a thousand
+peltasts. In fact they pushed on their preparations in every
+direction with energy. For the Roman people are most
+formidable, collectively and individually, when they have real
+reason for alarm.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_76" id="b3_76"><b>76.</b></a> While these events were happening in Italy, Gnaeus
+Cornelius Scipio, who had been left by his <span class="sidenote">Gnaeus Scipio
+in Spain.</span>
+brother Publius in command of the fleet, setting
+sail from the mouth of the Rhone, came to
+land with his whole squadron at a place in Iberia called
+Emporium. Starting from this town, he made descents
+upon the coast, landing and besieging those who refused
+to submit to him along the seaboard as far as the
+Iber; and treating with every mark of kindness those who
+acceded to his demands, and taking all the precautions
+he could for their safety. When he had garrisoned those
+towns on the coast that submitted, he led his whole army
+inland, having by this time a not inconsiderable contingent of
+Iberian allies; and took possession of the towns on his line of
+march, some by negotiation and some by force of arms. The
+Carthaginian troops which Hannibal had left in that district
+under the command of Hanno, lay entrenched to resist him
+under the walls of a town called Cissa.</p>
+
+<p>Defeating this army in a pitched battle, Gnaeus not only
+got possession of a rich booty, for the whole baggage of the
+army invading Italy had been left under its charge, but secured
+the friendly alliance of all the Iberian tribes north of the Iber,
+and took both Hanno, the general of the Carthaginians, and
+Andobales, the general of the Iberians, prisoners. The latter
+was despot of central Iberia, and had always been especially
+inclined to the side of Carthage.</p>
+
+<p>Immediately he learnt what had happened, Hasdrubal
+crossed the Iber to bring aid. There he ascertained that the
+Roman troops left in charge of the fleet had abandoned all
+precautions, and were trading on the success of the land forces
+to pass their time in ease. He therefore took with him eight<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">236</a></span>
+thousand infantry and one thousand cavalry of his own army,
+and finding the men of the fleet scattered about the country,
+he killed a great many of them and forced the rest to fly for
+refuge to their ships. He then retired across the Iber again,
+and employed himself in fortifying and garrisoning the posts
+south of the river, taking up his winter quarters at New
+Carthage. When Gnaeus rejoined his fleet, he punished the
+authors of the disaster according to the Roman custom; and
+then collected his land and sea forces together in Tarraco, and
+there took up his winter quarters; and by dividing the booty
+equally between his soldiers, inspired them at once with
+affection towards himself and eagerness for future service.
+Such was the course of the Iberian campaign.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_77" id="b3_77"><b>77.</b></a> At the beginning of the following spring, Gaius Flaminius
+marched his army through Etruria, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217.</span>and
+pitched his camp at Arretium; while his colleague
+Gnaeus Servilius on the other hand went to Ariminum,
+to await the advance of the enemy in that direction.</p>
+
+<p>Passing the winter in the Celtic territory, Hannibal kept
+his Roman prisoners in close confinement, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal conciliates
+the
+Italians.</span>
+supplying them very sparingly with food;
+while he treated their allies with great
+kindness from the first, and finally called them together and
+addressed them, alleging, &#8220;that he had not come to fight
+against them, but against Rome in their behalf; and that,
+therefore, if they were wise, they would attach themselves to
+him: because he had come to restore freedom to the Italians,
+and to assist them to recover their cities and territory which
+they had severally lost to Rome.&#8221; With these words he
+dismissed them without ransom to their own homes: wishing
+by this policy to attract the inhabitants of Italy to his cause,
+and to alienate their affections from Rome, and to awaken the
+resentment of all those who considered themselves to have suffered
+by the loss of harbours or cities under the Roman rule.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_78" id="b3_78"><b>78.</b></a> While he was in these winter quarters also he practised
+a ruse truly Punic. Being apprehensive that from the fickleness
+of their character, and the newness of the tie between
+himself and them, the Celts might lay plots against his life, he
+caused a number of wigs to be made for him, suited in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">237</a></span>
+appearance to men of various ages; and these he constantly
+varied, changing at the same time his clothes also to
+harmonise with the particular wig which he wore. He thus
+made it hard to recognise him, not only for those who
+met him suddenly, but even for his intimates. But seeing that
+the Celts were discontented at the lengthened continuance of
+the war within their borders, and were in a state of restless hurry
+to invade the enemy&#8217;s territory,&mdash;on the pretence of hatred for
+Rome, but in reality from love of booty,&mdash;he determined to
+break up his camp as soon as possible, and satisfy the desires
+of his army. Accordingly as soon as the change of season set
+in, by questioning those who were reputed to know the
+country best, he ascertained that the other roads leading into
+Etruria were long and well known to the enemy, but that the one
+which led through the marshes was short, and would bring
+them upon Flaminius as a surprise.<a name="FNanchor_185" id="FNanchor_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">185</a> This was what suited his
+peculiar genius, and he therefore decided to take this route.
+But when the report was spread in his army that the general
+was going to lead them through some marshes, every soldier
+felt alarmed at the idea of the quagmires and deep sloughs
+which they would find on this march.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_79" id="b3_79"><b>79.</b></a> But after a careful inquiry as to what part of the road
+was firm or boggy, Hannibal broke up his camp
+and marched out. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal starts
+for Etruria.
+Spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+217.</span>He placed the Libyans and
+Iberians and all his best soldiers in the van,
+and the baggage within their lines, that there
+might be plenty of provisions for their immediate needs.
+Provisions for the future he entirely neglected. Because
+he calculated that on reaching the enemy&#8217;s territory, if he were
+beaten he should not require them, and if he were victorious he
+would find abundance in the open country. Behind this
+vanguard he placed the Celts, and in the rear of all the
+cavalry. He entrusted the command of the rear-guard to his
+brother Mago, that he might see to the security of all, and
+especially to guard against the cowardice and impatience of
+hard labour which characterised the Celts; in order that, if the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">238</a></span>difficulty of the route should induce them to turn back, he
+might intercept them by means of the cavalry and force them
+to proceed. In point of fact, the Iberians and Libyans,
+having great powers of endurance and being habituated to such
+fatigues, and also because when they marched through them
+the marshes<a name="FNanchor_186" id="FNanchor_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> were fresh and untrodden, accomplished their
+march with a moderate amount of distress: but the Celts
+advanced with great difficulty, because the marshes were now
+disturbed and trodden into a deep morass: and being quite
+unaccustomed to such painful labours, they bore the fatigue
+with anger and impatience; but were hindered from turning
+back by the cavalry in their rear. All however suffered
+grievously, especially from the impossibility of getting
+sleep on a continuous march of four days and three nights
+through a route which was under water: but none suffered
+so much, or lost so many men, as the Celts. Most of his
+beasts of burden also slipping in the mud fell and perished,
+and could then only do the men one service: they sat upon
+their dead bodies, and piling up baggage upon them so as to
+stand out above the water, they managed to get a snatch of
+sleep<a name="FNanchor_187" id="FNanchor_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> for a short portion of the night. Another misfortune
+was that a considerable number of the horses lost their hoofs
+by the prolonged march through bog. Hannibal himself was
+with difficulty and much suffering got across riding on the only
+elephant left alive, enduring great agony from a severe attack
+of ophthalmia, by which he eventually lost the sight of one
+eye, because the time and the difficulties of the situation did
+not admit of his waiting or applying any treatment to it.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_80" id="b3_80"><b>80.</b></a> Having crossed the marshes in this unexpected
+manner, Hannibal found Flaminius in Etruria
+encamped under the walls of Arretium. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal in the
+valley of the
+Arno.</span>
+For the
+present he pitched his camp close to the marshes,
+to refresh his army, and to investigate the plans of his enemies
+and the lie of the country in his front. And being informed that
+the country before him abounded in wealth, and that Flaminius
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">239</a></span>was a mere mob-orator and demagogue, with no ability for
+the actual conduct of military affairs, and was moreover
+unreasonably confident in his resources; he calculated that, if
+he passed his camp and made a descent into the district
+beyond, partly for fear of popular reproach and partly from a
+personal feeling of irritation, Flaminius would be unable to
+endure to watch passively the devastation of the country, and
+would spontaneously follow him wherever he went; and being
+eager to secure the credit of a victory for himself, without
+waiting for the arrival of his colleague, would give him many
+opportunities for an attack.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_81" id="b3_81"><b>81.</b></a> And in making these calculations Hannibal showed his
+consummate prudence and strategical ability. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal
+correctly judges
+the character of
+Flaminius.</span>
+For it is mere blind ignorance to believe that
+there can be anything of more vital importance
+to a general than the knowledge of his
+opponent&#8217;s character and disposition. As in combats between
+individuals or ranks, he who would conquer must observe
+carefully how it is possible to attain his object, and what part
+of his enemy appears unguarded or insufficiently armed,&mdash;so
+must a commander of an army look out for the weak place,
+not in the body, but in the mind of the leader of the hostile
+force. For it has often happened before now that from mere
+idleness and lack of energy, men have let not only the welfare
+of the state, but even their private fortunes fall to ruin: some
+are so addicted to wine that they cannot sleep without
+bemusing their intellects with drink; and others so infatuated in
+their pursuit of sensual pleasures, that they have not only been
+the ruin of their cities and fortunes, but have forfeited life itself
+with disgrace. In the case of individuals, however, cowardice
+and sloth bring shame only on themselves; but when it is
+a commander-in-chief that is concerned, the disaster affects all
+alike and is of the most fatal consequence. It not only
+infects the men under him with an inactivity like his own; but
+it often brings absolute dangers of the most serious description
+upon those who trust such a general. For rashness, temerity,
+and uncalculating impetuosity, as well as foolish ambition and
+vanity, give an easy victory to the enemy. And are the source
+of numerous dangers to one&#8217;s friends: for a man who is the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">240</a></span>
+prey of such weaknesses falls the easiest victim to every
+stratagem, ambush or ruse. The general then who can gain
+a clear idea of his opponent&#8217;s weaknesses, and direct his attack
+on the point where he is most open to it, will very soon be
+the victor in the campaign. For as a ship, if you deprive it
+of its steerer, falls with all its crew into the hands of the
+enemy; so, in the case of an army in war, if you outwit or
+out-man&oelig;uvre its general, the whole will often fall into your
+hands.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_82" id="b3_82"><b>82.</b></a> Nor was Hannibal mistaken in his calculations in
+regard to Flaminius. For no sooner had he <span class="sidenote">Flaminius is
+drawn out of
+camp.</span>
+left the neighbourhood of Faesulae, and,
+advancing a short way beyond the Roman
+camp, made a raid upon the neighbouring country, than
+Flaminius became excited, and enraged at the idea that he was
+despised by the enemy: and as the devastation of the country
+went on, and he saw from the smoke that rose in every
+direction that the work of destruction was proceeding, he could
+not patiently endure the sight. Some of his officers advised
+that they should not follow the enemy at once nor engage
+him, but should act on the defensive, in view of his great
+superiority in cavalry; and especially that they should wait for
+the other Consul, and not give battle until the two armies were
+combined. But Flaminius, far from listening to their advice,
+was indignant at those who offered it; and bade them consider
+what the people at home would say at the country being laid
+waste almost up to the walls of Rome itself, while they
+remained encamped in Etruria on the enemy&#8217;s rear. Finally,
+with these words, he set his army in motion, without any settled
+plan of time or place; but bent only on falling in with the
+enemy, as though certain victory awaited him. For he had
+managed to inspire the people with such confident expectations,
+that the unarmed citizens who followed his camp in hope of
+booty, bringing chains and fetters and all such gear, were more
+numerous than the soldiers themselves.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile Hannibal was advancing on his way to Rome
+through Etruria, keeping the city of Cortona and its hills on
+his left, and the Thrasymene lake on his right; and as he
+marched, he burned and wasted the country with a view of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">241</a></span>
+rousing the wrath of the enemy and tempting him to come out.
+And when he saw Flaminius get well within distance, and
+observed that the ground he then occupied was suited to his
+purpose, he bent his whole energies on preparing for a general
+engagement.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_83" id="b3_83"><b>83.</b></a> The route which he was following led through a low
+valley enclosed on both sides by long lines of
+lofty hills. <span class="sidenote">The ambuscade
+at Lake Thrasymene.</span>Of its two ends, that in front was
+blocked by an abrupt and inaccessible hill, and
+that on the rear by the lake, between which and the foot of
+the cliff there is only a very narrow defile leading into this
+valley.    Making his way to the end of the valley along the
+bank of the lake, Hannibal posted himself with the Spanish
+and Libyan troops on the hill immediately in front of him as
+he marched, and pitched a camp on it; but sent his Balearic
+slingers and light-armed troops by a d&eacute;tour, and stationed
+them in extended order under the cover of the hills to the
+right of the valley; and by a similar d&eacute;tour placed the Gauls
+and cavalry under the cover of hills to the left, causing them
+also to extend their line so far as to cover the entrance of the
+defile running between the cliff and lake into the valley.<a name="FNanchor_188" id="FNanchor_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">188</a></p>
+
+<p>Having made these preparations during the night, and
+having thus enclosed the valley with ambuscades, Hannibal
+remained quiet. In pursuit of him came Flaminius, in hot
+haste to close with the enemy. It was late in the evening before
+he pitched his camp on the border of the lake; and at daybreak
+next morning, just before the morning watch, he led his front
+maniples forward along the borders of the lake into the valley
+with a view of engaging the enemy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_84" id="b3_84"><b>84.</b></a> The day was exceedingly misty: and as soon as the
+greater part of the Roman line was in the valley, <span class="sidenote">The battle,
+22d June.</span>
+and the leading maniples were getting close to
+him, Hannibal gave the signal for attack; and at the same time
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">242</a></span>sent orders to the troops lying in ambush on the hills to do
+the same, and thus delivered an assault upon the enemy at
+every point at once. Flaminius was taken completely by
+surprise: the mist was so thick, and the enemy were charging
+down from the upper ground at so many points at once, that
+not only were the Centurions and Tribunes unable to relieve
+any part of the line that was in difficulties, but were not even
+able to get any clear idea of what was going on: for they were
+attacked simultaneously on front, rear, and both flanks. The
+result was that most of them were cut down in the order of
+march, without being able to defend themselves: exactly as
+though they had been actually given up to slaughter by
+the folly of their leader. Flaminius himself, in a state
+of the utmost distress and despair, was attacked and killed
+by a company of Celts. As many as fifteen thousand
+Romans fell in the valley, who could neither yield nor defend
+themselves, being habituated to regard it as their supreme
+duty not to fly or quit their ranks. But those who were
+caught in the defile between the lake and the cliff perished in
+a shameful, or rather a most miserable, manner: for being
+thrust into the lake, some in their frantic terror endeavoured
+to swim with their armour on, and presently sank and were
+drowned; while the greater number, wading as far as they could
+into the lake, remained there with their heads above water;
+and when the cavalry rode in after them, and certain death
+stared them in the face, they raised their hands and begged
+for quarter, offering to surrender, and using every imaginary
+appeal for mercy; but were finally despatched by the
+enemy, or, in some cases, begged the favour of the fatal
+blow from their friends, or inflicted it on themselves. A
+number of men, however, amounting perhaps to six thousand,
+who were in the valley, defeated the enemy immediately in
+front of them; but though they might have done much to
+retrieve the fortune of the day, they were unable to go to the
+relief of their comrades, or get to the rear of their opponents,
+because they could not see what was going on. They accordingly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">243</a></span>
+pushed on continually to the front, always expecting to
+find themselves engaged with some of the enemy: until they
+discovered that, without noticing it, they were issuing upon
+the higher ground. But when they were on the crest of
+the hills, the mist broke and they saw clearly the disaster
+which had befallen them; and being no longer able to do any
+good, since the enemy was victorious all along the line, and in
+complete possession of the ground, they closed their ranks and
+made for a certain Etrurian village. After the battle Maharbal
+was sent by Hannibal with the Iberians and light-armed troops
+to besiege the village; and seeing themselves surrounded by a
+complication of dangers, they laid down their arms and surrendered
+on condition of their lives being spared. Such was
+the end of the final engagement between the Romans and
+Carthaginians in Etruria.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_85" id="b3_85"><b>85.</b></a> When the prisoners who had surrendered on terms
+were with the other prisoners brought to
+Hannibal, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal&#8217;s
+treatment of
+prisoners.</span>
+he had them all collected together
+to the number of more than fifteen thousand,
+and began by saying that Maharbal had no authority
+to grant them their lives without consulting him. He then
+launched out into an invective against Rome: and when he had
+finished that, he distributed all the prisoners who were Romans
+among the companies of his army to be held in safe keeping;
+but allowed all the allies to depart without ransom to their own
+country, with the same remark as he had made before, that
+&#8220;he was not come to fight against Italians, but in behalf of
+Italians against Rome.&#8221; He then gave his army time to refresh
+themselves after their fatigue, and buried those of highest rank
+who had fallen in his army, amounting to about thirty; the
+total number of his loss being fifteen hundred, most of whom
+were Celts. He then began considering, in conjunction with
+his brother and friends, where and how he should continue his
+attack, for he now felt confident of ultimate success.</p>
+
+<p>When the news of this disaster reached Rome, the chief
+men of the state could not, <span class="sidenote">Dismay at Rome.</span>in view of the
+gravity of the blow, conceal its extent or
+soften it down, but were forced to assemble the people
+and tell them the truth. When the Praetor, therefore,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">244</a></span>
+from the Rostra said, &#8220;We have been beaten in a great
+battle,&#8221; there was such a consternation, that those who had
+been present at the battle as well as at this meeting, felt the
+disaster to be graver than when they were on the field of
+battle itself. And this feeling of the people was not to be
+wondered at. For many years they had been unaccustomed
+to the word or the fact of defeat, and they could not now
+endure reverse with patience or dignity. The Senate, however,
+rose to the occasion, and held protracted debates and consultations
+as to the future, anxiously considering what it was
+the duty of all classes to do, and how they were to do it.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_86" id="b3_86"><b>86.</b></a> About the same time as the battle of Thrasymene,
+the Consul Gnaeus Servilius, <span class="sidenote">Servilius&#8217;s
+advanced guard
+cut to pieces.</span>who had been
+stationed on duty at Ariminum,&mdash;which
+is on the coast of the Adriatic, where the
+plains of Cis-Alpine Gaul join the rest of Italy, not far from
+the mouths of the Padus,&mdash;having heard that Hannibal had
+entered Etruria and was encamped near Flaminius, designed
+to join the latter with his whole army. But finding himself
+hampered by the difficulty of transporting so heavy a force, he
+sent Gaius Centenius forward in haste with four thousand
+horse, intending that he should be there before himself in case
+of need. But Hannibal, getting early intelligence after the
+battle of Thrasymene of this reinforcement of the enemy, sent
+Maharbal with his light-armed troops, and a detachment of
+cavalry, who falling in with Gaius, killed nearly half his men
+at the first encounter; and having pursued the remainder to a
+certain hill, on the very next day took them all prisoners.
+The news of the battle of Thrasymene was three days&#8217; old at
+Rome, and the sorrow caused by it was, so to speak, at its
+hottest, when this further disaster was announced. The consternation
+caused by it was no longer confined to the people.
+The Senate now fully shared in it; and it was resolved that the
+usual annual arrangements for the election of magistrates
+should be suspended, and a more radical remedy be sought
+for the present dangers; for they came to the conclusion that
+their affairs were in such a state, as to require a commander
+with absolute powers.</p>
+
+<p>Feeling now entirely confident of success, Hannibal rejected<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">245</a></span>
+the idea of approaching Rome for the present; but traversed
+the country plundering it without resistance, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal&#8217;s
+advance after the
+battle.</span>and
+directing his march towards the coast of the
+Adriatic. Having passed through Umbria and
+Picenum, he came upon the coast after a ten days&#8217; march
+with such enormous booty, that the army could neither
+drive nor carry all the wealth which they had taken, and
+after killing a large number of people on his road. For
+the order was given, usual in the storming of cities, to kill
+all adults who came in their way: an order which Hannibal was
+prompted to give now by his deep-seated hatred of Rome.<a name="FNanchor_189" id="FNanchor_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">189</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_87" id="b3_87"><b>87.</b></a> Pitching his camp on the shore of the Adriatic, in a
+district extraordinarily rich in every kind of produce, he took
+great pains to refresh his men and restore their health, and no
+less so that of the horses. For the cold and squalor of a
+winter spent in Gallia Cis-Alpina without the protection of a
+roof, and then the painful march through the marshes, had
+brought upon most of the horses, and the men as well, an
+attack of scurvy and all its consequences. Having therefore
+now got possession of a rich country, he got his horses into
+condition again, and restored the bodies and spirits of his
+soldiers; and made the Libyans change their own for Roman
+arms selected for the purpose, which he could easily do from
+being possessed of so many sets stripped from the bodies of the
+enemy. He now sent messengers, too, to Carthage by sea, to
+report what had taken place, for this was the first time he had
+reached the sea since he entered Italy. The Carthaginians
+were greatly rejoiced at the news: and took measures with
+enthusiasm for forwarding supplies to their armies, both in
+Iberia and Italy.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile the Romans had appointed Quintus Fabius
+Dictator,<a name="FNanchor_190" id="FNanchor_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">190</a> a man distinguished no less for his wisdom than his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">246</a></span>
+high birth; as is still commemorated by the fact that the
+members of his family are even now called
+<i>Maximi</i>, <span class="sidenote">Q. Fabius Maximus
+Dictator.</span>
+that is &#8220;Greatest,&#8221; in honour of his
+successful achievements. A Dictator differs
+from the Consuls in this, that each Consul is followed by twelve
+lictors, the Dictator by twenty-four. Again, the Consuls have
+frequently to refer to the Senate to enable them to carry out
+their proposed plans, but the Dictator is absolute, and when
+he is appointed all other magistrates in Rome are at once
+deprived of power, except the Tribunes of the People.<a name="FNanchor_191" id="FNanchor_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> I shall,
+however, take another opportunity of speaking in more detail
+about these officers. With the Dictator they appointed Marcus
+Minucius master of the horse; this is an officer under the
+Dictator, and takes his place when engaged elsewhere.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_88" id="b3_88"><b>88.</b></a> Though Hannibal shifted his quarters from time to
+time for short distances in one direction or another, he remained
+in the neighbourhood of the Adriatic; and by bathing his
+horses with old wine, of which he had a great store, cured
+them of the scab and got them into condition again. By a
+similar treatment he cured his men of their wounds, and got
+the others into a sound state of health and spirits for the
+service before them. After traversing with fire and sword
+the territories of Praetutia,<a name="FNanchor_192" id="FNanchor_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> Hadriana, Marrucina, and Frentana,
+he started on his road to Iapygia. This district is divided
+among three peoples, each with a district name, Daunii, Peucetii,
+and Messapii. Hannibal first invaded the territory of the
+Daunii, beginning from Luceria, a Roman colony, and laid the
+country waste. He next encamped near Vibo, and overran the
+territory of Arpi, and plundered all Daunia without resistance.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile Fabius, after offering the usual sacrifice to the
+gods upon his appointment, started with his <span class="sidenote">Fabius takes the
+command.</span>
+master of the horse and four legions which
+had been enrolled for the purpose; and
+having effected a junction near Daunia with the troops that
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">247</a></span>had come to the rescue from Ariminum, he relieved Gnaeus
+of his command on shore and sent him with an escort to
+Rome, with orders to be ready with help for any emergency,
+in case the Carthaginians made any movement by sea. Fabius
+himself, with his master of the horse, took over the command of
+the whole army and pitched his camp opposite the Carthaginians,
+near a place called Aecae,<a name="FNanchor_193" id="FNanchor_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> about six miles from the enemy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_89" id="b3_89"><b>89.</b></a> When Hannibal learnt that Fabius had arrived, he
+determined to terrify the enemy by promptly attacking. <span class="sidenote">Cunctator.</span>He
+therefore led out his army, approached the
+Roman camp, and there drew up his men
+in order of battle; but when he had waited some time,
+and nobody came out to attack him, he drew off and
+retired to his own camp. For Fabius, having made up
+his mind to incur no danger and not to risk a battle, but to
+make the safety of his men his first and greatest object, kept
+resolutely to this purpose. At first he was despised for it, and
+gave rise to scandalous insinuations that he was an utter
+coward and dared not face an engagement: but in course of
+time he compelled everybody to confess and allow that it was
+impossible for any one to have acted, in the existing circumstances,
+with greater discretion and prudence. And it was not
+long before facts testified to the wisdom of his policy. Nor
+was it wonderful that it was so. For the forces of his
+opponents had been trained from their earliest youth without
+intermission in war; had a general who had grown up with
+them and from childhood had been instructed in the arts of
+the camp; had won many battles in Iberia, and twice running
+had beaten the Romans and their allies: and, what was more
+than all, had thoroughly made up their minds that their one
+hope of safety was in victory. In every respect the circumstances
+of the Roman army were the exact opposite of these;
+and therefore, their manifest inferiority making it impossible
+for Fabius to offer the enemy battle, he fell back upon those
+resources in which the Romans had the advantage of the
+enemy; clung to them; and conducted the war by their means:
+and they were&mdash;an inexhaustible supply of provisions and of
+men.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">248</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_90" id="b3_90"><b>90.</b></a> He, then, during the following months, kept his army
+continually hovering in the neighbourhood of the enemy, his
+superior knowledge of the country enabling him to occupy
+beforehand all the posts of vantage; and having supplies in
+abundance on his rear, he never allowed his soldiers to go on
+foraging expeditions, or get separated, on any pretence, from the
+camp; but keeping them continually massed together and in
+close union, he watched for favourable opportunities of time
+and place; and by this method of proceeding captured and
+killed a large number of the enemy, who in their contempt of
+him straggled from their camp in search of plunder. His
+object in these man&oelig;uvres was twofold,&mdash;to gradually diminish
+the limited numbers of the enemy: and to strengthen and renew
+by such successes in detail the spirits of his own men,
+which had been depressed, to begin with, by the general defeat
+of their armies. But nothing would induce him to agree to
+give his enemy a set battle. <span class="sidenote">Minucius
+discontented.</span>
+This policy however
+was by no means approved of by his master
+of the horse, Marcus. He joined in the general
+verdict, and decried Fabius in every one&#8217;s hearing, as conducting
+his command in a cowardly and unenterprising spirit; and
+was himself eager to venture upon a decisive engagement.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile the Carthaginians, after wasting these districts,
+crossed the Apennines; and descending upon
+Samnium, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal in
+Samnium and
+Apulia.</span>
+which was rich and had been free
+from war for many years past, found themselves
+in possession of such an abundance of provisions, that
+they could get rid of them neither by use nor waste. They
+overran also the territory of Beneventum, which was a Roman
+colony; and took the town of Venusia, which was unwalled
+and richly furnished with every kind of property. All
+this time the Romans were following on his rear, keeping
+one or two days&#8217; march behind him, but never venturing to
+approach or engage the enemy. Accordingly, when Hannibal
+saw that Fabius plainly meant to decline a battle, but yet would
+not abandon the country altogether, he formed the bold resolution
+of penetrating to the plains round Capua; and actually
+did so as far as Falernum, convinced that thereby he should
+do one of two things,&mdash;force the enemy to give him battle, or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">249</a></span>
+make it evident to all that the victory was his, and that the
+Romans had abandoned the country to him. This he hoped
+would strike terror into the various cities, and cause them to
+be eager to revolt from Rome. For up to that time, though
+the Romans had been beaten in two battles, not a single city
+in Italy had revolted to the Carthaginians; but all maintained
+their fidelity, although some of them were suffering severely;&mdash;a
+fact which may show us the awe and respect which the
+Republic had inspired in its allies.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_91" id="b3_91"><b>91.</b></a> Hannibal, however, had not adopted this plan without
+good reason. For the plains about Capua are the best in
+Italy for fertility and beauty and proximity to the sea, and for
+the commercial harbours, into which merchants run who are
+sailing to Italy from nearly all parts of the world. They contain,
+moreover, the most famous and beautiful cities of Italy.
+On its seaboard are Sinuessa, Cumae, Puteoli, Naples, and
+Nuceria; and inland to the north there are Cales and Teanum,
+to the east and south [Caudium<a name="FNanchor_194" id="FNanchor_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">194</a>] and Nola. In the centre
+of these plains lies the richest of all the cities, that of Capua.
+No tale in all mythology wears a greater appearance of probability
+than that which is told of these, which, like others
+remarkable for their beauty, are called the Phlegraean plains;
+for surely none are more likely for beauty and fertility to have
+been contended for by gods. In addition to these advantages,
+they are strongly protected by nature and difficult of approach;
+for one side is protected by the sea, and the rest by a long
+and high chain of mountains, through which there are but
+three passes from the interior, narrow and difficult, one from
+Samnium [a second from Latium<a name="FNanchor_195" id="FNanchor_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">195</a>] and a third from Hirpini.
+So that if the Carthaginians succeeded in fixing their quarters
+in these plains, they would have the advantage of a kind
+of theatre, in which to display the terrors of their power before
+the gaze of all Italy; and would make a spectacle also of the
+cowardice of their enemies in shrinking from giving them
+battle, while they themselves would be proved beyond dispute
+to be masters of the country.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">250</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_92" id="b3_92"><b>92.</b></a> With this view Hannibal crossed from Samnium by
+the pass of the hill called Eribianus,<a name="FNanchor_196" id="FNanchor_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> and
+encamped on the bank of the river Vulturnus, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal
+descends into the
+Falernian plain.</span>
+which almost divides these plains in half.
+His camp was on the side of the river towards Rome, but
+he overran the whole plain with foraging parties. Though
+utterly aghast at the audacity of the enemy&#8217;s proceedings,
+Fabius stuck all the more firmly to the policy upon which he
+had determined. But his colleague Minucius, and all the
+centurions and tribunes of the army, thinking that they had
+caught the enemy in an excellent trap, were of opinion that
+they should make all haste into the plains, and not allow the
+most splendid part of the country to be devastated. Until
+they reached the spot, Fabius hurried on, and feigned to share
+their eager and adventurous spirit; and, when he was near the
+ager Falernus, he showed himself on the mountain skirts and
+kept in a line with the enemy, that he might not be thought by
+the allies to abandon the country: but he would not let his army
+descend into the plain, being still unwilling to risk a general
+engagement, partly for the same reasons as before, and partly
+because the enemy were conspicuously superior in cavalry.</p>
+
+<p>After trying to provoke his enemies, and collecting an
+unlimited amount of booty by laying waste
+the whole plain, <span class="sidenote">Fabius lies in wait.</span>Hannibal began taking
+measures for removing: wishing not to waste his booty,
+but to stow it in some safe place, which he might
+also make his winter quarters; that the army might not
+only be well off for the present, but might have abundant
+supplies all through the winter. Fabius, learning that he
+meditated returning the same way as he came, and seeing that
+the pass was a narrow one, and extremely well suited for an
+attack by ambush, placed about four thousand men at the exact
+spot that he would have to pass; while he, with the main body
+of his troops, encamped on a hill which commanded the
+entrance of the pass.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_93" id="b3_93"><b>93.</b></a> Fabius hoped when the Carthaginians came thither,
+and encamped on the plain immediately under the foot
+of the hill, that he would be able to snatch away their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">251</a></span>
+plunder without any risk to himself; and, most of all, might
+even put an end to the whole war by means of <span class="sidenote">Hannibal eludes
+him.</span>
+the excellent situation for an attack in which
+he now was. He was accordingly wholly intent
+on forming plans for this purpose, anxiously considering in
+what direction and in what manner he should avail himself
+of the advantages of the ground, and which of his men were
+to be the first to attack the enemy. Whilst his enemies were
+making these preparations for the next day, Hannibal, guessing
+the truth, took care to give them no time or leisure for executing
+their design; but summoning Hasdrubal, the captain
+of his pioneers, ordered him, with all speed, to make as
+many fagots of dry wood of all sorts as possible, and selecting
+two thousand of the strongest of the working oxen from the
+booty, to collect them outside the camp. When this was done,
+he summoned the pioneers, and pointed out to them a certain
+ridge lying between the camp and the gorge by which he meant
+to march. To this ridge they were to drive the oxen, when
+the order was given, as actively and energetically as they could,
+until they came to the top. Having given these instructions,
+he bade them take their supper and go to rest betimes. Towards
+the end of the third watch of the night he led the pioneers out of
+the camp, and ordered them to tie the fagots to the horns of the
+oxen. The men being numerous, this did not take long to do;
+and he then ordered them to set the fagots all alight, and to
+drive the oxen off and force them to mount the ridge; and
+placing his light-armed troops behind them he ordered them
+to assist the drivers up to a certain distance: but, as soon as
+the beasts had got well started, to take open order and pass
+them at the double, and, with as much noise as possible, make
+for the top of the ridge; that, if they found any of the enemy
+there, they might close with and attack them at once. At the
+same time he himself led the main army towards the narrow
+gorge of the pass,&mdash;his heavy-armed men in front, next to them
+the cavalry, then the booty, and the Iberians and Celts bringing
+up the rear.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_94" id="b3_94"><b>94.</b></a> The Romans who were guarding the gorge, no sooner
+saw these fiery fagots advancing to the heights, than, quitting the
+narrow part of the pass, they made for the ridge to meet the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">252</a></span>
+enemy. But when they got near the oxen, they were puzzled by
+the lights, imagining them to be something more dangerous than
+they really were; and when the Carthaginian light-armed troops
+came on to the ground, after some slight skirmishing between
+the two parties, upon the oxen rushing in among them, they
+separated and took up their positions on different heights and
+waited for daybreak, not being able to comprehend what was
+taking place.</p>
+
+<p>Partly because he was at a loss to understand what
+was happening, and, in the words of the
+poet, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal gets
+through the pass.
+Autumn, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217.</span>&#8220;some deep design suspecting;&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_197" id="FNanchor_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">197</a> and
+partly that, in accordance with his original
+plan, he was determined not to risk a general engagement,
+Fabius remained quietly within his camp: while Hannibal,
+finding everything going as he designed, led his army and
+booty in safety through the gorge, the men who had been set
+to guard the narrow road having abandoned their post. At
+daybreak, seeing the two troops fronting each other on the
+heights, he sent some Iberian companies to the light-armed
+troops, who engaged the Romans, and, killing a thousand of
+them, easily relieved his own light-armed troops and brought
+them down to the main body.</p>
+
+<p>Having thus effected his departure from the Falernian plain,
+Hannibal thenceforth busied himself in looking out for a place in
+which to winter, and in making the necessary preparations, after
+having inspired the utmost alarm and uncertainty in the cities
+and inhabitants of Italy. <span class="sidenote">Fabius goes to
+Rome, leaving
+the command to
+M. Minucius.</span>Though Fabius meanwhile
+was in great disrepute among the common
+people, for having let his enemy escape from
+such a trap, he nevertheless refused to abandon
+his policy; and being shortly afterwards obliged to go to Rome
+to perform certain sacrifices, he handed over the command of
+his legions to his master of the horse, with many parting
+injunctions, not to be so anxious to inflict a blow upon the
+enemy, as to avoid receiving one himself. Marcus, however,
+paid no heed to the advice, and, even while Fabius was speaking,
+had wholly resolved to risk a general engagement.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_95" id="b3_95"><b>95.</b></a> While these things were going on in Italy, Hasdrubal,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">253</a></span>
+who was in command in Iberia, having during the winter repaired
+the thirty ships left him by his brother, <span class="sidenote">Spain,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217.</span>
+and manned ten additional ones, got a fleet of
+forty decked vessels to sea, at the beginning of the summer,
+from New Carthage, under the command of Hamilcar; and at
+the same time collected his land forces, and led them out of
+their winter quarters. The fleet coasted up the country, and
+the troops marched along the shore towards the Iber. Suspecting
+their design, Gnaeus Scipio was for issuing from his
+winter quarters and meeting them both by land and sea. But
+hearing of the number of their troops, and the great scale on
+which their preparations had been made, he gave up the idea
+of meeting them by land; and manning thirty-five ships, and
+taking on board the best men he could get from his land
+forces to serve as marines, he put to sea, and arrived on the
+second day near the mouth of the Iber. Here he came to
+anchor, at a distance of about ten miles from the enemy, and
+sent two swift-sailing Massilian vessels to reconnoitre. For the
+sailors of Marseilles were the first in every service of difficulty
+and danger, and ready at the shortest notice to do whatever
+was required of them; and, in fact, Marseilles has distinguished
+itself above all other places, before and since, in fidelity to
+Rome, and never more so than in the Hannibalian war. The
+ships sent to reconnoitre having reported that the enemy&#8217;s
+fleet was lying off the mouth of the Iber, Scipio put to sea
+with all speed, wishing to surprise them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_96" id="b3_96"><b>96.</b></a> But being informed in good time by his look-out
+men that the enemy were bearing down upon
+him, <span class="sidenote">Roman success
+at sea.</span>Hasdrubal drew up his troops on the
+beach, and ordered his crews to go on
+board; and, when the Romans hove in sight, gave the signal
+for the attack, determined to fight the enemy at sea. But,
+after engaging, the Carthaginians made but a short struggle for
+victory, and very soon gave way. For the support of the
+troops on the beach did less service in encouraging them to
+attack, than harm in offering them a safe place of retreat.
+Accordingly, after losing two ships with their crews, and the
+oars and marines of four others, they gave way and made for
+the land; and when the Romans pressed on with spirit in pursuit,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">254</a></span>
+they ran their ships ashore, and leaping from the vessels
+fled for refuge to the troops. The Romans came boldly close
+to land, towed off such of the vessels as could be got afloat,
+and sailed away in great exultation at having beaten the enemy
+at the first blow, secured the mastery of the sea, and taken
+twenty-five of the enemy&#8217;s ships.</p>
+
+<p>In Iberia therefore, after this victory, the Roman prospects
+had begun to brighten. But when news of this reverse arrived
+at Carthage, the Carthaginians at once despatched a fleet of
+seventy ships, judging it to be essential to their whole design
+that they should command the sea. These ships touched
+first at Sardinia and then at Pisae in Italy, the commanders
+believing that they should find Hannibal there. But the
+Romans at once put to sea to attack them from Rome itself,
+with a fleet of a hundred and twenty quinqueremes; and
+hearing of this expedition against them, the Carthaginians
+sailed back to Sardinia, and thence returned to Carthage.
+Gnaeus Servilius, who was in command of this Roman fleet,
+followed the Carthaginians for a certain distance, believing
+that he should fall in with them; but, finding that he was far
+behind, he gave up the attempt. He first put in at Lilybaeum,
+and afterwards sailed to the Libyan island of Cercina; and after
+receiving a sum of money from the inhabitants on condition of
+not laying waste the country, he departed. On his return voyage
+he took the island of Cossyrus, and having put a garrison into its
+small capital, returned to Lilybaeum. There he placed the fleet,
+and shortly afterwards went off himself to join the land army.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_97" id="b3_97"><b>97.</b></a> When the Senate heard of Gnaeus Scipio&#8217;s naval success,
+believing it to be advantageous or rather
+essential not to relax their hold on Iberia, <span class="sidenote">Publius Scipio,
+whose imperium
+is prolonged after
+his Consulship of
+the previous year,
+with Spain assigned
+as his province,
+is sent to
+join his brother
+there with 20
+ships: early in
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217.</span>
+but
+to press on the war there against Carthage with
+redoubled vigour, they prepared a fleet of twenty
+ships, and put them under the command of
+Publius Scipio; and in accordance with arrangements
+already made, despatched him with all
+speed to join his brother Gnaeus, and carry on
+the Iberian campaign in conjunction with him.
+Their great anxiety was lest the Carthaginians
+should get the upper hand in Iberia, and thus possessing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">255</a></span>
+themselves of abundant supplies and recruits, should get a
+more complete mastery of the sea, and assist the invasion of
+Italy, by sending troops and money to Hannibal. Regarding
+therefore the Iberian war as of the utmost importance, they
+sent these ships and Publius Scipio to that country; who,
+when he arrived in Iberia, effected a junction with his brother
+and did most substantial service to the State. For up to that
+time the Romans had not ventured to cross the Iber; but had
+thought themselves fortunate if they could secure the friendship
+and allies of the tribes up to that river. They now however
+did cross it, and for the first time had the courage to
+attempt a movement on the other side: their designs being
+greatly favoured also by an accidental circumstance.</p>
+
+<p>When the two brothers, after overawing the Iberian tribes
+that lived near the passage of the Iber, had arrived before the
+city of Saguntum, they pitched their camp about forty stades
+from it, near the temple of Aphrodite, selecting the position as
+offering at once security from the attacks of the enemy, and a
+means of getting supplies by sea: for their fleet was coasting
+down parallel with them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_98" id="b3_98"><b>98.</b></a> Here an event occurred which produced a decisive
+change in their favour. When Hannibal was about to start
+for Italy, <span class="sidenote">Treason of
+Abilyx.</span>
+from the Iberian towns whose loyalty
+he suspected he took the sons of their leading
+men as hostages, and placed them all in
+Saguntum, because of the strength of that town and his confidence
+in the fidelity of those who were left in charge
+of it. Now there was a certain Iberian there named Abilyx,
+who enjoyed the highest character and reputation with his
+countrymen, and was believed to be especially well disposed and
+loyal to the Carthaginians. Seeing how affairs were going, and
+believing that the fortune of the Romans was in the ascendant,
+he formed in his own mind a scheme, worthy of an Iberian
+and barbarian, for giving up the hostages. Convinced that
+he might obtain a high place in the favour of Rome, if he
+gave a proof of his fidelity at a critical moment, he made up
+his mind to turn traitor to Carthage and put the hostages in
+the hands of the Romans. He began his machinations by
+addressing himself to Bostar, the Carthaginian general who had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">256</a></span>
+been despatched by Hasdrubal to prevent the Romans from
+crossing the river, but, not venturing to do this, had retreated,
+and was now encamped in the region of Saguntum next the sea.
+To this man, who was of a guileless and gentle character, and
+quite disposed to trust him, Abilyx now introduced the subject
+of the hostages. He argued that &#8220;the Romans having now
+crossed the Iber, the Carthaginians could no longer hold Iberia
+by terror, but stood now in need of the good feeling of their
+subjects: seeing then that the Romans had actually approached
+Saguntum and were besieging it, and that the city was in
+danger,&mdash;if he were to take the hostages and restore them to
+their parents and cities, he would not only frustrate the
+ambitious scheme of the Romans, who wished above all
+things by getting possession of the hostages to have the credit
+of doing this; but would also rouse a feeling of goodwill
+towards Carthage in all the cities, for having taken thought for
+the future and provided for the safety of the hostages. He
+would, too, much enhance the favour by personally managing
+this business: for if he restored these boys to their homes, he
+would provoke the gratitude, not only of their parents, but of
+the people at large also, by giving a striking instance of the
+magnanimous policy of Carthage towards her allies. He
+might even expect large rewards for himself from the families
+that recovered their children; for all those, who thus unexpectedly
+got into their hands the dearest objects of their
+affection, would vie with each other in heaping favours on the
+author of such a service.&#8221; By these and similar arguments
+he persuaded Bostar to fall in with his proposals.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_99" id="b3_99"><b>99.</b></a> Abilyx then went away, after arranging a fixed day on
+which he would appear with everything necessary for conveying
+the boys. At night he made his way to the Roman lines, and,
+having fallen in with some Iberians serving in the Roman
+army, was by them conducted to the generals; to whom he
+discoursed at great length on the revulsion of feeling of
+the Iberians in their favour, which would be caused if they
+got possession of the hostages: and finally offered to put the
+boys in their hands. Publius Scipio received the proposal
+with extreme eagerness: and, promising him large rewards, he
+agreed with him on a day, hour, and place at which a party<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">257</a></span>
+were to be waiting to receive him. After returning home, Abilyx
+next went with a band of chosen friends to Bostar; and, after
+receiving the boys, left the camp at night, as though he wished
+not to be seen by the Roman camp as he passed it, and came
+at the appointed time to the place arranged, and there handed
+over all the boys to the Roman officers. Publius treated
+Abilyx with special honour, and employed him in restoring the
+boys to their native cities, along with certain of his own
+friends. He accordingly went from city to city, giving
+them a visible proof by the restoration of the boys of the
+Roman mildness and magnanimity, in contrast to the Carthaginian
+suspiciousness and harshness; and bidding them
+also observe that he had found it necessary to change sides,
+he induced many Iberians to join the Roman alliance. Bostar
+was thought, in thus surrendering the hostages to the enemy, to
+have behaved more like a child than became a man of his age,
+and was in serious danger of his life. For the present, however,
+as it was getting late in the season, both sides began
+dispersing into winter quarters; the Romans having made an
+important step towards success in the matter of the boys.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_100" id="b3_100"><b>100.</b></a> Such was the position of affairs in Iberia. To
+return to Hannibal, whom we left having just
+effected the passage from the Falernian plain. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal takes
+Geronium.</span>
+Hearing from his scouts that there was abundance
+of corn in the district round Luceria and Geronium,
+and that Geronium was an excellent place to store it in, he
+determined to make his winter quarters there; and accordingly
+marched thither by way of Mount Liburnum. And having come
+to Geronium, which is about two hundred stades from Luceria,
+he first endeavoured to win over the inhabitants by promises,
+offering them pledges of his good faith; but when no one
+would listen to him, he determined to lay siege to the town.
+Having taken it without much delay, he put the inhabitants
+to the sword; but preserved most of the houses and walls,
+because he wished to use them as granaries for his winter
+camp: and having encamped his army in front of it, he fortified
+his position with trench and palisade. Having finished these
+labours, he sent out two-thirds of the army to collect corn, with
+orders to bring home every day, each division for the use of its<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">258</a></span>
+own men, as much as the regular heads of this department
+would usually supply: while with the remaining third of his
+army he kept watch over his camp, and occupied certain places
+with a view of protecting the foraging parties in case they were
+attacked. The district being mostly very accessible and flat,
+and the harvesting party being almost innumerable, and the
+season moreover being at the very best stage for such operations,
+the amount of corn collected every day was very great.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_101" id="b3_101"><b>101.</b></a> When Minucius took over the command from
+Fabius, he at first kept along the line of
+hills, <span class="sidenote">Minucius obtains
+a slight success.
+Autumn <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217.</span>feeling certain that he would sooner or
+later fall in with the Carthaginians; but when
+he heard that Hannibal had already taken Geronium,
+and was collecting the corn of the country, and had pitched
+his camp in front of the town, he changed the direction of his
+march, and descended from the top of the hills by way of a
+ridge leading down into the plains. Arriving at the height
+which lies in the territory of Larinum, and is called Calena, he
+encamped round its foot, being eager on any terms whatever to
+engage the enemy. When Hannibal saw the enemy approaching,
+he sent a third of his army foraging for corn, but took the
+other two-thirds with him, and, advancing sixteen stades from
+Geronium towards the enemy, pitched a camp upon a piece of
+rising ground, with a view at once of overawing his opponents,
+and affording safety to his foraging parties: and there being
+another elevation between him and the two armies, which was
+near, and conveniently placed for an attack upon the enemy&#8217;s
+lines, he sent out about two thousand light-armed troops in
+the night and seized it. At daybreak when Minucius saw
+these men, he took his own light-armed troops and assaulted
+the hill. After a gallant skirmish the Romans prevailed; and
+subsequently their whole camp was transferred to this place.
+For a certain time Hannibal kept his men for the most part
+within their lines, because the camps were so close to each
+other; but, after the lapse of some days, he was obliged to
+divide them into two parties, one for pasturing the animals, and
+one for gathering corn: being very anxious to carry out his
+design of avoiding the destruction of his booty, and of collecting
+as much corn as possible, that his men might have abundant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">259</a></span>
+food during the winter, and his horses and beasts of burden as
+much so; for the chief hope of his army rested on his
+cavalry.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_102" id="b3_102"><b>102.</b></a> It was then that Minucius, seeing the great part of
+the enemy scattered about the country on
+these services, <span class="sidenote">Carthaginian
+foragers cut off.</span>
+selected the exact hour of
+the day when they would be away to lead
+out his army. Having come close to the Carthaginian
+lines he drew out his heavy-armed troops there; and then,
+dividing his cavalry and light-armed into detachments, sent
+them in search of the foragers, ordering them to give no
+quarter. This put Hannibal into a great difficulty: for he
+was not strong enough to accept battle with the enemy drawn
+up outside his lines, or to relieve those of his men who were
+scattered about the country. The Romans meanwhile who
+had been sent to take the foragers found a great number of
+them scattered about, and killed them; while the troops drawn
+up in front of the camp grew so contemptuous of the enemy,
+that they even began to pull down their palisade, and all but
+assaulted the Carthaginians. Hannibal was in a very dangerous
+position: but in spite of the storm that had suddenly fallen
+on him, he held his ground, repulsing the enemy when they
+approached and defending, though with difficulty, the rampart;
+until Hasdrubal came to his relief with about four thousand of
+the foraging parties, who had fled for refuge from the country
+and collected within the lines near Geronium. This encouraged
+Hannibal to make a sally: and having got into order
+of battle a short distance from the camp, he just managed with
+difficulty to avert the threatened danger. After killing large
+numbers of the enemy in the struggle at the camp, and still
+more in the open country, Minucius for the present retired,
+but with great hopes for the future; and on the morrow, the
+Carthaginians having abandoned their lines on the hill, he
+went up and occupied their position. For Hannibal being
+alarmed lest the Romans should go by night and find the
+camp at Geronium undefended, and become masters of his
+baggage and stores, determined to retire thither himself and
+again fix his quarters there. After this the Carthaginians were
+more timid and cautious in their manner of foraging; while the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">260</a></span>
+Romans on the other hand acted with greater boldness and
+recklessness.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_103" id="b3_103"><b>103.</b></a> An exaggerated account of this success reached Rome,
+and caused excessive exultation: first, <span class="sidenote">Minucius invested
+with co-equal
+powers with
+Fabius.</span>because
+in their gloomy prospects some sort of change
+for the better had at last shown itself; and,
+secondly, because the people could now believe
+that the ill success and want of nerve, which had hitherto
+attended the legions, had not arisen from the cowardice of the
+men, but the timidity of their leader. Wherefore everybody
+began finding fault with and depreciating Fabius, as failing to
+seize his opportunities with spirit; while they extolled Minucius
+to such a degree for what had happened, that a thing was done
+for which there was no precedent. They gave him absolute
+power as well as Fabius, believing that he would quickly put an
+end to the campaign; and so there were two Dictators made for
+carrying on the same war, which had never happened at Rome
+before. When Minucius was informed of his popularity with the
+people, and of the office bestowed upon him by the citizens, he
+felt doubly incited to run all risks and act with daring boldness
+against the enemy. Fabius rejoined the army with sentiments
+not in the least changed by what had happened, but rather fixed
+still more immovably on his original policy. Seeing, however,
+that Minucius was puffed up with pride, and inclined to offer
+him a jealous opposition at every turn, and was wholly bent
+on risking an engagement, he offered him the choice of two
+alternatives: either to command the whole army on alternate
+days with him; or that they should separate their two armies,
+and each command their respective part in their own way.
+Minucius joyfully accepting the second alternative, they divided
+the men and encamped separately about twelve stades apart.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_104" id="b3_104"><b>104.</b></a> Partly from observing what was taking place, and
+partly from the information of prisoners, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal draws
+on Minucius.</span>Hannibal
+knew of the mutual jealousy of the two
+generals, and the impetuosity and ambition of
+Minucius. Looking upon what was happening in the
+enemy&#8217;s camp as rather in his favour than otherwise, he
+set himself to deal with Minucius; being anxious to put an
+end to his bold methods and check in time his adventurous<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">261</a></span>
+spirit. There being then an elevation between his camp and
+that of Minucius, which might prove dangerous to either, he
+resolved to occupy it; and, knowing full well that, elated by his
+previous success, Minucius would be certain to move out at once
+to oppose his design, he concerted the following plan. The
+country round the hill being bare of trees, but having much
+broken ground and hollows of every description, he despatched
+some men during the night, in bodies of two and three hundred,
+to occupy the most favourable positions, numbering in all
+five hundred horse and five thousand light-armed and other
+infantry: and in order that they might not be observed in the
+morning by the enemy&#8217;s foraging parties, he seized the hill at
+daybreak with his light-armed troops. When Marcus saw what
+was taking place, he looked upon it as an excellent opportunity;
+and immediately despatched his light-armed troops, with
+orders to engage the enemy and contest the possession of the
+position; after these he sent his cavalry, and close behind
+them he led his heavy-armed troops in person, as on the former
+occasion, intending to repeat exactly the same man&oelig;uvres.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_105" id="b3_105"><b>105.</b></a> As the day broke, and the thoughts and eyes of all
+were engrossed in observing the combatants on the hill, the
+Romans had no suspicion of the troops lying in ambush. But
+as Hannibal kept pouring in reinforcements for his men on the
+hill, and followed close behind them himself with his cavalry
+and main body, it was not long before the cavalry also of both
+sides were engaged. The result was that the Roman light-armed
+troops, finding themselves hard pressed by the numbers
+of the cavalry, caused great confusion among the heavy-armed
+troops by retreating into their lines; and the signal being
+given at the same time to those who were in ambush, these
+latter suddenly showed themselves and charged: whereby not
+only the Roman light-armed troops, but their whole army, were
+in the greatest danger. At that moment Fabius, seeing what
+was taking place, <span class="sidenote">Fabius comes to
+the rescue.</span>and being alarmed lest
+they should sustain a complete defeat, led
+out his forces with all speed and came to
+the relief of his imperilled comrades. At his approach the
+Romans quickly recovered their courage; and though their
+lines were entirely broken up, they rallied again round their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">262</a></span>
+standards, and retired under cover of the army of Fabius, with
+a severe loss in the light-armed division, and a still heavier
+one in the ranks of the legions, and that too of the bravest
+men. Alarmed at the freshness and perfect order of the relieving
+army, Hannibal retired from the pursuit and ceased
+fighting. To those who were actually engaged it was quite
+clear that an utter defeat had been brought about by the
+rashness of Minucius, and that their safety on this and previous
+occasions had been secured by the caution of Fabius;
+while those at home had a clear and indisputable demonstration
+of the difference between the rashness and bravado of a
+soldier, and the far-seeing prudence and cool calculation of a
+general. Taught by experience the Romans joined camps
+once more, and for the future listened to Fabius and obeyed
+his orders: while the Carthaginians dug a trench across the
+space between the knoll and their own lines, and threw up
+a palisade round the crest of the captured hill; and, having
+placed a guard upon it, proceeded thenceforth with their preparations
+for the winter unmolested.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_106" id="b3_106"><b>106.</b></a> The Consular elections being now come, the Romans
+elected Lucius Aemilius and Gaius Terentius. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216.
+Coss. G. Terentius
+Varro and
+L. Aemilius
+Paulus.</span>
+On their appointment the Dictators laid down
+their offices, and the Consuls of the previous
+year, Gnaeus Servilius and Marcus Regulus&mdash;who
+had been appointed after the death of
+Flaminius,&mdash;were invested with proconsular authority by
+Aemilius; and, taking the command at the seat of war, administered
+the affairs of the army independently. Meanwhile
+Aemilius, in consultation with the Senate, set at once to work
+to levy new soldiers, to fill up the numbers of the legions
+required for the campaign, and despatched them to headquarters;
+enjoining at the same time upon Servilius that he
+should by no means hazard a general engagement, but contrive
+detailed skirmishes, as sharp and as frequent as he could,
+for the sake of practising the raw recruits, and giving them
+courage for a pitched battle: for they held the opinion that
+their former defeats were owing, as much as anything else, to
+the fact that they were employing troops newly levied and
+entirely untrained. The Senate also sent the Praetor Lucius<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">263</a></span>
+Postumius into Gaul, to affect a diversion there, and induce the
+Celts who were with Hannibal to return home. They also took
+measures for recalling the fleet that had wintered at Lilybaeum,
+and for sending to the commanders in Iberia such supplies as
+were necessary for the service. Thus the Consul and Senate
+were busied with these and other preparations for the campaign;
+and Servilius, having received his instructions from the Consuls,
+carried them out in every particular. The details of this
+part of the campaign, therefore, I shall omit to record; for
+nothing of importance or worth remembering occurred, partly
+in consequence of these instructions, and partly from circumstances;
+but there were a considerable number of skirmishes
+and petty engagements, in which the Roman commanders
+gained a high reputation for courage and prudence.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_107" id="b3_107"><b>107.</b></a> Thus through all that winter and spring the two
+armies remained encamped facing each other. <span class="sidenote">Autumn,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216.</span>
+But when the season for the new harvest
+was come, Hannibal began to move from the
+camp at Geronium; and making up his mind that it would
+be to his advantage to force the enemy by any possible
+means to give him battle, he occupied the citadel of a town
+called Cannae, into which the corn and other supplies from
+the district round Canusium were collected by the Romans,
+and conveyed thence to the camp as occasion required.
+The town itself, indeed, had been reduced to ruins the year
+before: but the capture of its citadel and the material of war
+contained in it, caused great commotion in the Roman army;
+for it was not only the loss of the place and the stores in it
+that distressed them, but the fact also that it commanded the
+surrounding district. They therefore sent frequent messages
+to Rome asking for instructions: for if they approached the
+enemy they would not be able to avoid an engagement, in view
+of the fact that the country was being plundered, and the allies all
+in a state of excitement. <span class="sidenote">The Senate order
+a battle.</span>The Senate passed
+a resolution that they should give the enemy
+battle: they, however, bade Gnaeus Servilius
+wait, and despatched the Consuls to the seat of war. It was
+to Aemilius that all eyes turned, and on him the most confident
+hopes were fixed; for his life had been a noble one, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">264</a></span>
+he was thought to have managed the recent Illyrian war with
+advantage to the State. The Senate determined to bring eight
+legions into the field, which had never been done at Rome
+before, each legion consisting of five thousand men besides allies.
+For the Romans, as I have stated before,<a name="FNanchor_198" id="FNanchor_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> habitually enrol
+four legions each year, each consisting of about four thousand
+foot and two hundred horse; and when any unusual necessity
+arises, they raise the number of foot to five thousand and of
+the horse to three hundred. Of allies, the number in each
+legion is the same as that of the citizens, but of the horse three
+times as great. Of the four legions thus composed, they
+assign two to each of the Consuls for whatever service is going
+on. Most of their wars are decided by one Consul and two
+legions, with their quota of allies; and they rarely employ all
+four at one time and on one service. But on this occasion, so
+great was the alarm and terror of what would happen, they
+resolved to bring not only four but eight legions into the field.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_108" id="b3_108"><b>108.</b></a> With earnest words of exhortation, therefore, to
+Aemilius, putting before him the gravity in
+every point of view of the result of the battle, <span class="sidenote">The Consuls
+Aemilius Paulus,
+and Terentius
+Varro go to the
+seat of war.</span>
+they despatched him with instructions to seek
+a favourable opportunity to fight a decisive
+battle with a courage worthy of Rome. Having
+arrived at the camp and united their forces, they made known
+the will of the Senate to the soldiers, and Aemilius exhorted
+them to do their duty in terms which evidently came from his
+heart. He addressed himself especially to explain and excuse
+the reverses which they had lately experienced; for it was on
+this point particularly that the soldiers were depressed and stood
+in need of encouragement. <span class="sidenote">Speech of
+Aemilius.</span>
+&#8220;The causes,&#8221; he argued, &#8220;of
+their defeats in former battles were many, and
+could not be reduced to one or two. But those
+causes were at an end; and no excuse existed
+now, if they only showed themselves to be men of courage, for
+not conquering their enemies. Up to that time both Consuls had
+never been engaged together, or employed thoroughly trained
+soldiers: the combatants on the contrary had been raw levies,
+entirely unexperienced in danger; and what was most important
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">265</a></span>of all, they had been so entirely ignorant of their opponents,
+that they had been brought into the field, and engaged in a
+pitched battle with an enemy that they had never once set eyes
+on. Those who had been defeated on the Trebia were drawn
+up on the field at daybreak, on the very next morning after
+their arrival from Sicily; while those who had fought in Etruria,
+not only had never seen the enemy before, but did not do so
+even during the very battle itself, owing to the unfortunate
+state of the atmosphere.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_109" id="b3_109"><b>109.</b></a> But now the conditions were quite different. For in
+the first place both Consuls were with the army: and were not
+only prepared to share the danger themselves, but had also
+induced the Consuls of the previous year to remain and take
+part in the struggle. While the men had not only seen the arms,
+order, and numbers of the enemy, but had been engaged in
+almost daily fights with them for the last two years. The conditions
+therefore under which the two former battles were fought
+being quite different, it was but natural that the result of the
+coming struggle should be different too. For it would be strange
+or rather impossible that those who in various skirmishes, where
+the numbers of either side were equal, had for the most part
+come off victorious, should, when drawn up all together, and
+nearly double of the enemy in number, be defeated.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;Wherefore, men of the army,&#8221; he continued, &#8220;seeing that
+we have every advantage on our side for securing a victory,
+there is only one thing necessary&mdash;your determination, your
+zeal! And I do not think I need say more to you on that
+point. To men serving others for pay, or to those who fight as
+allies on behalf of others, who have no greater danger to expect
+than meets them on the field, and for whom the issues at stake
+are of little importance,&mdash;such men may need words of exhortation.
+But men who, like you, are fighting not for others, but
+themselves,&mdash;for country, wives, and children; and for whom
+the issue is of far more momentous consequence than the mere
+danger of the hour, need only to be reminded: require no
+exhortation. For who is there among you who would not wish
+if possible to be victorious; and next, if that may not be, to
+die with arms in his hands, rather than to live and see the outrage
+and death of those dear objects which I have named?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">266</a></span>
+Wherefore, men of the army, apart from any words of mine,
+place before your eyes the momentous difference to you
+between victory and defeat, and all their consequences. Enter
+upon this battle with the full conviction, that in it your country
+is not risking a certain number of legions, but her bare existence.
+For she has nothing to add to such an army as this,
+to give her victory, if the day now goes against us. All she
+has of confidence and strength rests on you; all her hopes of
+safety are in your hands. Do not frustrate those hopes:
+but pay back to your country the gratitude you owe her; and
+make it clear to all the world that the former reverses occurred,
+not because the Romans are worse men than the Carthaginians,
+but from the lack of experience on the part of those who were
+then fighting, and through a combination of adverse circumstances.&#8221;
+With such words Aemilius dismissed the troops.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_110" id="b3_110"><b>110.</b></a> Next morning the two Consuls broke up their camp,
+and advanced to where they heard that the enemy
+were entrenched. <span class="sidenote">The Roman army
+approaches
+Cannae.</span>On the second day they
+arrived within sight of them, and pitched their
+camp at about fifty stades&#8217; distance. But when Aemilius observed
+that the ground was flat and bare for some distance
+round, he said that they must not engage there with an enemy
+superior to them in cavalry; but that they must rather try to
+draw him off, and lead him to ground on which the battle would
+be more in the hands of the infantry. But Gaius Terentius being,
+from inexperience, of a contrary opinion, there was a dispute
+and misunderstanding between the leaders, which of all things
+is the most dangerous. It is the custom, when the two Consuls
+are present, that they should take the chief command
+on alternate days; <span class="sidenote">Terentius Varro
+orders an advance.</span>
+and the next day
+happening to be the turn of Terentius, he
+ordered an advance with a view of approaching the enemy,
+in spite of the protests and active opposition of his colleague.
+Hannibal set his light-armed troops and cavalry in motion to meet
+him, and charging the Romans while they were
+still marching, <span class="sidenote">The Romans are
+successful.</span>took them by surprise and caused
+a great confusion in their ranks. The Romans
+repulsed the first charge by putting some of their heavy-armed
+in front; and then sending forward their light-armed and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">267</a></span>
+cavalry, began to get the best of the fight all along the
+line: the Carthaginians having no reserves of any importance,
+while certain companies of the legionaries were mixed with the
+Roman light-armed, and helped to sustain the battle. Nightfall
+for the present put an end to a struggle which had not
+at all answered to the hopes of the Carthaginians. But next
+day Aemilius, not thinking it right to engage, and yet being
+unable any longer to lead off his army, encamped with two-thirds
+of it on the banks of the Aufidus, the only river which
+flows right through the Apennines,&mdash;that chain of mountains
+which forms the watershed of all the Italian rivers, which flow
+either west to the Tuscan sea, or east to the Hadriatic. This
+chain is, I say, pierced by the Aufidus, which rises on the side
+of Italy nearest the Tuscan Sea, and is discharged into the
+Hadriatic. For the other third of his army he caused a camp
+to be made across the river, to the east of the ford, about
+ten stades from his own lines, and a little more from those of
+the enemy; that these men, being on the other side of the river,
+might protect his own foraging parties, and threaten those of
+the enemy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_111" id="b3_111"><b>111.</b></a> Then Hannibal, seeing that his circumstances called
+for a battle with the enemy, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal harangues
+his troops.</span>being anxious
+lest his troops should be depressed by
+their previous reverse, and believing that
+it was an occasion which required some encouraging
+words, summoned a general meeting of his soldiers. When
+they were assembled, he bid them all look round upon the
+country, and asked them, &#8220;What better fortune they could
+have asked from the gods, if they had had the choice, than to
+fight in such ground as they saw there, with the vast superiority
+of cavalry on their side?&#8221; And when all signified their
+acquiescence in such an evident truth, he added: &#8220;First, then,
+give thanks to the gods: for they have brought the enemy into
+this country, because they designed the victory for us. And,
+next to me, for having compelled the enemy to fight,&mdash;for
+they cannot avoid it any longer,&mdash;and to fight in a place so
+full of advantages for us. But I do not think it becoming in
+me now to use many words in exhorting you to be brave and
+forward in this battle. When you had had no experience of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">268</a></span>
+fighting the Romans this was necessary, and I did then suggest
+many arguments and examples to you. But now seeing that
+you have undeniably beaten the Romans in three successive
+battles of such magnitude, what arguments could have greater
+influence with you in confirming your courage than the actual
+facts? Now, by your previous battles you have got possession
+of the country and all its wealth; in accordance with my
+promises: for I have been absolutely true in everything I have
+ever said to you. But the present contest is for the cities and
+the wealth in them: and if you win it, all Italy will at once be
+in your power; and freed from your present hard toils, and
+masters of the wealth of Rome, you will by this battle become
+the leaders and lords of the world. This, then, is a time for
+deeds, not words: for by God&#8217;s blessing I am persuaded that I
+shall carry out my promises to you forthwith.&#8221; His words were
+received with approving shouts, which he acknowledged with
+gratitude for their zeal; and having dismissed the assembly,
+he at once formed a camp on the same bank of the river as
+that on which was the larger camp of the Romans.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_112" id="b3_112"><b>112.</b></a> Next day he gave orders that all should employ themselves
+in making preparations and getting themselves into a fit
+state of body. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal irritates
+the enemy.</span>On the day after that he drew out his men
+along the bank of the river, and showed that he was eager to
+give the enemy battle. But Aemilius, dissatisfied with his
+position, and seeing that the Carthaginians
+would soon be obliged to shift their quarters
+for the sake of supplies, kept quiet in his
+camps, strengthening both with extra guards. After waiting
+a considerable time, when no one came out to attack him,
+Hannibal put the rest of the army into camp again, but
+sent out his Numidian horse to attack the enemy&#8217;s water
+parties from the lesser camp. These horsemen riding right
+up to the lines and preventing the watering, Gaius Terentius
+became more than ever inflamed with the desire of fighting,
+and the soldiers were eager for a battle, and chafed at the
+delay. For there is nothing more intolerable to mankind than
+suspense; when a thing is once decided, men can but endure
+whatever out of the catalogue of evils it is their misfortune to
+undergo.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">269</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But when the news arrived at Rome that the two armies
+were face to face, and that skirmishes <span class="sidenote">Anxiety at
+Rome.</span>
+between advanced parties of both sides were
+daily taking place, the city was in a state of
+high excitement and uneasiness; the people dreading the
+result owing to the disasters which had now befallen
+them on more than one occasion; and foreseeing and anticipating
+in their imaginations what would happen if they were
+utterly defeated. All the oracles preserved at Rome were in
+everybody&#8217;s mouth; and every temple and house was full of
+prodigies and miracles: in consequence of which the city
+was one scene of vows, sacrifices, supplicatory processions,
+and prayers. For the Romans in times of danger take extraordinary
+pains to appease gods and men, and look upon no
+ceremony of that kind in such times as unbecoming or
+beneath their dignity.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_113" id="b3_113"><b>113.</b></a> When he took over the command on the following
+day, as soon as the sun was above the horizon, <span class="sidenote">Dispositions for
+the battle of
+Cannae.</span>
+Gaius Terentius got the army in motion from
+both the camps. Those from the larger camp
+he drew up in order of battle, as soon as he had got
+them across the river, and bringing up those of the smaller
+camp he placed them all in the same line, selecting the south
+as the aspect of the whole. The Roman horse he stationed
+on the right wing along the river, and their foot next them in
+the same line, placing the maniples, however, closer together
+than usual, and making the depth of each maniple several
+times greater than its front. The cavalry of the allies
+he stationed on the left wing, and the light-armed troops he
+placed slightly in advance of the whole army, which amounted
+with its allies to eighty thousand infantry and a little more
+than six thousand horse. At the same time Hannibal brought
+his Balearic slingers and spearmen across the river, and
+stationed them in advance of his main body; which he led
+out of their camp, and, getting them across the river at two
+spots, drew them up opposite the enemy. On his left wing,
+close to the river, he stationed the Iberian and Celtic horse
+opposite the Roman cavalry; and next to them half the Libyan
+heavy-armed foot; and next to them the Iberian and Celtic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">270</a></span>
+foot; next, the other half of the Libyans, and, on the right
+wing, the Numidian horse. Having now got them all into
+line he advanced with the central companies of the Iberians
+and Celts; and so arranged the other companies next these in
+regular gradations, that the whole line became crescent-shaped,
+diminishing in depth towards its extremities: his object being
+to have his Libyans as a reserve in the battle, and to commence
+the action with his Iberians and Celts.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_114" id="b3_114"><b>114.</b></a> The armour of the Libyans was Roman, for Hannibal
+had armed them with a selection of the spoils taken in previous
+battles. The shield of the Iberians and Celts was about the
+same size, but their swords were quite different. For that of the
+Roman can thrust with as deadly effects as it can cut, while
+the Gallic sword can only cut, and that requires some room.
+And the companies coming alternately,&mdash;the naked Celts, and
+the Iberians with their short linen tunics bordered with purple
+stripes, the whole appearance of the line was strange and terrifying.
+The whole strength of the Carthaginian cavalry was
+ten thousand, but that of their foot was not more than forty
+thousand, including the Celts. Aemilius commanded on the
+Roman right, Gaius Terentius on the left, Marcus Atilius and
+Gnaeus Servilius, the Consuls of the previous year, on the
+centre. The left of the Carthaginians was commanded by
+Hasdrubal, the right by Hanno, the centre by Hannibal in
+person, attended by his brother Mago. And as the Roman
+line faced the south, as I said before, and the Carthaginian
+the north, the rays of the rising sun did not inconvenience
+either of them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_115" id="b3_115"><b>115.</b></a> The battle was begun by an engagement between
+the advanced guard of the two armies; <span class="sidenote">The Battle, 2d
+August, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216.</span>
+and
+at first the affair between these light-armed
+troops was indecisive. But as soon as the
+Iberian and Celtic cavalry got at the Romans, the battle
+began in earnest, and in the true barbaric fashion: for there
+was none of the usual formal advance and retreat; but when
+they once got to close quarters, they grappled man to man,
+and, dismounting from their horses, fought on foot. But
+when the Carthaginians had got the upper hand in this encounter
+and killed most of their opponents on the ground,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">271</a></span>&mdash;
+because the Romans all maintained the fight with spirit and
+determination,&mdash;and began chasing the remainder along the
+river, <span class="sidenote">The Romans
+outflanked by
+the cavalry.</span>slaying as they went and giving no quarter; then the
+legionaries took the place of the light-armed and closed
+with the enemy. For a short time the Iberian and Celtic
+lines stood their ground and fought gallantly; but, presently
+overpowered by the weight of the heavy-armed lines, they
+gave way and retired to the rear, thus breaking up the
+crescent. The Roman maniples followed with spirit, and
+easily cut their way through the enemy&#8217;s line; since the Celts
+had been drawn up in a thin line, while the Romans had
+closed up from the wings towards the centre and the point
+of danger. For the two wings did not come into action at
+the same time as the centre: but the centre was first engaged,
+because the Gauls, having been stationed on the arc
+of the crescent, had come into contact with the enemy long
+before the wings, the convex of the crescent being towards the
+enemy. The Romans, however, going in
+pursuit of these troops, and hastily closing
+in towards the centre and the part of the
+enemy which was giving ground, advanced so far, that the
+Libyan heavy-armed troops on either wing got on their flanks.
+Those on the right, facing to the left, charged from the right
+upon the Roman flank; while those who were on the left wing
+faced to the right, and, dressing by the left, charged their
+right flank,<a name="FNanchor_199" id="FNanchor_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">199</a> the exigency of the moment suggesting to them
+what they ought to do. Thus it came about, as Hannibal
+had planned, that the Romans were caught between two
+hostile lines of Libyans&mdash;thanks to their impetuous pursuit of
+the Celts. Still they fought, though no longer in line, yet
+singly, or in maniples, which faced about to meet those who
+charged them on the flanks.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_116" id="b3_116"><b>116.</b></a> Though he had been from the first on the right wing,
+and had taken part in the cavalry engagement, Lucius Aemilius<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">272</a></span>
+still survived. Determined to act up to his own exhortatory
+speech, and seeing that the decision of the battle rested
+mainly on the legionaries, riding up to the centre of the line
+he led the charge himself, and personally grappled with the
+enemy, at the same time cheering on and exhorting his soldiers
+to the charge. Hannibal, on the other side, did the same, for
+he too had taken his place on the centre from the commencement.
+The Numidian horse on the Carthaginian right were
+meanwhile charging the cavalry on the Roman left; and though,
+from the peculiar nature of their mode of fighting, they neither
+inflicted nor received much harm, they yet rendered the
+enemy&#8217;s horse useless by keeping them occupied, and charging
+them first on one side and then on another. But when
+Hasdrubal, after all but annihilating the cavalry by the river,
+came from the left to the support of the Numidians, the Roman
+allied cavalry, seeing his charge approaching, broke and fled.
+At that point Hasdrubal appears to have acted with great skill
+and discretion. Seeing the Numidians to be strong in numbers,
+and more effective and formidable to troops that had once
+been forced from their ground, he left the pursuit to them;
+while he himself hastened to the part of the field where the
+infantry were engaged, and brought his men up to support the
+Libyans. Then, by charging the Roman legions on the rear,
+and harassing them by hurling squadron after squadron upon
+them at many points at once, he raised the spirits of the
+Libyans, and dismayed and depressed those of the Romans. <span class="sidenote">Fall of Aemilius
+Paulus.</span>
+It was at this point that Lucius Aemilius fell,
+in the thick of the fight, covered with wounds:
+a man who did his duty to his country at
+that last hour of his life, as he had throughout its previous
+years, if any man ever did.<a name="FNanchor_200" id="FNanchor_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> As long as the Romans could
+keep an unbroken front, to turn first in one direction and then
+in another to meet the assaults of the enemy, they held out;
+but the outer files of the circle continually falling, and the
+circle becoming more and more contracted, they at last were
+all killed on the field, and among them Marcus Atilius and
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">273</a></span>Gnaeus Servilius, the Consuls of the previous year, who had
+shown themselves brave men and worthy of Rome in the battle.
+While this struggle and carnage were going on, the Numidian
+horse were pursuing the fugitives, most of whom they cut down
+or hurled from their horses; but some few escaped into Venusia,
+among whom was Gaius Terentius, the Consul, who thus sought
+a flight, as disgraceful to himself, as his conduct in office had
+been disastrous to his country.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_117" id="b3_117"><b>117.</b></a> Such was the end of the battle of Cannae, in which
+both sides fought with the most conspicuous gallantry, the
+conquered no less than the conquerors. This is proved by the
+fact that, out of six thousand horse, only seventy escaped with
+Gaius Terentius to Venusia, and about three hundred of the
+allied cavalry to various towns in the neighbourhood. Of
+the infantry ten thousand were taken prisoners in fair fight, but
+were not actually engaged in the battle: of those who were
+actually engaged only about three thousand perhaps escaped
+to the towns of the surrounding district, all the rest died
+nobly, to the number of seventy thousand, the Carthaginians
+being on this occasion, as on previous ones, mainly indebted
+for their victory to their superiority in cavalry: a lesson to
+posterity that in actual war it is better to have half the
+number of infantry, and the superiority in cavalry, than to
+engage your enemy with an equality in both. On the side of
+Hannibal there fell four thousand Celts, fifteen hundred
+Iberians and Libyans, and about two hundred horse.</p>
+
+<p>The ten thousand Romans who were captured had not,
+as I said, been engaged in the actual battle; <span class="sidenote">Losses of the
+Romans.</span>
+and the reason was this. Lucius Aemilius
+left ten thousand infantry in his camp that,
+in case Hannibal should disregard the safety of his own
+camp, and take his whole army on to the field, they might
+seize the opportunity, while the battle was going on, of
+forcing their way in and capturing the enemy&#8217;s baggage; or if,
+on the other hand, Hannibal should, in view of this contingency,
+leave a guard in his camp, the number of the enemy in
+the field might thereby be diminished. These men were
+captured in the following circumstances. Hannibal, as a
+matter of fact, did leave a sufficient guard in his camp; and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">274</a></span>
+as soon as the battle began, the Romans, according to their
+instructions, assaulted and tried to take those thus left by
+Hannibal. At first they held their own: but just as they were
+beginning to waver, Hannibal, who was by this time gaining
+a victory all along the line, came to their relief, and routing the
+Romans, shut them up in their own camp; killed two thousand
+of them; and took all the rest prisoners. In like manner the
+Numidian horse brought in all those who had taken refuge in
+the various strongholds about the district, amounting to two
+thousand of the routed cavalry.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b3_118" id="b3_118"><b>118.</b></a> The result of this battle, such as I have described it,
+had the consequences which both sides expected. <span class="sidenote">The results of the
+battle. Defection
+of the allies.</span>
+For the Carthaginians by their victory
+were thenceforth masters of nearly the whole
+of the Italian coast which is called <i>Magna Graecia</i>. Thus the
+Tarentines immediately submitted; and the Arpani and some
+of the Campanian states invited Hannibal to come to them;
+and the rest were with one consent turning their eyes to the
+Carthaginians: who, accordingly, began now to have high
+hopes of being able to carry even Rome itself by assault.</p>
+
+<p>On their side the Romans, after this disaster, despaired of
+retaining their supremacy over the Italians, and were in the
+greatest alarm, believing their own lives and the existence of
+their city to be in danger, and every moment expecting that
+Hannibal would be upon them. <span class="sidenote">Fall of Lucius
+Postumius in Gaul.
+See <i>supra</i>, ch.
+<a href="#b3_106">106</a>.</span>
+For, as though Fortune were
+in league with the disasters that had already
+befallen them to fill up the measure of their ruin,
+it happened that only a few days afterwards,
+while the city was still in this panic, the Praetor
+who had been sent to Gaul fell unexpectedly into an ambush
+and perished, and his army was utterly annihilated by the Celts.
+In spite of all, however, the Senate left no means untried to
+save the State. It exhorted the people to fresh exertions,
+strengthened the city with guards, and deliberated on the
+crisis in a brave and manly spirit. And subsequent events
+made this manifest. For though the Romans were on that
+occasion indisputably beaten in the field, and had lost reputation
+for military prowess; by the peculiar excellence of their
+political constitution, and the prudence of their counsels, they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">275</a></span>
+not only recovered their supremacy over Italy, by eventually
+conquering the Carthaginians, but before very long became
+masters of the whole world.</p>
+
+<p>I shall, therefore, end this book at this point, having now
+recounted the events in Iberia and Italy, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216.</span>
+embraced
+by the 140th Olympiad. When I have
+arrived at the same period in my history of Greece during this
+Olympiad, I shall then fulfil my promise of devoting a book
+to a formal account of the Roman constitution itself; for I
+think that a description of it will not only be germane to the
+matter of my history, but will also be of great help to practical
+statesmen, as well as students, either in reforming or establishing
+other constitutions.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">276</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>BOOK IV</h2>
+
+<p><a name="b4_1" id="b4_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">In</span> my former book I explained the causes of the second
+war between Rome and Carthage; and described Hannibal&#8217;s
+invasion of Italy, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220-216.</span>and the engagements which took place between
+them up to the battle of Cannae, on the banks of the Aufidus.
+I shall now take up the history of Greece during
+the same period, ending at the same date, and
+commencing from the 140th Olympiad. But I shall first recall
+to the recollection of my readers what I stated in my second book
+on the subject of the Greeks, and especially of the Achaeans;
+for the league of the latter has made extraordinary progress up
+to our own age and the generation immediately preceding.</p>
+
+<p>I started, then, from Tisamenus, one of the sons of Orestes,
+and stated that the dynasty existed from his
+time to that of Ogygus: <span class="sidenote">Recapitulation of
+Achaean history,
+before <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220,
+contained in Book
+II., cc. 41-71.</span>that then there was an
+excellent form of democratical federal government
+established: and that then the league was
+broken up by the kings of Sparta into separate
+towns and villages. Then I tried to describe how these towns
+began to form a league once more: which were the first to
+join; and the policy subsequently pursued, which led to their
+inducing all the Peloponnesians to adopt the general title
+of Achaeans, and to be united under one
+federal government. <span class="sidenote">Ending with the
+deaths of Antigonus
+Doson, Seleucus
+Ceraunus,
+and Ptolemy
+Euergetes, before
+the 140th Olympiad,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220-216.</span>Descending to particulars,
+I brought my story up to the flight of
+Cleomenes, King of Sparta: then briefly summarising
+the events included in my prefatory
+sketch up to the deaths of Antigonus Doson,
+Seleucus Ceraunus, and Ptolemy Euergetes,
+who all three died at about the same time, I
+announced that my main history was to begin from that point.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">277</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_2" id="b4_2"><b>2.</b></a> I thought this was the best point; first, because it is there
+that Aratus leaves off, and I meant my work, <span class="sidenote">Reasons for starting
+from this
+point. (1.) The
+fact that the history
+of Aratus ends
+at that point.
+(2.) The possibility
+of getting
+good evidence.
+(3.) The changes
+in the various
+governments in the
+139th Olympiad.
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;224-220.</span>
+as
+far as it was Greek history, to be a continuation
+of his; and, secondly, because the period thus
+embraced in my history would fall partly in the
+life of my father, and partly in my own; and
+thus I should be able to speak as eye-witness
+of some of the events, and from the information
+of eye-witnesses of others. To go further back
+and write the report of a report, traditions at
+second or third hand, seemed to me unsatisfactory
+either with a view to giving clear impressions
+or making sound statements. But, above
+all, I began at this period because it was then that the history
+of the whole world entered on a new phase. Philip, son of
+Demetrius, had just become the boy king of Macedonia;
+Achaeus, prince of Asia on this side of Taurus, had converted
+his show of power into a reality; Antiochus the Great had, a
+short time before, by the death of his brother Seleucus,
+succeeded while quite a young man to the throne of Syria;
+Ariarathes to that of Cappadocia; and Ptolemy Philopator to
+that of Egypt. Not long afterwards Lycurgus became King of
+Sparta, and the Carthaginians had recently elected Hannibal
+general to carry on the war lately described. Every government
+therefore being changed about this time, there seemed
+every likelihood of a new departure in policy: which is but
+natural and usual, and in fact did at this time occur. For
+the Romans and Carthaginians entered upon the war I have
+described; Antiochus and Ptolemy on one for the possession
+of Coele-Syria; and the Achaeans and Philip one against the
+Aetolians and Lacedaemonians. The causes of this last war
+must now be stated.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_3" id="b4_3"><b>3.</b></a> The Aetolians had long been discontented with a state of
+peace and tired at living at their own charges; <span class="sidenote">The Aetolians.</span>
+for they were accustomed to live on their neighbours,
+and their natural ostentation required abundant means
+to support it. Enslaved by this passion they live a life as
+predatory as that of wild beasts, respecting no tie of friendship
+and regarding every one as an enemy to be plundered.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">278</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Hitherto, however, as long as Antigonus Doson was alive, their
+fear of the Macedonians had kept them quiet. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;222.</span>But when he
+was succeeded at his death by the boy Philip,
+they conceived a contempt for the royal power,
+and at once began to look out for a pretext and opportunity
+for interfering in the Peloponnese: induced partly by an old
+habit of getting plunder from that country, and partly by
+the belief that, now the Achaeans were unsupported by
+Macedonia, they would be a match for them. While their
+thoughts were fixed on this, chance to a certain extent contributed
+to give them the opportunity which they desired.</p>
+
+<p>There was a certain man of Trichonium<a name="FNanchor_201" id="FNanchor_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">201</a> named Dorimachus,
+son of that Nicostratus who made the
+treacherous attack <span class="sidenote">The raids of
+Dorimachus in
+Messenia.</span>on the Pan-Boeotian congress.<a name="FNanchor_202" id="FNanchor_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">202</a>
+This Dorimachus, being young and inspired
+with the true spirit of Aetolian violence and aggressiveness,
+was sent by the state to Phigalea in the Peloponnese, which,
+being on the borders of Arcadia and Messenia, happened at
+that time to be in political union with the Aetolian league.
+His mission was nominally to guard the city and territory of
+Phigalea, but in fact to act as a spy on the politics of the
+Peloponnese. A crowd of pirates flocked to him at Phigalea;
+and being unable to get them any booty by fair means, because
+the peace between all Greeks which Antigonus had concluded
+was still in force, he was finally reduced to allowing the pirates
+to drive off the cattle of the Messenians, though they were friends
+and allies of the Aetolians. These injurious acts were at first
+confined to the sheep on the border lands; but becoming more
+and more reckless and audacious, they even ventured to break
+into the farm-houses by sudden attacks at night. The
+Messenians were naturally indignant, and sent embassies to
+Dorimachus; which he at first disregarded, because he wanted
+not only to benefit the men under him, but himself also, by
+getting a share in their spoils. But when the arrival of such embassies
+became more and more frequent, owing to the perpetual
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">279</a></span>recurrence of these acts of depredation, he said at last that he
+would come in person to Messene, and decide on the claims
+they had to make against the Aetolians. When he came,
+however, and the sufferers appeared, he laughed at some,
+threatened to strike others, and drove others away with abusive
+language.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_4" id="b4_4"><b>4.</b></a> Even while he was actually in Messene, the pirates
+came close to the city walls in the night, and by means of
+scaling-ladders broke into a country-house called Chiron&#8217;s
+villa; killed all the slaves who resisted them; and having
+bound the others, <span class="sidenote">Dorimachus
+leaves Messene.</span>
+took them and the cattle away
+with them. The Messenian Ephors had long
+been much annoyed by what was going on, and
+by the presence of Dorimachus in their town; but this they
+thought was too insolent: and they accordingly summoned
+him to appear before the assembled magistrates. There
+Sciron, who happened to be an Ephor at the time, and enjoyed
+a high reputation for integrity among his fellow-citizens,
+advised that they should not allow Dorimachus to leave the
+city, until he had made good all the losses sustained by the
+Messenians, and had given up the guilty persons to be
+punished for the murders committed. This suggestion being
+received with unanimous approval, as but just, Dorimachus
+passionately exclaimed that &#8220;they were fools if they imagined
+that they were now insulting only Dorimachus, and not the
+Aetolian league.&#8221; In fact he expressed the greatest indignation
+at the whole affair, and said that &#8220;they would meet with
+a public punishment, which would serve them well right.&#8221;
+Now there was at that time in Messene a man of disgraceful
+and effeminate character named Babyrtas, who was so exactly
+like Dorimachus in voice and person, that, when he was dressed
+in Dorimachus&#8217;s sun-hat and cloak, it was impossible to tell
+them apart; and of this Dorimachus was perfectly aware. When
+therefore he was speaking in these threatening and insolent
+tones to the Messenian magistrates, Sciron lost his temper and
+said &#8220;Do you think we care for you or your threats,
+<i>Babyrtas</i>?&#8221; After this Dorimachus was compelled for the
+present to yield to circumstances, and to give satisfaction for
+the injuries inflicted upon the Messenians: but when he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">280</a></span>
+returned to Aetolia, he nursed such a bitter and furious feeling
+of anger at this taunt, that, without any other reasonable pretext,
+but for this cause and this alone, he got up a war against
+the Messenians.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_5" id="b4_5"><b>5.</b></a> The Strategus of the Aetolians at that time was Ariston;
+but being from physical infirmities unable to
+serve in the field, <span class="sidenote">Dorimachus becomes
+practically
+Strategus of
+Aetolia, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;221.</span>and being a kinsman of
+Dorimachus and Scopas, he had somehow or
+another surrendered his whole authority to the
+former. In his public capacity Dorimachus could not venture
+to urge the Aetolians to undertake the Messenian war, because
+he had no reasonable pretext for so doing: the origin of his wish
+being, as everybody well knew, the wrongs committed by himself
+and the bitter gibe which they had brought upon him. He
+therefore gave up the idea of publicly advocating the war, <span class="sidenote">He induces
+Scopas to go
+to war with
+Messenia, Epirus,
+Achaia, Acarnania,
+and
+Macedonia.</span>
+but
+tried privately to induce Scopas to join in the
+intrigue against the Messenians: He pointed
+out that there was now no danger from the side
+of Macedonia owing to the youth of the king
+(Philip being then only seventeen years old);
+that the Lacedaemonians were alienated from
+the Messenians; and that they possessed the affection and
+alliance of the Eleans; and these circumstances taken together
+would make an invasion of Messenia perfectly safe. But the
+argument most truly Aetolian which he used was to put before
+him that a great booty was to be got from Messenia, because it
+was entirely unguarded, and had alone, of all the Peloponnesian
+districts, remained unravaged throughout the Cleomenic war.
+And, to sum up all, he argued that such a move would secure
+them great popularity with the Aetolians generally. And if
+the Achaeans were to try to hinder their march through the
+country, they would not be able to complain if they retaliated:
+and if, on the other hand, they did not stir, would be no
+hindrance to their enterprise. Besides, he affirmed that they
+would have plenty of pretext against the Messenians; for they
+had long been in the position of aggressors by promising the
+Achaeans and Macedonians to join their alliance.</p>
+
+<p>By these, and similar arguments to the same effect, he
+roused such a strong feeling in the minds of Scopas and his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">281</a></span>
+friends, that, without waiting for a meeting of the Aetolian
+federal assembly, and without communicating with the Apocleti
+or taking any of the proper constitutional steps, of their
+own mere impulse and opinion they committed acts of hostility
+simultaneously against Messenia, Epirus, Achaia, Acarnania,
+and Macedonia.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_6" id="b4_6"><b>6.</b></a> By sea they immediately sent out privateers, who, falling
+in with a royal vessel of Macedonia near
+Cythera, <span class="sidenote">Acts of hostility
+against
+Macedonia,</span>
+brought it with all its crew to Aetolia,
+and sold ship-owners, sailors, and marines, and
+finally the ship itself. Then they began sacking the seaboard
+of Epirus, employing the aid of some Cephallenian
+ships for carrying out this act of violence. <span class="sidenote">Epirus,
+and Acarnania.</span>
+They tried also to capture Thyrium in Acarnania.
+At the same time they secretly sent some men to
+seize a strong place called Clarium, in the centre of the territory
+of Megalopolis; which they used thenceforth as a place of
+sale for their spoils, and a starting place for their marauding
+expeditions. However Timoxenus, the Achaean Strategus,
+with the assistance of Taurion, who had been left by Antigonus
+in charge of the Macedonian interests in the Peloponnese,
+took the place after a siege of a very few days. For
+Antigonus retained Corinth, in accordance with his convention
+with the Achaeans, made at the time of the Cleomenic war;<a name="FNanchor_203" id="FNanchor_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">203</a>
+and had never restored Orchomenus to the Achaeans after he
+had taken it by force, but claimed and retained it in his own
+hands; with the view, as I suppose, not only of commanding
+the entrance of the Peloponnese, but of guarding also its interior
+by means of his garrison and warlike apparatus in
+Orchomenus.</p>
+
+<p>Dorimachus and Scopas waited until Timoxenus had a
+very short time of office left, and when Aratus, though elected
+by the Achaeans for the coming year, would not yet be in
+office;<a name="FNanchor_204" id="FNanchor_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> and then collecting a general levy of Aetolians at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">282</a></span>
+Rhium, and preparing means of transport, with some Cephallenian
+ships ready to convoy them, <span class="sidenote">Before midsummer
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.
+Invasion of
+Messenia by
+Dorimachus and
+Scopas.</span>
+they got
+their men across to the Peloponnese, and led
+them against Messenia. While marching through
+the territories of Patrae, Pharae, and Tritaea
+they pretended that they did not wish to do any
+injury to the Achaeans; but their forces, from
+their inveterate passion for plunder, could not be restrained
+from robbing the country; and consequently they committed
+outrages and acts of violence all along their line of march, till
+they arrived at Phigalea. Thence, by a bold and sudden
+movement, they entered Messenia; and without any regard
+for their ancient friendship and alliance with the Messenians, or
+for the principles of international justice common to all mankind,
+subordinating every consideration to their selfish greed,
+they set about plundering the country without resistance, the
+Messenians being absolutely afraid to come out to attack them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_7" id="b4_7"><b>7.</b></a> This being the time, according to their laws, for the
+meeting of the Achaean federal assembly, <span class="sidenote">The Achaean
+league decide
+to assist the
+Messenians.</span>the
+members arrived at Aegium. When the assembly
+met, the deputies from Patrae and Pharae made
+a formal statement of the injuries inflicted upon
+their territories during the passage of the Aetolians: an embassy
+from Messenia also appeared, begging for their assistance
+on the ground that the treatment from which they were suffering
+was unjust and in defiance of treaty. When these statements
+were heard, great indignation was felt at the wrongs of
+Patrae and Pharae, and great sympathy for the misfortunes of
+the Messenians. But it was regarded as especially outrageous
+that the Aetolians should have ventured to enter Achaia with
+an army, contrary to treaty, without obtaining or even asking
+for permission from any one to pass through the country.
+Roused to indignation by all these considerations, the assembly
+voted to give assistance to the Messenians: that the
+Strategus should summon a general levy of the Achaean
+arms: and that whatever was decided by this levy, when it met,
+should be done. Now Timoxenus, the existing Strategus, was
+just on the point of quitting office, and felt besides small confidence
+in the Achaeans, because martial exercise had been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">283</a></span>
+allowed to fall into neglect among them; he therefore shrank
+from undertaking the expedition, or from even summoning
+the popular levy. The fact was that, after the expulsion
+of Cleomenes, King of Sparta, the Peloponnesians, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;222-221.</span>
+weary of the wars that had taken
+place, and trusting to the peaceful arrangement that had
+been come to, neglected all warlike preparations. Aratus,
+however, indignant and incensed at the audacity of the
+Aetolians, was not inclined to take things so calmly,
+for he had in fact a grudge of long standing against these
+people. Wherefore he was for instantly summoning the
+Achaeans to an armed levy, and was all eagerness to attack
+the Aetolians. <span class="sidenote">Aratus becomes
+Strategus of the
+Achaean league,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220
+(May-June).</span>
+Eventually he took over from
+Timoxenus the seal of the league, five days
+before the proper time, and wrote to the various
+cities summoning a meeting in arms of all those
+who were of the military age, at Megalopolis.
+But the peculiar character of this man, I think, makes it
+proper for me to give a brief preliminary sketch of him.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_8" id="b4_8"><b>8.</b></a> Aratus had many of the qualities of a great ruler. He
+could speak, and contrive, and conceal his purpose: <span class="sidenote">Character of
+Aratus.</span>
+no one surpassed him in the moderation
+which he showed in political contests, or in his
+power of attaching friends and gaining allies: in intrigue,
+stratagem, and laying plots against a foe, and in bringing
+them to a successful termination by personal endurance and
+courage, he was pre-eminent. Many clear instances of these
+qualities may be found; but none more convincing than the
+episodes of the capture of Sicyon and Mantinea, of the expulsion
+of the Aetolians from Pellene, and especially of the surprise of
+the Acrocorinthus.<a name="FNanchor_205" id="FNanchor_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> On the other hand whenever he attempted
+a campaign in the field, he was slow in conception and timid
+in execution, and without personal gallantry in the presence of
+danger. The result was that the Peloponnese was full of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">284</a></span>trophies which marked reverses sustained by him; and that in
+this particular department he was always easily defeated. So
+true is it that men&#8217;s minds, no less than their bodies, have
+many aspects. Not only is it the case that the same man has
+an aptitude for one class of activities and not for another; it
+often happens that in things closely analogous, the same man
+will be exceedingly acute and exceedingly dull, exceedingly
+courageous and exceedingly timid. Nor is this a paradox: it
+is a very ordinary fact, well known to all attentive observers.
+For instance you may find men who in hunting show the
+greatest daring in grappling with wild beasts, and yet are utter
+cowards in the presence of an armed enemy. Or again, in
+actual war some are active and skilful in single combats, who
+are yet quite ineffective in the ranks. For example, the
+Thessalian cavalry in squadron and column are irresistible, but
+when their order is once broken up, they have not the skill
+in skirmishing by which each man does whatever the time and
+place suggests: while, on the other hand, exactly the reverse of
+this is the case with the Aetolians. The Cretans, again, either
+by land or sea, in ambushes and piratical excursions, in deceiving
+the enemy, in making night attacks, and in fact in
+every service which involves craft and separate action, are
+irresistible; but for a regular front to front charge in line
+they have neither the courage nor firmness; and the reverse
+again is the case with the Achaeans and Macedonians.</p>
+
+<p>I have said thus much, that my readers may not refuse me
+credit if I have at times to make contradictory statements
+about the same men and in regard to analogous employments.
+To return to my narrative.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_9" id="b4_9"><b>9.</b></a> The men of military age having assembled in arms at
+Megalopolis, in accordance with the decree of
+the federal assembly, <span class="sidenote">The armed levy
+of Achaeans
+summoned.</span>
+the Messenian envoys once
+more came forward, and entreated the people not
+to disregard the flagrant breach of treaty from which they were
+suffering; and expressed their willingness to become allies of
+the league, and their anxiety to be enrolled among its members.
+The Achaean magistrates declined the offered alliance, on the
+ground that it was impossible to admit a new member without the
+concurrence of Philip and the other allies,&mdash;for the sworn alliance<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">285</a></span>
+negotiated by Antigonus during the Cleomenic war was
+still in force, and included Achaia, Epirus, Phocis, Macedonia,
+Boeotia, Acarnania, and Thessaly;&mdash;but they said that they
+would march out to their relief, if the envoys there present
+would place their sons in Sparta, as hostages for their promise
+not to make terms with the Aetolians without the consent of
+the Achaeans. The Spartans among the rest were encamped
+on the frontier of Megalopolis, having marched out in accordance
+with the terms of their alliance; but they were acting
+rather as reserves and spectators than as active allies. <span class="sidenote">Dorimachus
+ordered to quit
+Messenia without
+passing through
+Achaia.</span>
+Having
+thus settled the terms of the arrangement with
+the Messenians, Aratus sent a messenger to the
+Aetolians to inform them of the decree of the
+Achaean federation, and to order them to quit
+the territory of Messenia without entering that
+of Achaia, on pain of being treated as enemies if they set foot
+in it. When they heard the message and knew that the
+Achaeans were mustered in force, Scopas and Dorimachus
+thought it best for the present to obey. <span class="sidenote">Scopas and
+Dorimachus prepare
+to obey.</span>
+They
+therefore at once sent despatches to Cyllene and
+to the Aetolian Strategus, Ariston, begging that
+the transports should be sent to a place on the coast of Elis called
+the island of Pheia;<a name="FNanchor_206" id="FNanchor_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">206</a> and they themselves two days later
+struck camp, and laden with booty marched towards Elis.
+For the Aetolians always maintained a friendship with the
+Eleans that they might have through them an entrance for
+their plundering and piratical expeditions into the Peloponnese.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_10" id="b4_10"><b>10.</b></a> Aratus waited two days: and then, foolishly believing
+that the Aetolians would return by the route
+they had indicated, <span class="sidenote">Aratus dismisses
+the Achaean levy,
+with the exception
+of 3000 foot and
+300 horse.</span>
+he dismissed all the Achaeans
+and Lacedaemonians to their homes, except
+three thousand foot and three hundred horse
+and the division under Taurion, which he led to
+Patrae, with the view of keeping on the flank of the Aetolians.
+But when Dorimachus learnt that Aratus was
+thus watching his march, and was still under
+<span class="sidenote">Dorimachus turns
+upon Aratus.</span>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">286</a></span>arms; partly from fear of being attacked when his forces
+were engaged on the embarkation, and partly with a view
+to confuse the enemy, he sent his booty on to the
+transports with a sufficient number of men to secure their
+passage, under orders to meet him at Rhium where he intended
+to embark; while he himself, after remaining for a time
+to superintend and protect the shipment of the booty, changed
+the direction of his march and advanced towards Olympia.
+But hearing that Taurion, with the rest of the army, was near
+Cleitoria; and feeling sure that in these circumstances he would
+not be able to effect the crossing from Rhium without danger
+and a struggle with the enemy; he made up his mind that it
+would be best for his interests to bring on an engagement with
+the army of Aratus as soon as possible, since it was weak in
+numbers and wholly unprepared for the attack. He calculated
+that if he could defeat this force, he could then plunder the
+country, and effect his crossing from Rhium in safety, while
+Aratus was waiting and deliberating about again convoking
+the Achaean levy; but if on the other hand Aratus were
+terrified and declined the engagement, he would then effect his
+departure unmolested, whenever he thought it advisable. With
+these views, therefore, he advanced, and pitched his camp at
+Methydrium in the territory of Megalopolis.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_11" id="b4_11"><b>11.</b></a> But the leaders of the Achaeans, on learning the
+arrival of the Aetolians, adopted a course of proceeding
+quite unsurpassable for folly. <span class="sidenote">The Battle of
+Caphyae,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>They
+left the territory of Cleitor and encamped at
+Caphyae; but the Aetolians marching from Methydrium past
+the city of Orchomenus, they led the Achaean troops into the
+plain of Caphyae, and there drew them up for battle, with the
+river which flows through that plain protecting their front.
+The difficulty of the ground between them and their enemy,
+for there were besides the river a number of ditches not easily
+crossed,<a name="FNanchor_207" id="FNanchor_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">207</a> and the show of readiness on the part of the Achaeans
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">287</a></span>for the engagement, caused the Aetolians to shrink from
+attacking according to their original purpose; but they retreated
+in good order to the high ground of Oligyrtus, content
+if only they were not attacked and forced to give battle. But
+Aratus, when the van of the Aetolians was already making
+the ascent, while the cavalry were bringing up the rear along
+the plain, and were approaching a place called Propus at the
+foot of the hills, sent out his cavalry and light-armed troops,
+under the command of Epistratus of Acarnania, with orders to
+attack and harass the enemy&#8217;s rear. Now if an engagement
+was necessary at all, they ought not to have attempted it with
+the enemy&#8217;s rear, when they had already accomplished the
+march through the plain, but with his van directly it had
+debouched upon the plain: for in this way the battle would
+have been wholly confined to the plain and level ground,
+where the peculiar nature of the Aetolian arms and general
+tactics would have been least effective; while the Achaeans,
+from precisely opposite reasons, would have been most effective
+and able to act. As it was, they surrendered the advantages
+of time and place which were in their favour, and deliberately
+accepted the conditions which were in favour of the enemy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_12" id="b4_12"><b>12.</b></a> Naturally the result of the engagement was in harmony
+with such a beginning. For when the light-armed
+troops approached, <span class="sidenote">The Achaeans
+defeated.</span>
+the Aetolian cavalry
+retired in good order up the hill, being anxious
+to effect a junction with their own infantry. But Aratus,
+having an imperfect view of what was going on, and making
+a bad conjecture of what would happen next, no sooner saw
+the cavalry retiring, than, hoping that they were in absolute
+flight, he sent forward the heavy-armed troops of his two wings,
+with orders to join and support the advanced guard of their
+light-armed troops; while he himself, with his remaining forces,
+executed a flank movement, and led his men on at the double.
+But the Aetolian cavalry had now cleared the plain, and, having
+effected the junction with their infantry, drew up under cover
+of the hill; massed the infantry on their flanks; and called to
+them to stand by them: the infantry themselves showing great
+promptness in answering to their shouts, and in coming to
+their relief, as the several companies arrived. Thinking themselves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">288</a></span>
+now sufficiently strong in numbers, they closed their
+ranks, and charged the advanced guard of Achaean cavalry
+and light armed troops; and being superior in number, and
+having the advantage of charging from higher ground, after a
+long struggle, they finally turned their opponents to flight:
+whose flight involved that of the heavy-armed troops also which
+were coming to their relief. For the latter were advancing in
+separate detachments in loose order, and, either in dismay at
+what was happening, or upon meeting their flying comrades on
+their retreat, were compelled to follow their example: the result
+being that, whereas the number of those actually defeated on
+the field was less than five hundred, the number that fled was
+more than two thousand. Taught by experience what to do,
+the Aetolians followed behind them with round after round of
+loud and boisterous shouts. The Achaeans at first retreated
+in good order and without danger, because they were retiring
+upon their heavy-armed troops, whom they imagined to be in
+a place of safety on their original ground; but when they saw
+that these too had abandoned their position of safety, and were
+marching in a long straggling line, some of them immediately
+broke off from the main body and sought refuge in various
+towns in the neighbourhood; while others, meeting the phalanx
+as it was coming up to their relief, proved to be quite sufficient,
+without the presence of an enemy, to strike fear into it and
+force it into headlong flight. They directed their flight, as I
+said, to the towns of the neighbourhood. Orchomenus and
+Caphyae, which were close by, saved large numbers of them:
+and if this had not been the case, they would in all probability
+have been annihilated by this unlooked-for catastrophe.
+Such was the result of the engagement at Caphyae.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_13" id="b4_13"><b>13.</b></a> When the people of Megalopolis learnt that the Aetolians
+were at Methydrium, they came to the rescue <i>en masse</i>, <span class="sidenote">The Aetolians
+retire at their
+leisure.</span>at
+the summons of a trumpet, on the very day
+after the battle of Caphyae; and were compelled
+to bury the very men with whose assistance
+they had expected to fight the Aetolians. Having
+therefore dug a trench in the territory of Caphyae, and
+collected the corpses, they performed the funeral rites of these
+unhappy men with all imaginable honour. But the Aetolians,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">289</a></span>
+after this unlooked-for success gained by the cavalry and light-armed
+troops, traversed the Peloponnese from that time in
+complete security. In the course of their march they made
+an attack upon the town of Pellene, and, after ravaging the
+territory of Sicyon, finally quitted the Peloponnese by way of
+the Isthmus.</p>
+
+<p>This then, was the cause and occasion of the Social war:
+its formal beginning was the decree passed by all the allies
+after these events, which was confirmed by a general meeting
+held at Corinth, on the proposal of King Philip, who presided
+at the assembly.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_14" id="b4_14"><b>14.</b></a> A few days after the events just narrated the ordinary
+meeting of the Achaean federal assembly
+took place, <span class="sidenote">Midsummer,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+and Aratus was bitterly denounced,
+publicly as well as privately, as indisputably
+responsible for this disaster; and the anger of the general
+public was still further roused and embittered by the
+invectives of his political opponents. It was shown to
+every one&#8217;s satisfaction that Aratus had been guilty of
+four flagrant errors. His first was that, having taken office
+before his predecessor&#8217;s time was legally at an end, he had
+availed himself of a time properly belonging to another to
+engage in the sort of enterprise in which he
+was conscious of having often failed. <span class="sidenote">Attacked at the
+Achaean Congress,
+Aratus successfully
+defends himself.</span>
+His
+second and graver error was the disbanding the
+Achaeans, while the Aetolians were still in the
+middle of the Peloponnese; especially as he had been well
+aware beforehand that Scopas and Dorimachus were anxious
+to disturb the existing settlement, and to stir up war. His
+third error was to engage the enemy, as he did, with such a
+small force, without any strong necessity; when he might have
+retired to the neighbouring towns and have summoned a levy
+of the Achaeans, and then have engaged, if he had thought
+that measure absolutely necessary. But his last and gravest
+error was that, having determined to fight, he did so in such
+an ill-considered manner, and managed the business with so
+little circumspection, as to deprive himself of the advantages
+of the plain and the support of his heavy-armed troops, and
+allow the battle to be settled by light-armed troops, and to take<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">290</a></span>
+place on the slopes, than which nothing could have been more
+advantageous or convenient to the Aetolians. Such were the
+allegations against Aratus. He, however, came forward and
+reminded the assembly of his former political services and
+achievements; and urged in his defence that, in the matters
+alleged, his was not the blame for what had occurred. He
+begged their indulgence if he had been guilty of any oversight
+in the battle, and claimed that they should at any rate look at
+the facts without prejudice or passion. These words created
+such a rapid and generous change in the popular feeling, that
+great indignation was roused against the political opponents
+who attacked him; and the resolutions as to the measures to
+be taken in the future were passed wholly in accordance with
+the views of Aratus.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_15" id="b4_15"><b>15.</b></a> These events occurred in the previous Olympiad,<a name="FNanchor_208" id="FNanchor_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> what
+I am now going to relate belong to the 140th. <span class="sidenote">139th Olympiad,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;224-220;
+140th Olympiad,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220-216.</span>
+The resolutions passed by the Achaean
+federal assembly were these. That embassies
+should be sent to Epirus, Boeotia, Phocis,
+Acarnania, and Philip,
+to declare how the Aetolians, in defiance
+of treaty, had twice entered Achaia with arms,
+<span class="sidenote">The Achaean
+league determine
+upon war with
+the Aetolians,
+and send round
+to their allies for
+assistance.</span>
+and to call upon them for assistance in virtue of
+their agreement, and for their consent to the
+admission of the Messenians into the alliance.
+Next, that the Strategus of the Achaeans should
+enrol five thousand foot and five hundred horse,
+and support the Messenians in case the Aetolians were to invade
+their territory; and to arrange with the Lacedaemonians
+and Messenians how many horse and foot were to be supplied
+by them severally for the service of the league. These decrees
+showed a noble spirit on the part of the Achaeans in the
+presence of defeat, which prevented them from abandoning
+either the cause of the Messenians or their own purpose.
+Those who were appointed to serve on these embassies to the
+allies proceeded to carry them out; while the Strategus at once,
+in accordance with the decree, set about enrolling the troops
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">291</a></span>from Achaia, and arranged with the Lacedaemonians and
+Messenians to supply each two thousand five hundred infantry
+and two hundred and fifty cavalry, so that the whole army for
+the coming campaign should amount to ten thousand foot and
+a thousand horse.</p>
+
+<p>On the day of their regular assembly the Aetolians also
+met and decided to maintain peace with the Spartans and
+Messenians; hoping by that crafty measure to tamper with the
+loyalty of the Achaean allies and sow disunion among them.
+With the Achaeans themselves they voted to maintain peace,
+on condition that they withdrew from alliance with Messenia,
+and to proclaim war if they refused,&mdash;than which nothing
+could have been more unreasonable. For being themselves in
+alliance, both with Achaeans and Messenians, they proclaimed
+war against the former, unless the two ceased to be in
+alliance and friendly relationship with each other; while if
+the Achaeans chose to be at enmity with the Messenians,
+they offered them a separate peace. Their proposition was
+too iniquitous and unreasonable to admit of being even
+considered.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_16" id="b4_16"><b>16.</b></a> The Epirotes and King Philip on hearing the ambassadors
+consented to admit the Messenians to alliance; but though
+the conduct of the Aetolians caused them momentary indignation,
+they were not excessively moved by it, because it was no
+more than what the Aetolians habitually did. Their anger,
+therefore, was short-lived, and they presently voted against
+going to war with them. So true is it that an habitual course
+of wrong-doing finds readier pardon than when it is spasmodic
+or isolated. The former, at any rate, was the case with the
+Aetolians: they perpetually plundered Greece, and levied unprovoked
+war upon many of its people: they did not deign either
+to make any defence to those who complained, but answered
+only by additional insults if any one challenged them to arbitration
+for injuries which they had inflicted, or indeed which they
+meditated inflicting. <span class="sidenote">Treachery of the
+Spartans.</span>And yet the Lacedaemonians,
+who had but recently been liberated
+by means of Antigonus and the generous zeal
+of the Achaeans, and though they were bound not to commit
+any act of hostility towards the Macedonians and Philip, sent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">292</a></span>
+clandestine messages to the Aetolians, and arranged a secret
+treaty of alliance and friendship with them.</p>
+
+<p>The army had already been enrolled from the Achaeans of
+military age, and had been assigned to the duty
+of assisting the Lacedaemonians and Messenians, <span class="sidenote">Invasion of
+Achaia by the
+Aetolians and
+Illyrians.</span>
+when Scerdilaidas and Demetrius of
+Pharos sailed with ninety galleys beyond Lissus,
+contrary to the terms of their treaty with Rome. These men
+first touched at Pylos, and failing in an attack upon it, they
+separated: Demetrius making for the Cyclades, from some
+of which he exacted money and plundered others; while
+Scerdilaidas, directing his course homewards, put in at Naupactus
+with forty galleys at the instigation of Amynas, king of
+the Athamanes, who happened to be his brother-in-law; and
+after making an agreement with the Aetolians, by the agency
+of Agelaus, for a division of spoils, he promised to join them
+in their invasion of Achaia. With this agreement made with
+Scerdilaidas, and with the co-operation of the city of Cynaetha,
+Agelaus, Dorimachus, and Scopas, collected a general levy
+of the Aetolians, and invaded Achaia in conjunction with the
+Illyrians.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_17" id="b4_17"><b>17.</b></a> But the Aetolian Strategus Ariston, ignoring everything
+that was going on, remained quietly at home, asserting that he
+was not at war with the Achaeans, but was maintaining peace:
+a foolish and childish mode of acting,&mdash;for what better epithets
+could be applied to a man who supposed that he could cloak
+notorious facts by mere words? Meanwhile Dorimachus and
+his colleague had marched through the Achaean territory and
+suddenly appeared at Cynaetha.</p>
+
+<p>Cynaetha was an Arcadian city<a name="FNanchor_209" id="FNanchor_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> which, for many years past,
+had been afflicted with implacable and violent
+political factions. <span class="sidenote">The previous history
+of Cynaetha.</span>
+The two parties had frequently
+retaliated on each other with massacres,
+banishments, confiscations, and redivisions of lands; but
+finally the party which affected the Achaean connexion prevailed
+and got possession of the city, securing themselves by a
+city-guard and commandant from Achaia. This was the state
+of affairs when, shortly before the Aetolian invasion, the exiled
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">293</a></span>party sent to the party in possession intreating that they would
+be reconciled and allow them to return to their own city;
+whereupon the latter were persuaded, and sent an embassy to
+the Achaeans with the view of obtaining their consent to the
+pacification. The Achaeans readily consented, in the belief
+that both parties would regard them with goodwill: since the
+party in possession had all their hopes centred in the Achaeans,
+while those who were about to be restored would owe that
+restoration to the consent of the same people. Accordingly
+the Cynaethans dismissed the city guard and commandant, and
+restored the exiles, to the number of nearly three hundred,
+after taking such pledges from them as are reckoned the most
+inviolable among all mankind. But no sooner had they
+secured their return, than, without any cause or pretext arising
+which might give a colour to the renewal of the quarrel, but
+on the contrary, at the very first moment of their restoration,
+they began plotting against their country, and against those who
+had been their preservers. I even believe that at the very
+sacrifices, which consecrated the oaths and pledges which they
+gave each other, they were already, even at such a solemn
+moment, revolving in their minds this offence against religion
+and those who had trusted them. For, as soon as they were
+restored to their civil rights they called in the Aetolians, and
+betrayed the city into their hands, eager to effect the utter ruin
+both of the people who had preserved, and the city which had
+nourished, them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_18" id="b4_18"><b>18.</b></a> The bold stroke by which they actually consummated
+this treason was as follows. Of the restored exiles certain
+officers had been appointed called Polemarchs, whose duty it
+was to lock the city-gates, and keep the keys while they
+remained closed, and also to be on guard during the day at
+the gate-houses. The Aetolians accordingly waited for this
+period of closing the gates, ready to make the attempt, and
+provided with ladders; while the Polemarchs of the exiles,
+having assassinated their colleagues on guard at the gate-house,
+opened the gate. Some of the Aetolians, therefore, got into
+the town by it, while others applied their ladders to the walls,
+and mounting by their means, took forcible possession of them.
+The inhabitants of the town, panic-stricken at the occurrence,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">294</a></span>
+could not tell which way to turn. They could not give their
+undivided energies to opposing the party which was forcing
+its way through the gate, because of those who were attacking
+them at the walls; nor could they defend the walls owing to the
+enemies that were pouring through the gate. The Aetolians
+having thus become rapidly masters of the town, in spite of the
+injustice of the whole proceeding, did one act of supreme
+justice. For the very men who had invited them, and betrayed
+the town to them, they massacred before any one else, and
+plundered their property. They then treated all the others of
+the party in the same way; and, finally, taking up their
+quarters in the houses, they systematically robbed them of all
+valuables, and in many cases put Cynaethans to the rack, if
+they suspected them of having anything concealed, whether
+money, or furniture, or anything else of unusual value.</p>
+
+<p>After inflicting this ruin on the Cynaethans they departed,
+leaving a garrison to guard the walls, and marched towards Lusi.
+Arrived at the temple of Artemis, which lies between Cleitor
+and Cynaetha, and is regarded as inviolable by the Greeks,
+they threatened to plunder the cattle of the goddess and the
+other property round the temple. But the people of Lusi
+acted with great prudence: they gave the Aetolians some of
+the sacred furniture, and appealed to them not to commit
+the impiety of inflicting any outrage. The gift was accepted,
+and the Aetolians at once removed to Cleitor and pitched
+their camp under its walls.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_19" id="b4_19"><b>19.</b></a> Meanwhile Aratus, the Achaean Strategus, had despatched
+an appeal for help to Philip; <span class="sidenote">Measures taken
+by Aratus.</span>
+was
+collecting the men selected for service; and was
+sending for the troops, arranged for by virtue of
+the treaty, from Sparta and Messenia.</p>
+
+<p>The Aetolians at first urged the people of Cleitor to abandon
+their alliance with the Achaeans and adopt one
+with themselves; <span class="sidenote">The Aetolians at
+the temple of
+Artemis. They
+fail at Cleitor.</span>
+and upon the Cleitorians
+absolutely refusing, they began an assault upon
+the town, and endeavoured to take it by an
+escalade. But meeting with a bold and determined resistance
+from the inhabitants, they desisted from the attempt; and
+breaking up their camp marched back to Cynaetha, driving off<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">295</a></span>
+with them on their route the cattle of the goddess. They at
+first offered the city to the Eleans, but upon their refusing to
+accept it, they determined to keep the town in their own
+hands, <span class="sidenote">They burn
+Cynaetha and
+return home.</span>
+and appointed Euripides to command
+it: but subsequently, on the alarm of an army
+of relief coming from Macedonia, they set fire
+to the town and abandoned it, directing their march to
+Rhium with the purpose of there taking ship and crossing
+home. But when Taurion heard of the Aetolian
+invasion, <span class="sidenote">Demetrius of
+Pharos.</span>
+and what had taken place at Cynaetha,
+and saw that Demetrius of Pharos had sailed
+into Cenchreae from his island expedition, he urged the latter
+to assist the Achaeans, and dragging his galleys across the
+Isthmus to attack the Aetolians as they crossed the gulf.
+Now though Demetrius had enriched himself by his island
+expedition, he had had to beat an ignominious retreat, owing to
+the Rhodians putting out to sea to attack him: he was therefore
+glad to accede to the request of Taurion, as the latter undertook
+the expense of having his galleys dragged across the
+Isthmus.<a name="FNanchor_210" id="FNanchor_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">210</a> He accordingly got them across, and arriving two
+days after the passage of the Aetolians, plundered some places
+on the seaboard of Aetolia and then returned to Corinth.</p>
+
+<p>The Lacedaemonians had dishonourably failed to send the
+full complement of men to which they were <span class="sidenote">Treason of the
+Spartans.</span>
+bound by their engagement, but had despatched
+a small contingent only of horse and foot, to
+save appearances.</p>
+
+<p>Aratus however, having his Achaean troops, behaved in this
+instance also with the caution of a statesman, <span class="sidenote">Inactivity of
+Aratus.</span>
+rather than the promptness of a general: for
+remembering his previous failure he remained
+inactively watching events, until Scopas and Dorimachus had
+accomplished all they wanted and were safe home again;
+although they had marched through a line of country which
+was quite open to attack, full of defiles, and wanting only a
+trumpeter<a name="FNanchor_211" id="FNanchor_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> to sound a call to arms. But the great disaster
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">296</a></span>and misfortunes endured by the Cynaethans at the hands
+of the Aetolians were looked upon as most richly deserved by
+them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_20" id="b4_20"><b>20.</b></a> Now, seeing that the Arcadians as a whole have a
+reputation for virtue throughout Greece, <span class="sidenote">The reasons of
+the barbarity of
+the Cynaethans.
+Their neglect of
+the refining
+influences of
+music, which is
+carefully encouraged
+in the rest
+of Arcadia.</span>
+not
+only in respect of their hospitality and humanity,
+but especially for their scrupulous piety, it
+seems worth while to investigate briefly the
+barbarous character of the Cynaethans: and
+inquire how it came about that, though indisputably
+Arcadians in race, they at that time so
+far surpassed the rest of Greece in cruelty and
+contempt of law.</p>
+
+<p>They seem then to me to be the first, and indeed the
+only, Arcadians who have abandoned institutions nobly conceived
+by their ancestors and admirably adapted to the
+character of all the inhabitants of Arcadia. For music, and I
+mean by that <i>true</i> music, which it is advantageous to every one
+to practise, is obligatory with the Arcadians. For we must
+not think, as Ephorus in a hasty sentence of his preface, wholly
+unworthy of him, says, that music was introduced among mankind
+for the purpose of deception and jugglery; nor must the
+ancients Cretans and Spartans be supposed to have introduced
+the pipe and rhythmic movement in war, instead of the
+trumpet, without some reason; nor the early Arcadians to have
+given music such a high place in their constitution, that not
+only boys, but young men up to the age of thirty, are compelled
+to practise it, though in other respects most simple and
+primitive in their manner of life. Every one is familiarly
+acquainted with the fact that the Arcadians are the only
+people among whom boys are by the laws trained from infancy
+to sing hymns and paeans, in which they celebrate in the
+traditional fashion the heroes and gods of their particular
+towns. They next learn the airs of Philoxenus and Timotheus,
+and dance with great spirit to the pipers at the yearly Dionysia
+in the theatres, the boys at the boys&#8217; festival, and the young men
+at what is called the men&#8217;s festival. Similarly it is their universal
+custom, at all festal gatherings and banquets, not to have
+strangers to make the music, but to produce it themselves, calling<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">297</a></span>
+on each other in turn for a song. They do not look upon it
+as a disgrace to disclaim the possession of any other accomplishment:
+but no one can disclaim the knowledge of how to
+sing, because all are forced to learn, nor can they confess the
+knowledge, and yet excuse themselves from practising it, because
+that too among them is looked upon as disgraceful. Their
+young men again practise a military step to the music of the
+pipe and in regular order of battle, producing elaborate
+dances, which they display to their fellow-citizens every year in
+the theatres, at the public charge and expense.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_21" id="b4_21"><b>21.</b></a> Now the object of the ancient Arcadians in introducing
+these customs was not, as I think, the gratification
+of luxury and extravagance. <span class="sidenote">The object of the
+musical training
+of the Arcadians.</span>
+They
+saw that Arcadia was a nation of workers;
+that the life of the people was laborious and hard; and
+that, as a natural consequence of the coldness and gloom
+which were the prevailing features of a great part of the
+country, the general character of the people was austere. For
+we mortals have an irresistible tendency to yield to climatic
+influences: and to this cause, and no other, may be traced
+the great distinctions which prevail amongst us in character,
+physical formation, and complexion, as well as in
+most of our habits, varying with nationality or wide local
+separation. And it was with a view of softening and tempering
+this natural ruggedness and rusticity, that they not only introduced
+the things which I have mentioned, but also the custom
+of holding assemblies and frequently offering sacrifices, in both
+of which women took part equally with men; and having mixed
+dances of girls and boys and in fact did everything they
+could to humanise their souls by the civilising and softening
+influence of such culture. The people of Cynaetha entirely
+neglected these things, although they needed them more than
+any one else, because their climate and country is by far the
+most unfavourable in all Arcadia; and on the contrary gave
+their whole minds to mutual animosities and contentions. They
+in consequence became finally so brutalised, that no Greek city
+has ever witnessed a longer series of the most atrocious crimes.
+I will give one instance of the ill fortune of Cynaetha in this
+respect, and of the disapproval of such proceedings on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">298</a></span>
+part of the Arcadians at large. When the Cynaethans, after
+their great massacre, sent an embassy to Sparta, every city
+which the ambassadors entered on their road at once ordered
+them by a herald to depart; while the Mantineans not only
+did that, but after their departure regularly purified their city
+and territory from the taint of blood, by carrying victims
+round them both.</p>
+
+<p>I have had three objects in saying thus much on this subject.
+First, that the character of the Arcadians should not
+suffer from the crimes of one city: secondly, that other
+nations should not neglect music, from an idea that certain
+Arcadians give an excessive and extravagant attention to it:
+and, lastly, I speak for the sake of the Cynaethans themselves,
+that, if ever God gives them better fortune, they may humanise
+themselves by turning their attention to education, and especially
+to music.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_22" id="b4_22"><b>22.</b></a> To return from this digression. When the Aetolians
+had reached their homes in safety after this raid <span class="sidenote">Philip V. comes
+to Corinth.
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+upon the
+Peloponnese, Philip, coming to the aid of
+the Achaeans with an army, arrived at Corinth.
+Finding that he was too late, he sent despatches
+to all the allies urging them to send deputies at once to
+Corinth, to consult on the measures required for the
+common safety. Meanwhile he himself marched towards
+Tegea, being informed that the Lacedaemonians were in a
+state of revolution, <span class="sidenote">Advances toward
+Sparta.</span>
+and were fallen to mutual
+slaughter. For being accustomed to have a
+king over them, and to be entirely submissive
+to their rulers, their sudden enfranchisement by means of
+Antigonus, and the absence of a king, produced a state
+of civil war; because they all imagined themselves to be
+on a footing of complete political equality. At first two of
+the five Ephors kept their views to themselves; while the other
+three threw in their lot with the Aetolians, because they were
+convinced that the youth of Philip would prevent him as yet
+from having a decisive influence in the Peloponnese. But when,
+contrary to their expectations, the Aetolians retired quickly from
+the Peloponnese, and Philip arrived still more quickly from
+Macedonia, the three Ephors became distrustful of Adeimantus,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">299</a></span>
+one of the other two, because he was privy to and disapproved
+of their plans; and were in a great state of anxiety lest he
+should tell Philip everything as soon as that monarch approached.
+After some consultation therefore with certain
+young men, <span class="sidenote">Adeimantus
+assassinated.</span>
+they published a proclamation ordering all citizens
+of military age to assemble in arms in the
+sacred enclosure of Athene of the Brazen-house,
+on the pretext that the Macedonians
+were advancing against the town. This startling announcement
+caused a rapid muster: when Adeimantus, who disapproved
+of the measure, came forward and endeavoured to
+show that &#8220;the proclamation and summons to assemble in arms
+should have been made some time before, when they were
+told that their enemies the Aetolians were approaching the
+frontier: not then, when they learnt that their benefactors and
+preservers the Macedonians were coming with their king.&#8221; In
+the middle of this dissuasive speech the young men whose
+co-operation had been secured struck him dead, and with him
+Sthenelaus, Alcamenes, Thyestes, Bionidas, and several other
+citizens; whereupon Polyphontes and certain of his party,
+seeing clearly what was going to happen, went off to join
+Philip.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_23" id="b4_23"><b>23.</b></a> Immediately after the commission of this crime, the
+Ephors who were then in power sent men
+to Philip, <span class="sidenote">Philip summons
+Spartan deputies
+to Tegea.</span>
+to accuse the victims of this
+massacre; and to beg him to delay his
+approach, until the affairs of the city had returned to their
+normal state after this commotion; and to be assured meanwhile
+that it was their purpose to be loyal and friendly to the
+Macedonians in every respect. These ambassadors found
+Philip near Mount Parthenius,<a name="FNanchor_212" id="FNanchor_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> and communicated to him
+their commission. Having listened, he bade the ambassadors
+make all haste home, and inform the Ephors that he was going
+to continue his march to Tegea, and expected that they would
+as quickly as possible send him men of credit to consult with
+him on the present position of affairs. After hearing this
+message from the king, the Lacedaemonian officers despatched
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">300</a></span>ten commissioners headed by Omias to meet Philip; who,
+on arriving at Tegea, and entering the king&#8217;s council chamber,
+accused Adeimantus of being the cause of the late commotion;
+and promised that they would perform all their
+obligations as allies to Philip, and show that they were second
+to none of those whom he looked upon as his most loyal
+friends, in their affection for his person. With these and
+similar asseverations the Lacedaemonian commissioners left
+the council chamber. The members of the council were
+divided in opinion: one party knowing the secret treachery of
+the Spartan magistrates, and feeling certain that Adeimantus
+had lost his life from his loyalty to Macedonia, while the Lacedaemonians
+had really determined upon an alliance with the
+Aetolians, advised Philip to make an example of the Lacedaemonians,
+by treating them precisely as Alexander had treated
+the Thebans, immediately after his assumption of his sovereignty.
+But another party, consisting of the older counsellors,
+sought to show that such severity was too great for the occasion,
+and that all that ought to be done was to rebuke the
+offenders, depose them, and put the management of the state
+and the chief offices in the hands of his own friends.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_24" id="b4_24"><b>24.</b></a> The king gave the final decision, if that decision may
+be called the king&#8217;s: for it is not reasonable <span class="sidenote">The king decides
+not to chastise
+Sparta.</span>
+to suppose that a mere boy should be
+able to come to a decision on matters of such
+moment. Historians, however, must attribute to the highest
+official present the final decisions arrived at: it being
+thoroughly understood among their readers that propositions
+and opinions, such as these, in all probability proceed from the
+members of the council, and particularly from those highest
+in his confidence. In this case the decision of the king ought
+most probably to be attributed to Aratus. It was to this
+effect: the king said that &#8220;in the case of injuries inflicted by
+the allies upon each other separately, his intervention ought
+to be confined to a remonstrance by word of mouth or
+letter; but that it was only injuries affecting the whole
+body of the allies which demanded joint intervention and
+redress: and seeing that the Lacedaemonians had plainly
+committed no such injury against the whole body of allies,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">301</a></span>
+but professed their readiness to satisfy every claim that could
+with justice be made upon them, he held that he ought not
+to decree any measure of excessive severity against them.
+For it would be very inconsistent for him to take severe
+measures against them for so insignificant a cause; while his
+father inflicted no punishment at all upon them, though when
+he conquered them they were not allies but professed enemies.&#8221;
+It having, therefore, been formally decided to overlook the
+incident, the king immediately sent Petraeus, one of his most
+trusted friends, with Omias, to exhort the people to remain
+faithful to their friendship with him and Macedonia, and to
+interchange oaths of alliance; while he himself started once
+more with his army and returned towards Corinth, having in
+his conduct to the Lacedaemonians given an excellent specimen
+of his policy towards the allies.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_25" id="b4_25"><b>25.</b></a> When he arrived at Corinth he found the envoys from
+the allied cities already there; and in consultation <span class="sidenote">The congress of
+allies at Corinth
+declare war
+against the
+Aetolians.</span>
+with them he discussed the measures to
+be taken in regard to the Aetolians. The complaints
+against them were stated by the various
+envoys. The Boeotians accused them of
+plundering the temple of Athene at Itone<a name="FNanchor_213" id="FNanchor_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">213</a> in time of peace:
+the Phocians of having attacked and attempted to seize the
+cities of Ambrysus and Daulium: the Epirotes of having committed
+depredations in their territory. The Acarnanians
+showed how they had contrived a plot for the betrayal of
+Thyrium into their hands, and had gone so far as to actually
+assault it under cover of night. The Achaeans made a statement
+showing that they had seized Clarium in the territory of
+Megalopolis; traversed the territories of Patrae and Pharae,
+pillaging the country as they went; completely sacked
+Cynaetha; plundered the temple of Artemis in Lusi; laid
+siege to Cleitor; attempted Pylus by sea, and Megalopolis by
+land, doing all they could by aid of the Illyrians to lay waste
+the latter after its recent restoration. After listening to these
+depositions, the congress of allies unanimously decided to go
+to war with the Aetolians. A decree was, therefore, formulated
+in which the aforesaid causes for war were stated as a preamble,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">302</a></span>and a declaration sub-joined of their intention of restoring to
+the several allies any portion of their territory seized by the
+Aetolians since the death of Demetrius, father of Philip; and
+similarly of restoring to their ancestral forms of government
+all states that had been compelled against their will to join the
+Aetolian league; with full possession of their own territory and
+cities; subject to no foreign garrison or tribute; in complete
+independence; and in enjoyment of their own constitutions and
+laws. Finally a clause in the decree declared their intention
+of assisting the Amphictyonic council to restore the laws, and
+to recover its control of the Delphic temple, wrested from it
+by the Aetolians, who were determined to keep in their own
+hands all that belonged to that temple.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_26" id="b4_26"><b>26.</b></a> This decree was made in the first year of the
+140th Olympiad, and with it began the so-called
+Social war, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+the commencement of
+which was thoroughly justifiable and a natural consequence
+of the injurious acts of the Aetolians. The first step of the
+congress was to send commissioners at once to the several
+allies, that the decree having been confirmed by as many as
+possible, all might join in this national war. Philip also sent
+a declaratory letter to the Aetolians, in order that, if they had
+any justification to put forward on the points alleged against
+them, they might even at that late hour meet and settle the
+controversy by conference: &#8220;but if they supposed that they
+were, with no public declaration of war, to sack and plunder,
+without the injured parties retaliating, on pain of being considered,
+if they did so, to have commenced hostilities, they
+were the most simple people in the world.&#8221; On the receipt
+of this letter the Aetolian magistrates, thinking that Philip
+would never come, named a day on which they would meet
+him at Rhium. When they were informed, however, that he
+had actually arrived there, they sent a despatch informing him
+that they were not competent, before the meeting of the
+Aetolian assembly, to settle any public matter on their own
+authority. But when the Achaeans met at the usual federal
+assembly, they ratified the decree, and published a proclamation
+authorising reprisals upon the Aetolians. And when King
+Philip appeared before the council at Aegium, and informed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">303</a></span>
+them at length of all that had taken place, they received
+his speech with warmth, and formally renewed <span class="sidenote">Autumn, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+220.</span>
+with him personally the friendship which had
+existed between his ancestors and themselves.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_27" id="b4_27"><b>27.</b></a> Meanwhile, the time of the annual election having
+come round, the Aetolians elected Scopas as
+their Strategus, <span class="sidenote">Scopas elected
+Aetolian
+Strategus.</span>
+the man who had been the
+moving spirit in all these acts of violence. I
+am at a loss for fitting terms to describe such a public
+policy. To pass a decree against going to war,<a name="FNanchor_214" id="FNanchor_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> and yet to go
+on an actual expedition in force and pillage their neighbours&#8217;
+territories: not to punish one of those responsible for this: but
+on the contrary to elect as Strategi and bestow honours on the
+leaders in these transactions,&mdash;this seems to me to involve the
+grossest disingenuousness. I can find no word which better
+describes such a treacherous policy; and I will quote two instances
+to show what I mean by it. When Phoebidas treacherously
+seized the Cadmeia, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;382.</span>the Lacedaemonians
+fined the guilty general but declined to withdraw
+the garrison, on the ground that the wrong was fully
+atoned for by the punishment of the perpetrator of it: though
+their plain duty was to have done the reverse, for it was the
+latter which was of importance to the Thebans. Again this
+same people published a proclamation giving the various
+cities freedom and autonomy in accordance <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;387.</span>
+with the terms of the peace of Antalcidas, and
+yet did not withdraw their Harmosts from the cities. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;385.</span>
+Again,
+having driven the Mantineans from their
+home, who were at the time their friends
+and allies, they denied that they were doing any wrong,
+inasmuch as they removed them from one city and settled
+them in several. But indeed a man is a fool, as much as a
+knave, if he imagines that, because he shuts his own eyes,
+his neighbours cannot see. Their fondness for such tortuous
+policy proved however, both to the Lacedaemonians and
+Aetolians, the source of the greatest disasters; and it is not
+one which should commend itself to the imitation either of
+individuals or states, if they are well advised.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">304</a></span></p>
+<p>King Philip, then, after his interview with the Achaean
+assembly, started with his army on the way to Macedonia, in
+all haste to make preparations for war; leaving a pleasant impression
+in the minds of all the Greeks: for the nature of the
+decree, which I have mentioned as having been passed by him,<a name="FNanchor_215" id="FNanchor_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">215</a>
+gave them good hopes of finding him a man of moderate
+temper and royal magnanimity.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_28" id="b4_28"><b>28.</b></a> These transactions were contemporaneous with Hannibal&#8217;s
+expedition against Saguntum, after his conquest of all
+Iberia south of the Iber. Now, had the first attempts of
+Hannibal been from the beginning involved with the transactions
+in Greece, it would have been plainly my proper course
+to have narrated the latter side by side with those in Iberia in
+my previous book, with an eye solely to dates. But seeing
+that the wars in Italy, Greece, and Asia were at their commencements
+entirely distinct, and yet became finally involved
+with each other, I decided that my history of them must also
+be distinct, until I came to the point at which they became
+inseparably interlaced, and began to tend towards a common
+conclusion. Thus both will be made clear,&mdash;the account of their
+several commencements: and the time, manner, and causes
+which led to the complication and amalgamation, of which I
+spoke in my introduction. This point having been reached,
+I must thenceforth embrace them all in one uninterrupted
+narrative. This amalgamation began towards the end of the
+war, in the third year of the 140th Olympiad. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;118.</span>
+From that year,
+therefore, my history will, with a due regard to
+dates, become a general one. Before that
+year it must be divided into distinct narratives, with a mere
+recapitulation in each case of the events detailed in the preceding
+book, introduced for the sake of facilitating the comprehension,
+and rousing the admiration, of my readers.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_29" id="b4_29"><b>29.</b></a> Philip then passed the winter in Macedonia, in an
+energetic enlistment of troops for the coming
+campaign, <span class="sidenote">Philip secures
+the support of
+Scerdilaidas.</span>
+and in securing his frontier on the
+side of the Barbarians. And having accomplished
+these objects, he met Scerdilaidas and put himself
+fearlessly in his power, and discussed with him the terms
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">305</a></span>of friendship and alliance; and partly by promising to help
+him in securing his power in Illyria, and partly by bringing
+against the Aetolians the charges to which they were only
+too open, persuaded him without difficulty to assent to his
+proposals. The fact is that public crimes do not differ from
+private, except in quantity and extent; and just as in the case
+of petty thieves, what brings them to ruin more than anything
+else is that they cheat and are unfaithful to each other, so
+was it in the case of the Aetolians. They had agreed with
+Scerdilaidas to give him half the booty, if he would join them
+in their attack upon Achaea; but when, on his consenting to do
+so, and actually carrying out his engagement, they had sacked
+Cynaetha and carried off a large booty in slaves and cattle,
+they gave him no share in the spoil at all. He was therefore
+already enraged with them; and required very little persuasion
+on Philip&#8217;s part to induce him to accept the proposal,
+and agree to join the alliance, on condition of receiving a
+yearly subsidy of twenty talents; and, in return, putting to
+sea with thirty galleys and carrying on a naval war with the
+Aetolians.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_30" id="b4_30"><b>30.</b></a> While Philip was thus engaged, the commissioners sent
+out to the allies were performing their mission. <span class="sidenote">The Acarnanians,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+The first place they came to was Acarnania;
+and the Acarnanians, with a noble promptitude,
+confirmed the decree and undertook to join the war against
+the Aetolians with their full forces. And yet they, if any
+one, might have been excused if they had put the matter
+off, and hesitated, and shown fear of entering upon a
+war with their neighbours; both because they lived upon the
+frontiers of Aetolia, and still more because they were peculiarly
+open to attack, and, most of all, because they had a short
+time before experienced the most dreadful disasters from the
+enmity of the Aetolians. But I imagine that men of noble
+nature, whether in private or public affairs, look upon duty as
+the highest consideration; and in adherence to this principle
+no people in Greece have been more frequently conspicuous
+than the Acarnanians, although the forces at their command
+were but slender. With them, above all others in Greece, an
+alliance should be sought at a crisis, without any misgiving;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">306</a></span>
+for they have, individually and collectively, an element of
+stability and a spirit of liberality. The conduct of the Epirotes
+was in strong contrast. <span class="sidenote">Duplicity of
+the Epirotes.</span>When they
+heard what the commissioners had to say,
+indeed, they, like the Acarnanians, joined in
+confirming the decree, and voted to go to war with the
+Aetolians at such time as Philip also did the same; but
+with ignoble duplicity they told the Aetolian envoys that they
+had determined to maintain peace with them.</p>
+
+<p>Ambassadors were despatched also to King Ptolemy, to
+urge him not to send money to the Aetolians, <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy Philopator.</span>
+nor to supply them with any aid against Philip
+and the allies.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_31" id="b4_31"><b>31.</b></a> The Messenians again, on whose account the war began,
+answered the commissioners sent to
+them that, <span class="sidenote">Timidity of the
+Messenians.</span>
+seeing Phigalia was on their
+frontier and was in the power of the Aetolians,
+they would not undertake the war until that city was
+wrested from them. This decision was forcibly carried,
+much against the will of the people at large, by the Ephors
+Oenis and Nicippus, and some others of the oligarchical party:
+wherein they showed, to my thinking, great ignorance of their
+true interests. I admit, indeed, that war is a terrible thing;
+but it is less terrible than to submit to anything whatever in
+order to avoid it. For what is the meaning of our fine talk
+about equality of rights, freedom of speech, and liberty, if the
+one important thing is peace? We have no good word for
+the Thebans, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;480-479.
+Pindar fr.</span>
+because they shrunk from fighting
+for Greece and chose from fear to side with the
+Persians,&mdash;nor indeed for Pindar who supported their inaction
+in the verses&mdash;<a name="FNanchor_216" id="FNanchor_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">216</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+<div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza">
+<div class="line">A quiet haven for the ship of state</div>
+<div class="line i1">Should be the patriot&#8217;s aim,</div>
+<div class="line i0">And smiling peace, to small and great</div>
+<div class="line i1">That brings no shame.</div>
+</div></div></div>
+
+<p>For though his advice was for the moment acceptable, it was
+not long before it became manifest that his opinion was as
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">307</a></span>mischievous as it was dishonourable. For peace, with justice
+and honour, is the noblest and most advantageous thing in
+the world; when joined with disgrace and contemptible
+cowardice, it is the basest and most disastrous.<a name="FNanchor_217" id="FNanchor_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">217</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_32" id="b4_32"><b>32.</b></a> The Messenian leaders, then, being of oligarchical
+tendencies, and aiming at their own immediate advantage, were
+always too much inclined to peace. On many critical occasions
+indeed they managed to elude fear and danger: but all the while
+this policy of theirs was accumulating a heavy retribution for
+themselves; and they finally involved their country in the
+gravest misfortunes. And the reason in my opinion was this,
+that being neighbours to two of the most powerful nations in
+the Peloponnese, or I might almost say in Greece, I mean the
+Arcadians and Lacedaemonians,&mdash;one of which had been
+irreconcilably hostile to them from the moment they occupied
+the country, and the other disposed to be friendly and protect
+them,&mdash;they never frankly accepted hostility to the Spartans, or
+friendship with the Arcadians. Accordingly when the attention
+of the former was distracted by domestic or foreign war, the
+Messenians were secure; for they always enjoyed peace and
+tranquillity from the fact of their country lying out of the road:
+but when the Lacedaemonians, having nothing else on hand
+to distract their attention, took to inflicting injuries on them,
+they were unable to withstand the superior strength of the
+Lacedaemonians by their own power; and, having failed to
+secure the support of their true friends, who were ready to do
+anything for their protection, they were reduced to the alternatives
+of becoming the slaves of Sparta and enduring her
+heavy exactions; or of leaving their homes to escape from this
+servitude, abandoning their country with wives and children.
+And this has repeatedly happened to them within comparatively
+recent times.</p>
+
+<p>That the present settlement of the Peloponnese may prove a
+lasting one, so that no measure such as I am about to describe
+may be ever necessary, is indeed my earnest wish: but if anything
+does happen to disturb it, and threaten revolutionary
+changes, the only hope for the Messenians and Megalopolitans
+of continuing to occupy their present territory, that I can see,
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">308</a></span>is a recurrence to the policy of Epaminondas. They must
+resolve, that is to say, upon a cordial and sincere partnership
+with each other in every danger and labour.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_33" id="b4_33"><b>33.</b></a> And perhaps my observation may receive some
+support from ancient history. For, among many other indications,
+it is a fact that the Messenians did set up a pillar
+close to the altar of Zeus Lycaeus in the time of Aristomenes,<a name="FNanchor_218" id="FNanchor_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">218</a>
+according to the evidence of Callisthenes, in which they inscribed
+the following verses:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+<div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza">
+<div class="line">A faithless king will perish soon or late!</div>
+<div class="line i1">Messene tracked him down right easily,</div>
+<div class="line">The traitor:&mdash;perjury must meet its fate;</div>
+<div class="line i1">Glory to Zeus, and life to Arcady!</div>
+</div></div></div>
+
+<p>The point of this is, that, having lost their own country, they
+pray the gods to save Arcadia as their second country.<a name="FNanchor_219" id="FNanchor_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">219</a>
+And it was very natural that they should do so; for not only did
+the Arcadians receive them when driven from their own land,
+at the time of the Aristomenic war, and make them welcome
+to their homes and free of their civic rights; but they also
+passed a vote bestowing their daughters in marriage upon those
+of the Messenians who were of proper age; and besides all
+this, investigated the treason of their king Aristocrates in the
+battle of the Trench; and, finding him guilty, put him to death
+and utterly destroyed his whole family. But setting aside
+these ancient events, what has happened recently after the
+restoration of Megalopolis and Messene will be sufficient to
+support what I have said. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;362.</span>For when, upon
+the death of Epaminondas leaving the result
+of the battle of Mantinea doubtful, the Lacedaemonians
+endeavoured to prevent the Messenians from being included
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">309</a></span>in the truce, hoping even then to get Messenia into their
+own hands, the Megalopolitans, and all the other Arcadians
+who were allied with the Messenians, made such a point of
+their being admitted to the benefits of the new confederacy,
+that they were accepted by the allies and allowed to take the
+oaths and share in the provisions of the peace; while the
+Lacedaemonians were the only Greeks excluded from the
+treaty. With such facts before him, could any one doubt the
+soundness of the suggestion I lately made?</p>
+
+<p>I have said thus much for the sake of the Arcadians and
+Messenians themselves; that, remembering all the misfortunes
+which have befallen their countries at the hands of the
+Lacedaemonians, they may cling close to the policy of mutual
+affection and fidelity; and let no fear of war, or desire of peace,
+induce them to abandon each other in what affects the highest
+interests of both.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_34" id="b4_34"><b>34.</b></a> In the matter of the commissioners from the allies, to
+go back to my story, the behaviour of the
+Lacedaemonians was very characteristic. <span class="sidenote">Division of opinion
+in Sparta,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+For
+their own ill-considered and tortuous policy
+had placed them in such a difficulty, that they finally dismissed
+them without an answer: thus illustrating, as it
+seems to me, the truth of the saying, that, &#8220;boldness pushed
+to extremes amounts to want of sense, and comes to nothing.&#8221;
+Subsequently, however, on the appointment of new Ephors, the
+party who had originally promoted the outbreak, and had been
+the causes of the massacre, sent to the Aetolians to induce them
+to despatch an ambassador to Sparta. The Aetolians gladly
+consented, and in a short time Machatas arrived there in that
+capacity. Pressure was at once put upon the Ephors to
+allow Machatas to address the people,<a name="FNanchor_220" id="FNanchor_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> and to re-establish
+royalty in accordance with the ancient constitution, and not to
+allow the Heraclid dynasty to be any longer suppressed, contrary
+to the laws. The Ephors were annoyed at the proposal, but
+were unable to withstand the pressure, and afraid of a rising
+of the younger men: they therefore answered that the question
+of restoring the kings must be reserved for future consideration;
+but they consented to grant Machatas an opportunity of addressing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">310</a></span>
+a public assembly. When the people accordingly were met,
+Machatas came forward, and in a long speech urged them to
+embrace the alliance with Aetolia; inveighing in reckless and
+audacious terms against the Macedonians, while he went
+beyond all reason and truth in his commendations of the
+Aetolians. Upon his retirement, there was a long and animated
+debate between those who supported the Aetolians and
+advised the adoption of their alliance, and those who took the
+opposite side. When, however, some of the elders reminded
+the people of the good services rendered them by Antigonus
+and the Macedonians, and the injuries inflicted on them by
+Charixenus and Timaeus,&mdash;when the Aetolians invaded them
+with their full force and ravaged their territory, enslaved the
+neighbouring villages, and laid a plot for attacking Sparta
+itself by a fraudulent and forcible restoration of exiles,&mdash;these
+words produced a great revulsion of feeling, and the people
+finally decided to maintain the alliance with Philip and the
+Macedonians. Machatas accordingly had to go home without
+attaining the object of his mission.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_35" id="b4_35"><b>35.</b></a> The party, however, at Sparta who were the original
+of the instigators of the outbreak could not make up
+their minds to give way. <span class="sidenote">Murder of the
+Ephors,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+They once more therefore
+determined to commit a crime of the most
+impious description, having first corrupted some of the
+younger men. It was an ancestral custom that, at a certain
+sacrifice, all citizens of military age should join fully armed in
+a procession to the temple of Athene of the Brazen-house,
+while the Ephors remained in the sacred precinct and completed
+the sacrifice. As the young men therefore were
+conducting the procession, some of them suddenly fell upon
+the Ephors, while they were engaged with the sacrifice, and
+slew them. The enormity of this crime will be made apparent
+by remembering that the sanctity of this temple was such, that
+it gave a safe asylum even to criminals condemned to death;
+whereas its privileges were now by the cruelty of these
+audacious men treated with such contempt, that the whole of
+the Ephors were butchered round the altar and the table of the
+goddess. In pursuance of their purpose they next killed one
+of the elders, Gyridas, and drove into exile those who had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">311</a></span>
+spoken against the Aetolians. They then chose some of
+their own body as Ephors, and made an alliance with the
+Aetolians. Their motives for doing all this, for incurring the
+enmity of the Achaeans, for their ingratitude to the Macedonians,
+and generally for their unjustifiable conduct towards all, was
+before everything else their devotion to Cleomenes, and the
+hopes and expectations they continued to cherish that he
+would return to Sparta in safety. So true it is that men who
+have the tact to ingratiate themselves with those who
+surround them can, even when far removed, leave in their
+hearts very effective materials for kindling the flame of a
+renewed popularity. This people for instance, to say nothing
+of other examples, after nearly three years of constitutional
+government, following the banishment of Cleomenes, without
+once thinking of appointing kings at Sparta, no sooner heard
+of the death of Cleomenes than they were eager&mdash;populace
+and Ephors alike&mdash;to restore kingly rule. <span class="sidenote">Agesipolis appointed
+king,</span>
+Accordingly the Ephors who were in sympathy
+with the conspirators, and who had
+made the alliance with Aetolia which I just now mentioned, did
+so. One of these kings so restored they appointed in accordance
+with the regular and legal succession, namely Agesipolis.
+He was a child at the time, a son of Agesipolis, and grandson of
+that Cleombrotus who had become king, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;242.</span>as the
+next of kin to this family, when Leonidas was
+driven from office. As guardian of the young king they elected
+Cleomenes, son of Cleombrotus and brother of Agesipolis.</p>
+
+<p>Of the other royal house there were surviving two sons of
+Archidamus, son of Eudamidas, by the daughter
+of Hippodemon; <span class="sidenote">and Lycurgas.</span>
+as well as Hippodemon himself,
+the son of Agesilaus, and several other members of
+the same branch, though somewhat less closely connected
+than those I have mentioned. But these were all passed
+over, and Lycurgus was appointed king, none of whose
+ancestors had ever enjoyed that title. A present of a
+talent to each of the Ephors made him &#8220;descendant of
+Hercules&#8221; and king of Sparta. So true is it all the world
+over that such nobility<a name="FNanchor_221" id="FNanchor_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> is a mere question of a little money.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">312</a></span></p>
+<p>The result was that the penalty for their folly had to be paid,
+not by the third generation, but by the very authors of this
+royalist restoration.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_36" id="b4_36"><b>36.</b></a> When Machatas heard what had happened at Sparta,
+he returned thither and urged the Ephors and
+kings to go to war with the Achaeans; <span class="sidenote">Spartans attack
+Argos, and proclaim
+war with
+the Achaeans.</span>
+arguing
+that that was the only way of stopping the ambition
+of the party in Sparta who were doing
+all they could to break up the alliance with the Aetolians, or
+of the party in Aetolia who were co-operating with them.
+Having obtained the consent of the Ephors and kings,
+Machatas returned home with a success secured him by the
+blindness of his partisans in Sparta; while Lycurgus with the
+army and certain others of the citizens invaded the Argive
+territory, the inhabitants being quite unprepared for an attack,
+owing to the existing settlement. By a sudden assault he
+seized Polichna, Prasiae, Leucae, and Cyphanta, but was
+repulsed at Glympes and Zarax. After these achievements of
+their king, the Lacedaemonians proclaimed a licence of reprisal
+against the Achaeans. With the Eleans also Machatas
+was successful in persuading them, by the same arguments as
+he had used at Sparta, to go to war with the Achaeans.</p>
+
+<p>The unexpected success of these intrigues caused the
+Aetolians to enter upon the war with high spirits. But it was
+quite the contrary with the Achaeans: for Philip, on whom
+their hopes rested, was still busy with his preparations; the
+Epirotes were hesitating about going to war, and the Messenians
+were entirely passive; and meantime the Aetolians, aided
+by the blind policy of the Eleans and Lacedaemonians, were
+threatening them with actual war on every side.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_37" id="b4_37"><b>37.</b></a> The year of Aratus&#8217;s office was just expiring, and his
+son Aratus the younger had been elected to
+succeed him as Strategus, <span class="sidenote">Aratus succeeded
+by his son as
+Strategus of the
+Achaeans,
+May <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;219.</span>
+and was on the point
+of taking over the office. Scopas was still
+Strategus of the Aetolians, and in fact it was
+just about the middle of his year. For the
+Aetolians hold their elections immediately after the autumn
+equinox, while the Achaeans hold theirs about the time of
+the rising of the Pleiads. As soon therefore as summer had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">313</a></span>
+well set in, and Aratus the younger had taken over his
+office, all these wars at once began simultaneously.
+Hannibal began besieging Saguntum; <span class="sidenote">June-September.
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;219.</span>
+the
+Romans sent Lucius Aemilius with an army to Illyria against
+Demetrius of Pharos,&mdash;of both which I spoke in the last book;
+Antiochus, having had Ptolemais and Tyre betrayed to him by
+Theodotus, meditated attacking Coele-Syria; and Ptolemy was
+engaged in preparing for the war with Antiochus. While
+Lycurgus, wishing to make a beginning after the pattern of
+Cleomenes, pitched his camp near the Athenaeum of Megalopolis
+and was laying siege to it: the Achaeans were collecting
+mercenary horse and foot for the war which was upon them:
+and Philip, finally, was starting from Macedonia with an army
+consisting of ten thousand heavy-armed soldiers of the phalanx,
+five thousand light-armed, and eight hundred cavalry. Such
+was the universal state of war or preparation for war.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_38" id="b4_38"><b>38.</b></a> At the same time the Rhodians went to
+war with the Byzantines, for reasons which I <span class="sidenote">Rhodian and
+Byzantium war,
+220-219 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span></span>
+must now describe.</p>
+
+<p>As far as the sea is concerned, Byzantium occupies a position
+the most secure and in every way the most <span class="sidenote">Advantages of
+the situation of
+Byzantium.</span>
+advantageous of any town in our quarter of the
+world: while in regard to the land, its situation
+is in both respects the most unfavourable. By sea it so completely
+commands the entrance to the Pontus, that no merchant
+can sail in or out against its will. The Pontus therefore
+being rich in what the rest of the world requires for the
+support of life, the Byzantines are absolute masters of all such
+things. For those commodities which are the first necessaries
+of existence, cattle and slaves, are confessedly supplied by the
+districts round the Pontus in greater profusion, and of better
+quality, than by any others: and for luxuries, they supply us with
+honey, wax, and salt-fish in great abundance; while they take
+our superfluous stock of olive oil and every kind of wine. In the
+matter of corn there is a mutual interchange, they supplying or
+taking it as it happens to be convenient. Now the Greeks
+would necessarily have been excluded entirely from traffic in
+these articles, or at least would have had to carry it on at a
+loss, if the Byzantines had adopted a hostile attitude, and made<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">314</a></span>
+common cause formerly with the Gauls, or still more at this
+time with the Thracians, or had abandoned the place altogether:
+for owing to the narrowness of the strait, and the number of
+the barbarians along its shores, it would have become entirely
+impassable to our ships. The Byzantines themselves probably
+feel the advantages of the situation, in the supplies of the
+necessaries of life, more than any one else; for their superfluity
+finds a ready means of export, and what they lack is readily
+imported, with profit to themselves, and without difficulty or
+danger: but other people too, as I have said, get a great
+many commodities by their means. As common benefactors
+therefore of all Greece they might justly expect, not only
+gratitude, but the united assistance of Greeks, when threatened
+by the barbarians.</p>
+
+<p>But since the peculiar natural advantages of this site are
+generally unknown, because it lies somewhat outside the parts
+of the world ordinarily visited; and since it is an universal
+wish to be acquainted with things of this sort, by ocular
+inspection, if possible, of such places as have any unusual
+or remarkable features; or, if that is impossible, by having in
+our minds some ideas or images of them as like the truth as
+may be, I must now state the facts of the case, and what it
+is that makes this city so eminently rich and prosperous.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_39" id="b4_39"><b>39.</b></a> The sea called &#8220;The Pontus&#8221; has a circumference of
+twenty-two thousand stades, and two mouths <span class="sidenote">The Pontus.</span>
+diametrically opposite to each other, the one
+opening into the Propontis and the other into the Maeotic
+Lake; which latter also has itself a circumference of eight
+thousand stades. Into these two basins many great rivers
+discharge themselves on the Asiatic side, and still larger
+and more numerous on the European; and so the
+Maeotic lake, as it gets filled up, flows into the Pontus,
+and the Pontus into the Propontis. The mouth of the
+Maeotic lake is called the Cimmerian Bosporus, about
+thirty stades broad and sixty long, and shallow all over; that
+of the Pontus is called the Thracian Bosporus, and is a
+hundred and twenty stades long, and of a varying breadth.
+Between Calchedon and Byzantium the channel is fourteen
+stades broad, and this is the entrance at the end nearest the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">315</a></span>
+Propontis. Coming from the Pontus, it begins at a place
+called Hieron, at which they say that Jason on his return
+voyage from Colchis first sacrificed to the twelve gods. This
+place is on the Asiatic side, and its distance from the European
+coast is twelve stades, measuring to Sarapieium, which lies
+exactly opposite in Thrace. There are two causes which account
+for the fact that the waters, both of the Maeotic lake and the
+Pontus, continually flow outwards. One is patent at once to
+every observer, namely, that by the continual discharge of
+many streams into basins which are of definite circumference and
+content, the water necessarily is continually increasing in bulk,
+and, had there been no outlet, would inevitably have encroached
+more and more, and occupied an ever enlarging area in the
+depression: but as outlets do exist, the surplus water is carried
+off by a natural process, and runs perpetually through the
+channels that are there to receive it. The second cause is the
+alluvial soil brought down, in immense quantities of every
+description, by the rivers swollen from heavy rains, which
+forms shelving banks and continually forces the water to take
+a higher level, which is thus also carried through these outlets.
+Now as this process of alluvial deposit and influx of water is
+unceasing and continuous, so also the discharge through the
+channels is necessarily unceasing and continuous.</p>
+
+<p>These are the true causes of the outflow of the Pontus,
+which do not depend for their credit on the stories of
+merchants, but upon the actual observation of nature, which is
+the most accurate method discoverable.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_40" id="b4_40"><b>40.</b></a> As I have started this topic I must not, as most
+historians do, leave any point undiscussed, or only barely
+stated. My object is rather to give information, and to clear
+up doubtful points for my readers. This is the peculiarity of
+the present day, in which every sea and land has been thrown
+open to travellers; and in which, therefore, one can no longer
+employ the evidence of poets and fabulists, as my predecessors
+have done on very many points, &#8220;offering,&#8221; as Heraclitus says,
+&#8220;tainted witnesses to disputed facts,&#8221;&mdash;but I must try to
+make my narrative in itself carry conviction to my readers.</p>
+
+<p>I say then the Pontus has long been in process of being
+filled up with mud, and that this process is actually going on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">316</a></span>
+now: and further, that in process of time both it and the
+Propontis, assuming the same local conditions to be maintained,
+and the causes of the alluvial deposit to continue
+active, will be entirely filled up. For time being infinite, and
+the depressions most undoubtedly finite, it is plain that, even
+though the amount of deposit be small, they must in course of
+time be filled. For a finite process, whether of accretion or
+decrease, must, if we presuppose infinite time, be eventually
+completed, however infinitesimal its progressive stages may be.
+In the present instance the amount of soil deposited being not
+small, but exceedingly large, it is plain that the result I
+mentioned will not be remote but rapid. And, in fact, it is
+evident that it is already taking place. The Maeotic lake is
+already so much choked up, that the greater part of it is only
+from seven to five fathoms deep, and accordingly cannot any
+longer be passed by large ships without a pilot. And having
+moreover been originally a sea precisely on a level with the
+Pontus, it is now a freshwater lake: the sea-water has been
+expelled by the silting up of the bottom, and the discharge of
+the rivers has entirely overpowered it. The same will happen
+to the Pontus, and indeed is taking place at this moment; and
+though it is not evident to ordinary observers, owing to the
+vastness of its basin, yet a moderately attentive study will
+discover even now what is going on.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_41" id="b4_41"><b>41.</b></a> For the Danube discharging itself into the Pontus by
+several mouths, we find opposite it a bank formed by the mud
+discharged from these mouths extending for nearly a thousand
+stades, at a distance of a day&#8217;s sail from the shore as it now exists;
+upon which ships sailing to the Pontus run, while apparently still
+in deep water, and find themselves unexpectedly stranded on
+the sandbanks which the sailors call the Breasts. That this
+deposit is not close to the shore, but projected to some distance,
+must be accounted for thus: exactly as far as the currents of
+the rivers retain their force from the strength of the descending
+stream, and overpower that of the sea, it must of course follow
+that to that distance the earth, and whatever else is carried
+down by the rivers, would be projected, and neither settle nor
+become fixed until it is reached. But when the force of the
+currents has become quite spent by the depth and bulk of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">317</a></span>
+sea, it is but natural that the soil held in solution should settle
+down and assume a fixed position. This is the explanation of
+the fact, that, in the case of large and rapid rivers, such embankments
+are at considerable distances, and the sea close in shore
+deep; while in the case of smaller and more sluggish streams, these
+sandbanks are at their mouths. The strongest proof of this is
+furnished by the case of heavy rains; for when they occur,
+rivers of inferior size, overpowering the waves at their mouths,
+project the alluvial deposit out to sea, to a distance exactly in
+proportion to the force of the streams thus discharging themselves.
+It would be mere foolish scepticism to disbelieve in
+the enormous size of this sandbank, and in the mass of stones,
+timber, and earth carried down by the rivers; when we often see
+with our own eyes an insignificant stream suddenly swell into
+a torrent, and force its way over lofty rocks, sweeping along
+with it every kind of timber, soil, and stones, and making such
+huge moraines, that at times the appearance of a locality
+becomes in a brief period difficult to recognise.<a name="FNanchor_222" id="FNanchor_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">222</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_42" id="b4_42"><b>42.</b></a> This should prevent any surprise that rivers of such
+magnitude and rapidity, flowing perpetually instead of intermittently,
+should produce these effects and end by filling up
+the Pontus. For it is not a mere probability, but a logical
+certainty, that this must happen. And a proof of what is going
+to take place is this, that in the same proportion as the
+Maeotic lake is less salt than the Pontus, the Pontus is less
+so than the Mediterranean. From which it is manifest that,
+when the time which it has taken for the Maeotic lake to fill
+up shall have been extended in proportion to the excess of the
+Pontic over the Maeotic basin, then the Pontus will also
+become like a marsh and lake, and filled with fresh water like
+the Maeotic lake: nay, we must suppose that the process will
+be somewhat more rapid, insomuch as the rivers falling into
+it are more numerous and more rapid. I have said thus much
+in answer to the incredulity of those who cannot believe that
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">318</a></span>the Pontus is actually being silted up, and will some day be
+filled; and that so vast a sea will ever become a lake or marsh.
+But I have another and higher object also in thus speaking:
+which is to prevent our ignorance from forcing us to give a
+childish credence to every traveller&#8217;s tale and marvel related
+by voyagers; and that, by possessing certain indications of the
+truth, we may be enabled by them to test the truth or falsehood
+of anything alleged by this or that person.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_43" id="b4_43"><b>43.</b></a> I must now return to the discussion of the excellence
+of the site of Byzantium. <span class="sidenote">Site of
+Byzantium.</span>
+The length of the
+channel connecting the Pontus and Propontis
+being, as I have said, a hundred and twenty
+stades, and Hieron marking its termination towards the
+Pontus, and the Strait of Byzantium that towards the Propontis,&mdash;half-way
+between these, on the European side, stands Hermaeum,
+on a headland jutting out into the channel, about
+five stades from the Asiatic coast, just at the narrowest point
+of the whole channel; <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;512.</span>
+where Darius is said to
+have made his bridge of ships across the strait,
+when he crossed to invade Scythia. In the rest of the channel
+the running of the current from the Pontus is much the same,
+owing to the similarity of the coast formation on either side
+of it; but when it reaches Hermaeum on the European side,
+which I said was the narrowest point, the stream flowing from
+the Pontus, and being thus confined, strikes the European coast
+with great violence, and then, as though by a rebound from a
+blow, dashes against the opposite Asiatic coast, and thence again
+sweeps back and strikes the European shore near some headlands
+called the Hearths: thence it runs rapidly once more to
+the spot on the Asiatic side called the Cow, the place on
+which the myth declares Io to have first stood after swimming
+the channel. Finally the current runs from the Cow right up
+to Byzantium, and dividing into two streams on either side of the
+city, the lesser part of it forms the gulf called the Horn, while
+the greater part swerves once more across. But it has no longer
+sufficient way on it to reach the opposite shore on which Calchedon
+stands: for after its several counter-blows the current, finding
+at this point a wider channel, slackens; and no longer makes
+short rebounds at right angles from one shore to the other, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">319</a></span>
+more and more at an obtuse angle, and accordingly, falling
+short of Calchedon, runs down the middle of the channel.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_44" id="b4_44"><b>44.</b></a> What then makes Byzantium a most excellent site, and
+Calchedon the reverse, is just this: and although at first sight
+both positions seem equally convenient, the practical fact is
+that it is difficult to sail up to the latter, even if you wish to do
+so; while the current carries you to the former, whether you
+will or no, as I have just now shown. And a proof of my
+assertion is this: those who want to cross from Calchedon to
+Byzantium cannot sail straight across the channel, but coast up
+to the Cow and Chrysopolis,&mdash;which the Athenians formerly
+seized, by the advice of Alcibiades, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;410.</span>
+when
+they for the first time levied customs on
+ships sailing into the Pontus,<a name="FNanchor_223" id="FNanchor_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">223</a>&mdash;and then drift down
+the current, which carries them as a matter of course to
+Byzantium. And the same is the case with a voyage on
+either side of Byzantium. For if a man is running before a
+south wind from the Hellespont, or to the Hellespont from the
+Pontus before the Etesian winds, if he keeps to the European
+shore, he has a direct and easy course to the narrow part of the
+Hellespont between Abydos and Sestos, and thence also back
+again to Byzantium: but if he goes from Calchedon along the
+Asiatic coast, the case is exactly the reverse, from the fact that
+the coast is broken up by deep bays, and that the territory of
+Cyzicus projects to a considerable distance. Nor can a man
+coming from the Hellespont to Calchedon obviate this by
+keeping to the European coast as far as Byzantium, and then
+striking across to Calchedon; for the current and other circumstances
+which I have mentioned make it difficult. Similarly,
+for one sailing out from Calchedon it is absolutely impossible
+to make straight for Thrace, owing to the intervening
+current, and to the fact that both winds are unfavourable
+to both voyages; for as the south wind blows into the
+Pontus, and the north wind from it, the one or the other of
+these must be encountered in both these voyages. These,
+then, are the advantages enjoyed by Byzantium in regard to
+the sea: I must now describe its disadvantages on shore.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_45" id="b4_45"><b>45.</b></a> They consist in the fact that its territory is so completely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">320</a></span>
+hemmed in by Thrace from shore to shore, that the
+Byzantines have a perpetual and dangerous
+war continually on hand with the Thracians. <span class="sidenote">Disadvantages of
+Byzantium.</span>
+For they are unable once for all to arm and
+repel them by a single decisive battle, owing to the number
+of their people and chiefs. For if they conquer one chief,
+three others still more formidable invade their territory. Nor
+again do they gain anything by consenting to pay tribute
+and make terms; for a concession of any sort to one brings at
+once five times as many enemies upon them. Therefore, as I
+say, they are burdened by a perpetual and dangerous war: for
+what can be more hazardous or more formidable than a war
+with barbarians living on your borders? Nay, it is not only
+this perpetual struggle with danger on land, but, apart from the
+evils that always accompany war, they have to endure a misery
+like that ascribed by the poets to Tantalus: for being in
+possession of an extremely fertile district, no sooner have
+they expended their labour upon it and been rewarded by
+crops of the finest quality, than the barbarians sweep down,
+and either destroy them, or collect and carry them off; and
+then, to say nothing of the loss of their labour and expense,
+the very excellence of the crops enhances the misery and
+distress of seeing them destroyed before their eyes. Still,
+habit making them able to endure the war with the Thracians,
+they maintained their original connexions with the other
+Greeks; but when to their other misfortunes was added the
+attack of the Gauls under Comontorius, they were reduced to
+a sad state of distress indeed.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_46" id="b4_46"><b>46.</b></a> These Gauls had left their country with Brennus, and
+having survived the battle at Delphi and made
+their way to the Hellespont, <span class="sidenote">The Gauls,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;279.</span>
+instead of crossing
+to Asia, were captivated by the beauty
+of the district round Byzantium, and settled there. Then,
+having conquered the Thracians and erected Tyle<a name="FNanchor_224" id="FNanchor_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">224</a> into
+a capital, they placed the Byzantines in extreme danger. In
+their earlier attacks, made under the command of Comontorius
+their first king, the Byzantines always bought them off by
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">321</a></span>presents amounting to three, or five, or sometimes even ten
+thousand gold pieces, on condition of their not devastating
+their territory: and at last were compelled to agree to pay
+them a yearly tribute of eighty talents, until the time of Cavarus,
+in whose reign their kingdom came to an end; and their whole
+tribe, being in their turn conquered by the Thracians, were
+entirely annihilated. It was in these times, then, that being
+hard pressed by the payment of these exactions, the Byzantines
+first sent embassies to the Greek states with a prayer for aid
+and support in their dangerous situation: but being disregarded
+by the greater number, they, under pressure of
+necessity, attempted to levy dues upon ships sailing into the
+Pontus.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_47" id="b4_47"><b>47.</b></a> Now this exaction by the Byzantines of a duty upon
+goods brought from the Pontus, <span class="sidenote">The Byzantines
+levy a toll.</span>
+being a
+heavy loss and burden to everybody, was
+universally regarded as a grievance; and accordingly
+an appeal from all those engaged in the trade was
+made to the Rhodians, as acknowledged masters of the sea:
+and it was from this circumstance that the war originated of
+which I am about to speak.</p>
+
+<p>For the Rhodians, roused to action by the loss incurred
+by themselves, as well as that of their
+neighbours, <span class="sidenote">The Rhodians
+declare war,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+at first joined their allies in an
+embassy to Byzantium, and demanded the
+abolition of the impost. The Byzantines refused compliance,
+being persuaded that they were in the right by the
+arguments advanced by their chief magistrates, Hecatorus and
+Olympidorus, in their interview with the ambassadors. The
+Rhodian envoys accordingly departed without effecting their
+object. But upon their return home, war was at once voted
+against Byzantium on these grounds; and messengers were
+immediately despatched to Prusias inviting his co-operation in
+the war: for they knew that Prusias was from various causes
+incensed with the Byzantines.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_48" id="b4_48"><b>48.</b></a> The Byzantines took steps of a similar nature, by
+sending to Attalus and Achaeus begging for their assistance.
+For his part Attalus was ready enough to give it: but his
+importance was small, because he had been reduced within the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">322</a></span>
+limits of his ancestral dominions by Achaeus. But Achaeus
+who exercised dominion throughout Asia on this side Taurus,
+and had recently established his regal power, promised assistance;
+and his attitude roused high hopes in the minds of the
+Byzantines, and corresponding depression in those of the Rhodians
+and Prusias. <span class="sidenote">Achaeus.</span>
+Achaeus was a relation of
+the Antiochus who had just succeeded to the
+kingdom of Syria; and he became possessed of the dominion
+I have mentioned through the following circumstances.
+After the death of Seleucus, father of the above-named
+Antiochus, and the succession of his eldest son
+Seleucus to the throne, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;226.</span>
+Achaeus accompanied
+the latter in an expedition over Mount Taurus, about two years
+before the period of which we are speaking.<a name="FNanchor_225" id="FNanchor_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">225</a> For as soon as
+Seleucus the younger had succeeded to the kingdom he learnt
+that Attalus had already reduced all Asia on this side of Taurus
+under his power; and being accordingly eager to support his
+own rights, he crossed Taurus with a large army. There he
+was treacherously assassinated by Apaturius the Gaul, and
+Nicanor. Achaeus, in right of his relationship, promptly
+revenged his murder by killing Nicanor and Apaturius; and
+taking supreme command of the army and administration,
+conducted it with wisdom and integrity. For the opportunity
+was a convenient one, and the feeling of the common soldiers
+was all in favour of his assuming the crown; yet he refused to
+do so, and preserving the royal title for Antiochus the younger,
+son of Seleucus, went on energetically with the expedition, and
+the recovery of the whole of the territory this side Taurus.
+Meeting however with unexpected success,&mdash;for he shut up
+Attalus within the walls of Pergamus and became master of all
+the rest of the country,&mdash;he was puffed up by his good fortune,
+and at once swerved from his straightforward course of policy.
+He assumed the diadem, adopted the title of king, and was at
+this time the most powerful and formidable of all the kings
+and princes this side Taurus. This was the man on whose
+help the Byzantines relied when they undertook the war
+against the Rhodians and Prusias.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">323</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_49" id="b4_49"><b>49.</b></a> As to the provocations given before this to Prusias by
+the Byzantines they were various. <span class="sidenote">Prusias.</span>
+In the first
+place he complained that, having voted to put
+up certain statues of him, they had not done so, but had
+delayed or forgotten it. In the second place he was
+annoyed with them for taking great pains to compose the
+hostility, and put an end to the war, between Achaeus and
+Attalus; because he looked upon a friendship between these
+two as in many ways detrimental to his own interests. He
+was provoked also because it appeared that when Attalus was
+keeping the festival of Athene, the Byzantines had sent a
+mission to join in the celebration; but had sent no one to him
+when he was celebrating the Soteria. Nursing therefore a
+secret resentment for these various offences, he gladly snatched
+at the pretext offered him by the Rhodians; and arranged with
+their ambassadors that they were to carry on the war by sea,
+while he would undertake to inflict no less damage on the
+enemy by land.</p>
+
+<p>Such were the causes and origin of the war between
+Rhodes and Byzantium.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_50" id="b4_50"><b>50.</b></a> At first the Byzantines entered upon the war with
+energy, in full confidence of receiving the
+assistance of Achaeus; <span class="sidenote">Hostilities
+commence,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+and of being able
+to cause Prusias as much alarm and danger
+by fetching Tiboetes from Macedonia as he had done
+to them. For Prusias, entering upon the war with all the
+animosity which I have described, had seized the place called
+Hieron at the entrance of the channel, which the Byzantines
+not long before had purchased for a considerable sum of
+money, because of its convenient situation; and because they
+did not wish to leave in any one else&#8217;s hands a point of vantage
+to be used against merchants sailing into the Pontus, or one
+which commanded the slave trade, or the fishing. Besides
+this, Prusias had seized in Asia a district of Mysia, which had
+been in the possession of Byzantium for many years past.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile the Rhodians manned six ships and received
+four from their allies; and, having elected Xenophantus to
+command them, they sailed with this squadron of ten ships
+to the Hellespont. Nine of them dropped anchor near Sestos,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">324</a></span>
+and stopped ships sailing into the Pontus; with the tenth the
+admiral sailed to Byzantium, to test the spirit of the people, and
+see whether they were already sufficiently alarmed to change
+their minds about the war. Finding them resolved not to
+listen he sailed away, and, taking up his other nine ships,
+returned to Rhodes with the whole squadron.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile the Byzantines sent a message to Achaeus
+asking for aid, and an escort to conduct Tiboetes from
+Macedonia. For it was believed that Tiboetes had as good a
+claim to the kingdom of Bithynia as Prusias, who was his
+nephew.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_51" id="b4_51"><b>51.</b></a> But seeing the confident spirit of the Byzantines, the
+Rhodians adopted an exceedingly able plan to
+obtain their object. <span class="sidenote">The Rhodians
+secure the
+friendship of
+Achaeus.</span>
+They perceived that the
+resolution of the Byzantines in venturing on
+the war rested mainly on their hopes of the
+support of Achaeus. Now they knew that the father of
+Achaeus was detained at Alexandria, and that Achaeus was
+exceedingly anxious for his father&#8217;s safety: they therefore hit
+upon the idea of sending an embassy to Ptolemy, and asking
+him to deliver this Andromachus to them. This request,
+indeed, they had before made, but without laying any great
+stress upon it: now, however, they were genuinely anxious for
+it; that, by doing this favour to Achaeus, they might lay him
+under such an obligation to them, that he would be unable to
+refuse any request they might make to him. When the
+ambassadors arrived, Ptolemy at first deliberated as to detaining
+Andromachus; because there still remained some points of
+dispute between himself and Antiochus unsettled; and Achaeus,
+who had recently declared himself king, could exercise a
+decisive influence in several important particulars. For
+Andromachus was not only father of Achaeus, but brother also
+of Laodice, the wife of Seleucus.<a name="FNanchor_226" id="FNanchor_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">226</a> However, on a review of
+the whole situation, Ptolemy inclined to the Rhodians; and
+being anxious to show them every favour, he yielded to their
+request, and handed over Andromachus to them to conduct to
+his son. Having accordingly done this, and having conferred
+some additional marks of honour on Achaeus, they deprived the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">325</a></span>Byzantines of their most important hope. And this was not
+the only disappointment which the Byzantines had to
+encounter; for as Tiboetes was being escorted from
+Macedonia, he entirely defeated their plans by dying. This
+misfortune damped the ardour of the Byzantines, while it
+encouraged Prusias to push on the war. On the Asiatic side
+he carried it on in person, and with great energy; while on the
+European side he hired Thracians who prevented the Byzantines
+from leaving their gates. For their party being thus
+baulked of their hopes, and surrounded on every side by
+enemies, the Byzantines began to look about then for some
+decent pretext for withdrawing from the war.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_52" id="b4_52"><b>52.</b></a> So when the Gallic king, Cavarus, came to Byzantium,
+and showed himself eager to put an end to the
+war, <span class="sidenote">The Gallic king,
+Cavarus, negotiates
+a peace,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+and earnestly offered his friendly intervention,
+both Prusias and the Byzantines consented
+to his proposals. And when the
+Rhodians were informed of the interference of Cavarus and
+the consent of Prusias, being very anxious to secure their own
+object also, they elected Aridices as ambassador to Byzantium,
+and sent Polemocles with him in command of three triremes,
+wishing, as the saying is, to send the Byzantines &#8220;spear
+and herald&#8217;s staff at once.&#8221; Upon their appearance a pacification
+was arranged, in the year of Cothon, son of Callisthenes,
+Hieromnemon in Byzantium.<a name="FNanchor_227" id="FNanchor_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">227</a> The treaty with the
+Rhodians was simple: &#8220;The Byzantines will not collect toll
+from any ship sailing into the Pontus; and in that case the
+Rhodians and their allies are at peace with the Byzantines.&#8221;
+But that with Prusias contained the following provisions:
+&#8220;There shall be peace and amity for ever between Prusias
+and the Byzantines; the Byzantines shall in no way attack
+Prusias, nor Prusias the Byzantines. Prusias shall restore to
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">326</a></span>Byzantines all lands, forts, populations, and prisoners of war,
+without ransom; and besides these things, the ships taken at
+the beginning of the war, and the arms seized in the fortresses;
+and also the timbers, stone-work, and roofing belonging to the
+fort called Hieron&#8221; (for Prusias, in his terror of the approach of
+Tiboetes, had pulled down every fort which seemed to lie
+conveniently for him): &#8220;finally, Prusias shall compel such of
+the Bithynians as have any property taken from the Byzantine
+district of Mysia to restore it to the farmers.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>Such were the beginning and end of the war of Rhodes and
+Prusias with Byzantium.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_53" id="b4_53"><b>53.</b></a> At the same time the Cnossians sent an embassy to
+the Rhodians, and persuaded them to send them <span class="sidenote">War between
+Rhodes and
+Crete.</span>
+the ships that were under the command of Polemocles,
+and to launch three undecked vessels
+besides and send them also to Crete. The Rhodians having
+complied, and the vessels having arrived at Crete, the people
+of Eleutherna suspecting that one of their citizens named
+Timarchus had been put to death by Polemocles to please the
+Cnossians, first proclaimed a right of reprisal against the
+Rhodians, and then went to open war with them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_54" id="b4_54"><b>54.</b></a> The people of Lyttos,<a name="FNanchor_228" id="FNanchor_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">228</a> too, a short time before this, met
+with an irretrievable disaster. <span class="sidenote">The destruction
+of Lyttos.</span>
+At that time
+the political state of Crete as a whole was this.
+The Cnossians, in league with the people of
+Gortyn, had a short time previously reduced the whole island
+under their power, with the exception of the city of Lyttos;
+and this being the only city which refused obedience, they
+resolved to go to war with it, being bent upon removing
+its inhabitants from their homes, as an example and terror to
+the rest of Crete. Accordingly at first the whole of the other
+Cretan cities were united in war against Lyttos: but presently
+when some jealousy arose from certain trifling causes, as is the
+way with the Cretans, they separated into hostile parties, the
+peoples of Polyrrhen, Cere, and Lappa, along with the Horii
+and Arcades,<a name="FNanchor_229" id="FNanchor_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">229</a> forming one party and separating themselves
+from connexion with the Cnossians, resolved to make common
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">327</a></span>cause with the Lyttians. Among the people of Gortyn,
+again, the elder men espoused the side of Cnossus, the younger
+that of Lyttos, and so were in opposition to each other. Taken
+by surprise by this disintegration of their allies, the Cnossians
+fetched over a thousand men from Aetolia in virtue of their
+alliance: upon which the party of the elders in Gortyn
+immediately seized the citadel; introduced the Cnossians
+and Aetolians; and either expelled or put to death the young
+men, and delivered the city into the hands of the Cnossians.
+And at the same time, the Lyttians having gone out with their
+full forces on an expedition into the enemy&#8217;s territory, the
+Cnossians got information of the fact, and seized Lyttos while
+thus denuded of its defenders. The children and women they
+sent to Cnossus; and having set fire to the town, thrown down
+its buildings, and damaged it in every possible way, returned.
+When the Lyttians reached home from their expedition, and
+saw what had happened, they were struck with such violent
+grief that not a man of the whole host had the heart to enter
+his native city; but one and all having marched round its
+walls, with frequent cries and lamentations over their misfortune
+and that of their country, turned back again towards the city
+of Lappa. The people of Lappa gave them a kind and entirely
+cordial reception; and having thus in one day become cityless
+and aliens, they joined these allies in their war against the
+Cnossians. Thus at one fell swoop was Lyttos, a colony of
+Sparta and allied with the Lacedaemonians in blood, the most
+ancient of the cities in Crete, and by common consent the
+mother of the bravest men in the island, utterly cut off.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_55" id="b4_55"><b>55.</b></a> But the peoples of Polyrrhen and Lappa and all their
+allies, seeing that the Cnossians clung to
+the alliance of the Aetolians, <span class="sidenote">Appeal to the
+Achaeans and
+Philip.</span>
+and that the
+Aetolians were at war with King Philip and
+the Achaeans, sent ambassadors to the two latter asking
+for their help and to be admitted to alliance with them.
+Both requests were granted: they were admitted into the roll
+of allies, and assistance was sent to them, consisting of four
+hundred Illyrians under Plator, two hundred Achaeans, and a
+hundred Phocians; whose arrival was of the utmost advantage
+to the interest of Polyrrhenia and her allies: for in a brief space<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">328</a></span>
+of time they shut the Eleuthernaeans and Cydonians within
+their walls, and compelled the people of Aptera to forsake the
+alliance of the Cnossians and share their fortunes. When these
+results had been obtained, the Polyrrhenians and their allies
+joined in sending to the aid of Philip and the Achaeans five
+hundred Cretans, the Cnossians having sent a thousand to the
+Aetolians a short time before; both of which contingents took
+part in the existing war on their respective sides. Nay more,
+the exiled party of Gortyn seized the harbour of Phaestus,<a name="FNanchor_230" id="FNanchor_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">230</a>
+and also by a sudden and bold attack occupied the port of
+Gortyn itself; and from these two places as bases of operation
+they carried on the war with the party in the town. Such was
+the state of Crete.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_56" id="b4_56"><b>56.</b></a> About the same time Mithridates also declared war
+against the people of Sinope; <span class="sidenote">Mithridates IV.,
+king of Pontus,
+declares war
+against Sinope.</span>
+which proved to
+be the beginning and occasion of the disaster
+which ultimately befell the Sinopeans. Upon
+their sending an embassy with a view to this
+war to beg for assistance from the Rhodians, the latter
+decided to elect three men, and to grant them a hundred and
+forty thousand drachmae with which to procure supplies
+needed by the Sinopeans. The men so appointed got ready
+ten thousand jars of wine, three hundred talents<a name="FNanchor_231" id="FNanchor_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">231</a> of prepared
+hair, a hundred talents of made-up bowstring, a thousand
+suits of armour, three thousand gold pieces, and four
+catapults with engineers to work them. The Sinopean
+envoys took these presents and departed; for the people
+of Sinope, being in great anxiety lest Mithridates should
+attempt to besiege them both by land and sea, were making
+all manner of preparations with this view. Sinope lies on the
+right-hand shore of the Pontus as one sails to Phasis, and is built
+upon a peninsula jutting out into the sea: it is on the neck of
+this peninsula, connecting it with Asia, which is not more than
+two stades wide, that the city is so placed as to entirely close
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">329</a></span>it up from sea to sea; the rest of the peninsula stretches out
+into the open sea,&mdash;a piece of flat land from which the town
+is easily accessible, but surrounded by a steep coast offering
+very bad harbourage, and having exceedingly few spots admitting
+of disembarkation. The Sinopeans then were dreadfully
+alarmed lest Mithridates should blockade them, by throwing
+up works against their town on the side towards Asia, and by
+making a descent on the opposite side upon the low ground
+in front of the town: and they accordingly determined to
+strengthen the line of the peninsula, where it was washed by
+the sea, by putting up wooden defences and erecting palisades
+round the places accessible from the sea; and at the same
+time by storing weapons and stationing guards at all points
+open to attack: for the whole area is not large, but is capable
+of being easily defended and by a moderate force.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the situation at Sinope at the time of the commencement
+of the Social war,&mdash;to which I must now return.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_57" id="b4_57"><b>57.</b></a> King Philip started from Macedonia with his army for
+Thessaly and Epirus, being bent on taking
+that route in his invasion of Aetolia. <span class="sidenote">The History of
+the Social war
+resumed from
+ch. 37.
+Philip starts for
+Aetolia,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;219.
+Night surprise
+of Aegira.</span>
+And
+at the same time Alexander and Dorimachus,
+having succeeded in establishing an intrigue
+for the betrayal of Aegira, had collected about
+twelve hundred Aetolians into Oeanthe, which
+is in Aetolia, exactly opposite the above-named
+town; and, having prepared vessels to convey
+them across the gulf, were waiting for favourable weather for
+making the voyage in fulfilment of their design. For a
+deserter from Aetolia, who had spent a long time at Aegira,
+and had had full opportunity of observing that the guards of
+the gate towards Aegium were in the habit of getting drunk, and
+keeping their watch with great slackness, had again and again
+crossed over to Dorimachus; and, laying this fact before him,
+had invited him to make the attempt, well knowing that he
+was thoroughly accustomed to such practices. The city of
+Aegira lies on the Peloponnesian coast of the Corinthian gulf,
+between the cities of Aegium and Sicyon, upon some strong
+and inaccessible heights, facing towards Parnassus and that
+district of the opposite coast, and standing about seven stades<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">330</a></span>
+back from the sea. At the mouth of the river which flows
+past this town Dorimachus dropped anchor under cover of
+night, having at length obtained favourable weather for
+crossing. He and Alexander, accompanied by Archidamus the
+son of Pantaleon and the main body of the Aetolians, then
+advanced towards the city along the road leading from Aegium.
+But the deserter, with twenty of the most active men, having
+made his way by a shorter cut than the others over the cliffs
+where there was no road, owing to his knowledge of the
+locality, got into the city through a certain water-course and
+found the guards of the gate still asleep. Having killed them
+while actually in their beds, and cut the bolts of the gates with
+their axes, they opened them to the Aetolians. Having thus
+surprised the town, they behaved with a conspicuous want of
+caution, which eventually saved the people of Aegira, and
+proved the destruction of the Aetolians themselves. They
+seemed to imagine that to get within the gates was all there
+was to do in occupying an enemy&#8217;s town; and accordingly
+acted as I shall now describe.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_58" id="b4_58"><b>58.</b></a> They kept together for a very brief space of time
+near the market-place, and then scattering
+in every direction, <span class="sidenote">Alexander killed.</span>
+in their passion for plunder,
+rushed into the houses and began carrying off the wealth
+they contained. But it was now broad daylight: and the
+attack being wholly unexpected and sudden, those of
+the Aegiratans whose houses were actually entered by the
+enemy, in the utmost terror and alarm, all took to flight and
+made their way out of the town, believing it to be completely in
+the power of the enemy; but those of them whose houses were
+untouched, and who, hearing the shouting, sallied out to the
+rescue, all rushed with one accord to the citadel. These last
+continually increased in number and confidence; while the
+Aetolians on the contrary kept continually becoming less
+closely united, and less subject to discipline, from the causes
+above mentioned. But Dorimachus, becoming conscious of
+his danger, rallied his men and charged the citizens who were
+occupying the citadel: imagining that, by acting with decision
+and boldness, he would terrify and turn to flight those who
+had rallied to defend the town. But the Aegiratans, cheering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">331</a></span>
+each other on, offered a strenuous resistance, and grappled
+gallantly with the Aetolians. The citadel being unwalled, and
+the struggle being at close quarters and man to man, the battle
+was at first as desperate as might be expected between two
+sides, of which one was fighting for country and children, the
+other for bare life. Finally the invading Aetolians were repulsed:
+and the Aegiratans, taking advantage of their higher
+position, made a fierce and vigorous charge down the slope
+upon the enemy; which struck such terror in them, that in the
+confusion that followed the fugitives trampled each other to
+death at the gates. Alexander himself fell fighting in the
+actual battle; but Archidamus was killed in the struggle and
+crush at the gates. Of the main body of Aetolians, some
+were trampled to death; others flying over the pathless hills
+fell over precipices and broke their necks; while such as
+escaped in safety to the ships managed, after shamefully
+throwing away their arms, to sail away and escape from what
+seemed a desperate danger. Thus it came about that the
+Aegiratans having lost their city by their carelessness, unexpectedly
+regained it by their valour and gallantry.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_59" id="b4_59"><b>59.</b></a> About the same time Euripidas, who had been sent
+out to act as general to the Eleans, <span class="sidenote">Euripidas.</span>
+after
+overrunning the districts of Dyme, Pharae,
+and Tritaea, and collecting a considerable amount of
+booty, was marching back to Elis. But Miccus of Dyme,
+who happened at the time to be Sub-strategus of the
+Achaean league, went out to the rescue with a body of
+Dymaeans, Pharaeans, and Tritaeans, and attacked him as he
+was returning. But proceeding too precipitately, he fell into
+an ambush and lost a large number of his men: for forty of
+his infantry were killed and about two hundred taken prisoners.
+Elated by this success, Euripidas a few days afterwards made
+another expedition, and seized a fort belonging to the Dymaeans
+on the river Araxus, standing in an excellent situation, and
+called the Wall, which the myths affirm to have been anciently
+built by Hercules, when at war with the Eleans, as a base of
+operations against them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_60" id="b4_60"><b>60.</b></a> The peoples of Dyme, Pharae, and Tritaea having
+been worsted in their attempt to relieve the country, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">332</a></span>
+afraid of what would happen from this capture of the fort,
+first sent messengers to the Strategus, Aratus, <span class="sidenote">Inactivity of
+Aratus. Dyme,
+Pharae, and
+Tritaea separate
+from the league.</span>
+to
+inform him of what had happened and to ask for
+aid, and afterwards a formal embassy with the
+same request. But Aratus was unable to get the
+mercenaries together, because in the Cleomenic
+war the Achaeans had failed to pay some of the wages of the hired
+troops: and his entire policy and management of the whole war
+was in a word without spirit or nerve. Accordingly Lycurgus
+seized the Athenaeum of Megalopolis, and Euripidas followed
+up his former successes by taking Gortyna<a name="FNanchor_232" id="FNanchor_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">232</a> in the territory of
+Telphusa. But the people of Dyme, Pharae, and Tritaea,
+despairing of assistance from the Strategus, came to a mutual
+agreement to cease paying the common contribution to the
+Achaean league, and to collect a mercenary army on their own
+account, three hundred infantry and fifty horse; and to secure
+the country by their means. In this action they were considered
+to have shown a prudent regard for their own interests,
+but not for those of the community at large; for they were
+thought to have set an evil example, and supplied a precedent
+to those whose wish it was to break up the league. But in
+fact the chief blame for their proceeding must rightfully be assigned
+to the Strategus, who pursued such a dilatory policy, and
+slighted or wholly rejected the prayers for help which reached
+him from time to time. For as long as he has any hope, from
+relations and allies, any man who is in danger will cling to
+them; but when in his distress he has to give up that hope, he
+is forced to help himself the best way he can. Wherefore we
+must not find fault with the people of Tritaea, Pharae, and
+Dyme for having mercenaries on their own account, when the
+chief magistrate of the league hesitated to act: but some blame
+does attach to them for renouncing the joint contribution.
+They certainly were not bound to neglect to secure their own
+safety by every opportunity and means in their power; but
+they were bound at the same time to keep up their just dues
+to the league: especially as the recovery of such payment was
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">333</a></span>perfectly secured to them by the common laws; and most of
+all because they had been the originators of the Achaean
+confederacy.<a name="FNanchor_233" id="FNanchor_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">233</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_61" id="b4_61"><b>61.</b></a> Such was the state of things in the Peloponnese when
+King Philip, after crossing Thessaly, <span class="sidenote">Philip V. at
+Ambracia,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;219.</span>
+arrived
+in Epirus. Reinforcing his Macedonians by
+a full levy of Epirotes, and being joined by
+three hundred slingers from Achaia, and the five hundred
+Cretans sent him by the Polyrrhenians, he continued his
+march through Epirus and arrived in the territory of the
+Ambracians. Now, if he had continued his march without
+interruption, and thrown himself into the interior of Aetolia, by
+the sudden and unlooked-for attack of so formidable an
+army he would have put an end to the whole campaign: but
+as it was, he was over-persuaded by the Epirotes to take
+Ambracus first; and so gave the Aetolians an interval in which
+to make a stand, to take precautionary measures, and to prepare
+for the future. For the Epirotes, thinking more of their own
+advantage than of that of the confederacy, and being very
+anxious to get Ambracus<a name="FNanchor_234" id="FNanchor_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">234</a> into their power, begged Philip to
+invest the town and take it before doing anything else: the
+fact being that they regarded it as a matter of the utmost
+importance to recover Ambracia from the Aetolians; and
+thought that the only way of doing this was to become
+masters of this place, Ambracus, and besiege the town of
+Ambracia from it. For Ambracus is a place strongly fortified
+by walls and out-works, standing in the midst of marshes, and
+approached from the land by only one narrow raised causeway;
+and commanding by its situation both the district and town
+of Ambracia.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_62" id="b4_62"><b>62.</b></a> While Philip, then, by the persuasion of the Epirotes, pitching his
+camp near Ambracus, was engaged in making his preparations for the
+siege, Scopas raised a general levy of Aetolians, and marching through
+Thessaly crossed the frontiers
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">334</a></span>
+of Macedonia; traversed the plain of
+Plena, and laid it waste; and after securing considerable booty, <span class="sidenote">Scopas
+tries to effect a diversion by invading Macedonia. On his return he
+destroys Dium.</span> returned by the road leading to Dium. The inhabitants of
+that town abandoning the place, he entered it and threw down its walls,
+houses, and gymnasium; set fire to the covered walks round the sacred
+enclosure, and destroyed all the other offerings which had been placed
+in it, either for ornament, or for the use of visitors to the public
+assemblies, and threw down all the statues of the kings. And this man,
+who, at the very beginning and first action of the war, had thus turned
+his arms against the gods as well as men, was not treated on his return
+to Aetolia as guilty of impiety, but was honoured and looked up to. For
+he had indeed filled the Aetolians with empty hopes and irrational
+conceit. From this time they indulged the idea that no one would venture
+to set foot in Aetolia, while they would be able without resistance not
+only to plunder the Peloponnese, which they were quite accustomed to do,
+but Thessaly and Macedonia also.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_63" id="b4_63"><b>63.</b></a> When he heard what had happened in Macedonia, and
+had thus paid on the spot for the selfishness
+and folly of the Epirotes, <span class="sidenote">Ambracus
+taken.</span>
+Philip proceeded to
+besiege Ambracus. By an energetic use of
+earthworks, and other siege operations, he quickly terrified the
+people into submission, and the place surrendered after a delay
+of forty days in all. He let the garrison, consisting of five
+hundred Aetolians, depart on fixed conditions, and gratified the
+cupidity of the Epirotes by handing over Ambracus to them,
+while he himself set his army in motion, and marched by way
+of Charadra, being anxious to cross the Ambracian gulf
+where it is narrowest, that is to say, near the Acarnanian
+temple called Actium. For this gulf is a branch of the
+Sicilian sea between Epirus and Acarnania, with a very narrow
+opening of less than five stades, but expanding as it extends
+inland to a breadth of a hundred stades; while the length of
+the whole arm from the open sea is about three hundred
+stades. It forms the boundary between Epirus on the north
+and Acarnania on the south. Philip, therefore, having got his
+army across this entrance of the gulf, and advanced through<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">335</a></span>
+Acarnania, came to the city of Phoeteiae, which belonged to
+the Aetolians;<a name="FNanchor_235" id="FNanchor_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">235</a> having, during his march, <span class="sidenote">Philip enters
+Aetolia; takes
+Phoeteiae.</span>
+been
+joined by an Acarnanian force of two thousand
+foot and two hundred horse. Encamping
+under the walls of this town, and making energetic and
+formidable assaults upon it during two days, it was surrendered
+to him on terms, and the Aetolian garrison were
+dismissed on parole. Next night, however, five hundred other
+Aetolians, believing the town still untaken, came to its relief;
+whose arrival being ascertained beforehand by the king, he
+stationed some men in ambush at certain convenient spots,
+and slew most of the new-comers and captured all but a very
+few of the rest. After these events, he distributed a month&#8217;s
+rations of corn among his men from what had been captured,
+for a large store was found collected at Phoeteiae, and then
+continued his advance into the territory of Stratus. At
+about ten stades from that town he pitched his camp on the
+banks of the river Achelous; and from that began laying waste
+the country without resistance, none of the enemy venturing
+out to attack him.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_64" id="b4_64"><b>64.</b></a> Meanwhile the Achaeans, being hard pressed by the
+war, and ascertaining that the king was not
+far off, <span class="sidenote">Metropolis and
+Conope.</span>
+sent ambassadors to him begging
+for help. They found Philip still in his camp
+near Stratus, and there delivered their commission: and
+besides the message with which they were charged, they
+pointed out to him the richness of the booty which his army
+would get from the enemy&#8217;s country, and tried to persuade him
+to cross to Rhium and invade Elis. The king listened to
+what they had to say, and kept the ambassadors with him,
+alleging that he must consider of their request; and meanwhile
+broke up his camp, and marched in the direction of
+Metropolis and Conope. The Aetolians kept possession of the
+citadel of Metropolis but abandoned the town: whereupon
+Philip set fire to Metropolis, and continued his advance against
+Conope. But when the Aetolian horse rallied and ventured
+to meet him at the ford of the Achelous, which is about twenty
+stades before you reach the town, believing that they would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">336</a></span>
+either stop his advance altogether, or inflict much damage on
+the Macedonians while crossing the river; <span class="sidenote">Skirmish on the
+Achelous.</span>
+the king, fully understanding their tactics,
+ordered his light-armed troops to enter the
+river first and to cross it in close order, keeping to their
+regular companies, and with shields interlocked. His orders
+were obeyed: and as soon as the first company had effected
+the crossing, the Aetolian cavalry attacked it; but they could
+make no impression upon it, standing as it did in close order,
+and being joined in similar close order, shield to shield, by a
+second and a third company as they crossed. Therefore they
+wheeled off discomfited and retired to the city. <span class="sidenote">Ithoria.</span>From this
+time forth the proud gallantry of the Aetolians
+was fain to confine itself to the protection of
+the towns, and keep quiet; while Philip crossed with
+his army, and after wasting this district also without resistance,
+arrived at Ithoria. This is a position completely
+commanding the road, and of extraordinary strength, natural
+as well as artificial. On his approach, however, the garrison
+occupying the place abandoned it in a panic; and the king,
+taking possession, levelled it to the ground: and gave orders
+to his skirmishing parties to treat all forts in the district in
+the same way.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_65" id="b4_65"><b>65.</b></a> Having thus passed the narrow part of the road, he
+proceeded at a slow and deliberate pace, giving his army time
+to collect booty from the country; and by the time he reached
+Oeniadae his army was richly provided with every kind of
+goods. But he resolved first to take Paeanium: <span class="sidenote">Paeanium.</span>
+and having pitched his camp under its walls,
+by a series of assaults carried the place by force,&mdash;a
+town not large in circumference, for that was less
+than seven stades, but second to none in the construction
+of its houses, walls, and towers. The wall of this town
+he levelled with its foundation, and, breaking down its
+houses, he packed their timbers and tiles with great care upon
+rafts, and sent them down the river to Oeniadae. At first the
+Aetolians resolved to hold the citadel in Oeniadae, which they
+had strengthened with walls and other fortifications; but upon
+Philip&#8217;s approach they evacuated it in a panic. The king<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">337</a></span>
+therefore having taken this city also, advanced from it and
+encamped on a certain secure position in Calydonia, called
+Elaeus, which had been rendered extraordinarily strong with
+walls and other fortifications by Attalus, who undertook the
+work for the Aetolians. Having carried this also by assault,
+and plundered the whole of Calydonia, the Macedonians returned
+to Oeniadae. <span class="sidenote">Fortifies Oeniadae.</span>And observing the convenient position
+of this place for all purposes, and especially
+as providing a place of embarkation for the
+Peloponnese, Philip resolved to build a wall round the town.
+For Oeniadae lies on the sea-coast, at the juncture of the
+Acarnanian and Aetolian frontiers, just at the entrance of the
+Corinthian gulf; and the town faces the sea-coast of Dyme in
+the Peloponnesus, and is the nearest point to the promontory
+of Araxus in it; for the intervening sea is not more than a hundred
+stades across. Looking to these facts he fortified the citadel
+by itself; and, building a wall round the harbour and dockyards,
+was intending to connect them with the citadel, employing
+for the construction the materials brought from Paeanium.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_66" id="b4_66"><b>66.</b></a> But whilst he was still engaged on this work, news was
+brought to the king that the Dardani, <span class="sidenote">Philip recalled to
+Macedonia by a
+threatened
+invasion of
+Dardani.</span>
+suspecting
+his intention of invading the Peloponnese, were
+collecting forces and making great preparations
+with the determination of invading Macedonia.
+When he heard this, Philip made up his mind
+that he was bound to go with all speed to the protection of
+Macedonia: and accordingly he dismissed the Achaean envoys
+with the answer, which he now gave them, that when he had
+taken effectual measures with regard to the circumstances that
+had just been announced to him, he would look upon it as his
+first business to bring them aid to the best of his ability.
+Thereupon he broke up his camp, and began his return march
+with all speed, by the same route as that by which he had
+come. When he was on the point of recrossing the Ambracian
+gulf from Acarnania into Epirus, Demetrius of Pharos presented
+himself, sailing with a single galley, having just been banished
+from Illyria by the Romans,&mdash;as I have stated in the previous
+book.<a name="FNanchor_236" id="FNanchor_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">236</a> Philip received him with kindness and bade him sail<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">338</a></span>
+to Corinth, and go thence through Thessaly to Macedonia;
+while he himself crossed into Epirus and pushed on without a
+halt. When he had reached Pella in Macedonia, the Dardani
+learnt from some Thracian deserters that he was in the country,
+and they at once in a panic broke up their army, though they
+were close to the Macedonian frontier. And Philip, being
+informed of their change of purpose, dismissed his Macedonian
+soldiers to gather in their harvest: <span class="sidenote">Late summer of
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;219.</span>
+while he
+himself went to Thessaly, and spent the rest of
+the summer at Larisa.</p>
+
+<p>It was at this season that Aemilius celebrated a splendid
+triumph at Rome for his Illyrian victories; <span class="sidenote">Contemporary
+events in Spain
+and Italy.</span>
+and
+Hannibal after the capture of Saguntum dismissed
+his troops into winter quarters; while the Romans,
+on hearing of the capture of Saguntum, were sending ambassadors
+to Carthage to demand the surrender of Hannibal,
+and at the same time were making preparations for the war
+after electing Publius Cornelius Scipio and Tiberius Sempronius
+Longus Consuls for the following year, as I have stated in
+detail in the previous book. My object in recalling the facts
+here is to carry out my original plan of showing what events in
+various parts of the world were contemporaneous.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_67" id="b4_67"><b>67.</b></a> And so the first year of this Olympiad was drawing
+to a close. In Aetolia, the time of the elections
+having come round, <span class="sidenote">Midsummer <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+217. Dorimachus
+Aetolian
+Strategus,
+Sept. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;119.</span>
+Dorimachus was elected
+Strategus. He was no sooner invested with his
+office, than, summoning the Aetolian forces,
+he made an armed foray upon the highlands
+of Epirus, and began wasting the country with an
+even stronger passion for destruction than usual; for his
+object in everything he did was not so much
+to secure booty for himself, as to damage the
+Epirotes. <span class="sidenote">Destroys Dodona.</span>
+And having come to Dodona<a name="FNanchor_237" id="FNanchor_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">237</a> he burnt the colonnades,
+destroyed the sacred offerings, and even demolished
+the sacred building; so that we may say that the Aetolians
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">339</a></span>had no regard for the laws of peace or war, but in the one as
+well as in the other, acted in defiance of the customs and
+principles of mankind. After those, and other similar achievements,
+Dorimachus returned home.</p>
+
+<p>But the winter being now considerably advanced, and all
+idea of the king coming being given up owing
+to the time of the year, <span class="sidenote">Philip starts
+again.</span>
+Philip suddenly started
+from Larisa with an army of three thousand hoplites armed
+with brass shields, two thousand light-armed, three hundred
+Cretans, and four hundred horse of the royal guard; and
+having transported them into Euboea and thence to Cynos he
+came through Boeotia and the Megarid to
+Corinth, <span class="sidenote">Dec. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;219.</span>
+about the time of the winter solstice;
+having conducted his arrival with such promptitude and
+secrecy, that not a single Peloponnesian suspected it. He at
+once closed the gates of Corinth and secured the roads by
+guards; and on the very next day sent for Aratus the elder
+to come to him from Sicyon, and issued despatches to the
+Strategus of the Achaean league and the cities, in which he
+named a time and place for them all to meet him in arms.
+Having made these arrangements, he again started, and pitched
+his camp near the temple of the Dioscuri in Phliasia.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_68" id="b4_68"><b>68.</b></a> Meanwhile Euripidas, with two companies of Eleans,&mdash;who
+combined with the pirates and mercenaries <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218,
+Jan.-Feb.
+Destruction of a
+marauding army
+of Eleans under
+Euripidas.</span>
+made up an army of two thousand two hundred
+men, besides a hundred horse,&mdash;started from
+Psophis and began marching by way of Pheneus
+and Stymphalus, knowing nothing about Philip&#8217;s
+arrival, with the purpose of wasting the territory
+of Sicyon. The very night in which it chanced that Philip
+had pitched his camp near the temple of the Dioscuri, he
+passed the royal quarters, and succeeded in entering the
+territory of Sicyon, about the time of the morning watch. But
+some Cretans of Philip&#8217;s army who had left their ranks, and
+were prowling about on the track of prey, fell into the hands
+of Euripidas, and being questioned by him informed him of
+the arrival of the Macedonians. Without saying a word of his
+discovery to any one, he at once caused his army to face
+about, and marched back by the same road as that by which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">340</a></span>
+he had come; with the intention and hope of getting through
+Stymphalia, and reaching the difficult ground beyond it, before
+the Macedonians could catch him. But the king knowing
+nothing at all about the proceedings of the enemy, at daybreak
+broke up his camp and began his advance in pursuance of his
+original plan, determining to march by way of Stymphalus itself
+to Caphyae: for it was at that town that he had written to the
+Achaeans to meet him.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_69" id="b4_69"><b>69.</b></a> Now it happened that, just as the Macedonian advanced
+guard came to the top of the hill, <span class="sidenote">The Eleans come
+across the
+Macedonians at
+the junction of
+the two roads
+above
+Stymphalus.</span>
+near a place
+called Apelaurus, about ten stades before you
+come to Stymphalus, the advanced guard of
+the Eleans converged upon it also. Understanding
+from his previous information what
+had happened, Euripidas took some horsemen
+with him and avoided the danger by flight, making his way
+across country to Psophis. The rest of the Eleans being thus
+deserted by their leader, and panic-struck at what had
+happened, remained stationary on the road, not knowing what
+to do, or which way to turn. For at first their officers
+imagined that the troops they saw were some Achaeans come
+out to resist them. What favoured this mistake more than
+anything else were the brass shields of the hoplites: for they
+imagined that they were Megalopolitans, because the soldiers
+of that town had borne shields of that sort at the battle of
+Sellasia against Cleomenes, King Antigonus having furnished
+them for the occasion. Under this idea, they retired in good
+order to some rising ground, by no means despairing of getting
+off safely: but as soon as the Macedonians had advanced close
+up to them, grasping the true state of the case, they threw
+down their shields and fled. About twelve hundred of them
+were taken prisoners; but the rest perished utterly, some at
+the hands of the Macedonians, and others by falling down
+precipices: and finally not more than a hundred altogether
+escaped. Having despatched the spoils and the prisoners to
+Corinth, Philip continued his expedition. But a great impression
+was made upon the Peloponnesians: for they had not
+heard of the king&#8217;s arrival until they heard of his victory.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_70" id="b4_70"><b>70.</b></a> Continuing his march through Arcadia, and encountering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">341</a></span>
+heavy snow storms and much fatigue in the pass over
+Mount Oligyrtus, he arrived on the third day at
+Caphyae. <span class="sidenote">Philip advances
+to Psophis.</span>
+There he rested his army for two
+days, and was joined by Aratus the younger,
+and the Achaean soldiers whom he had collected; so that,
+with an army now amounting to ten thousand men, he advanced
+by way of Clitoria towards Psophis, collecting missiles and
+scaling ladders from the towns through which he passed.
+Psophis is a place of acknowledged antiquity, <span class="sidenote">A description of
+Psophis.</span>
+and a colony of the Arcadian town of Azanis.
+Taking the Peloponnesus as a whole, it occupies
+a central position in the country; but in regard to Arcadia it
+is on its western frontier, and is close also to the western
+borderland of Achaia: its position also commands the territory
+of the Eleans, with whom at that time it was politically united.
+Philip reached this town on the third day after leaving Caphyae,
+and pitched his camp on some rising ground overhanging the
+city, from which he could in perfect security command a view
+both of the whole town and the country round it. But when the
+king saw the great strength of the place, he was at a loss what
+to do. Along the left side of it rushes a violent winter torrent,
+which for the greater part of the winter is impassable, and in
+any case renders the city secure and difficult of approach, owing
+to the size of the bed which its waters have worn out for themselves
+by slow degrees, in the course of ages, as it comes rushing
+down from the higher ground. On the east again there is a
+broad and rapid river, the Erymanthus, about which so many
+tales are told. This river is joined by the winter torrent at a
+point south of the town, which is thus defended on three sides
+by these streams; while the fourth, or northern, side is commanded
+by a hill, which has been fortified, and serves as a
+convenient and efficient citadel. The town has walls also of
+unusual size and construction; and besides all this, a reinforcement
+of Eleans happened to have just come in, and Euripidas
+himself was in the town after his escape from Stymphalus.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_71" id="b4_71"><b>71.</b></a> The sight of these things caused Philip much anxious
+thought. Sometimes he was for giving up his plan of
+attacking and besieging the place: at others the excellence of
+its situation made him eager to accomplish this. For just as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">342</a></span>
+it was then a source of danger to the Achaeans and Arcadians,
+and a safe place of arms for the Eleans; <span class="sidenote">Capture of
+Psophis.</span>
+so
+would it on the other hand, if captured,
+become a source of safety to the Arcadians,
+and a most convenient base of operations for the allies
+against the Eleans. These considerations finally decided
+him to make the attempt: and he therefore issued orders to
+the Macedonians to get their breakfasts at daybreak, and be
+ready for service with all preparations completed. Everything
+being done as he ordered, the king led his army over the bridge
+across the Erymanthus; and no one having offered him resistance,
+owing to the unexpectedness of the movement, he arrived
+under the walls of the town in gallant style and with formidable
+show. Euripidas and the garrison were overpowered with
+astonishment; because they had felt certain that the enemy
+would not venture on an assault, or try to carry a town of such
+strength; and that a siege could not last long either, owing to
+the severity of the season. This calculation of chances made
+them begin to entertain suspicions of each other, from a misgiving
+that Philip must have established a secret intrigue with
+some persons in the town against it. But finding that nothing
+of the sort existed among themselves, the greater number
+hurried to the walls to defend them, while the mercenary
+Elean soldiers sallied out of a gate in the upper part of the
+town to attack the enemy. The king stationed his men who
+had ladders at three different spots, and divided the other
+Macedonians among these three parties; this being arranged,
+he gave the signal by the sound of trumpet, and began the
+assault on the walls at once. At first the garrison offered a
+spirited resistance and hurled many of the enemy from their
+ladders; but when the supply of weapons inside the town, as
+well as other necessary materials, began to run short,&mdash;as was to
+be expected from the hasty nature of the preparations for
+defence,&mdash;and the Macedonians showed no sign of terror, the
+next man filling up the place of each who was hurled from the
+scaling-ladder, the garrison at length turned to flight, and made
+their escape one and all into the citadel. In the king&#8217;s army
+the Macedonians then made good their footing on the wall,
+while the Cretans went against the party of mercenaries who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">343</a></span>
+had sallied from the upper gate, and forced them to throw away
+their shields and fly in disorder. Following the fugitives with
+slaughter, they forced their way along with them through the
+gate: so that the town was captured at all points at once.
+The Psophidians with their wives and children retreated into
+the citadel, and Euripidas with them, as well as all the soldiers
+who had escaped destruction.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_72" id="b4_72"><b>72.</b></a> Having thus carried the place, the Macedonians at once
+plundered all the furniture of the houses;
+and then, setting up
+their quarters in the houses, took regular possession of the
+town. But the people who had taken refuge in a body in the
+citadel, having no provisions with them, <span class="sidenote">Surrender of
+the citadel of
+Psophis.</span>and
+well foreseeing what must happen, made up
+their minds to give themselves up to Philip.
+They accordingly sent a herald to the king; and having
+received a safe-conduct for an embassy, they despatched their
+magistrates and Euripidas with them on this mission, who
+made terms with the king by which the lives and liberties
+of all who were on the citadel, whether citizens or foreigners,
+were secured. The ambassadors then returned whence they
+came, carrying an order to the people to remain where they
+were until the army had marched out, for fear any of the
+soldiers should disobey orders and plunder them. A fall of snow
+however compelled the king to remain where he was for some
+days; in the course of which he summoned a meeting of such
+Achaeans as were in the army, and after pointing out to them
+the strength and excellent position of the town for the purposes
+of the present war, he spoke also of his own friendly disposition
+towards their nation: and ended by saying, &#8220;We hereby
+yield up and present this town to the Achaeans; for it is our
+purpose to show them all the favour in our power, and to
+omit nothing that may testify to our zeal.&#8221; After receiving
+the thanks of Aratus and the meeting, Philip dismissed the
+assembly, and getting his army in motion, marched towards
+Lasion. The Psophidians descending from the citadel received
+back the possession of the town, each man recovering his own
+house; while Euripidas departed to Corinth, and thence to
+Aetolia. Those of the Achaean magistrates who were present
+put Prolaus of Sicyon in command of the citadel, with an adequate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">344</a></span>
+garrison; and Pythias of Pallene in command of the
+town. Such was the end of the incident of Psophis.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_73" id="b4_73"><b>73.</b></a> But when the Elean garrison of Lasion heard of the
+coming of the Macedonians, <span class="sidenote">Lasion and
+Stratus.</span>
+and were informed
+of what had taken place at Psophis,
+they at once abandoned the town; so that
+upon his arrival the king took it immediately, and by way
+of enhancing his favours to the Achaeans handed Lasion
+also over to them; and in a similar spirit restored Stratus
+to the Telphusians, which was also evacuated by the Eleans.
+On the fifth day after settling these matters he arrived at
+Olympia. <span class="sidenote">Philip at Olympia.</span>
+There he offered a sacrifice to Zeus
+and entertained his officers at a banquet;
+and, having given his army three days&#8217; rest, commenced
+his return march. After advancing some way into Elis, he
+allowed foraging parties to scour the country while he himself
+lay encamped near Artemisium, as it is called; and after receiving
+the booty there, he removed to the Dioscurium.<a name="FNanchor_238" id="FNanchor_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">238</a> In
+the course of this devastation of the country the number of the
+captives was indeed great, but a still greater number made
+their escape to the neighbouring villages and strongholds. <span class="sidenote">Prosperity of Elis.</span>
+For
+Elis is more populous, as well as more richly
+furnished with slaves and other property, than
+the rest of the Peloponnese: and some of the Eleans are so
+enamoured of a country life, that there are cases of families
+who, being in enjoyment of considerable wealth, have for two
+or three generations never entered a public law-court at all.<a name="FNanchor_239" id="FNanchor_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">239</a>
+And this result is brought about by the great care and attention
+bestowed upon the agricultural class by the government, to
+see that their law-suits should be settled on the spot, and every
+necessary of life abundantly supplied them. To me it seems
+that they owed these laws and customs originally to the wide
+extent of their arable land, and still more to the fact that their
+lives were under the protection of religion; for, owing to the
+Olympic assembly, their territory was especially exempted by
+the Greeks from pillage; and they had accordingly been free
+from all injury and hostile invasion.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">345</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_74" id="b4_74"><b>74.</b></a> But in the course of time, when the Arcadians advanced
+a claim for Lasion and the whole district of Pisa, <span class="sidenote">The ancient
+privileges of Elis
+lost.</span>
+being
+forced to defend their territory and change their
+habits of life, they no longer troubled themselves
+in the least about recovering from the
+Greeks their ancient and ancestral immunity from pillage,
+but were content to remain exactly as they were. This in my
+opinion was a short-sighted policy. For peace is a thing we
+all desire, and are willing to submit to anything to obtain: it is
+the only one of our so-called blessings that no one questions. If
+then there are people who, having the opportunity of obtaining
+it, with justice and honour, from the Greeks, without question
+and for perpetuity, neglect to do so, or regard other objects as
+of superior importance to it, must we not look upon them as
+undoubtedly blind to their true interests? But if it be objected
+that, by adopting such a mode of life, they would become easily
+open to attack and exposed to treachery: I answer that such
+an event would be rare, and if it did happen, would be a claim
+on the aid of united Greece; but that for minor injuries, having
+all the wealth which unbroken peace would be sure to bring
+them, they would never have been at a loss for foreign soldiers
+or mercenaries to protect them at certain places and times. As
+it is, from dread of what is occasional and unlikely, they involve
+their country and property in perpetual wars and losses.</p>
+
+<p>My object in thus speaking is to admonish the Eleans: for
+they have never had a more favourable time than the present
+to get back their ancient privilege of exemption from pillage,
+which is universally acknowledged to belong to them. Even
+now, some sparks, so to speak, of their old habit remaining,
+Elis is more thickly populated than other districts.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_75" id="b4_75"><b>75.</b></a> And therefore during Philip&#8217;s occupation of the country
+the number of prisoners taken was immense; <span class="sidenote">Capture of
+Thalamae.</span>
+and the number of those who escaped by
+flight still greater. An enormous amount of
+movable property, and an enormous crowd of slaves and
+cattle, were collected at a place called Thalamae; which was
+selected for the purpose, because the approach to it was
+narrow and difficult, and the place itself was retired and not
+easy to enter. But when the king was informed of the number<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">346</a></span>
+of those who had taken refuge in this place, resolved to
+leave nothing unattempted or incomplete, he occupied certain
+spots which commanded the approach to it, with his mercenaries:
+while leaving his baggage and main army in his
+entrenched camp, he himself led his peltasts and light-armed
+troops through the gorge, and, without meeting with any resistance,
+came directly under the fortress. The fugitives were
+panic-stricken at his approach: for they were utterly inexperienced
+in war and unprovided with means of defence,&mdash;a
+mere rabble hurriedly collected together; they therefore at
+once surrendered, and among them two hundred mercenary
+soldiers, of various nationalities, who had been brought there by
+Amphidamus the Elean Strategus. Having thus become
+master of an immense booty in goods, and of more than five
+thousand slaves, and having in addition to these driven off an
+incalculable number of cattle, Philip now returned to his
+camp; but finding his army overburdened with spoils of every
+description, and rendered by that means cumbrous and useless
+for service, he retraced his steps, and once more marched to
+Olympia.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_76" id="b4_76"><b>76.</b></a> But now a difficulty arose which was created by
+Apelles. Apelles was one of those who had <span class="sidenote">Oppressive conduct
+of Apelles to
+the Achaeans.</span>
+been left by Antigonus as guardians of his son,
+and had, as it happened, more influence than
+any one else with the king. He conceived the wish to bring
+the Achaeans into the same position as the Thessalians; and
+adopted for that purpose a very offensive line of conduct.
+The Thessalians were supposed to enjoy their own constitution,
+and to have quite a different status to the Macedonians; but
+in fact they had exactly the same, and obeyed every order of
+the royal ministers. It was with the purpose of bringing about
+the same state of things, that this officer now set himself to test
+the subservience of the Achaean contingent. At first he confined
+himself to giving the Macedonian soldiers leave to
+eject Achaeans from their quarters, who on any occasion had
+taken possession of them first, as well as to wrest from them
+any booty they might have taken; but he afterwards treated
+them with actual violence, through the agency of his subordinates,
+on any trifling pretext; while such as complained of this treatment,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">347</a></span>
+or took the part of those who were being beaten, he
+personally arrested and put into confinement: being convinced
+that by this method he would gradually and imperceptibly
+bring them into the habit of submitting, without remonstrance,
+to any thing which the king might choose to inflict. And this
+opinion he deduced from his previous experience in the army of
+Antigonus, when he had seen the Achaeans willing to endure
+any hardship, on the one condition of escaping from the yoke
+of Cleomenes. However, certain young Achaeans held a
+meeting, and going to Aratus explained to him the policy
+which was being pursued by Apelles: whereupon Aratus at
+once went to Philip, feeling that a stand must be made on
+this point at once and without delay. He made his statement
+to the king; who, being informed of the facts, first of
+all encouraged the young men by a promise that nothing of
+the sort should happen to them again; and then commanded
+Apelles not to impose any orders upon the Achaeans without
+consulting their own Strategus.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_77" id="b4_77"><b>77.</b></a> Philip, then, was acquiring a great reputation, not only
+among those actually in his army, <span class="sidenote">Character of
+Philip V.</span>
+but among
+the other Peloponnesians also, for his behaviour
+to the allies serving with him, as well as for his
+ability and courage in the field. Indeed it would not be easy
+to find a king endowed with more natural qualities requisite
+for the acquisition of power. He had in an eminent degree
+a quick understanding, a retentive memory, and a winning
+grace of manner, joined to a look of royal dignity and
+authority; and most important of all, ability and courage as
+a general. What neutralised all these excellent qualities,
+and made a cruel tyrant of a naturally well-disposed king, it is
+not easy to say in a few words: and therefore that inquiry
+must be reserved for a more suitable time than the present.</p>
+
+<p>Starting from Olympia by the road leading to Pharae,
+Philip came first to Telphusa, <span class="sidenote">Philip continues
+his campaign.</span>
+and thence to
+Heraea. There he had the booty sold by
+auction, and repaired the bridge over the
+Alpheus, with the view of passing over it to the invasion of
+Triphylia.</p>
+
+<p>Just at that time the Aetolian Strategus, Dorimachus, in answer<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">348</a></span>
+to a request of the Eleans for protection against the devastation
+they were enduring, despatched six hundred
+Aetolians, <span class="sidenote">Arrival of
+Aetolian troops
+under Phillidas,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218.</span>
+under the command of Phillidas, to
+their aid. Having arrived in Elis, and taken over
+the Elean mercenaries, who were five hundred
+in number, as well as a thousand citizen soldiers and the Tarentine
+cavalry,<a name="FNanchor_240" id="FNanchor_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">240</a> he marched to the relief of Triphylia. <span class="sidenote">Triphylia.</span>
+This
+district is so called from Triphylus, one of the
+sons of Arcas, and lies on the coast of the
+Peloponnese between Elis and Messenia, facing the Libyan
+Sea, and touching the south-west frontier of Arcadia. It
+contains the following towns, Samicum, Lepreum, Hypana,
+Typaneae, Pyrgos, Aepium, Bolax, Stylangium, Phrixa; all of
+which, shortly before this, the Eleans had conquered and annexed,
+as well as the city of Alipheira, which had originally been
+subject to Arcadia and Megalopolis, but had been exchanged
+with the Eleans, for some private object of his own, by
+Lydiadas when tyrant of Megalopolis.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_78" id="b4_78"><b>78.</b></a> Phillidas, then, sent his Elean troops to Lepreum, and his
+mercenaries to Aliphera; while he himself went with the Aetolian
+troops to Typaneae, and waited to see what would happen.
+Meanwhile the king, having got rid of his heavy baggage, and
+crossed the bridge over the river Alpheus, which flows right
+under Heraea, came to Alipheira, which lies on a hill precipitous
+on every side, and the ascent of which is more than
+ten stades. The citadel is on the very summit of this hill,
+adorned with a colossal statue of Athene, of extraordinary size
+and beauty. The origin and purpose of this statue, and at
+whose expense it was set up, are doubtful questions even
+among the natives; for it has never been clearly discovered
+why or by whom it was dedicated: yet it is universally allowed
+that its skilful workmanship classes it among the most splendid
+and artistic productions of Hecatodorus<a name="FNanchor_241" id="FNanchor_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">241</a> and Sostratus.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">349</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The next morning being fine and bright, the king made his
+dispositions at daybreak. <span class="sidenote">Capture of Alipheira.</span>
+He placed parties
+of men with scaling ladders at several points,
+and supported each of them with bodies of
+mercenaries, and detachments of Macedonian hoplites, on
+the rear of these several parties. His orders being fulfilled
+with enthusiasm and a formidable display of power,
+the garrison of Alipheira were kept continually rushing and
+rallying to the particular spots to which they saw the Macedonians
+approaching: and while this was going on, the king
+himself took some picked men, and mounted unobserved
+over some steep hills up to the suburb of the citadel; and
+then, at a given signal, all at once put the scaling ladders to
+the walls and began attempting the town. The king was the
+first to take the suburb of the acropolis, which had been
+abandoned by the garrison; and when this was set on fire,
+those who were defending the town walls, foreseeing what must
+happen, and afraid that by the fall of the citadel they would
+be deprived of their last hope, abandoned the town walls, and
+fled into it: whereupon the Macedonians at once took the
+walls and the town. Subsequently the garrison on the citadel
+sent an embassy to Philip, who granted them their lives, and
+received possession of it also by formal surrender.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_79" id="b4_79"><b>79.</b></a> These achievements of the king alarmed the whole
+people of Triphylia, and made them take <span class="sidenote">Typanae and Phigalia
+surrender
+to Philip.</span>
+counsel severally for the safety of themselves
+and their respective cities: while Phillidas left
+Typaneae, after plundering some of the houses there, and
+retired to Lepreum. This was the reward which the allies
+of the Aetolians at that time usually got: not only to be
+deserted at the hour of utmost need in the most barefaced
+way, but, by being plundered as well as betrayed, to suffer at
+the hands of their allies exactly what they had a right to expect
+from a victorious enemy. But the people of Typaneae surrendered
+their city to Philip; as also did the inhabitants of
+Hypana. And the people of Phigalia, hearing of what had
+taken place in Triphylia, and disliking the alliance with the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">350</a></span>
+Aetolians, rose in arms and seized the space round the Polemarchium.<a name="FNanchor_242" id="FNanchor_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">242</a>
+The Aetolian pirates who were residing in this
+city, for the purpose of plundering Messene, were able at first
+to keep down and overawe the people; but when they saw
+that the whole town was mustering to the rescue, they desisted
+from the attempt. Having made terms with them, they took
+their baggage and evacuated the town; whereupon the inhabitants
+sent an embassy to Philip, and delivered themselves
+and their town into his hands.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_80" id="b4_80"><b>80.</b></a> While these things were going on, the people of
+Lepreum, having seized a certain quarter of
+their town, <span class="sidenote">Lepreum.</span>
+demanded that the Elean, Aetolian,
+and Lacedaemonian garrisons (for a reinforcement had come
+from Sparta also) should all alike evacuate the citadel and city.
+At first Phillidas refused, and stayed on, hoping to overawe
+the citizens; but when the king, despatching Taurion with
+a guard of soldiers to Phigalia, advanced in person towards
+Lepreum, and was now close to the town, Phillidas lowered
+his tone, and the Lepreates were encouraged in their determination.
+It was indeed a glorious act of gallantry on their part.
+Though there was a garrison within their walls of a thousand
+Eleans, a thousand Aetolians with the pirates, five hundred
+mercenaries, and two hundred Lacedaemonians, and though
+too their citadel was in the occupation of these troops, yet
+they ventured to make a stand for the freedom of their
+native city, and would not give up hope of deliverance.
+Phillidas therefore, seeing that the Lepreates were prepared to
+offer a stout resistance, and that the Macedonians were
+approaching, evacuated the town with the Eleans and Lacedaemonians.
+The Cretans, who had been sent by the Spartans,
+made their way home through Messenia; but Phillidas departed
+for Samicum. The people of Lepreum, having thus got
+control of their own town, sent ambassadors to place it in the
+power of Philip. Hearing the news, Philip sent all his army,
+except the peltasts and light-armed troops, to Lepreum; and
+taking the latter with him, he made all the haste he could to
+catch Phillidas. He succeeded so far as to capture all his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">351</a></span>
+baggage; but Phillidas himself managed to outstrip him and
+throw himself into Samicum. <span class="sidenote">Samicum,</span>
+The king therefore
+sat down before this place: and having
+sent for the rest of his army from Lepreum, made the garrison
+believe that he meant to besiege the town. But the
+Aetolians and Eleans within it, having nothing ready for
+sustaining a siege beyond their bare hands, alarmed at their
+situation, held a parley with Philip to secure their lives;
+and having obtained leave from him to march out with their
+arms, they departed into Elis. Thus the king became master
+of Samicum on the spot: and this was followed by deputations
+from other towns to him, with entreaties for protection; in
+virtue of which he took over Phrixa, Stylangium, <span class="sidenote">and other towns.</span>
+Aepium, Bolax, Pyrgos, and Epitalium.
+Having settled these things, and reduced all Triphylia into
+his power in six days, he returned to Lepreum; and having
+addressed the necessary warnings to the Lepreates, and put a
+garrison into the citadel, he departed with his army towards
+Heraea, leaving Ladicus of Acarnania in command of Triphylia.
+When he arrived at Heraea, he made a distribution of all the
+booty; and taking up again his baggage from Heraea, arrived
+about the middle of the winter at Megalopolis.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_81" id="b4_81"><b>81.</b></a> While Philip was thus engaged in Triphylia, Chilon
+the Lacedaemonian, holding that the kingship
+belonged to him in virtue of birth, <span class="sidenote">Chilon tries to
+seize the crown of
+Sparta,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218.</span>
+and annoyed
+at the neglect of his claims by the Ephors
+in selecting Lycurgus, determined to stir up a revolution:
+and believing that if he took the same course as Cleomenes
+had done, and gave the common people hopes of land
+allotments and redivision of property, the masses would quickly
+follow him, he addressed himself to carrying out this policy.
+Having therefore agreed with his friends on this subject, and
+got as many as two hundred people to join his conspiracy,
+he entered upon the execution of his project. But perceiving
+that the chief obstacles in the way of the accomplishment
+of his design were Lycurgus, and those Ephors who had invested
+him with the crown, he directed his first efforts against them.
+The Ephors he seized while at dinner, and put them all to
+death on the spot,&mdash;chance thus inflicting upon them the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">352</a></span>
+punishment they deserved: for whether we regard the person
+at whose hands, or the person for whose sake they were thus
+destroyed, we cannot but say that they richly merited their
+fate.</p>
+
+<p>After the successful accomplishment of this deed, Chilon
+went to the house of Lycurgus, whom he found at home, but
+failed to seize. Assisted by slaves and neighbours Lycurgus
+was smuggled out of the house, and effected a secret escape;
+and thence got away by a cross-country route to the town of
+Pellene in Tripolis. Thus baffled in the most important point
+of his enterprise, Chilon was greatly discouraged; but was
+forced all the same to go on with what he had begun.
+Accordingly he made a descent upon the market-place, and laid
+violent hands upon those opposed to him; tried to rouse his
+relations and friends; and declared to the rest of the people
+there what hopes of success he had. But when nobody seemed
+inclined to join him, but on the contrary a mob began to
+collect with threatening looks, he saw how it was, and found a
+secret way of leaving the town; and, making his way across
+Laconia, arrived in Achaia alone and an exile. But the
+Lacedaemonians who were in the territory of Megalopolis,
+terrified by the arrival of Philip, stowed away all the goods
+they had got from the country, and first demolished and
+then abandoned the Athenaeum.</p>
+
+<p>The fact is that the Lacedaemonians enjoyed a most
+excellent constitution, and had a most extensive <span class="sidenote">Decline of
+Sparta.</span>
+power, from the time of the legislation
+of Lycurgus to that of the battle of Leuctra.
+But after that event their fortune took an unfavourable turn;
+and their political state continued ever growing
+worse and worse, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;800(?)-<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+371.</span>
+until they finally suffered
+from a long succession of internal
+struggles and partisan warfare; were repeatedly agitated
+by schemes for the redivision of lands and the banishment
+of one party or another; and were subjected to the
+severest possible slavery, culminating in the tyrannical government
+of Nabis: though the word &#8220;tyrant&#8221; was one which
+they had in old times scarcely endured to hear mentioned.
+However, the ancient history of Sparta as well as the great<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">353</a></span>
+part of it since, has been recorded by many in terms of eulogy
+or the reverse; but the part of that history <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;236-222.</span>
+which admits of the least controversy is that
+which followed the entire destruction of the ancient constitution
+by Cleomenes;<a name="FNanchor_243" id="FNanchor_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">243</a> and that shall be narrated by me
+in the order of events as they occur.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_82" id="b4_82"><b>82.</b></a> Meanwhile Philip left Megalopolis, and marching by
+way of Tegea arrived at Argos, and there spent
+the rest of the winter, <span class="sidenote">Apelles opposes
+Aratus, Jan.-May,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218.</span>
+having gained in this
+campaign an admiration beyond his years for his
+general conduct and his brilliant achievements. But, in spite
+of all that had happened, Apelles was by no means inclined to
+desist from the policy on which he had entered; but was
+resolved little by little to bring the Achaeans under the
+yoke. He saw that the most determined opponents of his
+scheme were the elder and younger Aratus; and that Philip
+was inclined to listen to them, and especially to the elder,
+both on account of his former intimacy with Antigonus,
+and his pre-eminent influence in Achaia, and, most of all,
+because of his readiness of resource and practical ability: he
+therefore determined to devote his attention to them, and
+enter upon the intrigue against them which I shall proceed to
+describe. He sought out in the several cities all such as were
+opposed to Aratus, and invited them to visit him: and having
+got them into his hands he tried all he could to win their
+affections, encouraged them to look upon him as a friend,
+and introduced them to Philip. To the king he was always
+pointing out that, if he listened to Aratus, he would have to
+treat the Achaeans according to the letter of the treaty of
+alliance; but that, if he would listen to him, and take men like
+those which he had introduced to him into favour, he would
+have the whole of the Peloponnese at his own unfettered disposal.
+But what he was most anxious about was the election; being
+desirous to secure the office of Strategus for one of this party,
+and to oust Aratus in accordance with his settled plan. <span class="sidenote">May, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218.</span>With
+this purpose, he persuaded Philip to be at
+Aegium at the time of the Achaean election, on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">354</a></span>
+the pretext of being on his way to Elis. The king&#8217;s consent to
+this enabled Apelles himself to be there at the right time; <span class="sidenote">Election of
+Eperatus as
+Achaean
+Strategus.</span>
+and
+though he found great difficulty, in spite of
+entreaties and threats, in carrying his point; yet
+he did eventually succeed in getting Eperatus
+of Pharae elected Strategus, and Timoxenus, the
+candidate proposed by Aratus, rejected.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_83" id="b4_83"><b>83.</b></a> This over, the king departed by way of Patrae and
+Dyme, and arrived with his army before the
+fortress called the Wall, <span class="sidenote">Capture of the
+Wall, and
+expedition into
+Elis.</span>
+which is situated on
+the frontier of the territory of Dyme, and had
+a short time before, as I mentioned above,<a name="FNanchor_244" id="FNanchor_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">244</a> been
+occupied by Euripidas. The king, being anxious at all hazards
+to recover this place for the Dymaeans, encamped under its
+walls with his full force: and thereupon the Elean garrison in
+alarm surrendered the place to Philip, which, though not large,
+had been fortified with extraordinary care. For though the
+circumference of its walls was not more than a stade and a
+half, its height was nowhere less than thirty cubits. Having
+handed the place over to the Dymaeans, Philip continued
+his advance, plundering the territory of Elis: and when he had
+thoroughly devastated it, and acquired a large booty, he
+returned with his army to Dyme.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_84" id="b4_84"><b>84.</b></a> Meanwhile Apelles, thinking that, by the election
+of the Achaean Strategus through his influence, <span class="sidenote">The intrigue of
+Apelles.</span>
+he had partly succeeded in his policy, began
+once more attacking Aratus, with the view of
+entirely detaching Philip from his friendship: and he accordingly
+determined to make up an accusation against him
+grounded on the following circumstance: When Amphidamus,
+the Elean Strategus, had been, with the other refugees, made
+prisoner at Thalamae, and had been brought among other
+captives to Olympia, he made earnest efforts by the agency
+of certain individuals to be allowed an interview with the
+king. This favour having been accorded him, he made a
+statement to the effect that it was in his power to bring over
+the Eleans to the king&#8217;s side, and induce them to enter into
+alliance with him. Philip believed him; and accordingly dismissed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">355</a></span>
+Amphidamus without ransom, with instructions to
+promise the Eleans, that, if they would join the king, he would
+restore their captive citizens without ransom, and would himself
+secure their territory safely from all outside attacks: and
+besides this would maintain them in freedom, without impost
+or foreign garrison, and in enjoyment of their several constitutions.</p>
+
+<p>But the Eleans refused to listen to the proposal, although
+the offer was thought attractive and substantial. Apelles
+therefore used this circumstance to found the false accusation
+which he now brought before Philip, alleging that Aratus was
+not a loyal friend to the Macedonians, nor sincere in his
+feelings towards them: &#8220;He was responsible for this alienation
+of the Eleans; for when the king despatched Amphidamus
+from Olympia into Elis, Aratus took him aside and talked to
+him, asserting that it was by no means to the interest of the
+Peloponnesians that Philip should become supreme in Elis:
+and this was the reason of the Eleans despising the king&#8217;s offers,
+and clinging to the friendship of the Aetolians, and persisting
+in war against the Macedonians.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_85" id="b4_85"><b>85.</b></a> Regarding the matter as important, the first step the
+king took was to summon the elder and
+younger Aratus, <span class="sidenote">The king investigates
+the charge
+against Aratus.</span>
+and order Apelles to repeat
+these assertions in their presence: which he
+thereupon did in a bold and threatening tone. And upon
+the king still not saying a word, he added: &#8220;Since his
+Majesty finds you, Aratus, so ungrateful and so exceedingly
+adverse to his interests, he is determined to summon a meeting
+of the Achaeans, and, after making a statement of his reasons,
+forthwith to return to Macedonia.&#8221; Aratus the elder answered
+him with a general exhortation to Philip, never to give a hasty or
+inconsiderate credit to any thing which might be alleged before
+him against his friends and allies: but when any such allegation
+were made, to test its truth before accepting it; for that was
+the conduct which became a king, and was in every way to his
+interest. Wherefore he said, &#8220;I claim that you should, in the
+present instance of these accusations of Apelles, summon those
+who heard my words; and openly produce the man that
+informed Apelles of them, and omit no means of ascertaining<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">356</a></span>
+the real truth, before making any statement in regard to these
+matters to the Achaeans.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_86" id="b4_86"><b>86.</b></a> The king approved of this speech, and said that he
+would not neglect the matter, but would thoroughly investigate
+it. And so for the present the audience was dissolved. But
+during the following days, while Apelles failed to bring any
+proof of his allegations, <span class="sidenote">Aratus is
+cleared.</span>
+Aratus was favoured
+by the following combination of circumstances.
+While Philip was laying waste their territory,
+the Eleans, suspecting Amphidamus of treachery, determined
+to arrest him and send him in chains to Aetolia. But getting
+intelligence of their purpose, he escaped first to Olympia;
+and there, hearing that Philip was at Dyme engaged in the
+division of his spoils, he followed him to that town in great
+haste. When Aratus heard that Amphidamus had been driven
+from Elis and was come to Dyme, he was delighted, because
+his conscience was quite clear in the matter; and going to the
+king demanded that he should summon Amphidamus to his
+presence; on the ground that the man to whom the words
+were alleged to have been spoken would best know about
+the accusations, and would declare the truth; for he had become
+an exile from his home from Philip&#8217;s sake, and had now
+no hope of safety except in him. These arguments satisfied
+the king, who thereupon sent for Amphidamus and ascertained
+that the accusation was false. The result was that from that day
+forward his liking and respect for Aratus continually increased,
+while he began to regard Apelles with suspicion; though being
+still under the influence of his old ascendency, he was compelled
+to connive at many of his actions.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b4_87" id="b4_87"><b>87.</b></a> Apelles however by no means abandoned his policy. He
+began undermining the position of Taurion also, who had been
+placed in command of the Peloponnese by Antigonus, not indeed
+openly attacking him, but rather praising his character,
+and asserting that he was a proper person to be with the king on
+a campaign; his object being to get some one else appointed
+to conduct the government of the Peloponnese. This was
+indeed a novel method of defamation,&mdash;to damage one&#8217;s neighbours,
+not by attacking, but by praising their characters; and
+this method of wreaking one&#8217;s malice, envy, and treachery may<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">357</a></span>
+be regarded as primarily and specially the invention of the
+jealousy and selfish ambition of courtiers. In the same spirit
+he began making covert attacks upon Alexander, the captain of
+the bodyguard, whenever he got an opportunity; being bent
+on reconstituting by his own authority even the personal
+attendants of the king, and on making a clean sweep of all
+arrangements left existing by Antigonus. For as in his life
+Antigonus had managed his kingdom and his son with wisdom,
+so at his death he made wise provisions for every department
+of the State. For in his will he explained to the Macedonians
+the nature of these arrangements; and also gave definite
+instructions for the future, how and by whom each of these
+arrangements was to be carried out: being desirous of leaving
+no vantage-ground to the courtiers for mutual rivalry and
+strife. Among these arrangements was one selecting Apelles
+from among his companions in arms to be one of the guardians
+of his son; Leontius to command the peltasts; Megaleas to be
+chief secretary; Taurion to be governor of the Peloponnese;
+and Alexander to be captain of the bodyguard. Apelles had
+already got Leontius and Megaleas completely under his influence:
+and he was now desirous to remove Alexander and
+Taurion from their offices, and so to control these, as well as
+all other departments of the government, by the agency of his
+own friends. And he would have easily succeeded in doing
+so, had he not raised up an opponent in the person of Aratus.
+As it was, he quickly reaped the fruits of his own blind
+selfishness and ambition; for that which he purposed inflicting
+on his neighbours he had to endure himself, and that within
+a very brief space. How and by what means this was brought
+about, I must forbear to tell for the present, and must bring
+this book to an end: but in subsequent parts of my work I
+will endeavour to make every detail of these transactions
+clear.</p>
+
+<p>For the present, after concluding the business which I have
+described, Philip returned to Argos, and there spent the rest
+of the winter season with his friends, while he sent back his
+forces to Macedonia.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">358</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>BOOK V</h2>
+
+<p><a name="b5_1" id="b5_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">The</span> year of office as Strategus of the younger Aratus had
+now come to an end with the rising of the
+Pleiades; <span class="sidenote">May, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218.</span>
+for that was the arrangement of
+time then observed by the Achaeans.<a name="FNanchor_245" id="FNanchor_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">245</a> Accordingly he laid
+down his office and was succeeded in the command of the
+Achaeans by Eperatus; Dorimachus being still Strategus of
+the Aetolians.</p>
+
+<p>It was at the beginning of this summer that Hannibal entered
+upon open war with Rome; started from New Carthage; and
+crossing the Iber, definitely began his expedition and march
+into Italy; while the Romans despatched Tiberius Sempronius
+to Libya with an army, and Publius Cornelius to Iberia.</p>
+
+<p>This year, too, Antiochus and Ptolemy, abandoning
+diplomacy, and the support of their mutual claims upon Coele-Syria
+by negotiation, began actual war with each other.</p>
+
+<p>As for Philip, being in need of corn and money for his
+army, he summoned the Achaeans to a general
+assembly by means of their magistrates. <span class="sidenote">Recognition of
+Philip&#8217;s services
+by the assembly
+of the Achaean
+league.</span>
+When
+the assembly had met, according to the federal
+law, at Aegium,<a name="FNanchor_246" id="FNanchor_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">246</a> the king saw that Aratus and
+his son were indisposed to act for him, because
+of the intrigues against them in the matter of the election,
+which had been carried on by Apelles; and that Eperatus was
+naturally inefficient, and an object of general contempt. These
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">359</a></span>facts convinced the king of the folly of Apelles and Leontius,
+and he once more decided to stand by Aratus. He therefore
+persuaded the magistrates to transfer the assembly to Sicyon;
+and there inviting both the elder and younger Aratus to an
+interview, he laid the blame of all that had happened upon
+Apelles, and urged them to maintain their original policy.
+Receiving a ready consent from them, he then entered the
+Achaean assembly, and being energetically supported by these
+two statesmen, earned all the measures that he desired. For
+the Achaeans passed a vote decreeing &#8220;that five hundred talents
+should be paid to the king at once for his last campaign, that
+three months&#8217; pay should be given to his army, and ten
+thousand medimni of corn; and that, for the future, so long
+as the king should remain in the Peloponnese as their ally in
+the war, he should receive seventeen talents a month from the
+Achaeans.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_2" id="b5_2"><b>2.</b></a> Having passed this decree, the Achaeans dispersed to
+their various cities. And now the king&#8217;s forces
+mustered again from their winter quarters; <span class="sidenote">The king prepares
+to carry on the
+war by sea.</span>
+and
+after deliberations with his friends, Philip
+decided to transfer the war to the sea. For he had become
+convinced that it was only by so doing that he would himself
+be able to surprise the enemy at all points at once, and would
+best deprive them of the opportunity of coming to each others&#8217;
+relief; as they were widely scattered, and each would be in
+alarm for their own safety, because the approach of an enemy
+by sea is so silent and rapid. For he was at war with three
+separate nations,&mdash;Aetolians, Lacedaemonians, and Eleans.</p>
+
+<p>Having arrived at this decision, he ordered the ships of
+the Achaeans as well as his own to muster at Lechaeum; and
+there he made continual experiments in practising the soldiers
+of the phalanx to the use of the oar. The Macedonians
+answered to his instructions with ready enthusiasm: for they
+are in fact the most gallant soldiers on the field of battle, the
+promptest to undertake service at sea if need be, and the
+most laborious workers at digging trenches, making palisades,
+and all such engineering work, in the world: just such as
+Hesiod describes the Aeacidae to be</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+<div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza">
+<div class="line">&#8220;Joying in war as in a feast.&#8221;</div>
+</div></div></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">360</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The king, then, and the main body of the Macedonian army,
+remained in Corinth, busied with these practisings
+and preparations for taking the sea. <span class="sidenote">Fresh intrigue of
+Apelles.</span>
+But
+Apelles, being neither able to retain an ascendency
+over Philip, nor to submit to the loss of influence which
+resulted from this disregard, entered into a conspiracy with
+Leontius and Megaleas, by which it was agreed that these two
+men should stay on the spot and damage the king&#8217;s service by
+deliberate neglect; while he went to Chalcis, and contrived
+that no supplies should be brought the king from thence for the
+promotion of his designs. Having made this arrangement and
+mischievous stipulation with these two men, Apelles set out
+for Chalcis, having found some false pretexts to satisfy the king
+as to his departure. And while protracting his stay there, he
+carried out his sworn agreement with such determination, that,
+as all men obeyed him because of this former credit, the king was
+at last reduced by want of money to pawn some of the silver-plate
+used at his own table, to carry on his affairs. <span class="sidenote">Philip starts on
+his naval expedition,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218.</span>
+However, when the ships were all collected, and
+the Macedonian soldiers already well trained to
+the oar; the king, giving out rations of corn and pay to the
+army, put to sea, and arrived at Patrae on the second day, with
+six thousand Macedonians and twelve hundred mercenaries.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_3" id="b5_3"><b>3.</b></a> Just at that time the Aetolian Strategus Dorimachus
+sent Agelaus and Scopas with five hundred Neo-Cretans<a name="FNanchor_247" id="FNanchor_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">247</a> into
+Elis; while the Eleans, in fear of Philip&#8217;s attempting the siege
+of Cyllene, were collecting mercenaries, preparing their own
+citizens, and carefully strengthening the defences of Cyllene.
+When Philip saw what was going on, he stationed a force at
+Dyme, consisting of the Achaean mercenaries, some of the
+Cretans serving with him, and some of the Gallic horse,
+together with two thousand picked Achaean infantry. These he
+left there as a reserve, as well as an advance guard to prevent
+the danger of an attack from Elis; while he himself, having
+first written to the Acarnanians and Scerdilaidas, that each of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">361</a></span>
+their towns should man such vessels as they had and meet him
+at Cephallenia, put to sea from Patrae at the time arranged, and
+arrived off Pronni in Cephallenia. But when he saw that this
+fortress was difficult to besiege, and its position a contracted
+one, he coasted past it with his fleet and came
+to anchor at Palus. <span class="sidenote">The siege of
+Palus.</span>
+Finding that the country
+there was full of corn and capable of supporting
+an army, he disembarked his troops and encamped close to
+the city: and having beached his ships close together, secured
+them with a trench and palisade, and sent out his Macedonian
+soldiers to forage. He himself made a personal inspection of the
+town, to see how he could bring his siege-works and artillery to
+bear upon the wall. He wished to be able to use the place as a
+rendezvous for his allies; but he was also desirous of taking it:
+first, because he would thereby deprive the Aetolians of their
+most useful support,&mdash;for it was by means of Cephallenian
+ships that they made their descents upon the Peloponnese, and
+ravaged the sea-boards of Epirus and Acarnania,&mdash;and,
+secondly, that he might secure for himself and his allies a
+convenient base of operations against the enemy&#8217;s territory.
+For Cephallenia lies exactly opposite the Corinthian Gulf, in
+the direction of the Sicilian Sea, and commands the north-western
+district of the Peloponnese, and especially Elis; as well
+as the south-western parts of Epirus, Aetolia, and Acarnania.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_4" id="b5_4"><b>4.</b></a> The excellent position, therefore, of the island, both as
+a rendezvous for the allies and as a base of attack against the
+hostile, or of defence for the friendly, territory, made the king
+very anxious to get it into his power. His survey of the town
+showed him that it was entirely defended by the sea and steep
+hills, except for a short distance in the direction of Zacynthus,
+where the ground was flat; and he accordingly resolved to
+erect his works and concentrate his attack at that spot.</p>
+
+<p>While the king was engaged in these operations fifty galleys
+arrived from Scerdilaidas, who had been prevented <span class="sidenote">Arrival of the
+allies at Palus.</span>
+from sending more by the plots and
+civil broils throughout Illyria, caused by the
+despots of the various cities. There arrived also the appointed
+contingents of allies from Epirus, Acarnania, and even
+Messenia; for the Messenians had ceased to excuse themselves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">362</a></span>
+from taking part in the war ever since the capture of
+Phigalia.
+Having now made his arrangements for the siege, and
+having got his catapults and ballistae in
+position to annoy the defenders on the walls, <span class="sidenote">The walls are
+undermined and
+a breach made.
+Leontius plays
+the traitor.</span>
+the king harangued his Macedonian troops, and,
+bringing his siege-machines up to the walls,
+began under their protection to sink mines.
+The Macedonians worked with such enthusiastic eagerness
+that in a short time two hundred feet of the wall were undermined
+and underpinned: and the king then approached the
+walls and invited the citizens to come to terms. Upon their
+refusal, he set fire to the props, and thus brought down
+the whole part of the wall that rested upon them simultaneously.
+Into this breach he first sent his peltasts under the
+command of Leontius, divided into cohorts, and with orders
+to force their way over the ruin. But Leontius, in fulfilment of
+his compact with Apelles, three times running prevented the
+soldiers, even after they had carried the breach, from effecting
+the capture of the town. He had corrupted beforehand the
+most important officers of the several cohorts; and he himself
+deliberately affected fear, and shrunk from every service of danger;
+and finally they were ejected from the town with considerable
+loss, although they could have mastered the enemy with
+ease. When the king saw that the officers were behaving with
+cowardice, and that a considerable number of the Macedonian
+soldiers were wounded, he abandoned the siege, and deliberated
+with his friends on the next step to be taken.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_5" id="b5_5"><b>5.</b></a> Meanwhile Lycurgus had invaded Messenia; and Dorimachus
+had started for Thessaly with half the <span class="sidenote">Ambassadors
+from Acarnania
+urge Philip to
+invade Aetolia;
+others from
+Messenia beg him
+to come there.</span>
+Aetolian army,&mdash;both with the idea that they
+would thus draw off Philip from the siege of
+Palus. Presently ambassadors arrived at the
+court to make representations on these subjects
+from Acarnania and Messenia: the former
+urging Philip to prevent Dorimachus&#8217;s invasion of Macedonia
+by himself invading Aetolia, and traversing and plundering the
+whole country while there was no one to resist him; the latter
+begged him to come to their assistance, representing that in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">363</a></span>
+existing state of the Etesian winds the passage from Cephallenia
+to Messenia could be effected in a single day, whereby,
+so Gorgus of Messenia and his colleagues argued, a sudden
+and effective attack would be made upon Lycurgus. In
+pursuance of his policy Leontius eagerly supported Gorgus,
+seeing that by this means Philip would absolutely waste the
+summer. For it was easy enough to sail to Messenia; but to
+sail back again, while the Etesian winds prevailed, was impossible.
+It was plain therefore that Philip would get shut up
+in Messenia with his army, and remain inactive for what
+remained of the summer; while the Aetolians would traverse
+Thessaly and Epirus and plunder them at their pleasure.
+Such was the insidious nature of the advice given by Gorgus
+and Leontius. But Aratus, who was present, advocated an
+exactly opposite policy, urging the king to sail to Aetolia and
+devote himself to that part of the campaign: for as the
+Aetolians had gone on an expedition across the frontier under
+Dorimachus, it was a most excellent opportunity for invading
+and plundering Aetolia. <span class="sidenote">Philip decides on
+the invasion of
+Aetolia.</span>
+The king had begun
+to entertain distrust of Leontius since his
+exhibition of cowardice in the siege; and had
+detected his dishonesty in the course of the discussions held
+about Palus: he therefore decided to act in the present
+instance in accordance with the opinion of Aratus. Accordingly
+he wrote to the Achaean Strategus Eperatus, bidding him
+take the Achaean levies, and go to the aid of the Messenians;
+while he himself put to sea from Cephallenia, and arrived at
+night after a two days&#8217; voyage at Leucas: and having managed
+by proper contrivances to get his ships through the channel
+of Dioryctus,<a name="FNanchor_248" id="FNanchor_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">248</a> he sailed up the Ambracian Gulf, which, as I
+have already stated,<a name="FNanchor_249" id="FNanchor_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">249</a> stretches from the Sicilian Sea a long
+distance into the interior of Aetolia. Having made the whole
+length of this gulf, and anchored a short time before daybreak
+at Limnaea, he ordered his men to get their breakfast, and
+leaving the greater part of their baggage behind them, to make
+themselves ready in light equipment for a march; while he
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">364</a></span>himself collected the guides, and made careful inquiries of
+them about the country and neighbouring towns.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_6" id="b5_6"><b>6.</b></a> Before they started, Aristophanes the Acarnanian
+Strategus arrived with the full levy of his people. <span class="sidenote">Philip is joined
+by the
+Acarnanians, and
+marches to the
+Achelous.</span>
+For having in former times suffered many severe
+injuries at the hands of the Aetolians, they were
+now inspired with a fierce determination to be
+revenged upon them and damage them in every
+possible way: they gladly therefore seized this opportunity
+of getting the help of the Macedonians; and the men who now
+appeared in arms were not confined to those forced by law to
+serve, but were in some cases past the military age. The
+Epirotes were quite as eager to join, and for the same motives;
+but owing to the wide extent of their country, and the
+suddenness of the Macedonian arrival, they had not been able
+to muster their forces in time. As to the Aetolians, Dorimachus
+had taken half their army with him, as I have said, while the
+the other half he had left at home, thinking that it would be
+an adequate reserve to defend the towns and district against
+unforeseen contingencies. The king, leaving a sufficient guard
+for his baggage, started from Limnaea in the evening, and after
+a march of sixty stades pitched his camp: but, having dined
+and given his men a short rest, he started again; and marching
+right through the night, arrived just as the day was breaking
+at the river Achelous, between the towns of Stratus and
+Conope, being anxious that his entrance into the district of
+Thermus should be sudden and unexpected.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_7" id="b5_7"><b>7.</b></a> Leontius saw that it was likely that the king would attain
+his object, and the Aetolians be unable to
+resist him, <span class="sidenote">Leontius tries to
+hinder the
+march.</span>
+for the double reason of the speed
+and unexpectedness of the Macedonian attack,
+and of his having gone to Thermus; for the Aetolians would
+never suppose him likely to venture to expose himself so
+rashly, seeing the strongly fortified nature of the country,
+and would therefore be sure to be caught off their guard and
+wholly unprepared for the danger. Clinging still to his
+purpose, therefore, he advised the king to encamp on the
+Achelous, and rest his army after their night&#8217;s march; being
+anxious to give the Aetolians a short respite to make preparations<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">365</a></span>
+for their defence. But Aratus, seeing clearly that the
+opportunity for action was fleeting, and that Leontius was
+plainly trying to hinder their success, conjured Philip not to
+let slip the opportunity by delaying.</p>
+
+<p>The king was now thoroughly annoyed with Leontius: and
+accepting the advice of Aratus, continued his
+march without interruption; <span class="sidenote">The king crosses
+the Achelous and
+advances against
+Thermus.</span>and, after crossing
+the Achelous, advanced rapidly upon Thermus,
+plundering and devastating the country as he
+went, and marching so as to keep Stratus, Agrinium, and
+Thestia on his left, Conope, Lysimachia, Trichonium, and
+Phytaeum on his right. Arrived at the town of Metapa, which
+is on the borders of the Trichonian Lake, and close to the
+narrow pass along it, about sixty stades from Thermus, he
+found it abandoned by the Aetolians, and occupied it with a
+detachment of five hundred men, with a view of its serving as
+a fortress to secure both ends of the pass: for the whole shore
+of the lake is mountainous and rugged, closely fringed with
+forest, and therefore affording but a narrow and difficult path.
+He now arranged his order of march, putting the mercenaries
+in the van, next them the Illyrians, and then the peltasts and
+the men of the phalanx, and thus advanced through the pass;
+his rear protected by the Cretans: while the Thracians and
+light-armed troops took a different line of country, parallel to
+his own, and kept up with him on his right: his left being
+secured by the lake for nearly thirty stades.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_8" id="b5_8"><b>8.</b></a> At the end of this distance he arrived at the village of
+Pamphia; and having, as in the case of Panapa, secured it by
+a guard, he continued his advance towards Thermus: the road
+now being not only steep and exceedingly rough, but with
+deep precipices also on either side, so as to make the path in
+places very dangerous and narrow; and the whole ascent being
+nearly thirty stades. But having accomplished this also in a
+short time, thanks to the energy with which the Macedonians
+conducted the march, he arrived late in the day at Thermus.
+There he pitched a camp, <span class="sidenote">The plundering of
+Thermus.</span>
+and allowed his men to go off
+plundering the neighbouring villages and
+scouring the plain of Thermus, as well as to
+sack the dwelling-houses in Thermus itself,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">366</a></span>
+which were full, not only of corn and such like provisions, but
+of all the most valuable property which the Aetolians
+possessed. For as the annual fair and most famous games, as
+well as the elections, were held there, everybody kept their most
+costly possessions in store at Thermus, to enable them to entertain
+their friends, and to celebrate the festivals with proper
+magnificence. But besides this occasion for the employment
+of their property, they expected to find the most complete
+security for it there, because no enemy had ever yet ventured
+to penetrate to that place; while its natural strength was so
+great as to serve as an acropolis to the whole of Aetolia. The
+place therefore having been in the enjoyment of peace from
+time immemorial, not only were the buildings immediately round
+the temple filled with a great variety of property, but the
+homesteads on the outskirts also. For that night the army
+bivouacked on the spot laden with booty of every description;
+but the next morning they selected the most valuable and
+portable part of it, and making the rest into a heap in front of
+their tents, set fire to it. So also in regard to the dedicated
+arms which were hanging up in the porticoes,&mdash;those of them
+which were valuable they took down and carried off, some
+they exchanged for their own, while the rest they collected
+together and burnt. The number of these was more than
+fifteen thousand.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_9" id="b5_9"><b>9.</b></a> Up to this point everything was right and fair by the
+laws of war; but I do not know how to
+characterise their next proceedings. <span class="sidenote">Sacrilege
+committed at
+Thermus. Was it
+justifiable?</span>
+For remembering
+what the Aetolians had done at
+Dium<a name="FNanchor_250" id="FNanchor_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">250</a> and Dodona,<a name="FNanchor_251" id="FNanchor_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">251</a> they burnt the colonnades,
+and destroyed what were left of the dedicated offerings, some
+of which were of costly material, and had been elaborated with
+great skill and expense. And they were not content with
+destroying the roofs of these buildings with fire, they levelled
+them to their foundations; and threw down all the statues, which
+numbered no less than two thousand; and many of them they
+broke to pieces, sparing only those that were inscribed with
+the names or figures of gods. Such they did abstain from
+injuring. On the walls also they wrote the celebrated line composed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">367</a></span>
+by Samus, the son of Chrysogonus, a foster-brother of
+the king, whose genius was then beginning to manifest itself.
+The line was this&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+<div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza">
+<div class="line">&#8220;Seest thou the path the bolt divine has sped?&#8220;</div>
+</div></div></div>
+
+<p>And in fact the king and his staff were fully convinced that, in
+thus acting, they were obeying the dictates of right and
+justice, by retaliating upon the Aetolians with the same
+impious outrages as they had themselves committed at Dium.<a name="FNanchor_252" id="FNanchor_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">252</a>
+But I am clearly of an opposite opinion. And the readiest
+argument, to prove the correctness of my view, may be drawn
+from the history of this same royal family of Macedonia.</p>
+
+<p>For when Antigonus, by his victory in a pitched battle over
+Cleomenes the King of the Lacedaemonians, had become master
+of Sparta, and had it absolutely in his own power to treat the
+town and its citizens as he chose, he was so far from doing
+any injury to those who had thus fallen into his hands, that
+he did not return to his own country until he had bestowed
+upon the Lacedaemonians, collectively and individually, some
+benefits of the utmost importance. The consequence was
+that he was honoured at the time with the title of &#8220;Benefactor,&#8221;
+and after his death with that of &#8220;Preserver&#8221;; and not only
+among the Lacedaemonians, but among the Greeks generally,
+has obtained undying honour and glory.<a name="FNanchor_253" id="FNanchor_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">253</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_10" id="b5_10"><b>10.</b></a> Take again the case of Philip, the founder of the
+family splendour, and the first of the race to establish the
+greatness of the kingdom. The success which he obtained,
+after his victory over the Athenians at Chaeronea, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;338.</span>
+was not due so much to his superiority
+in arms, as to his justice and humanity. His victory in
+the field gave him the mastery only over those immediately
+engaged against him; while his equity and moderation
+secured his hold upon the entire Athenian people and
+their city. For he did not allow his measures to be dictated
+by vindictive passion; but laid aside his arms and warlike
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">368</a></span>measures, as soon as he found himself in a position to display
+the mildness of his temper and the uprightness of his motives.
+With this view he dismissed his Athenian prisoners without
+ransom, and took measures for the burial of those who had
+fallen, and, by the agency of Antipater, caused their bones to
+be conveyed home; and presented most of those whom he
+released with suits of clothes. And thus, at small expense, his
+prudence gained him a most important advantage. The
+pride of the Athenians was not proof against such magnanimity;
+and they became his zealous supporters, instead of antagonists,
+in all his schemes.</p>
+
+<p>Again in the case of Alexander the Great. He was so
+enraged with the Thebans that he sold all the <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;335.</span>
+inhabitants of the town into slavery, and
+levelled the city itself with the ground; yet in making
+its capture he was careful not to outrage religion, and
+took the utmost precautions against even involuntary damage
+being done to the temples, or any part of their sacred enclosures.
+Once more, when he crossed into Asia, to
+avenge on the Persians the impious outrages which they
+had inflicted on the Greeks, he did his best to exact the
+full penalty from men, but refrained from injuring places
+dedicated to the gods; though it was in precisely such that the
+injuries of the Persians in Greece had been most conspicuous.
+These were the precedents which Philip should have called to
+mind on this occasion; and so have shown himself the
+successor and heir of these men,&mdash;not so much of their power,
+as of their principles and magnanimity. But throughout his
+life he was exceedingly anxious to establish his relationship
+to Alexander and Philip, <span class="sidenote">The subsequent
+decline in Philip&#8217;s
+character.</span>and yet took not the
+least pains to imitate them. The result was
+that, as he advanced in years, as his conduct
+differed from theirs, so his general reputation came to
+be different also.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_11" id="b5_11"><b>11.</b></a> The present affair was an instance of this. He
+imagined that he was doing nothing wrong in giving the rein
+to his anger, and retaliating upon the impious acts of the
+Aetolians by similar impieties, and &#8220;curing ill by ill&#8221;; and
+while he was always reproaching Scopas and Dorimachus with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">369</a></span>
+depravity and abandoned wickedness, on the grounds of their
+acts of impiety at Dodona and Dium, he imagined that, while
+emulating their crimes, he would leave quite a different
+impression of his character in the minds of those to whom he
+spoke. But the fact is, that whereas the taking and demolishing
+an enemy&#8217;s forts, harbours, cities, men, ships and crops, and
+other such things, by which our enemy is weakened, and our
+own interests and tactics supported, are necessary acts
+according to the laws and rights of war; to deface temples,
+statues, and such like erections in pure wantonness, and without
+any prospect of strengthening oneself or weakening the enemy,
+must be regarded as an act of blind passion and insanity.
+For the purpose with which good men wage war is not the
+destruction and annihilation of the wrongdoers, but the
+reformation and alteration of the wrongful acts. Nor is it
+their object to involve the innocent in the destruction of the
+guilty, but rather to see that those who are held to be guilty should
+share in the preservation and elevation of the guiltless. It is the
+act of a tyrant to inflict injury, and so to maintain his power
+over unwilling subjects by terror,&mdash;hated, and hating those
+under him: but it is the glory of a king to secure, by doing
+good to all, that he should rule over willing subjects, whose
+love he has earned by humanity and beneficence.</p>
+
+<p>But the best way of appreciating the gravity of Philip&#8217;s
+mistake is to put before our eyes the idea which <span class="sidenote">The error of such
+sacrilege as a
+matter of policy.</span>
+the Aetolians would probably have conceived of
+him, had he acted in an opposite way, and destroyed
+neither colonnades nor statutes, nor done injury to any
+of the sacred offerings. For my part I think it would have
+been one of the greatest goodness and humanity. For they
+would have had on their consciences their own acts at Dium
+and Dodona; and would have seen unmistakably that,
+whereas Philip was absolutely master of the situation, and
+could do what he chose, and would have been held fully
+justified as far as their deserts went in taking the severest
+measures, yet deliberately, from mere gentleness and magnanimity,
+he refused to copy their conduct in any respect.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_12" id="b5_12"><b>12.</b></a> Clearly these considerations would most probably
+have led them to condemn themselves, and to view Philip<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">370</a></span>
+with respect and admiration for his kingly and high minded
+qualities, shown by his respect for religion and by the moderation
+of his anger against themselves. For in truth to
+conquer one&#8217;s enemies in integrity and equity is not of less,
+but of greater, practical advantage than victories in the field.
+In the one case the defeated party yields under compulsion;
+in the other with cheerful assent. In the one case the victor
+effects his reformation at the cost of great losses; in the other
+he recalls the erring to better courses without any damage to
+himself. But above all, in the one case the chief credit of the
+victory belongs to the soldiers, in the other it falls wholly and
+solely to the part of the leaders.</p>
+
+<p>Perhaps, however, one ought not to lay all the blame for
+what was done on that occasion on Philip, <span class="sidenote">The blame chiefly
+belongs to
+Demetrius of
+Pharos.</span>
+taking
+his age into consideration; but chiefly on his
+friends, who were in attendance upon him and
+co-operating with him, among whom were
+Aratus and Demetrius of Pharos. In regard to them it would
+not be difficult to assert, even without being there, from
+which of the two a counsel of this sort proceeded. For apart
+from the general principles animating the whole course of his
+life, in which nothing savouring of rashness and want of
+judgment can be alleged of Aratus, while the exact contrary
+may be said of Demetrius, we have an undisputed instance of
+the principles actuating both the one and the other in
+analogous circumstances, on which I shall speak in its proper
+place.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_13" id="b5_13"><b>13.</b></a> To return then to Philip. Taking with him as much
+booty living and dead as he could, he started
+from Thermus, <span class="sidenote">The return of
+Philip from
+Thermus.</span>
+returning by the same road as
+that by which he had come; putting the booty
+and heavy-armed infantry in the van, and reserving the
+Acarnanians and mercenaries to bring up the rear. He was
+in great haste to get through the difficult passes, because he
+expected that the Aetolians, relying on the security of their
+strongholds, would harass his rear. And this in fact promptly
+took place: for a body of Aetolians, that had collected to the
+number of nearly three thousand for the defence of the
+country, under the command of Alexander of Trichonium,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">371</a></span>
+hovered about, concealing themselves in certain secret hiding-places,
+and not venturing to approach as long as Philip was
+on the high ground; but as soon as he got his rear-guard in
+motion they promptly threw themselves into Thermus and
+began harassing the hindermost of the enemy&#8217;s column. The
+rear being thus thrown into confusion, the attacks and charges
+of the Aetolians became more and more furious, encouraged
+by the nature of the ground. But Philip had foreseen this
+danger, and had provided for it, by stationing his Illyrians
+and his best peltasts under cover of a certain hill on the
+descent. These men suddenly fell upon the advanced bodies
+of the enemy as they were charging; whereupon the rest of
+the Aetolian army fled in headlong haste over a wild and
+trackless country, with a loss of a hundred and thirty killed, and
+about the same number taken prisoners. This success relieved
+his rear; which, after burning Pamphium, accomplished the
+passage of the narrow gorge with rapidity and safety, and
+effected a junction with the Macedonians near
+Matape, <span class="sidenote">Matape.</span>
+at which place Philip had pitched a
+camp and was waiting for his rear-guard to come up. Next
+day, after levelling Metape to the ground, <span class="sidenote">Acrae.</span>
+he advanced to the
+city called Acrae; next day to Conope, ravaging
+the country as he passed, and there encamped
+for the night. <span class="sidenote">Stratus.</span>On the next he marched along the Achelous as
+far as Stratus; there he crossed the river, and,
+having halted his men out of range, endeavoured
+to tempt the garrison outside the walls; for he had been informed
+that two thousand Aetolian infantry and about four hundred
+horse, with five hundred Cretans, had collected into Stratus.
+But when no one ventured out, he renewed his march, and
+ordered his van to advance towards Limnaea and the ships.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_14" id="b5_14"><b>14.</b></a> But no sooner had his rear passed the town than,
+first, a small body of Aetolian cavalry sallied
+out and began harassing the hindmost men; <span class="sidenote">Philip victorious
+in a skirmish
+with the garrison
+of Stratus.</span>
+and then, the whole of the Cretans and some
+Aetolian troops having joined their cavalry, the
+conflict became more severe, and the rear of Philip&#8217;s army
+were forced to face about and engage the enemy. At first the
+conflict was undecided; but on Philip&#8217;s mercenaries being<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">372</a></span>
+supported by the arrival of the Illyrians, the Aetolian cavalry
+and mercenaries gave way and fled in disorder. The royal
+troops pursued most of them to the entrance of the gates, or up
+to the walls, <span class="sidenote">Arrival at
+Limnaea.</span>
+and killed about a hundred of
+them. After this skirmish the garrison remained
+inactive, and the rear of the royal army reached
+the camp and the ships in safety.</p>
+
+<p>Philip pitched his camp early in the day, and proceeded to
+make a thank offering to the gods for the successful issue of
+his undertaking; and to invite the officers to a banquet, at
+which it was his intention to entertain them all. His view
+was that he had ventured upon a dangerous country, and such
+as no one had ever ventured to enter with an army before;
+while he had not only entered it with an army, but had returned
+in safety, after accomplishing all that he had intended. But
+while he was thus intent on entertaining his officers in great
+elation of mind, Megaleas and Leontius were nursing feelings
+of great annoyance at the success of the king. They had
+arranged with Apelles to hamper all his plans, but had been
+unable to do so; and now saw everything turning out exactly
+contrary to their views.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_15" id="b5_15"><b>15.</b></a> Still they came to the banquet, where they from the first
+excited the suspicions of the king and the rest
+of the company, <span class="sidenote">Megaleas and
+Leontius betray
+their chagrin
+at the king&#8217;s
+success.</span>
+by showing less joy at the
+events than the others present. But as the
+drinking went on, and grew less and less
+moderate, being forced to do just as the others
+did, they soon showed themselves in their true colours. For
+as soon as the company broke up, losing control over themselves
+under the influence of wine, <span class="sidenote">They assault
+Aratus.</span>
+they roamed
+about looking for Aratus; and having fallen in
+with him on his way home, they first attacked
+him with abusive language, and then threw stones at him;
+and a number of people coming to the assistance of both
+parties, there was a noise and disturbance in the camp. But
+the king hearing the noise sent some officers to ascertain the
+cause, and to put an end to the disturbance. On their coming
+upon the scene, Aratus stated what had occurred, called those
+present to witness the truth of his words, and retired to his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">373</a></span>
+own tent; but Leontius by some unexplained means slipped
+away in the crowd. When informed of what had taken place, <span class="sidenote">Megaleas and
+Crinon held to
+bail.</span>
+the king sent for Megaleas and Crinon and
+rebuked them sharply: and when they not only
+expressed no submission, but actually retorted
+with a declaration that they would never desist until they had
+paid Aratus out, the king, enraged at their words, at once
+required them to give security for the payment of a fine of
+twenty talents, and ordered them to be placed under arrest.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_16" id="b5_16"><b>16.</b></a> Next morning, too, he sent for Aratus and bade him
+have no fears, for that he would see that the business was
+properly settled. When Leontius learned what had happened
+to Megaleas, he came to the king&#8217;s tent with some peltasts,
+believing that, owing to his youth, he should overawe the king,
+and quickly induce him to repent of his purpose. Coming
+into the royal presence he demanded who had ventured to lay
+hands on Megaleas, and lead him to confinement? But when
+the king answered with firmness that he had given the order,
+Leontius was dismayed; and, with an exclamation of indignant
+sorrow, departed in high wrath. <span class="sidenote">Arrival at Leucas.
+Megaleas fined
+twenty talents.</span>
+Immediately
+after getting the fleet across the gulf, and
+anchoring at Leucas, the king first gave orders
+to the officers appointed to distribute the spoils to carry out
+that business with all despatch; and then summoned his
+friends to council, and tried the case of Megaleas. In his
+speech as accuser Aratus went over the crimes of Leontius
+and his party from beginning to end; detailed the massacre in
+Argos perpetrated by them after the departure of Antigonus;
+their arrangement made with Apelles; and finally their contrivance
+to prevent success at Palus. Of all these accusations he
+gave distinct proof, and brought forward witnesses: and
+Megaleas and Crinon being entirely unable to refute any of
+them, were unanimously condemned by the king&#8217;s friends.
+Crinon remained under arrest, but Leontius went bail for the
+payment of the Megaleas&#8217;s fine. Thus the intrigue of Apelles
+and Leontius turned out quite contrary to their original hopes:
+for they had expected, by terrifying Aratus and isolating
+Philip, to do whatever seemed to suit their interests; whereas
+the result had been exactly the reverse.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">374</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_17" id="b5_17"><b>17.</b></a> About the same time Lycurgus returned from Messenia
+without having accomplished anything of
+importance. <span class="sidenote">Lycurgus of
+Sparta attacks
+Tegea.</span>
+Afterwards he started again and
+seized Tegea. The inhabitants having retreated
+into the citadel, he determined to besiege it; but finding himself
+unable to make any impression upon it he returned once
+more to Sparta.</p>
+
+<p>The Eleans after overrunning Dymaea, gained an easy
+victory over some cavalry that had come out to
+resist them, <span class="sidenote">Elis.</span>
+by decoying them into an ambush.
+They killed a considerable number of the Gallic mercenaries,
+and among the natives whom they took prisoners were
+Polymedes of Aegium, and Agesipolis, and Diocles of Dyme.</p>
+
+<p>Dorimachus had made his expedition originally, as I have
+already mentioned, under the conviction that <span class="sidenote">Dorimachus
+recalled from
+Thessaly by
+Philip&#8217;s invasion
+of Aetolia.</span>
+he would be able to devastate Thessaly without
+danger to himself, and would force Philip to
+raise the siege of Palus. But when he found
+Chrysogonus and Petraeus ready in Thessaly to
+engage him, he did not venture to descend into the plain, but
+kept close upon the skirts of the mountains; and when news
+reached him of the Macedonian invasion of Aetolia, he
+abandoned his attempt upon Thessaly, and hurried home to
+resist the invaders, whom he found however already departed
+from Aetolia: and so was too late for the campaign
+at all points.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile the king set sail from Leucas; and after ravaging
+the territory of Oeanthe as he coasted along, <span class="sidenote">Philip arrives at
+Corinth.</span>
+arrived with his whole fleet at Corinth, and
+dropping anchor in the harbour of Lechaeum,
+disembarked his troops, and sent his letter-bearers to the
+allied cities in the Peloponnese, naming a day on which he
+wished all to be at Tegea by bedtime.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_18" id="b5_18"><b>18.</b></a> Then, without making any stay in Corinth, he gave the
+<span class="sidenote">Tegea.</span>Macedonians marching orders; and came at the
+end of a two days&#8217; march by way of Argos to
+Tegea. There he took on the Achaean troops that had
+assembled, and advanced by the mountain road, being very
+desirous to effect an entrance into the territory of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">375</a></span>
+Lacedaemonians before they became aware of it. Thus after
+a circuitous route through an uninhabited <span class="sidenote">Amyclae and
+Sparta.</span>
+district he came out upon the hills facing the
+town, and continued his advance right upon
+Amyclae, keeping the Menela&iuml;um on his right. The Lacedaemonians
+were dismayed and terrified at seeing from the town
+the army passing along the hills, and wondered what was happening.
+For they were still in a state of excitement at the news
+of Philip which had arrived,&mdash;his destruction
+of Thermus, <span class="sidenote">Dismay at
+Sparta.</span>
+and his whole campaign in Aetolia;
+and there was even some talk among them of
+sending Lycurgus to the assistance of the Aetolians. But no
+one had so much as thought of danger coming so quickly to
+their own gates from such a distance, especially as the youth
+of the king still gave room for a certain feeling of contempt.
+The event therefore being totally contrary to their expectations,
+they were naturally in a state of great dismay. For the
+courage and energy beyond his years, with which Philip acted,
+reduced all his enemies to a state of the utmost difficulty and
+terror. For setting out, as I have shown, from the centre of
+Aetolia, and crossing the Ambracian gulf by night, he passed
+over to Leucas; and after a two days&#8217; halt there, on the third
+he renewed his voyage before daybreak, and after a two days&#8217;
+sail, during which he ravaged the seaboard of the Aetolians, he
+dropped anchor in Lechaeum; thence, after seven days&#8217;
+continuous march, he arrived on the heights above Sparta in
+the neighbourhood of the Menela&iuml;um,&mdash;a feat which most of
+those even who saw it done could scarcely believe.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_19" id="b5_19"><b>19.</b></a> While the Lacedaemonians were thus thoroughly
+terrified at the unexpected danger, and at a loss what to do
+to meet it, Philip encamped on the first day at Amyclae:
+a place in Laconia about twenty stades from Lacedaemon,
+exceedingly rich in forest and corn, and containing a temple
+of Apollo, which is about the most splendid of all the
+temples in Laconia, situated in that quarter of the city which
+slopes down towards the sea. Next day the king descended
+to a place called the Camp of Pyrrhus,<a name="FNanchor_254" id="FNanchor_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">254</a> wasting the country as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">376</a></span>
+he went. After devastating the neighbouring districts for the
+two following days, he encamped near Carnium; <span class="sidenote">Carnium.</span>
+thence he started for Asine, and after some
+fruitless assaults upon it, he started again, and thenceforth
+devoted himself to plundering all the country bordering on
+the Cretan Sea as far as Taenarum. <span class="sidenote">Gythium.</span>Then, once more
+changing the direction of his march, he advanced
+to Gythium, the naval arsenal of Sparta, which
+possesses a safe harbour, and is about thirty stades from the
+city. <span class="sidenote">Helos.</span>
+Then leaving this on the right, he pitched
+his camp in the territory of Helos, which of
+all the districts of Laconia is the most extensive and most
+beautiful. Thence he sent out foraging parties and wasted
+the country with fire and sword, and destroyed the crops in it:
+pushing his devastation as far as Acriae and Leucae, and
+even to the district of Boeae.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_20" id="b5_20"><b>20.</b></a> On the receipt of the despatch from Philip commanding
+the levy, the Messenians were no less forward <span class="sidenote">Abortive attempt
+of the Messenians
+to join Philip.</span>
+than the other allies to undertake it. They
+showed indeed great zeal in making the expedition,
+sending out the flower of their troops, two thousand
+infantry and two hundred cavalry. Owing, however, to their
+distance from the seat of war, they arrived at Tegea after Philip
+had left, and at first were at a loss what to do; but being
+very anxious not to appear lukewarm in the campaign, because
+of the suspicions which had attached to them before, they
+pressed forward through Argolis into Laconia, with a view of
+effecting a junction with Philip; and having reached a fort
+called Glympes, which is situated on the frontiers of Argolis and
+Laconia, they encamped there in an unskilful and careless
+manner: for they neither entrenched themselves with ditch
+nor rampart, nor selected an advantageous spot; but trusting
+to the friendly disposition of the natives, bivouacked there
+unsuspiciously outside the walls of the fortress. But on
+news being brought to Lycurgus of the arrival of the
+Messenians, he took his mercenaries and some Lacedaemonians
+with him, and reaching the place before daybreak,
+boldly attacked the camp. Ill advised as the proceedings
+of the Messenians had been, and especially in advancing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">377</a></span>
+from Tegea with inadequate numbers and without the direction
+of experts, in the actual hour of danger, when the enemy
+was upon them, they did all that circumstances admitted of
+to secure their safety. For as soon as they saw the enemy
+appearing they abandoned everything and took refuge within
+the fort. Accordingly, though Lycurgus captured most of the
+horses and the baggage, he did not take a single prisoner, and
+only succeeded in killing eight of the cavalry. After this
+reverse, the Messenians returned home through Argolis: but
+elated with success Lycurgus went to Sparta, <span class="sidenote">Lycurgus resolves
+to intercept Philip
+on his return at
+the pass opposite
+Sparta.</span>
+and set about preparations for war; and took
+secret counsel with his friends to prevent
+Philip from getting safe out of the country without
+an engagement. Meanwhile the king had
+started from the district of Helos, and was on his return
+march, wasting the country as he came; and on the fourth day,
+about noon, arrived once more with his whole army at
+Amyclae.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_21" id="b5_21"><b>21.</b></a> Leaving directions with his officers and friends as to
+the coming engagement, Lycurgus himself left Sparta and
+occupied the ground near the Menela&iuml;um, with as many as two
+thousand men. He agreed with the officers in the town that
+they should watch carefully, in order that, whenever he raised
+the signal, they might lead out their troops from the town at
+several points at once, and draw them up facing the Eurotas, at
+the spot where it is nearest the town. Such were the measures
+and designs of Lycurgus and the Lacedaemonians.</p>
+
+<p>But lest ignorance of the locality should render my story
+unintelligible and vague, I must describe its
+natural features and general position: <span class="sidenote">Value of local
+knowledge.</span>
+following
+my practice throughout this work of drawing
+out the analogies and likenesses between places which are
+unknown and those already known and described. For seeing
+that in war, whether by sea or land, it is the difference of
+position which generally is the cause of failure; and since I
+wish all to know, not so much what happened, as how it
+happened, I must not pass over local description in detailing
+events of any sort, least of all in such as relate to war: and I
+must not shrink from using as landmarks, at one time harbours<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">378</a></span>
+and seas and islands, at another temples, mountains, or local
+names; or, finally, variations in the aspect of the heaven, these
+being of the most universal application throughout the world.
+For it is thus, and thus only, that it is possible, as I have said,
+to bring my readers to a conception of an unknown scene.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_22" id="b5_22"><b>22.</b></a> These then are the features of the country in question.
+Sparta, as a whole, is in the shape of a circle; <span class="sidenote">The position of
+Sparta and the
+neighbouring
+heights.</span>
+and is situated on level ground, broken at
+certain points by irregularities and hills. The
+river Eurotas flows past it on the east, and for
+the greater part of the year is too large to be forded; and the
+hills on which the Menela&iuml;um stands are on the other side of
+the river, to the south-east of the town, rugged and difficult of
+access and exceedingly lofty; they exactly command the space
+between the town and the Eurotas, which flows at the very
+foot of the hill, the whole valley being at this point no more
+than a stade and a half wide. <span class="sidenote">The dispositions
+of Lycurgus.</span>
+Through this Philip was
+obliged to pass on his return march, with the
+city, and the Lacedaemonians ready and
+drawn up for battle, on his left hand, and on
+his right the river, and the division of Lycurgus posted upon
+the hills. In addition to these arrangements the Lacedaemonians
+had had recourse to the following device: They
+had dammed up the river above the town, and turned the
+stream upon the space between the town and the hills; with the
+result that the ground became so wet that men could not
+keep their feet, to say nothing of horses. The only course,
+therefore, left to the king was to lead his men close under the
+skirts of the hills, thus presenting to the attack of the enemy
+a long line of march, in which it was difficult for one part to
+relieve another.</p>
+
+<p>Philip perceived these difficulties, and after consultation
+with his friends decided that the matter of most <span class="sidenote">Philip succeeds
+in baffling
+Lycurgus.</span>
+urgent necessity was to dislodge the division of
+Lycurgus, first of all, from the position near the
+Menela&iuml;um. He took therefore his mercenaries, peltasts,
+and Illyrians, and advanced across the river in the direction of
+the hills. Perceiving Philip&#8217;s design, Lycurgus began getting
+his men ready, and exhorted them to face the battle, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">379</a></span>
+at the same time displayed the signal to the forces in the
+town: whereupon those whose duty it was immediately led
+out the troops from the town, as had been arranged, and
+drew them up outside the wall, with the cavalry on their right
+wing.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_23" id="b5_23"><b>23.</b></a> When he had got within distance of Lycurgus, Philip
+at first ordered the mercenaries to charge alone: and, accordingly,
+their superiority in arms and position contributed not a
+little to give the Lacedaemonians the upper hand at the
+beginning of the engagement. But when Philip supported his
+men by sending his reserve of peltasts on to the field, and
+caused the Illyrians to charge the enemy on the flanks, the
+king&#8217;s mercenaries were encouraged by the appearance of
+these reserves to renew the battle with much more vigour than
+ever; while Lycurgus&#8217;s men, terrified at the approach of the
+heavy-armed soldiers, gave way and fled, leaving a hundred killed
+and rather more prisoners, while the rest escaped into the
+town. Lycurgus himself, with a few followers going by a
+deserted and pathless route, made his way into the town
+under cover of night. Philip secured the hills by means of
+the Illyrians; and, accompanied by his light-armed troops and
+peltasts, rejoined his main forces. Just at the same time
+Aratus, leading the phalanx from Amyclae, had come close
+to the town. So the king, after recrossing the Eurotas, halted
+with his light-armed peltasts and cavalry until the heavy-armed
+got safely through the narrow part of the road at the foot of
+the hills. Then the troops in the city ventured to attack the
+covering force of cavalry. There was a serious engagement,
+in which the peltasts fought with conspicuous valour; and the
+success of Philip being now beyond dispute, he chased the
+Lacedaemonians to their very gates, and then, having got his
+army safely across the Eurotas he brought up the rear of his
+phalanx.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_24" id="b5_24"><b>24.</b></a> But it was now getting late: and being obliged to
+encamp, he availed himself for that purpose of
+a place at the very mouth of the pass, <span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s strong
+position.</span>
+his
+officers having chanced already to have
+selected that very place; than which it would be impossible
+to find one more advantageous for making an invasion of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">380</a></span>
+Laconia by way of Sparta itself. For it is at the very
+commencement of this pass, just where a man coming from
+Tegea, or, indeed, from any point in the interior, approaches
+Sparta; being about two stades from the town and right upon
+the river. The side of it which looks towards the town and
+river is entirely covered by a steep, lofty, and entirely
+inaccessible rock; while the top of this rock is a table-land of
+good soil and well supplied with water, and very conveniently
+situated for the exit and entrance of troops. A general,
+therefore, who was encamped there, and who had command
+of the height overhanging it, would evidently be in a place of
+safety as regards the neighbouring town, and in a most
+advantageous situation as commanding the entrance and exit
+of the narrow pass. Having accordingly encamped himself
+on this spot in safety, next day Philip sent forward his baggage;
+but drew out his army on the table-land in full view of the
+citizens, and remained thus for a short time. <span class="sidenote">Sellasia,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;222.</span>
+Then he wheeled
+to the left and marched in the direction of
+Tegea; and when he reached the site of the
+battle of Antigonus and Cleomenes, he encamped
+there. Next day, having made an inspection of the
+ground and sacrificed to the gods on both the eminences,
+Olympus and Evas, he advanced with his rear-guard strengthened.
+On arriving at Tegea he caused all the <span class="sidenote">Philip proceeds to
+Tegea, where he
+is visited by
+ambassadors from
+Rhodes and Chios
+seeking to end
+the Aetolian war.</span>
+booty to be sold; and then, marching through
+Argos, arrived with his whole force at Corinth.
+There ambassadors appeared from Rhodes
+and Chios to negotiate a suspension of
+hostilities; to whom the king gave audience,
+and feigning that he was, and always had
+been, quite ready to come to terms with the Aetolians, sent
+them away to negotiate with the latter also; while he himself
+went down to Lechaeum, and made preparations for an
+embarkation, as he had an important undertaking to complete
+in Phocis.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_25" id="b5_25"><b>25.</b></a> Leontius, Megaleas, and Ptolemy, being still persuaded
+that they could frighten Philip, and thus neutralise
+their former failures, took this opportunity of tampering
+with the peltasts, and what the Macedonians call the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">381</a></span>
+<i>Agema</i>,<a name="FNanchor_255" id="FNanchor_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">255</a> by suggesting to them that they were risking their all,
+and getting none of their just rights, nor receiving
+the booty which, <span class="sidenote">Treason of
+Megaleas and
+Ptolemy.</span>according to custom, properly
+fell to their share. By these words they incited
+the young men to collect together, and attempt to plunder the
+tents of the most prominent of the king&#8217;s friends, and to pull
+down the doors, and break through the roof of the royal
+headquarters.</p>
+
+<p>The whole city being thereby in a state of confusion
+and uproar, the king heard of it and immediately came hastily
+running to the town from Lechaeum; and having summoned
+the Macedonians to the theatre he addressed them in terms of
+mingled exhortation and rebuke for what had happened. A
+scene of great uproar and confusion followed: and while some
+advised him to arrest and call to account the guilty, others to
+come to terms and declare an indemnity, for the moment the
+king dissembled his feelings, and pretended to be satisfied; and
+so with some words of exhortation addressed to all, retired:
+and though he knew quite well who were the ringleaders
+in the disturbance, he made a politic pretence of not doing so.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_26" id="b5_26"><b>26.</b></a> After this outbreak the king&#8217;s schemes in Phocis met
+with certain impediments which prevented their
+present execution. <span class="sidenote">Apelles sent for
+by Leontius.</span>
+Meanwhile Leontius, despairing
+of success by his own efforts, had
+recourse to Apelles, urging him by frequent messages to come
+from Chalcis, and setting forth his own difficulties and the
+awkwardness of his position owing to his quarrel with the
+king. Now Apelles had been acting in Chalcis with an
+unwarrantable assumption of authority. He gave out that
+the king was still a mere boy, and for the most part under his
+control, and without independent power over anything; the
+management of affairs and the supreme authority in the
+kingdom he asserted to belong to himself. Accordingly, the
+magistrates and commissioners of Macedonia and Thessaly
+reported to him; and the cities in Greece in their decrees and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">382</a></span>
+votes of honours and rewards made brief reference to the
+king, while Apelles was all in all to them. Philip had been
+kept informed of this, and had for some time past been feeling
+annoyed and offended at it,&mdash;Aratus being at his side, and
+using skilful means to further his own views; still he kept his
+own counsel, and did not let any one see what he intended to
+do, or what he had in his mind. In ignorance, therefore, of his
+own position, and persuaded that, if he could only come into
+Philip&#8217;s presence, he would manage everything as he chose,
+Apelles set out from Chalcis to the assistance
+of Leontius. <span class="sidenote">Apelles rebuffed
+by the king.</span>
+On his arrival at Corinth, Leontius,
+Ptolemy and Megaleas, being commanders of
+the peltasts and the other chief divisions of the army, took great
+pains to incite the young men to go to meet him. He entered
+the town, therefore, with great pomp, owing to the number of
+officers and soldiers who went to meet him, and proceeded
+straight to the royal quarters. But when he would have
+entered, according to his former custom, one of the ushers
+prevented him, saying that the king was engaged. Troubled
+at this unusual repulse, and hesitating for a long while what to
+do, Apelles at last turned round and retired. Thereupon all
+those who were escorting him began at once openly to fall off
+from him and disperse, so that at last he entered his own
+lodging, with his children, absolutely alone. So true it is all the
+world over that a moment exalts and abases
+us; <span class="sidenote">Courtiers.</span>
+but most especially is this true of courtiers.
+They indeed are exactly like counters on a board, which, according
+to the pleasure of the calculator, are one moment worth a
+farthing, the next a talent. Even so courtiers at the king&#8217;s
+nod are one moment at the summit of prosperity, at another
+the objects of pity. When Megaleas saw that the help
+he had looked for from Apelles was failing him, he was
+exceedingly frightened, and made preparations for flight.
+Apelles meanwhile was admitted to the king&#8217;s banquets and
+honours of that sort, but had no share in his council or daily
+social employments; and when, some days afterwards, the
+king resumed his voyage from Lechaeum, to complete his
+designs in Phocis, he took Apelles with him.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_27" id="b5_27"><b>27.</b></a> The expedition to Phocis proving a failure, the king<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">383</a></span>
+was retiring from Elatea; and while this was going on,
+Megaleas removed to Athens, leaving Leontius behind him
+as his security for his twenty talents fine. <span class="sidenote">Flight of
+Megaleas.</span>
+The
+Athenian Strategi however refused to admit him,
+and he therefore resumed his journey and went
+to Thebes. Meanwhile the king put to sea from the coast
+of Cirrha and sailed with his guards<a name="FNanchor_256" id="FNanchor_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">256</a> to the harbour of
+Sicyon, whence he went up to the city and, excusing himself to
+the magistrates, took up his quarters with Aratus, and spent
+the whole of his time with him, ordering Apelles to sail back
+to Corinth. But upon news being brought him
+of the proceedings of Megaleas, <span class="sidenote">Leontius put to
+death.</span>
+he despatched
+the peltasts, whose regular commander was
+Leontius, in the charge of Taurion to Triphylia, on the pretext
+of some service of pressing need; and, when they had departed,
+he gave orders to arrest Leontius to answer his bail. When
+the peltasts heard what had happened from a messenger sent
+to them by Leontius, they despatched ambassadors to the king,
+begging him that, &#8220;if he had arrested Leontius on any other
+score, not to have him tried on the charges alleged against him
+without their presence: for otherwise they should consider
+themselves treated with signal contempt, and to be one and all
+involved in the condemnation.&#8221; Such was the freedom of speech
+towards their king which the Macedonians always enjoyed.
+They added, that &#8220;if the arrest was on account of his bail for
+Megaleas, they would themselves pay the money by a common
+subscription.&#8221; The king however was so enraged, that he put
+Leontius to death sooner than he had intended, owing to the
+zeal displayed by the peltasts.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_28" id="b5_28"><b>28.</b></a> Presently the ambassadors of Rhodes and Chios
+returned from Aetolia. They had agreed to a
+truce of thirty days, <span class="sidenote">A thirty days&#8217;
+truce offered by
+the Aetolians
+through the
+Rhodian and
+Chian
+ambassadors.</span>
+and asserted that the
+Aetolians were ready to make peace: they had
+also arranged for a stated day on which they
+claimed that Philip should meet them at Rhium;
+undertaking that the Aetolians would be ready
+to do anything on condition of making peace. Philip accepted<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">384</a></span>
+the truce and wrote letters to the allies, bidding
+them send assessors and commissioners to discuss the terms
+with the Aetolians; <span class="sidenote">Treason of
+Megaleas detected.
+His
+arrest and suicide.</span>
+while he himself sailed
+from Lechaeum and arrived on the second day
+at Patrae. Just then certain letters were sent to
+him from Phocis, which Megaleas had written
+to the Aetolians, exhorting them not to be frightened, but to
+persist in the war, because Philip was in extremities through a
+lack of provisions. Besides this the letters contained some
+offensive and bitter abuse of the king. As soon as he had
+read these, the king feeling no doubt that Apelles was the
+ringleader of the mischief, placed him under a guard and despatched
+him in all haste to Corinth, with his son and favourite
+boy; while he sent Alexander to Thebes to arrest Megaleas,
+with orders to bring him before the magistrates to answer to
+his bail. When Alexander had fulfilled his commission,
+Megaleas, not daring to await the issue, committed
+suicide: <span class="sidenote">Death of Appelles.</span>
+and about the same time
+Apelles, his son and favourite boy, ended their lives also. Such
+was the end of these men, thoroughly deserved in every way,
+and especially for their outrageous conduct to Aratus.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_29" id="b5_29"><b>29.</b></a> Now the Aetolians were at first very anxious for the
+ratification of a peace, because they found the
+war burdensome, <span class="sidenote">Failure of the
+negotiations with
+the Aetolians.</span>
+and because things had not
+gone as they expected. For, looking to his
+tender years and lack of experience, they had expected to have
+a mere child to deal with in Philip; but had found him a full-grown
+man both in his designs and his manner of executing
+them: while they had themselves made a display of imbecility
+and childishness alike in the general conduct, and the particular
+actions, of the campaign. But as soon as they heard of the
+outbreak of the disturbance among the peltasts, and of the
+deaths of Apelles and Leontius, hoping that there was a
+serious and formidable disaffection at the court, they procrastinated
+until they had outstayed the day appointed for the
+meeting at Rhium. But Philip was delighted to seize the
+pretext: for he felt confident of success in the war, and had
+already resolved to avoid coming to terms. He therefore
+at once exhorted such of the allies as had come to meet him<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">385</a></span>
+to make preparations, not for the peace, but for war; and
+putting to sea again sailed back to Corinth. He then dismissed
+his Macedonian soldiers to go home through Thessaly for
+the winter: while he himself putting to sea from Cenchreae,
+and coasting along Attica, sailed through the Euripus to
+Demetrias, and there before a jury of Macedonians had
+Ptolemy tried and put to death, who was the last survivor of
+the conspiracy of Leontius.</p>
+
+<p>It was in this season that Hannibal, having succeeded in
+entering Italy, was lying encamped in presence
+of the Roman army in the valley of the Padus. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218.
+Review of the
+events of the year
+in Italy, Asia,
+Sparta.</span>
+Antiochus, after subduing the greater part of
+Coele-Syria, had once more dismissed his army
+into winter quarters. The Spartan king
+Lycurgus fled to Aetolia in fear of the Ephors: for acting on a
+false charge that he was meditating a <i>coup d&#8217;&eacute;tat</i>, they had
+collected the young men and come to his house at night. But
+getting previous intimation of what was impending, he had
+quitted the town accompanied by the members of his household.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_30" id="b5_30"><b>30.</b></a> When the next winter came, Philip having departed
+to Macedonia, and the Achaean Strategus <span class="sidenote">Winter of
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218-217.</span>
+Eperatus having incurred the contempt of the
+Achaean soldiers and the complete disregard
+of the mercenaries, no one would obey his orders, and
+no preparation was made for the defence of the country.
+This was observed by Pyrrhias, who had been <span class="sidenote">Disorder in
+Achaia owing to
+the incompetence
+of the Strategus
+Eperatus.</span>
+sent by the Aetolians to command the Eleans.
+He had under him a force of thirteen hundred
+Aetolians, and the mercenaries hired by the
+Eleans, as well as a thousand Elean infantry and
+two hundred Elean cavalry, amounting in all to three thousand:
+and he now began committing frequent raids, not only upon
+the territories of Dyme and Pharae, but upon that of Patrae
+also. Finally he pitched his camp on what is called the Panachaean
+Mountain, which commands the town of Patrae, and
+began wasting the whole district towards Rhium and Aegium.
+The result was that the cities, being exposed to much suffering,
+and unable to obtain any assistance, began to make difficulties<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">386</a></span>
+about paying their contribution to the league; and the soldiers
+finding their pay always in arrear and never paid at the right
+time acted in the same way about going to the relief of the
+towns. Both parties thus mutually retaliating on each other,
+affairs went from bad to worse, and at last the foreign contingent
+broke up altogether. And all this was the result of the
+incompetence of the chief magistrate. <span class="sidenote">May, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217.
+Aratus the elder
+elected Strategus.</span>
+The
+time for the next election finding Achaean
+affairs in this state, Eperatus laid down his office,
+and just at the beginning of summer Aratus the elder was
+elected Strategus.<a name="FNanchor_257" id="FNanchor_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">257</a></p>
+
+<p>Such was the position of affairs in Europe. We have now
+arrived at a proper juncture, both of events
+and of time, <span class="sidenote">140th Olympiad,
+Asia.</span>
+to transfer our narrative to the
+history of Asia. I will therefore resume my
+story of the transactions which occurred there during the same
+Olympiad.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_31" id="b5_31"><b>31.</b></a> I will first endeavour, in accordance with my original
+plan, to give an account of the war between Antiochus and
+Ptolemy for the possession of Coele-Syria. Though I am
+fully aware that at the period, at which I have stopped in my
+Greek history, this war was all but decided and concluded, I
+have yet deliberately chosen this particular break and division
+in my narrative; believing that I shall effectually provide
+against the possibility of mistakes on the part of my readers in
+regard to dates, if I indicate in the course of my narrative the
+years in this Olympiad in which the events in the several parts
+of the world, as well as in Greece, began and ended. For I
+think nothing more essential to the clearness of my history of
+this Olympiad than to avoid confusing the several narratives.
+Our object should be to distinguish and keep them separate as
+much as possible, until we come to the next Olympiad, and
+begin setting down the contemporary events in the several
+countries under each year. For since I have undertaken to
+write, not a particular, but a universal history, and have
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">387</a></span>ventured upon a plan on a greater scale, as I have already
+shown, than any of my predecessors, it will be necessary also
+for me to take greater care than they, as to my method of
+treatment and arrangement; so as to secure clearness, both in
+the details, and in the general view adopted in my history. I
+will accordingly go back a short way in the history of
+the kingdoms of Antiochus and Ptolemy, and try to fix upon
+a starting-point for my narrative which shall be accepted
+and recognised by all: for this is a matter of the first
+importance.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_32" id="b5_32"><b>32.</b></a> For the old saying, &#8220;Well begun is half done,&#8221; was
+meant by its inventors to urge the importance of taking the
+greater pains to make a good beginning than anything else.
+And though some may consider this an exaggeration, in my
+opinion it comes short of the truth; for one might say with
+confidence, not that &#8220;the beginning was half the business,&#8221; but
+rather that it was near being the whole. For how can one
+make a good beginning without having first grasped in thought
+the complete plan, or without knowing where, with what
+object, and with what purpose he is undertaking the business?
+Or how can a man sum up a series of events satisfactorily
+without a reference to their origin, and without showing his
+point of departure, or why and how he has arrived at the
+particular crisis at which he finds himself? Therefore both
+historian and reader alike should be exceedingly careful to
+mark the beginnings of events, with a conviction that their
+influence does not stop half-way, but is paramount to the end.
+And this is what I shall endeavour to do.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_33" id="b5_33"><b>33.</b></a> I am aware, however, that a similar profession has
+been made by many other historians of an intention to write a
+universal history, and of undertaking a work on a larger scale
+than their predecessors. About these writers, putting out of
+the question Ephorus, the first and only man who has really attempted
+a universal history, I will not mention any name or say
+more about them than this,&mdash;that several of my contemporaries,
+while professing to write a universal history have imagined that
+they could tell the story of the war of Rome and Carthage in
+three or four pages. Yet every one knows that events more
+numerous or important were never accomplished in Iberia,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">388</a></span>
+Libya, Sicily, and Italy than in that war; and that the
+Hannibalian war was the most famous and lasting of any that
+has taken place except the Sicilian. So momentous was it,
+that all the rest of the world were compelled to watch it in
+terrified expectation of what would follow from its final
+catastrophe. Yet some of these writers, without even giving
+as many details of it as those who, after the manner of the
+vulgar, inscribe rude records of events on house walls, pretend
+to have embraced the whole of Greek and foreign history.
+The truth of the matter is, that it is a very easy matter to
+profess to undertake works of the greatest importance; but by
+no means so simple a matter in practice to attain to any
+excellence. The former is open to every one with the
+requisite audacity: the latter is rare, and is given to few. So
+much for those who use pompous language about themselves
+and their historical works. I will now return to my narrative.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_34" id="b5_34"><b>34.</b></a> Immediately after his father&#8217;s death, Ptolemy Philopator
+put his brother Magas and his partisans to
+death, <span class="sidenote">Death of Ptolemy
+Euergetes,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;222.</span>
+and took possession of the throne of
+Egypt. He thought that he had now freed himself
+by this act from domestic danger; and that by the deaths
+of Antigonus and Seleucus, and their being respectively
+succeeded by mere children like Antiochus and Philip, fortune
+had released him from danger abroad. He therefore felt
+secure of his position and began conducting his reign as
+though it were a perpetual festival. He would attend to no
+business, and would hardly grant an interview to the officials
+about the court, or at the head of the administrative departments
+in Egypt. Even his agents abroad found him entirely
+careless and indifferent; though his predecessors, far from
+taking less interest in foreign affairs, had generally given them
+precedence over those of Egypt itself. For being masters of
+Coele-Syria and Cyprus, they maintained a threatening
+attitude towards the kings of Syria, both by land and sea; and
+were also in a commanding position in regard to the princes of
+Asia, as well as the islands, through their possession of the most
+splendid cities, strongholds, and harbours all along the sea-coast
+from Pamphylia to the Hellespont and the district round
+Lysimachia. Moreover they were favourably placed for an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">389</a></span>
+attack upon Thrace and Macedonia from their possession of
+Aenus, Maroneia, and more distant cities still. And having
+thus stretched forth their hands to remote regions, and long
+ago strengthened their position by a ring of princedoms, these
+kings had never been anxious about their rule in Egypt; and
+had naturally, therefore, given great attention to foreign politics.
+But when Philopator, absorbed in unworthy intrigues,
+and senseless and continuous drunkenness, treated these several
+branches of government with equal indifference, it was naturally
+not long before more than one was found to lay plots against
+his life as well as his power: of whom the first was Cleomenes,
+the Spartan.<a name="FNanchor_258" id="FNanchor_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">258</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_35" id="b5_35"><b>35.</b></a> As long as Euergetes was alive, with whom he had
+agreed to make an alliance and confederacy,
+Cleomenes took no steps. <span class="sidenote">Cleomenes
+endeavours to get
+assistance from
+the Egyptian
+court.</span>But upon that
+monarch&#8217;s death, seeing that the time was
+slipping away, and that the peculiar position of
+affairs in Greece seemed almost to cry aloud for
+Cleomenes,&mdash;for Antigonus was dead, the Achaeans involved
+in war, and the Lacedaemonians were at one with the
+Aetolians in hostility to the Achaeans and Macedonians, which
+was the policy originally adopted by Cleomenes,&mdash;then, indeed,
+he was actually compelled to use some expedition, and to
+bestir himself to secure his departure from Alexandria.
+First therefore, in interviews with the king, he urged him to
+send him out with the needful amount of supplies and troops;
+but not being listened to in this request, he next begged him
+earnestly to let him go alone with his own servants; for he
+affirmed that the state of affairs was such as to show him sufficient
+opportunities for recovering his ancestral throne. The king,
+however, for the reasons I have mentioned, taking absolutely
+no interest in such matters, nor exercising any foresight
+whatever, continued with extraordinary folly and blindness to
+neglect the petitions of Cleomenes. But the party of Sosibius,
+the leading statesman at the time, took counsel together, and
+agreed on the following course of action in regard to him.
+They decided not to send him out with a fleet and supplies;
+for, owing to the death of Antigonus, they took little account
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">390</a></span>of foreign affairs, and thought money spent on such things
+would be thrown away. Besides, they were afraid that since
+Antigonus was dead, and no one was left who could balance him,
+Cleomenes might, if he got Greece into his power quickly and
+without trouble, prove a serious and formidable rival to themselves;
+especially as he had had a clear view of Egyptian
+affairs, had learnt to despise the king; and had discovered that
+the kingdom had many parts loosely attached, and widely
+removed from the centre, and presenting many facilities for
+revolutionary movements: for not a few of their ships were at
+Samos, and a considerable force of soldiers at Ephesus. These
+considerations induced them to reject the idea of sending
+Cleomenes out with supplies; for they thought it by no means
+conducive to their interests to carelessly let a man go, who was
+certain to be their opponent and enemy. The other proposal
+was to keep him there against his will; but this they all
+rejected at once without discussion, on the principle that the
+lion and the flock could not safely share the same stall.
+Sosibius himself took the lead in regarding this idea with
+aversion, and his reason was this.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_36" id="b5_36"><b>36.</b></a> While engaged in effecting the destruction of Magas
+and Berenice, his anxiety at the possible failure
+of his attempt, <span class="sidenote">The reason of
+the opposition of
+Sosibius.</span>
+especially through the courageous
+character of Berenice, had forced him to flatter
+the courtiers, and give them all hopes of advantage in case
+his intrigue succeeded. It was at this juncture that, observing
+Cleomenes to stand in need of the king&#8217;s help, and to be
+possessed of a clear understanding and a genuine grasp of the
+situation, he admitted him to a knowledge of his design, holding
+out to him hopes of great advantage. And when
+Cleomenes saw that Sosibius was in a state of great anxiety,
+and above all afraid of the foreign soldiers and mercenaries,
+he bade him not be alarmed; and undertook that the
+foreign soldiers should do him no harm, but should
+rather be of assistance to him. And on Sosibius expressing
+surprise rather than conviction at this promise, he
+said, &#8220;Don&#8217;t you see that there are three thousand
+foreign soldiers here from the Peloponnese, and a thousand
+from Crete? I have only to nod to these men, and every<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">391</a></span>
+man of them will at once do what I want. With these
+all ready to hand, whom do you fear? Surely not mere
+Syrians and Carians.&#8221; Sosibius was much pleased at the
+remark at the time, and doubly encouraged in his intrigue
+against Berenice; but ever afterwards, when observing the
+indifference of the king, he repeated it to himself, and put
+before his eyes the boldness of Cleomenes, and the goodwill
+of the foreign contingent towards him.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_37" id="b5_37"><b>37.</b></a> These feelings now moved him to advise the king and
+his friends above all things to arrest and incarcerate
+Cleomenes: <span class="sidenote">The intrigue of
+Sosibius against
+Cleomenes.</span>and to carry out this policy
+he availed himself of the following circumstance,
+which happened conveniently for him. There was a certain
+Messenian called Nicagoras, an ancestral guest-friend of the
+Lacedaemonian king Archidamus. They had not previously
+had much intercourse; but when Archidamus fled from Sparta,
+for fear of Cleomenes, and came to Messenia, not only did
+Nicagoras show great kindness in receiving him under his
+roof and furnishing him with other necessaries, but from the
+close association that followed a very warm friendship and
+intimacy sprang up between them: and accordingly when
+Cleomenes subsequently gave Archidamus some expectation
+of being restored to his city, and composing their quarrels,
+Nicagoras devoted himself to conducting the negotiation and
+settling the terms of their compact. These being ratified,
+Archidamus returned to Sparta relying on the treaty made by
+the agency of Nicagoras. But as soon as he met him,
+Cleomenes assassinated Archidamus,<a name="FNanchor_259" id="FNanchor_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">259</a> sparing however Nicagoras
+and his companions. To the outside world Nicagoras
+pretended to be under an obligation to Cleomenes for saving
+his life; but in heart he was exceedingly incensed at what had
+happened, because he had the discredit of having been the
+cause of the king&#8217;s death. Now it happened that this same
+Nicagoras had, a short time before the events of which we are
+speaking, come to Alexandria with a cargo of horses. Just as
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">392</a></span>he was disembarking he came upon Cleomenes, Panterus, and
+Hippitas walking together along the quay. When Cleomenes
+saw him, he came up and welcomed him warmly, and asked
+him on what business he was come. Upon his replying that
+he had brought a cargo of horses, &#8220;You had better,&#8221; said he,
+&#8220;have brought a cargo of catamites and sakbut girls; for
+that is what the present king is fond of.&#8221; Nicagoras laughed,
+and said nothing at the time: but some days afterwards, when
+he had, in the course of his horse-sales, become more intimate
+with Sosibius, he did Cleomenes the ill turn of repeating his
+recent sarcasm; and seeing that Sosibius heard it with
+satisfaction, he related to him the whole story of his grievance
+against Cleomenes.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_38" id="b5_38"><b>38.</b></a> Finding then that he was hostile in feeling to
+Cleomenes, Sosibius persuaded Nicagoras, partly by presents
+given on the spot and partly by promises for the future, to
+write a letter accusing Cleomenes, and leave it sealed; that as
+soon as he had sailed, as he would do in a few days, his servant
+might bring it to him as though sent by Nicagoras. Nicagoras
+performed his part in the plot; and after he had sailed, the
+letter was brought by the servant to Sosibius, who at once
+took the servant and the letter to the king. The servant
+stated that Nicagoras had left the letter with orders to deliver
+it to Sosibius; and the letter declared that it was the intention
+of Cleomenes, if he failed to secure his despatch from the
+country with suitable escort and provisions, to stir up a
+rebellion against the king. Sosibius at once seized the
+opportunity of urging on the king and his friends to take
+prompt precautions against Cleomenes and to put him
+in ward. <span class="sidenote">Cleomenes put
+under arrest.</span>
+This was at once done, and a very
+large house was assigned to him in which he
+lived under guard, differing from other prisoners
+only in the superior size of his prison. Finding himself in
+this distressing plight, and with fear of worse for the future,
+Cleomenes determined to make the most desperate attempts
+for freedom: not so much because he felt confident of success,&mdash;for
+he had none of the elements of success in such an enterprise
+on his side,&mdash;but rather because he was eager to die
+nobly, and endure nothing unworthy of the gallantry which he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">393</a></span>
+had previously displayed. He must, I think, as is usually
+the case with men of high courage, have recalled and reflected
+upon as his model those words of the hero:<a name="FNanchor_260" id="FNanchor_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">260</a>&mdash;</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+<div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza">
+<div class="line">&#8220;Yea, let me die,&mdash;but not a coward&#8217;s death,</div>
+<div class="line">Nor all inglorious: let me do one deed,</div>
+<div class="line">That children yet unborn may hear and mark!&#8221;</div>
+</div></div></div>
+
+<p><a name="b5_39" id="b5_39"><b>39.</b></a> He therefore waited for the time at which the king left
+Alexandria for Canopus, and then spread a
+report among his guards that he was going to
+be released by the king; <span class="sidenote">Bold attempt of
+Cleomenes to
+recover his
+liberty. His
+failure and death,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+and on this pretext
+entertained his own attendants at a banquet,
+and sent out some flesh of the sacrificial victims,
+some garlands, and some wine to his guards.
+The latter indulged in these good things unsuspiciously, and
+became completely drunk; whereupon Cleomenes walked out
+about noon, accompanied by his friends and servants armed
+with daggers, without being noticed by his guard. As the
+party advanced they met Ptolemy in the street, who had been
+left by the king in charge of the city; and overawing his
+attendants by the audacity of his proceeding, dragged Ptolemy
+himself from his chariot and put him in a place of security,
+while they loudly called upon the crowds of citizens to assert
+their freedom. But every one was unprepared for the movement,
+and therefore no one obeyed their summons or joined
+them; and they accordingly turned their steps to the citadel,
+with the intention of bursting open the doors and obtaining
+the help of the prisoners confined there. But the commanders
+of the citadel were on the alert, and learning what was going
+to take place had secured the entrance gate: having therefore
+failed in this design they killed themselves like brave men and
+Spartans.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the end of Cleomenes: a man of brilliant social
+qualities, with a natural aptitude for affairs, and, in a word,
+endued with all the qualifications of a general and a king.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_40" id="b5_40"><b>40.</b></a> Shortly after the catastrophe of Cleomenes, the governor
+of Coele-Syria, who was an Aetolian by birth, resolved to hold
+treasonable parley with Antiochus and put the cities of that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">394</a></span>
+province into his hands. He was induced to take this step
+partly by the contempt with which Ptolemy&#8217;s <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220-219.
+The origin of the
+war in Coele-Syria.</span>
+shameful debauchery and general conduct had
+inspired him; and partly by distrust of the
+king&#8217;s ministers, which he had learned to entertain
+in the course of the recent attempt of Antiochus upon
+Coele-Syria: for in that campaign he had rendered signal
+service to Ptolemy, and yet, far from receiving any thanks for
+it, he had been summoned to Alexandria and barely escaped
+losing his life. The advances which he now made to Antiochus
+were gladly received, and the affair was soon in the course of
+being rapidly completed.</p>
+
+<p>But I must make my readers acquainted with the position
+of the royal family of Syria as I have already done with that
+of Egypt; and in order to do so, I will go back to the
+succession of Antiochus to the throne, and give a summary of
+events from that point to the beginning of the war of which I
+am to speak.</p>
+
+<p>Antiochus was the younger son of Seleucus Callinicus; and
+on the death of his father, and the succession <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;226.</span>
+in right of seniority of his brother Seleucus to
+the throne, he at first removed to upper Asia and lived there.
+But Seleucus having been treacherously assassinated after crossing
+Mount Taurus with his army, as I have already related,
+he succeeded to the throne himself; <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;223.
+See <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_48">48</a>.</span>
+and made
+Achaeus governor of Asia on this side Taurus,
+Molon and his brother Alexander guardians of
+his dominions in upper Asia,&mdash;Molon acting as Satrap of Media,
+his brother of Persia.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_41" id="b5_41"><b>41.</b></a> These two brothers despising the king for his youth,
+and hoping that Achaeus would join in their
+treason, <span class="sidenote">Revolt of Molon.</span>
+but most of all because they dreaded
+the cruel character and malign influence of Hermeias, who
+was at that time the chief minister of the entire kingdom,
+formed the design of revolting themselves and causing the
+upper Satrapies to revolt also.</p>
+
+<p>This Hermeias was a Carian and had obtained his power
+by the appointment of the king&#8217;s brother Seleucus, who had
+entrusted it to him when he was setting out on his expedition<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">395</a></span>
+to the Taurus. Invested with this authority he at once began
+to display jealousy of all those about the court
+who were in any way prominent; <span class="sidenote">Intrigues of
+Hermeias.</span>
+and being
+cruel by nature he inflicted punishment on
+some for acts of ignorance, on which he always managed
+to place the worst interpretation; while against others he
+brought trumped-up and lying charges, and then acted towards
+them the part of an inflexible and harsh judge. But his chief
+end and object was to secure the destruction of Epigenes who
+had brought home the forces which had accompanied Seleucus;
+because he saw that he was a man of eloquence and practical
+ability, and highly acceptable to the army. With this design
+he was ever on the watch to lay hold of some handle or
+pretext against him. Accordingly when a council was
+summoned on the subject of Molon&#8217;s revolt, and when the
+king bade each councillor deliver his opinion on the measures
+to be taken against the rebels, Epigenes spoke first and urged
+that &#8220;there ought to be no delay, but the matter should be
+taken in hand at once; and that, first and foremost, the king
+should go in person to the district, and be ready to seize the
+right moments for action. For the actual presence of the king,
+and his appearance at the head of an army before the eyes of
+the common people, would prevent the party of Molon from
+venturing upon revolutionary measures at all; or if they had
+the audacity to do so, and persisted in their design, they would
+be quickly arrested by the populace and handed over into the
+king&#8217;s power.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_42" id="b5_42"><b>42.</b></a> While Epigenes was still speaking in this strain,
+Hermeias, in a burst of rage, exclaimed, &#8220;That Epigenes had
+long been secretly plotting treason against the king; but that
+now he had happily shown his real sentiments by the advice
+which he had given, proving how eager he was to expose the
+king&#8217;s person to the rebels with an insignificant guard.&#8221; For the
+present he was content with making this insinuation as fuel for
+a future outburst of slander, and without further reference to
+Epigenes, after what was rather an ill-timed ebullition of temper
+than serious hostility, he delivered his own opinion; which, from
+his fear of the danger and his inexperience in war, was against
+undertaking the expedition against Molon personally, but was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">396</a></span>
+warmly in favour of an attack upon Ptolemy, because he was
+of opinion that this latter war would involve no danger, owing
+to that monarch&#8217;s cowardly character. For the present he
+overawed the rest of the council into agreement with him and
+he thereupon sent Xenon and Theodotus Hemiolius with an
+army against Molon; while he employed himself in continually
+inciting Antiochus to undertake the expedition into Coele-Syria:
+thinking that it was only by involving the young king in
+war on every side that he could escape punishment for his
+past misdeeds, and avoid being deprived of his position of
+authority, for the king would have need of his services when
+he found himself surrounded by struggles and dangers. With
+this object in view, he finally hit on the device of forging a
+letter, which he presented to the king as having been sent by
+Achaeus. In it Achaeus was made to state that &#8220;Ptolemy
+had urged him to assert his right to the government and promised
+to supply him with ships and money for all his attempts,
+if he would only take the crown, and come forward in the sight
+of all the world as a claimant of the sovereign power; which
+he already possessed, in fact, though he grudged himself the
+title, and rejected the crown which fortune gave him.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>This letter successfully imposed on the king, who became
+ready and eager to go on the expedition against Coele-Syria.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_43" id="b5_43"><b>43.</b></a> While this was going on, Antiochus happened to be at
+Seleucia, on the Zeugma, when the Navarchus
+Diognetus arrived from Cappadocia, <span class="sidenote">Marriage of
+Antiochus III.</span>
+on the
+Euxine, bringing Laodice, the daughter of
+king Mithridates, an unmarried girl, destined to be the king&#8217;s
+wife. This Mithridates boasted of being a descendant of one
+of the seven Persians who killed the Magus,<a name="FNanchor_261" id="FNanchor_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">261</a> and he had
+maintained the sovereignty handed down from his ancestors,
+as it had been originally given to them by Darius along the
+shore of the Euxine. Having gone to meet the princess
+with all due pomp and splendour, Antiochus immediately
+celebrated his nuptials with royal magnificence. The marriage
+having been completed, he went to Antioch, and after proclaiming
+Laodice queen, devoted himself thenceforth to making
+preparation for the war.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">397</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile Molon had prepared the people of his own
+Satrapy to go all lengths, partly by holding out
+to them hopes of advantages to be gained, <span class="sidenote">Molon.</span>
+and
+partly by working on the fears of their chief men, by means of
+forged letters purporting to be from the king, and couched in
+threatening terms. He had also a ready coadjutor in his
+brother Alexander; and had secured the co-operation of the
+neighbouring Satrapies, by winning the goodwill of their leading
+men with bribes. It was, therefore, at the head of a large
+force that he took the field against the royal generals. Terrified
+at his approach Xenon and Theodotus retired into the
+cities; and Molon, having secured the territory of Apollonia,
+had now a superabundance of supplies.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_44" id="b5_44"><b>44.</b></a> But, indeed, even before that he was a formidable
+enemy owing to the importance of his province. <span class="sidenote">Description of
+Media.</span>
+For the whole of the royal horses
+out at grass are entrusted to the Medes;<a name="FNanchor_262" id="FNanchor_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">262</a>
+and they have an incalculable quantity of corn and cattle.
+Of the natural strength and extent of the district it would
+be impossible to speak highly enough. For Media lies
+nearly in the centre of Asia and in its size, and in the height
+of its steppes compares favourably with every other district of
+Asia. And again it overlooks some of the most warlike and
+powerful tribes. On the east lie the plains of the desert
+which intervenes between Persia and Parthia; and, moreover,
+it borders on and commands the &#8220;Caspian Gates,&#8221; and touches
+the mountains of the Tapyri, which are not far from the
+Hyrcanian Sea. On the south it slopes down to Mesopotamia
+and the territory of Apollonia. It is protected from Persia by
+the barrier of Mount Zagrus, which has an ascent of a
+hundred stades, and containing in its range many separate
+peaks and defiles is subdivided by deep valleys, and at certain
+points by ca&ntilde;ons, inhabited by Cosseans, Corbrenians, Carchi,
+and several other barbarous tribes who have the reputation of
+being excellent warriors. Again on the west it is coterminous
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">398</a></span>with the tribe called Satrapeii, who are not far from the tribes
+which extend as far as the Euxine. Its northern frontier is
+fringed by Elymaeans, Aniaracae, Cadusii, and Matiani, and
+overlooks that part of the Pontus which adjoins the Maeotis.
+Media itself is subdivided by several mountain chains running
+from east to west, between which are plains thickly studded
+with cities and villages.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_45" id="b5_45"><b>45.</b></a> Being masters, then, of a territory of proportions
+worthy of a kingdom, his great power had
+made Molon from the first a formidable
+enemy: <span class="sidenote">Molon takes up
+arms.</span>
+but when the royal generals appeared
+to have abandoned the country to him, and his own
+forces were elated at the successful issue of their first hopes,
+the terror which he inspired became absolute, and he was
+believed by the Asiatics to be irresistible. Taking advantage
+of this, he first of all resolved to cross the Tigris and lay siege
+to Seleucia; but when his passage across the river was stopped
+by Zeuxis seizing the river boats, he retired to the camp at
+Ctesiphon, and set about preparing winter quarters for his army.</p>
+
+<p>When King Antiochus heard of Molon&#8217;s advance and the
+retreat of his own generals, he was once more for
+giving up the expedition against Ptolemy, <span class="sidenote">Xenoetas sent
+against Molon,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;221.</span>
+and
+going in person on the campaign against Molon,
+and not letting slip the proper time for action. But Hermeias
+persisted in his original plan, and despatched the Achaean
+Xenoetas against Molon, in command of an army, with full
+powers; asserting that against rebels it was fitting that generals
+should have the command; but that the king ought to confine
+himself to directing plans and conducting national wars against
+monarchs. Having therefore the young king entirely in his
+power, owing to his age, he set out; and having mustered the
+army at Apameia he started thence and arrived
+at Laodiceia. <span class="sidenote">King Antiochus
+in Coele-Syria.</span>
+Advancing from that
+time with his whole army, the king crossed
+the desert and entered the ca&ntilde;on called Marsyas, which lies
+between the skirts of Libanus and Anti-Libanus, and is contracted
+into a narrow gorge by those two mountains. Just
+where the valley is narrowest it is divided by marshes and
+lakes, from which the scented reed is cut.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">399</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_46" id="b5_46"><b>46.</b></a> On one side of the entrance to this pass lies a place called
+Brochi, on the other Gerrha, which leave but a narrow space
+between them. After a march of several days through this ca&ntilde;on,
+and subduing the towns that lay along it, Antiochus arrived
+at Gerrha. Finding that Theodotus the Aetolian had already
+occupied Gerrha and Brochi, and had secured the narrow road
+by the lakes with ditches and palisades and a proper disposition
+of guards, the king at first tried to carry the pass by force;
+but after sustaining more loss than he inflicted, and finding
+that Theodotus remained still stanch, he gave up the
+attempt. In the midst of these difficulties news was brought
+that Xenoetas had suffered a total defeat and that Molon was
+in possession of all the upper country: he therefore abandoned
+his foreign expedition and started to relieve his own
+dominions.</p>
+
+<p>The fact was that when the general Xenoetas had been despatched
+with absolute powers, as I have before <span class="sidenote">Xenoetas at first
+successful.</span>
+stated, his unexpected elevation caused him to
+treat his friends with haughtiness and his
+enemies with overweening temerity. His first move however
+was sufficiently prudent. He marched to Seleucia, and after
+sending for Diogenes the governor of Susiana, and Pythiades
+the commander in the Persian Gulf, he led out his forces and
+encamped with the river Tigris protecting his front. But there
+he was visited by many men from Molon&#8217;s camp, who swam
+across the river and assured him that, if he would only cross
+the Tigris, the whole of Molon&#8217;s army would declare for him;
+for the common soldiers were jealous of Molon and warmly
+disposed towards the king. Xenoetas was encouraged by
+these statements to attempt the passage of the Tigris. He
+made a feint of bridging the river at a spot where it is divided
+by an island; but as he was getting nothing ready for such an
+operation, Molon took no notice of his pretended move; while
+he was really occupied in collecting boats and getting them
+ready with every possible care. Then having selected the most
+courageous men, horse and foot, from his entire army, he left
+Zeuxis and Pythiades in charge of his camp, and marched up
+stream at night about eighty stades above Molon&#8217;s camp; and
+having got his force safely over in boats, encamped them before<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">400</a></span>
+daybreak in an excellent position, nearly surrounded by the
+river, and covered where there was no river by marshes and
+swamps.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_47" id="b5_47"><b>47.</b></a> When Molon learnt what had taken place, he sent his
+cavalry, under the idea that they would easily stop those who
+were actually crossing, and ride down those who had already
+crossed. But as soon as they got near Xenoetas&#8217;s force, their
+ignorance of the ground proved fatal to them without any
+enemy to attack them; for they got immersed by their own
+weight, and sinking in the lakes were all rendered useless,
+while many of them actually lost their lives. Xenoetas, however,
+feeling sure that if he only approached, Molon&#8217;s forces
+would all desert to him, advanced along the bank of the river and
+pitched a camp close to the enemy. Thereupon Molon, either
+as a stratagem, or because he really felt some doubt of the
+fidelity of his men, and was afraid that some of Xenoetas&#8217;s
+expectations might be fulfilled, left his baggage in his camp
+and started under cover of night in the direction of Media.
+Xenoetas, imagining that Molon had fled in terror at his approach,
+and because he distrusted the fidelity of his own troops, first
+attacked and took the enemy&#8217;s camp, and then sent for his own
+cavalry and their baggage from the camp of Zeuxis. He next
+summoned the soldiers to a meeting, and told them that they
+should feel encouraged and hopeful now that Molon had fled.
+With this preface, he ordered them all to attend to their bodily
+wants and refresh themselves; as he intended without delay to
+go in pursuit of the enemy early next morning.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_48" id="b5_48"><b>48.</b></a> But the soldiers, filled with confidence, and enriched
+with every kind of provisions, eagerly turned <span class="sidenote">Molon returns to
+his camp.</span>
+to feasting and wine and the demoralisation
+which always accompanies such excesses.
+But Molon, after marching a considerable distance, caused
+his army to get their dinner, and then wheeling round
+reappeared at the camp. He found all the enemy scattered
+about and drunk, and attacked their palisade just before daybreak.
+Dismayed by this unexpected danger, and unable to
+awake his men from their drunken slumber, Xenoetas and his
+staff rushed furiously upon the enemy and were killed. Of
+the sleeping soldiers most were killed in their beds, while the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">401</a></span>
+rest threw themselves into the river and endeavoured to cross
+to the opposite camp. The greater part however even of
+these perished; for in the blind hurry and confusion which
+prevailed, and in the universal panic and dismay, seeing the
+camp on the other side divided by so narrow a space, they all
+forgot the violence of the stream, and the difficulty of crossing
+it, in their eagerness to reach a place of safety. In wild
+excitement therefore, and with a blind instinct of self-preservation,
+they not only hurled themselves into the river,
+but threw their beasts of burden in also, with their packs, as
+though they thought that the river by some providential
+instinct would take their part and convey them safely to the
+opposite camp. The result was that the stream presented a
+truly pitiable and extraordinary spectacle,&mdash;horses, beasts of
+burden, arms, corpses, and every kind of baggage being carried
+down the current along with the swimmers.</p>
+
+<p>Having secured the camp of Xenoetas, Molon crossed the
+river in perfect safety and without any resistance, <span class="sidenote">Molon&#8217;s successful
+campaign.
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;221.</span>
+as Zeuxis also now fled at his approach;
+took possession of the latter&#8217;s camp, and then
+advanced with his whole army to Seleucia; carried it at the
+first assault, Zeuxis and Diomedon the governor of the place
+both abandoning it and flying; and advancing from this place
+reduced the upper Satrapies to submission without a blow.
+That of Babylon fell next, and then the Satrapy which lay along
+the Persian Gulf. This brought him to Susa, which he also
+carried without a blow; though his assaults upon the citadel
+proved unavailing, because Diogenes the general had thrown himself
+into it before he could get there. He therefore abandoned
+the idea of carrying it by storm, and leaving a detachment to
+lay siege to it, hurried back with his main army to Seleucia on
+the Tigris. There he took great pains to refresh his army,
+and after addressing his men in encouraging terms he started
+once more to complete his designs, and occupied Parapotamia
+as far as the city Europus, and Mesopotamia as far as Dura.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_49" id="b5_49"><b>49.</b></a> When news of these events was brought to Antiochus, as
+I have said before, he gave up all idea of the Coele-Syrian
+campaign, and turned all his attention to this war. Another
+meeting of his council was thereupon summoned: and on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">402</a></span>
+king ordering the members of it to deliver their opinions as to the
+tactics to be employed against Molon, the first
+to speak on the business was again Epigenes: <span class="sidenote">Epigenes put to
+death by the
+intrigues of
+Hermeias.</span>
+who said that &#8220;his advice should have been followed
+all along, and measures have been promptly
+taken before the enemy had obtained such important successes:
+still even at this late hour they ought to take it in hand
+resolutely.&#8221; Thereupon Hermeias broke out again into an
+unreasonable and violent fit of anger and began to heap abuse
+upon Epigenes; and while belauding himself in a fulsome
+manner, brought accusations against Epigenes that were
+absurd as well as false. He ended by adjuring the king not
+to be diverted from his purpose without better reason, nor to
+abandon his hopes in Coele-Syria. This advice was ill-received
+by the majority of the council, and displeasing to Antiochus
+himself; and, accordingly, as the king showed great anxiety to
+reconcile the two men, Hermeias was at length induced to
+put an end to his invectives. The council decided by a
+majority that the course recommended by Epigenes was the
+most practical and advantageous, and a resolution was come
+to that the king should go on the campaign against Molon,
+and devote his attention to that. Thereupon Hermeias
+promptly made a hypocritical pretence of having changed his
+mind and remarking that it was the duty of all to acquiesce
+loyally in the decision, made a great show of readiness and
+activity in pushing on the preparations.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_50" id="b5_50"><b>50.</b></a> The forces, however, having been mustered at Apameia,
+upon a kind of mutiny arising among the common soldiers,
+on account of some arrears of pay, Hermeias, observing the
+king to be in a state of anxiety, and to be alarmed at the
+disturbance at so critical a moment, offered to discharge all
+arrears, if the king would only consent to Epigenes not
+accompanying the expedition; on the ground that nothing
+could be properly managed in the army when such angry
+feelings, and such party spirit, had been excited. The proposal
+was very displeasing to the king, who was exceedingly anxious
+that Epigenes should accompany him on the campaign, owing
+to his experience in the field; but he was bound so
+completely hand and foot, and entangled by the craft of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">403</a></span>
+Hermeias, his skilful finance, constant watchfulness, and
+designing flattery, that he was not his own master; and
+accordingly he yielded to the necessity of the moment and
+consented to his demand. When Epigenes thereupon retired,
+as he was bidden, the members of the council were too much
+afraid of incurring displeasure to remonstrate; while the army
+generally, by a revulsion of feeling, turned with gratitude to
+the man to whom they owed the settlement of their claims
+for pay. The Cyrrhestae were the only ones that stood out:
+and they broke out into open mutiny, and for some time
+occasioned much trouble; but, being at last conquered by one
+of the king&#8217;s generals, most of them were killed, and the rest
+submitted to the king&#8217;s mercy. Hermeias having thus secured
+the allegiance of his friends by fear, and of the troops by
+being of service to them, started on the expedition in company
+with the king; while in regard to Epigenes he elaborated the
+following plot, with the assistance of Alexis, the commander
+of the citadel of Apameia. He wrote a letter purporting to have
+been sent from Molon to Epigenes, and persuaded one of the
+latter&#8217;s servants, by holding out the hope of great rewards, to
+take it to the house of Epigenes, and mix it with his other
+papers. Immediately after this had been done, Alexis came
+to the house and asked Epigenes whether he had not received
+certain letters from Molon; and, upon his denial, demanded in
+menacing terms to be allowed to search. Having entered, he
+quickly discovered the letter, which he availed himself of as a
+pretext for putting Epigenes to death on the spot. By this
+means the king was persuaded to believe that Epigenes had
+justly forfeited his life; and though the courtiers had their
+suspicions, they were afraid to say anything.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_51" id="b5_51"><b>51.</b></a> When Antiochus had reached the Euphrates, and had
+taken over the force stationed there, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;221-220.
+Antiochus advances
+through
+Mesopotamia.</span>he once
+more started on his march and got as far as Antioch,
+in Mygdonia, about mid-winter, and there
+remained until the worst of the winter should
+be over. Thence after a stay of forty days he advanced to
+Libba. Molon was now in the neighbourhood of Babylon:
+and Antiochus consulted his council as to the route to be
+pursued, the tactics to be adopted, and the source from which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">404</a></span>
+provisions could best be obtained for his army on the march
+in their expedition against Molon. The proposal of Hermeias
+was to march along the Tigris, with this river, and the Lycus
+and Caprus, on their flank. Zeuxis, having the fate of
+Epigenes before his eyes, was in a state of painful doubt
+whether to speak his real opinion or no; but as the mistake
+involved in the advice of Hermeias was flagrant, he at last
+mustered courage to advise that the Tigris should be crossed;
+alleging as a reason the general difficulty of the road along
+the river: especially from the fact that, after a considerable
+march, the last six days of which would be through a desert,
+they would reach what was called the &#8220;King&#8217;s Dyke,&#8221; which it
+would be impossible to cross if they found it invested by the
+enemy; while a retirement by a second march through the
+wilderness would be manifestly dangerous, especially as their
+provisions would be sure to be running short. On the other
+hand he showed that if they crossed the Tigris it was evident
+the Apolloniates would repent of their treason and join the
+king; for even as it was they had submitted to Molon, not from
+choice, but under compulsion and terror; and the fertility of
+their soil promised abundance of provisions for the troops.
+But his most weighty argument was that by their thus acting
+Molon would be cut off from a return to Media, and from
+drawing supplies from that country, and would thereby be
+compelled to risk a general action: or, if he refused to do so,
+his troops would promptly fix their hopes upon the king.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_52" id="b5_52"><b>52.</b></a> The suggestion of Zeuxis being approved, the army was
+immediately arranged in three divisions, <span class="sidenote">Antiochus crosses
+the Tigris.</span>
+and got
+across with the baggage at three points in the
+river. Thence they marched in the direction
+of Dura, where they quickly caused the siege of the citadel to be
+raised, which was being invested at the time by some of Molon&#8217;s
+officers; and thence, after a march of eight successive days, they
+crossed the mountain called Oreicum and arrived at Apollonia.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile Molon had heard of the king&#8217;s arrival, and not
+feeling confidence in the inhabitants of Susiana and Babylonia,
+because he had conquered them so recently and by surprise,
+fearing also to be cut off from a retreat to Media, he determined
+to throw a bridge over the Tigris and get his army<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">405</a></span>
+across; being eager if it were possible to secure the mountain
+district of Apollonia, because he had great confidence in his
+corps of slingers called Cyrtii. <span class="sidenote">Molon also
+crosses the Tigris.</span>
+He carried out
+his resolution, and was pushing forward in an
+unbroken series of forced marches. Thus it
+came about that, just as he was entering the district of
+Apollonia, the king at the head of his whole army was marching
+out. The advanced guard of skirmishers of the two armies
+fell in with each other on some high ground, and at first
+engaged and made trial of each other&#8217;s strength; but upon the
+main armies on either side coming on to the ground, they
+separated. For the present both retired to their respective
+entrenchments, and encamped at a distance of forty stades
+from each other. <span class="sidenote">Abortive attempt
+of Molon to make
+a night attack on
+the king.</span>
+When night had fallen, Molon reflected that
+there was some risk and disadvantage in a battle
+by broad daylight and in the open field between
+rebels and their sovereign, and he determined
+therefore to attack Antiochus by night. Selecting
+the best and most vigorous of his soldiers, he made a considerable
+detour, with the object of making his attack from
+higher ground. But having learnt during his march that ten
+young men had deserted in a body to the king, he gave up his
+design, and facing right about returned in haste to his own
+entrenchment where he arrived about daybreak. His arrival
+caused a panic in the army; for the troops in the camp,
+startled out of their sleep by the arrival of the returning men,
+were very near rushing out of the lines.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_53" id="b5_53"><b>53.</b></a> But while Molon was doing his best to calm the panic,
+the king, fully prepared for the engagement, <span class="sidenote">Disposition of the
+king&#8217;s army.</span>
+was
+marching his whole army out of their lines at
+daybreak. On his right wing he stationed his
+lancers under the command of Ardys, a man of proved ability
+in the field; next to them the Cretan allies, and next the
+Gallic Rhigosages. Next these he placed the foreign contingent
+and mercenary soldiers from Greece, and next to them
+he stationed his phalanx: the left wing he assigned to the
+cavalry called the &#8220;Companions.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_263" id="FNanchor_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">263</a> His elephants, which
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">406</a></span>were ten in number, he placed at intervals in front of
+the line. His reserves of infantry and cavalry he divided
+between the two wings, with orders to outflank the enemy as
+soon as the battle had begun. He then went along the line
+and addressed a few words of exhortation to the men suitable
+to the occasion; and put Hermeias and Zeuxis in command
+of the left wing, taking that of the right himself.</p>
+
+<p>On the other side, owing to the panic caused by his rash
+movement of the previous night, Molon was unable
+to get his men out of camp, <span class="sidenote">Molon&#8217;s disposition.</span>
+or into position
+without difficulty and confusion. He did
+however divide his cavalry between his two wings, guessing
+what the disposition of the enemy would be; and stationed
+the scutati and Gauls, and in short all his heavy-armed
+men in the space between the two bodies of cavalry. His
+archers, slingers, and all such kind of troops he placed
+on the outer flank of the cavalry on either wing; while
+his scythed chariots he placed at intervals in front of his line.
+He gave his brother Neolaus command of the left wing, taking
+that of the right himself.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_54" id="b5_54"><b>54.</b></a> When the two armies advanced to the battle, Molon&#8217;s
+right wing remained faithful to him, and
+vigorously engaged the division of Zeuxis; <span class="sidenote">Death of Molon
+and his fellow-conspirators.</span>
+but
+the left wing no sooner came within sight of
+the king than it deserted to the enemy: the result of which
+was that Molon&#8217;s army was thrown into consternation, while
+the king&#8217;s troops were inspired with redoubled confidence.
+When Molon comprehended what had taken place, and found
+himself surrounded on every side, reflecting on the tortures
+which would be inflicted upon him if he were taken alive, he
+put an end to his own life. So too all who had taken part in the
+plot fled severally to their own homes, and terminated their
+lives in the same way. Neolaus escaped from the field and
+found his way into Persis, to the house of Molon&#8217;s brother
+Alexander; and there first killed his mother and Molon&#8217;s children
+and afterwards himself, having previously persuaded Alexander
+to do the same to himself. After plundering the enemy&#8217;s
+camp, the king ordered the body of Molon to be impaled on
+the most conspicuous spot in Media: which the men appointed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">407</a></span>
+to the work immediately did; for they took it to Callonitis
+and impaled it close to the pass over Mount Zagrus. The
+king, after plundering the enemy&#8217;s camp, rebuked the rebel
+army in a long speech; and finally receiving them back into
+favour by holding out his right hand to them, appointed certain
+officers to lead them back to Media and settle the affairs of
+that district; while he himself went down to Seleucia and
+made arrangements for the government of the Satrapies round
+it, treating all with equal clemency and prudence. But Hermeias
+acted with his usual harshness: he got up charges
+against the people of Seleucia, and imposed a fine of a thousand
+talents upon the city; drove their magistrates, called
+Adeiganes, into exile; and put many Seleucians to death with
+various tortures, by mutilation, the sword and the rack. With
+great difficulty, sometimes by dissuading Hermeias, and sometimes
+by interposing his own authority, the king did at length
+put an end to these severities; and, exacting only a fine of a
+hundred and fifty talents from the citizens for the error they
+had committed, restored the city to a state of order. This
+being done, he left Diogenes in command of Media, and
+Apollodorus of Susiana; and sent Tychon, his chief military
+secretary, to command the district along the Persian Gulf.</p>
+
+<p>Thus was the rebellion of Molon and the rising in the
+upper Satrapies suppressed and quieted.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_55" id="b5_55"><b>55.</b></a> Elated by his success, and wishing to strike awe and
+terror into the minds of the princes of the
+barbarians who were near, <span class="sidenote">Extension of the
+expedition. The
+treasonable
+designs of Hermeias.</span>
+or conterminous
+with his own Satrapies, that they might never
+venture to aid by supplies or arms those who
+revolted from him, he determined to march
+against them. And first of all against Artabazanes, who
+appeared to be the most formidable and able of
+all the princes, and who ruled over a tribe called
+the Satrapeii, and others on their borders. But Hermeias was
+at that time afraid of an expedition further up country, owing to
+its danger; and was always yearning for the expedition against
+Ptolemy in accordance with his original plan. When news,
+however, came that a son had been born to the king, thinking
+that Antiochus might possibly fall by the hands of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">408</a></span>
+barbarians in upper Asia, or give him opportunities of putting
+him out of the way, he consented to the expedition; believing
+that, if he could only effect the death of Antiochus, he would
+be guardian to his son and so sole master of the whole kingdom.
+This having been decided, <span class="sidenote">Artabazanes.</span>
+the army crossed Mount
+Zagrus and entered the territory of Artabazanes, which borders
+on Media, and is separated from it by an intervening chain of
+mountains. Part of it overlooks the Pontus, near the valley
+of the Phasis; and it extends to the Hyrcanian Sea. Its
+inhabitants are numerous and warlike and especially strong in
+horsemen; while the district produces within itself all other
+things necessary for war. The dynasty has lasted from the
+time of the Persians, having been overlooked at the period
+of Alexander&#8217;s conquests. But now in great alarm at the king&#8217;s
+approach, and at his own infirmities, for he was an extremely
+old man, Artabazanes yielded to the force of circumstances,
+and made a treaty with Antiochus on his own terms.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_56" id="b5_56"><b>56.</b></a> It was after the settlement of this treaty that Apollophanes,
+the physician, who was regarded with
+great affection by the king, <span class="sidenote">Fall and death
+of Hermeias,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</span>
+observing that Hermeias
+was getting beyond all bounds in his
+high place, began to be anxious for the king&#8217;s safety, and still
+more suspicious and uneasy for his own. He took an
+opportunity, therefore, of conveying a suggestion to the king,
+that he had better not be too careless or unsuspicious of the
+audacious character of Hermeias; nor let things go on until he
+found himself involved in a disaster like that of his brother.
+&#8220;The danger,&#8221; he said, &#8220;is not at all remote.&#8221; And he
+begged him to be on his guard, and take prompt measures for
+the safety of himself and his friends. Antiochus owned to
+him that he disliked and feared Hermeias; and thanked him
+for the care of his person, which had emboldened him to
+speak to him on the subject. This conversation encouraged
+Apollophanes by convincing him that he had not been
+mistaken about the feelings and opinions of the king; and
+Antiochus begged him not to confine his assistance to words,
+but to take some practical steps to secure the safety of himself
+and his friends. Upon Apollophanes replying that he
+was ready to do anything in the world, they concerted the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">409</a></span>
+following plan. On the pretext of the king being afflicted
+with an attack of vertigo, it was given out that the daily
+attendance of courtiers and officials was to be discontinued
+for a few days: the king and his physician thus getting the
+opportunity of conferring with such of his friends as he chose,
+who came on the pretext of visiting him. In the course of
+these visits suitable persons for carrying out the design were
+prepared and instructed; and every one readily responding to
+the proposal, from hatred of Hermeias, they proceeded to
+complete it. The physicians having prescribed walks at daybreak
+for Antiochus on account of the coolness, Hermeias
+came to the place assigned for the walk, and with him those of
+the king&#8217;s friends who were privy to the design; while the rest
+were much too late on account of the time of the king&#8217;s
+coming out being very different from what it had usually been.
+Thus they got Hermeias gradually a considerable distance
+from the camp, until they came to a certain lonely spot, and
+then, on the king&#8217;s going a little off the road, on the pretence
+of a necessary purpose, they stabbed him to death. Such was
+the end of Hermeias, whose punishment was by no means
+equal to his crimes. Thus freed from much fear and
+embarrassment, the king set out on his march home amidst
+universal manifestations from the people of the country in
+favour of his measures and policy; but nothing was more
+emphatically applauded in the course of his progress than the
+removal of Hermeias. In Apameia, at the same time, the
+women stoned the wife of Hermeias to death, and the boys
+his sons.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_57" id="b5_57"><b>57.</b></a> When he had reached home and had dismissed his
+troops into winter quarters, Antiochus sent a message to Achaeus,
+protesting against his assumption of the diadem and royal
+title, and warning him that he was aware of his dealings with
+Ptolemy, and of his restless intrigues generally. <span class="sidenote">Attempted treason
+of Achaeus.</span>
+For while the king was engaged on his expedition
+against Artabazanes, Achaeus, being persuaded
+that Antiochus would fall, or that, if he did not fall,
+would be so far off, that it would be possible for him to
+invade Syria before his return, and with the assistance of the
+Cyrrhestae, who were in revolt against the king, seize the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">410</a></span>
+kingdom, started from Lydia with his whole army; and on
+arriving at Laodiceia, in Phrygia, assumed the diadem, and
+had the audacity for the first time to adopt the title of king, and
+to send royal despatches to the cities, the exile Garsyeris being
+his chief adviser in this measure. But as he advanced farther
+and farther, and was now almost at Lycaonia, a mutiny broke
+out among his forces, arising from the dissatisfaction of the men
+at the idea of being led against their natural king. When
+Achaeus found that this disturbed state of feeling existed
+among them, he desisted from his enterprise; and wishing to
+make his men believe that he had never had any intention of
+invading Syria, he directed his march into Pisidia, and
+plundered the country. By thus securing large booty for his
+army he conciliated its affection and confidence, and then
+returned to his own Satrapy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_58" id="b5_58"><b>58.</b></a> Every detail of these transactions was known to the king:
+who, while sending frequent threatening messages to Achaeus,
+was now concentrating all his efforts on the preparations for
+the war against Ptolemy. <span class="sidenote">War with Ptolemy,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;219.</span>
+Having accordingly
+mustered his forces at Apameia just before
+spring, he summoned his friends to advise with
+him as to the invasion of Coele-Syria. After many suggestions
+had been made in respect to this undertaking, touching the
+nature of the country, the military preparation required, and
+the assistance to be rendered by the fleet,&mdash;Apollophanes of
+Seleucia, whom I mentioned before, <span class="sidenote">Apollophanes
+advises that they
+begin by taking
+Seleucia.</span>
+put an abrupt end to all
+these suggestions by remarking that &#8220;it was folly
+to desire Coele-Syria and to march against that,
+while they allowed Seleucia to be held by
+Ptolemy, which was the capital, and so to speak,
+the very inner shrine of the king&#8217;s realm. Besides the disgrace
+to the kingdom which its occupation by the Egyptian monarchs
+involved, it was a position of the greatest practical importance,
+as a most admirable base of operations. Occupied by the
+enemy it was of the utmost hindrance to all the king&#8217;s designs;
+for in whatever direction he might have it in his mind to move
+his forces, his own country, owing to the fear of danger from
+this place, would need as much care and precaution as the
+preparations against his foreign enemies. Once taken, on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">411</a></span>
+other hand, not only would it perfectly secure the safety of
+the home district, but was also capable of rendering effective
+aid to the king&#8217;s other designs and undertakings, whether by
+land or sea, owing to its commanding situation.&#8221; His words
+carried conviction to the minds of all, and it was resolved
+that the capture of the town should be their first step. For
+Seleucia was still held by a garrison for the Egyptian kings;
+and had been so since the time of Ptolemy Euergetes, who
+took it when he invaded Syria to revenge the murder of
+Berenice.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_59" id="b5_59"><b>59.</b></a> In consequence of this decision, orders were sent to
+Diognetus the commander of the fleet to sail towards Seleucia:
+while Antiochus himself started from Apameia with his army,
+and encamped near the Hippodrome, about five stades from
+the town. He also despatched Theodotus Hemiolius with an
+adequate force against Coele-Syria, with orders to occupy the
+passes and to keep the road open for him.</p>
+
+<p>The situation of Seleucia and the natural features of the
+surrounding country are of this kind. <span class="sidenote">Description of
+Seleucia.</span>
+The city
+stands on the sea coast between Cilicia and
+Phoenicia; and has close to it a very great
+mountain called Coryphaeus, which on the west is washed by
+the last waves of the sea which lies between Cyprus and
+Phoenicia; while its eastern slopes overlook the territories of
+Antioch and Seleucia. It is on the southern skirt of this
+mountain that the town of Seleucia lies, separated from it by
+a deep and difficult ravine. The town extends down to the
+sea in a straggling line broken by irregularities of the soil, and
+is surrounded on most parts by cliffs and precipitous rocks.
+On the side facing the sea, where the ground is level, stand
+the market-places, and the lower town strongly walled. Similarly
+the whole of the main town has been fortified by walls of a
+costly construction, and splendidly decorated with temples and
+other elaborate buildings. There is only one approach to it
+on the seaward side, which is an artificial ascent cut in the
+form of a stair, interrupted by frequently occurring drops and
+awkward places. Not far from the town is the mouth of the
+river Orontes, which rises in the district of Libanus and
+Anti-Libanus, and after traversing the plain of Amyca reaches<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">412</a></span>
+Antioch; through which it flows, and carrying off by the force
+of its current all the sewage of that town, finally discharges
+itself into this sea not far from Seleucia.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_60" id="b5_60"><b>60.</b></a> Antiochus first tried sending messages to the magistrates
+of Seleucia, offering money and other
+rewards on condition of having the city surrendered
+without fighting. <span class="sidenote">Capture of
+Seleucia.</span>
+And though he
+failed to persuade the chief authorities, he corrupted some of
+the subordinate commanders; and relying on them, he made
+preparations to assault the town on the seaward side with the
+men of his fleet, and on the land side with his soldiers. He
+divided his forces therefore into three parts, and addressed
+suitable words of exhortation to them, causing a herald to
+proclaim a promise to men and officers alike of great gifts and
+crowns that should be bestowed for gallantry in action. To
+the division under Zeuxis he entrusted the attack upon the
+gate leading to Antioch; to Hermogenes that upon the walls
+near the temple of Castor and Pollux; and to Ardys and
+Diognetus the assault upon the docks and the lower town: in
+accordance with his understanding with his partisans in the
+town, whereby it had been agreed that, if he could carry the
+lower town by assault, the city also should then be put into his
+hands. When the signal was given, a vigorous and determined
+assault was begun simultaneously at all these points: though
+that made by Ardys and Diognetus was by far the most daring;
+for the other points did not admit of any assault at all by
+means of scaling ladders, nor could be carried except by the men
+climbing up on their hands and knees; while at the docks and
+lower town it was possible to apply scaling ladders and fix
+them firmly and safely against the walls. The naval contingent
+therefore having fixed their ladders on the docks, and
+the division of Ardys theirs upon the lower town, a violent
+effort was made to carry the walls: and the garrison of the
+upper town being prevented from coming to the assistance of
+these places, because the city was being assaulted at every
+other point at the same time, Ardys was not long before he
+captured the lower town. No sooner had this fallen, than the
+subordinate officers who had been corrupted hurried to the
+commander-in-chief Leontius, and urged that he ought to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">413</a></span>
+send ambassadors to Antiochus, and make terms with him,
+before the city was taken by storm. Knowing nothing about
+the treason of these officers, but alarmed by their consternation,
+Leontius sent commissioners to the king to make terms for
+the safety of all within the city.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_61" id="b5_61"><b>61.</b></a> The king accepted the proposal and agreed to grant
+safety to all in the town who were free, amounting to six
+thousand souls. And when he took over the town, he not
+only spared the free, but also recalled those of the inhabitants
+who had been exiled, and restored to them their citizenship
+and property; while he secured the harbour and citadel with
+garrisons.</p>
+
+<p>While still engaged in this business, he received a letter
+from Theodotus offering to put Coele-Syria
+into his hands, <span class="sidenote">Theodotus turns
+against Ptolemy.
+See ch. <a href="#b5_46">46</a>.</span>
+and inviting him to come
+thither with all speed. This letter caused
+him great embarrassment and doubt as to what he ought
+to do, and how best to take advantage of the offer. This
+Theodotus was an Aetolian who, as I have already narrated,
+had rendered important services to Ptolemy&#8217;s kingdom: for
+which, far from being reckoned deserving of gratitude, he had
+been in imminent danger of his life, just about the time of the
+expedition of Antiochus against Molon. Thereupon conceiving
+a contempt for Ptolemy, and a distrust of his courtiers,
+he seized upon Ptolemais with his own hands, and upon Tyre by
+the agency of Panaetolus, and made haste to invite Antiochus.
+Postponing therefore his expedition against Achaeus, and regarding
+everything else as of secondary importance, Antiochus
+started with his army by the same route as he had come.
+After passing the ca&ntilde;on called Marsyas, he encamped near
+Gerrha, close to the lake which lies between the two mountains.
+Hearing there that Ptolemy&#8217;s general Nicolaus was besieging
+Theodotus in Ptolemais, he left his heavy-armed troops
+behind with orders to their leaders to besiege Brochi,&mdash;the
+stronghold which commands the road along the lake,&mdash;and
+led his light-armed troops forward himself, with the intention
+of raising the siege of Ptolemais. But Nicolaus had already
+got intelligence of the king&#8217;s approach; and had accordingly
+retired from Ptolemais himself, and sent forward Diogoras the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">414</a></span>
+Cretan and Dorymenes the Aetolian to occupy the passes at
+Berytus. The king therefore attacked these men, and having
+easily routed them took up a position near the pass.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_62" id="b5_62"><b>62.</b></a> There he awaited the coming up of the remainder
+of his forces, and, after addressing them in
+words befitting the occasion, <span class="sidenote">Antiochus invades
+Coele-Syria.</span>
+continued his
+advance with his entire army, full of courage
+and with high hopes of success. When Theodotus and
+Panaetolus met him with their partisans he received them
+graciously, and took over from them Tyre and Ptolemais, and
+the war material which those cities contained. Part of this
+consisted of forty vessels, of which twenty were decked and
+splendidly equipped, and none with less than four banks of
+oars; the other twenty were made up of triremes, biremes,
+and cutters. These he handed over to the care of the
+Navarch Diognetus; and being informed that Ptolemy had
+come out against him, and had reached Memphis, and that all
+his forces were collected at Pelusium, and were opening the
+sluices, and filling up the wells of drinking water, he abandoned
+the idea of attacking Pelusium; but making a progress through
+the several cities, endeavoured to win them over by force or
+persuasion to his authority. Some of the less-fortified cities
+were overawed at his approach and made no difficulty about
+submitting, but others trusting to their fortifications or the
+strength of their situations held out; and to these he was
+forced to lay regular siege and so wasted a considerable time.</p>
+
+<p>Though treated with such flagrant perfidy, the character of
+Ptolemy was so feeble, and his neglect of all military preparations
+had been so great, that the idea of protecting his rights
+with the sword, which was his most obvious duty, never
+occurred to him.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_63" id="b5_63"><b>63.</b></a> Agathocles and Sosibius, however, the leading ministers
+in the kingdom at that time, took counsel
+together and did the best they could with
+the means at their disposal, <span class="sidenote">Active measures
+of Agathocles
+and Sosibius.</span>in view of the
+existing crisis. They resolved to devote themselves to the
+preparations for war; and, meanwhile, by embassies to
+try to retard the advance of Antiochus: pretending to confirm
+him in the opinion he originally entertained about<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">415</a></span>
+Ptolemy, namely, that he would not venture to fight, but would
+trust to negotiations, and the interposition of common friends,
+to induce him to evacuate Coele-Syria. Having determined
+upon this policy, Agathocles and Sosibius, to whom the whole
+business was entrusted, lost no time in sending their ambassadors
+to Antiochus: and at the same time they sent messages to
+Rhodes, Byzantium, and Cyzicus, not omitting the Aetolians,
+inviting them to send commissioners to discuss the terms of a
+treaty. The commissioners duly arrived, and by occupying
+the time with going backwards and forwards between the two
+kings, abundantly secured to these statesmen the two things
+which they wanted,&mdash;delay, and time to make their preparations
+for war. They fixed their residence at Memphis and
+there carried on these negotiations continuously. Nor were
+they less attentive to the ambassadors from Antiochus, whom
+they received with every mark of courtesy and kindness. But
+meanwhile they were calling up and collecting at Alexandria
+the mercenaries whom they had on service in towns outside
+Egypt; were despatching men to recruit foreign soldiers;
+and were collecting provisions both for the troops they already
+possessed, and for those that were coming in. No less active
+were they in every other department of the military preparations.
+They took turns in going on rapid and frequent visits
+to Alexandria, to see that the supplies should in no point be
+inadequate to the undertaking before them. The manufacture
+of arms, the selection of men, and their division into companies,
+they committed to the care of Echecrates of Thessaly and
+Phoxidas of Melita. With these they associated Eurylochus
+of Magnesia, and Socrates of Boeotia, who were also joined by
+Cnopias of Allaria. By the greatest good fortune they had
+got hold of these officers, who, while serving with Demetrius
+and Antigonus,<a name="FNanchor_264" id="FNanchor_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">264</a> had acquired some experience of real war and
+actual service in the field. Accordingly they took command
+of the assembled troops, and made the best of them by giving
+them the training of soldiers.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_64" id="b5_64"><b>64.</b></a> Their first measure was to divide them according to
+their country and age, and to assign to each division its
+appropriate arms, taking no account of what they had borne<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">416</a></span>
+before. Next they broke up their battalions and muster-rolls,
+which had been formed on the basis
+of their old system of pay, <span class="sidenote">Reorganisation
+of the army.</span>
+and formed
+them into companies adapted to the immediate purpose.
+Having effected this they began to drill the men; habituating
+them severally not only to obey the words of command,
+but also to the proper management of their weapons.<a name="FNanchor_265" id="FNanchor_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">265</a>
+They also frequently summoned general meetings at headquarters,
+and delivered speeches to the men. The most
+useful in this respect were Andromachus of Aspendus and
+Polycrates of Argos; because they had recently crossed from
+Greece, and were still thoroughly imbued with the Greek
+spirit, and the military ideas prevalent in the several states.
+Moreover, they were illustrious on the score of their private
+wealth, as well as on that of their respective countries; to
+which advantages Polycrates added those of an ancient family,
+and of the reputation obtained by his father Mnasiades as an
+athlete. By private and public exhortations these officers
+inspired their men with a zeal and enthusiasm for the struggle
+which awaited them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_65" id="b5_65"><b>65.</b></a> All these officers, too, had commands in the army
+suited to their particular accomplishments. Eurylochus
+of Magnesia commanded about three thousand men of what
+were called in the royal armies the Agema, or Guard;
+Socrates of Boeotia had two thousand light-armed troops under
+him; while the Achaean Phoxidas, and Ptolemy the son of
+Thraseas, and Andromachus of Aspendus were associated in
+the duty of drilling the phalanx and the mercenary Greek
+soldiers on the same ground,&mdash;Andromachus and Ptolemy
+commanding the phalanx, Phoxidas the mercenaries; of which
+the numbers were respectively twenty-five thousand and eight
+thousand. The cavalry, again, attached to the court, amounting
+to seven hundred, as well as that which was obtained from
+Lybia or enlisted in the country, were being trained by
+Polycrates, and were under his personal command: amounting
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">417</a></span>in all to about three thousand men. In the actual campaign the
+most effective service was performed by Echecrates of Thessaly,
+by whom the Greek cavalry, which, with the whole body of mercenary
+cavalry, amounted to two thousand men, was splendidly
+trained. No one took more pains with the men under his
+command than Cnopias of Allaria. He commanded all the
+Cretans, who numbered three thousand, and among them a
+thousand Neo-Cretans,<a name="FNanchor_266" id="FNanchor_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">266</a> over whom he had set Philo of Cnossus.
+They also armed three thousand Libyans in the Macedonian
+fashion, who were commanded by Ammonius of Barce. The
+Egyptians themselves supplied twenty thousand soldiers to the
+phalanx, and were under the command of Sosibius. A body
+of Thracians and Gauls was also enrolled, four thousand being
+taken from settlers in the country and their descendants, while
+two thousand had been recently enlisted and brought over:
+and these were under the command of Dionysius of Thrace.
+Such in its numbers, and in the variety of the elements of which
+it was composed, was the force which was being got ready for
+Ptolemy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_66" id="b5_66"><b>66.</b></a> Meanwhile Antiochus had been engaged in the
+siege of Dura:<a name="FNanchor_267" id="FNanchor_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">267</a> but the strength of the
+place and the support given it by Nicolaus <span class="sidenote">Negotiations at
+Memphis, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+219-218.</span>
+prevented him from effecting anything; and as
+the winter was closing in, he agreed with the ambassadors of
+Ptolemy to a suspension of hostilities for four months, and
+promised that he would discuss the whole question at issue in
+a friendly spirit. But he was as far as possible from being
+sincere in this negotiation: his real object was to avoid being
+detained any length of time from his own country, and to be
+able to place his troops in winter quarters in Seleucia; because
+Achaeus was now notoriously plotting against him, and without
+disguise co-operating with Ptolemy. So having come to this
+agreement, Antiochus dismissed the ambassadors with injunctions
+to acquaint him as soon as possible with the decision of
+Ptolemy, and to meet him at Seleucia. He then placed the
+necessary guards in the various strongholds, committed to
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">418</a></span>Theodotus the command-in-chief over them all, and returned
+home. On his arrival at Seleucia he distributed his forces
+into their winter quarters; and from that time forth took
+no pains to keep the mass of his army under discipline, being
+persuaded that the business would not call for any more
+fighting; because he was already master of some portions of
+Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, and expected to secure the rest by
+voluntary submission or by diplomacy: for Ptolemy, he believed,
+would not venture upon a general engagement. This opinion
+was shared also by the ambassadors: because Sosibius fixing
+his residence at Memphis conducted his negotiations with
+them in a friendly manner; while he prevented those who went
+backwards and forwards to Antiochus from ever becoming eye-witnesses
+of the preparations that were being carried on at
+Alexandria. Nay, even by the time that the ambassadors
+arrived, Sosibius was already prepared for every eventuality.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_67" id="b5_67"><b>67.</b></a> Meanwhile Antiochus was extremely anxious to have
+as much the advantage over the government <span class="sidenote">Antiochus&#8217;s case.</span>
+of Alexandria in diplomatic argument as
+he had in arms. Accordingly when the ambassadors
+arrived at Seleucia, and both parties began, in accordance
+with the instructions of Sosibius, to discuss the clauses
+of the proposed arrangement in detail, the king made very
+light of the loss recently sustained by Ptolemy, and the
+injury which had been manifestly inflicted upon him by the
+existing occupation of Coele-Syria; and in the pleadings on
+this subject he refused to look upon this transaction in the light
+of an injury at all, alleging that the places belonged to him of
+right. He asserted that the original occupation of the country
+by Antigonus the One-eyed, and the royal authority exercised
+over it by Seleucus,<a name="FNanchor_268" id="FNanchor_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">268</a> constituted an absolutely decisive and
+equitable claim, <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy, son of
+Lagus,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;323-285.</span>
+in virtue of which Coele-Syria
+belonged of right to himself and not to
+Ptolemy; for Ptolemy I. went to war with
+Antigonus with the view of annexing this country, not to his
+own government, but to that of Seleucus. But, above all, he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">419</a></span>
+pressed the convention entered into by the three kings,
+Cassander, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, when, after having
+conquered Antigonus,<a name="FNanchor_269" id="FNanchor_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">269</a> they deliberated in common upon the
+arrangements to be made, and decided that the whole of Syria
+should belong to Seleucus. The commissioners of Ptolemy
+endeavoured to establish the opposite case. They magnified
+the existing injury, and dilated on its hardship; <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy&#8217;s case.</span>
+asserting that the treason of Theodotus and the
+invasion of Antiochus amounted to a breach of treaty-rights.
+They alleged the possession of these places in the reign of
+Ptolemy, son of Lagus; and tried to show that Ptolemy had
+joined Seleucus in the war on the understanding that he was
+to invest Seleucus with the government of the whole of Asia,
+but was to take Coele-Syria and Phoenicia for himself.</p>
+
+<p>Such were the arguments brought forward by the two
+contracting parties in the course of the embassies and counter-embassies
+and conferences. There was no prospect, however,
+of arriving at any result, because the controversy was conducted,
+not by the principals, but by the common friends of both; and
+there was no one to intervene authoritatively to check and
+control the caprice of the party which they might decide to be
+in the wrong. But what caused the most insuperable difficulty
+was the matter of Achaeus. For Ptolemy was eager that the
+terms of the treaty should include him: while Antiochus would
+not allow the subject to be so much as mentioned; and was
+indignant that Ptolemy should venture to protect rebels, or
+bring such a point into the discussion at all.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_68" id="b5_68"><b>68.</b></a> The approach of spring found both sides weary of
+negotiations, and with no prospect of coming to
+a conclusion. <span class="sidenote">Renewal of hostilities,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218.</span>
+Antiochus therefore began collecting
+his forces, with a view of making an invasion
+by land and sea, and completing his conquest of Coele-Syria.
+On his part Ptolemy gave the supreme management of the war
+to Nicolaus, sent abundant provisions to Gaza, and despatched
+land and sea forces. The arrival of these reinforcements gave
+Nicolaus courage to enter upon the war: the commander of
+the navy promptly co-operating with him in carrying out all his
+orders. This admiral was Perigenes, whom Ptolemy sent out
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">420</a></span>in command of the fleet, consisting of thirty fully decked ships
+and more than four thousand ships of burden. Nicolaus was
+by birth an Aetolian, and was the boldest and most experienced
+officer in the service of Ptolemy. With one division of his
+army he hastened to seize the pass at Platanus; with the rest,
+which he personally commanded, he occupied the environs of
+Porphyrion; and there prepared to resist the invasion of the
+king: the fleet being also anchored close to him.</p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile Antiochus had advanced as far as Marathus.
+On his way he had received a deputation
+of Aradians, <span class="sidenote">Antiochus marches
+to Beir&ucirc;t.</span>
+asking for an alliance; and had
+not only granted their request, but had put
+an end to a quarrel which they had amongst themselves,
+by reconciling those of them who lived on the island with
+those who lived on the mainland. Starting from Marathus
+he entered the enemy&#8217;s country near the promontory called
+Theoprosopon, and advanced to Berytus, having seized Botrys
+on his way, and burnt Trieres and Calamus. From Berytus he
+sent forward Nicarchus and Theodotus with orders to secure
+the difficult passes near the river Lyons; while he himself set
+his army in motion and encamped near the river Damuras:
+Diognetus, the commander of his navy, coasting along parallel
+with him all the while. Thence once more, taking with him
+the divisions commanded by Theodotus and Nicarchus, which
+were the light troops of the army, he set out to reconnoitre
+the pass occupied already by Nicolaus. After thoroughly
+surveying the nature of the ground, he retired to his camp for
+that day. But on the next, leaving his heavy-armed troops in
+the charge of Nicarchus, he set out with the rest of his forces
+to execute his design.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_69" id="b5_69"><b>69.</b></a> At this point there is but a small and narrow space
+between the foot of Libanus and the sea; <span class="sidenote">The pass at
+Porphyrion.</span>
+and even that is intersected by a steep
+and rugged spur, leaving only a narrow and
+difficult passage along the very water&#8217;s edge. On this pass
+Nicolaus had taken up his position; and having occupied some
+of the points by means of his large numbers, and secured
+others by artificial works, he felt certain that he would be
+able to prevent Antiochus from effecting an entrance. But<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">421</a></span>
+the king divided his army into three parts, of which he
+entrusted one to Theodotus with orders to close with the
+enemy and force their way along the skirts of Libanus; the
+second to Menedemus with urgent orders to attempt the centre
+of the spur; while the third he put under the command of
+Diocles, the military governor of Parapotamia, and ordered
+them to keep close to the sea. He himself with his guard
+occupied a central position, intending to superintend the
+whole action and give help where it was wanted. At the
+same time Diognetus and Perigenes made preparations
+for a sea-fight, coming as close as possible to the shore,
+and endeavouring to make the battles at sea and on land
+present the appearance of a single contest. <span class="sidenote">carried by
+Antiochus.</span>
+A general advance having begun by sea
+and land, at the same signal and word of
+command, the battle on the sea was undecided, because
+the number of vessels on either side and their equipment
+were about equal: but on land the troops of Nicolaus got
+the best of it at first, from the advantage of their position.
+But when Theodotus routed the men on the mountain skirts,
+and then charged from the higher ground, Nicolaus&#8217;s men all
+turned and fled precipitately. In this flight two thousand of
+them fell, and as many were taken prisoners: the rest retreated
+towards Sidon. Though he now had the better prospect of
+the two in the sea-fight; yet, when he saw the defeat of the
+army on land, Perigenes turned his prows and made good his
+retreat to the same place.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_70" id="b5_70"><b>70.</b></a> Thereupon Antiochus got his army on the march, and,
+arriving at Sidon, encamped under its wall. <span class="sidenote">The advance of
+Antiochus continued.</span>
+He
+did not however venture to attempt the town,
+because of the vast stores it contained and the
+number of its ordinary inhabitants, as well as of the refugees
+who had collected there. He therefore broke up his camp
+again, and continued his march towards Philoteria: <span class="sidenote">Philoteria.</span>
+ordering Diognetus his navarch to sail back
+with his ships to Tyre. Now Philoteria is situated right upon
+the shores of the lake into which the river Jordan discharges
+itself, and from which it issues out again into the plains
+surrounding Scythopolis. The surrender of these two cities<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">422</a></span>
+to him encouraged him to prosecute his further designs;
+because the country subject to them was easily <span class="sidenote">Scythopolis.</span>
+able to supply his whole army with provisions,
+and everything necessary for the campaign in abundance.
+Having therefore secured them by garrisons, he crossed the
+mountain chain and arrived at Atabyrium, <span class="sidenote">Atabyrium.</span>
+which
+is situated upon a rounded hill, the ascent of
+which is more than fifteen stades long. But on this occasion
+he managed to take it by an ambuscade and stratagem. He
+induced the men of the town to come out to a skirmish, and
+enticed their leading columns to a considerable distance; then
+his troops suddenly turned from their pretended flight, and
+those who were concealed rising from their ambush, he attacked
+and killed a large number of the enemy; and finally, by
+pursuing close upon their heels, and thus creating a panic in
+the town before he reached it, he carried it as he had done
+others by assault. <span class="sidenote">Defections from
+Ptolemy.</span>
+At this juncture Ceraeas, one of Ptolemy&#8217;s
+officers, deserted to Antiochus, whose distinguished
+reception caused great excitement in
+the minds of many other of the enemy&#8217;s officers.
+At any rate, not long afterwards, Hippolochus of Thessaly
+joined Antiochus with four hundred cavalry of
+Ptolemy&#8217;s army. Having therefore secured Atabyrium
+also with a garrison, <span class="sidenote">Pella, Camus,
+Gephrus.</span>
+Antiochus started
+once more and took over Pella, Camus, and Gephrus.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_71" id="b5_71"><b>71.</b></a> This unbroken stream of success caused the inhabitants
+of the neighbouring Arabia to rouse each other up to take action;
+and they unanimously joined Antiochus. With the additional
+encouragement and supplies which they afforded he continued
+his advance; and, arriving in the district of Galatis, made himself
+master of Abila, <span class="sidenote">Abila.</span>
+and the relieving force which
+had thrown itself into that town, under the
+command of Nicias, a friend and kinsman of Menneas.
+<span class="sidenote">Gadara.</span>
+Gadara was the only town now left, which is
+thought to be the strongest of any in those parts.
+He therefore encamped under its walls and, bringing siege-works
+to bear upon it, quickly terrified it into
+submission. <span class="sidenote">Rabbatamana.</span>
+Then hearing that a strong force
+of the enemy were concentrated at Rabbatamana in Arabia,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">423</a></span>
+and were pillaging and overrunning the territory of those
+Arabians who had joined him, he threw everything else aside
+and started thither; and pitched his camp at the foot of the
+high ground on which that city stands. After going round
+and reconnoitring the hill, and finding that it admitted of being
+ascended only at two points, he led his army to them and set
+up his siege artillery at these points. He put one set of siege-works
+under the care of Nicarchus, the other under that of
+Theodotus: while he superintended both equally, and observed
+the zeal shown by the two respectively. Great exertions were
+accordingly made by each, and a continual rivalry kept up as
+to which should be the first to make a breach in the wall
+opposite their works: and the result was that both breaches
+were made with unexpected rapidity; whereupon they kept
+making assaults night and day, and trying every
+means to force an entrance, without an hour&#8217;s
+intermission. <span class="sidenote">Fall of Rabbatamana.</span>
+But though they kept up these
+attempts continuously, they failed to make any impression; until
+a prisoner showed them the underground passage through which
+the besieged were accustomed to descend to fetch water.
+They broke into this and stopped it up with timber and
+stones and everything of that sort; and when this was done,
+the garrison surrendered for want of water. Having thus got
+<span class="sidenote">Samaria.</span>
+possession of Rabbatamana, Antiochus left Nicarchus with an
+adequate garrison in command of it; and sent the two
+deserters from Ptolemy,
+<span class="sidenote">Antiochus goes
+into winter
+quarters,<br /> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218-217.</span>
+Hippolochus and Ceraeas, with five
+thousand infantry, to Samaria: with orders to
+take the government of the district and protect all
+who submitted to him.
+He then started with
+his army for Ptolemais, where he was resolved
+to winter.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_72" id="b5_72"><b>72.</b></a> In the course of this same summer, the Pednelissians,
+being besieged and reduced to great straits by
+the Selgians, <span class="sidenote">Asia Minor,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;218. Relief
+of Pednelissus.</span>
+sent messages to Achaeus asking<a name="FNanchor_270" id="FNanchor_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">270</a>
+for help: and upon receiving a ready assent,
+continued to sustain the siege with great spirit in reliance upon
+this hope of relief. Achaeus selected Garsyeris to conduct
+the expedition; and sent him out in all haste, with six thousand
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">424</a></span>infantry and five hundred horse, to relieve the Pednelissians.
+But when they heard of the approach of the army of relief,
+the Selgians occupied the pass called the Stair with the
+main body of their own army; and put a garrison at the
+entrance into Saperda: breaking up and spoiling all the
+paths and tracks leading to it. After entering Milyades and
+encamping under the walls of Cretopolis, perceiving that a
+farther advance was made impossible by the occupation
+of these positions by the enemy, Garsyeris hit upon the
+following ruse. He broke up his camp, and began his
+return march, as though he had abandoned all thoughts
+of relieving Pednelissus, owing to the enemy&#8217;s occupation
+of these positions. The Selgians were readily persuaded
+that he had really abandoned the relief of Pednelissus, and
+departed, some to the besieging camp and others home to
+Selge, as it was now close upon harvest-time. Thereupon
+Garsyeris faced about, and, marching with great speed, arrived
+at the pass over the mountain; and finding it unguarded,
+secured it by a garrison, under the command of Phayllus;
+while he himself with his main army went to Perga: and thence
+sent embassies to the other states in Pisidia and Pamphylia,
+pointing out that the power of the Selgians was a standing
+menace, and urging all to ally themselves with Achaeus and
+join in relieving Pednelissus.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_73" id="b5_73"><b>73.</b></a> Meanwhile the Selgians had sent out a general in command
+of a force which they hoped would terrify Phallyus by
+their superior knowledge of the country, and expel him from his
+strong position. But when, far from attaining their object, they
+lost large numbers of men in their attacks upon him; though
+they abandoned the hope of accomplishing this, they yet
+persisted with increased ardour in the siege of Pednelissus.
+Garsyeris was now reinforced by eight thousand hoplites from
+the Etennes, who inhabit the highlands of Pisidia above Side,
+and half that number from Aspendus. The people of Side
+itself, partly from a wish to curry favour with Antiochus, but
+chiefly from hatred to the Aspendians, refused to take part in
+the relief of Pednelissus. With these reinforcements, as well
+as his own army, Garsyeris advanced towards Pednelissus,
+feeling certain that he would be able to raise the siege at the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">425</a></span>
+first attack: but when the Selgians showed no sign of alarm,
+he entrenched himself at a moderate distance from them.
+The Pednelissians were now becoming hard pressed from want
+of provisions; and Garsyeris, being anxious to do all he could,
+got ready two thousand men, giving each a medimnus of
+wheat, and despatched them under cover of night into Pednelissus.
+But the Selgians getting intelligence of what was going
+on, and, coming out to intercept them, most of those who
+were carrying in the corn were killed, and the Selgians got
+possession of the wheat. Elated with this success, they now
+essayed to storm the camp of Garsyeris as well as the city. An
+adventurous daring in the presence of the enemy is indeed
+characteristic of the Selgians: and on this occasion they left a
+barely sufficient number to guard their camp; and, surrounding
+the enemy&#8217;s entrenchment with the rest, assaulted it at several
+points at once. Finding himself unexpectedly attacked on
+every side, and portions of his palisade being already torn down,
+Garsyeris, appreciating the gravity of the danger, and feeling
+that there was but little chance of averting total destruction,
+sent out some cavalry at a point which the enemy had left
+unguarded. These the Selgians imagined to be flying in a
+panic and for fear of what was coming: and therefore, instead
+of attending to them, they treated them with utter contempt.
+When these horsemen, however, had ridden round, so as to
+get on the rear of the enemy, they charged and fought with
+great fierceness. This raised the spirits of Garsyeris&#8217;s infantry,
+though they had already given way: and they therefore faced
+round, and once more offered resistance to the troops that were
+storming their camp. The Selgians, accordingly, being now
+attacked on front and rear at once, broke and fled. At the
+same time the Pednelissians sallied out and attacked the
+troops left in charge of the Selgian camp, and drove them out.
+The pursuit lasted to so great a distance that no less than
+ten thousand of the Selgian army fell: of the survivors all
+who were allies fled to their own cities; while the Selgians
+themselves escaped over the highlands into their native land.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_74" id="b5_74"><b>74.</b></a> Garsyeris immediately started in pursuit of the
+fugitives, being in haste to get over the narrow pass, and
+approach Selge, before they could make a stand, and form any<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">426</a></span>
+plan for meeting his approach. <span class="sidenote">Panic at Selge.</span>
+Thus he came to Selge with
+his army. But the inhabitants, having no longer
+any hopes in their allies, after the disaster which
+had affected them all alike, and themselves dispirited at the
+misfortune which had befallen them, became exceedingly
+anxious for the safety of themselves and their country. They
+accordingly determined in public assembly to send one of their
+citizens on an embassy to Garsyeris, and selected for the
+purpose Logbasis, who had been for a long time on terms of
+intimacy and friendship with the Antiochus that lost his life
+in Thrace.<a name="FNanchor_271" id="FNanchor_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">271</a> Laodice,<a name="FNanchor_272" id="FNanchor_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">272</a> also, who became afterwards the wife of
+Achaeus, having been committed to his care, he had brought
+this young lady up as his daughter, and had treated her with
+conspicuous kindness. <span class="sidenote">Logbasis turns
+traitor.</span>
+The Selgians therefore
+thought that his character made him eminently
+fitted for an ambassador in the circumstances, and
+accordingly sent him on the mission. He, however, obtained a
+private interview with Garsyeris, and was so far from carrying
+out the purpose for which he came, by properly supporting the
+interests of his country, that on the contrary he strongly urged
+Garsyeris to send with all speed for Achaeus, and undertook
+to put the city into their hands. Garsyeris, of course, grasped
+eagerly at the chance offered to him and sent messengers to induce
+Achaeus to come, and to inform him of the position of
+affairs. Meanwhile he concluded an armistice with the Selgians,
+and protracted the negotiations for a treaty by continually bringing
+forward objections and scruples on points of detail, in order
+to give time for the arrival of Achaeus, and for Logbasis to
+conduct his negotiations and mature his plot.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_75" id="b5_75"><b>75.</b></a> While this was going on frequent meetings for discussion
+took place between the camp and the town, and it
+became quite an ordinary thing for the soldiers to go into the
+town to purchase corn. This is a state of things which has
+on many occasions proved fatal. And it appears to me that
+of all animals the most easily deceived is man, though he has
+the credit of being the most cunning. For consider how
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">427</a></span>many entrenched camps and fortresses, how many and what
+great cities have been betrayed by this kind of trick! And yet
+in spite of such frequent and conspicuous examples of the many
+people to whom it has happened, somehow or another we are
+always new to such deceit, and fall into the trap with the inexperience
+of youth. The reason is that we do not keep ready
+for reference in our minds the disasters of those who have made
+mistakes before us in this or that particular. But while preparing
+with great labour and cost stores of corn and money, and a
+provision of walls and weapons to meet unforeseen eventualities,
+that which is the easiest of all and the most serviceable in the
+hour of danger&mdash;that we all neglect; although we might obtain
+this experience from history and research, which in themselves
+add a dignity to leisure and a charm to existence.</p>
+
+<p>Achaeus then duly arrived at the time expected: and after
+conference with him, the Selgians had great <span class="sidenote">Failure of the
+treason of
+Logbasis.</span>
+hopes of experiencing some signal kindness at
+his hands. But in the interval Logbasis had
+little by little collected in his house some of the soldiers who
+came into the town from the camp; and now advised the
+citizens not to let slip the opportunity, but to act with the
+display of Achaeus&#8217;s kindly disposition towards them before their
+eyes; and to put the finishing stroke to the treaty, after holding
+a general assembly of the whole community to discuss the
+situation. An assembly was at once convened, to which even
+those on guard were all summoned to assist in bringing the
+treaty to completion; and the citizens began deliberating on
+the state of affairs.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_76" id="b5_76"><b>76.</b></a> Meanwhile Logbasis, who had agreed with the enemy
+to take that opportunity, began getting ready those who had
+congregated at his house, and prepared and armed himself
+and his sons also for the fight. And now Achaeus with half
+the hostile force was advancing towards the city itself; while
+Garsyeris with the remainder was marching towards the
+Cesbedium as it is called, or temple of Zeus, which stands
+in a position commanding the city and presenting very much
+the appearance of a citadel. But a goatherd, having by
+chance observed what was going on, brought the news to the
+assembly; thereupon some of the citizens made a hurried rush<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">428</a></span>
+to the Cesbedium, others to their posts on the wall, and
+the majority in great anger to the house of Logbasis. His
+treasonable practice being thus detected, some of them climbed
+upon the roof, others forced their way in by the front door, and
+murdered Logbasis and his sons and all the other men which
+they found there at the same time. Then they caused a proclamation
+to be made promising freedom to all slaves who
+would join them: and dividing themselves into three companies,
+they hastened to defend all the points of vantage.
+When he saw that the Cesbedium was already occupied,
+Garsyeris abandoned his enterprise; but Achaeus held on his
+way until he came right up to the gates: whereupon the
+Selgians sallied out, killed seven hundred, and forced the rest
+to give up the attempt. Upon this conclusion of their enterprise,
+Achaeus and Garsyeris retired to the camp. But the
+Selgians fearing treason among themselves, and alarmed at the
+presence of a hostile camp, sent out some of their elders in the
+guise of suppliants, and concluded a peace, on condition of
+paying four hundred talents on the spot and restoring the
+Pednelissians whom they had taken prisoners, and paying a
+further sum of three hundred talents at a fixed date. Thus
+did the Selgians by their own valour save their country, which
+they had been in danger of losing through the infamous
+treason of Logbasis; and thus neither disgraced their freedom,
+nor their relationship to the Lacedaemonians.<a name="FNanchor_273" id="FNanchor_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">273</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_77" id="b5_77"><b>77.</b></a> But after reducing Milyas, and the greater part of
+Pamphylia, Achaeus took his departure, and arriving at Sardis
+kept up a continuous warfare with Attalus, and began threatening
+Prusias, and making himself an object of terror and
+alarm to all the inhabitants on this side Taurus.</p>
+
+<p>But while Achaeus was engaged on his expedition against
+Selge, Attalus with the Aegosagae from Gaul was
+going through all the cities in Aeolis, <span class="sidenote">The expedition of
+Attalus to
+recover cities
+which had joined
+Achaeus.</span>
+and the
+neighbourhood, which had before this been
+terrified into joining Achaeus; but most of which
+now voluntarily and even gratefully gave in
+their adherence to him, though there were some few which
+waited to be forced. Now the cities which transferred their
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">429</a></span>allegiance to him in the first instance were Cyme, Smyrna, and
+Phocaea; after them Aegae and Temnus submitted, in terror at
+his approach; and thereupon he was waited upon by ambassadors
+from Teos and Colophon with offers to surrender themselves
+and their cities. He received them also upon the same terms
+as they had enjoyed before, taking hostages; but he treated the
+ambassadors from Smyrna with special kindness, because they
+had been the most constant in their loyalty of all. Continuing
+his march without interruption, he crossed the Lycus
+and arrived at the hamlets of Mysia, and thence came to
+Carseae. Overawing the inhabitants of this town, as well as
+the garrison of the Two Walls, he got them surrendered to him
+by Themistocles, who had been, as it happened, left by Achaeus
+in command of this district. Starting thence, and wasting the
+plain of Apia, he crossed Mount Pelecas and encamped near
+the river Megistus.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_78" id="b5_78"><b>78.</b></a> While he was here an eclipse of the moon occurred:
+and the Gauls who had all along been <span class="sidenote">Mutiny of the
+Gauls.</span>
+much discontented at the hardships of the
+march,&mdash;which was rendered the more painful
+for them by the fact of their being accompanied by their
+wives and children, who followed the host in waggons,&mdash;now
+regarded the eclipse as an evil augury, and refused to go
+on. But King Attalus, who got no effective service out of
+them, and saw that they straggled during the march and
+encamped by themselves, and wholly declined to obey orders
+and despised all authority, was in great doubt as to what to
+do. He was anxious less they should desert to Achaeus, and
+join in an attack upon himself: and was at the same time uneasy
+at the scandal to which he would give rise, if he caused his
+soldiers to surround and kill all these men, who were believed
+to have crossed into Asia in reliance on his honour. He
+therefore seized the occasion of their refusal to proceed, to
+promise them that he would see that they were taken back to
+the place where they had crossed into Asia; would assign them
+suitable lands for a settlement; and would afterwards do them
+any service they asked for, if it was within his power and
+consistent with justice.</p>
+
+<p>Accordingly Attalus led the Aegosagae back to the Hellespont;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">430</a></span>
+and after negotiations with the people of Lampsacus,
+Ilium, and Alexandria, conducted in a friendly spirit because
+they had preserved their loyalty to him, he returned with his
+army to Pergamum.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_79" id="b5_79"><b>79.</b></a> At the beginning of the following spring, having all
+preparations for war completed, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217.
+Antiochus and
+Ptolemy recommence
+hostilities
+in the spring.<br />Ptolemy&#8217;s army:
+70,000 infantry,
+5000 cavalry, 73
+elephants.</span>
+Antiochus and
+Ptolemy determined to bring their claims to
+Coele-Syria to the decision of a battle. Ptolemy
+accordingly set out from Alexandria with seventy
+thousand infantry, five thousand cavalry, and
+seventy three elephants. Being informed of his
+approach, Antiochus drew his forces together.
+These consisted of Daae, Carmani, and Cilicians,
+equipped as light armed troops to the number of about
+five thousand, under the charge and command
+of Byttacus the Macedonian.
+Under Theodotus, the
+Aetolian, who had deserted from
+Ptolemy, were ten thousand picked men from
+the whole kingdom, armed in the Macedonian
+fashion, most of whom had silver shields. The number of
+<span class="sidenote">The army of
+Antiochus:
+62,000 infantry,
+6000 cavalry,
+102 elephants.</span>the phalanx was twenty thousand, and they were led by
+Nicarchus and Theodotus Hemiolius. In addition to these
+there were Agrianes and Persians, who were either bowmen
+or slingers, to the number of two thousand. With them
+were a thousand Thracians, under the command of Menedemus
+of Alabanda. There was also a mixed force of Medes,
+Cissians, Cadusians, and Carmanians, amounting to five
+thousand men, who were assigned to the chief command of
+Aspasianus the Mede. Certain Arabians also and men of
+neighbouring tribes, to the number of ten thousand, were
+commanded by Zabdibelus. The mercenaries from Greece
+amounting to five thousand were led by Hippolochus of
+Thessaly. Antiochus had also fifteen hundred Cretans who
+came with Eurylochus, and a thousand Neo-Cretans commanded
+by Zelys of Gortyna; with whom were five hundred
+javelin men of Lydia, and a thousand Cardaces who came with
+Lysimachus the Gaul. The entire number of his horse was
+six thousand; four thousand were commanded by the king&#8217;s
+nephew Antipater, the rest by Themison; so that the whole<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">431</a></span>
+number of Antiochus&#8217;s force was sixty-two thousand infantry,
+six thousand cavalry, and one hundred and two elephants.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_80" id="b5_80"><b>80.</b></a> Having marched to Pelusium Ptolemy made his first
+halt in that town: and having been there
+joined by the stragglers, <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy enters
+Palestine.</span>
+and having given
+out their rations of corn to his men, he
+got the army in motion, and led them by a line of march
+which goes through the waterless region skirting Mount
+Casius and the Marshes.<a name="FNanchor_274" id="FNanchor_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">274</a> On the fifth day&#8217;s march he
+reached his destination, and pitched his camp a distance of
+fifty stades from Rhaphia, which is the first city of Coele-Syria
+towards Egypt.</p>
+
+<p>While Ptolemy was effecting this movement Antiochus
+arrived with his army at Gaza, where he
+was joined by some reinforcements, <span class="sidenote">Antiochus goes
+to meet him.</span>
+and
+once more commenced his advance, proceeding
+at a leisurely pace. He passed Rhaphia and encamped
+about ten stades from the enemy. For a while the
+two armies preserved this distance, and remained encamped
+opposite each other. But after some few days, wishing to
+remove to more advantageous ground and to inspire confidence
+in his troops, Antiochus pushed forward his camp so much
+nearer Ptolemy, that the palisades of the two camps were not
+more than five stades from each other; and while in this
+position, there were frequent struggles at the watering-places
+and on forays, as well as infantry and cavalry skirmishes in
+the space between the camps.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_81" id="b5_81"><b>81.</b></a> In the course of these proceedings Theodotus conceived
+and put into execution an enterprise, very
+characteristic of an Aetolian, <span class="sidenote">Daring attempt of
+Theodotus to assassinate
+Ptolemy.</span>
+but undoubtedly
+requiring great personal courage. Having
+formerly lived at Ptolemy&#8217;s court he knew the king&#8217;s tastes and
+habits. Accordingly, accompanied by two others, he entered
+the enemy&#8217;s camp just before daybreak; where, owing to the
+dim light, he could not be recognised by his face, while his
+dress and other accoutrements did not render him noticeable,
+owing to the variety of costume prevailing among themselves.
+He had marked the position of the king&#8217;s tent during the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">432</a></span>preceding days, for the skirmishes took place quite close; and
+he now walked boldly up to it, and passed through all the outer
+ring of attendants without being observed: but when he came
+to the tent in which the king was accustomed to transact
+business and dine, though he searched it in every conceivable
+way, he failed to find the king; for Ptolemy slept in another
+tent, separate from the public and official tent. He however
+wounded two men who were sleeping there, and killed
+Andreas, the king&#8217;s physician; and then returned safely to his
+own camp, without meeting with any molestation, except just as
+he was passing over the vallum of the enemy&#8217;s camp. As far
+as daring went, he had fulfilled his purpose: but he had failed
+in prudence by not taking the precaution to ascertain where
+Ptolemy was accustomed to sleep.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_82" id="b5_82"><b>82.</b></a> After being encamped opposite each other for five
+days, the two kings resolved to bring matters
+to the decision of battle. <span class="sidenote">Disposition of the
+two armies for
+the battle of
+Rhaphia.</span>
+And upon
+Ptolemy beginning to move his army outside
+its camp, Antiochus hastened to do the
+same. Both formed their front of their phalanx and men
+armed in the Macedonian manner. But Ptolemy&#8217;s two
+wings were formed as follows:&mdash;Polycrates, with the cavalry
+under his command, occupied the left, and between him and
+the phalanx were Cretans standing close by the horsemen;
+next them came the royal guard;<a name="FNanchor_275" id="FNanchor_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">275</a> then the peltasts under
+Socrates, adjoining the Libyans armed in Macedonian fashion.
+On the right wing was Echecrates of Thessaly, with his division
+of cavalry; on his left were stationed Gauls and Thracians;
+next them Phoxidas and the Greek mercenaries, extending to
+the Egyptian phalanx. Of the elephants forty were on the left
+wing, where Ptolemy was to be in person during the battle;
+the other thirty-three had been stationed in front of the right
+wing opposite the mercenary cavalry.</p>
+
+<p>Antiochus also placed sixty of his elephants commanded
+by his foster-brother Philip in front of his right wing, on which
+he was to be present personally, to fight opposite Ptolemy.
+Behind these he stationed the two thousand cavalry commanded
+by Antipater, and two thousand more at right angles to them.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">433</a></span></p>
+<p>In line with the cavalry he placed the Cretans, and next
+them the Greek mercenaries; with the latter he mixed two
+thousand of these armed in the Macedonian fashion under
+the command of the Macedonian Byttacus. At the extreme
+point of the left wing he placed two thousand cavalry under
+the command of Themison; by their side Cardacian and
+Lydian javelin-men; next them the light-armed division of
+three thousand, commanded by Menedemus; then the Cissians,
+Medes, and Carmanians; and by their side the Arabians and
+neighbouring peoples who continued the line up to the phalanx.
+The remainder of the elephants he placed in front of his left
+wing under the command of Myiscus, one of the boys about
+the court.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_83" id="b5_83"><b>83.</b></a> The two armies having been drawn up in the order I
+have described; the kings went along their
+respective lines, <span class="sidenote">Addresses to the
+two armies before
+the battle of
+Rhaphia.</span>
+and addressed words of encouragement
+and exhortation to their officers
+and friends. But as they both rested their
+strongest hopes on their phalanx, they showed their greatest
+earnestness and addressed their strongest exhortations to them;
+which were re-echoed in Ptolemy&#8217;s case by Andromachus and
+Sosibius and the king&#8217;s sister Arsinoe; in the case of Antiochus
+by Theodotus and Nicarchus: these officers being the commanders
+of the phalanx in the two armies respectively. The
+substance of what was said on both sides was the same: for
+neither monarch had any glorious or famous achievement of
+his own to quote to those whom he was addressing, seeing that
+they had but recently succeeded to their crowns; but they
+endeavoured to inspire the men of the phalanx with spirit
+and boldness, by reminding them of the glory of their ancestors,
+and the great deeds performed by them. But they chiefly
+dwelt upon the hopes of advancement which the men might
+expect at their hands in the future; and they called upon and
+exhorted the leaders and the whole body of men, who were
+about to be engaged, to maintain the fight with a manly and
+courageous spirit. So with these or similar words, delivered
+by their own lips or by interpreters, they rode along their
+lines.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_84" id="b5_84"><b>84.</b></a> Ptolemy, accompanied by his sister, having arrived at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">434</a></span>
+the left wing of his army, and Antiochus with the royal guard
+at the right: they gave the signal for the battle, <span class="sidenote">The battle of
+Rhaphia.</span>
+and opened the fight by a charge of elephants.
+Only some few of Ptolemy&#8217;s elephants
+came to close quarters with the foe: seated on these the
+soldiers in the howdahs maintained a brilliant fight, lunging at
+and striking each other with crossed pikes.<a name="FNanchor_276" id="FNanchor_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">276</a> But the elephants
+themselves fought still more brilliantly, using all their strength
+in the encounter, and pushing against each other, forehead to
+forehead.</p>
+
+<p>The way in which elephants fight is this: they get their
+tusks entangled and jammed, <span class="sidenote">Fighting elephants.</span>
+and then push
+against one another with all their might, trying
+to make each other yield ground until one of
+them proving superior in strength has pushed aside the other&#8217;s
+trunk; and when once he can get a side blow at his enemy,
+he pierces him with his tusks as a bull would with his horns.
+Now, most of Ptolemy&#8217;s animals, as is the way with Libyan
+elephants, were afraid to face the fight: for they cannot stand
+the smell or the trumpeting of the Indian elephants, but are
+frightened at their size and strength, I suppose, and run away
+from them at once without waiting to come near them. <span class="sidenote">Antiochus&#8217;s right
+wing successful.</span>
+This
+is exactly what happened on this occasion: and upon their
+being thrown into confusion and being driven
+back upon their own lines, Ptolemy&#8217;s guard
+gave way before the rush of the animals; while
+Antiochus, wheeling his men so as to avoid the elephants,
+charged the division of cavalry under Polycrates. At the
+same time the Greek mercenaries stationed near the phalanx,
+and behind the elephants, charged Ptolemy&#8217;s peltasts and made
+them give ground, the elephants having already thrown their
+ranks also into confusion. Thus Ptolemy&#8217;s whole left wing
+began to give way before the enemy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_85" id="b5_85"><b>85.</b></a> Echecrates the commander of the right wing waited at
+first to see the result of the struggle between <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy&#8217;s right
+wing also
+successful.</span>
+the other wings of the two armies: but when he
+saw the dust coming his way, and that the
+elephants opposite his division were afraid even to approach
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">435</a></span>the hostile elephants at all, he ordered Phoxidas to charge the
+part of the enemy opposite him with his Greek mercenaries;
+while he made a flank movement with the cavalry and the
+division behind the elephants; and so getting out of the line of
+the hostile elephants&#8217; attack, charged the enemy&#8217;s cavalry on
+the rear or the flank and quickly drove them from their
+ground. Phoxidas and his men were similarly successful: for
+they charged the Arabians and Medes and forced them into
+precipitate flight. Thus Antiochus&#8217;s right wing gained a victory,
+while his left was defeated. <span class="sidenote">The centre
+coming into
+action. Ptolemy
+is victorious.</span>
+The phalanxes, left
+without the support of either wing, remained
+intact in the centre of the plain, in a state of
+alternate hope and fear for the result. Meanwhile
+Antiochus was assisting in gaining the victory on his right
+wing; while Ptolemy, who had retired behind his phalanx,
+now came forward in the centre, and showing himself in the
+view of both armies struck terror in the hearts of the enemy,
+but inspired great spirit and enthusiasm in his own men;
+and Andromachus and Sosibius at once ordered them to lower
+their sarissae and charge. The picked Syrian troops stood
+their ground only for a short time, and the division of Nicarchus
+quickly broke and fled. Antiochus presuming, in his youthful
+inexperience, from the success of his own division, that he
+would be equally victorious all along the line, was pressing on
+the pursuit; but upon one of the older officers at length
+giving him warning, and pointing out that the cloud of dust
+raised by the phalanx was moving towards their own camp, he
+understood too late what was happening; and endeavoured to
+gallop back with the squadron of royal cavalry on to the field.
+<span class="sidenote">Final retreat of
+Antiochus.</span>
+But finding his whole line in full retreat he was
+forced to retire to Rhaphia: comforting himself
+with the belief that, as far as he was personally
+concerned, he had won a victory, but had been defeated in
+the whole battle by the want of spirit and courage shown by
+the rest.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_86" id="b5_86"><b>86.</b></a> Having secured the final victory by his phalanx, and
+killed large numbers of the enemy in the pursuit by means of
+his cavalry and mercenaries on his right wing, Ptolemy retired
+to his own camp and there spent the night. But next day,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">436</a></span>
+after picking up and burying his own dead, and stripping the
+bodies of the enemy, he advanced towards Rhaphia. Antiochus
+had wished, immediately after the retreat of his army, to make
+a camp outside the city; and there rally such of his men as had
+fled in compact bodies: but finding that the greater number
+had retreated into the town, he was compelled to enter it himself
+also. Next morning, however, before daybreak, he led out
+the relics of his army and made the best of his way to Gaza.
+There he pitched a camp: and having sent an embassy to
+obtain leave to pick up his dead, he obtained a truce for
+performing their obsequies. <span class="sidenote">The losses on
+either side.</span>
+His loss amounted
+to nearly ten thousand infantry and three
+hundred cavalry killed, and four thousand taken
+prisoners. Three elephants were killed on the field, and two
+died afterwards of their wounds. On Ptolemy&#8217;s side the
+losses were fifteen hundred infantry killed and seven hundred
+cavalry: sixteen of his elephants were killed, and most of the
+others captured.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the result of the battle of Rhaphia between kings
+Ptolemy and Antiochus for the possession of Coele-Syria.</p>
+
+<p>After picking up his dead Antiochus retired with his army
+to his own country: while Ptolemy took over
+Rhaphia and the other towns without difficulty, <span class="sidenote">The effect of the
+battle of Rhaphia.</span>
+all the states vying with each other as to
+which should be first to renew their allegiance and come over
+to him. And perhaps it is the way of the world everywhere
+to accommodate one&#8217;s self to circumstances at such times; but
+it is eminently true of the race inhabiting that country, that they
+have a natural turn and inclination to worship success. Moreover
+it was all the more natural in this case, owing to the
+existing disposition of the people in favour of the Alexandrian
+kings; for the inhabitants of Coele-Syria are somehow always
+more loyally disposed to this family than to any other. Accordingly
+they now stopped short of no extravagance of adulation,
+honouring Ptolemy with crowns, sacrifices, and every possible
+compliment of the kind.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_87" id="b5_87"><b>87.</b></a> Meanwhile Antiochus, on arriving at the city which
+bears his own name, immediately despatched an embassy to
+Ptolemy, consisting of Antipater, his nephew, and Theodotus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">437</a></span>
+Hemiolius, to treat of a peace, in great alarm lest the enemy
+should advance upon him. For his defeat had
+inspired him with distrust of his own forces, <span class="sidenote">Peace between
+Ptolemy and
+Antiochus for a
+year, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217.</span>
+and he was afraid that Achaeus would seize
+the opportunity to attack him. It did not
+occur to Ptolemy to take any of these circumstances into
+account: but being thoroughly satisfied with his unexpected
+success, and generally at his unlooked for acquisition of Coele-Syria,
+he was by no means indisposed to peace; but even more
+inclined to it than he ought to have been: influenced in that
+direction by the habitual effeminacy and corruption of his
+manner of life. Accordingly, when Antipater and his colleague
+arrived, after some little bluster and vituperation of Antiochus
+for what had taken place, he agreed to a truce for a year. He
+sent Sosibius back with the ambassadors to ratify the treaty:
+while he himself, after remaining three months in Syria and
+Phoenicia, and settling the towns, left Andromachus of
+Aspendus as governor of this district, and started with his
+sister and friends for Alexandria: having brought the war to a
+conclusion in a way that surprised his subjects, when they
+contrasted it with the principles on which he spent the rest of
+his life. Antiochus after exchanging ratifications of the treaty
+with Sosibius, employed himself in making preparations for
+attacking Achaeus, as he had originally begun doing. Such
+was the political situation in Asia.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_88" id="b5_88"><b>88.</b></a> About the same period the earthquake occurred at
+Rhodes, which overthrew the great Colossus and
+the larger part of the walls and dockyards. <span class="sidenote">Earthquake at
+Rhodes. Royal
+liberality,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;224.</span>
+But
+the adroit policy of the Rhodians converted this
+misfortune into an opportunity; and under their
+skilful management, instead of adding to their embarrassments,
+it became the means of restoring their prosperity. So decisive
+in human affairs, public or private, is the difference between incapacity
+and good sense, between idle indifference and a close
+attention to business. Good fortune only damages the one,
+while disaster is but a means of recovery to the other. This
+was illustrated by the manner in which the Rhodians turned
+the misfortune that befel them to account. They enhanced its
+magnitude and importance by the prominence which they gave<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">438</a></span>
+it, and the serious tone in which they spoke of it, as well
+by the mouth of their ambassadors as in the intercourse
+of private life; and they created thus such an effect upon
+other states, and especially upon the feelings of the
+kings, that they were not only overwhelmed with presents,
+but made the donors feel actually obliged for their acceptance
+of them. Hiero and Gelo, for instance, <span class="sidenote">Hiero and Gelo.</span>
+presented them with seventy-five talents of
+silver, part at once, and the rest at a very short interval, as a
+contribution towards the expenses of the gymnasium; gave
+them for religious purposes some silver cauldrons and their
+stands, and some water vessels; and in addition to this
+ten talents for their sacrifices, and ten more to attract
+new citizens: their intention being that the whole present
+should amount to a hundred talents.<a name="FNanchor_277" id="FNanchor_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">277</a> Not only so, but
+they gave immunity from customs to Rhodian merchants
+coming to their ports; and presented them besides with fifty
+catapults of three cubits length. In spite too of these large
+gifts, they regarded themselves as under an obligation to the
+Rhodians; and accordingly erected statues in the <i>Deigma</i> or
+Mart of Rhodes, representing the community of Rhodes
+crowned by that of Syracuse.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_89" id="b5_89"><b>89.</b></a> Then too Ptolemy offered them three hundred talents
+of silver; a million medimni<a name="FNanchor_278" id="FNanchor_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">278</a> of corn; <span class="sidenote">Ptolemy.</span>
+ship
+timber for ten quinqueremes and ten triremes,
+consisting of forty thousand cubits of squared pine planking;
+a thousand talents of bronze coinage; three thousand
+talents<a name="FNanchor_279" id="FNanchor_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">279</a> of tow; three thousand pieces of sail cloth; three
+thousand talents for the repair of the Colossus; a hundred
+master builders with three hundred and fifty workmen,
+and fourteen talents yearly to pay their wages.
+Besides this he gave twelve thousand medimni of corn for
+their public games and sacrifices, and twenty thousand medimni
+for victualling ten triremes. The greater part of these goods
+was delivered at once, as well as a third of the whole of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">439</a></span>
+money named. In a similar spirit Antigonus offered ten
+thousand timbers, varying from sixteen to eight cubits in
+length, to be used as purlins; <span class="sidenote">Antigonus.</span>
+five thousand
+rafters seven cubits long; three thousand
+talents of iron; a thousand talents of pitch; a thousand
+amphorae of the same unboiled; and a hundred talents
+of silver besides. His queen, Chryseis, also gave a hundred
+thousand medimni of corn, and three thousand talents of
+lead. Again Seleucus,<a name="FNanchor_280" id="FNanchor_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">280</a> father of Antiochus, besides granting
+freedom from imports to Rhodians sailing to his dominions,
+and besides giving ten quinqueremes fully equipped, and two
+hundred thousand medimni of corn; gave also ten thousand
+cubits of timber, and a thousand talents of resin and hair.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_90" id="b5_90"><b>90.</b></a> Nor were Prusias and Mithridates far behind these in
+liberality; nor the princes Lysanias, Olympichus,
+and Lymnaeas, <span class="sidenote">Other princes.</span>
+who were at that time in power
+in different parts of Asia; and as for states that, according to
+their several abilities contributed to their assistance, it would be
+difficult to reckon their number. In fact, though when we
+regard the time which it took the city to recover its populousness,
+and the state of desolation from which it started, we
+cannot fail to be struck at the rapidity and the extent of its
+improvement in regard both to private and public wealth; yet
+when we contemplate the natural advantages of its site, and
+the contributions from outside which served to raise its
+fortunes to their original height, this feeling must give way to
+a conviction that the advance was somewhat less than might
+have been expected.</p>
+
+<p>My object in giving these details is twofold. I wished to
+exhibit the brilliant conduct of their public affairs by the
+Rhodians, for indeed they deserve both to be commended and
+imitated: and I wished also to point out the insignificance of
+the gifts bestowed by the kings of our own day, and received
+by nations and states; that these monarchs may not imagine
+that by the expenditure of four or five talents they are doing
+anything so very great, or expect to receive at the hands of the
+Greeks the honour enjoyed by former kings; and that states
+when they see before their eyes the magnitude of the presents
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">440</a></span>formerly bestowed, may not, nowadays, in return for insignificant
+and paltry benefactions, blindly bestow their most ample
+and splendid honours; but may use that discrimination in
+apportioning their favours to desert, in which Greeks excel the
+rest of the world.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_91" id="b5_91"><b>91.</b></a> Just at the beginning of this summer, while Agetas
+was Strategus of the Aetolians, and when Aratus
+had just become Strategus of <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217. Greece.
+Return of Lycurgus
+to Sparta.
+He projects an
+invasion of
+Messenia.</span>
+the Achaean
+league,&mdash;at which point we broke off in our
+history of the Social war,<a name="FNanchor_281" id="FNanchor_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">281</a>&mdash;Lycurgus of Sparta
+returned home from Aetolia. The Ephors had
+discovered that the charge on which he had
+been banished was false; and had accordingly sent for him
+back, and recalled him from exile. He at once began making
+an arrangement with Pyrrhias the Aetolian, who happened at
+the time to be commander in Elis, for an invasion of Messenia.
+<span class="sidenote">The preparations
+of Aratus.</span>
+Now, when Aratus came into office, he found the
+mercenary army of the league in a state of
+complete demoralisation, and the cities very
+slack to pay the tax for their support, owing to the bad and
+spiritless manner in which his predecessor Eperatus had
+managed the affairs of the league. He, however, exhorted
+the members of the league to reform, and obtained a decree
+dealing with this matter; and then threw himself with energy
+into the preparations for the war. The decree passed by
+the Achaeans ordered the maintenance of eight thousand
+mercenary infantry and five hundred horse, together with three
+thousand Achaean infantry and three hundred horse, enrolled
+in the usual way; and that of these latter five hundred foot and
+fifty horse were to be brazen-shield men from Megalopolis,
+and the same number of Argives. It ordered also that
+three ships should be manned to cruise off Acte and in the
+Argolic gulf, and three off Patrae and Dyme, and in the sea
+there.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_92" id="b5_92"><b>92.</b></a> While Aratus was engaged in these transactions, and
+in completing these preparations, Lycurgus and Pyrrhias, after<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">441</a></span>
+an interchange of messages to secure their making their
+expedition at the same time, marched into Messenia.
+The Achaean Strategus, aware of their
+design, <span class="sidenote">The ill-success of
+Lycurgus.</span>
+came with the mercenaries and some of
+the picked Achaeans to Megalopolis, with the view of supporting
+the Messenians. After setting out, Lycurgus got possession of
+Calamae, a stronghold in Messenia, by treachery; and pressed
+hurriedly forward to effect a junction with the Aetolians. But
+Pyrrhias had started from Elis with a wholly inadequate force,
+and, having been easily stopped at the pass into Messenia by the
+Cyparissians, had turned back. Lycurgus therefore being
+unable to effect his junction with Pyrrhias, and not being
+strong enough by himself, after assaulting Andania for a
+short time, returned back to Sparta without having effected
+anything.</p>
+
+<p>When the plot of the enemy had thus gone to pieces;
+Aratus, with a provident regard for the future, arranged with
+Taurion to provide fifty horse and five hundred foot, and with
+the Messenians to send an equal number; with the view of
+using these men to protect the territories of Messenia, Megalopolis,
+Tegea, and Argos,&mdash;for these districts, being on the
+frontier of Laconia, have to bear the brunt of Lacedaemonian
+invasion for the rest of the Peloponnese; while with the
+Achaean levies and mercenaries he planned to guard the parts
+of Achaia which lay towards Elis and Aetolia.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_93" id="b5_93"><b>93.</b></a> After adjusting these matters, he settled in accordance
+with the decree of the league the
+intestine disputes at Megalopolis. <span class="sidenote">Condition of
+Megalopolis.</span>
+For it
+happened that the people of this town having
+been recently deprived of their country by Cleomenes,<a name="FNanchor_282" id="FNanchor_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">282</a> and, to
+use a common expression, shaken to their foundations, were
+in absolute want of many things, and ill-provided with all:
+for they persisted in maintaining their usual scale of living,
+while their means both public and private were entirely
+crippled. The consequence was that the town was filled with
+disputes, jealousies, and mutual hatred; which is ever the
+case, both with states and individuals, when means fall short of
+desires. The first controversy was about the walling of the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">442</a></span>town,&mdash;one party maintaining that the limits of the city should
+be contracted to a size admitting of being completely walled
+and guarded at a time of danger; for that in the late occasion
+it was its size and unguarded state which had caused their
+disaster. In addition to this it was maintained by this party
+that the landowners should contribute the third part of their
+land to provide for the enrolment of new citizens. The other
+party rejected the notion of contracting the limits of the city
+and would not consent to contribute a third part of their lands.
+But the most serious controversy of all was in regard to the
+laws draughted for them by Prytanis, an eminent Peripatetic
+philosopher, whom Antigonus Doson appointed to draw them
+up a constitution. In this distracted state of politics, Aratus
+intervened with all the earnestness he could command, and
+succeeded in pacifying the heated feelings of the citizens. The
+terms on which the controversies were settled were engraved on
+a column, and set up near the altar of Vesta in the Homarium.<a name="FNanchor_283" id="FNanchor_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">283</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_94" id="b5_94"><b>94.</b></a> After arranging this settlement, Aratus broke up his
+camp; and going on himself to the congress
+from of the Achaeans, <span class="sidenote">Another raid of
+Aetolians from
+Elis.</span>handed over the mercenaries
+to Lycus of Pharae, as the Sub-Strategus
+of the league. But the Eleans, being dissatisfied with
+Pyrrhias, once more induced the Aetolians to send them
+Euripidas; who, waiting until the Achaeans were engaged in
+their congress, took sixty horse and two thousand foot, and
+started on a raid. Having passed through the territory of
+Pharae, he overran the country up to the territory of Aegium;
+and after securing and driving off a considerable booty, he
+began a retreat towards Leontium. But Lycus, learning what
+had happened, went in all haste to protect the country; and
+falling in with the enemy, he attacked them at once and killed
+four hundred and took two hundred prisoners, among whom
+were the following men of rank: Physsias, Antanor, Clearchus,
+Androlochus, Euanoridas, Aristogeiton, Nicasippus, and
+Aspasius. <span class="sidenote">The Achaean
+fleet retaliates on
+Aetolia.</span>
+The arms and baggage fell entirely
+into his hands. About the same time the
+Navarch of the league having gone on an
+expedition to Molycria, returned with nearly a hundred
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">443</a></span>captives. Returning once more to Aetolia he sailed to
+Chalceia and captured two war ships, with their crews, which
+put out to resist him; and took also a long boat with its men
+on the Aetolian Rhium. There being thus an influx of booty
+both by sea and land at the same period, and a considerable
+amount of money and provisions being obtained from this, the
+soldiers felt confident of getting their pay, and the cities of the
+league were sanguine of not being likely to be hard pressed by
+their contributions.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_95" id="b5_95"><b>95.</b></a> While these events were taking place Scerdilaidas,
+thinking that he was not being treated fairly, <span class="sidenote">Scerdilaidas the
+Illyrian plunders
+the coast.</span>
+because some of the payments agreed upon
+in his treaty with Philip were in arrear, sent
+out fifteen galleys, treacherously pretending that their object
+was to receive and convoy the money. These galleys
+sailed to Leucas, where they were received by all as friendly,
+owing to their former alliance: but the only mischief they
+had time to do was to make a treacherous attack on the
+Corinthian Agathinus and Cassander, who had come there on
+board Taurion&#8217;s ships, and were lying at anchor close to them
+with four vessels. These they captured with their vessels and
+sent to Scerdilaidas; and then putting out to sea from Leucas,
+and sailing towards Malea, they plundered and captured the
+merchants whom they met.</p>
+
+<p>Harvest time was now approaching: and as Taurion paid
+little attention to the protection of the cities
+I mentioned above; <span class="sidenote">More raids.</span>
+Aratus in person, at the
+head of some picked Achaean troops, protected the getting
+in of the harvest round Argos: while Euripidas at the head
+of a force of Aetolians set out on a raid, with the object
+of ravaging the territory of Tritaea. But when Lycus and
+Demodocus, the Hipparch of the league, heard of the expedition
+of the Aetolians from Elis, they collected the people of
+Dymae, Patrae and Pharae, and joining the mercenaries to
+these forces made an incursion upon Elis. Arrived at a place
+called Phyxium, they allowed their light-armed troops and
+their horse to plunder the country, but kept their hoplites
+concealed near this place: and when the Eleans had sallied
+out in full force to attack the foraging parties, and were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">444</a></span>
+pursuing them as they retreated, the hoplites with Lycus rose
+from their hiding-place and charged them as they rushed
+heedlessly on. The Eleans did not stand against the attack,
+but fled at the mere appearance of the hoplites: who killed two
+hundred of them and took eighty prisoners, and carried off
+with them in safety all the booty that had been driven in from
+the country. At the same time the Navarch of the league
+made numerous descents upon Calydonia and the territory of
+Naupactus; and not only overran the country, but twice
+annihilated the force sent out to resist him. Among others he
+took Cleonicus of Naupactus prisoner: who owing to this being
+a proxenus of the Achaeans was not sold on the spot, and after
+some little time was set free without ransom.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_96" id="b5_96"><b>96.</b></a> About the same time Agetas, the Strategus of the
+Aetolian league, proclaimed a general levy of
+Aetolians, <span class="sidenote">Acarnania.</span>
+and went on a foraging expedition into
+the territory of the Acarnanians. He marched through all
+Epirus, plundering as he went without let or hindrance;
+after doing which he returned home, and dismissed the Aetolian
+levy to their own cities. But the Acarnanians, upon making a
+retaliatory invasion of the territory of Stratus, were seized with a
+panic: and returned with disgrace, though without loss; because
+the people of Stratus did not venture to pursue them, believing
+that their retreat was a ruse to cover an ambuscade.</p>
+
+<p>An instance of counter-treachery occurred also at Phanoteus.
+Alexander who had been appointed governor of
+Phocis by Philip, <span class="sidenote">Phanoteus in
+Phocis. The biter
+bit.</span>
+entered into a plot against
+the Aetolians, through the agency of a certain
+Jason, who had been appointed by himself to command the
+city of Phanoteus. This man sent a message to Agetas, the
+Strategus of the Aetolian league, agreeing to hand over to him
+the citadel of Phanoteus; and he confirmed his offer by a
+regularly sworn treaty. On the appointed day Agetas came
+with his Aetolian levy to Phanoteus under cover of night; and
+concealing the rest at some little distance, he selected a hundred
+of the most active men and sent them towards the citadel. Jason
+had Alexander all ready with his soldiers, but duly received
+the Aetolians as he had sworn into the citadel. Immediately
+Alexander and his men threw themselves into the citadel also:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">445</a></span>
+the Aetolian hundred picked soldiers were made prisoners;
+and when daylight showed Agetas what had taken place, he
+drew off his troops,&mdash;baffled by a ruse very like what he had
+on many occasions practised himself.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_97" id="b5_97"><b>97.</b></a> About this same period King Philip captured Bylazora,
+the largest town of Paeonia, and very favourably
+situated for commanding the pass from <span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s campaign
+in Upper
+Macedonia and
+Thessaly.</span>
+Dardania to Macedonia: so that by this
+achievement he was all but entirely freed from
+any fear of the Dardani, it being no longer easy for them to
+invade Macedonia, as long as this city gave Philip the
+command of the pass. Having secured this place, he despatched
+Chrysogonus with all speed to summon the upper
+Macedonians to arms; while he himself, taking on the men of
+Bottia and Amphaxitis, arrived at Edessa. Waiting there until
+he was joined by the Macedonians under Chrysogonus, he
+started with his whole army, and on the sixth day&#8217;s march
+arrived at Larisa; and thence by a rapid night
+march he came before daybreak to Meliteia, <span class="sidenote">Meliteia.</span>
+and placing scaling ladders against the walls, attempted to take
+the town by escalade. The suddenness and unexpectedness of
+the attack so dismayed the people of Meliteia, that he would
+easily have taken the town; but he was baffled by the fact
+of the ladders proving to be far too short.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_98" id="b5_98"><b>98.</b></a> This is the kind of mistake which above all others
+reflects discredit on the commanders. For what can be more
+culpable than to arrive at a town which they mean to carry, in
+an entirely unprovided state, without having taken the precaution
+of measuring walls, cliffs, and the like, by which they
+intend to effect their entrance? Or again, while satisfying
+themselves as to these measurements, to entrust the construction
+of ladders and all such machinery, which, though taking little
+time to make, have to stand the test of a very critical service,
+without consideration, and to incompetent persons,&mdash;is not
+this deserving of censure? For in such actions it is not a
+question of succeeding or failing without ill consequences; but
+failure is followed by positive damage in manifold respects:
+danger to the bravest of the men at the actual time, and still
+greater danger during their retreat, when they have once<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">446</a></span>
+incurred the contempt of the enemy. The examples of such
+disasters are numerous; for you will find that of those who
+have failed in such attempts, many more have perished, or
+have been reduced to the last extremity of danger, than have
+come off scatheless. Moreover, no one can deny that they
+arouse distrust and hatred against themselves for the future,
+and give all men warning to be on their guard. For it is not
+only the persons attacked, but all who know what has
+happened, who are thereby bidden to look out for themselves
+and be on the watch. Wherefore it is never right for men
+in places of trust to conduct such enterprises inconsiderately.
+The method also of taking such measurements, and constructing
+machines of this kind, is easy and liable to no
+mistakes, if they are taken in hand scientifically.</p>
+
+<p>For the present, however, I must resume the thread of my
+narrative, but I shall take another fitting opportunity in the
+course of my work to speak of these matters, and will endeavour
+to show how mistakes may best be avoided in such
+undertakings.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_99" id="b5_99"><b>99.</b></a> Thus baffled in his attempt upon Meliteia, Philip encamped
+upon the bank of the Enipeus, and collected from
+Larisa and the other cities the siege train which he had caused
+to be constructed during the winter. <span class="sidenote">Thebae Phthiotides,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217.</span>
+For the chief object of
+his campaign was the capture of the city called
+Phthiotid Thebes. Now this city lies no long
+way from the sea, about thirty stades from
+Larisa, and is conveniently situated in regard both to Magnesia
+and Thessaly; but especially as commanding the district
+of Demetrias in Magnesia, and of Pharsalus and Pherae in
+Thessaly. From it, at that very time, much damage was
+being inflicted upon the Demetrians, Pharsalians, and
+Larisaeans; as the Aetolians were in occupation of it, and
+made continual predatory expeditions, often as far as to the
+plain of Amyrus. Philip did not regard the matter as at all
+of small importance, but was exceedingly bent on taking the
+town. Having therefore got together a hundred and fifty
+catapults, and twenty-five stone-throwing ballistae, he sat down
+before Thebes. He distributed his forces between three
+points in the vicinity of the city; one was encamped near<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">447</a></span>
+Scopium; a second near a place called Heliotropium; and the
+third on the hill overhanging the town. The spaces between
+these camps he fortified by a trench and double palisade, and
+further secured them by towers of wood, at intervals of a
+hundred feet, with an adequate guard. When these works
+were finished, he collected all his siege train together and began
+to move his engines towards the citadel.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_100" id="b5_100"><b>100.</b></a> For the first three days the king was unable to make
+any progress in bringing his machines against
+the town, <span class="sidenote">Thebes is taken,
+its inhabitants
+enslaved, and
+its name changed
+to Philippopolis.</span>
+owing to the gallant and even desperate
+defence which the garrison opposed to him.
+But when the continual skirmishing, and the
+volleys of missiles, had began to tell upon the
+defenders, and some of them were killed and others disabled
+by wounds; the defence becoming a little slacker, the
+Macedonians began sinking mines, and at last after nine days&#8217;
+work reached the walls. They then carried on the work by
+relays, so as never to leave it off day or night: and thus in three
+days had undermined and underpinned two hundred feet of
+the wall. The props, however, proved too weak to support
+the weight, and gave way; so that the wall fell without the
+Macedonians having the trouble of setting fire to them.
+When they had worked energetically at clearing the debris, and
+had made every preparation for entering by the breach, and
+were just on the point of carrying it, the Thebans in a panic
+surrendered the town. The security which this achievement
+of Philip&#8217;s gave to Magnesia and Thessaly deprived the
+Aetolians of a rich field for plunder; and demonstrated to his
+army that he had been justified in putting Leontius to death,
+for his deliberate treachery in the previous siege of Palae.
+Having thus become master of Thebes he sold its existing
+inhabitants into slavery, and drafting in some Macedonian
+settlers changed its name to Philippopolis.</p>
+
+<p>Just as the king had finished the settlement of Thebes,
+ambassadors once more came from Chios, Rhodes, Byzantium,
+and King Ptolemy to negotiate terms of peace. He answered
+them in much the same terms as he had the former,<a name="FNanchor_284" id="FNanchor_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">284</a> that he
+was not averse to peace; and bade them go and find out
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">448</a></span>what the feelings of the Aetolians were. Meanwhile he himself
+cared little about making peace, but continued steadily
+to prosecute his designs.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_101" id="b5_101"><b>101.</b></a> Accordingly, when he heard that the galleys of
+Scerdilaidas were committing acts of piracy off Malea, and
+treating all merchants as open enemies, and had treacherously
+seized some of his own vessels which   were   at anchor at
+Leucas, he fitted out twelve decked ships, eight open
+vessels, and thirty light craft called hemioliae,<a name="FNanchor_285" id="FNanchor_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">285</a> and sailed
+through the Euripus in hot haste to come up with the
+Illyrians; exceedingly excited about his plans for carrying
+on the war against the Aetolians, as he knew nothing as
+yet of what had happened in Italy. For the defeat of the
+Romans by Hannibal in Etruria took place while Philip was
+besieging Thebes, but the report of that occurrence had not
+yet reached Greece. Philip arrived too late to capture the
+galleys: and therefore, dropping anchor at Cenchreae, he sent
+away his decked ships, with orders to sail round Malea in the
+direction of Aegium and Patrae; but having caused the rest of
+his vessels to be dragged across the Isthmus, he ordered
+them to anchor at Lechaeum; while he went in haste with his
+friends to Argos to attend the Nemean festival. <span class="sidenote">Nemean festival.
+Midsummer of
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217.</span>
+Just as he was engaged in watching the gymnastic
+contest, a courier arrived from Macedonia
+with news of the Romans having been defeated in a great battle,
+and of Hannibal being in possession of the open
+country. Philip showed the letter to no one at
+the moment, except to Demetrius of Pharos,
+enjoining him not to say a word. The latter seized the
+<span class="sidenote">Philip hears of the
+Battle of Thrasymene,
+22d June.</span>occasion to advise Philip to throw over the war against the
+Aetolians as soon as possible; and to concentrate his efforts
+upon Illyria, and an expedition into Italy. &#8220;For Greece,&#8221; said
+he, &#8220;is already entirely obedient to you, and will remain so:
+the Achaeans from genuine affection; the Aetolians from the
+terror which their disasters in the present war have inspired
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">449</a></span>them. Italy, and your crossing into it, is the first step in the
+acquirement of universal empire, to which no one has a better
+claim than yourself. And now is the moment to act when
+the Romans have suffered a reverse.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_102" id="b5_102"><b>102.</b></a> By using such arguments he found no difficulty in
+firing Philip&#8217;s ambition: as was natural, I think, considering
+that he was but a youthful monarch, who had as yet been
+successful in all his undertakings, and was in any case of a
+singularly daring character; and considering too that he was
+sprung from a family which above all families has somehow a
+tendency to aim at universal monarchy.</p>
+
+<p>At the moment then, as I said, Philip communicated the
+news conveyed by the letter to Demetrius alone; and afterwards
+summoning a council of his friends consulted them on
+the subject of making peace with the Aetolians. And when
+even Aratus professed no disinclination to the measure, on the
+ground that they would be making peace as conquerors, the
+king without waiting for the ambassadors, who were officially
+engaged in negotiating its terms, sent Cleonicus of Naupactus
+at once to Aetolia, whom he found still awaiting the meeting
+of the Achaean league after his captivity;<a name="FNanchor_286" id="FNanchor_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">286</a> while he himself,
+taking his ships and land force from Corinth, came with it to
+Aegium. Thence he advanced as far as Lasion and took the
+Tower in Perippia, and pretended, in order to avoid appearing
+too eager for the conclusion of the war, that he was meditating
+an invasion of Elis. <span class="sidenote">A peace congress
+summoned.</span>
+By this time Cleonicus
+had been backwards and forwards two or three
+times; and as the Aetolians begged that he
+would meet them personally in conference, he assented, and
+abandoning all warlike measures, he sent couriers to the allied
+cities, bidding their commissioners to sit in the conference
+with him and take part in the discussion of the terms of
+peace: <span class="sidenote">Zacynthus visited
+by Philip.</span>
+and then crossed over with his army
+and encamped near Panormus, which is a
+harbour of the Peloponnese, and lies exactly
+opposite Naupactus. There he waited for the commissioners
+from the allies, and employed the time required for their
+assembling in sailing to Zacynthus, and settling on his own
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">450</a></span>authority the affairs of the island; and having done so he
+sailed back to Panormus.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_103" id="b5_103"><b>103.</b></a> The commissioners having now assembled, Philip sent
+Aratus and Taurion, and some others who had come with
+them, to the Aetolians. They found them in full assembly
+at Naupactus; and after a short conference with them, and
+satisfying themselves as to their inclination for peace, they
+sailed back to Philip to inform him of the state of the case.
+But the Aetolians, being very eager to bring the war to a
+conclusion, sent ambassadors with them to Philip urging him
+to visit them with his army, that by a personal conference the
+business might be brought to a satisfactory conclusion.
+Moved by these representations, <span class="sidenote">Philip goes to
+Naupactus.</span>
+the king
+sailed across with his army to what is
+called the Hollows of Naupactus, about
+twenty stades from the town. Having pitched a camp there,
+and having caused both it and his ships to be surrounded by
+a palisade, he waited for the time fixed for the interview.
+The Aetolians came <i>en masse</i> without arms; and keeping at a
+distance of two stades from Philip&#8217;s camp, interchanged
+messages and discussions on the subjects in question. The
+negotiation was begun by the king sending all the commissioners
+of the allies, with instructions to offer the Aetolians peace, on
+the condition of both parties retaining what they then held.
+This preliminary the Aetolians readily agreed to; and then
+there began a continuous interchange of messages between the
+two, most of which I shall omit as containing no point of
+interest: but I shall record the speech made by Agelaus of
+Naupactus in the first conference before the king and the
+assembled allies. It was this.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_104" id="b5_104"><b>104.</b></a> &#8220;The best thing of all is that the Greeks should not
+go to war with each other at all, but give the
+gods hearty thanks if by all speaking with
+one voice, <span class="sidenote">Speech of Agelaus
+of Naupactus
+foreshadowing
+the Roman
+conquest.</span>
+and joining hands like people crossing
+a stream, they may be able to repel the
+attacks of barbarians and save themselves and
+their cities. But if this is altogether impossible, in the
+present juncture at least we ought to be unanimous and on our
+guard, when we see the bloated armaments and the vast<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">451</a></span>
+proportions assumed by the war in the west. For even now it is
+evident to any one who pays even a moderate attention to public
+affairs, that whether the Carthaginians conquer the Romans,
+or the Romans the Carthaginians, it is in every way improbable
+that the victors will remain contented with the empire of Sicily
+and Italy. They will move forward: and will extend their
+forces and their designs farther than we could wish. Wherefore,
+I beseech you all to be on your guard against the
+danger of the crisis, and above all you, O King. You will do
+this, if you abandon the policy of weakening the Greeks, and
+thus rendering them an easy prey to the invader; and consult
+on the contrary for their good as you would for your own
+person, and have a care for all parts of Greece alike, as part
+and parcel of your own domains. If you act in this spirit, the
+Greeks will be your warm friends and faithful coadjutors in all
+your undertakings; while foreigners will be less ready to form
+designs against you, seeing with dismay the firm loyalty of the
+Greeks. If you are eager for action, turn your eyes to the
+west, and let your thoughts dwell upon the wars in Italy. Wait
+with coolness the turn of events there, and seize the opportunity
+to strike for universal dominion. Nor is the present crisis
+unfavourable for such a hope. But I intreat of you to postpone
+your controversies and wars with the Greeks to a time of greater
+tranquillity; and make it your supreme aim to retain the power
+of making peace or war with them at your own will. For if once
+you allow the clouds now gathering in the west to settle upon
+Greece, I fear exceedingly that the power of making peace or
+war, and in a word all these games which we are now playing
+against each other, will be so completely knocked out of the
+hands of us all, that we shall be praying heaven to grant us
+only this power of making war or peace with each other at our
+own will and pleasure, and of settling our own disputes.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_105" id="b5_105"><b>105.</b></a> This speech of Agelaus greatly influenced the allies
+in favour of peace; and Philip more than any
+one: <span class="sidenote">The peace is
+ratified.</span>
+as the arguments employed chimed in with
+the wishes which the advice of Demetrius had
+already roused in him. Both parties therefore came to terms
+on the details of the treaty; and after ratifying it, separated to
+their several cities, taking peace with them instead of war.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">452</a></span></p>
+
+<p>These events all fell in the third year of the 140th Olympiad.
+<span class="sidenote">Olympiad 140, 3.
+Before July
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217.</span>
+I mean the battle of the Romans in Etruria,
+that of Antiochus for Coele-Syria, and lastly the
+treaty between Philip and the Aetolians.</p>
+
+<p>This then was the first point of time, and the first instance
+of a deliberation, which may be said to have
+regarded the affairs of Greece, <span class="sidenote">The Eastern and
+Western politics
+become involved
+with each other.</span>
+Italy, and Libya
+as a connected whole: for neither Philip nor the
+leading statesmen of the Greek cities made war
+or peace any longer with each other with a view to Greek
+affairs, but were already all fixing their eyes upon Italy. Nor
+was it long before the islanders and inhabitants of Asia
+were affected in the same way; for those who were displeased
+with Philip, or who had quarrels with Attalus, no longer turned
+to Antiochus or Ptolemy, to the south or the east, but from
+this time forth fixed their eyes on the west, some sending
+embassies to Carthage, others to Rome. The Romans similarly
+began sending legates to Greece, alarmed at the daring character
+of Philip, and afraid that he might join in the attack upon them
+in their present critical position. Having thus fulfilled my
+original promise of showing when, how, and why Greek politics
+became involved in those of Italy and Libya, I shall now bring
+my account of Greek affairs down to the date of the battle of
+Cannae, to which I have already brought the history of Italy,
+and will end this book at that point.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_106" id="b5_106"><b>106.</b></a> Directly the Achaeans had put an end to the war,
+they elected Timoxenus Strategus for the next <span class="sidenote">Timoxenus
+Achaean Strategus,
+May <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216.</span>
+year<a name="FNanchor_287" id="FNanchor_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">287</a> and departed to take up once more their
+regular ways and habits. Along with the
+Achaeans the other Peloponnesian communities
+also set to work to repair the losses they had sustained;
+recommenced the cultivation of the land; and re-established
+their national sacrifices, games, and other religious observances
+peculiar to their several states. For these things<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">453</a></span>
+had all but sunk into oblivion in most of the states through
+the persistent continuance of the late wars. It has ever
+somehow been the case that the Peloponnesians, who of
+all men are the most inclined to a peaceful and civilised
+way of life, have hitherto enjoyed it less than any other
+nation in the world; but have been rather as Euripides<a name="FNanchor_288" id="FNanchor_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">288</a> says
+&#8220;still worn with toil and war&#8217;s unrest.&#8221; But to me it seems clear
+that they bring this upon themselves in the natural course of
+events: for their universal desire of supremacy, and their obstinate
+love of freedom, involve them in perpetual wars with each
+other, all alike being resolutely set upon occupying the first place.
+<span class="sidenote">Isolation of
+Athens.</span>
+The Athenians on the contrary had by this time
+freed themselves from fear of Macedonia, and
+considered that they had now permanently secured
+their independence. They accordingly adopted Eurycleidas
+and Micion as their representatives, and took no part whatever
+in the politics of the rest of Greece; but following the lead
+and instigation of these statesmen, they laid themselves out to
+flatter all the kings, and Ptolemy most of all; nor was there
+any kind of decree or proclamation too fulsome for their
+digestion: any consideration of dignity being little regarded,
+under the guidance of these vain and frivolous leaders.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_107" id="b5_107"><b>107.</b></a> Ptolemy however immediately after these events
+became involved in a war with his Egyptian
+subjects. <span class="sidenote">Revolt in Egypt.</span>
+For in arming them for his campaign
+against Antiochus he had taken a step which, while it
+served his immediate purpose sufficiently well, proved eventually
+disastrous. Elated with their victory at Rhaphia they
+refused any longer to receive orders from the king; but looked
+out for a leader to represent them, on the ground that they
+were quite able to maintain their independence. And this
+they succeeded in doing before very long.</p>
+
+<p>Antiochus spent the winter in extensive preparations for
+war; and when the next summer came, <span class="sidenote">Winter of
+217-216 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.<br />
+B.C.</span>216.</span>
+he crossed
+Mount Taurus and after making a treaty of
+alliance with King Attalus entered upon the
+war against Achaeus.</p>
+
+<p>At the time the Aetolians were delighted at the settlement<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">454</a></span>
+of peace with the Achaean league, because the war had not
+answered to their wishes; and they accordingly
+elected Agelaus of Naupactus as their Strategus, <span class="sidenote">Discontent of the
+Aetolians with
+the peace.</span>
+because he was believed to have contributed
+more largely than any one to the success of the negotiations.
+But this was scarcely arranged before they began to be discontented,
+and to find fault with Agelaus for having cut off all
+their opportunities of plundering abroad, and all their hopes of
+gain for the future, since the peace was not made with certain
+definite states, but with all Greeks. But this statesman
+patiently endured these unreasonable reproaches and succeeded
+in checking the popular impulse. The Aetolians therefore were
+forced to acquiesce in an inactivity quite alien to their nature.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_108" id="b5_108"><b>108.</b></a> King Philip having returned, after the completion of
+the treaty of peace, to Macedonia by sea, <span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s war
+against Scerdilaidas
+of Illyria,
+autumn of
+217&nbsp;<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span></span>
+found
+that Scerdilaidas on the same pretext of money
+owed to him, on which he had treacherously
+seized the vessels at Leucas, had now plundered
+a town in Pelagonia called Pissaeum; had won
+over by promises some cities of the Dassaretae, namely, Phibotides,
+Antipatria, Chrysondym, and Geston; and had overrun
+much of the district of Macedonia bordering on these places.
+He therefore at once started with his army in great haste to
+recover the revolted cities, and determined to proclaim open
+war with Scerdilaidas; for he thought it a matter of the most
+vital importance to bring Illyria into a state of good order, with
+a view to the success of all his projects, and above all of his
+passage into Italy. For Demetrius was so assiduous in
+keeping hot these hopes and projects in the king&#8217;s mind, that
+Philip even dreamed of them in his sleep, and thought of
+nothing else but this Italian expedition. The motive of
+Demetrius in so acting was not a consideration for Philip, for
+he certainly did not rank higher than third in the calculations
+of Demetrius. A stronger motive than that was his hatred of
+Rome: but the strongest of all was the consideration of his
+own prospects. For he had made up his mind that it was
+only in this way that he could ever recover his principality in
+Pharos. Be that as it may, Philip went on his expedition and
+recovered the cities I have named, and took besides Creonium<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">455</a></span>
+and Gerus in Dassaretis; Enchelanae, Cerax, Sation, Boei, round
+the Lychnidian Lake; Bantia in the district of the Calicoeni;
+and Orgyssus in that of the Pisantini. After completing these
+operations he dismissed his troops to their winter quarters.</p>
+
+<p>This was the winter in which Hannibal, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217-216.<br /><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216.
+Coss. Caius
+Terentius Varro
+and Lucius Aemilius
+Paulus II.</span>
+after plundering
+the fairest districts of Italy, intended to place
+his winter quarters near Geranium in Daunia.
+And it was then that at Rome Caius Terentius
+and Lucius Aemilius entered upon their
+Consulship.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_109" id="b5_109"><b>109.</b></a> In the course of the winter, Philip, taking into
+consideration that he would want ships to
+carry out his designs, <span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s preparation
+for an
+invasion of Italy.</span>
+and men for rowing, not
+for fighting,&mdash;for he could never have even
+entertained a hope of fighting the Romans at sea,-&#8212;but rather
+for the transport of soldiers, and to enable him to cross with
+greater speed to any point to which he might desire to go,
+and so surprise the enemy by a sudden appearance, and
+thinking that the Illyrian build was the best for the sort of
+ships he wanted, determined to have a hundred galleys built;
+which hardly any Macedonian king had ever done before.
+<span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216.</span>
+Having had these fitted out, he collected his
+forces at the beginning of the summer; and, after
+a brief training of the Macedonians in rowing them, put to sea.
+It was just at the time that Antiochus crossed Mount Taurus
+when Philip, after sailing through the Euripus and rounding
+Cape Malea, came to Cephallenia and Leucas, where he
+dropped anchor, and awaited anxiously the movements of the
+Roman fleet. Being informed that it was at anchor off Lilybaeum,
+he mustered up courage to put to sea, and steered for
+Apollonia.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_110" id="b5_110"><b>110.</b></a> As he neared the mouth of the Aous, which flows
+past Apollonia, a panic fell upon his fleet such
+as happens to land forces. <span class="sidenote">Panic-stricken at
+the reported
+approach of a
+Roman squadron,
+Philip retreats to
+Cephallenia.</span>
+Certain galleys on
+the rear of the fleet being anchored at an island
+called Sason, which lies at the entrance to the
+Ionian Sea, came by night to Philip with a
+report that some men who had lately come from
+the Sicilian Strait had been anchored with them at Sason, who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">456</a></span>
+reported that they left some Roman quinqueremes at Rhegium,
+which were bound for Apollonia to support Scerdilaidas. Thinking
+this fleet must be all but upon him, Philip, in great alarm,
+promptly ordered his ships to weigh anchor and sail back the
+way they came. They started and got out to sea in great
+disorder, and reached Cephallenia, after sailing two nights and
+days without intermission. Having now partially recovered
+his courage, Philip remained there, covering his flight under the
+pretext of having returned for some operations in the Peloponnese.
+It turned out that it was a false alarm altogether.
+The truth was that Scerdilaidas, hearing in the course of the
+winter that Philip was having a number of galleys built, and
+expecting him to come to attack him by sea, had sent
+messages to Rome stating the facts and imploring help; and
+the Romans had detached a squadron of ten ships from the
+fleet at Lilybaeum, which were what had been seen at
+Rhegium. But if Philip had not fled from them in such
+inconsiderate alarm, he would have had the best opportunity
+possible of attaining his objects in Illyria; because the thoughts
+and resources of Rome were absorbed in the war with
+Hannibal and the battle of Cannae, and it may fairly be presumed
+that he would have captured the ten Roman ships. As
+it was, he was utterly upset by the news and returned to
+Macedonia, without loss indeed, but with considerable dishonour.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b5_111" id="b5_111"><b>111.</b></a> During this period Prusias also did a thing which
+deserves to be recorded. The Gauls, whom <span class="sidenote">Prusias and the
+Gauls.
+See ch. <a href="#b5_78">78</a>.</span>
+King Attalus had brought over from Europe to
+assist him against Achaeus on account of their
+reputation for courage, had separated from that monarch on
+account of the jealous suspicions of which I have before spoken,
+and were plundering the cities on the Hellespont with gross
+licentiousness and violence, and finally went so far as actually
+to besiege Ilium. In these circumstances the inhabitants of
+the Alexandria in the Troad acted with commendable spirit.
+They sent Themistes with four thousand men and forced the
+Gauls to raise the siege of Ilium, and drove them entirely out of
+the Troad, by cutting off their supplies and frustrating all their
+designs. Thereupon the Gauls seized Arisba, in the territory<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">457</a></span>
+of Abydos, and thenceforth devoted themselves to forming
+designs and committing acts of hostility against the cities
+built in that district. Against them Prusias led out an army;
+and in a pitched battle put the men to the sword on the field, and
+slew nearly all their women and children in the camp, leaving
+the baggage to be plundered by his soldiers. This achievement
+of Prusias delivered the cities on the Hellespont from
+great fear and danger, and was a signal warning for future
+generations against barbarians from Europe being over-ready
+to cross into Asia.</p>
+
+<p>Such was the state of affairs in Greece and Asia. Meanwhile
+the greater part of Italy had joined the Carthaginians
+after the battle of Cannae, as I have shown before. I will
+interrupt my narrative at this point, after having detailed
+the events in Asia and Greece, embraced by the 140th
+Olympiad. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220-216.</span>
+In my next book after a brief
+recapitulation of this narrative, I shall fulfil
+the promise made at the beginning of my work by recurring
+to the discussion of the Roman constitution.</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">458</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>BOOK VI</h2>
+
+<h3>PREFACE</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b6_1" id="b6_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">I am</span> aware that some will be at a loss to account for
+my interrupting the course of my narrative for the sake
+of entering upon the following disquisition on the Roman
+constitution. But I think that I have already in many
+passages made it fully evident that this particular branch of my
+work was one of the necessities imposed on me by the nature of
+my original design; and I pointed this out with special clearness
+in the preface which explained the scope of my history.
+I there stated that the feature of my work which was at once
+the best in itself, and the most instructive to the students of it,
+was that it would enable them to know and fully realise in
+what manner, and under what kind of constitution, it came
+about that nearly the whole world fell under the power of Rome
+in somewhat less than fifty-three years,&mdash;an event certainly
+without precedent. This being my settled purpose, I could
+see no more fitting period than the present for making a pause,
+and examining the truth of the remarks about to be made on
+this constitution. In private life if you wish to satisfy yourself
+as to the badness or goodness of particular persons, you would
+not, if you wish to get a genuine test, examine their conduct
+at a time of uneventful repose, but in the hour of brilliant
+success or conspicuous reverse. For the true test of a perfect
+man is the power of bearing with spirit and dignity violent
+changes of fortune. An examination of a constitution should
+be conducted in the same way: and therefore being unable to
+find in our day a more rapid or more signal change than
+that which has happened to Rome, I reserved my disquisition
+on its constitution for this place....</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">459</a></span></p>
+
+<p>What is really educational and beneficial to students of
+history is the clear view of the causes of events, and the consequent
+power of choosing the better policy in a particular
+case. Now in every practical undertaking by a state we must
+regard as the most powerful agent for success or failure the
+form of its constitution; for from this as from a fountain-head
+all conceptions and plans of action not only proceed, but
+attain their consummation.<a name="FNanchor_289" id="FNanchor_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">289</a>...</p>
+
+<p class="tb"><a name="b6_3" id="b6_3"><b>3.</b></a> Of the Greek republics, which have again and again
+risen to greatness and fallen into insignificance, it is not difficult
+to speak, whether we recount their past history or venture an
+opinion on their future. For to report what is already known
+is an easy task, nor is it hard to guess what is to come from
+our knowledge of what has been. But in regard to the
+Romans it is neither an easy matter to describe their present
+state, owing to the complexity of their constitution; nor to
+speak with confidence of their future, from our inadequate
+acquaintance with their peculiar institutions in the past whether
+affecting their public or their private life. It will require then
+no ordinary attention and study to get a clear and comprehensive
+conception of the distinctive features of this constitution.</p>
+
+<p>Now, it is undoubtedly the case that most of those who
+profess to give us authoritative instruction <span class="sidenote">Classification of
+polities.</span>
+on this subject distinguish three kinds of
+constitutions, which they designate <i>kingship</i>,
+<i>aristocracy</i>, <i>democracy</i>. But in my opinion the question
+might fairly be put to them, whether they name these as
+being the <i>only</i> ones, or as the <i>best</i>. In either case I think
+they are wrong. For it is plain that we must regard as the
+<i>best</i> constitution that which partakes of all these three
+elements. And this is no mere assertion, but has been proved
+by the example of Lycurgus, who was the first to construct a
+constitution&mdash;that of Sparta&mdash;on this principle. Nor can we
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">460</a></span>admit that these are the <i>only</i> forms: for we have had before
+now examples of absolute and tyrannical forms of government,
+which, while differing as widely as possible from kingship, yet
+appear to have some points of resemblance to it; on which
+account all absolute rulers falsely assume and use, as far as
+they can, the title of king. Again there have been many
+instances of oligarchical governments having in appearance
+some analogy to aristocracies, which are, if I may say so, as
+different from them as it is possible to be. The same also
+holds good about democracy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_4" id="b6_4"><b>4.</b></a> I will illustrate the truth of what I say. We cannot
+hold every absolute government to be a kingship,
+but only that which is accepted voluntarily, <span class="sidenote">Six forms of
+polity, and their
+natural cycle.</span>
+and is directed by an appeal to reason
+rather than to fear and force. Nor again is every oligarchy
+to be regarded as an aristocracy; the latter exists only
+where the power is wielded by the justest and wisest men
+selected on their merits. Similarly, it is not enough to constitute
+a democracy that the whole crowd of citizens should
+have the right to do whatever they wish or propose. But
+where reverence to the gods, succour of parents, respect to
+elders, obedience to laws, are traditional and habitual, in such
+communities, if the will of the majority prevail, we may speak
+of the form of government as a democracy. So then we
+enumerate six forms of government,&mdash;the three commonly
+spoken of which I have just mentioned, and three more allied
+forms, I mean <i>despotism</i>, <i>oligarchy</i> and <i>mob-rule</i>. The first
+of these arises without artificial aid and in the natural order of
+events. Next to this, and produced from it by the aid of art
+and adjustment, comes <i>kingship</i>; which degenerating into the
+evil form allied to it, by which I mean <i>tyranny</i>, both are once
+more destroyed and <i>aristocracy</i> produced. Again the latter
+being in the course of nature perverted to <i>oligarchy</i>, and the
+people passionately avenging the unjust acts of their rulers,
+<i>democracy</i> comes into existence; which again by its violence
+and contempt of law becomes sheer <i>mob-rule</i>.<a name="FNanchor_290" id="FNanchor_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">290</a> No clearer
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">461</a></span>proof of the truth of what I say could be obtained than by a
+careful observation of the natural origin, genesis, and decadence
+of these several forms of government. For it is only by seeing
+distinctly how each of them is produced that a distinct view
+can also be obtained of its growth, zenith, and decadence,
+and the time, circumstance, and place in which each of these
+may be expected to recur. This method I have assumed to
+be especially applicable to the Roman constitution, because
+its origin and growth have from the first followed natural
+causes.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_5" id="b6_5"><b>5.</b></a> Now the natural laws which regulate the merging of one
+form of government into another are perhaps discussed with
+greater accuracy by Plato and some other philosophers. But
+their treatment, from its intricacy and exhaustiveness, is only
+within the capacity of a few. I will therefore endeavour to
+give a summary of the subject, just so far as I suppose it to fall
+within the scope of a practical history and the intelligence of
+ordinary people. For if my exposition appear in any way
+inadequate, owing to the general terms in which it is expressed,
+the details contained in what is immediately to follow will
+amply atone for what is left for the present unsolved.</p>
+
+<p>What is the origin then of a constitution, and whence is it
+produced? Suppose that from floods, pestilences, failure of crops,
+<span class="sidenote">The origin of
+the social
+compact.</span>
+or some such causes the race of man is reduced almost to extinction.
+Such things we are told have happened, and it is
+reasonable to think will happen again. Suppose accordingly
+all knowledge of social habits and arts to have been lost.
+Suppose that from the survivors, as from seeds, the race of
+man to have again multiplied. In that case I presume they
+would, like the animals, herd together; for it is but reasonable
+to suppose that bodily weakness would induce them to seek
+those of their own kind to herd with. And in that case too,
+as with the animals, he who was superior to the rest in strength
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">462</a></span>of body or courage of soul would lead and rule them. For
+what we see happen in the case of animals that are without the
+faculty of reason, such as bulls, goats, and cocks,&mdash;among
+whom there can be no dispute that the strongest take the lead,&mdash;that
+we must regard as in the truest sense the teaching of
+nature. Originally then it is probable that the condition of
+life among men was this,&mdash;herding together like animals and
+following the strongest and bravest as leaders. The limit of
+this authority would be physical strength, and the name we
+should give it would be despotism. But as soon as the idea
+of family ties and social relation has arisen amongst such
+agglomerations of men, then is born also the idea of kingship,
+and then for the first time mankind conceives the notion of
+goodness and justice and their reverse.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_6" id="b6_6"><b>6.</b></a> The way in which such conceptions originate and come
+into existence is this. The intercourse of
+the sexes is an instinct of nature, <span class="sidenote">Origin of
+morality,</span>
+and the
+result is the birth of children. Now, if any
+one of these children who have been brought up, when
+arrived at maturity, is ungrateful and makes no return to those
+by whom he was nurtured, but on the contrary presumes to
+injure them by word and deed, it is plain that he will probably
+offend and annoy such as are present, and have seen the care
+and trouble bestowed by the parents on the nurture and
+bringing up of their children. For seeing that men differ from
+the other animals in being the only creatures possessed of
+reasoning powers, it is clear that such a difference of conduct
+is not likely to escape their observation; but that they will
+remark it when it occurs, and express their displeasure on the
+spot: because they will have an eye to the future, and will
+reason on the likelihood of the same occurring to each of
+themselves. Again, if a man has been rescued or helped in
+an hour of danger, and, instead of showing gratitude to his
+preserver, seeks to do him harm, it is clearly probable that the
+rest will be displeased and offended with him, when they know
+it: sympathising with their neighbour and imagining themselves
+in his case. Hence arises a notion in every breast of the
+meaning and theory of duty, which is in fact the beginning
+and end of justice. Similarly, again, when any one man<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">463</a></span>
+stands out as the champion of all in a time of danger, and
+braves with firm courage the onslaught of the most powerful
+wild beasts, it is probable that such a man would meet with
+marks of favour and pre-eminence from the common people;
+while he who acted in a contrary way would fall under their
+contempt and dislike. From this, once more, it is reasonable
+to suppose that there would arise in the minds of the multitude
+a theory of the disgraceful and the
+honourable, <span class="sidenote">which transmutes
+despotism into
+kingship,</span>
+and of the difference between
+them; and that one should be sought and
+imitated for its advantages, the other shunned. When, therefore,
+the leading and most powerful man among his people
+ever encourages such persons in accordance with the popular
+sentiment, and thereby assumes in the eyes of his subject the
+appearance of being the distributor to each man according to
+his deserts, they no longer obey him and support his rule from
+fear of violence, but rather from conviction of its utility, however
+old he may be, rallying round him with one heart and soul,
+and fighting against all who form designs against his government.
+In this way he becomes a <i>king</i> instead of a <i>despot</i> by
+imperceptible degrees, reason having ousted brute courage and
+bodily strength from their supremacy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_7" id="b6_7"><b>7.</b></a> This then is the natural process of formation among
+mankind of the notion of goodness and justice, and their
+opposites; and this is the origin and genesis of genuine kingship;
+for people do not only keep up the government of such
+men personally, but for their descendants also for many generations;
+from the conviction that those who are born from and
+educated by men of this kind will have principles also like
+theirs. But if they subsequently become displeased with their
+descendants, they do not any longer decide their choice of
+rulers and kings by their physical strength or brute courage;
+but by the differences of their intellectual and reasoning
+faculties, from practical experience of the decisive importance
+of such a distinction. In old times, then, <span class="sidenote">which in its turn
+degenerates into
+tyranny.</span>
+those who were once thus selected, and obtained
+this office, grew old in their royal
+functions, making magnificent strongholds and surrounding
+them with walls and extending their frontiers, partly for the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">464</a></span>
+security of their subjects, and partly to provide them with
+abundance of the necessaries of life; and while engaged in
+these works they were exempt from all vituperation or jealousy;
+because they did not make their distinctive dress, food, or drink,
+at all conspicuous, but lived very much like the rest, and joined
+in the everyday employments of the common people. But
+when their royal power became hereditary in their family, and
+they found every necessary for security ready to their hands,
+as well as more than was necessary for their personal support,
+then they gave the rein to their appetites; imagined that
+rulers must needs wear different clothes from those of
+subjects; have different and elaborate luxuries of the table;
+and must even seek sensual indulgence, however unlawful the
+source, without fear of denial. These things having given rise
+in the one case to jealousy and offence, in the other to outburst
+of hatred and passionate resentment, the kingship
+became a tyranny; the first step in disintegration was taken;
+and plots began to be formed against the government, which
+did not now proceed from the worst men but from the noblest,
+most high-minded, and most courageous, because these are
+the men who can least submit to the tyrannical acts of their
+rulers.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_8" id="b6_8"><b>8.</b></a> But as soon as the people got leaders, they co-operated
+with them against the dynasty for
+the reasons I have mentioned; <span class="sidenote">Tyranny is then
+displaced by
+aristocracy,</span>
+and then
+<i>kingship</i> and <i>despotism</i> were alike entirely
+abolished, and <i>aristocracy</i> once more began to revive and
+start afresh. For in their immediate gratitude to those
+who had deposed the despots, the people employed them as
+leaders, and entrusted their interests to them; who, looking
+upon this charge at first as a great privilege, made the public
+advantage their chief concern, and conducted all kinds of
+business, public or private, with diligence and caution. But
+when the sons of these men received the same position of
+authority from their fathers,&mdash;having had no experience of
+misfortunes, and none at all of civil equality and freedom of
+speech, but having been bred up from the first under the
+shadow of their fathers&#8217; authority and lofty position,&mdash;some
+of them gave themselves up with passion to avarice and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">465</a></span>
+unscrupulous love of money, others to drinking and the
+boundless debaucheries which accompanies it, <span class="sidenote">which degenerates
+into oligarchy,</span>
+and others to the violation of women or the
+forcible appropriation of boys; and so they
+turned an <i>aristocracy</i> into an <i>oligarchy</i>. But it was
+not long before they roused in the minds of the people the same
+feelings as before; and their fall therefore was very like the
+disaster which befell the tyrants.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_9" id="b6_9"><b>9.</b></a> For no sooner had the knowledge of the jealousy and
+hatred existing in the citizens against them <span class="sidenote">which is replaced
+by democracy,</span>
+emboldened some one to oppose the government
+by word or deed, than he was sure to
+find the whole people ready and prepared to take his side.
+Having then got rid of these rulers by assassination or exile,
+they do not venture to set up a king again, being still in terror
+of the injustice to which this led before; nor dare they intrust
+the common interests again to more than one, considering the
+recent example of their misconduct: and therefore, as the only
+sound hope left them is that which depends upon themselves,
+they are driven to take refuge in that; and so changed the
+constitution from an oligarchy to a <i>democracy</i>, and took upon
+themselves the superintendence and charge of the state. And
+as long as any survive who have had experience of oligarchical
+supremacy and domination, they regard their present constitution
+as a blessing, and hold equality and freedom as
+of the utmost value. But as soon as a new generation has
+arisen, and the democracy has descended to their children&#8217;s
+children, long association weakens their value for equality
+and freedom, and some seek to become more powerful
+than the ordinary citizens; and the most liable to this temptation
+are the rich. <span class="sidenote">which degenerates
+into rule of corruption
+and violence,
+only to be
+stopped by a return
+to despotism.</span>
+So when they begin to be fond of office,
+and find themselves unable to obtain it by
+their own unassisted efforts and their own
+merits, they ruin their estates, while enticing
+and corrupting the common people in every
+possible way. By which means when, in their
+senseless mania for reputation, they have made
+the populace ready and greedy to receive bribes, the virtue of
+democracy is destroyed, and it is transformed into a government<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">466</a></span>
+of violence and the strong hand. For the mob,
+habituated to feed at the expense of others, and to have its
+hopes of a livelihood in the property of its neighbours, as soon
+as it has got a leader sufficiently ambitious and daring, being
+excluded by poverty from the sweets of civil honours, produces
+a reign of mere violence. Then come tumultuous
+assemblies, massacres, banishments, redivisions of land; until,
+after losing all trace of civilisation, it has once more found a
+master and a despot.</p>
+
+<p>This is the regular cycle of constitutional revolutions, and
+the natural order in which constitutions change, are transformed,
+and return again to their original stage. If a man
+have a clear grasp of these principles he may perhaps make a
+mistake as to the dates at which this or that will happen to a
+particular constitution; but he will rarely be entirely mistaken
+as to the stage of growth or decay at which it has arrived, or
+as to the point at which it will undergo some revolutionary
+change. However, it is in the case of the Roman constitution
+that this method of inquiry will most fully teach us its
+formation, its growth, and zenith, as well as the changes
+awaiting it in the future; for this, if any constitution ever did,
+owed, as I said just now, its original foundation and growth
+to natural causes, and to natural causes will owe its decay. My
+subsequent narrative will be the best illustration of what I say.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_10" id="b6_10"><b>10.</b></a> For the present I will make a brief reference to the
+legislation of Lycurgus: for such a discussion
+is not at all alien to my subject. <span class="sidenote">Lycurgus recognized
+these truths,
+and legislated
+accordingly.</span>
+That statesman
+was fully aware that all those changes
+which I have enumerated come about by an
+undeviating law of nature; and reflected that every form of
+government that was unmixed, and rested on one species of
+power, was unstable; because it was swiftly perverted into that
+particular form of evil peculiar to it and inherent in its nature.
+For just as rust is the natural dissolvent of iron, wood-worms
+and grubs to timber, by which they are destroyed without any
+external injury, but by that which is engendered in themselves;
+so in each constitution there is naturally engendered a particular
+vice inseparable from it: in kingship it is absolutism;
+aristocracy it is oligarchy; in democracy lawless ferocity and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">467</a></span>
+violence; and to these vicious states all these forms of government
+are, as I have lately shown, inevitably transformed.
+Lycurgus, I say, saw all this, and accordingly combined
+together all the excellences and distinctive features of the best
+constitutions, that no part should become unduly predominant,
+and be perverted into its kindred vice; and that, each power
+being checked by the others, no one part should turn the scale
+or decisively out-balance the others; but that, by being
+accurately adjusted and in exact equilibrium, the whole might
+remain long steady like a ship sailing close to the wind. The
+royal power was prevented from growing insolent by fear of
+the people, which had also assigned to it an adequate share
+in the constitution. The people in their turn were restrained
+from a bold contempt of the kings by fear of
+the Gerusia: the members of which, being selected on grounds
+of merit, were certain to throw their influence on the side of
+justice in every question that arose; and thus the party placed
+at a disadvantage by its conservative tendency was always
+strengthened and supported by the weight and influence of
+the Gerusia. The result of this combination has been that the
+Lacedaemonians retained their freedom for the longest period
+of any people with which we are acquainted.</p>
+
+<p>Lycurgus however established his constitution without the
+discipline of adversity, because he was able to foresee by the
+light of reason the course which events naturally take and the
+source from which they come. But though the Romans have
+arrived at the same result in framing their commonwealth, they
+have not done so by means of abstract reasoning, but through
+many struggles and difficulties, and by continually adopting
+reforms from knowledge gained in disaster. The result has
+been a constitution like that of Lycurgus, and the best of any
+existing in my time....</p>
+
+<p class="tb"><a name="b6_11" id="b6_11"><b>11.</b></a> I have given an account of the constitution of Lycurgus,
+I will now endeavour to describe that of Rome at the period
+of their disastrous defeat at Cannae.</p>
+
+<p>I am fully conscious that to those who actually live under<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">468</a></span>
+this constitution I shall appear to give an inadequate account
+of it by the omission of certain details. <span class="sidenote">The Roman constitution
+at the
+epoch of Cannae,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216.</span>
+Knowing
+accurately every portion of it from personal
+experience, and from having been bred up in
+its customs and laws from childhood, they will
+not be struck so much by the accuracy of the description,
+as annoyed by its omissions; nor will they believe that the
+historian has purposely omitted unimportant distinctions, but
+will attribute his silence upon the origin of existing institutions
+or other important facts to ignorance. What is told they depreciate
+as insignificant or beside the purpose; what is omitted
+they desiderate as vital to the question: their object being to
+appear to know more than the writers. But a good critic
+should not judge a writer by what he leaves unsaid, but from
+what he says: if he detects misstatement in the latter, he may
+then feel certain that ignorance accounts for the former; but
+if what he says is accurate, his omissions ought to be attributed
+to deliberate judgment and not to ignorance. So much for
+those whose criticisms are prompted by personal ambition
+rather than by justice....</p>
+
+<p>Another requisite for obtaining a judicious approval for an
+historical disquisition, is that it should be germane to the
+matter in hand; if this is not observed, though its style may
+be excellent and its matter irreproachable, it will seem out of
+place, and disgust rather than please....</p>
+
+<p>As for the Roman constitution, it had three elements,
+each of them possessing sovereign powers: <span class="sidenote">Triple element in
+the Roman
+Constitution.</span>
+and their respective share of power in the
+whole state had been regulated with such a
+scrupulous regard to equality and equilibrium, that no one
+could say for certain, not even a native, whether the constitution
+as a whole were an aristocracy or democracy or
+despotism. And no wonder: for if we confine our observation
+to the power of the Consuls we should be inclined to regard it
+as despotic; if on that of the Senate, as aristocratic; and
+if finally one looks at the power possessed by the people it
+would seem a clear case of a democracy. What the exact
+powers of these several parts were, and still, with slight modifications,
+are, I will now state.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">469</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_12" id="b6_12"><b>12.</b></a> The Consuls, before leading out the legions, remain
+in Rome and are supreme masters of the
+administration. <span class="sidenote">The Consuls.</span>
+All other magistrates, except
+the Tribunes, are under them and take their orders. They
+introduce foreign ambassadors to the Senate; bring matters
+requiring deliberation before it; and see to the execution
+of its decrees. If, again, there are any matters of state
+which require the authorisation of the people, it is their
+business to see to them, to summon the popular meetings, to
+bring the proposals before them, and to carry out the decrees
+of the majority. In the preparations for war also, and in a
+word in the entire administration of a campaign, they have all
+but absolute power. It is competent to them to impose on
+the allies such levies as they think good, to appoint the
+Military Tribunes, to make up the roll for soldiers and select
+those that are suitable. Besides they have absolute power of
+inflicting punishment on all who are under their command
+while on active service and they have authority to expend as
+much of the public money as they choose, being accompanied
+by a quaestor who is entirely at their orders. A survey of
+these powers would in fact justify our describing the constitution
+as despotic,&mdash;a clear case of royal government.
+Nor will it affect the truth of my description, if any of the
+institutions I have described are changed in our time, or in
+that of our posterity: and the same remarks apply to what
+follows.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_13" id="b6_13"><b>13.</b></a> The Senate has first of all the control of the treasury,
+and regulates the receipts and disbursements
+alike. <span class="sidenote">The Senate.</span>
+For the Quaestors cannot issue any
+public money for the various departments of the state
+without a decree of the Senate, except for the service of
+the Consuls. The Senate controls also what is by far the
+largest and most important expenditure, that, namely, which
+is made by the censors every <i>lustrum</i> for the repair or construction
+of public buildings; this money cannot be obtained
+by the censors except by the grant of the Senate. Similarly all
+crimes committed in Italy requiring a public investigation,
+such as treason, conspiracy, poisoning, or wilful murder, are
+in the hands of the Senate. Besides, if any individual or state<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">470</a></span>
+among the Italian allies requires a controversy to be settled, a
+penalty to be assessed, help or protection to be afforded,&mdash;all
+this is the province of the Senate. Or again, outside Italy, if
+it is necessary to send an embassy to reconcile warring communities,
+or to remind them of their duty, or sometimes to
+impose requisitions upon them, or to receive their submission,
+or finally to proclaim war against them,&mdash;this too is the business
+of the Senate. In like manner the reception to be given
+to foreign ambassadors in Rome, and the answers to be returned
+to them, are decided by the Senate. With such business
+the people have nothing to do. Consequently, if one
+were staying at Rome when the Consuls were not in town, one
+would imagine the constitution to be a complete aristocracy:
+and this has been the idea entertained by many Greeks, and
+by many kings as well, from the fact that nearly all the business
+they had with Rome was settled by the Senate.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_14" id="b6_14"><b>14.</b></a> After this one would naturally be inclined to ask
+what part is left for the people in the constitution, <span class="sidenote">The people.</span>
+when the Senate has these various
+functions, especially the control of the receipts and expenditure
+of the exchequer; and when the Consuls, again,
+have absolute power over the details of military preparation,
+and an absolute authority in the field? There is, however,
+a part left the people, and it is a most important one.
+For the people is the sole fountain of honour and of punishment;
+and it is by these two things and these alone that
+dynasties and constitutions and, in a word, human society are
+held together: for where the distinction between them is not
+sharply drawn both in theory and practice, there no undertaking
+can be properly administered,&mdash;as indeed we might expect
+when good and bad are held in exactly the same honour.
+The people then are the only court to decide matters of life
+and death; and even in cases where the penalty is money, if
+the sum to be assessed is sufficiently serious, and especially
+when the accused have held the higher magistracies. And in
+regard to this arrangement there is one point deserving especial
+commendation and record. Men who are on trial for their
+lives at Rome, while sentence is in process of being voted,&mdash;if
+even only one of the tribes whose votes are needed to ratify the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">471</a></span>
+sentence has not voted,&mdash;have the privilege at Rome of openly
+departing and condemning themselves to a voluntary exile.
+Such men are safe at Naples or Praeneste or at Tibur, and
+at other towns with which this arrangement has been duly
+ratified on oath.</p>
+
+<p>Again, it is the people who bestow offices on the deserving,
+which are the most honourable rewards of virtue. It has also
+the absolute power of passing or repealing laws; and, most
+important of all, it is the people who deliberate on the question
+of peace or war. And when provisional terms are made for
+alliance, suspension of hostilities, or treaties, it is the people
+who ratify them or the reverse.</p>
+
+<p>These considerations again would lead one to say that the
+chief power in the state was the people&#8217;s, and that the constitution
+was a democracy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_15" id="b6_15"><b>15.</b></a> Such, then, is the distribution of power between the
+several parts of the state. <span class="sidenote">The mutual
+relation of the
+three.</span>
+I must now show
+how each of these several parts can, when they
+choose, oppose or support each other.</p>
+
+<p>The Consul, then, when he has started on an expedition
+with the powers I have described, is to all <span class="sidenote">The Consul
+dependent on
+the Senate,</span>
+appearance absolute in the administration of
+the business in hand; still he has need of
+the support both of people and Senate, and, without them,
+is quite unable to bring the matter to a successful conclusion.
+For it is plain that he must have supplies sent to his
+legions from time to time; but without a decree of the Senate
+they can be supplied neither with corn, nor clothes, nor pay,
+so that all the plans of a commander must be futile, if the
+Senate is resolved either to shrink from danger or hamper his
+plans. And again, whether a Consul shall bring any undertaking
+to a conclusion or no depends entirely upon the Senate:
+for it has absolute authority at the end of a year to send another
+Consul to supersede him, or to continue the existing one
+in his command. Again, even to the successes of the generals
+the Senate has the power to add distinction and glory, and on
+the other hand to obscure their merits and lower their credit.
+For these high achievements are brought in tangible form before
+the eyes of the citizens by what are called &#8220;triumphs.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">472</a></span></p>
+
+<p>But these triumphs the commanders cannot celebrate with
+proper pomp, or in some cases celebrate at all, unless the
+Senate concurs and grants the necessary money. <span class="sidenote">and on the
+people.</span>
+As for the
+people, the Consuls are pre-eminently obliged
+to court their favour, however distant from
+home may be the field of their operations; for
+it is the people, as I have said before, that ratifies, or refuses
+to ratify, terms of peace and treaties; but most of all because
+when laying down their office they have to give an account<a name="FNanchor_291" id="FNanchor_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">291</a>
+of their administration before it. Therefore in no case is it
+safe for the Consuls to neglect either the Senate or the goodwill
+of the people.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_16" id="b6_16"><b>16.</b></a> As for the Senate, which possesses the immense
+power I have described, in the first place
+it is obliged in public affairs to take the
+multitude into account, <span class="sidenote">The Senate controlled
+by the
+people.</span>
+and respect the
+wishes of the people; and it cannot put into execution the
+penalty for offences against the republic, which are punishable
+with death, unless the people first ratify its decrees.
+Similarly even in matters which directly affect the senators,&mdash;for
+instance, in the case of a law diminishing the Senate&#8217;s
+traditional authority, or depriving senators of certain dignities
+and offices, or even actually cutting down their property,&mdash;even
+in such cases the people have the sole power of passing
+or rejecting the law. But most important of all is the fact
+that, if the Tribunes interpose their veto, the Senate not only
+are unable to pass a decree, but cannot even hold a meeting
+at all, whether formal or informal. Now, the Tribunes are
+always bound to carry out the decree of the people, and above
+all things to have regard to their wishes: therefore, for all these
+reasons the Senate stands in awe of the multitude, and cannot
+neglect the feelings of the people.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_17" id="b6_17"><b>17.</b></a> In like manner the people on its part is far from
+being independent of the Senate, and is bound to take its
+wishes into account both collectively and individually. For<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">473</a></span>
+contracts, too numerous to count, are given out by the
+censors in all parts of Italy for the repairs
+or construction of public buildings; <span class="sidenote">The people
+dependent on
+the Senate.</span>
+there
+is also the collection of revenue from many
+rivers, harbours, gardens, mines, and land&mdash;everything, in a
+word, that comes under the control of the Roman government:
+and in all these the people at large are engaged; so that there
+is scarcely a man, so to speak, who is not interested either as
+a contractor or as being employed in the works. For some
+purchase the contracts from the censors for themselves; and
+others go partners with them; while others again go security
+for these contractors, or actually pledge their property to the
+treasury for them. Now over all these transactions the Senate
+has absolute control. It can grant an extension of time; and
+in case of unforeseen accident can relieve the contractors from
+a portion of their obligation, or release them from it altogether,
+if they are absolutely unable to fulfil it. And there are many
+details in which the Senate can inflict great hardships, or, on
+the other hand, grant great indulgences to the contractors: for
+in every case the appeal is to it. But the most important
+point of all is that the judges are taken from its members in
+the majority of trials, whether public or private, in which the
+charges are heavy.<a name="FNanchor_292" id="FNanchor_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">292</a> Consequently, all citizens are much at its
+mercy; and being alarmed at the uncertainty as to when they
+may need its aid, are cautious about resisting or actively
+opposing its will. <span class="sidenote">and Consul.</span>
+And for a similar reason
+men do not rashly resist the wishes of the
+Consuls, because one and all may become subject to their
+absolute authority on a campaign.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_18" id="b6_18"><b>18.</b></a> The result of this power of the several estates for
+mutual help or harm is a union sufficiently firm for all emergencies,
+and a constitution than which it is impossible to find
+a better. For whenever any danger from without compels
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">474</a></span>them to unite and work together, the strength which is developed
+by the State is so extraordinary, that everything required
+is unfailingly carried out by the eager rivalry shown by all
+classes to devote their whole minds to the need of the hour,
+and to secure that any determination come to should not fail
+for want of promptitude; while each individual works, privately
+and publicly alike, for the accomplishment of the business in
+hand. Accordingly, the peculiar constitution of the State
+makes it irresistible, and certain of obtaining whatever it
+determines to attempt. Nay, even when these external alarms
+are past, and the people are enjoying their good fortune and
+the fruits of their victories, and, as usually happens, growing
+corrupted by flattery and idleness, show a tendency to violence
+and arrogance,&mdash;it is in these circumstances, more than ever,
+that the constitution is seen to possess within itself the power
+of correcting abuses. For when any one of the three classes
+becomes puffed up, and manifests an inclination to be contentious
+and unduly encroaching, the mutual interdependency
+of all the three, and the possibility of the pretensions of any
+one being checked and thwarted by the others, must plainly
+check this tendency: and so the proper equilibrium is maintained
+by the impulsiveness of the one part being checked
+by its fear of the other....</p>
+
+<h3>ON THE ROMAN ARMY</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b6_19" id="b6_19"><b>19.</b></a> After electing the Consuls they proceed to elect military
+tribunes,&mdash;fourteen from those who had five years&#8217;, and
+ten from those who had ten years&#8217;, service. All citizens must
+serve ten years in the cavalry or twenty years in the infantry
+before the forty-sixth year of their age, except those rated
+below four hundred asses. The latter are employed in the
+navy; but if any great public necessity arises they are obliged
+to serve as infantry also for twenty campaigns: and no one can
+hold an office in the state until he has completed ten years of
+military service....</p>
+
+<p>When the Consuls are about to enrol the army they
+give public notice of the day on which all
+Roman citizens of military age must appear. <span class="sidenote">The levy.</span>
+This is done every year. When the day has arrived,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">475</a></span>
+and the citizens fit for service are come to Rome and
+have assembled on the Capitoline, the fourteen junior
+tribunes divide themselves, in the order in which they were
+appointed by the people or by the Imperators, into four
+divisions, because the primary division of the forces thus raised
+is into four legions. The four tribunes first appointed are
+assigned to the legion called the 1st; the next three to the
+2d; the next four to the 3d; and the three last to the
+4th. Of the ten senior tribunes, the two first are assigned to
+the 1st legion; the next three to the 2d; the two next to
+the 3d; and the three last to the 4th.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_20" id="b6_20"><b>20.</b></a> This division and assignment of the tribunes having
+been settled in such a way that all four legions have an
+equal number of officers, the tribunes of the several legions
+take up a separate position and draw lots for the tribes
+one by one; and summon the tribe on whom it from time
+to time falls. From this tribe they select four young men
+as nearly like each other in age and physical strength as
+possible. These four are brought forward, and the tribunes
+of the first legion picks out one of them, those of the second
+another, those of the third another, and the fourth has to
+take the last. When the next four are selected the tribunes
+of the second legion have the first choice, and those of the first
+the last. With the next four the tribunes of the third legion
+have the first choice, those of the second the last; and so on
+in regular rotation: of which the result is that each legion
+gets men of much the same standard. But when they have
+selected the number prescribed,&mdash;which is four thousand two
+hundred infantry for each legion, or at times of special danger
+five thousand,&mdash;they next used to pass men for the cavalry, in
+old times <i>after</i> the four thousand two hundred infantry; but
+now they do it before them, the selection having been made by
+the censor on the basis of wealth; and they enrol three hundred
+for each legion.<a name="FNanchor_293" id="FNanchor_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">293</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_21" id="b6_21"><b>21.</b></a> The roll having been completed in this manner, the
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">476</a></span>tribunes belonging to the several legions muster their men;
+and selecting one of the whole body that they think most
+suitable for the purpose, they cause him to take an oath that
+he will obey his officers and do their orders to the best of his
+ability. And all the others come up and take the oath
+separately, merely affirming that they will do the same as the
+first man.</p>
+
+<p>At the same time the Consuls send orders to the magistrates
+of the allied cities in Italy, from which they determine that
+allied troops are to serve: declaring the number required, and
+the day and place at which the men selected must appear.
+The cities then enrol their troops with much the same
+ceremonies as to selection and administration of the oath, and
+appoint a commander and a paymaster.<a name="FNanchor_294" id="FNanchor_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">294</a></p>
+
+<p>The Military Tribunes at Rome, after the administering
+of the oath to their men, and giving out the
+day and place at which they are to appear
+without arms, <span class="sidenote">Fourfold division
+of the
+Legionaries.</span>
+for the present dismiss them.
+When they arrive on the appointed day, they first select the
+youngest and poorest to form the <i>Velites</i>, the next to them
+the <i>Hastati</i>, while those who are in the prime of life they
+select as <i>Principes</i>, and the oldest of all as <i>Triarii</i>. For in
+the Roman army these divisions, distinct not only as to their
+ages and nomenclature, but also as to the manner in which
+they are armed, exist in each legion. The division is made in such
+proportions that the senior men, called <i>Triarii</i>, should number
+six hundred, the <i>Principes</i> twelve hundred, the <i>Hastati</i> twelve
+hundred, and that all the rest as the youngest should be
+reckoned among the <i>Velites</i>. And if the whole number of the
+legion is more than four thousand, they vary the numbers of
+these divisions proportionally, except those of the <i>Triarii</i>,
+which is always the same.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_22" id="b6_22"><b>22.</b></a> The youngest soldiers or <i>Velites</i> are ordered to
+carry a sword, spears, and target (<i>parma</i>). <span class="sidenote">1. Arms of the
+<i>Velites</i>.</span>
+The
+target is strongly made, and large enough to
+protect the man; being round, with a diameter
+of three feet. Each man also wears a head-piece without a
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">477</a></span>crest (<i>galea</i>); which he sometimes covers with a piece of
+wolf&#8217;s skin or something of that kind, for the sake both of
+protection and identification; that the officers of his company
+may be able to observe whether he shows courage or the
+reverse on confronting dangers. The spear of the velites has
+a wooden haft of about two cubits, and about a finger&#8217;s
+breadth in thickness; its head is a span long, hammered fine,
+and sharpened to such an extent that it becomes bent the first
+time it strikes, and cannot be used by the enemy to hurl
+back; otherwise the weapon would be available for both
+sides alike.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_23" id="b6_23"><b>23.</b></a>The second rank, the <i>Hastati</i>, are ordered to have the
+complete panoply. This to a Roman means,
+first, a large shield (<i>scutum</i>), <span class="sidenote">2. Arms of the
+<i>Hastati</i>, <i>Principes</i>,
+and <i>Triarii</i>.</span>
+the surface of
+which is curved outwards, its breadth two and
+a half feet, its length four feet,&mdash;though there is also an extra
+sized shield in which these measures are increased by a palm&#8217;s
+breadth. It consists of two layers of wood fastened together
+with bull&#8217;s-hide glue; the outer surface of which is first
+covered with canvas, then with calf&#8217;s skin, on the upper and
+lower edges it is bound with iron to resist the downward
+strokes of the sword, and the wear of resting upon the ground.
+Upon it also is fixed an iron boss (<i>umbo</i>), to resist the more formidable
+blows of stones and pikes, and of heavy missiles
+generally. With the shield they also carry a sword (<i>gladius</i>)
+hanging down by their right thigh, which is called a Spanish
+sword.<a name="FNanchor_295" id="FNanchor_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">295</a> It has an excellent point, and can deal a formidable
+blow with either edge, because its blade is stout and unbending.
+In addition to these they have two <i>pila</i>, a brass helmet, and
+greaves (<i>ocreae</i>). Some of the <i>pila</i> are thick, some fine.
+Of the thicker, some are round with the diameter of a palm&#8217;s
+length, others are a palm square. The fine pila are like
+moderate sized hunting spears, and they are carried along with
+the former sort. The wooden haft of them all is about three
+cubits long; and the iron head fixed to each half is barbed, and
+of the same length as the haft. They take extraordinary pains
+to attach the head to the haft firmly; they make the fastening
+of the one to the other so secure for use by binding it half
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">478</a></span>way up the wood, and riveting it with a series of clasps, that
+the iron breaks sooner than this fastening comes loose,
+although its thickness at the socket and where it is fastened
+to the wood is a finger and a half&#8217;s breadth. Besides these
+each man is decorated with a plume of feathers, with three
+purple or black feathers standing upright, about a cubit long.
+The effect of these being placed on the helmet, combined with
+the rest of the armour, is to give the man the appearance of
+being twice his real height, and to give him a noble aspect
+calculated to strike terror into the enemy. The common
+soldiers also receive a brass plate, a span square, which they
+put upon their breast and call a breastpiece (<i>pectorale</i>),
+and so complete their panoply. Those who are rated above
+a hundred thousand asses, instead of these breastpieces
+wear, with the rest of their armour, coats of mail (<i>loricae</i>).
+The Principes and Triarii are armed in the same way as the
+<i>Hastati</i>, except that instead of <i>pila</i> they carry long spears
+(<i>hastae</i>).</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_24" id="b6_24"><b>24.</b></a> The <i>Principes</i>, <i>Hastati</i>, and <i>Triarii</i>, each elect ten
+centurions according to merit, and then a
+second ten each. <span class="sidenote">Election of
+Centurions.</span>
+All these sixty have the
+title of centurion alike, of whom the first man
+chosen is a member of the council of war. And they in
+their turn select a rear-rank officer each who is called <i>optio</i>.
+Next, in conjunction with the centurions, they divide the
+several orders (omitting the <i>Velites</i>) into ten companies each,
+and appoint to each company two centurions and two
+<i>optiones</i>; the <i>Velites</i> are divided equally among all the companies;
+these companies are called orders (<i>ordines</i>) or maniples
+(<i>manipuli</i>), or vexilla, and their officers are called centurions or
+<i>ordinum ductores</i>.<a name="FNanchor_296" id="FNanchor_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">296</a> Each maniple selects two of their strongest
+and best born men as standard-bearers (<i>vexillarii</i>). And that
+each maniple should have two commanding officers is only
+reasonable; for it being impossible to know what a commander
+may be doing or what may happen to him, and necessities of
+war admitting of no parleying, they are anxious that the
+maniple may never be without a leader and commander.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">479</a></span></p>
+<p>When the two centurions are both on the field, the first elected
+commands the right of the maniple, the second the left: if
+both are not there, the one who is commands the whole. And
+they wish the centurions not to be so much bold and adventurous,
+as men with a faculty for command, steady, and of a
+profound rather than a showy spirit; not prone to engage
+wantonly or be unnecessarily forward in giving battle; but such
+as in the face of superior numbers and overwhelming pressure
+will die in defence of their post.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_25" id="b6_25"><b>25.</b></a> Similarly they divide the cavalry into ten squadrons
+(<i>turmae</i>), and from each they select three
+officers (<i>decuriones</i>), <span class="sidenote">Officers and arms
+of the equites.</span>
+who each select a subaltern
+(<i>optio</i>). The decurio first elected
+commands the squadron, the other two have the rank
+of <i>decuriones</i>: a name indeed which applies to all alike. If
+the first <i>decurio</i> is not on the field, the second takes command
+of the squadron. The armour of the cavalry is very like that
+in Greece. In old times they did not wear the lorica, but
+fought in their tunics (<i>campestria</i>); the result of which was
+that they were prompt and nimble at dismounting and
+mounting again with despatch, but were in great danger at
+close quarters from the unprotected state of their bodies.
+And their lances too were useless in two ways: first because
+they were thin, and prevented their taking a good aim; and
+before they could get the head fixed in the enemy, the
+lances were so shaken by the mere motion of the horse
+that they generally broke. Secondly, because, having no
+spike at the butt end of their lance, they only had one stroke,
+namely that with the spear-head; and if the lance broke, what
+was left in their hands was entirely useless. Again they used
+to have shields of bull&#8217;s hide, just like those round cakes, with
+a knob in the middle which are used at sacrifices, which were
+useless at close quarters because they were flexible rather than
+firm; and, when their leather shrunk and rotted from the rain,
+unserviceable as they were before, they then became entirely
+so. Wherefore, as experience showed them the uselessness of
+these, they lost no time in changing to the Greek fashion of
+arms: the advantages of which were, first, that men were able
+to deliver the first stroke of their lance-head with a good<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">480</a></span>
+aim and effect, because the shaft from the nature of its construction
+was steady and not quivering; and, secondly, that they
+were able, by reversing the lance, to use the spike at the butt-end
+for a steady and effective blow. And the same may be
+said about the Greek shields: for, whether used to ward off
+a blow or to thrust against the enemy, they neither give nor
+bend. When the Romans learnt these facts about the Greek
+arms they were not long in copying them; for no nation has
+ever surpassed them in readiness to adopt new fashions from
+other people, and to imitate what they see is better in others
+than themselves.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_26" id="b6_26"><b>26.</b></a> Having made this distribution of their men and
+given orders for their being armed, as I have
+described, <span class="sidenote">Assembly of the
+legions.</span>
+the military tribunes dismiss them
+to their homes. But when the day has arrived
+on which they were all bound by their oath to appear at
+the place named by the Consuls (for each Consul generally
+appoints a separate place for his own legions, each having
+assigned to him two legions and a moiety of the allies), all
+whose names were placed on the roll appear without fail: <span class="sidenote">The Socii.</span>
+no
+excuse being accepted in the case of those
+who have taken the oath, except a prohibitory
+omen or absolute impossibility. The allies muster along
+with the citizens, and are distributed and managed by
+the officers appointed by the Consuls, who have the title
+of <i>Praefecti sociis</i> and are twelve in number. These officers
+select for the Consuls from the whole infantry and cavalry
+of the allies such as are most fitted for actual service,
+and these are called <i>extraordinarii</i> (which in Greek is
+&#7952;&#960;&#8055;&#955;&#949;&#954;&#964;&#959;&#953;). The whole number of the infantry of the socii
+generally equals that of the legions, but the cavalry is treble
+that of the citizens. Of these they select a third of the
+cavalry, and a fifth of the infantry to serve as <i>extraordinarii</i>.
+The rest they divide into two parts, one of which is called the
+right, the other the left wing (<i>alae</i>).</p>
+
+<p>These arrangements made, the military tribunes take over
+the citizens and allies and proceed to form a camp. Now the
+principle on which they construct their camps, no matter when
+or where, is the same; I think therefore that it will be in place<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">481</a></span>
+here to try and make my readers understand, as far as words
+can do so, the Roman tactics in regard to the march (<i>agmen</i>),
+the camp (<i>castrorum metatio</i>), and the line of battle (<i>acies</i>). I
+cannot imagine any one so indifferent to things noble and
+great, as to refuse to take some little extra trouble to understand
+things like these; for if he has once heard them, he will
+be acquainted with one of those things genuinely worth observation
+and knowledge.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_27" id="b6_27"><b>27.</b></a> Their method of laying out a camp is as follows. The
+place for the camp having been selected, <span class="sidenote"><i>Castrorum
+metatio.</i></span>
+the spot in it best calculated to give a view
+of the whole, and most convenient for issuing
+orders, is appropriated for the general&#8217;s tent (<i>Praetorium</i>).</p>
+
+<p>Having placed a standard on the spot on which they intend
+to put the Praetorium, they measure off a square round this
+standard, in such a way that each of its sides is a hundred feet
+from the standard, and the area of the square is four plethra.<a name="FNanchor_297" id="FNanchor_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">297</a>
+Along one side of this square&mdash;whichever aspect appears
+most convenient for watering and foraging&mdash;the legions are
+stationed as follows. I have said that there were six Tribuni
+in each legion, and that each Consul had two legions,&mdash;it
+follows that there are twelve <i>Tribuni</i> in a Consular army. Well,
+they pitch the tents of these Tribuni all in one straight line,
+parallel to the side of the square selected, at a distance of fifty
+feet from it (there is a place too selected for the horses,
+beasts of burden, and other baggage of the Tribuni); these
+tents face the outer side of the camp and away from the square
+described above,&mdash;a direction which will henceforth be called
+&#8220;the front&#8221; by me. The tents of the Tribuni stand at equal
+distances from each other, so that they extend along the whole
+breadth of the space occupied by the legions.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_28" id="b6_28"><b>28.</b></a> From the line described by the front of these tents
+they measure another distance of a hundred
+feet towards the front. <span class="sidenote">The principia.</span>
+At that distance another
+parallel straight line is drawn, and it is from this last that they
+begin arranging the quarters of the legions, which they do as
+follows:&mdash;they bisect the last mentioned straight line and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">482</a></span>
+from that point draw another straight line at right angles
+to it; along this line, on either side of it facing
+each other, <span class="sidenote">The quarters.</span>
+the cavalry of the two legions are
+quartered with a space of fifty feet between them, which space
+is exactly bisected by the line last mentioned. The manner
+of encamping the infantry is similar to that of the cavalry.
+The whole area of each space occupied by the maniples and
+squadrons is a square, and faces the <i>via</i>;<a name="FNanchor_298" id="FNanchor_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">298</a> the length facing
+the <i>via</i> is one hundred feet, and they generally try to make the
+depth the same, except in the case of the socii; and when they
+are employing legions of an extra number, they increase the
+length and depth of these squares proportionally.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_29" id="b6_29"><b>29.</b></a> The spaces assigned to the cavalry are opposite the
+space between the two groups of tents belonging to the Tribuni
+of the two legions, at right angles to the line along which they
+stand, like a cross-road; and indeed the whole arrangement
+of the <i>viae</i> is like a system of cross-roads, running on either side
+of the blocks of tents, those of the cavalry on one side and those
+of the infantry on the other. The spaces assigned to the
+cavalry and the Triarii in each legion are back to back, with no
+<i>via</i> between them, but touching each other, looking opposite
+ways; and the depth of the spaces assigned to the Triarii is
+only half that assigned to other maniples, because their
+numbers are generally only half; but though the number of
+the men is different, the length of the space is always the same
+owing to the lesser depth. Next, parallel with these spaces, at
+a distance of fifty feet, they place the <i>Principes</i> facing the
+Triarii; and as they face the space between themselves and
+the <i>Triarii</i>, we have two more roads formed at right angles
+to the hundred-foot area in front of the tents of the Tribunes,
+and running down from it to the outer agger of the camp on the
+side opposite to that of the Principia, which we agreed to call
+the front of the camp. Behind the spaces for the <i>Triarii</i> and
+looking in the opposite direction, and touching each other, are
+the spaces for the <i>Hastati</i>. These several branches of the
+service (<i>Triarii</i>, <i>Principes</i>, <i>Hastati</i>), being each divided into
+ten maniples, the cross-roads between the blocks are all the
+same length and terminate in the front agger of the camp;
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">483</a></span>towards which they cause the last maniples in the rows to
+face.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_30" id="b6_30"><b>30.</b></a> Beyond the <i>Hastati</i> they again leave a space of fifty
+feet, and there, beginning from the same base (the Principia),
+and going in a parallel direction, and to the same distance
+as the other blocks, they place the cavalry of the allies facing
+the <i>Hastati</i>. Now the number of the allies, as I have stated
+above, is equal to that of the legions in regard to the infantry,
+though it falls below that if we omit the <i>extraordinarii</i>; but
+that of the cavalry is double, when the third part is deducted
+for service among the <i>extraordinarii</i>. Therefore in marking
+out the camp the spaces assigned to the latter are made proportionally
+deeper, so that their length remains the same as
+those occupied by the legions. Thus five viae are formed:<a name="FNanchor_299" id="FNanchor_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">299</a>
+and back to back with these cavalry are the spaces for the
+infantry of the allies, the depth being proportionally increased
+according to their numbers;<a name="FNanchor_300" id="FNanchor_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">300</a> and these maniples face the outer
+sides of the camp and the agger. In each maniple the first
+tent at either end is occupied by the centurions. Between
+the fifth and sixth squadrons of cavalry, and the
+fifth and sixth maniple of infantry, there is a
+space of fifty left, <span class="sidenote">Via Quintana.</span>
+so that another road is made across the
+camp at right angles to the others and parallel to the tents
+of the Tribuni, and this they call the <i>Via Quintana</i>, as it runs
+along the fifth squadrons and maniples.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_31" id="b6_31"><b>31.</b></a> The space behind the tents of the Tribuni is thus
+used. On one side of the square of the Praetorium
+is the market, <span class="sidenote">The space between
+the Principia and
+the agger.</span>
+on the other the office of
+the Quaestor and the supplies which he has
+charge of. Then behind the last tent of the Tribuni on
+either side, arranged at right angles to those tents, are the
+quarters of the cavalry picked out of the <i>extraordinarii</i>,
+as
+well as of some of those who are serving as
+volunteers from personal friendship to
+<span class="sidenote">The Staff, or
+Praetoria cohors.</span>Consuls. All these are arranged parallel to
+the side aggers, facing on the one side the Quaestorium, on
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">484</a></span>the other the market-place. And, generally speaking, it falls
+to the lot of these men not only to be near the Consul in the
+camp, but to be wholly employed about the persons of the
+Consul and the Quaestor on the march and all other occasions.
+Back to back with these again, facing the agger, are placed
+the infantry who serve in the same way as these cavalry.<a name="FNanchor_301" id="FNanchor_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">301</a></p>
+
+<p>Beyond these there is another empty space or road left,
+one hundred feet broad, parallel to the tents of the Tribuni,
+skirting the market-place, Praetorium, and Quaestorium, from
+agger to agger. On the further side of this road the rest of
+the <i>equites extraordinarii</i> are placed facing the market-place
+and Quaestorium: and between the quarters of these cavalry
+of the two legions a passage is left of fifty feet, exactly opposite
+and at right angles to the square of the Praetorium, leading
+to the rearward agger.</p>
+
+<p>Back to back with the <i>equites extraordinarii</i> are the infantry
+of the same, facing the agger at the rear of the whole camp.
+And the space left empty on either side of these, facing the
+agger on each side of the camp, is given up to foreigners and
+such allies as chance to come to the camp.</p>
+
+<p>The result of these arrangements is that the whole camp is
+a square, with streets and other constructions
+regularly planned like a town. <span class="sidenote">The space round
+the quarters.</span>
+Between the line
+of the tents and the agger there is an empty space
+of two hundred feet on every side of the square, which is turned
+to a great variety of uses. To begin with, it is exceedingly convenient
+for the marching in and out of the legions. For each
+division descends into this space by the <i>via</i> which passes its own
+quarters, and so avoids crowding and hustling each other, as
+they would if they were all collected on one road. Again, all
+cattle brought into the camp, as well as booty of all sorts taken
+from the enemy, are deposited in this space and securely
+guarded during the night-watches. But the most important
+use of this space is that, in night assaults, it secures the tents
+from the danger of being set on fire, and keeps the soldiers
+out of the range of the enemy&#8217;s missiles; or, if a few of them
+do carry so far, they are spent and cannot penetrate the tents.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">485</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_32" id="b6_32"><b>32.</b></a> The number then of foot-soldiers and cavalry being
+given (at the rate, that is to say, of four
+thousand or of five thousand for each legion), <span class="sidenote">Provision for
+extra numbers,</span>
+and the length, depth, and number of the
+maniples being likewise known, as well as the breadth of
+the passages and roads, it becomes possible to calculate
+the area occupied by the camp and the length of the
+aggers. If on any occasion the number of allies, either
+those originally enrolled or those who joined subsequently,
+exceeds their due proportion, the difficulty is provided for
+in this way. To the overplus of allies who joined subsequent
+to the enrolment of the army are assigned the spaces on either
+side of the Praetorium, the market-place and Quaestorium being
+proportionally contracted. For the extra numbers of allies
+who joined originally an extra line of tents (forming thus another
+<i>via</i>) is put up parallel with the other tents of the socii,
+facing the agger on either side of the camp. <span class="sidenote">and for two consular
+armies.</span>
+But if all four
+legions and both Consuls are in the same
+camp, all we have to do is to imagine a second
+army, arranged back to back to the one
+already placed, in exactly the same spaces as the former,
+but side by side with it at the part where the picked men
+from the <i>extraordinarii</i> are stationed facing the rearward agger.
+In this case the shape of the camp becomes an oblong, the
+area double, and the length of the entire agger half as much
+again. This is the arrangement when both Consuls are within
+the same agger; but if they occupy two separate camps, the
+above arrangements hold good, except that the market-place is
+placed half way between the two camps.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_33" id="b6_33"><b>33.</b></a> The camp having thus been laid out, the Tribuni
+next administer an oath to all in it separately,
+whether free or slave, <span class="sidenote">Guard duty.</span>
+that they will steal
+nothing within the agger, and in case they find anything will
+bring it to the Tribuni. They next select for their several
+duties the maniples of the Principes and Hastati in each
+legion. Two are told off to guard the space in front of the
+quarters of the Tribuni. For in this space, which is called the
+Principia, most of the Romans in the camp transact all the
+business of the day; and are therefore very particular about its<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">486</a></span>
+being kept well watered and properly swept. Of the other
+eighteen maniples, three are assigned to each of the six Tribuni,
+that being the respective numbers in each legion; and of these
+three maniples each takes its turn of duty in waiting upon the
+Tribune. The services they render him are such as these:
+they pitch his tent for him when a place is selected for
+encampment, and level the ground all round it; and if any
+extra precaution is required for the protection of his baggage,
+it is their duty to see to it. They also supply him with two
+relays of guards. A guard consists of four men, two of whom
+act as sentries in front of his tent, and two on the rear of it
+near the horses. Seeing that each Tribune has three maniples,
+and each maniple has a hundred men, without counting <i>Triarii</i>
+and <i>Velites</i> who are not liable for this service, the duty is a
+light one, coming round to each maniple only once in three
+days; while by this arrangement ample provision is made for
+the convenience as well as the dignity of the Tribuni. The
+maniples of Triarii are exempted from this personal service to
+the Tribuni, but they each supply a watch of four men to the
+squadron of cavalry nearest them. These watches have to
+keep a general look out; but their chief duty is to keep an eye
+upon the horses, to prevent their hurting themselves by getting
+entangled in their tethers, and so becoming unfit for use; or
+from getting loose, and making a confusion and disturbance in
+the camp by running against other horses. Finally, all the
+maniples take turns to mount guard for a day each at the
+Consul&#8217;s tent, to protect him from plots, and maintain the
+dignity of his office.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_34" id="b6_34"><b>34.</b></a> As to the construction of the foss and vallum,<a name="FNanchor_302" id="FNanchor_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">302</a> two
+sides fall to the lot of the socii, each division
+taking that side along which it is quartered; <span class="sidenote">Construction of
+the <i>fossa</i> and
+<i>agger</i>.</span>
+the other two are left to the Romans, one
+to each legion. Each side is divided into portions according
+to the number of maniples, and the centurions stand
+by and superintend the work of each maniple; while two
+of the Tribunes superintend the construction of the whole<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">487</a></span>
+side and see that it is adequate. In the same way the
+Tribunes superintend all other operations in the camp. They
+divide themselves in twos, and each pair is on duty for two
+months out of six; they draw lots for their turns, and the pair
+on whom the lot falls takes the superintendence of all active
+operations. The prefects of the socii divide their duty in the
+same way. <span class="sidenote">Orders of the
+day.</span>
+At daybreak the officers of the
+cavalry and the centurions muster at the tents
+of the Tribunes, while the Tribunes go to that
+of the Consul. He gives the necessary orders to the Tribunes,
+they to the cavalry officers and centurions, and these last pass
+them on to the rank and file as occasion may demand.</p>
+
+<p>To secure the passing round of the watchword for the
+night the following course is followed. One
+man is selected from the tenth maniple, <span class="sidenote">The watchword.</span>
+which, in the case both of cavalry and infantry, is quartered
+at the ends of the road between the tents; this
+man is relieved from guard-duty and appears each day
+about sunset at the tent of the Tribune on duty, takes the
+<i>tessera</i> or wooden tablet on which the watchword is inscribed,
+and returns to his own maniple and delivers the wooden tablet
+and watchword in the presence of witnesses to the chief
+officer of the maniple next his own; he in the same way to
+the officer of the next, and so on, until it arrives at the first
+maniple stationed next the Tribunes. These men are
+obliged to deliver the tablet (<i>tessera</i>) to the Tribunes before
+dark. If they are all handed in, the Tribune knows that the
+watchword has been delivered to all, and has passed through
+all the ranks back to his hands: but if any one is missing, he
+at once investigates the matter; for he knows by the marks on
+the tablets from which division of the army the tablet has not
+appeared; and the man who is discovered to be responsible
+for its non-appearance is visited with condign punishment.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_35" id="b6_35"><b>35.</b></a> Next as to the keeping guard at night. The
+Consul&#8217;s tent is guarded by the maniple
+on duty: <span class="sidenote">Night watches.</span>
+those of the Tribuni and praefects
+of the cavalry by the pickets formed as described above
+from the several maniples. And in the same way each
+maniple and squadron posts guards of their own men. The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">488</a></span>
+other pickets are posted by the Consul. Generally speaking
+there are three pickets at the Quaestorium, and two at the
+tent of each of the legati or members of council. The vallum
+is lined by the <i>velites</i>, who are on guard all along it from
+day to day. That is their special duty; while they also guard
+all the entrances to the camp, telling off ten sentinels to take
+their turn at each of them. Of the men told off for duty at the
+several <i>stationes</i>, the man who in each maniple is to take the
+first watch is brought by the rear-rank man of his company to
+the Tribune at eventide. The latter hands over to them
+severally small wooden tablets (<i>tesserae</i>), one for each watch,
+inscribed with small marks; on receiving which they go off to
+the places indicated.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_36" id="b6_36"><b>36.</b></a> The duty of going the rounds is intrusted to the cavalry.
+The first Praefect of cavalry in each legion, early
+in the morning, <span class="sidenote">Visiting rounds.</span>
+orders one of his rear-rank men
+to give notice before breakfast to four young men of his squadron
+who are to go the rounds. At evening this same man&#8217;s duty
+is to give notice to the Praefect of the next squadron that it is
+his turn to provide for going the rounds until next morning.
+This officer thereupon takes measures similar to the preceding
+one until the next day; and so on throughout the cavalry
+squadrons. The four men thus selected by the rear-rank men
+from the first squadron, after drawing lots for the watch they
+are to take, proceed to the tent of the Tribune on duty, and
+receive from him a writing stating the order<a name="FNanchor_303" id="FNanchor_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">303</a> and the number
+of the watches they are to visit. The four then take up their
+quarters for the night alongside of the first maniple of
+Triarii; for it is the duty of the centurion of this maniple to
+see that a bugle is blown at the beginning of every watch.
+When the time has arrived, the man to whose lot the first
+watch has fallen goes his rounds, taking some of his friends as
+witnesses. He walks through the posts assigned, which are
+not only those along the vallum and gates, but also the
+pickets set by the several maniples and squadrons. If he
+find the men of the first watch awake he takes from them their
+tessera; but if he find any one of them asleep or absent from
+his post, he calls those with him to witness the fact and passes
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">489</a></span>on. The same process is repeated by those who go the
+rounds during the other watches. The charge of seeing that
+the bugle is blown at the beginning of each watch, so that the
+right man might visit the right pickets, is as I have said, laid
+upon the centurions of the first maniple of Triarii, each one
+taking the duty for a day.</p>
+
+<p>Each of these men who have gone the rounds (<i>tessarii</i>) at
+daybreak conveys the tesserae to the Tribune on duty. If the
+whole number are given in they are dismissed without
+question; but if any of them brings a number less than that
+of the pickets, an investigation is made by means of the mark
+on the tessera, as to which picket he has omitted. Upon this
+being ascertained the centurion is summoned; he brings the
+men who were on duty, and they are confronted with the
+patrol. If the fault is with the men on guard, the patrol
+clears himself by producing the witnesses whom he took with
+him; for he cannot do so without. If nothing of that sort
+happened, the blame recoils upon the patrol.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_37" id="b6_37"><b>37.</b></a> Then the Tribunes at once hold a court-martial,
+and the man who is found guilty is punished
+by the <i>fustuarium</i>; <span class="sidenote">Military punishments:
+the <i>fustuarium</i>.</span>
+the nature of which is
+this. The Tribune takes a cudgel and merely
+touches the condemned man; whereupon all the soldiers
+fall upon him with cudgels and stones. Generally speaking
+men thus punished are killed on the spot; but if
+by any chance, after running the gauntlet, they manage
+to escape from the camp, they have no hope of ultimately
+surviving even so. They may not return to their own country,
+nor would any one venture to receive such an one into his
+house. Therefore those who have once fallen into this
+misfortune are utterly and finally ruined. The same fate
+awaits the praefect of the squadron, as well as his rear-rank
+man, if they fail to give the necessary order at the proper time,
+the latter to the patrols, and the former to the praefect of the
+next squadron. The result of the severity and inevitableness
+of this punishment is that in the Roman army the night
+watches are faultlessly kept. The common soldiers are
+amenable to the Tribunes; the Tribunes to the Consuls.
+The Tribune is competent to punish a soldier by inflicting a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">490</a></span>
+fine, distraining his goods, or ordering him to be flogged; so too
+the praefects in the case of the socii. The punishment of the
+<i>fustuarium</i> is assigned also to any one committing theft in
+the camp, or bearing false witness: as also to any one who in
+full manhood is detected in shameful immorality: or to any
+one who has been thrice punished for the same offence. All
+these things are punished as crimes. But such as the following
+are reckoned as cowardly and dishonourable in a soldier:&mdash;for
+a man to make a false report to the Tribunes of his
+valour in order to get reward; or for men who have been
+told off to an ambuscade to quit the place assigned them from
+fear; and also for a man to throw away any of his arms from
+fear, on the actual field of battle. Consequently it sometimes
+happens that men confront certain death at their stations, because,
+from their fear of the punishment awaiting them at
+home, they refuse to quit their post: while others, who have
+lost shield or spear or any other arm on the field, throw themselves
+upon the foe, in hopes of recovering what they have lost,
+or of escaping by death from certain disgrace and the insults
+of their relations.<a name="FNanchor_304" id="FNanchor_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">304</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_38" id="b6_38"><b>38.</b></a> But if it ever happens that a number of men are
+involved in these same acts: if, for instance, <span class="sidenote">Decimatio.</span>
+some entire maniples have quitted their ground
+in the presence of the enemy, it is deemed impossible to
+subject all to the <i>fustuarium</i> or to military execution;
+but a solution of the difficulty has been found at once
+adequate to the maintenance of discipline and calculated
+to strike terror. The Tribune assembles the legion, calls
+the defaulters to the front, and, after administering a sharp
+rebuke, selects five or eight or twenty out of them by lot,
+so that those selected should be about a tenth of those who
+have been guilty of the act of cowardice. These selected
+are punished with the <i>fustuarium</i> without mercy; the rest are
+put on rations of barley instead of wheat, and are ordered to
+take up their quarters outside the vallum and the protection of
+the camp. As all are equally in danger of having the lot fall
+on them, and as all alike who escape that, are made a conspicuous
+example of by having their rations of barley, the best
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">491</a></span>possible means are thus taken to inspire fear for the future,
+and to correct the mischief which has actually occurred.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_39" id="b6_39"><b>39.</b></a> A very excellent plan also is adopted for inducing
+young soldiers to brave danger. <span class="sidenote">Military
+decorations.</span>
+When an
+engagement has taken place and any of them
+have showed conspicuous gallantry, the Consul
+summons an assembly of the legion, puts forward those
+whom he considers to have distinguished themselves in any
+way, and first compliments each of them individually on his
+gallantry, and mentions any other distinction he may have
+earned in the course of his life, and then presents them with
+gifts: to the man who has wounded an enemy, a spear; to
+the man who has killed one and stripped his armour, a cup,
+if he be in the infantry, horse-trappings if in the cavalry:
+though originally the only present made was a spear. This
+does not take place in the event of their having wounded or
+stripped any of the enemy in a set engagement or the storming
+of a town; but in skirmishes or other occasions of that
+sort, in which, without there being any positive necessity for
+them to expose themselves singly to danger, they have done
+so voluntarily and deliberately. In the capture of a town
+those who are first to mount the walls are presented
+with a gold crown. <span class="sidenote">Mural crown.</span>
+So too those who
+have covered and saved any citizens or allies are distinguished
+by the Consul with certain presents; <span class="sidenote">Civic crown.</span>
+and those whom they
+have preserved present them voluntarily with a
+crown, or if not, they are compelled to do so
+by the Tribunes. The man thus preserved, too, reverences
+his preserver throughout his life as a father, and is bound to
+act towards him as a father in every respect. By such incentives
+those who stay at home are stirred up to a noble
+rivalry and emulation in confronting danger, no less than those
+who actually hear and see what takes place. For the recipients
+of such rewards not only enjoy great glory among
+their comrades in the army, and an immediate reputation at
+home, but after their return they are marked men in all
+solemn festivals; for they alone, who have been thus distinguished
+by the Consuls for bravery, are allowed to wear
+robes of honour on those occasions: and moreover they place<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">492</a></span>
+the spoils they have taken in the most conspicuous places in
+their houses, as visible tokens and proofs of their valour. No
+wonder that a people, whose rewards and punishments are
+allotted with such care and received with such feelings, should
+be brilliantly successful in war.</p>
+
+<p>The pay of the foot soldier is 5-1/3 asses a day; of the
+centurion 10-2/3; of the cavalry 16. The infantry receive a
+ration of wheat equal to about 2/3 of an Attic medimnus a
+month, and the cavalry 7 medimni of barley, and 2 of wheat;
+of the allies the infantry receive the same, the cavalry 1-1/3
+medimnus of wheat, and 5 of barley. This is a free gift to
+the allies; but in the cases of the Romans, the Quaestor stops
+out of their pay the price of their corn and clothes, or any
+additional arms they may require at a fixed rate.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_40" id="b6_40"><b>40.</b></a> The following is their manner of moving camp. At
+the first bugle the men all strike their tents and collect their
+baggage; but no soldier may strike his tent, or set it up either,
+till the same is done to that of the Tribuni and the Consul.
+At the second bugle they load the beasts of burden with their
+baggage: at the third the first maniples must advance and
+set the whole camp in motion. Generally speaking, the men
+appointed to make this start are the <i>extraordinarii</i>: next comes
+the right wing of the socii; and behind them their beasts of
+burden. These are followed by the first legion with its own
+baggage immediately on its rear; then comes the second
+legion, followed by its own beasts of burden, and the baggage
+of those socii who have to bring up the rear of the march,
+that is to say, the left wing of the socii. The cavalry sometimes
+ride on the rear of their respective divisions, sometimes
+on either side of the beasts of burden, to keep them together
+and secure them. If an attack is expected on the rear, the
+<i>extraordinarii</i> themselves occupy the rear instead of the
+van. Of the two legions and wings each takes the lead in
+the march on alternate days, that by this interchange of position
+all may have an equal share in the advantage of being
+first at the water and forage. The order of march, however,
+is different at times of unusual danger, if they have open ground
+enough. For in that case they advance in three parallel
+columns, consisting of the <i>Hastati</i>, <i>Principes</i>, and <i>Triarii</i>: the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">493</a></span>
+beasts of burden belonging to the maniples in the van are placed
+in front of all, those belonging to the second behind the leading
+maniples, and those belonging to the third behind the second
+maniples, thus having the baggage and the maniples in alternate
+lines. With this order of march, on an alarm being given, the
+columns face to the right or left according to the quarter on
+which the enemy appears, and get clear of the baggage. So
+that in a short space of time, and by one movement, the whole
+of the hoplites are in line of battle&mdash;except that sometimes it
+is necessary to half-wheel the <i>Hastati</i> also-&#8212;and the baggage
+and the rest of the army are in their proper place for safety,
+namely, in the rear of the line of combatants.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_41" id="b6_41"><b>41.</b></a> When the army on the march is approaching the
+place of encampment, a Tribune, and those
+of the centurions who have been from time <span class="sidenote">Encampment on
+the march.</span>
+to time selected for that duty, are sent
+forward to survey the place of encampment. Having done
+this they proceed first of all to fix upon the place for the Consul&#8217;s
+tent (as I have described above), and to determine on
+which side of the Praetorium to quarter the legions. Having
+decided these points they measure out the Praetorium, then
+they draw the straight line along which the tents of the Tribunes
+are to be pitched, and then the line parallel to this, beyond
+which the quarters of the legions are to begin. In the same
+way they draw the lines on the other sides of the Praetorium
+in accordance with the plan which I have already detailed at
+length. This does not take long, nor is the marking out of
+the camp a matter of difficulty, because the dimensions are all
+regularly laid down, and are in accordance with precedent.
+Then they fix one flag in the ground where the Consul&#8217;s tent
+is to stand, and another on the base of the square containing
+it, and a third on the line of the Tribunes&#8217; tents; the two latter
+are scarlet, that which marks the Consul&#8217;s tent is white; the
+lines on the other sides of the Praetorium are marked sometimes
+with plain spears and sometimes by flags of other colours.
+After this they lay out the <i>viae</i> between the quarters, fixing
+spears at each <i>via</i>. Consequently when the legions in the
+course of their march have come near enough to get a clear
+view of the place of encampment, they can all make out<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">494</a></span>
+exactly the whole plan of it, taking as their base the Consul&#8217;s
+flag and calculating from that. Moreover as each soldier
+knows precisely on which <i>via</i>, and at what point of it, his
+quarters are to be, because all occupy the same position in
+the camp wherever it may be, it is exactly like a legion entering
+its own city; when breaking off at the gates each man makes
+straight for his own residence without hesitation, because he
+knows the direction and the quarter of the town in which
+home lies. It is precisely the same in a Roman camp.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_42" id="b6_42"><b>42.</b></a> It is because the first object of the Romans in the
+matter of encampment is facility, that they seem to me to
+differ diametrically from Greek military men in this respect.
+Greeks, in choosing a place for a camp, think primarily of
+security from the natural strength of the position: first, because
+they are averse from the toil of digging a foss, and, secondly,
+because they think that no artificial defences are comparable
+to those afforded by the nature of the ground. Accordingly,
+they not only have to vary the whole configuration of the camp
+to suit the nature of the ground, but to change the arrangement
+of details in all kinds of irregular ways; so that neither
+soldier nor company has a fixed place in it. The Romans, on
+the other hand, prefer to undergo the fatigue of digging, and
+of the other labours of circumvallation, for the sake of the
+facility in arrangement, and to secure a plan of encampment
+which shall be one and the same and familiar to all.</p>
+
+<p>Such are the most important facts in regard to the legions
+and the method of encamping them....</p>
+
+<h3>THE ROMAN REPUBLIC COMPARED WITH OTHERS</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b6_43" id="b6_43"><b>43.</b></a> Nearly all historians have recorded as constitutions
+of eminent excellence those of Lacedaemonia,
+Crete, Mantinea, and Carthage. <span class="sidenote">The Theban constitution
+may be
+put aside,</span>
+Some have
+also mentioned those of Athens and Thebes.
+The former I may allow to pass; but I am convinced that
+little need be said of the Athenian and Theban constitutions:
+their growth was abnormal, the period of their
+zenith brief, and the changes they experienced unusually
+violent. Their glory was a sudden and fortuitous flash, so to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">495</a></span>
+speak; and while they still thought themselves prosperous, and
+likely to remain so, they found themselves involved in
+circumstances completely the reverse. The Thebans got their
+reputation for valour among the Greeks, by taking advantage
+of the senseless policy of the Lacedaemonians, and the hatred
+of the allies towards them, owing to the valour of one, or at
+most two, men who were wise enough to appreciate the
+situation. Since fortune quickly made it evident that it was
+not the peculiarity of their constitution, but the valour of
+their leaders, which gave the Thebans their success. For the
+great power of Thebes notoriously took its rise, attained its
+zenith, and fell to the ground with the lives of Epaminondas
+and Pelopidas. We must therefore conclude that it was not
+its constitution, but its men, that caused the high fortune
+which it then enjoyed.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_44" id="b6_44"><b>44.</b></a> A somewhat similar remark applies to the Athenian
+constitution also. For though it perhaps had
+more frequent interludes of excellence, <span class="sidenote">as also the
+Athenian.</span>yet
+its highest perfection was attained during the
+brilliant career of Themistocles; and having reached that
+point it quickly declined, owing to its essential instability.
+For the Athenian demus is always in the position of a ship
+without a commander. In such a ship, if fear of the enemy,
+or the occurrence of a storm induce the crew to be of one mind
+and to obey the helmsman, everything goes well; but if they
+recover from this fear, and begin to treat their officers with
+contempt, and to quarrel with each other because they are no
+longer all of one mind,&mdash;one party wishing to continue the
+voyage, and the other urging the steersman to bring the ship
+to anchor; some letting out the sheets, and others hauling
+them in, and ordering the sails to be furled,-&#8212;their discord and
+quarrels make a sorry show to lookers on; and the position of
+affairs is full of risk to those on board engaged on the same
+voyage: and the result has often been that, after escaping the
+dangers of the widest seas, and the most violent storms, they
+wreck their ship in harbour and close to shore. And this is what
+has often happened to the Athenian constitution. For, after
+repelling, on various occasions, the greatest and most formidable
+dangers by the valour of its people and their leaders, there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">496</a></span>
+have been times when, in periods of secure tranquillity, it has
+gratuitously and recklessly encountered disaster.<a name="FNanchor_305" id="FNanchor_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">305</a> Therefore I
+need say no more about either it, or the Theban constitution: in
+both of which a mob manages everything on its own unfettered
+impulse&mdash;a mob in the one city distinguished for headlong outbursts
+of fiery temper, in the other trained in long habits of
+violence and ferocity.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_45" id="b6_45"><b>45.</b></a> Passing to the Cretan polity there are two points
+which deserve our consideration. The first
+is how such writers as Ephorus, <span class="sidenote">The Spartan
+polity unlike
+that of Crete.</span>Xenophon,
+Callisthenes and Plato<a name="FNanchor_306" id="FNanchor_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">306</a>&mdash;who are the most
+learned of the ancients&mdash;could assert that it was like that
+of Sparta; and secondly how they came to assert that it was
+at all admirable. I can agree with neither assertion; and
+I will explain why I say so. And first as to its dissimilarity
+with the Spartan constitution. The peculiar merit of the latter
+is said to be its land laws, by which no one possesses more than
+another, but all citizens have an equal share in the public
+land.<a name="FNanchor_307" id="FNanchor_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">307</a> The next distinctive feature regards the possession of
+money: for as it is utterly discredited among them, the
+jealous competition which arises from inequality of wealth is
+entirely removed from the city. A third peculiarity of the
+Lacedaemonian polity is that, of the officials by whose hands
+and with whose advice the whole government is conducted,
+the kings hold an hereditary office, while the members of the
+Gerusia are elected for life.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_46" id="b6_46"><b>46.</b></a> Among the Cretans the exact reverse of all these arrangements<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">497</a></span>
+obtains. The laws allow them to possess as much land
+as they can get with no limitation whatever. Money is so
+highly valued among them, that its possession is not only
+thought to be necessary but in the highest degree creditable.
+And in fact greed and avarice are so native to the soil in
+Crete, that they are the only people in the world among whom
+no stigma attaches to any sort of gain whatever. Again all
+their offices are annual and on a democratical footing. I have
+therefore often felt at a loss to account for these writers
+speaking of the two constitutions, which are radically different,
+as though they were closely united and allied. But, besides
+overlooking these important differences, these writers have
+gone out of their way to comment at length on the legislation
+of Lycurgus: &#8220;He was the only legislator,&#8221; they say, &#8220;who
+saw the important points. For there being two things on
+which the safety of a commonwealth depends,&mdash;courage in
+the face of the enemy and concord at home,&mdash;by abolishing
+covetousness, he with it removed all motive for civil broil and
+contest: whence it has been brought about that the Lacedaemonians
+are the best governed and most united people in
+Greece.&#8221; Yet while giving utterance to these sentiments, and
+though they see that, in contrast to this, the Cretans by their
+ingrained avarice are engaged in countless public and private
+seditions, murders and civil wars, they yet regard these facts as
+not affecting their contention, but are bold enough to speak of
+the two constitutions as alike. Ephorus, indeed, putting aside
+names, employs expressions so precisely the same, when discoursing
+on the two constitutions, that, unless one noticed the
+proper names, there would be no means whatever of distinguishing
+which of the two he was describing.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_47" id="b6_47"><b>47.</b></a> In what the difference between them consists I have
+already stated. I will now address myself to showing that the
+Cretan constitution deserves neither praise nor imitation.</p>
+
+<p>To my mind, then, there are two things fundamental
+to every state, in virtue of which its powers
+and constitution become desirable or objectionable. <span class="sidenote">Tests of a
+good polity.</span>
+These are customs and laws.
+Of these the desirable are those which make men&#8217;s private
+lives holy and pure, and the public character of the state<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">498</a></span>
+civilised and just. The objectionable are those whose effect
+is the reverse. As, then, when we see good customs
+and good laws prevailing among certain people, we confidently
+assume that, in consequence of them, the men and
+their civil constitution will be good also, so when we see
+private life full of covetousness, and public policy of injustice,
+plainly we have reason for asserting their laws, particular customs,
+and general constitution to be bad. Now, with few exceptions,
+you could find no habits prevailing in private life more
+steeped in treachery than those in Crete, and no public policy
+more inequitable. Holding, then, the Cretan constitution to
+be neither like the Spartan, nor worthy of choice or imitation,
+I reject it from the comparison which I have instituted.</p>
+
+<p>Nor again would it be fair to introduce the Republic
+of Plato, which is also spoken of in high
+terms by some Philosophers. <span class="sidenote">Ideal polities may
+be omitted.</span>
+For just as we
+refuse admission to the athletic contests
+to those actors or athletes who have not acquired a
+recognised position<a name="FNanchor_308" id="FNanchor_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">308</a> or trained for them, so we ought not to
+admit this Platonic constitution to the contest for the prize
+of merit unless it can first point to some genuine and practical
+achievement. Up to this time the notion of bringing it into
+comparison with the constitutions of Sparta, Rome, and Carthage
+would be like putting up a statue to compare with living
+and breathing men. Even if such a statue were faultless in
+point of art, the comparison of the lifeless with the living
+would naturally leave an impression of imperfection and incongruity
+upon the minds of the spectators.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_48" id="b6_48"><b>48.</b></a> I shall therefore omit these, and proceed with my
+description of the Laconian constitution. <span class="sidenote">The aims of
+Lycurgus.</span>
+Now
+it seems to me that for securing unity among
+the citizens, for safe-guarding the Laconian
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">499</a></span>territory, and preserving the liberty of Sparta inviolate,
+the legislation and provisions of Lycurgus were so excellent,
+that I am forced to regard his wisdom as something
+superhuman. For the equality of landed possessions, the
+simplicity in their food, and the practice of taking it in common,
+which he established, were well calculated to secure morality
+in private life and to prevent civil broils in the State; as also
+their training in the endurance of labours and dangers to make
+men brave and noble minded: but when both these virtues,
+courage and high morality, are combined in one soul or in one
+state, vice will not readily spring from such a soil, nor will
+such men easily be overcome by their enemies. By constructing
+his constitution therefore in this spirit, and of these
+elements, he secured two blessings to the Spartans,&mdash;safety for
+their territory, and a lasting freedom for themselves long after he
+was gone. He appears however to have made no one provision
+whatever, particular or general, for the acquisition of the territory
+of their neighbours; or for the assertion of their supremacy; or,
+in a word, for any policy of aggrandisement at all. What he
+had still to do was to impose such a necessity, or create such a
+spirit among the citizens, that, as he had succeeded in making
+their individual lives independent and simple, the public
+character of the state should also become independent and
+moral. <span class="sidenote">Their partial
+failure.</span>
+But the actual fact is, that, though he made them the
+most disinterested and sober-minded men in
+the world, as far as their own ways of life and
+their national institutions were concerned, he
+left them in regard to the rest of Greece ambitious, eager for
+supremacy, and encroaching in the highest degree.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_49" id="b6_49"><b>49.</b></a> For in the first place is it not notorious that they
+were nearly the first Greeks to cast a covetous
+eye upon the territory of their neighbours, <span class="sidenote">First and second
+Messenian wars,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;745-724 (?),
+685-668.</span>
+and that accordingly they waged a
+war of subjugation on the Messenians?
+In the next place is it not related in all histories that in
+their dogged obstinacy they bound themselves with an oath
+never to desist from the siege of Messene until they
+had taken it? And lastly it is known to all that in their
+efforts for supremacy in Greece they submitted to do<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">500</a></span>
+the bidding of those whom they had once conquered in
+war. For when the Persians invaded Greece,
+they conquered them, <span class="sidenote">Battle of Plataea,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;479.</span>as champions of the
+liberty of the Greeks; yet when the invaders
+had retired and fled, they betrayed the cities of Greece into
+their hands by the peace of Antalcidas, <span class="sidenote">Peace of
+Antalcidas,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;387.</span>for the
+sake of getting money to secure their supremacy
+over the Greeks.
+It was then that the defect
+in their constitution was rendered apparent. For as long as
+their ambition was confined to governing their
+immediate neighbours, or even the Peloponnesians
+only, they were content with the
+<span class="sidenote">The causes of
+this failure.</span>resources and supplies provided by Laconia itself, having all
+material of war ready to hand, and being able without much
+expenditure of time to return home or convey provisions with
+them. But directly they took in hand to despatch naval
+expeditions, or to go on campaigns by land outside the Peloponnese,
+it was evident that neither their iron currency, nor
+their use of crops for payment in kind, would be able to
+supply them with what they lacked if they abided by the
+legislation of Lycurgus; for such undertakings required money
+universally current, and goods from foreign countries. Thus
+they were compelled to wait humbly at Persian doors, impose
+tribute on the islanders, and exact contributions from all the
+Greeks: knowing that, if they abided by the laws of Lycurgus,
+it was impossible to advance any claims upon any outside power
+at all, much less upon the supremacy in Greece.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_50" id="b6_50"><b>50.</b></a> My object, then, in this digression is to make it
+manifest by actual facts that, for guarding
+their own country with absolute safety, <span class="sidenote">Sparta fails where
+Rome succeeds.</span>
+and
+for preserving their own freedom, the legislation
+of Lycurgus was entirely sufficient; and for those who
+are content with these objects we must concede that there
+neither exists, nor ever has existed, a constitution and civil order
+preferable to that of Sparta. But if any one is seeking
+aggrandisement, and believes that to be a leader and ruler and
+despot of numerous subjects, and to have all looking and
+turning to him, is a finer thing than that,&mdash;in this point of
+view we must acknowledge that the Spartan constitution is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">501</a></span>
+deficient, and that of Rome superior and better constituted for
+obtaining power. And this has been proved by actual facts.
+For when the Lacedaemonians strove to possess themselves of
+the supremacy in Greece, it was not long before they brought
+their own freedom itself into danger. Whereas the Romans,
+after obtaining supreme power over the Italians themselves, soon
+brought the whole world under their rule,&mdash;in which achievement
+the abundance and availability of their supplies largely
+contributed to their success.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_51" id="b6_51"><b>51.</b></a> Now the Carthaginian constitution seems to me
+originally to have been well contrived in
+these most distinctively important particulars. <span class="sidenote">Rome fresher
+than Carthage;</span>
+For they had kings,<a name="FNanchor_309" id="FNanchor_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">309</a> and the Gerusia
+had the powers of an aristocracy, and the multitude were
+supreme in such things as affected them; and on the whole
+the adjustment of its several parts was very like that of Rome
+and Sparta. But about the period of its entering on the
+Hannibalian war the political state of Carthage was on the
+decline,<a name="FNanchor_310" id="FNanchor_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">310</a> that of Rome improving. For whereas there is in
+every body, or polity, or business a natural stage of growth,
+zenith, and decay; and whereas everything in them is at its
+best at the zenith; we may thereby judge of the difference between
+these two constitutions as they existed at that period.
+For exactly so far as the strength and prosperity of Carthage
+preceded that of Rome in point of time, by so much was
+Carthage then past its prime, while Rome was exactly at its
+zenith, as far as its political constitution was concerned. In
+Carthage therefore the influence of the people in the policy
+of the state had already risen to be supreme, while at Rome
+the Senate was at the height of its power: and so, as in the
+one measures were deliberated upon by the many, in the
+other by the best men, the policy of the Romans in
+all public undertakings proved the stronger; on which
+account, though they met with capital disasters, by force of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">502</a></span>prudent counsels they finally conquered the Carthaginians in
+the war.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_52" id="b6_52"><b>52.</b></a> If we look however at separate details, for instance
+at the provisions for carrying on a war, <span class="sidenote">and its citizen
+levies superior
+to Carthaginian
+mercenaries.</span>
+we
+shall find that whereas for a naval expedition
+the Carthaginians are the better trained and
+prepared,&mdash;as it is only natural with a people
+with whom it has been hereditary for many generations to
+practise this craft, and to follow the seaman&#8217;s trade above all
+nations in the world,&mdash;yet, in regard to military service on
+land, the Romans train themselves to a much higher pitch
+than the Carthaginians. The former bestow their whole
+attention upon this department: whereas the Carthaginians
+wholly neglect their infantry, though they do take some slight
+interest in the cavalry. The reason of this is that they employ
+foreign mercenaries, the Romans native and citizen levies. It
+is in this point that the latter polity is preferable to the
+former. They have their hopes of freedom ever resting on the
+courage of mercenary troops: the Romans on the valour of their
+own citizens and the aid of their allies. The result is that even
+if the Romans have suffered a defeat at first, they renew the war
+with undiminished forces, which the Carthaginians cannot do.
+For, as the Romans are fighting for country and children, it is
+impossible for them to relax the fury of their struggle; but
+they persist with obstinate resolution until they have overcome
+their enemies. What has happened in regard to their
+navy is an instance in point. In skill the Romans are much
+behind the Carthaginians, as I have already said; yet the upshot
+of the whole naval war has been a decided triumph for
+the Romans, owing to the valour of their men. For although
+nautical science contributes largely to success in sea-fights,
+still it is the courage of the marines that turns the scale most
+decisively in favour of victory. The fact is that Italians as a
+nation are by nature superior to Phoenicians and Libyans both
+in physical strength and courage; but still their habits also do
+much to inspire the youth with enthusiasm for such exploits.
+One example will be sufficient of the pains taken by the
+Roman state to turn out men ready to endure anything to win
+a reputation in their country for valour.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">503</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_53" id="b6_53"><b>53.</b></a> Whenever one of their illustrious men dies, in the
+course of his funeral, <span class="sidenote">Laudations at
+funerals.</span>
+the body with all its
+paraphernalia is carried into the forum to the
+Rostra, as a raised platform there is called,
+and sometimes is propped upright upon it so as to be
+conspicuous, or, more rarely, is laid upon it. Then with all
+the people standing round, his son, if he has left one of full
+age and he is there, or, failing him, one of his relations, mounts
+the Rostra and delivers a speech concerning the virtues of the
+deceased, and the successful exploits performed by him in his
+lifetime. By these means the people are reminded of what
+has been done, and made to see it with their own eyes,&mdash;not
+only such as were engaged in the actual <span class="sidenote">Imagines.</span>
+transactions but those also who were not;&mdash;and
+their sympathies are so deeply moved, that the loss
+appears not to be confined to the actual mourners, but to be
+a public one affecting the whole people. After the burial
+and all the usual ceremonies have been performed, they place
+the likeness of the deceased in the most conspicuous spot in
+his house, surmounted by a wooden canopy or shrine. This
+likeness consists of a mask made to represent the deceased
+with extraordinary fidelity both in shape and colour. These
+likenesses they display at public sacrifices adorned with much
+care. And when any illustrious member of the family dies,
+they carry these masks to the funeral, putting them on men
+whom they thought as like the originals as possible in height
+and other personal peculiarities. And these substitutes assume
+clothes according to the rank of the person represented: <span class="sidenote">Toga praetexta,
+purpurea,
+picta.</span>if he
+was a consul or praetor, a toga with purple
+stripes; if a censor, whole purple;<a name="FNanchor_311" id="FNanchor_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">311</a> if he had also
+celebrated a triumph or performed any exploit
+of that kind, a toga embroidered with gold.
+These representatives also ride themselves in chariots, while
+the fasces and axes, and all the other customary insignia of the
+particular offices, lead the way, according to the dignity of the
+rank in the state enjoyed by the deceased in his lifetime; <span class="sidenote">Sellae curules.</span>
+and on arriving at the Rostra they all take
+their seats on ivory chairs in their order.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">504</a></span></p>
+<p>There could not easily be a more inspiring spectacle than this
+for a young man of noble ambitions and virtuous aspirations.
+For can we conceive any one to be unmoved at the sight of
+all the likenesses collected together of the men who have
+earned glory, all as it were living and breathing? Or what
+could be a more glorious spectacle?</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_54" id="b6_54"><b>54.</b></a> Besides the speaker over the body about to be buried,
+after having finished the panegyric of this
+particular person, <span class="sidenote">Devotion of the
+citizens.</span>
+starts upon the others whose
+representatives are present, beginning with the
+most ancient, and recounts the successes and achievements
+of each. By this means the glorious memory of brave
+men is continually renewed; the fame of those who have
+performed any noble deed is never allowed to die; and the
+renown of those who have done good service to their country
+becomes a matter of common knowledge to the multitude,
+and part of the heritage of posterity. But the chief benefit of
+the ceremony is that it inspires young men to shrink from no
+exertion for the general welfare, in the hope of obtaining the
+glory which awaits the brave. And what I say is confirmed
+by this fact. Many Romans have volunteered to decide a
+whole battle by single combat; not a few have deliberately
+accepted certain death, some in time of war to secure the
+safety of the rest, some in time of peace to preserve the safety
+of the commonwealth. There have also been instances of
+men in office putting their own sons to death, in defiance of
+every custom and law, because they rated the interests of
+their country higher than those of natural ties even with their
+nearest and dearest. There are many stories of this kind,
+related of many men in Roman history; but one will be
+enough for our present purpose; and I will give the name as
+an instance to prove the truth of my words.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_55" id="b6_55"><b>55.</b></a> The story goes that Horatius Cocles, while fighting
+with two enemies at the head of the bridge <span class="sidenote">Horatius
+Cocles.</span>
+over the Tiber, which is the entrance to the
+city on the north, seeing a large body of
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">505</a></span>men advancing to support his enemies, and fearing that
+they would force their way into the city, turned round, and
+shouted to those behind him to hasten back to the other
+side and break down the bridge. They obeyed him: and
+whilst they were breaking the bridge, he remained at his
+post receiving numerous wounds, and checked the progress
+of the enemy: his opponents being panic stricken, not so much
+by his strength as by the audacity with which he held his
+ground. When the bridge had been broken down, the attack
+of the enemy was stopped; and Cocles then threw himself into
+the river with his armour on and deliberately sacrificed his
+life, because he valued the safety of his country and his own
+future reputation more highly than his present life, and the
+years of existence that remained to him.<a name="FNanchor_312" id="FNanchor_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">312</a> Such is the
+enthusiasm and emulation for noble deeds that are engendered
+among the Romans by their customs.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_56" id="b6_56"><b>56.</b></a> Again the Roman customs and principles regarding
+money transactions are better than those of
+the Carthaginians. <span class="sidenote">Purity of
+election.</span>
+In the view of the latter
+nothing is disgraceful that makes for gain;
+with the former nothing is more disgraceful than to receive
+bribes and to make profit by improper means. For they
+regard wealth obtained from unlawful transactions to be as
+much a subject of reproach, as a fair profit from the most
+unquestioned source is of commendation. A proof of the fact
+is this. The Carthaginians obtain office by open bribery, but
+among the Romans the penalty for it is death. <span class="sidenote">Cf. ch. 14.</span>
+With such a radical difference, therefore, between
+the rewards offered to virtue among the two peoples, it is natural
+that the ways adopted for obtaining them should be different also.</p>
+
+<p>But the most important difference for the better which
+the Roman commonwealth appears to me to
+display is in their religious beliefs. <span class="sidenote">Regard to
+religion.</span>
+For I
+conceive that what in other nations is looked
+upon as a reproach, I mean a scrupulous fear of the gods, is
+the very thing which keeps the Roman commonwealth together.
+To such an extraordinary height is this carried among them,
+both in private and public business, that nothing could
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">506</a></span>exceed it. Many people might think this unaccountable; but
+in my opinion their object is to use it as a check upon the
+common people. If it were possible to form a state wholly of
+philosophers, such a custom would perhaps be unnecessary.
+But seeing that every multitude is fickle, and full of lawless
+desires, unreasoning anger, and violent passion, the only
+resource is to keep them in check by mysterious terrors and
+scenic effects of this sort. Wherefore, to my mind, the ancients
+were not acting without purpose or at random, when they
+brought in among the vulgar those opinions about the gods,
+and the belief in the punishments in Hades: much rather do
+I think that men nowadays are acting rashly and foolishly in
+rejecting them. This is the reason why, apart from anything
+else, Greek statesmen, if entrusted with a single talent, though
+protected by ten checking-clerks, as many seals, and twice as
+many witnesses, yet cannot be induced to keep faith: whereas
+among the Romans, in their magistracies and embassies, men
+have the handling of a great amount of money, and yet from
+pure respect to their oath keep their faith intact. And, again,
+in other nations it is a rare thing to find a man who keeps his
+hands out of the public purse, and is entirely pure in such
+matters: but among the Romans it is a rare thing to detect a
+man in the act of committing such a crime.<a name="FNanchor_313" id="FNanchor_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">313</a>...</p>
+
+<h3>RECAPITULATION AND CONCLUSION</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b6_57" id="b6_57"><b>57.</b></a> That to all things, then, which exist there is ordained
+decay and change I think requires no further arguments to
+show: for the inexorable course of nature is sufficient to
+convince us of it.</p>
+
+<p>But in all polities we observe two sources of decay existing
+from natural causes, the one external, the other internal and
+self-produced. The external admits of no certain or fixed
+definition, but the internal follows a definite order. What
+kind of polity, then, comes naturally first, and what second, I
+have already stated in such a way, that those who are capable
+of taking in the whole drift of my argument can henceforth
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">507</a></span>draw their own conclusions as to the future of the Roman
+polity. For it is quite clear, in my opinion. When a commonwealth,
+after warding off many great dangers, has arrived at a
+high pitch of prosperity and undisputed power, it is evident
+that, by the lengthened continuance of great wealth within it,
+the manner of life of its citizens will become more extravagant;
+and that the rivalry for office, and in other spheres of activity, will
+become fiercer than it ought to be. And as this state of things
+goes on more and more, the desire of office and the shame of
+losing reputation, as well as the ostentation and extravagance
+of living, will prove the beginning of a deterioration. And of
+this change the people will be credited with being the authors,
+when they become convinced that they are being cheated by
+some from avarice, and are puffed up with flattery by others from
+love of office. For when that comes about, in their passionate
+resentment and acting under the dictates of anger, they will
+refuse to obey any longer, or to be content with having equal
+powers with their leaders, but will demand to have all or far
+the greatest themselves. And when that comes to pass the
+constitution will receive a new name, which sounds better than
+any other in the world, liberty or democracy; but, in fact, it
+will become that worst of all governments, mob-rule.</p>
+
+<p>With this description of the formation, growth, zenith, and
+present state of the Roman polity, and having discussed also
+its difference, for better and worse, from other polities, I will
+now at length bring my essay on it to an end.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b6_58" id="b6_58"><b>58.</b></a> Resuming my history from the point at which I started
+on this digression I will briefly refer to one transaction, that
+I may give a practical illustration of the perfection and power
+of the Roman polity at that period, as though I were producing
+one of his works as a specimen of the skill of a good artist.</p>
+
+<p>When Hannibal, after conquering the Romans in the battle at
+Cannae, got possession of the eight thousand who
+were guarding the Roman camp, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216.
+Hannibal offers to
+put the prisoners
+at Cannae to
+ransom.</span>
+he made them
+all prisoners of war, and granted them permission
+to send messages to their relations that they might
+be ransomed and return home. They accordingly
+selected ten of their chief men, whom Hannibal allowed
+to depart after binding them with an oath to return. But one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">508</a></span>
+of them, just as he had got outside the palisade of the camp,
+saying that he had forgotten something, went back; and, having
+got what he had left behind, once more set out, under the belief
+that by means of this return he had kept his promise and discharged
+his oath. Upon the arrival of the envoys at Rome,
+imploring and beseeching the Senate not to grudge the captured
+troops their return home, but to allow them to rejoin their
+friends by paying three minae each for them,&mdash;for these were
+the terms, they said, granted by Hannibal,&mdash;and declaring that
+the men deserved redemption, for they had neither played the
+coward in the field, nor done anything unworthy of Rome,
+but had been left behind to guard the camp; and that, when
+all the rest had perished, they had yielded to absolute necessity
+in surrendering to Hannibal: though the Romans had
+been severely defeated in the battles, and though they were at
+the time deprived of, roughly speaking, all their allies, they
+neither yielded so far to misfortune as to disregard what was
+becoming to themselves, nor omitted to take into account
+any necessary consideration. They saw through Hannibal&#8217;s
+purpose in thus acting,&mdash;which was at once to get a large supply
+of money, and at the same time to take away all enthusiasm
+from the troops opposed to him, by showing that even the
+conquered had a hope of getting safe home again. Therefore
+the Senate, far from acceding to the request, refused all pity
+even to their own relations, and disregarded the services to be
+expected from these men in the future: and thus frustrated
+Hannibal&#8217;s calculations, and the hopes which he had founded
+on these prisoners, by refusing to ransom them; and at the
+same time established the rule for their own men, that they
+must either conquer or die on the field, as there was no other
+hope of safety for them if they were beaten. With this answer
+they dismissed the nine envoys who returned of their own
+accord; but the tenth who had put the cunning trick in
+practice for discharging himself of his oath they put in chains
+and delivered to the enemy. So that Hannibal was not so
+much rejoiced at his victory in the battle, as struck with
+astonishment at the unshaken firmness and lofty spirit displayed
+in the resolutions of these senators.<a name="FNanchor_314" id="FNanchor_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">314</a></p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">509</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>BOOK VII</h2>
+
+<h3>CAPUA AND PETELIA</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b7_1" id="b7_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">The</span> people of Capua, in Campania, becoming wealthy
+through the fertility of their soil, <span class="sidenote">Capua and
+Petelia, the contrast
+of their
+fortunes.</span>
+degenerated into
+luxury and extravagance surpassing even the common
+report about Croton and Sybaris. Being
+then unable to support their burden of prosperity
+they called in Hannibal; and were accordingly treated with great
+severity by Rome. But the people of Petelia maintained their
+loyalty to Rome and held out so obstinately, when besieged by
+Hannibal, that after having eaten all the leather in the town, and
+the bark of all the trees in it, and having stood the siege for
+eleven months, as no one came to their relief, they surrendered
+with the entire approval of the Romans.... But Capua by its
+influence drew over the other cities to the Carthaginians....</p>
+
+<h3>HIERONYMUS OF SYRACUSE</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b7_2" id="b7_2"><b>2.</b></a> After the plot against Hieronymus, King of Syracuse,
+Thraso having departed, <span class="sidenote">Hieronymus succeeded
+his grandfather
+Hiero II. in
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216. Under
+the influence of
+his uncles,
+Zoippus and
+Andranodorus,
+members of the
+Council of 15
+established by
+Hiero,
+Hieronymus
+opens communications
+with
+Hannibal.</span>
+Zoippus and Andranodorus
+persuaded Hieronymus to lose no time in
+sending ambassadors to Hannibal. He accordingly
+selected Polycleitus of Cyrene and Philodemus
+of Argos for the purpose, and sent them
+into Italy, with a commission to discuss the
+subject of an alliance with the Carthaginians;
+and at the same time he sent his brothers to
+Alexandria. Hannibal received Polycleitus and
+Philodemus with warmth; held out great prospects
+to the young king; and sent the ambassadors
+back without delay, accompanied by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">510</a></span>
+the commander of his triremes, a Carthaginian also named
+Hannibal, and the Syracusan Hippocrates and his younger
+brother Epicydes. These men had been for some time
+serving in Hannibal&#8217;s army, being domiciled at Carthage,
+owing to their grandfather having been banished from Syracuse
+because he was believed to have assassinated Agatharchus,
+one of the sons of Agathocles. On the arrival of these
+commissioners at Syracuse, Polycleitus and his colleague
+reported the result of their embassy, and the Carthaginian
+delivered the message given by Hannibal: <span class="sidenote">Commissioners
+sent to Carthage
+to formulate a
+treaty of alliance.</span>
+whereupon the king
+without hesitation expressed his willingness to
+make a treaty with the Carthaginians; and,
+begging the Hannibal who had come to him
+to go with all speed to Carthage, promised that
+he also would send commissioners from his own court, to
+settle matters with the Carthaginians.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_3" id="b7_3"><b>3.</b></a> Meanwhile intelligence of this transaction had reached
+the Roman praetor at Lilybaeum, who immediately
+despatched legates to Hieronymus, <span class="sidenote">The Roman
+praetor sends to
+remonstrate. A
+scene with the
+king.</span>
+to
+renew the treaty which had been made with his
+ancestors. Being thoroughly annoyed with this
+embassy, Hieronymus said that &#8220;He was sorry
+for the Romans that they had come to such utter and shameful
+grief<a name="FNanchor_315" id="FNanchor_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">315</a> in the battles in Italy at the hands of the Carthaginians.&#8221;
+The legates were overpowered by the rudeness of
+the answer: still they proceeded to ask him, &#8220;Who said
+such things about them?&#8221; Whereupon the king pointed
+to the Carthaginian envoys who were there, and said, &#8220;You
+had better convict them, if they have really been telling
+me lies?&#8221; The Roman legates answered that it was not
+their habit to take the word of enemies: and advised him
+to do nothing in violation of the existing treaty; for that
+would be at once equitable and the best thing for himself.
+To this the king answered that he would take time to consider
+of it, and tell them his decision another time; but he proceeded
+to ask them, &#8220;How it came about that before his grandfather&#8217;s
+death a squadron of fifty Roman ships had sailed as far as
+Pachynus and then gone back again.&#8221; The fact was that a short
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">511</a></span>time ago the Romans had heard that Hiero was dead; and being
+much alarmed lest people in Syracuse, despising the youth of
+the grandson whom he left, should stir up a revolution, they
+had made this cruise with the intention of being ready there
+to assist his youthful weakness, and to help in maintaining his
+authority; but being informed that his grandfather was still
+alive, they sailed back again. When the ambassadors had
+stated these facts, the young king answered again, &#8220;Then
+please to allow me too now, O Romans, to maintain my
+authority by &#8217;sailing back&#8217; to see what I can get from
+Carthage.&#8221; The Roman legates perceiving the warmth
+with which the king was engaging in his policy, said nothing
+at the time; but returned and informed the praetor who had
+sent them of what had been said. From that time forward,
+therefore, the Romans kept a careful watch upon him as an
+enemy.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_4" id="b7_4"><b>4.</b></a> Hieronymus on his part selected Agatharchus, Onesimus,
+and Hipposthenes to send with Hannibal to
+Carthage, <span class="sidenote">The treaty with
+Carthage.</span>
+with instructions to make an alliance
+on the following terms: &#8220;The Carthaginians to
+assist him with land and sea forces, in expelling the Romans
+from Sicily, and then divide the island with him; so as to have
+the river Himera, which divides Sicily almost exactly in half, as
+the boundary between the two provinces.&#8221; The commissioners
+arrived in Carthage: and finding, on coming to a conference,
+that the Carthaginians were prepared to meet them in every
+point, they completed the arrangement. Meanwhile Hippocrates
+got the young Hieronymus entirely into his hands: and at first
+fired his imagination by telling him of Hannibal&#8217;s marches
+and pitched battles in Italy; and afterwards by repeating to
+him that no one had a better right to the government of all
+Siceliots than he; in the first place as the son of Nereis
+daughter of Pyrrhus, the only man whom all Siceliots alike
+had accepted deliberately and with full assent as their leader
+and king; and in the second place in virtue of his grandfather
+Hiero&#8217;s sovereign rights. At last he and his brother so won
+upon the young man by their conversation, that he would
+attend to no one else at all: partly from the natural feebleness
+of his character, but still more from the ambitious feelings<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">512</a></span>
+which they had excited in him. And therefore, just when
+Agatharchus and his colleagues were completing <span class="sidenote">The king&#8217;s pretensions
+rise, and
+a new arrangement
+is made
+with Carthage.</span>
+the business on which they had been sent in
+Carthage, he sent fresh ambassadors, saying that
+all Sicily belonged to him; and demanding that
+the Carthaginians should help him to recover
+Sicily: while he promised he would assist the Carthaginians
+in their Italian campaign. Though the Carthaginians now saw
+perfectly well the whole extent of the young man&#8217;s fickleness
+and infatuation: yet thinking it to be in manifold ways to their
+interests not to let Sicilian affairs out of their hands, they
+assented to his demands; and having already prepared ships
+and men, they set about arranging for the transport of their
+forces into Sicily.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_5" id="b7_5"><b>5.</b></a> When they heard of this, the Romans sent legates to him
+again, protesting against his violation of the
+treaty made with his forefathers. <span class="sidenote">The Romans
+again remonstrate.
+Another
+scene at the
+Council.</span>
+Hieronymus
+thereupon summoned a meeting of his council
+consulted them as to what he was to do.
+The native members of it kept silent, because
+they feared the folly of their ruler. Aristomachus of Corinth,
+Damippus of Sparta, Autonous of Thessaly advised that he
+should abide by the treaty with Rome. Andranodorus alone
+urged that he should not let the opportunity slip; and affirmed
+that the present was the only chance of establishing his rule
+over Sicily. After the delivery of this speech, the king
+asked Hippocrates and his brother what they thought, and
+upon their answering, &#8220;The same as Andranodorus,&#8221; the deliberation
+was concluded in that sense. Thus, then, war with
+Rome had been decided upon: but while the king was anxious
+to be thought to have given an adroit answer to the ambassadors,
+he committed himself to such an utter absurdity as
+to make it certain that he would not only fail to conciliate the
+Romans, but would inevitably offend them violently. For he
+said that he would abide by the treaty, firstly, if the Romans
+would repay all the gold they had received from his grandfather
+Hiero; and secondly, if they would return the corn and
+other presents which they had received from him from the first
+day of their intercourse with him; and thirdly, if they would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">513</a></span>
+acknowledge all Sicily east of the Himera to be Syracusan
+territory. At these propositions of course the <span class="sidenote">War with Rome
+decided upon.</span>
+ambassadors and council separated; and from
+that time forth Hieronymus began pushing on
+his preparations for war with energy: collected and armed his
+forces, and got ready the other necessary provisions....</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_6" id="b7_6"><b>6.</b></a> The city of Leontini taken as a whole faces north,
+and is divided in half by a valley of level ground,
+in which are the state buildings, <span class="sidenote">Description of
+Leontini, where
+Hieronymus was
+murdered.
+See Livy, 24, 7.</span>
+the court-houses,
+and market-place. Along each side of
+this valley run hills with steep banks all the way;
+the flat tops of which, reached after crossing their
+brows, are covered with houses and temples. The city has two
+gates, one on the southern extremity of this valley leading to
+Syracuse, the other at the northern leading on to the &#8220;Leontine
+plains,&#8221; and the arable district. Close under the westernmost
+of the steep cliffs runs a river called Lissus; parallel to which
+are built continuous rows of houses, in great numbers, close
+under the cliff, between which and the river runs the road I
+have mentioned....</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_7" id="b7_7"><b>7.</b></a> Some of the historians who have described the fall of
+Hieronymus have written at great length and in
+terms of mysterious solemnity. <span class="sidenote">Fall of Hieronymus,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;214.</span>
+They tell us of
+prodigies preceding his coming to the throne,
+and of the misfortunes of Syracuse. They describe in dramatic
+language the cruelty of his character and the impiety of his
+actions; and crown all with the sudden and terrible nature of
+the circumstances attending his fall. One would think from
+their description that neither Phalaris, nor Apollodorus, nor
+any other tyrant was ever fiercer than he. Yet he was a mere
+boy when he succeeded to power, and only lived thirteen
+months after. In this space of time it is possible that one or
+two men may have been put to the rack, or certain of his
+friends, or other Syracusan citizens, put to death; but it is improbable
+that his tyranny could have been extravagantly wicked,
+or his impiety outrageous. It must be confessed that he was
+reckless and unscrupulous in disposition; still we cannot
+compare him with either of the tyrants I have named. The
+fact is that those who write the histories of particular episodes,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">514</a></span>
+having undertaken limited and narrow themes, appear to me to
+be compelled from poverty of matter to exaggerate insignificant
+incidents, and to speak at inordinate length on subjects that
+scarcely deserve to be recorded at all. There are some, too,
+who fall into a similar mistake from mere want of judgment.
+With how much more reason might the space employed on
+these descriptions,&mdash;which they use merely to fill up and spin
+out their books,&mdash;have been devoted to Hiero and Gelo,
+without mentioning Hieronymus at all! It would have given
+greater pleasure to readers and more instruction to students.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_8" id="b7_8"><b>8.</b></a> For, in the first place, Hiero gained the sovereignty of
+Syracuse and her allies by his own unaided
+abilities without inheriting wealth, <span class="sidenote">Character of
+Hiero II., King
+of Syracuse, from
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;269 to <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+215.</span>
+or reputation,
+or any other advantage of fortune. And, in
+the second place, was established king of Syracuse
+without putting to death, banishing, or
+harassing any one of the citizens,&mdash;which is the most astonishing
+circumstance of all. And what is quite as surprising as
+the innocence of his acquisition of power is the fact that it did
+not change his character. For during a reign of fifty-four
+years he preserved peace for the country, maintained his own
+power free from all hostile plots, and entirely escaped the envy
+which generally follows greatness; for though he tried on
+several occasions to lay down his power, he was prevented by
+the common remonstrances of the citizens. And having
+shown himself most beneficent to the Greeks, and most
+anxious to earn their good opinion, he left behind him not
+merely a great personal reputation but also a universal feeling of
+goodwill towards the Syracusans. Again, though he passed his
+life in the midst of the greatest wealth, luxury, and abundance,
+he survived for more than ninety years, in full possession of
+his senses and with all parts of his body unimpaired; which,
+to my mind, is a decisive proof of a well-spent life....</p>
+
+<p>Gelo, his son, in a life of more than fifty years
+<span class="sidenote">Gelo, son of
+Hiero II., associated
+with his
+father in the kingdom,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216.
+See <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_88">88</a>, Livy,
+23, 30.</span>regarded it as the most honourable object
+of ambition to obey his father, and to
+regard neither wealth, nor sovereign power,
+nor anything else as of higher value than love
+and loyalty to his parents....</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">515</a></span></p>
+
+<h3>TREATY BETWEEN HANNIBAL AND KING PHILIP V.
+OF MACEDON</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b7_9" id="b7_9"><b>9.</b></a> This is a sworn treaty made between Hannibal, Mago,
+<span class="sidenote">Preamble of a
+treaty made
+between Philip and
+Hannibal, by
+envoys sent
+after the battle of
+Cannae.
+Ratified subsequently
+to March
+13, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;215.
+See Livy, 23, 33-39.
+<i>Ante</i> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_2">2</a>.</span>
+Barmocarus, and such members of the Carthaginian
+Gerusia as were present,
+and all Carthaginians
+serving in his army, on the one part; and
+Xenophanes, son of Cleomachus of Athens,
+sent to us by King Philip, as his ambassador,
+on behalf of himself, the Macedonians, and their
+allies, on the other part.</p>
+
+<p>The oath is taken in the presence of Zeus,
+Hera, and Apollo: of the god of the Carthaginians,
+Hercules, and Iolaus: of Ares, Triton,
+Poseidon: of the gods that accompany the
+army, and of the sun, moon, and earth: of
+rivers, harbours, waters: of all the gods who
+<span class="sidenote">Gods by whom
+the oath is taken
+on either side.</span>
+rule Carthage: of all the gods who rule Macedonia and the rest
+of Greece: of all the gods of war that are witnesses to this oath.</p>
+
+<p>Hannibal, general, and all the Carthaginian senators with
+him, and all Carthaginians serving in his army, <span class="sidenote">Declaration on
+the part of Hannibal
+of the objects
+of the treaty.</span>
+subject to our mutual consent, proposes to
+make this sworn treaty of friendship and
+honourable goodwill. Let us be friends, close
+allies, and brethren, on the conditions herein following:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>(1) Let the Carthaginians, as supreme, Hannibal their
+chief general and those serving with him, <span class="sidenote">1st article sworn
+to by Philip&#8217;s
+representative.</span>
+all
+members of the Carthaginian dominion living
+under the same laws, as well as the people of
+Utica, and the cities and tribes subject to Carthage, and their
+soldiers and allies, and all cities and tribes in Italy, Celt-land,
+and Liguria, with whom we have a compact of friendship, and
+with whomsoever in this country we may hereafter form such
+compact, be supported by King Philip and the Macedonians,
+and all other Greeks in alliance with them.</p>
+
+<p>(2) On their parts also King Philip and the Macedonians,
+and such other Greeks as are his allies, <span class="sidenote">1st article sworn
+to by Hannibal and the Carthaginians.</span>
+shall
+be supported and protected by the Carthaginians<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">516</a></span>
+now in this army, and by the people of Utica,
+and by all cities and tribes subject to Carthage,
+both soldiers and allies, and by all allied cities and tribes in
+Italy, Celt-land, and Liguria, and by all others in Italy as
+shall hereafter become allies of the Carthaginians.</p>
+
+<p>(3) We will not make plots against, nor lie in ambush for,
+each other; but in all sincerity and goodwill, <span class="sidenote">2d article sworn
+to by Phillip&#8217;s
+representative.</span>
+without reserve or secret design, will be enemies
+to the enemies of the Carthaginians, saving and
+excepting those kings, cities, and ports with which we have
+sworn agreements and friendships.</p>
+
+<p>(4) And we, too, will be enemies to the enemies of
+King Philip, saving and excepting those kings, <span class="sidenote">2d article sworn
+to by Hannibal.</span>
+cities, and tribes, with which we have sworn
+agreements and friendships.</p>
+
+<p>(5) Ye shall be friends to us in the war in which we now
+are engaged against the Romans, till such time <span class="sidenote">3d article sworn
+to by Philip&#8217;s
+representative.</span>
+as the gods give us and you the victory: and
+ye shall assist us in all ways that be needful,
+and in whatsoever way we may mutually determine.</p>
+
+<p>(6) And when the gods have given us victory in our
+war with the Romans and their allies, <span class="sidenote">3d article sworn
+to by Hannibal.</span>
+if Hannibal
+shall deem it right to make terms with the
+Romans, these terms shall include the same
+friendship with you, made on these conditions: (1) the
+Romans not to be allowed to make war on you; (2) not to
+have power over Corcyra, Apollonia, Epidamnum, Pharos,
+Dimale, Parthini, nor Atitania; (3) to restore to Demetrius of
+Pharos all those of his friends now in the dominion of Rome.</p>
+
+<p>(7) If the Romans ever make war on you or on us we will
+aid each other in such war, according to the <span class="sidenote">1st joint article.</span>
+need of either.</p>
+
+<p>(8) So also if any other nation whatever does so, always
+excepting kings, cities, <span class="sidenote">2d joint article.</span>
+and tribes, with whom
+we have sworn agreements and friendships.</p>
+
+<p>(9) If we decide to take away from, or
+<span class="sidenote">3d joint article.
+Mutual consent
+required for an
+alteration.</span>
+add to this sworn treaty,
+we will so take
+away, or add thereto, only as we both
+may agree....</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">517</a></span></p>
+
+<h3>MESSENE AND PHILIP V. IN B.C. 215</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b7_10" id="b7_10"><b>10.</b></a> Democracy being established at Messene, and the men
+of rank having been banished, while those who <span class="sidenote">Political state of
+Messene.</span>
+had received allotments on their lands obtained
+the chief influence in the government, those of
+the old citizens who remained found it very hard to put up
+with the equality which these men had obtained....</p>
+
+<p>Gorgus of Messene, in wealth and extraction, was inferior
+to no one in the town; and had been a famous
+athlete in his time, <span class="sidenote">The character of
+the Messenian
+athlete and statesman
+Gorgus.
+See <i>ante</i>, <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_5">5</a>.</span>
+far surpassing all rivals in
+that pursuit. In fact he was not behind any
+man of his day in physical beauty, or the
+general dignity of his manner of life, or the
+number of prizes he had won. Again, when he gave up
+athletics and devoted himself to politics and the service of his
+country, he gained no less reputation in this department than
+in his former pursuit. For he was removed from the
+Philistinism that usually characterises athletes, and was
+looked upon as in the highest degree an able and clear-headed
+politician....</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_11" id="b7_11"><b>11.</b></a> Philip, king of the Macedonians, being desirous of
+seizing the acropolis of Messene, told the <span class="sidenote">Philip V. of
+Macedon at
+Messene, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+215. See
+Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i>
+49-50.</span>
+leaders of the city that he wished to see it and
+to sacrifice to Zeus, and accordingly walked up
+thither with his attendants and joined in the
+sacrifice. When, according to custom, the
+entrails of the slaughtered victims were brought
+to him, he took them in his hands, and, turning round a little
+to one side, held them out to Aratus and asked him &#8220;what he
+thought the sacrifices indicated? To quit the citadel or hold
+it?&#8221; Thereupon Demetrius struck in on the spur of the
+moment by saying, &#8220;If you have the heart of an augur,&mdash;to
+quit it as quick as you can: but if of a gallant and wise king,
+to keep it, lest if you quit it now you may never have so good
+an opportunity again: for it is by thus holding the two horns
+that you can alone keep the ox under your control.&#8221; By the
+&#8220;two horns&#8221; he meant Ithome and the Acrocorinthus, and by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">518</a></span>
+the &#8220;ox&#8221; the Peloponnese. Thereupon Philip turned to
+Aratus and said, &#8220;And do you give the same advice?&#8221;
+Aratus not making any answer at once, he urged him to speak
+his real opinion. After some hesitation he said, &#8220;If you can
+get possession of this place without treachery to the Messenians,
+I advise you to do so; but if, by the act of occupying this
+citadel with a guard, you shall ruin all the citadels, and the
+guard wherewith the allies were protected when they came into
+your hands from Antigonus&#8221; (meaning by that, <i>confidence</i>),
+&#8220;consider whether it is not better to take your men away and
+leave the confidence there, and with it guard the Messenians,
+and the other allies as well.&#8221; As far as his own inclination was
+concerned, Philip was ready enough to commit an act of treachery,
+as his own subsequent conduct proved: but having been sharply
+rebuked a little while before by the younger Aratus for his
+destruction of human life; and seeing that, on the present
+occasion, the elder spoke with boldness and authority, and
+begged him not to neglect his advice, he gave in from sheer
+shame, and taking the latter by his right hand, said, &#8220;Then let
+us go back the same way we came.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_12" id="b7_12"><b>12.</b></a> I wish here to stop in my narrative in order to speak
+briefly of the character of Philip, <span class="sidenote">Deterioration in
+the character of
+Philip V.
+See <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_77">77</a>.</span>
+because this
+was the beginning of the change and deterioration
+in it. For I think that no more telling
+example can be proposed to practical statesmen
+who wish to correct their ideas by a study of history. For
+the splendour of his early career, and the brilliancy of his
+genius, have caused the dispositions for good and evil displayed
+by this king to be more conspicuous and widely known
+throughout Greece than is the case with any other man; as
+well as the contrast between the results accompanying the
+display of those opposite tendencies.</p>
+
+<p>Now that, upon his accession to the throne, Thessaly,
+Macedonia, and in fact all parts of his own kingdom were more
+thoroughly loyal and well disposed to him, young as he was on
+his succeeding to the government of Macedonia, than they had
+ever been to any of his predecessors, may be without difficulty
+inferred from the following fact. Though he was with extreme
+frequency forced to leave Macedonia by the Aetolian and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">519</a></span>
+Lacedaemonian wars, not only was there no disturbance in
+these countries, but not a single one of the neighbouring
+barbarians ventured to touch Macedonia. It would be impossible,
+again, to speak in strong enough terms of the affection
+of Alexander, Chrysogonus, and his other friends towards
+him; or that of the Epirotes, Acarnanians, and all those on
+whom he had within a short time conferred great benefits.
+On the whole, if one may use a somewhat hyperbolical phrase,
+I think it has been said of Philip with very great propriety,
+that his beneficent policy had made him &#8220;The darling of all
+Greece.&#8221; And it is a conspicuous and striking proof of the
+advantage of lofty principle and strict integrity, that the Cretans,
+having at length come to an understanding with each other and
+made a national alliance, selected Philip to arbitrate between
+them; and that this settlement was completed without an
+appeal to arms and without danger,&mdash;a thing for which it
+would be difficult to find a precedent in similar circumstances.
+From the time of his exploits at Messene all this was utterly
+changed. And it was natural that it should be so. For his
+purposes being now entirely reversed, it inevitably followed
+that men&#8217;s opinions of him should be reversed also, as well as
+the success of his various undertakings. This actually was the
+case, as will become evident to attentive students from what
+I am now about to relate....</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_13" id="b7_13"><b>13.</b></a> Aratus seeing that Philip was now openly engaging in
+war with Rome, and entirely changed in his policy toward his
+allies, with difficulty diverted him from his intention by
+suggesting numerous difficulties and scruples.</p>
+
+<p>I wish now to remind my readers of what, in my fifth Book, I
+put forward merely as a promise and unsupported statement, but
+which has now been confirmed by facts; in order that I may
+not leave any proposition of mine unproved or open to
+question. In the course of my history of the Aetolian war,
+<span class="sidenote"><b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_12">12</a>.</span>
+where I had to relate the violent proceedings of
+Philip in destroying the colonnades and other
+sacred objects at Thermus; and added that, in consideration of
+his youth, the blame of these measures ought not to be referred
+to Philip so much as to his advisers; I then remarked that
+the life of Aratus sufficiently proved that he would not have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">520</a></span>
+committed such an act of wickedness, but that such principles
+exactly suited Demetrius of Pharos; and I promised to make this
+clear from what I was next to narrate. I thereby designedly
+postponed the demonstration of the truth of my assertion, <span class="sidenote">Recapitulation of
+the substance of
+book 7, viz.
+the treacherous
+dealings of Philip
+with the
+Messenians,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;215.</span>
+till
+I had come to the period of which I have just
+been speaking; which with the
+presence of Demetrius, and in the absence of
+Aratus, who arrived a day too late, Philip made
+the first step in his career of crime; and, as
+though from the first taste of human blood and
+murder and treason to his allies, was changed
+not into a wolf from a man, as in the Arcadian fable
+mentioned by Plato, <span class="sidenote">Plato, <i>Rep.</i>
+565 D.</span>
+but from a king into a
+savage tyrant. But a still more decisive proof
+of the sentiments of these two men is furnished
+by the plot against the citadel of Messene, and may help us to
+make up our minds which of the two were responsible for the
+proceedings in the Aetolian war; and, when we are satisfied
+on that point, it will be easy to form a judgment on the
+differences of their principles.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_14" id="b7_14"><b>14.</b></a> For as in this instance, under the influence of Aratus,
+Philip refrained from actually breaking faith with the Messenians
+in regard to the citadel; and thus, to use a common
+expression, poured a little balm into the wide wound which his
+slaughters had caused: so in the Aetolian war, when under the
+influence of Demetrius, he sinned against the gods by destroying
+the objects consecrated to them, and against man by
+transgressing the laws of war; and entirely deserted his
+original principles, by showing himself an implacable and
+bitter foe to all who opposed him. The same remark
+applies to the Cretan business.<a name="FNanchor_316" id="FNanchor_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">316</a> As long as he employed
+Aratus as his chief director, not only without doing injustice
+to a single islander, but without even causing them any
+vexation, he kept the whole Cretan people under control; and
+led all the Greeks to regard him with favour, owing to the
+greatness of character which he displayed. So again, when
+under the guidance of Demetrius, he became the cause of the
+misfortunes I have described to the Messenians, he at once
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">521</a></span>lost the goodwill of the allies and his credit with the rest of
+Greece. Such a decisive influence for good or evil in the
+security of their government has the choice by youthful
+sovereigns of the friends who are to surround them; though
+it is a subject on which by some unaccountable carelessness
+they take not the smallest care....</p>
+
+<h3>THE WAR OF ANTIOCHUS WITH ACHAEUS</h3>
+
+<p class="center">(See <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_107">107</a>)</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_15" id="b7_15"><b>15.</b></a> Round Sardis ceaseless and protracted skirmishes were
+taking place and fighting by night and day, <span class="sidenote">Siege of Sardis
+from the end of
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216 to
+autumn of
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;215.</span>
+both
+armies inventing every possible kind of plot and
+counterplot against each other: to describe
+which in detail would be as useless as it would
+be in the last degree wearisome. At last, when
+the siege had already entered upon its second year, Lagoras
+the Cretan came forward. He had had a considerable experience
+in war, and had learnt that as a rule cities fall into
+the hands of their enemies most easily from some neglect on
+the part of their inhabitants, when, trusting to the natural or
+artificial strength of their defences, they neglect to keep proper
+guard and become thoroughly careless. He had observed
+too, that in such fortified cities captures were effected at
+the points of greatest strength, which were believed to have
+been despaired of by the enemy. So in the present instance,
+when he saw that the prevailing notion of the strength of
+Sardis caused the whole army to despair of taking it by storm,
+and to believe that the one hope of getting it was by starving
+it out, he gave all the closer attention to the subject; and
+eagerly scanned every possible method of making an attempt to
+capture the town. Having observed therefore that a portion
+of the wall was unguarded, near a place called the Saw, which
+unites the citadel and city, he conceived the hope and idea of
+performing this exploit. He had discovered the carelessness
+of the men guarding this wall from the following circumstance.
+The place was extremely precipitous: and there was a deep
+gully below, into which dead bodies from the city, and the
+offal of horses and beasts of burden that died, were accustomed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">522</a></span>
+to be thrown; and in this place therefore there was always a
+great number of vultures and other birds collected. Having
+observed, then, that when these creatures were gorged, they
+always sat undisturbed upon the cliffs and the wall, he
+concluded that the wall must necessarily be left unguarded and
+deserted for the larger part of the day. Accordingly, under
+cover of night, he went to the spot and carefully examined the
+possibilities of approaching it and setting ladders; and finding
+that this was possible at one particular rock, he communicated
+the facts to the king.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_16" id="b7_16"><b>16.</b></a> Antiochus encouraged the attempt and urged Lagoras
+to carry it out. The latter promised to do his best, and
+desired the king to join with him Theodotus the Aetolian, and
+Dionysius the commander of his bodyguard, with orders to
+devote them to assist him in carrying out the intended enterprise.
+The king at once granted his request, and these officers
+agreed to undertake it: and having held a consultation on the
+whole subject, they waited for a night on which there should
+be no moon just before daybreak. Such a night having
+arrived, on the day on which they intended to act, an hour
+before sunset, they selected from the whole army fifteen of
+the strongest and most courageous men to carry the ladders,
+and also to mount with them and share in the daring attempt.
+After these they selected thirty others, to remain in reserve at
+a certain distance; that, as soon as they had themselves climbed
+over the walls, and come to the nearest gate, the thirty might
+come up to it from the outside and try to knock off the hinges
+and fastenings, while they on the inside cut the cross bar and
+bolt pins.<a name="FNanchor_317" id="FNanchor_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">317</a> They also selected two thousand men to follow
+behind the thirty, who were to rush into the town with them
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">523</a></span>and seize the area of the theatre, which was a favourable position
+to hold against those on the citadel, as well as those in the town.
+To prevent suspicion of the truth getting about, owing to the
+picking out of the men, the king gave out that the Aetolians
+were about to throw themselves into the town through a certain
+gully, and that it was necessary, in view of that information, to
+take energetic measures to prevent them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_17" id="b7_17"><b>17.</b></a> When Lagoras and his party had made all their
+preparations, as soon as the moon set, <span class="sidenote">The town of
+Sardis entered
+and sacked.</span>
+they
+came stealthily to the foot of the cliffs with
+their scaling ladders, and ensconced themselves
+under a certain overhanging rock. When day broke, and
+the picket as usual broke up from that spot; and the king
+in the ordinary way told off some men to take their usual
+posts, and led the main body on to the hippodrome and
+drew them up; at first no one suspected what was going on.
+But when two ladders were fixed, and Dionysius led the way
+up one, and Lagoras up the other, there was excitement and a
+stir throughout the camp. For while the climbing party were
+not visible to the people in the town, or to Achaeus in the
+citadel, because of the beetling brow of the rock, their bold
+and adventurous ascent was in full view of the camp; which
+accordingly was divided in feeling between astonishment at
+the strangeness of the spectacle, and a nervous horror of what
+was going to happen next, all standing dumb with exulting
+wonder. Observing the excitement in the camp, and wishing to
+divert the attention both of his own men and of those in the
+city from what was going on, the king ordered an advance; and
+delivered an attack upon the gates on the other side of the
+town, called the Persian gates. Seeing from the citadel the
+unwonted stir in the camp, Achaeus was for some time at a
+loss to know what to do, being puzzled to account for it, and
+quite unable to see what was taking place. However he despatched
+a force to oppose the enemy at the gate; whose
+assistance was slow in arriving, because they had to descend
+from the citadel by a narrow and precipitous path. But
+Aribazus, the commandant of the town, went unsuspiciously
+to the gates on which he saw Antiochus advancing; and
+caused some of his men to mount the wall, and sent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">524</a></span>
+others out through the gate, with orders to hinder the
+approaching enemies, and come to close quarters with
+them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b7_18" id="b7_18"><b>18.</b></a> Meanwhile Lagoras, Theodotus, Dionysius, and their
+men had climbed the rocks and had arrived at the gate
+nearest them; and some of them were engaged in fighting the
+troops sent from the citadel to oppose them, while others were
+cutting through the bars; and at the same time the party outside
+told off for that service were doing the same. The gates
+having thus been quickly forced open, the two thousand entered
+and occupied the area round the theatre. On this all the men
+from the walls, and from the Persian gate, to which Aribazus
+had already led a relieving force, rushed in hot haste to pass
+the word to attack the enemy within the gates. The result
+was that, the gate having been opened as they retreated, some
+of the king&#8217;s army rushed in along with the retiring garrison;
+and, when they had thus taken possession of the gate, they were
+followed by an unbroken stream of their comrades; some of
+whom poured through the gate, while others employed themselves
+in bursting open other gates in the vicinity. Aribazus
+and all the men in the city, after a brief struggle against the
+enemy who had thus got within the walls, fled with all speed to
+the citadel. After that, Theodotus and Lagoras and their party
+remained on the ground near the theatre, determining with
+great good sense and soldier-like prudence to form a reserve
+until the whole operation was completed; while the main body
+rushed in on every side and occupied the town. And now by
+dint of some putting all they met to the sword, others setting
+fire to the houses, others devoting themselves to plunder and
+taking booty, the destruction and sacking of the town was
+completed. Thus did Antiochus become master of Sardis....</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">525</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>BOOK VIII</h2>
+
+<h3>THE NECESSITY OF CAUTION IN DEALING WITH AN ENEMY</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b8_1" id="b8_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">Tiberius</span> a Roman Proconsul fell into an ambuscade,
+and, after offering with his attendants a gallant
+<span class="sidenote">Fall of Tiberius
+Sempronius
+Gracchus (Cons.
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;215 and 213)
+as he was advancing
+from Lucania
+to Capua, by the
+treachery of the
+Lucanian Flavius,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;212. Livy,
+25, 16.</span>resistance to the enemy, was killed.</p>
+
+<p>Now in regard to such catastrophes, whether
+it is right to blame or pardon the sufferers is
+by no means a safe matter on which to pronounce
+an opinion; because it has happened
+to several men, who have been perfectly
+correct in all their actions, to fall
+into these misfortunes, equally with those
+who do not scruple to transgress principles of right
+confirmed by the consent of mankind. We should not however
+idly refrain from pronouncing an opinion: but should
+blame or condone this or that general, after a review of
+the necessities of the moment and the circumstances of
+the case. And my observation will be rendered evident
+by the following instances. <span class="sidenote">Fall of
+Archidamus,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;226-225.</span>
+Archidamus, king
+of the Lacedaemonians, alarmed at the love
+of power which he observed in Cleomenes,
+fled from Sparta; but being not long afterwards persuaded
+to return, put himself in the power of the latter. The
+consequence was that he lost his kingdom and his life
+together,<a name="FNanchor_318" id="FNanchor_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">318</a> and left a character not to be defended before
+posterity on the score of prudence; for while affairs remained
+in the same state, and the ambition and power
+of Cleomenes remained in exactly the same position, how<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">526</a></span>
+could he expect to meet any other fate than he did, if he
+put himself in the hands of the very men from whom he had
+before barely escaped destruction by flight? <span class="sidenote">Fall of Pelopidas
+in Thessaly,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;363.</span>
+Again Pelopidas of Thebes, though acquainted
+with the unprincipled character of the tyrant
+Alexander, and though he knew thoroughly well that every
+tyrant regards the leaders of liberty as his bitterest enemies,
+first took upon himself to persuade Epaminondas to stand
+forth as the champion of democracy, not only in Thebes, but
+in all Greece also; and then, being in Thessaly in arms, for the
+express purpose of destroying the absolute rule of Alexander,
+he yet twice ventured to undertake a mission to him. The consequence
+was that he fell into the hands of his enemies, did
+great damage to Thebes, and ruined the reputation he had
+acquired before; <span class="sidenote">Gnaeus Cornelius
+Scipio Asina with
+his fleet surprised
+and captured at
+Lipara,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;260.
+See <b>1</b>, <a href="#b1_21">21</a>.</span>
+and all by putting a rash and ill advised
+confidence in the very last person in whom he
+ought to have done so. Very similar to these
+cases is that of the Roman Consul Gnaeus
+Cornelius who fell in the Sicilian war by imprudently
+putting himself in the power of the
+enemy. And many parallel cases might be
+quoted.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_2" id="b8_2"><b>2.</b></a> The conclusion, then, is that those who put themselves
+in the power of the enemy from want of proper precaution
+deserve blame; but those who use every practicable precaution
+not so: for to trust absolutely no one is to make all action impossible;
+but reasonable action, taken after receiving adequate
+security, cannot be censured. Adequate securities are oaths,
+children, wives, and, strongest of all, a blameless past. To be
+betrayed and entrapped by such a security as any of these is a
+slur, not on the deceived, but on the deceiver. The first
+object then should be to seek such securities as it is impossible
+for the recipient of the confidence to evade; but since such
+are rare, the next best thing will be to take every reasonable
+precaution one&#8217;s self: and then, if we meet with any disaster, we
+shall at least be acquitted of wrong conduct by the lookers on.
+And this has been the case with many before now: of which the
+most conspicuous example, and the one nearest to the times on
+which we are engaged, will be the fate of Achaeus. He<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">527</a></span>
+omitted no possible precaution for securing his safety, but
+thought of everything that it was possible for
+human ingenuity to conceive: <span class="sidenote">Betrayal of
+Achaeus by Bolis.
+See <i>infra</i>, ch. <a href="#b8_17">17</a>-23.</span>
+and yet he fell
+into the power of his enemies. In this instance
+his misfortune procured the pity and pardon
+of the outside world for the victim, and nothing but disparagement
+and loathing for the successful perpetrators....</p>
+
+<p class="tb"><a name="b8_3" id="b8_3"><b>3.</b></a> It appears to me not to be alien to my general
+purpose, and the plan which I originally laid down, to
+recall the attention of my readers to the magnitude of the
+events, and the persistency of purpose displayed by the two
+<span class="sidenote">Sardinia reduced
+by T. Manlius
+Torquatus,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;215.
+Marcellus took
+Leontini,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;214
+(autumn). Livy,
+24, 30.</span>
+States of Rome and Carthage. For who could think
+it otherwise than remarkable that these two powers,
+while engaged in so serious a war for the possession
+of Italy, and one no less serious for that
+of Iberia; and being still both of them equally
+balanced between uncertain hopes and fears for
+the future of these wars, and confronted at the
+very time with battles equally formidable to either,
+<span class="sidenote">Marcus Valerius
+Laevinus
+commands a fleet
+off Greece,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;215-214.
+Livy, 24, 10.
+Publius Sulpicius
+Galba Cos. (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+211.) sent to
+Macedonia. Livy,
+26, 22; 27, 31.
+Appius Claudius
+Pulcher, Praetor,
+sent to Sicily,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;215.
+Livy, 23, 31,
+Propraetor,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;214.
+Livy 24, 33.</span>
+should yet not be content with their existing undertakings:
+but should raise another controversy
+as to the possession of Sardinia and Sicily;
+and not content with
+merely hoping for all these things, should grasp
+at them with all the resources of their wealth
+and warlike forces? Indeed the more we
+examine into details the greater becomes
+our astonishment. The Romans had two
+complete armies under the two Consuls on
+active service in Italy; two in Iberia in which
+Gnaeus Cornelius commanded the land,
+Publius Cornelius the naval forces; and
+naturally the same was the case with the
+Carthaginians. But besides this, a Roman
+fleet was anchored off Greece, watching it and
+the movements of Philip, of which first
+Marcus Valerius, and afterward Publius
+Sulpicius was in command. Along with all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">528</a></span>
+these undertakings Appius with a hundred quinqueremes,
+and Marcus Claudius with an army,
+<span class="sidenote">Marcus Claudius
+Marcellus, Cos.
+III., <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;214.</span>were
+threatening Sicily; while Hamilcar was doing
+the same on the side of the Carthaginians.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_4" id="b8_4"><b>4.</b></a> By means of these facts I presume that what I more than
+once asserted at the beginning of my work is now shown by
+actual experience to deserve unmixed credit. I mean my
+assertion, that it is impossible for historians of particular places
+to get a view of universal history. For how is it possible for
+a man who has only read a separate history of Sicilian or
+Spanish affairs to understand and grasp the greatness of the
+events? Or, what is still more important, in what manner and
+under what form of polity fortune brought to pass that most
+surprising of all revolutions that have happened in our time, I
+mean the reduction of all known parts of the world under one
+rule and governance, a thing unprecedented in the history of
+mankind. In what manner the Romans took Syracuse or
+Iberia may be possibly learned to a certain extent by means of
+such particular histories; but how they arrived at universal
+supremacy, and what opposition their grand designs met with
+in particular places, or what on the other hand contributed to
+their success, and at what epochs, this it is difficult to take in
+without the aid of universal history. Nor, again, is it easy to
+appreciate the greatness of their achievements except by the
+latter method. For the fact of the Romans having sought to
+gain Iberia, or at another time Sicily; or having gone on a
+campaign with military and naval forces, told by itself, would
+not be anything very wonderful. But if we learn that these
+were all done at once, and that many more undertakings were
+in course of accomplishment at the same time,&mdash;all at the cost
+of one government and commonwealth; and if we see what
+dangers and wars in their own territory were, at the very time,
+encumbering the men who had all these things on hand: thus,
+and only thus, will the astonishing nature of the events fully
+dawn upon us, and obtain the attention which they deserve.
+So much for those who suppose that by studying an episode
+they have become acquainted with universal history....</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">529</a></span></p>
+
+<h3>THE SIEGE OF SYRACUSE</h3>
+
+<p><i>Hieronymus succeeded his grandfather, Hiero, in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;216,
+and was assassinated in Leontini thirteen months afterwards,
+in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;215. His death, however, did not bring more peaceful
+relations between Syracuse and Rome, but only gave the Syracusans
+more able leaders (Livy, 24, 21). After the slaughter of
+Themistius and Andranodorus, who had been elected on the
+board of Generals, and the cruel murder of all the royal family,
+Epicydes and Hippocrates,&mdash;Syracusans by descent, but born and
+brought up at Carthage, and who had been sent to Syracuse on a
+special mission by Hannibal,&mdash;were elected into the vacant places
+in the board of Generals. They became the leading spirits in
+the Syracusan government, and for a time kept up an appearance
+of wishing to come to terms with Rome; and legates were actually
+sent to Marcellus, at Morgantia (near Catana). But when the
+Carthaginian fleet arrived at Pachynus, Hippocrates and
+Epicydes threw off their mask, and declared that the other
+magistrates were betraying the town to the Romans. This
+accusation was rendered more specious by the appearance of
+Appius with a Roman fleet at the mouth of the harbour. A rush
+was made to the shore by the inhabitants to prevent the Romans
+landing; and the tumult was with difficulty composed by the
+wisdom of one of the magistrates, Apollonides, who persuaded the
+people to vote for the peace with Rome (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;215. Livy, 24, 21-28).
+But Hippocrates and Epicydes determined not to acknowledge the
+peace: they therefore provoked the Romans by plundering in or
+near the Roman pale,<a name="FNanchor_319" id="FNanchor_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">319</a> and then took refuge in Leontini.
+Marcellus complained at Syracuse, but was told that Leontini
+was not within Syracusan jurisdiction. Marcellus, therefore,
+took Leontini. Hippocrates and Epicydes managed to escape,
+and by a mixture of force and fraud contrived soon afterwards to
+force their way into Syracuse, seize and put to death most of the
+generals, and induce the excited mob, whom they had inspired
+with the utmost dread of being betrayed to Rome, to elect them</i>
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">530</a></span><i>sole generals (Livy, 24, 29-32). The Romans at once ordered
+Syracuse to be besieged, giving out that they were coming not
+to wage war with the inhabitants, but to deliver them.</i></p>
+
+<p class="tb"><a name="b8_5" id="b8_5"><b>5.</b></a> When Epicydes and Hippocrates had occupied Syracuse,
+and had alienated the rest of the citizens with <span class="sidenote">Siege of Syracuse,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;215-214.</span>
+themselves from the friendship of Rome, the
+Romans who had already been informed of the
+murder of Hieronymus, tyrant of Syracuse, appointed Appius
+Claudius as Propraetor to command a land force, while
+Marcus Claudius Marcellus commanded the fleet. These
+officers took up a position not far from Syracuse, and
+determined to assault the town from the land at Hexapylus,
+and by sea at what was called Stoa Scytice in Achradina,
+where the wall has its foundation close down to the sea.
+Having prepared their wicker pent-houses, and darts, and
+other siege material, they felt confident that, with so many
+hands employed, they would in five days get their works in
+such an advanced state as to give them the
+advantage over the enemy. <span class="sidenote">Archimedes.</span>
+But in this they
+did not take into account the abilities of Archimedes; nor calculate
+on the truth that, in certain circumstances, the genius
+of one man is more effective than any numbers whatever.<a name="FNanchor_320" id="FNanchor_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">320</a>
+However they now learnt it by experience. The city was strong
+from the fact of its encircling wall lying along a chain of hills
+with overhanging brows, the ascent of which was no easy task,
+even with no one to hinder it, except at certain definite points.
+Taking advantage of this, Archimedes had constructed such
+defences both in the town, and at the places where an
+attack might be made by sea, that the garrison would have
+everything at hand which they might require at any moment,
+and be ready to meet without delay whatever the enemy might
+attempt against them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_6" id="b8_6"><b>6.</b></a> The attack was begun by Appius bringing his pent-houses,
+and scaling ladders, and attempting to fix the latter
+against that part of the wall which abuts on Hexapylus towards
+the east. At the same time Marcus Claudius Marcellus with
+sixty quinqueremes was making a descent upon Achradina. Each<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">531</a></span>
+of these vessels were full of men armed with bows and slings
+and javelins, with which to dislodge those who fought on the
+battlements. As well as these vessels he had eight quinqueremes
+in pairs. Each pair had had their oars removed,
+one on the larboard and the other on the starboard side, and
+then had been lashed together on the sides thus left bare.
+On these double vessels, rowed by the outer oars of each of
+the pair, they brought up under the walls some
+engines called &#8220;Sambucae,&#8221; <span class="sidenote">Sambucae or
+Harps.</span>
+the construction
+of which was as follows:&mdash;A ladder was made
+four feet broad, and of a height to reach the top of the wall
+from the place where its foot had to rest; each side of the
+ladder was protected by a railing, and a covering or pent-house
+was added overhead. It was then placed so that its foot
+rested across the sides of the lashed-together vessels, which
+touched each other with its other extremity protruding a
+considerable way beyond the prows. On the tops of the masts
+pulleys were fixed with ropes: and when the engines were
+about to be used, men standing on the sterns of the vessels
+drew the ropes tied to the head of the ladder, while others
+standing on the prows assisted the raising of the machine and
+kept it steady with long poles. Having then brought the
+ships close in shore by using the outer oars of both vessels
+they tried to let the machine down upon the wall. At the
+head of the ladder was fixed a wooden stage secured on three
+sides by wicker-shields, upon which stood four men who
+fought and struggled with those who tried to prevent the
+Sambuca from being made to rest on the battlements. But
+when they have fixed it and so got above the level of the top
+of the wall, the four men unfasten the wicker-shields from
+either side of the stage, and walk out upon the battlements
+or towers as the case may be; they are followed by their
+comrades coming up by the Sambuca, since the ladder&#8217;s
+foot is safely secured with ropes and stands upon both the
+ships. This construction has got the name of &#8220;Sambuca,&#8221;
+or &#8220;Harp,&#8221; for the natural reason, that when it is raised the
+combination of the ship and ladder has very much the appearance
+of such an instrument.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_7" id="b8_7"><b>7.</b></a> With such contrivances and preparations were the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">532</a></span>
+Romans intending to assault the towers. <span class="sidenote">The engines invented
+by Archimedes.
+Cf. Plut.
+<i>Marcellus</i>, 15.</span>
+But Archimedes
+had constructed catapults to suit every range;
+and as the ships sailing up were still at a considerable
+distance, he so wounded the enemy with
+stones and darts, from the tighter wound and
+longer engines, as to harass and perplex them to the last
+degree; and when these began to carry over their heads, he
+used smaller engines graduated according to the range required
+from time to time, and by this means caused so much
+confusion among them as to altogether check their advance
+and attack; and finally Marcellus was reduced in despair to
+bringing up his ships under cover of night. But when they
+had come close to land, and so too near to be hit by the
+catapults, they found that Archimedes had prepared another
+contrivance against the soldiers who fought from the decks.
+He had pierced the wall as high as a man&#8217;s stature with
+numerous loop-holes, which, on the outside, were about as
+big as the palm of the hand. Inside the wall he stationed
+archers and cross-bows, or scorpions,<a name="FNanchor_321" id="FNanchor_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">321</a> and by the volleys
+discharged through these he made the marines useless. By
+these means he not only baffled the enemy, whether at a
+distance or close at hand, but also killed the greater number
+of them. As often, too, as they tried to work their Sambucae,
+he had engines ready all along the walls, not visible at other
+times, but which suddenly reared themselves above the wall
+from inside, when the moment for their use had come, and
+stretched their beams far over the battlements, <span class="sidenote">570 lbs. av.</span>some of them
+carrying stones weighing as much as ten talents,
+and others great masses of lead. So whenever
+the Sambucae were approaching, these beams swung round on
+their pivot the required distance, and by means of a rope
+running through a pulley dropped the stone upon the Sambucae,
+with the result that it not only smashed the machine
+itself to pieces, but put the ship also and all on board into the
+most serious danger.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">533</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_8" id="b8_8"><b>8.</b></a> Other machines which he invented were directed against
+storming parties, who, advancing under the protection of pent-houses,
+were secured by them from being hurt by missiles
+shot through the walls. Against these he either shot stones
+big enough to drive the marines from the prow; or let down
+an iron hand swung on a chain, by which the man who
+guided the crane, having fastened on some part of the prow
+where he could get a hold, pressed down the lever of the
+machine inside the wall; and when he had thus lifted the prow
+and made the vessel rest upright on its stern, he fastened
+the lever of his machine so that it could not be moved; and then
+suddenly slackened the hand and chain by means of a rope
+and pulley. The result was that many of the vessels heeled over
+and fell on their sides: some completely capsized; while the
+greater number, by their prows coming down suddenly from a
+height, dipped low in the sea, shipped a great quantity of
+water, and became a scene of the utmost confusion. Though
+reduced almost to despair by these baffling inventions of
+Archimedes, and though he saw that all his attempts were
+repulsed by the garrison with mockery on their part and loss
+to himself, Marcellus could not yet refrain from making a joke
+at his own expense, saying that &#8220;Archimedes was using his
+ships to ladle out the sea-water, but that his &#8216;harps&#8217; not having
+been invited to the party were buffeted and turned out with
+disgrace.&#8221; Such was the end of the attempt at storming
+Syracuse by sea.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_9" id="b8_9"><b>9.</b></a> Nor was Appius Claudius more successful. He, too,
+was compelled by similar difficulties to desist
+from the attempt; <span class="sidenote">The assault by
+land repulsed.</span>
+for while his men were
+still at a considerable distance from the
+wall, they began falling by the stones and shots from the
+engines and catapults. The volleys of missiles, indeed, were
+extraordinarily rapid and sharp, for their construction had been
+provided for by all the liberality of a Hiero, and had been
+planned and engineered by the skill of an Archimedes. Moreover,
+when they did at length get near the walls, they were
+prevented from making an assault by the unceasing fire
+through the loop-holes, which I mentioned before; or if they
+tried to carry the place under cover of pent-houses, they were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">534</a></span>
+killed by the stones and beams let down upon their heads.
+The garrison also did them no little damage with those hands
+at the end of their engines; for they used to lift the men,
+armour, and all, into the air, and then throw them down. At
+last Appius retired into the camp, and summoning the Tribunes
+to a council of war, decided to try every possible means of
+taking Syracuse except a storm. <span class="sidenote">The siege turned
+into a blockade,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;214. Coss.
+Q. Fabius Maximus
+IV. M. Claudius
+Marcellus III.</span>
+And this
+decision they carried out; for during the eight
+months of siege which followed, though there
+was no stratagem or measure of daring which they
+did not attempt, they never again ventured to
+attempt a storm. So true it is that one man
+and one intellect, properly qualified for the particular undertaking,
+is a host in itself and of extraordinary efficacy. In
+this instance, at any rate, we find the Romans confident that
+their forces by land and sea would enable them to become
+masters of the town, if only one old man could be got rid of;
+while as long as he remained there, they did not venture even
+to think of making the attempt, at least by any method which
+made it possible for Archimedes to oppose them. They
+believed, however, that their best chance of reducing the
+garrison was by a failure of provisions sufficient for so large a
+number as were within the town; they therefore relied upon
+this hope, and with their ships tried to cut off their supplies by
+sea, and with their army by land. But desiring that the time
+during which they were blockading Syracuse should not be
+entirely wasted, but that some addition should be made to their
+power in other parts of the country, the two commanders
+separated and divided the troops between them: Appius
+Claudius keeping two-thirds and continuing the blockade, while
+Marcus Marcellus with the remaining third went to attack the
+cities that sided with the Carthaginians....</p>
+
+<p class="tb"><a name="b8_10" id="b8_10"><b>10.</b></a> Upon arriving in Messenia Philip began devastating the
+country, like an open enemy, with more passion
+than reason; <span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s second
+devastation of
+Messene,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;214.</span>
+for while pursuing this continuous
+course of injurious actions, he expected, it
+appears to me, that the sufferers would feel no
+anger or hatred towards him. I was induced
+to speak of these proceedings in somewhat full
+detail in the present as well as in the last book, not alone by
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">535</a></span>
+<span class="sidenote">See Plutarch,
+<i>Aratus</i>, ch. 51.
+Cp. <i>supra</i>, <b>7</b>, <a href="#b7_10">10</a>-14.</span>the same motives as those which I have assigned for other
+parts of my work, but also by the fact that of our historians,
+some have entirely omitted this Messenian episode; while
+others from love or fear of kings have maintained that, so far
+from the outrages committed by Philip in defiance of religion
+and law upon the Messenians being a subject of blame, his
+actions were on the contrary matters for praise and gratulation.
+But it is not only in regard to the Messenians that we
+may notice the historians of Philip acting thus; they have
+done much the same in other cases also. And the result is
+that their compositions have the appearance of a panegyric
+rather than of a history. I however hold that an historian ought
+neither to blame or praise kings untruly, as has often been
+done; but to make what we say consistent with what has been
+written before, and tally with the characters of the several
+persons in question. But it may be urged perhaps that this is
+easy to say, but very difficult to carry out; because situations
+and circumstances are so many and various, to which men
+have to give way in the course of their life, and which prevent
+them from speaking out their real opinions. This may excuse
+some, but not others.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_11" id="b8_11"><b>11.</b></a> I do not know any one who deserves more blame in
+this particular than Theopompus. In the beginning <span class="sidenote">The extravagance
+of Theopompus&#8217;s
+account of
+Philip II.</span>
+of his history of Philip he said that what
+chiefly induced him to undertake it was the fact
+that Europe had never produced such a man as
+Philip son of Amyntas; and then immediately afterwards, both
+in his preface and in the whole course of his history, he
+represents this king as so madly addicted to women, that he
+did all that in him lay to ruin his own family by this inordinate
+passion; as having behaved with the grossest unfairness and
+perfidy to his friends and allies, as having enslaved and
+treacherously seized a vast number of towns by force or fraud;
+and as having been besides so violently addicted to strong
+drink, that he was often seen by his friends drunk in open day.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">536</a></span>
+But if any one will take the trouble to read the opening
+passage of his forty-ninth book, he would be indeed astonished
+at this writer&#8217;s extravagance. Besides his other strange statements
+he has ventured to write as follows&mdash;for I here subjoin
+his actual words:&mdash;&#8220;If there was any one in all Greece, or among
+the Barbarians, whose character was lascivious and shameless, he
+was invariably attracted to Philip&#8217;s court in Macedonia and got
+the title of &#8216;the king&#8217;s companion.&#8217; For it was Philip&#8217;s constant
+habit to reject those who lived respectably and were careful of
+their property; but to honour and promote those who were
+extravagant, and passed their lives in drinking and dicing. His
+influence accordingly tended not only to confirm them in these
+vices, but to make them proficients in every kind of rascality
+and lewdness. What vice or infamy did they not possess?
+What was there virtuous or of good report that they did not
+lack? Some of them, men as they were, were ever clean
+shaven and smooth-skinned; and even bearded men did not
+shrink from mutual defilement. They took about with them
+two or three slaves of their lust, while submitting to the same
+shameful service themselves. The men whom they called
+companions deserved a grosser name, and the title of soldier
+was but a cover to mercenary vice; for, though bloodthirsty
+by nature, they were lascivious by habit. In a word, to make
+a long story short, especially as I have such a mass of matter
+to deal with, I believe that the so-called &#8216;friends&#8217; and
+&#8216;companions&#8217; of Philip were more bestial in nature and
+character than the Centaurs who lived on Pelion, or the
+Laestrygones who inhabited the Leontine plain, or in fact any
+other monsters whatever.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_322" id="FNanchor_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">322</a></p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_12" id="b8_12"><b>12.</b></a> Who would not disapprove of such bitterness and intemperance
+of language in an historian? It is not only because
+his words contradict his opening statement that he deserves
+stricture; but also because he has libelled the king and his
+friends; and still more because his falsehood is expressed in
+disgusting and unbecoming words. If he had been speaking
+of Sardanapalus, or one of his associates, he could hardly have
+ventured to use such foul language; and what that monarch<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">537</a></span>&#8217;s
+principles and debauchery were in his lifetime we gather from
+the inscription on his tomb, which runs thus:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+<div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza">
+<div class="line i04">&#8220;The joys I had from love or wine</div>
+<div class="line">Or dainty meats-&#8212;those now are mine.&#8221;</div>
+</div></div></div>
+
+<p>But when speaking of Philip and his friends, a man ought to be
+on his guard, not so much of accusing them of effeminacy and
+want of courage, or still more of shameless immorality, but on
+the contrary lest he should prove unequal to express their praises
+in a manner worthy of their manliness, indefatigable energy,
+and the general virtue of their character. <span class="sidenote">The vigorous
+characters of the
+Diadochi.</span>
+It is notorious that
+by their energy and boldness they raised the
+Macedonian Empire from a most insignificant
+monarchy to the first rank in reputation and
+extent. And, putting aside the achievements of Philip, what
+was accomplished by them after his death, under the rule
+of Alexander, has secured for them a reputation for valour
+with posterity universally acknowledged. For although a large
+share of the credit must perhaps be given to Alexander, as
+the presiding genius of the whole, though so young a man;
+yet no less is due to his coadjutors and friends, who won many
+wonderful victories over the enemy; endured numerous desperate
+labours, dangers and sufferings; and, though put into
+possession of the most ample wealth, and the most abundant
+means of gratifying all their desires, never lost their bodily
+vigour by these means, or contracted tastes for violence or
+debauchery. On the contrary, all those who were associated
+with Philip, and afterwards with Alexander, became truly royal in
+greatness of soul, temperance of life, and courage. Nor is it
+necessary to mention any names: but after Alexander&#8217;s death,
+in their mutual rivalries for the possession of various parts of
+nearly all the world, they filled a very large number of histories
+with the record of their glorious deeds. We may admit then
+that the bitter invective of the historian Timaeus against
+Agathocles, despot of Sicily, though it seems unmeasured, has
+yet some reason in it,-&#8212;for it is directed against a personal
+enemy, a bad man, and a tyrant; but that of Theopompus is
+too scurrilous to be taken seriously.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_13" id="b8_13"><b>13.</b></a> For, after premising that he is going to write about a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">538</a></span>
+king most richly endowed by nature with virtue, he has raked up
+against him every shameful and atrocious charge that he could
+find. There are therefore but two alternatives: either this
+writer in the preface to his work has shown himself a liar and
+a flatterer; or in the body of that history a fool and utter
+simpleton, if he imagined that by senseless and improper
+invective he would either increase his own credit, or gain
+great acceptance for his laudatory expressions about Philip.</p>
+
+<p>But the fact is that the general plan of this writer is one
+also which can meet with no one&#8217;s approval. <span class="sidenote">Thucydides breaks
+off in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;411.
+Battle of Leuctra
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;371.</span>
+For
+having undertaken to write a Greek History from
+the point at which Thucydides left off, when he
+got near the period of the battle of Leuctra, and
+the most splendid exploits of the Greeks, he threw aside Greece
+and its achievements in the middle of his story, and, changing
+his purpose, undertook to write the history of Philip. And yet
+it would have been far more telling and fair to have included
+the actions of Philip in the general history of Greece, than the
+history of Greece in that of Philip. For one cannot conceive
+any one, who had been preoccupied by the study of a royal
+government, hesitating, if he got the power and opportunity, to
+transfer his attention to the great name and splendid personality
+of a nation like Greece; but no one in his senses, after beginning
+with the latter, would have exchanged it for the showy biography
+of a tyrant. Now what could it have been that compelled
+Theopompus to overlook such inconsistencies? Nothing
+surely but this, that whereas the aim of his original history was
+honour, that of his history of Philip was expediency. As to
+this deviation from the right path however, which made him
+change the theme of his history, he might perhaps have had
+something to say, if any one had questioned him about it; but
+as to his abominable language about the king&#8217;s friends, I do not
+think that he could have said a word of defence, but must have
+owned to a serious breach of propriety....</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_14" id="b8_14"><b>14.</b></a> Though regarding the Messenians as open enemies,
+Philip was unable to inflict serious damage upon them, in spite
+of his setting to work to devastate their territory; but he was
+guilty of abominable conduct of the worst description to men<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">539</a></span>
+who had been his most intimate friends. For on the elder
+Aratus showing disapproval of his proceedings at Messene, <span class="sidenote">Death of Aratus,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;213.</span>
+he
+caused him not long afterwards to be made
+away with by poison, through the agency of
+Taurion who had charge of his interests in the
+Peloponnese. The crime was not known at the time by other
+people; for the drug was not one of those which kill on the
+spot, but was a slow poison producing a morbid state of the body.
+Aratus himself however was fully aware of the cause of his illness;
+and showed that he was so by the following circumstance.
+Though he kept the secret from the rest of the world, he did not
+conceal it from one of his servants named Cepholon, with whom
+he was on terms of great affection. This man waited on him
+during his illness with great assiduity, and having one day
+pointed out some spittle on the wall which was stained with
+blood, Aratus remarked, &#8220;That is the reward I have got for
+my friendship to Philip.&#8221; Such a grand and noble thing is
+disinterested virtue, that the sufferer was more ashamed, than
+the inflicter of the injury, of having it known, that, after so
+many splendid services performed in the interests of Philip, he
+had got such a return as that for his loyalty.<a name="FNanchor_323" id="FNanchor_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">323</a></p>
+
+<p>In consequence of having been so often elected Strategus
+of the Achaean league, and of having performed
+so many splendid services for that people, <span class="sidenote">Seventeen times
+Strategus.
+Plutarch, <i>Aratus</i>,
+53.</span>
+Aratus
+after his death met with the honours he deserved,
+both in his own native city and from the league
+as a body. They voted him sacrifices and the honours of
+heroship, and in a word every thing calculated to perpetuate his
+memory; so that, if the departed have any consciousness, it is
+but reasonable to think that he feels pleasure at the gratitude
+of the Achaeans, and at the thought of the hardships and
+dangers he endured in his life....</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">540</a></span></p>
+
+<h3>PHILIP TAKES LISSUS IN ILLYRIA, B.C. 213</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b8_15" id="b8_15"><b>15.</b></a> Philip had long had his thoughts fixed upon Lissus and
+its citadel; and, being anxious to become master
+of those places, <span class="sidenote">Lissus founded
+by Dionysius of
+Syracuse,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;385.
+See Diod. Sic.
+15, 13.</span>
+he started with his army, and
+after two days&#8217; march got through the pass and
+pitched his camp on the bank of the river
+Ardaxanus, not far from the town. He found
+on surveying the place that the fortifications of
+Lissus, both on the side of the sea and of the land, were
+exceedingly strong both by nature and art; and that the citadel,
+which was near it, from its extraordinary height and its other
+sources of strength, looked more than any one could hope to
+carry by storm. He therefore gave up all hope of the latter,
+but did not entirely despair of taking the town. He observed
+that there was a space between Lissus and the foot of the Acrolissus
+which was fairly well suited for making an attempt upon
+the town. He conceived the idea therefore of bringing on a
+skirmish in this space, and then employing a stratagem suited
+to the circumstances of the case. Having given his men a day
+for rest; and having in the course of it addressed them in
+suitable words of exhortation; he hid the greater and most
+effective part of his light-armed troops during the night in
+some woody gulleys, close to this space on the land side; and
+next morning marched to the other side of the town next the
+sea, with his peltasts and the rest of his light-armed. Having
+thus marched round the town, and arrived at this spot, he
+made a show of intending to assault it at that point. Now as
+Philip&#8217;s advent had been no secret, a large body of men from
+the surrounding country of Illyria had flocked into Lissus;
+but feeling confidence in the strength of the citadel, they had
+assigned a very moderate number of men to garrison it.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_16" id="b8_16"><b>16.</b></a> As soon therefore as the Macedonians approached,
+they began pouring out of the town, confident
+in their numbers and in the strength of the places. <span class="sidenote">The Acrolissus
+taken by a feint,
+and Lissus afterwards.</span>
+The king stationed his peltasts on the level
+ground, and ordered the light-armed troops to
+advance towards the hills and energetically engage the enemy.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">541</a></span>
+These orders being obeyed, the fight remained doubtful for a
+time; but presently Philip&#8217;s men yielded to the inequality of
+the ground, and the superior number of the enemy, and gave
+way. Upon their retreating within the ranks of the peltasts,
+the sallying party advanced with feelings of contempt, and
+having descended to the same level as the peltasts joined battle
+with them. But the garrison of the citadel seeing Philip
+moving his divisions one after the other slowly to the rear, and
+believing that he was abandoning the field, allowed themselves
+to be insensibly decoyed out, in their confidence in the strength
+of their fortifications; and thus, leaving the citadel by degrees,
+kept pouring down by bye-ways into the lower plain, under the
+belief that they would have an opportunity of getting booty and
+completing the enemy&#8217;s discomfiture. Meanwhile the division,
+which had been lying concealed on the side of the mainland,
+rose without being observed, and advanced at a rapid pace.
+At their approach the peltasts also wheeled round and charged
+the enemy. On this the troops from Lissus were thrown into
+confusion, and, after a straggling retreat, got safely back into
+the town; while the garrison which had abandoned the citadel
+got cut off from it by the rising of the troops which had been
+lying in ambush. The result accordingly was that what
+seemed hopeless, namely the capture of the citadel, was
+effected at once and without any fighting; while Lissus did
+not fall until next day, and then only after desperate struggles,
+the Macedonians assaulting with vigour and even terrific fury.
+Thus Philip having, beyond all expectation, made himself
+master of these places, reduced by this exploit all the
+neighbouring populations to obedience; so much so that the
+greater number of the Illyrians voluntarily surrendered their
+cities to his protection; for it had come to be believed that,
+after the storming of such strongholds as these, no fortification
+and no provision for security could be of any avail against the
+might of Philip.</p>
+
+<h3>THE CAPTURE OF ACHAEUS AT SARDIS</h3>
+
+<p class="center">(See <b>7</b>, <a href="#b7_15">15</a>-18)</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_17" id="b8_17"><b>17.</b></a> Bolis was by birth a Cretan, who had long enjoyed<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">542</a></span>
+the honours of high military rank at King Ptolemy&#8217;s court,
+and the reputation of being second to none
+in natural ability, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;214.
+Sosibius secures
+the help of
+Bolis to rescue
+Achaeus.</span>
+adventurous daring, and experience
+in war. By repeated arguments Sosibius
+secured this man&#8217;s fidelity; and when he felt
+sure of his zeal and affection he communicated
+the business in hand to him. He told him that he could not
+do the king a more acceptable service at the present crisis
+than by contriving some way of saving Achaeus. At the
+moment Bolis listened, and retired without saying more than
+that he would consider the suggestion. But after two or
+three days&#8217; reflection, he came to Sosibius and said that he would
+undertake the business; remarking that, having spent some
+considerable time at Sardis, he knew its topography, and that
+Cambylus, the commander of the Cretan contingent of the
+army of Antiochus, was not only a fellow citizen of his but a
+kinsmen and friend. It chanced moreover that Cambylus and
+his men had in charge one of the outposts on the rear of the
+acropolis, where the nature of the ground did not admit of
+siege-works, but was guarded by the permanent cantonment of
+troops under Cambylus. Sosibius caught at the suggestion,
+convinced that, if Achaeus could be saved at all from his
+dangerous situation, it could be better accomplished by the
+agency of Bolis than of any one else; and, this conviction being
+backed by great zeal on the part of Bolis, the undertaking was
+pushed on with despatch. Sosibius at once supplied the
+money necessary for the attempt, and promised a large sum
+besides in case of its success; at the same time raising the
+hopes of Bolis to the utmost by dilating upon the favours he
+might look for from the king, as well as from the rescued
+prince himself.</p>
+
+<p>Full of eagerness therefore for success, Bolis set sail without
+delay, taking with him a letter in cipher and other
+credentials addressed to Nicomachus at Rhodes, who was
+believed to entertain a fatherly affection and devotion for
+Achaeus, and also to Melancomas at Ephesus; for these were
+the men formerly employed by Achaeus in his negotiations
+with Ptolemy, and in all other foreign affairs.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_18" id="b8_18"><b>18.</b></a> Bolis went to Rhodes, and thence to Ephesus; communicated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">543</a></span>
+his purpose to Nicomachus and Melancomas; and
+found them ready to do what they were asked. He then
+despatched one of his staff, named Arianus, to Cambylus, with
+a message to the effect that he had been sent from Alexandria
+on a recruiting tour, and that he wished for an interview with
+Cambylus on some matters of importance; he thought it
+therefore necessary to have a time and place arranged for them
+to meet without the privity of a third person. Arianus quickly
+obtained an interview with Cambylus and delivered his
+message; nor was the latter at all unwilling to listen to the
+proposal. Having appointed a day, and a place known to
+both himself and Bolis, at which he would be after nightfall,
+he dismissed Arianus. Now Bolis had all the subtlety of a
+Cretan, and he accordingly weighed carefully in his own mind
+every possible line of action, and patiently examined every
+idea which presented itself to him. <span class="sidenote">Bolis turns
+traitor.</span>
+Finally he
+met Cambylus according to the arrangement
+made with Arianus, and delivered his letter. This
+was now made the subject of discussion between them in a
+truly Cretan spirit. They never took into consideration the
+means of saving the person in danger, or their obligations of
+honour to those who had entrusted them with the undertaking,
+but confined their discussions entirely to the question of their
+own safety and their own advantage. As they were both
+Cretans they were not long in coming to an unanimous
+agreement: which was, first of all, to divide the ten talents
+supplied by Sosibius between themselves in equal shares; and,
+secondly, to discover the whole affair to Antiochus, and to
+offer with his support to put Achaeus into his hands, on
+condition of receiving a sum of money and promises for the
+future, on a scale commensurate with the greatness of the
+undertaking. Having settled upon this plan of action:
+Cambylus undertook the negotiation with Antiochus, while to
+Bolis was assigned the duty of sending Arianus within the
+next few days to Achaeus, bearing letters in cipher from
+Nicomachus and Melancomas: he bade Cambylus however
+take upon himself to consider how Arianus was to make his
+way into the acropolis and return with safety. &#8220;If,&#8221; said
+Bolis, &#8220;Achaeus consents to make the attempt, and sends an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">544</a></span>
+answer to Nicomachus and Melancomas, I will be ready to
+act and will communicate with you.&#8221; Having thus arranged
+the parts which each was to take in the plot, they separated
+and set about their several tasks.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_19" id="b8_19"><b>19.</b></a> At the first opportunity Cambylus laid the proposal
+before the king. It was as acceptable to
+Antiochus as it was unexpected: <span class="sidenote">The intended
+treason against
+Achaeus communicated
+to
+Antiochus.</span>
+in the first
+flush of his exultation he promised everything
+they asked; but presently feeling some distrust,
+he questioned Cambylus on every detail of their
+plan, and their means of carrying it out. Being eventually
+satisfied on these points, and believing that the undertaking
+was under the special favour of Providence, he repeatedly
+begged and prayed Cambylus to bring it to a conclusion.
+Bolis was equally successful with Nicomachus and Melancomas.
+They entertained no doubt of his sincerity, and joined him in
+the composition of letters to Achaeus,&mdash;composed in a
+cipher which they had been accustomed to use,&mdash;to prevent
+any one who got hold of the letter from making out its contents,
+exhorting him to trust Bolis and Cambylus. So Arianus,
+having by the aid of Cambylus made his way into the acropolis,
+delivered the letters to Achaeus; and having had personal
+acquaintance with the whole business from its commencement,
+he was able to give an account of every detail when questioned
+and cross-questioned again and again by Achaeus about
+Sosibius and Bolis, about Nicomachus and Melancomas, and
+most particularly about the part which Cambylus was taking
+in the affair. He could of course stand this cross-examination
+with some air of sincerity and candour, because, in point of
+fact, he was not acquainted with the most important part of
+the plan which Cambylus and Bolis had
+adopted. <span class="sidenote">Achaeus is
+deceived.</span>
+Achaeus was convinced by the
+answers returned by Arianus, and still more
+by the cipher of Nicomachus and Melancomas; gave his
+answer; and sent Arianus back with it without delay. This
+kind of communication was repeated more than once: and at
+last Achaeus entrusted himself without reserve to Nicomachus,
+there being absolutely no other hope of saving himself left
+remaining, and bade him send Bolis with Arianus on a certain<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">545</a></span>
+moonless night, promising to place himself in their hands.
+The idea of Achaeus was, first of all, to escape his immediate
+danger; and then by a circuitous route to make his way into
+Syria. For he entertained very great hopes that, if he appeared
+suddenly and unexpectedly to the Syrians, while Antiochus
+was still lingering about Sardis, he would be able to stir up a
+great movement, and meet with a cordial reception from the
+people of Antioch, Coele-Syria, and Phoenicia.</p>
+
+<p>With such expectations and calculations Achaeus was
+waiting for the appearance of Bolis.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_20" id="b8_20"><b>20.</b></a> Meanwhile Arianus had reached Melancomas, who, on
+reading the letter which he brought, immediately despatched
+Bolis with many words of exhortation and great promises of
+profit if he succeeded in his enterprise. Bolis sent Arianus
+in advance to signify his arrival to Cambylus, and went after
+nightfall to their usual place of meeting. There they spent a
+whole day together settling every detail of their plan of
+operations; and having done this they went into the camp
+under cover of night. The arrangement made between them
+was this. If it turned out that Achaeus came from the
+acropolis alone with Bolis and Arianus, or with only one
+attendant, he would give them no cause for anxiety at all,
+but would be easily captured by the ambuscade set for him.
+If, on the other hand, he should be accompanied by a
+considerable number, the business would be one of some
+difficulty to those on whose good faith he relied; especially
+as they were anxious to capture him alive, that being what
+would most gratify Antiochus. In that case, therefore, Arianus,
+while conducting Achaeus, was to go in front, because he knew
+the path by which he had on several occasions effected his
+entrance and return; Bolis was to bring up the rear, in order
+that, when they arrived at the spot where Cambylus was to
+have his ambuscade ready, he might lay hold on Achaeus, and
+prevent his getting away through wooded ground, in the confusion
+and darkness of the night, or throwing himself in his
+terror from some precipice; thus they would secure that he
+fell, as they intended, into his enemies&#8217; hands alive.</p>
+
+<p>These arrangements having been agreed upon, Bolis was
+taken by Cambylus on the very night of his arrival, without<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">546</a></span>
+any one else, and introduced to Antiochus. The king was
+alone and received them graciously; he pledged himself to
+the performance of his promises, and urged them both again
+and again not to postpone any longer the performance of their
+purpose. Thereupon they returned for the present to their
+own camp; but towards morning Bolis, accompanied by
+Arianus, ascended to the acropolis, and entered it before
+daybreak.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_21" id="b8_21"><b>21.</b></a> Achaeus received them with warmth and cordiality,
+and questioned Bolis at great length on every
+detail. <span class="sidenote">Achaeus takes
+vain precautions.</span>
+From the expression of his face, and
+his conversation, he judged Bolis to be a man of
+a character weighty enough for so serious an undertaking; but
+while at one time he exulted in the prospect of his release, at
+another, he grew painfully excited, and was torn with an agony of
+anxiety at the gravity of the issues at stake. But no one had a
+clearer head or greater experience in affairs than he; and in spite
+of the good opinion he had formed of him, he still determined
+that his safety should not depend entirely on the good faith of
+Bolis. He accordingly told him that it was impossible for
+him to leave the acropolis at the moment: but that he would
+send some two or three of his friends with him, and by the
+time that they had joined Melancomas he would be prepared
+to depart. So Achaeus did all he could for his security; but
+he did not know that he was trying to do what the proverb
+declares to be impossible&mdash;out-cretan a Cretan. For there was
+no trick likely to be tried that Bolis had not anticipated. However
+when the night came, in which Achaeus said that he would
+send his friends with them, he sent on Arianus and Bolis to the
+entrance of the acropolis, with instructions to wait there until
+those who were to go with them arrived. They did as he bade
+them. Achaeus then, at the very moment of his departure,
+communicated his plan to his wife Laodice; and she was so
+terrified at his sudden resolve, that he had to spend some time
+in entreating her to be calm, in soothing her feelings, and
+encouraging her by pointing out the hopes which he entertained.
+This done he started with four companions, whom he
+dressed in ordinary clothes, while he himself put on a mean
+and common dress and disguised his rank as much as possible.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">547</a></span>
+He selected one of his four companions to be always prepared
+to answer anything said by Arianus, and to ask any necessary
+question of him, and bade him say that the other four did not
+speak Greek.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_22" id="b8_22"><b>22.</b></a> The five then joined Arianus, and they all started
+together on their journey. Arianus went in
+front, <span class="sidenote">Achaeus made
+prisoner.</span>
+as being acquainted with the way; while
+Bolis took up his position behind in accordance
+with the original plan, puzzled and annoyed at the way things
+were turning out. For, Cretan as he was, and ready to suspect
+every one he came near, he yet could not make out which of
+the five was Achaeus, or whether he was there at all. But the
+path was for the most part precipitous and difficult, and in
+some places there were abrupt descents which were slippery
+and dangerous; and whenever they came to one of these,
+some of the four gave Achaeus a hand down, and the others
+caught him at the bottom, for they could not entirely conceal
+their habitual respect for him; and Bolis was quick to detect,
+by observing this, which of them was Achaeus. When therefore
+they arrived at the spot at which it had been arranged that
+Cambylus was to be, Bolis gave the signal by a whistle, and
+the men sprang from their places of concealment and seized
+the other four, while Bolis himself caught hold of Achaeus,
+at the same time grasping his mantle, as his hands were inside
+it; for he was afraid that having a sword concealed about his
+person he would attempt to kill himself when he understood
+what was happening. Being thus quickly surrounded on every
+side, Achaeus fell into the hands of his enemies, and along
+with his four friends was taken straight off to Antiochus.</p>
+
+<p>The king was in his tent in a state of extreme anxiety
+awaiting the result. He had dismissed his
+usual court, <span class="sidenote">Achaeus brought
+to Antiochus,
+sentenced and
+executed.</span>
+and, with the exception of two
+or three of the bodyguard, was alone and
+sleepless. But when Cambylus and his men
+entered, and placed Achaeus in chains on the ground, he fell
+into a state of speechless astonishment: and for a considerable
+time could not utter a word, and finally overcome by a feeling
+of pity burst into tears; caused, I have no doubt, by this
+exhibition of the capriciousness of Fortune, which defies<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">548</a></span>
+precaution and calculation alike. For here was Achaeus, a
+son of Andromachus, the brother of Seleucus&#8217;s queen Laodice,
+and married to Laodice, a daughter of King Mithridates, and
+who had made himself master of all Asia this side of Taurus,
+and who at that very moment was believed by his own army,
+as well as by that of his enemy, to be safely ensconced in
+the strongest position in the world,&mdash;sitting chained upon the
+ground, in the hands of his enemies, before a single person
+knew of it except those who had effected the capture.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_23" id="b8_23"><b>23.</b></a> And, indeed, when at daybreak the king&#8217;s friends
+assembled as usual at his tent, and saw this strange spectacle,
+they too felt emotions very like those of the king; while extreme
+astonishment made them almost disbelieve the evidence of their
+senses. However the council met, and a long debate ensued
+as to what punishment they were to inflict upon Achaeus.
+Finally, it was resolved that his extremities should be cut off,
+his head severed from his body and sewn up in the skin of an
+ass, and his body impaled. When this sentence had been
+carried out, and the army learnt what had happened, there
+was such excitement in the ranks and such a rush of the soldiers
+to the spectacle, that Laodice on the acropolis, who alone
+knew that her husband had left it, guessed what had happened
+from the commotion and stir in the camp. And before long
+a herald arrived, told Laodice what had happened to Achaeus,
+and ordered her to resign the command and quit the
+acropolis. <span class="sidenote">The citadel
+of Sardis surrendered.</span>
+At first any answer was prevented
+by an outburst of sorrow and overpowering
+lamentation on the part of the occupants of
+the acropolis; not so much from affection towards Achaeus,
+as from the suddenness and utter unexpectedness of the
+catastrophe. But this was succeeded by a feeling of
+hesitation and dismay; and Antiochus, having got rid of
+Achaeus, never ceased putting pressure on the garrison of
+the acropolis, feeling confident that a means of taking it
+would be put into his hands by those who occupied it, and
+most probably by the rank and file of the garrison. And this
+is just what did finally happen: for the soldiers split up into
+factions, one joining Ariobazus, the other Laodice. This
+produced mutual distrust, and before long both parties surrendered<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">549</a></span>
+themselves and the acropolis. Thus Achaeus, in spite
+of having taken every reasonable precaution, lost his life by
+the perfidy of those in whom he trusted. His fate may teach
+posterity two useful lessons,&mdash;not to put faith in any one
+lightly; and not to be over-confident in the hour of prosperity,
+knowing that, in human affairs, there is no accident which we
+may not expect....</p>
+
+<h3>THE GALLIC KING, CAUARUS</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b8_24" id="b8_24"><b>24.</b></a> Cauarus, king of the Gauls in Thrace, was of a truly
+royal and high-minded disposition, <span class="sidenote">Cauarus, king of
+the Gauls,
+settled on the
+Hellespont. See
+<b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_46">46</a> and <a href="#b4_52">52</a>.</span>
+and gave
+the merchants sailing into the Pontus great
+protection, and rendered the Byzantines important
+services in their wars with the
+Thracians and Bithynians....</p>
+
+<p>This king, so excellent in other respects, was corrupted
+by a flatterer named Sostratus, who was a Chalchedonian by
+birth....</p>
+
+<h3>ANTIOCHUS THE GREAT AT ARMOSATA</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b8_25" id="b8_25"><b>25.</b></a> In the reign of Xerxes, prince of the city of Armosata,
+situated on the &#8220;Fair Plain,&#8221; between
+the Tigris and Euphrates, <span class="sidenote">In the course of
+his campaigns for
+the recovering
+of the eastern
+provinces (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+212-205),
+Antiochus makes
+a demonstration
+before the city of
+Armosata, in
+Armenia, to recover
+the arrears
+of tribute owed by
+the late king,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;212.</span>
+King Antiochus
+encamped under its walls and prepared to
+attack it. When he saw the king&#8217;s forces,
+Xerxes at first conveyed himself away; but
+feeling afterwards that, if his palace were seized
+by his enemies, his whole kingdom would be
+overthrown, he changed his mind, and sent a
+message to Antiochus declaring his wish for
+a conference. The most loyal of the friends
+of Antiochus were against letting the young
+prince go when they once got him into their
+hands, and advised Antiochus to take possession of the town,
+and hand over the principality to Mithridates, his own sister&#8217;s
+son. The king, however, would not listen to any of these
+suggestions; but sent for the young prince and accommodated
+their differences, forgiving him the larger part of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">550</a></span>
+money which he allowed to be owing from his father under
+the head of tribute, and accepting a present payment from him
+of three hundred talents, a thousand horses, and a thousand
+mules with their trappings. He then settled the government
+of the city, and gave the prince his sister Antiochis as a wife.
+By these proceedings, in which he was thought to have acted
+with true royal magnanimity, he won the affection and
+support of all the inhabitants of that part of the country.</p>
+
+<h3>THE HANNIBALIAN WAR&mdash;TARENTUM</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b8_26" id="b8_26"><b>26.</b></a> It was in the wantonness of excessive prosperity that
+the Tarentines invited Pyrrhus of Epirus; for democratic
+liberty that has enjoyed a long and unchecked career comes
+naturally to experience a satiety of its blessings, and then it
+looks out for a master; and when it has got one, it is not
+long before it hates him, because it is seen that the change is
+for the worse. This is just what happened to the Tarentines
+on that occasion....</p>
+
+<p>On this news being brought to Tarentum and Thurii there
+was great popular indignation....</p>
+
+<p>The conspirators left the town at first under the pretext of
+a foray, and got near Hannibal&#8217;s camp before
+daybreak. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal
+marched south
+early in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;212
+to renew his
+attempt upon
+Tarentum, on
+which he had
+wasted much of
+the previous summer
+(Livy, 25, 1).
+The severity of
+the punishment
+of the Tarentine
+hostages who tried
+to escape from
+Rome caused a
+conspiracy of Tarentines
+to betray
+the town to
+Hannibal. Livy,
+25, 7-8.</span>
+Then, while the rest crouched down
+on a certain wooded spot by the side of the
+road, Philemenus and Nicon went up to the
+camp. They were seized by the sentries and
+taken off to Hannibal, without saying a word as
+to where they came from or who they were, but
+simply stating that they wished for an interview
+with the general. Being taken without delay
+to Hannibal they said that they wished to
+speak with him privately. He assented with
+the utmost readiness; whereupon they explained
+to him their own position and that of their
+native city, charging the Romans with many
+various acts of oppression, that they might not
+seem to be entering on their present undertaking
+without good reason. For the present<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">551</a></span>
+Hannibal dismissed them with thanks and a cordial acceptance
+of their proposed movement, and charging them to come back
+very soon and have another interview with him. &#8220;This time,&#8221;
+he added, &#8220;when you get at a sufficient distance from the camp,
+take possession of the first cattle you find being driven out to
+pasture in the early morning, and go off boldly with them and
+their herdsmen; for I will take care that you are unmolested.&#8221;
+His object in doing this was to give himself time to inquire
+into the tale of the young men; and also to confirm their credit
+with their fellow-citizens, by making it appear that their
+expedition had really been for the purpose of foraging.
+Nicon and his companions did as they were bidden, and left
+Hannibal in great exultation at having at last got an opportunity
+of completing his enterprise: while they themselves
+were made all the more eager to carry out their plot by having
+been able to accomplish their interview with Hannibal without
+danger, and by having found him warmly disposed to their
+undertaking, and by having besides gained the confidence of
+their own people by the considerable amount of booty which
+they had brought home. This they partly sold and partly
+used in splendid entertainments, and thus not only were
+believed in by the Tarentines, but excited a considerable
+number to emulate their exploit.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_27" id="b8_27"><b>27.</b></a> On their next expedition, which they conducted in the
+same way as the first, they interchanged pledges
+of fidelity with Hannibal on the following conditions:
+<span class="sidenote">Bargain made
+with Hannibal.</span>
+&#8220;He was to set the Tarentines free;
+and the Carthaginians were neither to exact tribute of any sort
+from them, nor impose any burden upon them; but the houses
+and lodgings occupied by Romans should, on their taking
+possession of the town, be given up to the Carthaginians to
+plunder.&#8221; They also arranged on a watchword at which the
+sentries were to admit them without delay into the camp
+whenever they came. After making these arrangements, they
+got the opportunity of often having interviews with Hannibal:
+sometimes pretending to be going out of the town on a foray,
+and sometimes on a hunting expedition. Everything having
+thus been put in train, the greater part of the conspirators
+waited for the proper occasions for acting, while they assigned<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">552</a></span>
+to Philemenus the part of leader of their hunting excursions; for,
+owing to his excessive taste for that amusement, he had the reputation
+of thinking hunting the most important thing in life.
+Accordingly they left it to him, first to win the favour of Gaius
+Livius the commander of the town by presents of game, and
+then that of the guards of the gate-tower which protected what
+were called the Temenid gates. Philemenus undertook the
+task: and partly by what he caught himself, and partly with what
+Hannibal supplied, always managed to bring in some game;
+which he divided between Livius and the guards of the gate,
+to induce them to be always ready to open the wicket to him.
+For he generally went and returned from his expeditions after
+nightfall, under the pretext of being afraid of the enemy, but
+really with a view of preparing for the plot. When Philemenus
+then had managed to make it a regular arranged thing with
+the picket at the gate, that the guards should have no hesitation;
+but that, whenever he came under the wall and whistled, they
+should open the wicket to him; he waited for a day on which
+the Roman commander of the town was engaged to be present
+at a large party, meeting early in the Musaeum, which is near
+the agora, and agreed with Hannibal to carry out their plot
+on that day.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_28" id="b8_28"><b>28.</b></a> For some time before this, Hannibal had given out that
+he was ill, to prevent the Romans wondering <span class="sidenote">Hannibal prepares
+to act.</span>
+when they were told of his staying so long on
+the same ground; and he now made a greater
+pretence than ever of ill-health, and remained encamped three
+days&#8217; march from Tarentum. But when the time was come, he
+got ready the most conspicuous for their speed and daring in
+his cavalry and infantry, to the number of about ten thousand,
+and gave orders that they should take provisions for four days.
+He started just before daybreak, and marched at full speed;
+having told off eighty Numidian horsemen to keep thirty stades
+ahead, and to scour the country on both sides of the road; so
+that no one might get a sight of the main body, but might
+either be taken prisoners by this advanced guard, or, if he
+escaped, might carry a report of it into the city as if it were
+merely a raid of Numidian horsemen. When the Numidians
+were about a hundred and twenty stades from the town,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">553</a></span>
+Hannibal halted his men for supper by the side of a river
+flowing through a deep gully, and offering excellent cover; and
+having summoned his officers, did not indeed tell them outright
+what the service was on which they were going, but
+simply exhorted them, first to show themselves brave men,
+as the prize awaiting them was the greatest they had ever had;
+and, secondly, that each should keep the men of his own
+company well together, and rebuke sharply all who left their
+own division on any pretext whatever; and, thirdly, to attend
+strictly to orders, and not attempt anything on their own account
+outside them. Dismissing the officers with these words, he got
+his troops on the march just after dark, being very anxious to
+reach the wall about midnight; having Philemenus to act as
+guide, and having got ready for him a wild-boar to enable
+him to sustain the part which he was to perform.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_29" id="b8_29"><b>29.</b></a> About sunset news was brought to Gaius Livius, who
+had been with his friends in the Musaeum since
+early in the day, <span class="sidenote">Gaius Livius
+thrown off the
+scent.</span>
+just when the drinking was at
+its height, that the Numidians were scouring
+the country. He therefore took measures for that and
+nothing more, calling some of his officers and bidding
+them take half the cavalry, and sally out to stop the progress
+of the enemy, who were devastating the country: but this
+only made him still more unsuspicious of the whole extent
+of the movement. Nicon, Tragiscus, and their confederates
+collected together at nightfall in the town and waited for the
+return of Livius and his friends. As these last rose from table
+somewhat early, because the banquet had begun before the usual
+time, the greater number of the conspirators retired to a certain
+spot and there remained; but some of the younger men went to
+meet Gaius, imitating by their disorderly procession and mutual
+jests a company returning from a carouse. As Livius and his
+company were even more flustered with drink, as soon as
+they met laughter and joking were readily excited on both
+sides. Finally, they turned and conducted Gaius to his house;
+where he went to bed full of wine, as might be expected after
+a party beginning so early in the day, without any anxiety or
+trouble in his thoughts, but full of cheerfulness and idle
+content. Then Nicon and Tragiscus rejoined their companions,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_554" id="Page_554">554</a></span>
+and, dividing themselves into three companies, took
+up their positions at the most favourable points in the market-place,
+to keep themselves fully acquainted with everything
+reported from outside the walls, or that happened within the
+city itself. They posted some also close to the house of
+Livius: being well aware that, if any suspicion of what was
+coming arose, it would be to him that the news would be first
+brought, and that from him every measure taken would
+originate. So when the noise of the returning guests, and every
+disturbance of the sort, had subsided, and the great bulk of the
+citizens was asleep; and now the night was advancing, and
+nothing had happened to dash their hopes, they collected
+together and proceeded to perform their part of the undertaking.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_30" id="b8_30"><b>30.</b></a> The arrangements between these young men and
+Hannibal were these. Hannibal was to arrive at the town by the
+inland road and on the eastern side near the Temenid gates;
+and when there, was to light a fire on the tomb, which some
+called the tomb of Hyacinthus, and others of Apollo: Tragiscus
+and his confederates, when they saw this, were to light an
+answering fire from within the walls. This done, Hannibal
+was to put out his fire and advance slowly towards the gate.
+In pursuance of these arrangements, the young men marched
+<span class="sidenote">Why the
+Tarentines bury
+within the walls.</span>
+through the inhabited part of the town and
+came to the tombs. For the eastern quarter of
+Tarentum is full of monuments, because those who
+die there are to this day all buried within the walls, in obedience
+to an ancient oracle. For it is said that the god delivered
+this answer to the Tarentines, &#8220;That it were better and more
+profitable for them if they made their dwelling with the majority&#8221;;
+and they thought therefore that they would be living
+in accordance with the oracle if they kept the departed within
+the walls. That is why to this day they bury inside the gates.</p>
+
+<p>The young men, then, having gone as far as the tomb of
+Pythionicus, waited to see what would happen.
+<span class="sidenote">Hannibal arrives
+and gets into the
+town.</span>
+Presently Hannibal arrived and did as arranged:
+whereupon Nicon and Tragiscus with renewed
+courage displayed their beacon also; and, as soon as they saw
+the fire of the Carthaginians being put out, they ran to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">555</a></span>
+gates as fast as they could go, wishing to get the picket at the
+gate tower killed before the Carthaginians arrived; as it had
+been agreed that they should advance leisurely and at a foot&#8217;s
+pace. Everything went smoothly: the guards were overpowered;
+and while some of the young men were engaged in
+killing them, others were cutting the bolts. The gates having
+been quickly thrown open, Hannibal arrived at the right
+moment, having so timed his march that he never had to stop
+on the way to the town at all.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_31" id="b8_31"><b>31.</b></a> Having thus effected their intended entrance, without
+danger or any disturbance whatever, and thinking that the most
+important part of their undertaking was accomplished, the
+Carthaginians now began advancing boldly along the street
+leading up from what is called the Batheia or Deep Road.
+They left the cavalry however outside the walls, numbering as
+many as two thousand, intending them to act as a reserve both
+in case of any appearance of the enemy from without, and of
+any of those unforeseen casualties which do occur in such
+operations. But when they had come to the immediate
+neighbourhood of the market-place, they halted, and waited
+to see how the attempt of Philemenus would turn out: being
+anxious as to the success of this part of their plan as well as
+the other. For at the same moment that he lighted his fire,
+and was on the point of starting for the gates, Hannibal had
+despatched Philemenus also, <span class="sidenote">Philemenus also
+gets in.</span>
+with his boar on
+a litter, and a thousand Libyans, to the next
+gate; wishing, in accordance with his original
+design, not to depend solely on one chance, but to have several.
+When Philemenus, then, arrived at the wall and gave his
+customary signal by whistling, the sentry immediately appeared
+coming down to open the wicket; and when Philemenus told
+him from outside to open quickly because they had a great
+weight to carry, as they were bringing a wild boar, he made
+haste to open the wicket, expecting that some of the game
+which Philemenus was conveying would come his way, as
+he had always had a share of what was brought in.</p>
+
+<p>Thereupon Philemenus himself, being at the head of the
+litter, entered first; and with him another dressed like a
+shepherd, as though he were one of the country folk<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">556</a></span>
+of those parts; and after him two others besides who were
+carrying the dead beast behind. But when the four had
+got inside the wicket, they struck and killed the man who
+opened it, as he was unsuspiciously examining and feeling the
+boar, and then let the men who were just behind them, and
+were in advance of the main body of Libyan horsemen, to
+the number of thirty, leisurely and quietly through. This
+having been accomplished without a hitch, some set about
+cutting the bolts, others were engaged in killing the picket
+on duty at the gate, and others in giving the signal to
+the Libyans still outside to come in. These having also
+effected their entrance in safety, they began making their way
+towards the market-place according to the arrangement. As
+soon as he was joined by this division also, in great delight at
+the successful progress of the operation, Hannibal proceeded
+to carry out the next step.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_32" id="b8_32"><b>32.</b></a> He told off two thousand of his Celts: and, having
+divided them into three companies, he assigned two of the
+young men who had managed the plot to each company; and
+sent with them also certain of his own officers, with orders to
+close up the several most convenient streets that led to the
+market-place. And when he had done this, he bade the
+young men of the town pick out and save those of their
+fellow-citizens whom they might chance to meet, by shouting
+out before they came up with them, &#8220;That Tarentines should
+remain where they were, as they were in no danger&#8221;; but he
+ordered both Carthaginian and Celtic officers to kill all the
+Romans they met.</p>
+
+<p>So these companies separated and proceeded to carry out
+their orders. But when the entrance of the <span class="sidenote">Escape of Livius
+into the Citadel.</span>
+enemy became known to the Tarentines, the
+city began to be full of shouting and extraordinary
+confusion. As for Gaius, when the enemy&#8217;s entrance was
+announced to him, being fully aware that his drunkenness had
+incapacitated him, he rushed straight out of the house with his
+servants, and having come to the gate leading to the harbour,
+and the sentinel having opened the wicket for him, he got
+through that way; and having seized one of the boats lying at
+anchor there, went on board it with his servants and arrived<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">557</a></span>
+safely at the citadel. Meanwhile Philemenus had provided
+himself with some Roman bugles, <span class="sidenote">Massacre of
+Roman soldiers.</span>
+and some
+men who were able to blow them, from being
+used to do so; and they stood in the theatre and
+sounded a call to arms. The Romans promptly rallying in
+arms, as was their custom at this sound, and directing their
+steps towards the citadel, everything happened exactly as the
+Carthaginians intended; for as the Roman soldiers came into
+the streets, without any order and in scattered groups, some of
+them came upon the Carthaginians and others upon the Celts;
+and by their being in this way put to the sword in detail, a
+very considerable number of them perished.</p>
+
+<p>But when day began to break, the Tarentines kept quietly
+in their houses, not yet being able to comprehend what was
+happening. For thanks to the bugle, and the absence of all
+outrage or plundering in the town, they thought that the
+movement arose from the Romans themselves. But the sight
+of many of the latter lying killed in the streets, and the
+spectacle of some Gauls openly stripping the Roman corpses,
+suggested a suspicion of the presence of the Carthaginians.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_33" id="b8_33"><b>33.</b></a> Presently when Hannibal had marched his forces into
+the market-place, and the Romans had retired
+into the citadel, <span class="sidenote">Roman houses
+sacked, Tarentines
+spared.</span>
+as having been previously
+secured by them with a garrison, and it had
+become broad daylight, the Carthaginian general caused a
+proclamation to be made to the Tarentines to assemble in full
+number in the market-place; while the young conspirators
+went meanwhile round the town talking loudly about liberty,
+and bidding everybody not to be afraid, for the Carthaginians had
+come to save them. Such of the Tarentines as held to their
+loyalty to Rome, upon learning the state of the case, went off
+to the citadel; but the rest came to the meeting, in obedience
+to the proclamation, without their arms: and to them Hannibal
+addressed a cordial speech. The Tarentines heartily cheered
+everything he said from joy at their unexpected safety; and he
+dismissed the crowd with an injunction to each man, to go with
+all speed to his own house, and write over the door, &#8220;A
+Tarentine&#8217;s&#8221;; but if any one wrote the same word on a house
+where a Roman was living, he declared the penalty to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">558</a></span>
+death. He then personally told off the best men he had for
+the service, and sent them to plunder the houses of the
+Romans; giving them as their instructions to consider all
+houses which had no inscription as belonging to the enemy:
+the rest of his men he kept drawn up as a reserve.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_34" id="b8_34"><b>34.</b></a> A vast quantity of miscellaneous property having been
+got together by this plundering, and a booty
+fully answering the expectations of the Carthaginians,
+<span class="sidenote">Fortifications
+raised to preserve
+the town from
+attack from the
+citadel.</span>
+they bivouacked for that night under
+arms. But the next day, after consulting with the
+Tarentines, Hannibal decided to cut off the city
+from the citadel by a wall, that the Tarentines might not any
+longer be under continual alarm from the Romans in possession
+of the citadel. His first measure was to throw up a
+palisade, parallel to the wall of the citadel and to the trench in
+front of it. But as he very well knew that the enemy would
+not allow this tamely, but would make a demonstration of their
+power in that direction, he got ready for the work a number
+of his best hands, thinking that the first thing necessary was to
+overawe the Romans and give confidence to the Tarentines.
+But as soon as the first palisade was begun, the Romans began
+a bold and determined attack; whereupon Hannibal, offering
+just enough resistance to induce the rest to come out, as soon
+as the greater part of them had crossed the trench, gave the
+word of command to his men and charged the enemy. A
+desperate struggle ensued; for the fight took place in a narrow
+space surrounded by walls; but at last the Romans were forced
+to turn and fly. Many of them fell in the actual fighting, but
+the larger number were forced over the edge of the trench and
+were killed by the fall over its steep bank.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_35" id="b8_35"><b>35.</b></a> For the present Hannibal, after completing the palisade
+unmolested, was content to remain quiet, as his
+plan had succeeded to his wish; <span class="sidenote">Further works of
+security.</span>
+for he had
+shut in the enemy and compelled them to
+remain inside their wall, in terror for the safety of the citadel
+as well as for their own; while he had raised the courage of
+the citizens of Tarentum to such an extent, that they now
+imagined themselves to be a match for the Romans, even
+without the Carthaginians. A little later he made at a short<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">559</a></span>
+distance from the palisade, in the direction of the town, a trench
+parallel to the palisade and the wall of the citadel; and the
+earth dug out from it having been piled up on the other side
+along the edge nearest the town, he erected another palisade
+on the top, thus making a fortification no less secure than the
+wall itself. Once more, at a moderate distance, nearer the city,
+he commenced building a wall, starting from the street called
+Soteira up to that called Batheia; so that, even without a garrison,
+the Tarentines were adequately protected by the mere constructions
+themselves. Then leaving a sufficient garrison, and
+enough cavalry to serve on outpost duty for the protection of the
+wall, he encamped along the bank of the river which is called by
+some the Galaesus, but by most people the Eurotas, after the
+river which flows past Sparta. The Tarentines have many
+such derived names, both in town and country, from the
+acknowledged fact of their being a colony from Sparta and
+connected by blood with the Lacedaemonians. As the wall
+quickly approached completion, owing to the activity and zeal
+of the Tarentines, and the vigorous co-operation of the Carthaginians,
+Hannibal next conceived the idea of taking the
+citadel also.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b8_36" id="b8_36"><b>36.</b></a> But when he had already completed the preparation
+of the necessary engines for the assault, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal&#8217;s
+arrangements for
+storming the
+citadel frustrated.</span>
+the
+Romans received some slight encouragement
+on a reinforcement throwing itself into the
+citadel by sea from Metapontium; and consequently
+they sallied out by night and attacked the works, and
+destroyed all Hannibal&#8217;s apparatus and engines.
+After this Hannibal abandoned the idea of a
+storm: but as the new wall was now completed,
+he summoned a meeting of the Tarentines and pointed out to
+<span class="sidenote">Romans reinforced.</span>them that the most imperative necessity, in view of the present
+state of things, was to get command of the sea. For as the citadel
+commanded the entrance to the harbour, the Tarentines could
+not use their ships nor sail out of it; while the Romans could
+get supplies conveyed to them by sea without danger: and as
+long as that was the case, it was impossible that the city should
+have any security for its freedom. <span class="sidenote">New plans for
+cutting off the Roman supplies
+by sea.</span>
+Hannibal
+saw this clearly, and explained to the Tarentines<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_560" id="Page_560">560</a></span>
+that, if the enemy on the citadel were
+deprived of hope of succour by sea, they
+would at once give way, and abandon it of their own accord,
+without attempting to defend the place. The Tarentines were
+fully convinced by his words: but how it was to be brought
+about in the present state of affairs they could form no idea,
+unless a fleet should appear from Carthage; which at that
+time of the year was impossible. They therefore said that they
+could not understand what Hannibal was aiming at in these
+remarks to them. When he replied that it was plain that,
+even without the Carthaginians, they were all but in command
+of the sea, they were still more puzzled, and could not guess
+his meaning. The truth was that Hannibal had noticed that the
+broad street, which was at once within the wall separating the
+town from the citadel, and led from the harbour into the open
+sea, was well suited for the purpose; and he had conceived the
+idea of dragging the ships out of the harbour to the sea on
+the southern side of the town. Upon his disclosing his idea to
+the Tarentines, they not only expressed their agreement with
+the proposal, but the greatest admiration for himself; and made
+up their minds that there was nothing which his acuteness and
+daring could not accomplish. Trucks on wheels were quickly
+constructed: and it was scarcely sooner said than done, owing
+to the zeal of the people and the numbers who helped to work
+at it. In this way the Tarentines dragged their ships across
+into the open sea, and were enabled without danger to themselves
+to blockade the Romans on the citadel, having deprived
+them of their supplies from without. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;212-211.</span>But Hannibal himself,
+leaving a garrison for the city, started with his
+army, and returned in a three days&#8217; march to his
+original camp; and there remained without further movements
+for the rest of the winter....</p>
+
+<h3>FALL OF SYRACUSE, B.C. 212</h3>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">The method taken
+by a Roman to estimate
+the height
+of the wall of Syracuse.
+Livy, 25, 23.</span>
+<a name="b8_37" id="b8_37"><b>37.</b></a> He counted the layers; for as the
+tower had been built of regular layers of
+stone, it was very easy to reckon the height
+of the battlements from the ground....</p>
+
+<p>Some days afterwards on information being given by a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_561" id="Page_561">561</a></span>
+deserter that the Syracusans had been engaged in a public
+sacrifice to Artemis for the last three days; <span class="sidenote">Fall of Syracuse
+by an escalade,
+autumn <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;212.
+Livy, 24, 23-31.</span>
+and
+that they were using very scanty food in the
+festival though plenty of wine, both Epicydes and
+certain Syracusans having given a large supply;
+Marcus Marcellus selected a part of the wall somewhat lower
+than the rest, and thinking it probable that the men were
+drunk, owing to the license of the hour, and the short supply of
+food with their wine, he determined to attempt an escalade.
+Two ladders of the proper height for the wall having been
+quickly made, he pressed on the undertaking. He spoke
+openly to those who were fit to make the ascent and to face
+the first and most conspicuous risk, holding out to them
+brilliant prospects of reward. He also picked out some men
+to give them necessary help and bring ladders, without telling
+them anything except to bid them be ready to obey
+orders. His directions having been accurately obeyed, at
+the proper time in the night he put the first men in motion,
+sending with them the men with the ladders together with a
+maniple and a tribune, and having first reminded them of the
+rewards awaiting them if they behaved with gallantry. After
+this he got his whole force ready to start; and despatching the
+vanguard by maniples at intervals, when a thousand had been
+massed in this way, after a short pause, he marched himself
+with the main body. The men carrying the ladders having
+succeeded in safely placing them against the wall, those who
+had been told off to make the ascent mounted at once without
+hesitation. Having accomplished this without being observed,
+and having got a firm footing on the top of the wall,
+the rest began to mount by the ladders also, not in any fixed
+order, but as best they could. At first as they made their way
+upon the wall they found no one to oppose them, for the
+guards of the several towers, owing to it being a time of public
+sacrifice, were either still drinking or were gone to sleep again
+in a state of drunkenness. Consequently of the first and second
+companies of guards, which they came upon, they killed the
+greater number before they knew that they were being attacked.
+And when they came near Hexapyli, they descended from the
+wall, and forced open the first postern they came to which was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_562" id="Page_562">562</a></span>
+let into the wall, through which they admitted the general and
+the rest of the army. This is the way in which the Romans
+took Syracuse....</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">Livy, 25, 24.</span>
+None of the citizens knew what was happening
+because of the distance; for the town is
+a very large one....</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">The first quarter
+occupied.
+Livy, 25, 24.</span>
+But the Romans were rendered very confident
+by their conquest of Epipolae....</p>
+
+<p class="tb"><a name="b8_38" id="b8_38"><b>38.</b></a> He gave orders that the infantry should take the beasts
+of burden along with the baggage tied upon them from the
+rear and range them in front of themselves. This produced a
+defence of greater security than any palisade.<a name="FNanchor_324" id="FNanchor_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">324</a>...</p>
+
+<p class="tb">So entirely unable are the majority of mankind to submit
+to that lightest of all burdens&mdash;silence....</p>
+
+<p class="tb">Anything in the future seems preferable to what exists in
+the present....</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_563" id="Page_563">563</a></span></p>
+
+<h2>BOOK IX</h2>
+
+<h3>EXTRACT FROM THE PREFACE</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b9_1" id="b9_1"><b>1.</b></a> <span class="smcap">Such</span> are the most conspicuous transactions of this
+Olympiad, that is, of the four years which an <span class="sidenote">142d Olympiad,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;212-208.</span>
+Olympiad must be reckoned to contain; and I
+shall endeavour to include the history of them
+in two books.</p>
+
+<p>I am quite aware that my history has an element of
+austerity in it, and is adapted to, and will be approved by
+only one class of readers, owing to the uniformity of its plan.
+Nearly all other historians, or at any rate most, attract a
+variety of readers by entering upon all the various branches of
+history. The curious reader is attracted by the genealogical
+style; the antiquarian by the discussion of colonisations,
+origins of cities, and ties of blood, such as is found in
+Ephorus; the student of polities by the story of tribes, cities,
+and dynasties. It is to this last branch of the subject that I
+have had a single eye, and have devoted my whole work; and
+accordingly have, as I said before, accommodated all my
+plans to one particular class of narrative. The result is that I
+have made my work by no means attractive reading to the
+majority. Why I thus neglected other departments of history,
+and deliberately resolved to confine myself to chronicling
+actions, I have already stated at length; however, there is
+no reason why I should not briefly remind my readers
+of it again in this place, for the sake of impressing it upon
+them.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_2" id="b9_2"><b>2.</b></a> Seeing that many writers have discussed in many
+varieties of style the question of genealogies, myths, and
+colonisations, as well as of the foundations of cities and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_564" id="Page_564">564</a></span>
+consanguinity of peoples, there was nothing left for a writer at
+this date but to copy the words of others and claim them as his
+own,&mdash;than which nothing could be more dishonourable; or,
+if he did not choose to do that, to absolutely waste his labour,
+being obliged to acknowledge that he is composing a history
+and bestowing thought on what has already been sufficiently set
+forth and transmitted to posterity by his predecessors. For
+these and sundry other reasons I abandoned such themes as
+these, and determined on writing a history of actions: first,
+because they are continually new and require a new narrative,&mdash;as
+of course one generation cannot give us the history of
+the next; and secondly, because such a narrative is of all
+others the most instructive. This it has always been: but it
+is eminently so now, because the arts and sciences have made
+such an advance in our day, that students are able to arrange
+every event as it happens according to fixed rules, as it were,
+of scientific classification. Therefore, as I did not aim so
+much at giving pleasure to my readers, as at profiting those
+who apply to such studies, I omitted all other themes and
+devoted myself wholly to this. But on these points, those who
+give a careful attention to my narrative will be the best
+witnesses to the truth of what I say....</p>
+
+<h3>THE HANNIBALIAN WAR</h3>
+
+<p><i>In the previous year (212 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>) Syracuse had fallen: the
+two Scipios had been conquered and killed in Spain: the siege-works
+had been constructed round Capua, at the very time of the
+fall of Syracuse, i.e. in the autumn, Hannibal being engaged in
+fruitless attempts upon the citadel of Tarentum. See Livy,
+25, 22.</i></p>
+
+<p class="tb"><a name="b9_3" id="b9_3"><b>3.</b></a> Entirely surrounding the position of Appius Claudius,
+Hannibal at first skirmished, and tried all he
+could to tempt him to come out and give him <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;211. Coss.
+Gnaeus Fulvius
+Centumalus, P.
+Sulpicius Galba.
+The Romans were
+still engaged in
+the siege of Capua.<br />Q. Fulvius and
+Appius Claudius,
+the Consuls of
+the previous year,
+were continued
+in command there,
+with orders not
+to leave the place
+till it fell. Livy,
+26, 1. Hannibal
+tries to raise the
+siege.</span>
+battle. But as no one attended to him, his
+attack became very like an attempt to storm
+the camp; for his cavalry charged in their
+squadrons, and with loud cries hurled their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_565" id="Page_565">565</a></span>
+javelins inside the entrenchments, and the
+infantry attacked in their regular companies,
+and tried to pull down the palisading round
+the camp. But not even so could he move the
+Romans from their purpose: they employed
+their light-armed troops to repulse those who
+were actually attacking the palisade, but protecting
+themselves with their heavy shields
+against the javelins of the enemy, they remained
+drawn up near their standards without moving.
+Discomfited at being neither able to throw himself into Capua,
+nor induce the Romans to leave their camp, Hannibal retired
+to consult as to what was best to be done.</p>
+
+<p>It is no wonder, in my opinion, that the Carthaginians
+were puzzled. I think any one who heard
+the facts would be the same. <span class="sidenote">The determination
+and cautious
+tactics of the
+Romans.</span>
+For who would
+not have received with incredulity the statement
+that the Romans, after losing so many battles to
+the Carthaginians, and though they did not venture to meet
+them on the field, could not nevertheless be induced to give
+up the contest or abandon the command of the country?
+Up to this time, moreover, they had contented themselves
+with hovering in his neighbourhood, keeping along the skirts
+of the mountains; but now they had taken up a position on
+the plains, and those the fairest in all Italy, and were besieging
+the strongest city in it; and that with an enemy attacking
+them, whom they could not endure even the thought of
+meeting face to face: while the Carthaginians, who beyond
+all dispute had won the battles, were sometimes in as great
+difficulties as the losers. I think the reason of the strategy
+adopted by the two sides respectively was, that they both had
+seen that Hannibal&#8217;s cavalry was the main cause of the
+Carthaginian victory and Roman defeat. Accordingly the
+plan of the losers after the battles, of following their enemies
+at a distance, was the natural one to adopt; for the country
+through which they went was such that the enemy&#8217;s cavalry
+would be unable to do them any damage. Similarly what
+now happened at Capua to either side was natural and
+inevitable.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_566" id="Page_566">566</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_4" id="b9_4"><b>4.</b></a> For the Roman army did not venture to come out
+and give battle, from fear of the enemy&#8217;s
+horse, <span class="sidenote">Carthaginian
+difficulties.</span>
+but remained resolutely within their
+entrenchment; well knowing that the cavalry,
+by which they had been worsted in the battles, could not
+hurt them there. While the Carthaginians, again, naturally
+could not remain any longer encamped with their cavalry,
+because all the pastures in the surrounding country had been
+utterly destroyed by the Romans with that very view; and it was
+impossible for animals to come from such a distance, carrying
+on their backs hay and barley for so large a body of cavalry,
+and so many beasts of burden; nor again did they venture,
+when encamped without their cavalry, to attack an enemy
+protected by a palisade and fosse, with whom a contest, even
+without these advantages in their favour, was likely to be a
+doubtful one if they had not got their cavalry. Besides this
+they were much alarmed about the new Consuls, lest they
+should come and encamp against them, and reduce them to
+serious straits by cutting off their supplies of provisions.</p>
+
+<p>These considerations convinced Hannibal that it was
+impossible to raise the siege by an open attack,
+and he therefore changed his tactics. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal determines
+on creating
+a diversion by
+threatening
+Rome.</span>
+He
+imagined that if by a secret march he could
+suddenly appear in the neighbourhood of Rome,
+he might by the alarm which he would inspire
+in the inhabitants by his unexpected movement, perhaps do
+something worth while against the city itself; or, if he could not
+do that, would at least force Appius either to raise the siege of
+Capua, in order to hasten to the relief of his native town, or
+to divide the Roman forces; which would then be easier for
+him to conquer in detail.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_5" id="b9_5"><b>5.</b></a> With this purpose in his mind he sent a letter-carrier
+into Capua. This he did by persuading one of
+his Libyans to desert to the Roman camp, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal informs
+the Capuans of
+his purpose.</span>
+and
+thence to Capua. He took this trouble to
+secure the safe delivery of his letter, because he was very
+much afraid that the Capuans, if they saw him departing,
+would consider that he despaired of them, and would therefore
+give up hope and surrender to the Romans. He wrote therefore<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_567" id="Page_567">567</a></span>
+an explanation of his design, and sent the Libyan the day
+after, in order that the Capuans, being acquainted with the
+purpose of his departure, might go on courageously sustaining
+the siege.</p>
+
+<p>When the news had arrived at Rome that Hannibal had
+encamped over against their lines, <span class="sidenote">Excitement and
+activity at Rome.</span>
+and was
+actually besieging their forces, there was
+universal excitement and terror, from a
+feeling that the result of the impending battle would
+decide the whole war. Consequently, with one heart and
+soul, the citizens had all devoted themselves to sending out
+reinforcements and making preparations for this struggle. On
+their part, the Capuans were encouraged by the receipt of
+Hannibal&#8217;s letter, and by thus learning the object of the
+Carthaginian movement, to stand by their determination, and
+to await the issue of this new hope. At the end of the fifth day,
+therefore, after his arrival on the ground, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal starts.</span>
+Hannibal ordered his
+men to take their supper as usual, and leave
+their watch-fires burning; and started with such
+secrecy, that none of the enemy knew what was happening.
+He took the road through Samnium, and marched at a great
+pace and without stopping, his skirmishers always keeping
+before him to reconnoitre and occupy all the posts along the
+route: and while those in Rome had their thoughts still wholly
+occupied with Capua and the campaign there, he crossed the
+Anio without being observed; and having arrived at a distance
+of not more than forty stades from Rome, there pitched
+his camp.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_6" id="b9_6"><b>6.</b></a> On this being known at Rome, the utmost confusion
+and terror prevailed among the inhabitants,&mdash;this
+movement of Hannibal&#8217;s being as unexpected
+as it was sudden; <span class="sidenote">Terror at
+Rome.</span>
+for he had never
+been so close to the city before. At the same time their
+alarm was increased by the idea at once occurring to them,
+that he would not have ventured so near, if it were not that
+the armies at Capua were destroyed. Accordingly, the men
+at once went to line the walls, and the points of vantage in the
+defences of the town; while the women went round to the
+temples of the gods and implored their protection, sweeping<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568">568</a></span>
+the pavements of the temples with their hair: for this is their
+customary way of behaving when any serious danger comes
+upon their country. But just as Hannibal had encamped,
+and was intending to attempt the city itself next day, an
+extraordinary coincidence occurred which proved fortunate
+for the preservation of Rome.</p>
+
+<p>For Gnaeus Fulvius and Publius Sulpicius, having already
+enrolled one consular army, had bound the men <span class="sidenote">The Consular
+levies fortunately
+being at Rome
+enable the
+Romans to make
+a counter-demonstration.</span>
+with the usual oath to appear at Rome armed on
+that very day; and were also engaged on that day
+in drawing out the lists and testing the men for
+the other army:<a name="FNanchor_325" id="FNanchor_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">325</a> whereby it so happened that a
+large number of men had been collected in Rome
+spontaneously in the very nick of time. These troops the
+Consuls boldly led outside the walls, and, entrenching themselves
+there, checked Hannibal&#8217;s intended movement. For the
+Carthaginians were at first eager to advance, and were not
+altogether without hope that they would be able to take Rome
+itself by assault. But when they saw the enemy drawn up in
+order, and learnt before long from a prisoner what had
+happened, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal
+devastates the
+Campagna.</span>
+they abandoned the idea of attacking
+the city, and began devastating the country-side
+instead, and setting fire to the houses. In
+these first raids they collected an innumerable amount of booty,
+for the field of plunder upon which they were entered was
+one into which no one had ever expected an enemy to set
+foot.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_7" id="b9_7"><b>7.</b></a> But presently, when the Consuls ventured to encamp
+within ten stades of him, Hannibal broke up his
+quarters before daylight. <span class="sidenote">Hannibal
+starts on his
+return.</span>
+He did so for three
+reasons:&mdash;first, because he had collected an
+enormous booty; secondly, because he had given up all hope
+of taking Rome; and lastly, because he reckoned that the
+time had now come at which he expected, according to
+his original idea, that Appius would have learnt the danger
+threatening Rome, and would have raised the siege of Capua<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_569" id="Page_569">569</a></span>
+and come with his whole force to the relief of the city; or at
+any rate would hurry up with the greater part, leaving a detachment
+to carry on the siege. Publius had caused the bridges
+over the Anio to be broken down, and thus compelled
+Hannibal to get his army across by a ford; <span class="sidenote">The passage of
+the Anio.</span>
+and
+he now attacked the Carthaginians as they were
+engaged in making the passage of the stream
+and caused them great distress. They were not able however
+to strike an important blow, owing to the number of Hannibal&#8217;s
+cavalry, and the activity of the Numidians in every part of the
+field. But before retiring to their camp they wrested the
+greater part of the booty from them, and killed about three
+hundred men; and then, being convinced that the Carthaginians
+were beating a hasty retreat in a panic, they followed
+in their rear, keeping along the line of hills. At first Hannibal
+continued to march at a rapid pace, being anxious to meet the
+force which he expected; but at the end of the fifth day,
+being informed that Appius had not left the
+siege of Capua, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal
+turns upon his
+pursuers.</span>
+he halted; and waiting for the
+enemy to come up, made an attack upon his
+camp before daylight, killed a large number of them, and drove
+the rest out of their camp. But when day broke, and he saw
+the Romans in a strong position upon a steep hill, to which
+they had retired, he decided not to continue his attack upon
+them; but marching through Daunia and Bruttium he
+appeared at Rhegium, so unexpectedly, that he was within an
+ace of capturing the city, and did cut off all who were out in
+the country; and during this excursion captured a very large
+number of the Rhegini.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_8" id="b9_8"><b>8.</b></a> It seems to me that the courage and determination both
+of the Carthaginians and Romans at this crisis were truly remarkable;
+and merit quite as much admiration as the conduct
+of Epaminondas, which I will describe here for the sake of
+pointing the comparison.</p>
+
+<p>He reached Tegea with the allies, and when he saw that
+the Lacedaemonians with their own forces in <span class="sidenote">The rapid march
+of Epaminondas
+to Sparta, and
+back again to
+Mantinea. See Xenophon, <i>Hell.</i>
+7, 5, 8 <i>sq.</i>
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;362.</span>
+full were come to Mantinea, and that their allies
+had mustered together in the same city, with the
+intention of offering the Thebans battle; having<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_570" id="Page_570">570</a></span>
+<span class="sidenote">Xenophon, <i>Hell.</i>
+7, 5, 8 <i>sq.</i>
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;362.</span>
+given orders to his men to get their supper
+early, he led his army out immediately after
+nightfall, on the pretext of being anxious to
+seize certain posts with a view to the coming battle. But
+having impressed this idea upon the common soldiers, he led
+them along the road to Lacedaemon itself; and having arrived
+at the city about the third hour of his march, contrary to all
+expectation, and finding Sparta destitute of defenders, he
+forced his way right up to the market-place, and occupied the
+quarters of the town which slope down to the river. <span class="sidenote">A Cretan warns
+Agesilaus.</span>Then
+however a contretemps occurred: a deserter
+made his way into Mantinea and told Agesilaus
+what was going on. Assistance accordingly
+arrived just as the city was on the point of being taken; and
+Epaminondas was disappointed of his hope. But having
+caused his men to get their breakfast along the bank of the
+Eurotas, and recovered them from their fatigue, he started to
+march back again by the same road, calculating that, as the
+Lacedaemonians and their allies had come to the relief of
+Sparta, Mantinea would in its turn be left undefended: which
+turned out to be the case. So he exhorted the Thebans to
+exert themselves; and, after a rapid night march, arrived at
+Mantinea about midday, finding it entirely destitute of
+defenders.</p>
+
+<p>But the Athenians, who were at that time zealously supporting
+the Lacedaemonians in their contest with the Thebans, had
+arrived in virtue of their treaty of alliance; and just as the
+Theban vanguard reached the temple of Poseidon, seven stades
+from the town, it happened that the Athenians showed themselves,
+by design, as if on the brow of the hill overhanging
+Mantinea. And when they saw them, the Mantineans who
+had been left behind at last ventured to man the wall and
+resist the attack of the Thebans. Therefore historians are
+justified in speaking with some dissatisfaction of these events,<a name="FNanchor_326" id="FNanchor_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">326</a>
+when they say that the leader did everything which a good
+general could, but that, while conquering his enemies, Epaminondas
+was conquered by Fortune.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_571" id="Page_571">571</a></span></p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_9" id="b9_9"><b>9.</b></a> Much the same remark applies to Hannibal. For who
+can refrain from regarding with respect and admiration a
+general capable of doing what he did? First he attempted by
+harassing the enemy with skirmishing attacks to raise the siege:
+having failed in this he made direct for Rome itself: baffled
+once more by a turn of fortune entirely independent of human
+calculation, he kept his pursuers in play,<a name="FNanchor_327" id="FNanchor_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">327</a> and waited till the
+moment was ripe to see whether the besiegers of Capua
+stirred: and finally, without relaxing in his determination, swept
+down upon his enemies to their destruction, and all but
+depopulated Rhegium. One would be inclined however to
+judge the Romans to be superior to the Lacedaemonians at this
+crisis. For the Lacedaemonians rushed off <i>en masse</i> at the
+first message and relieved Sparta, but, as far as they were
+concerned, lost Mantinea. The Romans guarded their own
+city without breaking up the siege of Capua: on the contrary,
+they remained unshaken and firm in their purpose, and in fact
+from that time pressed the Capuans with renewed spirit.</p>
+
+<p>I have not said this for the sake of making a panegyric on
+either the Romans or Carthaginians, whose great qualities I
+have already remarked upon more than once: but for the sake
+of those who are in office among the one or the other people, or
+who are in future times to direct the affairs of any state whatever;
+that by the memory, or actual contemplation, of exploits
+such as these they may be inspired with emulation. For in an
+adventurous and hazardous policy it often turns out that
+audacity was the truest safety and the finest sagacity;<a name="FNanchor_328" id="FNanchor_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">328</a> and
+success or failure does not affect the credit and excellence of
+the original design, so long as the measures taken are the result
+of deliberate thought....</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_572" id="Page_572">572</a></span></p>
+
+<h3>TARENTUM</h3>
+
+<p>When the Romans were besieging Tarentum, Bomilcar the
+admiral of the Carthaginian fleet came to its <span class="sidenote">The Carthaginian
+fleet invited from
+Sicily to relieve
+Tarentum does
+more harm than
+good, and departs
+to the joy of the
+people,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;211.
+Livy, 26, 20.</span>
+relief with a very large force; and being unable
+to afford efficient aid to those in the town,
+owing to the strict blockade maintained by the
+Romans, without meaning to do so he used up
+more than he brought; and so after having
+been constrained by entreaties and large
+promises to come, he was afterwards forced at
+the earnest supplication of the people to depart....</p>
+
+<h3>THE SPOILS OF SYRACUSE</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b9_10" id="b9_10"><b>10.</b></a> A city is not really adorned by what is brought from
+without, but by the virtue of its own inhabitants....</p>
+
+<p>The Romans, then, decided to transfer these things to their
+own city and to leave nothing behind. <span class="sidenote">Syracuse was
+taken in the
+autumn, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;212.
+&#8220;The ornaments
+of the city, statues
+and pictures were
+taken to Rome.&#8221;
+Livy, 25, 40, cp.
+26, 21.</span>
+Whether
+they were right in doing so, and consulted their
+true interests or the reverse, is a matter admitting
+of much discussion; but I think the balance of
+argument is in favour of believing it to have been
+wrong then, and wrong now. If such had been
+the works by which they had exalted their
+country, it is clear that there would have been
+some reason in transferring thither the things by which they
+had become great. But the fact was that, while leading lives
+of the greatest simplicity themselves, as far as possible removed
+from the luxury and extravagance which these things
+imply, they yet conquered the men who had always possessed
+them in the greatest abundance and of the finest quality. Could
+there have been a greater mistake than theirs? Surely it
+would be an incontestable error for a people to abandon the
+habits of the conquerors and adopt those of the conquered;
+and at the same time involve itself in that jealousy which is the
+most dangerous concomitant of excessive prosperity. For the
+looker-on never congratulates those who take what belongs<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_573" id="Page_573">573</a></span>
+to others, without a feeling of jealousy mingling with his pity for
+the losers. But suppose such prosperity to go on increasing, and
+a people to accumulate into its own hands all the possessions
+of the rest of the world, and moreover to invite in a way the
+plundered to share in the spectacle they present, in that case
+surely the mischief is doubled. For it is no longer a case of
+the spectators pitying their neighbours, but themselves, as they
+recall the ruin of their own country. Such a sight produces
+an outburst, not of jealousy merely, but of rage against the
+victors. For the reminder of their own disaster serves to enhance
+their hatred of the authors of it. To sweep the gold and silver,
+however, into their own coffers was perhaps reasonable; for it
+was impossible for them to aim at universal empire without
+crippling the means of the rest of the world, and securing the
+same kind of resources for themselves. But they might have
+left in their original sites things that had nothing to do with
+material wealth; and thus at the same time have avoided
+exciting jealousy, and raised the reputation of their country:
+adorning it, not with pictures and statues, but with dignity of
+character and greatness of soul. I have spoken thus much as
+a warning to those who take upon themselves to rule over
+others, that they may not imagine that, when they pillage cities,
+the misfortunes of others are an honour to their own country.
+The Romans, however, when they transferred these things to
+Rome, used such of them as belonged to individuals to increase
+the splendour of private establishments, and such as belonged
+to the state to adorn the city....</p>
+
+<h3>SPAIN</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b9_11" id="b9_11"><b>11.</b></a> The leaders of the Carthaginians, though they had
+conquered their enemies, could not control <span class="sidenote">The two Scipios
+fall in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;212.</span>
+themselves: and having made up their minds
+that they had put an end to the Roman war,
+they began quarrelling with each other, finding continual
+subjects of dispute through the innate covetousness and
+ambition of the Phoenician character; <span class="sidenote">Hasdrubal
+Gisconis
+tertius Carthaginiensium dux.
+Livy 24, 41, cp.
+25, 37.</span>
+among
+whom Hasdrubal, son of Gesco, pushed his
+authority to such a pitch of iniquity as to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_574" id="Page_574">574</a></span>
+demand a large sum of money from Andobales,
+the most faithful of all their Iberian friends,
+who had some time before lost his chieftainship
+for the sake of the Carthaginians, and had but recently
+recovered it through his loyalty to them. When Andobales,
+trusting to his long fidelity to Carthage, refused this demand,
+Hasdrubal got up a false charge against him and compelled
+him to give up his daughters as hostages....</p>
+
+<h3>ON THE ART OF COMMANDING ARMIES</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b9_12" id="b9_12"><b>12.</b></a> The chances and accidents that attend military expeditions
+require great circumspection; and it is possible to
+provide for all of them with precision, provided that a man
+gives his mind to the conduct of his plan of campaign. Now
+that fewer operations in war are carried out openly and by
+mere force, than by stratagem and the skillful use of opportunity,
+any one that chooses may readily learn from the history
+of the past. And again that operations depending on the
+choice of opportunity oftener fail than succeed is easily proved
+from experience. Nor can there be any doubt that the greater
+part of such failures are due to the folly or carelessness of the
+leaders. It is time therefore to inquire into the rules of this
+art of strategy.</p>
+
+<p>Such things as occur in campaigns without having been
+calculated upon in any way we must not speak of as operations,
+but as accidents or casualties. It is the conduct of a campaign
+in accordance with an exact plan that I am to set forth:
+omitting all such things as do not fall under a scientific rule,
+and have no fixed design.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_13" id="b9_13"><b>13.</b></a> Every operation requires a time fixed for its commencement,
+a period and place for its execution, <span class="sidenote">The points of
+inherent importance
+in the
+conduct of a
+campaign,&mdash;time,
+place, secrecy,
+code of signals,
+agents, and
+method.</span>
+secrecy, definite signals, persons by whom and
+with whom it is to be executed, and a settled plan
+for conducting it. It is evident that the man
+who has rightly provided for each of these details
+will not fail in the ultimate result, while he who
+has neglected any single one of them will fail in
+the whole. Such is the order of nature, that one insignificant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_575" id="Page_575">575</a></span>
+circumstance will suffice for failure, while for success rigid
+perfection of every detail is barely enough.</p>
+
+<p>Leaders then should neglect no single point in conducting
+such expeditions.</p>
+
+<p>Now the head and front of such precautions is silence; and
+not to allow either joy at the appearance of an
+unexpected hope, or fear, or familiarity, <span class="sidenote">Things necessary.
+1. Silence.</span>
+or
+natural affection, to induce a man to communicate
+his plans to any one unconcerned, but to impart it
+to those and those alone without whom it is impossible to
+complete his plan, and not even to them a moment sooner
+than necessary, but only when the exigencies of the particular
+service make it inevitable. It is necessary, moreover, not only
+to be silent with the tongue, but much more so in the mind.
+For it has happened to many generals before now, while
+preserving an inviolable silence, to betray their thoughts
+either by the expression of their countenances or by their
+actions.</p>
+
+<p>The second requisite is to know accurately the conditions
+under which marches by day or night may be <span class="sidenote">2. Knowledge of
+the capabilities of
+the force in
+moving.</span>
+performed, and the distances to which they can
+extend, and not only marches on land, but also
+voyages by sea.</p>
+
+<p>The third and most important is to have some knowledge
+of the seasons, and to be able to adapt the design to them.</p>
+
+<p>Nor again is the selection of the ground for the operation
+to be regarded as unimportant, since it often happens that it
+is this which makes what seems impossible possible, and what
+seemed possible impossible.</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">3. Care in concerting
+signals.<br />4. Care in selecting
+men.</span>Finally there must be no neglect of the
+subject of signals and counter signals; and the
+choice of persons by whom and with whom the
+operation is to be carried out.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_14" id="b9_14"><b>14.</b></a> Of these points some are learnt by experience, some
+from history, and others by the study of
+scientific strategy. <span class="sidenote">5. Knowledge of
+localities.</span>
+It is a most excellent thing
+too that the general should have a personal
+knowledge both of the roads, and the locality which he has
+to reach, and its natural features, as well as of the persons by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_576" id="Page_576">576</a></span>
+whom and with whom he is to act. If that is not possible, the
+next best thing is that he should make careful inquiries and
+not trust just any one: and men who undertake to act as
+guides to such places should always deposit security with
+those whom they are conducting.</p>
+
+<p>These, and other points like them, it is perhaps possible
+that leaders may learn sufficiently from the mere
+study of strategy, <span class="sidenote">6. Accurate knowledge
+of natural
+phenomena enabling
+a general
+to make accurate
+calculation of time.</span>
+whether practical or in books.
+But scientific investigation requires scientific
+processes and demonstrations, especially in
+astronomy and geometry; the working out of
+which is not much to our present point, though
+their results are important, and may contribute largely to the
+success of such undertakings.</p>
+
+<p>The most important operation in astronomy is the calculation
+of the lengths of the days and nights. If these had been
+uniform it would not have been a matter requiring any study,
+but the knowledge would have been common to all the world:
+since however they not only differ with each other but also
+with themselves, it is plainly necessary to be acquainted with
+the increase and diminution of both the one and the other.
+How can a man calculate a march, and the distance practicable
+in a day or in a night, if he is unacquainted with the variation of
+these periods of time? In fact nothing can be done up to time
+without this knowledge,&mdash;it is inevitable otherwise that a man
+should be sometimes too late and sometimes too soon. And
+these operations are the only ones in which being too soon is a
+worse fault than being too late. For the general who overstays
+the proper hour of action only misses his chance, since he can
+find out that he has done so before he arrives, and so get off
+safely: but he that anticipates the hour is detected when he
+comes up; and so not only misses his immediate aim, but runs
+a risk of ruining himself altogether.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_15" id="b9_15"><b>15.</b></a> In all human undertakings opportuneness is the most
+important thing, but especially in operations of war. Therefore
+a general must have at his fingers&#8217; ends the season of the
+summer and winter solstice, the equinoxes, and the periods
+between them in which the days and nights increase and
+diminish. For it is by this knowledge alone that he can<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_577" id="Page_577">577</a></span>
+compute the distance that can be done whether by sea or
+land. Again, he must necessarily understand <span class="sidenote">The divisions of
+the day;</span>
+the subdivisions both of the day and
+the night, in order to know at what hour to
+order the reveill&eacute;, or the march out; for the end cannot be
+attained unless the beginning be rightly taken. As for the
+periods of the day, they may be observed by the shadows or
+by the sun&#8217;s course, and the quarter of the heaven in which
+it has arrived, but it is difficult to do the same for the
+night, unless a man is familiar with the phenomenon
+of the twelve signs of the Zodiac, <span class="sidenote">of the night.</span>
+and their law and order: and this is easy to those who
+have studied astronomy. For since, though the nights are
+unequal in length, at least six of the signs of the Zodiac are
+nevertheless above the horizon every night, it is plain that in
+the same portions of every night equal portions of the twelve
+signs of the Zodiac rise. Now as it is known what portion of
+the sphere is occupied by the sun during the day, it is evident
+that when he has set the arc subtended by the diameter of
+his arc must rise. Therefore the length of the night is exactly
+commensurate with the portion of the Zodiac which appears
+above the horizon after sunset. And, given that we know the
+number and size of the signs of the Zodiac, the corresponding
+divisions of the night are also known. If however the nights
+be cloudy, the moon must be watched, since owing to its size
+its light as a general rule is always visible, at whatsoever point
+in the heaven it may be. The hour may be guessed sometimes
+by observing the time and place of its rising, or again of
+its setting, if you only have sufficient acquaintance with this
+phenomenon to be familiar with the daily variation of its rising.
+And the law which it too follows admits of being easily
+observed; for its revolution is limited by the period of one
+month, which serves as a model to which all subsequent
+revolutions conform.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_16" id="b9_16"><b>16.</b></a> And here one may mention with admiration that
+Homer represents Ulysses, that truest type of
+a leader of men, <span class="sidenote">The example of
+Ulysses. See
+Odyss. 5, 270 <i>sq.</i></span>
+taking observations of the
+stars, not only to direct his voyages, but his operations
+on land also. For such accidents as baffle expectation,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_578" id="Page_578">578</a></span>
+and are incapable of being accurately reckoned upon, are
+quite sufficient to bring us to great and frequent distress,
+for instance, downpours of rain and rise of torrents, excessive
+frosts and snows, misty and cloudy weather, and other things
+like these;&mdash;but if we also neglect to provide for those which
+can be foreseen, is it not likely that we shall have ourselves
+to thank for frequent failures? None of these means then
+must be neglected, if we wish to avoid those errors into which
+many others are said to have fallen, as well as the particular
+generals whom I am about to mention by way of examples.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_17" id="b9_17"><b>17.</b></a> When Aratus, the Strategus of the Achaean league,
+attempted to take Cynaetha by treachery, <span class="sidenote">Aratus fails at
+Cynaetha.</span>
+he
+arranged a day with those in the town who
+were co-operating with him, on which he was to arrive on the
+banks of the river which flows past Cynaetha, and to remain
+there quietly with his forces: while the party inside the town
+about midday, when they got an opportunity, were to send
+out one of their men quietly, wrapped in a cloak, and order
+him to take his stand upon a tomb agreed upon in front of
+the city; the rest were to attack the officers who were accustomed
+to guard the gate while taking their siesta. This being
+done, the Achaeans were to rise from their ambush and to
+make all haste to occupy the gate. These arrangements
+made, and the time having come, Aratus arrived; and having
+concealed himself down by the river, waited there for the
+signal. But about an hour before noon, a man, whose profession
+it was to keep a fine kind of sheep near the town,
+wishing to ask some business question of the shepherd, came
+out of the gate with his cloak on, and standing upon the same
+tomb looked round to find the shepherd. Whereupon Aratus,
+thinking that the signal had been given, hurried with all his
+men as fast as he could towards the gate. But the gate being
+hurriedly closed by the guard, owing to no preparations having
+yet been made by the party in the town, the result was
+that Aratus not only failed in his attempt but was the cause
+of the worst misfortunes to his partisans. For being thus
+detected they were dragged forward and put to death. What
+is one to say was the cause of this catastrophe? Surely that
+the general arranged only for a single signal, and being then<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_579" id="Page_579">579</a></span>
+quite young had no experience of the accuracy secured by
+double signals and counter-signals. On so small a point in
+war does the success or failure of an operation turn.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_18" id="b9_18"><b>18.</b></a> Again the Spartan Cleomenes, when proposing to take
+Megalopolis by a stratagem, arranged with the <span class="sidenote">Cleomenes.
+See <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_55">55</a>.</span>
+guards of that part of the wall near what is called
+the Cavern to come out with all their men in the third watch,
+the hour at which his partisans were on duty on the wall;
+but not having taken into consideration the fact that at the
+time of the rising of the Pleiads the nights are
+very short, <span class="sidenote">May 12.</span>he started his army from Sparta
+about sunset. The result was that he was not able to get
+there in time, but being overtaken by daybreak, made a rash
+and ill-considered attempt to carry the town, and was repulsed
+with considerable loss and the danger of a complete overthrow.
+Now if he had, in accordance with his arrangement, hit the
+proper time, and led in his men while his partisans were in
+command of the entrance, he would not have failed in his
+attempt.</p>
+
+<p>Similarly, once more, King Philip, as I have already
+stated, when carrying on an intrigue in the
+city of Meliteia, <span class="sidenote">Philip&#8217;s attack
+on Meliteia.
+See <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_97">97</a>.</span>
+made a mistake in two ways.
+The ladders which he brought were too short
+for their purpose, and he mistook the time. For having
+arranged to arrive about midnight, when every one was fast
+asleep, he started from Larissa and arrived in the territory of
+Meliteia too early, and was neither able to halt, for fear of his
+arrival being announced in the city, nor to get back again
+without being discovered. Being compelled therefore to continue
+his advance, he arrived at the city while the inhabitants
+were still awake. Consequently he could neither carry the
+wall by an escalade, because of the insufficient length of the
+ladders; nor enter by the gate, because it was too early for his
+partisans inside to help him. Finally, he did nothing but
+irritate the people of the town, and, after losing a considerable
+number of his own men, retired unsuccessful and covered with
+disgrace; having only given a warning to the rest of the
+world to distrust him and be on their guard against him.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_19" id="b9_19"><b>19.</b></a> Again Nicias, the general of the Athenians, had it in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_580" id="Page_580">580</a></span>
+his power to have saved the army besieging Syracuse, <span class="sidenote">Nicias, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;413.
+Thucyd. 7, 50.</span>and
+had selected the proper time of the night
+for escaping the observation of the enemy, and
+retiring to a place of safety. And then because the moon was
+eclipsed, regarding it superstitiously as of evil portent, he
+stopped the army from starting. Thanks to this it came
+about that, when he started the next day, the enemy had obtained
+information of his intention, and army and generals
+alike fell into the hands of the Syracusans. Yet if he had
+asked about this from men acquainted with such phenomena, he
+might not only have avoided missing his opportunity for such
+an absurd reason, but have also used the occurrence for his
+own benefit owing to the ignorance of the enemy. For the
+ignorance of their neighbours contributes more than anything
+else to the success of the instructed.</p>
+
+<p>Such then are examples of the necessity of studying celestial
+phenomena. But as for securing the proper
+length of scaling ladders, <span class="sidenote">The method of
+judging of the
+length necessary
+for
+scaling ladders.</span>
+the following is the
+method of making the calculation. Suppose
+the height of the wall to be given by one of the
+conspirators within, the measurement required
+for the ladders is evident; for example, if the height of the
+wall is ten feet or any other unit, the ladders must be full
+twelve; and the interval between the wall and the foot of the
+ladder must be half the length of the ladder, that the ladders
+may not break under the weight of those mounting if they
+are set farther away, nor be too steep to be safe if set nearer
+the perpendicular. But supposing it not to be possible to
+measure or get near the wall: the height of any object which
+rises perpendicularly on its base can be taken by those who
+choose to study mathematics.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_20" id="b9_20"><b>20.</b></a> Once more, therefore, those who wish to succeed in
+military projects and operations must have studied geometry,
+not with professional completeness, but far enough to have a
+comprehension of proportion and equations. For it is not
+only in such cases that these are necessary, but also for raising
+the scale of the divisions of a camp. For sometimes the
+problem is to change the entire form of the camp, and yet to
+keep the same proportion between all the parts included: at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_581" id="Page_581">581</a></span>
+other times to keep the same shape in the parts, and to increase
+or diminish the whole area on which the camp stands, adding
+or subtracting from all proportionally. On which point I
+have already spoken in more elaborate detail in my Notes on
+Military Tactics. For I do not think that any one will reasonably
+object to me that I add a great burden to strategy, in
+urging on those who endeavour to acquire it the study of
+astronomy and geometry: for, while rather rejecting all that
+is superfluous in these studies, and brought in for show and
+talk, as well as all idea of enjoining their prosecution beyond
+the point of practical utility, I am most earnest and eager for
+so much as is barely necessary. For it would be strange if
+those who aim at the sciences of dancing and flute-playing
+should study the preparatory sciences of rhythms and music,
+(and the like might be said of the pursuits of the palaestra),
+from the belief that the final attainment of each of these
+sciences requires the assistance of the latter; while the students
+of strategy are to feel aggrieved if they find that they require
+subsidiary sciences up to a certain point. That would mean
+that men practising common and inferior arts are more diligent
+and energetic than those who resolve to excel in the best
+and most dignified subject, which no man of sense would
+admit....</p>
+
+<h3>THE COMPUTATION OF THE SIZE OF CITIES</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b9_21" id="b9_21"><b>21.</b></a> Most people calculate the area merely from the
+length of the circumference [of towns or
+camps]. <span class="sidenote">Sparta and
+Megalopolis.</span>
+Accordingly, when one says that
+the city of Megalopolis has a circuit of fifty
+stades, and that of Sparta forty-eight, but that Sparta is twice
+the size of Megalopolis, they look upon the assertion as incredible.
+And if one, by way of increasing the difficulty, were
+to say that a city or camp may have a circuit of forty stades
+and yet be double the size of one having a perimeter of a
+hundred, the statement would utterly puzzle them. The
+reason of this is that we do not remember the lessons in
+geometry taught us at school. I was led to make these
+remarks because it is not only common people, but actually<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_582" id="Page_582">582</a></span>
+some statesmen and military commanders, who have puzzled
+themselves sometimes by wondering whether it were possible
+that Sparta should be bigger, and that too by a great deal,
+than Megalopolis, while having a shorter circuit; and at other
+times by trying to conjecture the number of men by considering
+the mere length of a camp&#8217;s circuit. A similar mistake
+is also made in pronouncing as to the number of the inhabitants
+of cities. For most people imagine that cities in which
+the ground is broken and hilly contain more houses than a
+flat site. But the fact is not so; because houses are built at
+right angles not to sloping foundations but to the plains below,
+upon which the hills themselves are excrescences. And this
+admits of a proof within the intelligence of a child. For if
+one would imagine houses on slopes to be raised until they
+were of the same height; it is evident that the plane of the
+roofs of the houses thus united will be equal and parallel
+to the plane underlying the hills and foundations.</p>
+
+<p>So much for those who aspire to be leaders and statesmen and
+are yet ignorant and puzzled about such facts as these....</p>
+
+<p>Those who do not enter upon undertakings with good will
+and zeal cannot be expected to give real help when the time
+comes to act....</p>
+
+<h3>THE HANNIBALIAN WAR, B.C. 211</h3>
+
+<p>Such being the position of the Romans and Carthaginians,
+Fortune continually oscillating between the two, we may say
+with the poet</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+<div class="poetry">
+<div class="stanza">
+<div class="line">&#8220;Pain hard by joy possessed the souls of each.&#8221;<a name="FNanchor_329" id="FNanchor_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">329</a>...</div>
+</div></div></div>
+
+<p>There is profound truth in the observation which I have
+often made, that it is impossible to grasp or get a complete
+view of the fairest of all subjects of contemplation, the tendency
+of history as a whole, from writers of partial histories....</p>
+
+<h3>THE CHARACTER OF HANNIBAL</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b9_22" id="b9_22"><b>22.</b></a> Of all that befell the Romans and Carthaginians, good
+or bad, the cause was one man and one mind,&mdash;Hannibal.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_583" id="Page_583">583</a></span></p>
+<p>For it is notorious that he managed the Italian campaigns in
+person, and the Spanish by the agency of the elder of his
+brothers, Hasdrubal, and subsequently by that of Mago, the
+leaders who killed the two Roman generals in Spain about the
+same time. Again, he conducted the Sicilian campaign at
+first through Hippocrates and afterwards through Myttonus<a name="FNanchor_330" id="FNanchor_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">330</a>
+the Libyan. So also in Greece and Illyria: and, by brandishing
+before their faces the dangers arising from these latter
+places, he was enabled to distract the attention of the Romans,
+thanks to his understanding with Philip. So great and wonderful
+is the influence of a Man, and a mind duly fitted by
+original constitution for any undertaking within the reach of
+human powers.</p>
+
+<p>But since the position of affairs has brought us to an
+inquiry into the genius of Hannibal, the occasion seems to
+me to demand that I should explain in regard to him the
+peculiarities of his character which have been especially the
+subject of controversy. Some regard him as having been
+extraordinarily cruel, some exceedingly grasping of money.
+But to speak the truth of him, or of any person engaged in
+public affairs, is not easy. Some maintain that men&#8217;s real
+natures are brought out by their circumstances, and that they
+are detected when in office, <span class="sidenote">&#7936;&#961;&#967;&#8052; &#7940;&#957;&#948;&#961;&#945; &#948;&#949;&#8055;&#958;&#949;&#953;.
+Bias, in Aristot.
+Eth. 5, 1.</span>
+or as some say when
+in misfortunes, though they have up to that time
+completely maintained their secrecy. I, on the
+contrary, do not regard this as a sound dictum. For I think
+that men in these circumstances are compelled, not only
+occasionally but frequently, either by the suggestions of friends
+or the complexity of affairs, to speak and act contrary to their
+real principles.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_23" id="b9_23"><b>23.</b></a> And there are many proofs of this to be found in past
+history if any one will give the necessary
+attention. <span class="sidenote">Examples to the
+contrary.
+1. Agathocles.</span>
+Is it not universally stated by
+the historians that Agathocles, tyrant of
+Sicily, after having the reputation of extreme cruelty in his
+original measures for the establishment of his dynasty, when
+he had once become convinced that his power over the
+Siceliots was firmly established, is considered to have become<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_584" id="Page_584">584</a></span>
+the most humane and mild of rulers? <span class="sidenote">2. Cleomenes.</span>
+Again, was not
+Cleomenes of Sparta a most excellent king, a
+most cruel tyrant, and then again as a private
+individual most obliging and benevolent? And yet it is not
+reasonable to suppose the most opposite dispositions to exist
+in the same nature. They are compelled to change with the
+changes of circumstances: and so some rulers often display to
+the world a disposition as opposite as possible to their true
+nature. Therefore the natures of men not only are not brought
+out by such things, but on the contrary are rather obscured.
+The same effect is produced also not only in commanders,
+despots, and kings, but in states also, by the suggestions of
+friends. <span class="sidenote">3. Athens.</span>For instance, you will find the
+Athenians responsible for very few tyrannical
+acts, and of many kindly and noble ones, while Aristeides and
+Pericles were at the head of the state: but quite the reverse
+when Cleon and Chares were so. <span class="sidenote">4. Sparta.</span>
+And when the Lacedaemonians
+were supreme in Greece, all the
+measures taken by King Cleombrotus were
+conceived in the interests of their allies, but those by
+Agesilaus not so. <span class="sidenote">5. Philip V.</span>
+The characters of states therefore vary
+with the variations of their leaders. King
+Philip again, when Taurion and Demetrius
+were acting with him, was most impious in his conduct, but
+when Aratus or Chrysogonus, most humane.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_24" id="b9_24"><b>24.</b></a> The case of Hannibal seems to me to be on a par
+with these. His circumstances were so extraordinary
+and shifting, <span class="sidenote">Hannibal
+mastered by circumstances.</span>
+his closest friends
+so widely different, that it is exceedingly
+difficult to estimate his character from his proceedings
+in Italy. What those circumstances suggested to him may
+easily be understood from what I have already said, and what
+is immediately to follow; but it is not right to omit the
+suggestions made by his friends either, especially as this
+matter may be rendered sufficiently clear by one instance of
+the advice offered him. At the time that Hannibal was
+meditating the march from Iberia to Italy with his army,
+he was confronted with the extreme difficulty of providing
+food and securing provisions, both because the journey<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_585" id="Page_585">585</a></span>
+was thought to be of insuperable length, and because the
+barbarians that lived in the intervening country were so
+numerous and savage. <span class="sidenote">His cruelty.</span>
+It appears that at that time this
+difficulty frequently came on for discussion at
+the council; and that one of his friends, called
+Hannibal Monomachus, gave it as his opinion that there was
+one and only one way by which it was possible to get as far as
+Italy. Upon Hannibal bidding him speak out, he said that
+they must teach the army to eat human flesh, and make them
+accustomed to it. Hannibal could say nothing against the
+boldness and effectiveness of the idea, but was unable to persuade
+himself or his friends to entertain it. It is this man&#8217;s
+acts in Italy that they say were attributed to Hannibal, to
+maintain the accusation of cruelty, as well as such as were the
+result of circumstances.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_25" id="b9_25"><b>25.</b></a> Fond of money indeed he does seem to have
+been to a conspicuous degree, and to have
+had a friend of the same character&mdash;Mago, <span class="sidenote">His avarice.</span>
+who commanded in Bruttium. That account I got from
+the Carthaginians themselves; for natives know best not
+only which way the wind lies, as the proverb has it, but
+the characters also of their fellow-countrymen. But I
+heard a still more detailed story from Massanissa, who
+maintained the charge of money-loving against all Carthaginians
+generally, but especially against Hannibal and Mago
+called the Samnite. Among other stories, he told me that
+these two men had arranged a most generous subdivision of
+operations between each other from their earliest youth; and
+though they had each taken a very large number of cities in
+Iberia and Italy by force or fraud, they had never taken part in
+the same operation together; but had always schemed against
+each other, more than against the enemy, in order to prevent
+the one being with the other at the taking of a city: that they
+might neither quarrel in consequence of things of this sort,
+nor have to divide the profit on the ground of their equality
+of rank.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_26" id="b9_26"><b>26.</b></a> The influence of friends then, and still more that of
+circumstances, in doing violence to and changing the natural
+character of Hannibal, is shown by what I have narrated and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_586" id="Page_586">586</a></span>
+will be shown by what I have to narrate. For as soon
+as Capua fell into the hands of the Romans
+the other cities naturally became restless, <span class="sidenote">Effect of the fall
+of Capua,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;211.</span>
+and began to look round for opportunities
+and pretexts for revolting back again to Rome. It
+was then that Hannibal seems to have been at his lowest
+point of distress and despair. For neither was he able to
+keep a watch upon all the cities so widely removed from each
+other,&mdash;while he remained entrenched at one spot, and the
+enemy were man&oelig;uvering against him with several armies,&mdash;nor
+could he divide his force into many parts; for he would
+have put an easy victory into the hands of the enemy by
+becoming inferior to them in numbers, and finding it impossible
+to be personally present at all points. Wherefore he was
+obliged to completely abandon some of the cities, and withdraw
+his garrisons from others: being afraid lest, in the course
+of the revolutions which might occur, he should lose his own
+soldiers as well. Some cities again he made up his mind to
+treat with treacherous violence, removing their inhabitants to
+other cities, and giving their property up to plunder; in
+consequence of which many were enraged with him, and
+accused him of impiety or cruelty. For the fact was that
+these movements were accompanied by robberies of money,
+murders, and violence, on various pretexts at the hands of the
+outgoing or incoming soldiers in the cities, because they
+always supposed that the inhabitants that were left behind
+were on the verge of turning over to the enemy. It is, therefore,
+very difficult to express an opinion on the natural
+character of Hannibal, owing to the influence exercised on it
+by the counsel of friends and the force of circumstances. The
+prevailing notion about him, however, at Carthage was that
+he was greedy of money, at Rome that he was cruel.<a name="FNanchor_331" id="FNanchor_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">331</a>...</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_587" id="Page_587">587</a></span></p>
+
+<h3>AGRIGENTUM</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b9_27" id="b9_27"><b>27.</b></a> The city of Agrigentum is not only superior to most
+cities in the particulars I have mentioned, <span class="sidenote">Agrigentum taken
+by Marcus Valerius
+Laevinus,
+late in the year
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;210, <i>jam
+magna parte anni
+circumacta</i>.
+Livy, 26, 40.</span>
+but
+above all in beauty and elaborate ornamentation.
+It stands within eighteen stades of the
+sea, so that it participates in every advantage
+from that quarter; while its circuit of fortification
+is particularly strong both by nature and
+art. For its wall is placed on a rock, steep and
+precipitous, on one side naturally, on the other made so
+artificially. And it is enclosed by rivers: for along the south
+side runs the river of the same name as the town, and along
+the west and south-west side the river called Hypsas. The
+citadel overlooks the city exactly at the south-east, girt on the
+outside by an impassable ravine, and on the inside with only
+one approach from the town. On the top of it is a temple of
+Athene and of Zeus Atabyrius as at Rhodes: for as Agrigentum
+was founded by the Rhodians, it is natural that this
+deity should have the same appellation as at Rhodes. The
+city is sumptuously adorned in other respects also with
+temples and colonnades. The temple of Zeus Olympius is
+still unfinished, but in its plan and dimensions it seems to
+be inferior to no temple whatever in all Greece....</p>
+
+<p><span class="sidenote">The treatment of
+the refugees and
+desperadoes who
+had collected at
+Agathyrna in
+Sicily. See Livy,
+26, 40 <i>fin.</i></span>Marcus Valerius persuaded these refugees,
+on giving them a pledge for the security of
+their lives,
+to leave Sicily and go to Italy, on
+condition that they should receive pay from the
+people of Rhegium for plundering Bruttium,
+and retain all booty obtained from hostile
+territory....</p>
+
+<h3>GREECE</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b9_28" id="b9_28"><b>28.</b></a> <i>Speech of Chlaeneas, the Aetolian, at Sparta. In the
+autumn of</i>&nbsp;<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;211 <i>the Consul-designate, M. Valerius
+Laevinus, induced the Aetolians, Scopas being their Strategus,
+to form an alliance with them against Philip. The treaty, as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_588" id="Page_588">588</a></span>
+finally concluded, embraced also the Eleans, Lacedaemonians,
+King Attalus of Pergamum, the Thracian King Pleuratus, and
+the Illyrian Scerdilaidas. A mission was sent from Aetolia to
+persuade the Lacedaemonians to join. See Livy</i>, 26, 24.</p>
+
+<p class="tb">&#8220;That the Macedonian supremacy, men of Sparta, was
+the beginning of slavery to the Greeks, I am persuaded that
+no one will venture to deny; and you may satisfy yourselves
+by looking at it thus. There was a league of Greeks living in
+the parts towards Thrace who were colonists from Athens and
+Chalcis, of which the most conspicuous and powerful was the
+city of Olynthus. <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;347.</span>
+Having enslaved and made
+an example of this town, Philip not only became
+master of the Thraceward cities, but reduced Thessaly also to
+his authority by the terror which he had thus set up. <span class="sidenote">Battle of Chaeronea,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;338.</span>
+Not
+long after this he conquered the Athenians in
+a pitched battle, and used his success with
+magnanimity, not from any wish to benefit the
+Athenians&mdash;far from it, but in order that his favourable treatment
+of them might induce the other states to submit to him
+voluntarily. The reputation of your city was still such that
+it seemed likely, that, if a proper opportunity arose, it would
+recover its supremacy in Greece. Accordingly, without waiting
+for any but the slightest pretext, Philip came with his army
+and cut down everything standing in your fields, and destroyed
+the houses with fire. And at last, after destroying towns and
+<span class="sidenote">Succession of
+Alexander the
+Great, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;336.</span>open country alike, he assigned part of your territory to the
+Argives, part to Tegea and Megalopolis,
+and
+part to the Messenians: determined to benefit
+every people in spite of all justice, on the sole
+condition of their injuring you. <span class="sidenote">Destruction of
+Thebes, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;335.</span>
+Alexander succeeded Philip
+on the throne, and how he destroyed Thebes,
+because he thought that it contained a spark of
+Hellenic life, however small, you all I think
+know well.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_29" id="b9_29"><b>29.</b></a> &#8220;And why need I speak in detail of how the successors
+of this king have treated the Greeks? For surely there is
+no man living, so uninterested in public affairs, as not to have
+heard how Antipater in his victory at Lamia treated the unhappy<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_589" id="Page_589">589</a></span>
+Athenians, as well as the other Greeks; <span class="sidenote">Battle of Crannon,
+ending the
+Lamian war, 7th
+Aug., <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;322.</span>
+and how he
+went so far in violence and brutality as to institute
+man-hunters, and send them to the various
+cities to catch all who had ever spoken against,
+or in any way annoyed, the royal family of
+Macedonia: of whom some were dragged by force from the
+temples, and others from the very altars, and put to death
+with torture, and others who escaped were forced to leave
+Greece entirely; nor had they any refuge save the Aetolian
+nation alone. For the Aetolians were the only people in
+Greece who withstood Antipater in behalf of those unjustly
+defrauded of safety to their lives: they alone faced the invasion
+of Brennus and his barbarian army: <span class="sidenote">Defeat of Brennus
+at Delphi, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+279. Pausan.
+10, 15; 20-23.</span>
+and they alone came to your aid when called
+upon, with a determination to assist you in
+regaining your ancestral supremacy in Greece.<a name="FNanchor_332" id="FNanchor_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">332</a>
+Who again is ignorant of the deeds of Cassander, Demetrius,
+and Antigonus Gonatas? For owing to their recency the
+knowledge of them still remains distinct. Some of them by
+introducing garrisons, and others by implanting despots in the
+cities, effectually secured that every state should share the
+infamous brand of slavery. But passing by all these I will
+now come to the last Antigonus,<a name="FNanchor_333" id="FNanchor_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">333</a> lest any of you, viewing his
+policy unsuspiciously, should consider that you are under an
+obligation to the Macedonians. For it was with no purpose
+of saving the Achaeans that he undertook the war against
+you, nor from any dislike of the tyranny of Cleomenes inducing
+him to free the Lacedaemonians. If any man among you
+holds this opinion, he must be simple indeed. No! It was
+because he saw that his own power would not be secure if
+you got the rule of the Peloponnese; and because he saw that
+Cleomenes was of a nature well calculated to secure this
+object, and that fortune was splendidly seconding your efforts,
+that he came in a tumult of fear and jealousy, not to help
+Peloponnesians, but to destroy your hopes and abase your
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_590" id="Page_590">590</a></span>power. Therefore you do not owe the Macedonians so much
+gratitude for not destroying your city when they had taken it,
+as hostility and hatred, for having more than once already
+stood in your way, when you were strong enough to grasp the
+supremacy of Greece.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_30" id="b9_30"><b>30.</b></a> &#8220;Again, what need to speak more on the wickedness of
+Philip? For of his impiety towards the gods <span class="sidenote">Philip V.</span>
+his outrages on the temples at Thermus are a
+sufficient proof; and of his cruelty towards man, his perfidy
+and treachery to the Messenians.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;So much for the past. But as to the present resolution
+before you, it is in a way necessary to draft it, and vote on it,
+as though you were deciding on war, and yet in real truth not
+to regard it as a war. For it is impossible for the Achaeans,
+beaten as they are, to damage your territory: but I imagine
+that they will be only too thankful to heaven if they can but
+protect their own, when they find themselves surrounded by
+war with Eleans and Messenians as allied to us, and with ourselves
+at the same time. And Philip, I am persuaded, will
+soon desist from his attack, when involved in a war by land
+with Aetolians, and by sea with Rome and King Attalus.
+The future may be easily conjectured from the past. For if
+he always failed to subdue Aetolians when they were his only
+enemies, can we conceive that he will be able to support the
+war if all these combine?</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_31" id="b9_31"><b>31.</b></a> &#8220;I have said thus much with the deliberate purpose of
+showing you that you are not hampered by previous engagements,
+but are entirely free in your deliberations as to which
+you ought to join&mdash;Aetolians or Macedonians. If you are
+under an earlier engagement, and have already made up your
+minds on these points, what room is there for further argument?
+For if you had made the alliance now existing
+between yourselves and us, previous to the good services done
+you by Antigonus, there might perhaps have been some
+reason for questioning whether it were right to neglect an old
+treaty in gratitude for recent favours. But since it was
+subsequent to this much vaunted freedom and security given
+you by Antigonus, and with which they are perpetually
+taunting you, that, after deliberation and frequent consideration<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_591" id="Page_591">591</a></span>
+as to which of the two you ought to join, you decided
+to combine with us Aetolians; and have actually exchanged
+pledges of fidelity with us, and have fought by our side in the
+late war against Macedonia, how can any one entertain a
+doubt on the subject any longer? For the obligations of
+kindness between you and Antigonus and Philip were
+cancelled then. It now remains for you to point out some
+subsequent wrong done you by Aetolians, or subsequent
+favour by Macedonians: or if neither of these exist, on what
+grounds are you now, at the instance of the very men to whom
+you justly refused to listen formerly, when no obligation
+existed, about to undo treaties and oaths&mdash;the strongest
+bonds of fidelity existing among mankind.&#8221;</p>
+
+<p>Such was the conclusion of what was considered a very
+cogent speech by Chlaeneas.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_32" id="b9_32"><b>32.</b></a> After him the ambassador of the Acarnanians, Lyciscus,
+came forward: and at first he paused, seeing the multitude
+talking to each other about the last speech; but when at last
+silence was obtained, he began his speech as follows:&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;I and my colleagues, men of Sparta, have been sent to
+you by the common league of the Acarnanians; <span class="sidenote">Speech of
+Lyciscus, envoy
+from Acarnania,
+which country was
+to fall to the
+Aetolians by the
+proposed new
+treaty. See Livy,
+26, 24.</span>
+and as we have always shared in the same
+prospects as the Macedonians, we consider
+that this mission also is common to us and
+them. For just as on the field of war, owing to
+the superiority and magnitude of the Macedonian
+force, our safety is involved in their
+valour; so, in the controversies of diplomacy,
+our interests are inseparable from the rights of the Macedonians.
+Now Chlaeneas in the peroration of his address gave a
+summary of the obligations existing between the Aetolians and
+yourselves. For he said, &#8216;If subsequent to your making the
+alliance with them any fresh injury or offence had been committed
+by Aetolians, or any kindness done by Macedonians,
+the present proposal ought properly to be discussed as a fresh
+start; but that if, nothing of the sort having taken place, we
+believe that by quoting the services of Antigonus, and your
+former decrees, we shall be able to annul existing oaths and
+treaties, we are the greatest simpletons in the world.&#8217; To this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_592" id="Page_592">592</a></span>
+I reply by acknowledging that I must indeed be the most
+foolish of men, and that the arguments I am about to put
+forward are indeed futile, if, as he maintains, nothing fresh has
+happened, and Greek affairs are in precisely the same position
+as before. But if exactly the reverse be the case, as I shall
+clearly prove in the course of my speech,&mdash;then I imagine that
+I shall be shown to give you some salutary advice, and Chlaeneas
+to be quite in the wrong. We are come, then, expressly
+because we are convinced that it is needful for us to speak on
+this very point: namely, to point out to you that it is at once
+your duty and your interest, after hearing of the evils threatening
+Greece, to adopt if possible a policy excellent and worthy of
+yourselves by uniting your prospects with ours; or if that cannot
+be, at least to abstain from this movement for the present.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_33" id="b9_33"><b>33.</b></a> &#8220;But since the last speaker has ventured to go back to
+ancient times for his denunciations of the Macedonian royal
+family, I feel it incumbent on me also to say a few words first
+on these points, to remove the misconception of those who have
+been carried away by his words.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;Chlaenaes said, then, that Philip son of Amyntas became
+master of Thessaly by the ruin of Olynthus. But I conceive
+that not only the Thessalians, but the other Greeks also, were
+preserved by Philip&#8217;s means. <span class="sidenote">Sacred war,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;357-346.
+Onomarchus
+killed near the
+gulf of Pagasae,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;352.
+See Diodor. 16,
+32-35.</span>
+For at the time
+when Onomarchus and Philomelus, in defiance
+of religion and law seized Delphi and made
+themselves masters of the treasury of the god,
+who is there among you who does not know
+that they collected such a mighty force as no
+Greek dared any longer face? Nay, along with
+this violation of religion, they were within an ace of becoming
+lords of all Greece also. At that crisis Philip volunteered his
+assistance; destroyed the tyrants, secured the temple, and
+became the author of freedom to the Greeks, as is testified
+even to posterity by the facts. <span class="sidenote">Philip elected
+generalissimo
+against Persia in
+the congress of
+allies at Corinth,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;338.</span>
+For Philip
+was unanimously elected general-in-chief by
+land and sea, not, as my opponent ventured
+to assert, as one who had wronged Thessaly;
+but on the ground of his being a benefactor
+of Greece: an honour which no one had previously obtained.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_593" id="Page_593">593</a></span>
+&#8216;Ay, but,&#8217; he says, &#8216;Philip came with an armed force into Laconia.&#8217;
+Yes, but it was not of his own choice, as you know: he
+reluctantly consented to do so, after repeated invitations and
+appeals by the Peloponnesians, under the name of their friend
+and ally. And when he did come, pray observe, Chlaeneas,
+how he behaved. Though he could have availed himself of
+the wishes of the neighbouring states for the destruction of these
+men&#8217;s territory and the humiliation of their city, and have won
+much gratitude too by his act, he by no means lent himself to
+such a policy; but, by striking terror into the one and the other
+alike, he compelled both parties to accommodate their
+differences in a congress, to the common benefit of all: not
+putting himself forward as arbitrator of the points in dispute,
+but appointing a joint board of arbitration selected from all
+Greece. Is that a proceeding which deserves to be held up to
+reproach and execration?</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_34" id="b9_34"><b>34.</b></a> &#8220;Again, you bitterly denounced Alexander, because,
+when he believed himself to be wronged, he
+punished Thebes: <span class="sidenote">Alexander&#8217;s services
+to Greece.</span>
+but of his having exacted
+vengeance of the Persians for their outrages
+on all the Greeks you made no mention at all, nor of
+his having released us all in common from heavy miseries,
+by enslaving the barbarians, and depriving them of the
+supplies which they used for the ruin of the Greeks,&mdash;sometimes
+pitting the Athenians against the ancestors of these
+gentlemen here, at another the Thebans; nor finally of his
+having subjected Asia to the Greeks.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;As for Alexander&#8217;s successors how had you the audacity
+to mention them? They were indeed, according
+to the circumstances of the time, <span class="sidenote">The Diadochi.</span>
+on many occasions
+the authors of good to some and of harm to others: for
+which perhaps others might be allowed to bear them a grudge.
+But to <i>you</i> Aetolians it is in no circumstance open to do so,&mdash;you
+who have never been the authors of anything good to
+any one, but of mischief to many and on many occasions!
+<span class="sidenote">The Aetolian
+policy.</span>Who was it that called in Antigonus son of
+Demetrius to the partition of the Achaean
+league? Who was it that made a sworn treaty
+with Alexander of Epirus for the enslaving and dismembering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_594" id="Page_594">594</a></span>
+of Acarnania? Was it not you? What nation ever sent out
+military commanders duly accredited of the sort that you
+have? Men that ventured to do violence to the sanctity of
+asylum itself! Timaeus violated the sanctuary of Poseidon on
+Taenarum, and of Artemis at Lusi. Pharylus and Polycritus
+plundered, the former the sacred enclosure of Here in Argos,
+the latter that of Poseidon at Mantinea. What again about
+Lattabus and Nicostratus? Did not they make a treacherous
+attack on the assembly of the Pan-Boeotians in time of peace,
+committing outrages worthy of Scythians and Gauls? You
+will find no such crimes as these committed by the Diadochi.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_35" id="b9_35"><b>35.</b></a> &#8220;Not being able to say anything in defence of
+any of these acts, you talk pompously about <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;279.</span>
+your having resisted the invasion of Delphi
+by the barbarians, and allege that for this Greece ought
+to be grateful to you. But if for this one service some gratitude
+is owing to the Aetolians; what high honour do the
+Macedonians deserve, who throughout nearly their whole
+lives are ceaselessly engaged in a struggle with the barbarians
+for the safety of the Greeks? For that Greece would have
+been continually involved in great dangers, if we had not had
+the Macedonians and the ambition of their kings as a barrier,
+who is ignorant? <span class="sidenote">Defeat and death
+of Ptolemy
+Ceraunus in the
+battle with the
+Gauls,
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;280.
+See Pausan. 10,
+19, 7.</span>
+And there is a very striking
+proof of this. For no sooner had the Gauls
+conceived a contempt for the Macedonians, by
+their victory over Ptolemy Ceraunus, than,
+thinking the rest of no account, Brennus
+promptly marched into the middle of Greece.
+And this would often have happened if the
+Macedonians had not been on our frontiers.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;However, though I have much that I could say on the past,
+I think this is enough. Of all the actions of Philip, they have
+selected his destruction of the temple, to fasten the charge of
+impiety upon him. They did not add a word about their own
+outrage and crime, which they perpetrated in regard to the
+temples in Dium, and Dodona, and the sacred enclosures of
+the gods. The speaker should have mentioned this first.
+But anything you Aetolians have suffered you recount to these
+gentlemen with exaggeration: but the things you have inflicted<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_595" id="Page_595">595</a></span>
+unprovoked, though many times as numerous as the others,
+you pass over in silence; because you know full well that everybody
+lays the blame of acts of injustice and mischief on those
+who give the provocation by unjust actions themselves.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_36" id="b9_36"><b>36.</b></a> &#8220;Of Antigonus I will only make mention so far, as to
+avoid appearing to despise what was done, or to treat as
+unimportant so great an undertaking. For my part I think
+that history does not contain the record of a more admirable
+service than that which Antigonus performed for you: indeed
+it appears to me to be unsurpassable. And the following facts
+will show this. Antigonus went to war with you and conquered
+you in a pitched battle. By force of arms he became master
+of your territory and city at once. He might have exercised
+all the rights of war upon you: but he was so far from
+inflicting any hardships upon you, that, besides other benefits,
+he expelled your tyrant and restored your laws and ancestral
+constitution. In return for which, in the national assemblies,
+calling the Greeks to witness your words, you proclaimed
+Antigonus your benefactor and preserver.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;What then ought to have been your policy? I will speak
+what I really think, gentlemen of Sparta: and you will I am sure
+bear with me. For I shall do this now from no wish to go out
+of my way to bring railing accusations against you, but under
+the pressure of circumstances, and for the common good. What
+then am I to say? This: that both in the late war you ought to
+have allied yourselves not with Aetolians but with Macedonians;
+and now again, in answer to these invitations, you ought to join
+Philip rather than the former people. But, it may be objected,
+you will be breaking a treaty. Which will be the graver
+breach of right on your part,&mdash;to neglect a private arrangement
+made with Aetolians, or one that has been inscribed on a
+column and solemnly consecrated in the sight of all Greece?
+On what ground are you so careful of breaking faith with this
+people, from whom you have never received any favour, while
+you pay no heed to Philip and the Macedonians, to whom
+you owe even the very power of deliberating to-day? Do you
+regard it as a duty to keep faith with friends? Yet it is not
+so much a point of conscience to confirm written pledges of
+faith, as it is a violation of conscience to go to war with those<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_596" id="Page_596">596</a></span>
+who preserved you: and this is what, in the present instance,
+the Aetolians are come to demand of you.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_37" id="b9_37"><b>37.</b></a> &#8220;Let it, however, be granted that what I have now said
+may in the eyes of severe critics be regarded as beside the
+subject. I will now return to the main point at issue, as they
+state it. It was this: &#8216;If the circumstances are the same now
+as at the time when you made alliance with the Aetolians, then
+your policy ought to remain on the same lines.&#8217; That was
+their first proposition. &#8216;But if they have been entirely changed,
+then it is fair that you should now deliberate on the demands
+made to you as on a matter entirely new and unprejudiced.&#8217;
+I ask you therefore, Cleonicus and Chlaeneas, who were your
+allies on the former occasion when you invited this people to
+join you? Were they not all the Greeks? But with whom
+are you now united, or to what kind of federation are
+you now inviting this people? Is it not to one with the
+foreigner? A mighty similarity exists, no doubt, in your
+minds, and no diversity at all! <i>Then</i> you were contending for
+glory and supremacy with Achaeans and Macedonians, men of
+kindred blood with yourselves, and with Philip their leader;
+<i>now</i> a war of slavery is threatening Greece against men of
+another race, whom you think to bring against Philip, but
+have really unconsciously brought against yourselves and all
+Greece. For just as men in the stress of war, by introducing
+into their cities garrisons superior in strength to their own
+forces, while successfully repelling all danger from the enemy,
+put themselves at the mercy of their friends,&mdash;just so are the
+Aetolians acting in the present case. For in their desire to
+conquer Philip and humble Macedonia, they have unconsciously
+brought such a mighty cloud from the west, as for the
+present perhaps will overshadow Macedonia first, but which in
+the sequel will be the origin of heavy evils to all Greece.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_38" id="b9_38"><b>38.</b></a> &#8220;All Greeks indeed have need to be on the alert
+for the crisis which is coming on: <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;492. Herod.
+6, 48; 7, 133.</span>
+but Lacedaemonians
+above all. For why was it, do you
+suppose, men of Sparta, that your ancestors,
+when Xerxes sent an ambassador to your town demanding
+earth and water, thrust the man into a well, and, throwing
+earth upon him, bade him take back word to Xerxes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_597" id="Page_597">597</a></span>
+that he had got from the Lacedaemonians what he had
+demanded from them,&mdash;earth and water? Why was it again, <span class="sidenote"><span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;480.</span>
+do you suppose, that Leonidas and his men
+started forth to a voluntary and certain death?
+Was it not that they might have the glory of being the
+forlorn hope, not only of their own freedom, but of that
+of all Greece also? And it would indeed be a worthy action
+for descendants of such heroes as these to make a league
+with the barbarians now, and to serve with them; and
+to war against Epirotes, Achaeans, Acarnanians, Boeotians,
+Thessalians, and in fact against nearly every Greek state
+except Aetolians! To these last it is habitual to act thus:
+and to regard nothing as disgraceful, so long only as it is
+accompanied by an opportunity of plunder. It is not so,
+however, with you. And what must we expect these people to
+do, now that they have obtained the support of the Roman
+alliance? For when they obtained an accession of strength
+and support from the Illyrians, they at once set about acts of
+piracy at sea, and treacherously seized Pylus; while by land
+they stormed the city of Cleitor, and sold the Cynaethans into
+slavery. Once before they made a treaty with Antigonus, as I
+said just now, for the destruction of the Achaean and Acarnanian
+races; and now they have done the same with Rome
+for the destruction of all Greece.</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_39" id="b9_39"><b>39.</b></a> &#8220;With a knowledge of such transactions before his eyes
+who could help suspecting an attack from Rome, and feeling
+abhorrence at the abandoned conduct of the Aetolians in
+daring to make such a treaty? They have already wrested
+Oeniadae and Nesus from the Acarnanians, and recently
+seized the city of the unfortunate Anticyreans, whom, in conjunction
+with the Romans, they have sold into slavery.<a name="FNanchor_334" id="FNanchor_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">334</a> Their
+children and women are led off by the Romans to suffer all
+the miseries which those must expect who fall into the hands
+of aliens; while the houses of the unhappy inhabitants are
+allotted among the Aetolians. Surely a noble alliance this to
+join deliberately! <span class="sidenote">Herod. 7, 132.</span>
+Especially for Lacedaemonians:
+who, after conquering the barbarians,
+decreed that the Thebans, for being the only Greeks that
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_598" id="Page_598">598</a></span>resolved to remain neutral during the Persian invasion, should
+pay a tenth of their goods to the gods.</p>
+
+<p>&#8220;The honourable course then, men of Sparta, and the one
+becoming your character, is to remember from what ancestors
+you are sprung; to be on your guard against an attack from
+Rome; to suspect the treachery of the Aetolians. Above all
+to recall the services of Antigonus: and so once more show
+your loathing for dishonest men; and, rejecting the friendship
+of the Aetolians, unite your hopes for the future with those of
+Achaia and Macedonia. If, however, any of your own
+influential citizens are intriguing against this policy, then at
+least remain neutral, and do not take part in the iniquities of
+these Aetolians....&#8221;</p>
+
+<p class="tb"><i>In the autumn of</i> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;211, <i>Philip being in Thrace, Scopas
+made a levy of Aetolians to invade Acarnania. The Acarnanians
+sent their wives, children, and old men to Epirus, while the rest
+of them bound themselves by a solemn execration never to rejoin
+their friends except as conquerors of the invading Aetolians.
+Livy</i>, 26, 25.</p>
+
+<p class="tb"><a name="b9_40" id="b9_40"><b>40.</b></a> When the Acarnanians heard of the intended invasion
+of the Aetolians, in a tumult of despair and fury they adopted
+a measure of almost frantic violence....</p>
+
+<p>If any one of them survived the battle and fled from the
+danger, they begged that no one should receive him in any
+city or give him a light for a fire. And this they enjoined on
+all with a solemn execration, and especially on the Epirotes,
+to the end that they should offer none of those who fled an
+asylum in their territory....</p>
+
+<p class="tb"><i>When Philip was informed of the invasion he advanced
+promptly to the relief of Acarnania; hearing of which the
+Aetolians returned home.</i> <i>Livy</i>, l. c.</p>
+
+<p class="tb">Zeal on the part of friends, if shown in time, is of great
+service; but if it is dilatory and late, it renders the assistance
+nugatory,&mdash;supposing, of course, that they wish to keep the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_599" id="Page_599">599</a></span>
+terms of their alliance, not merely on paper, but by actual
+deeds.<a name="FNanchor_335" id="FNanchor_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">335</a>...</p>
+
+<h3>INVESTMENT OF ECHINUS BY PHILIP</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b9_41" id="b9_41"><b>41.</b></a> Having determined to make his approach upon the
+town at the two towers, he erected opposite
+to them diggers&#8217; sheds and rams; <span class="sidenote">In the campaigns
+of Philip, during
+the time that
+Publius Sulpicius
+Galba as Proconsul
+commanded
+a Roman
+fleet in Greek
+waters, <i>i.e.</i> from
+<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;209 to <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+206. See Livy,
+26, 22, 28; 28,
+5-7; 29, 12.</span>
+and opposite
+the space between the towers he erected
+a covered way between the rams, parallel
+to the wall. And when the plan was complete,
+the appearance of the works was very
+like the style of the wall. For the super-structures
+on the pent-houses had the appearance
+and style of towers, owing to the placing
+of the wattles side by side; and the space
+between looked like a wall, because the row of
+wattles at the top of the covered way were divided into battlements
+by the fashion in which they were woven. In the
+lowest division of these besieging towers the diggers employed
+in levelling inequalities, to allow the stands of the battering-rams
+to be brought up, kept throwing on earth, and the ram
+was propelled forward: in the second story were water vessels
+and other appliances for quenching fires, and along with them
+the catapults: and on the third a considerable body of men
+were placed to fight with all who tried to damage the rams;
+and they were on a level with the city towers. From the
+covered way between the besieging towers a double trench
+was to be dug towards the wall, between the city towers.
+There were also three batteries for stone-throwing machines,
+one of which carried stones of a talent weight, and the other
+two half that weight. From the camp to the pent-houses and
+diggers&#8217; sheds underground tunnels had been constructed,
+to prevent men, going to the works from the camp or returning
+from the works, being wounded in any way by missiles
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_600" id="Page_600">600</a></span>from the town. These works were completed in a very few
+days, because the district round produced what was wanted for
+this service in abundance. For Echinus is situated on the
+Melian Gulf, facing south, exactly opposite the territory of
+Thronium, and enjoys a soil rich in every kind of produce;
+thanks to which circumstance Philip had no scarcity of anything
+he required for his purpose. Accordingly, as I said, as
+soon as the works were completed, they begun at once pushing
+the trenches and the siege machinery towards the walls....</p>
+
+<p><a name="b9_42" id="b9_42"><b>42.</b></a> While Philip was investing Echinus, and had
+secured his position excellently on the side of the town, and
+had strengthened the outer line of his camp with a trench and
+wall, Publius Sulpicius, the Roman proconsul, <span class="sidenote">Spring of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+209.</span>
+and Dorimachus,<a name="FNanchor_336" id="FNanchor_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">336</a> tegus of the Aetolians,
+arrived in person,&mdash;Publius with a fleet, and
+Dorimachus with an army of infantry and cavalry,&mdash;and
+assaulted Philip&#8217;s entrenchment. Their repulse led to greater
+exertions on Philip&#8217;s part in his attack upon the Echinaeans,
+who in despair surrendered to him. For Dorimachus was
+not able to reduce Philip by cutting off his supplies, as he
+got them by sea....</p>
+
+<p class="tb">When Aegina was taken by the Romans, such of the
+inhabitants as had not escaped crowded together
+at the ships, <span class="sidenote">Aegina taken
+before the end of
+208 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>, for Sulpicius
+wintered
+there between
+208-207 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;See
+Livy, 27, 32.</span>
+and begged the proconsul to allow
+them to send ambassadors to cities of their kinsmen
+to obtain ransom. Publius at first returned
+a harsh answer, saying, that &#8220;When they were
+their own masters was the time that they ought
+to have sent ambassadors to their betters to ask for mercy,
+not now when they were slaves. A little while ago they had
+not thought an ambassador from him worthy of even a word;
+now that they were captives they expected to be allowed to
+send ambassadors to their kinsfolk: was that not sheer folly?&#8221;
+So at the time he dismissed those who came to him with these
+words. But next morning he called all the captives together
+and said that, as to the Aeginetans, he owed them no favour;
+<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_601" id="Page_601">601</a></span>but for the sake of the rest of the Greeks he would allow
+them to send ambassadors to get ransom, since that was the
+custom of their country....</p>
+
+<h3>ASIA</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b9_43" id="b9_43"><b>43.</b></a> The Euphrates rises in Armenia and flows through
+Syria and the country beyond to Babylonia. It seems to
+discharge itself into the Red Sea; but in point of fact it does
+not do so: for its waters are dissipated among the ditches dug
+across the fields before it reaches the sea. Accordingly the
+nature of this river is the reverse of that of others. For in
+other rivers the volume of water is increased in proportion to
+the greater distance traversed, and they are at their highest in
+winter and lowest in midsummer; but this river is fullest of
+water at the rising of the dog-star, <span class="sidenote">July 26.</span>
+and has the
+largest volume of water in Syria, which continually
+decreases as it advances. The reason of this is that the
+increase is not caused by the collection of winter rains, but by
+the melting of the snows; and its decrease by the diversion of
+its stream into the land, <span class="sidenote">The transport of
+the army of Antiochus
+in his eastern
+campaigns.
+See <i>supra</i>, <b>8</b>, <a href="#b8_25">25</a>.</span>
+and its subdivision
+for the purposes of irrigation. It was this
+which on this occasion made the transport
+of the army slow, because as the boats were
+heavily laden, and the stream very low, the
+forces of the current did exceedingly little to help them
+down.</p>
+
+<h3>EMBASSY FROM ROME TO PTOLEMY</h3>
+
+<p><a name="b9_44" id="b9_44"><b>44.</b></a> The Romans sent ambassadors to Ptolemy, wishing
+to be supplied with corn, as they were suffering <span class="sidenote">M. Atilius and
+Manius Glabrio
+sent to Alexandria
+with presents to
+Ptolemy Philopator
+and Queen
+Cleopatra. Livy,
+27, 4, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;210.</span>
+from a great scarcity of it at home; and, moreover,
+when all Italy had been laid waste by the
+enemy&#8217;s troops up to the gates of Rome, and
+when all supplies from abroad were stopped by
+the fact that war was raging, and armies encamped,
+in all parts of the world except in
+Egypt. In fact the scarcity at Rome had come to such a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_602" id="Page_602">602</a></span>
+pitch, that a Sicilian medimnus was sold for fifteen drachmae.<a name="FNanchor_337" id="FNanchor_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">337</a>
+But in spite of this distress the Romans did not relax in
+their attention to the war.</p>
+
+<p class="center">END OF VOL. I</p>
+
+<h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1" id="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1"><span class="label">1</span></a> Vita Nicolai V. a <i>Dominico Georgio</i>, Rome, 1742, p. 206.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2" id="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2"><span class="label">2</span></a> Casaubon mentions in his preface several partial editions and translations
+which had appeared by Greeks, Spaniards, Italians, and Belgians. But he
+says all such translations were founded on the faulty Latin translation of
+Perotti; and none were of any value. The only fairly good one was a German
+translation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3" id="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3"><span class="label">3</span></a> Unless the avoidance of the hiatus be counted one, which has been
+pointed out by Hultsch. I cannot forbear from quoting here the admirable
+words of Casaubon on the style of Polybius:&mdash;<i>Non deest sed non eminet in
+Polybio facundia. Nihil vero est iniquius illis, qui nullam putant esse eloquentiam,
+nisi uti nihil est praeter eloquentiam. Semper mihi apprime placuit
+Diodori Siculi sententia, vehementius in historico eloquentiae studium improbantis.
+Verborum enim curam nimiam veri fere par sequitur incuria.
+Oratio vultus animi est: ut hic fuerit gravis aut solutus, ita etiam illa vel
+severa erit vel mollis.</i> The nearest Greek to that of Polybius is II. Maccabees.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4" id="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4"><span class="label">4</span></a> Livy, 38, 30-34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5" id="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5"><span class="label">5</span></a> Polyb. <b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_3">3</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_10">10</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_12">12</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6" id="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6"><span class="label">6</span></a> Polyb. <b>24</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b24_6">6</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7" id="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7"><span class="label">7</span></a> Polyb. <b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_24">24</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8" id="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8"><span class="label">8</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Timol.</i> ch. 39; Plato, <i>Laws</i>, 947.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9" id="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9"><span class="label">9</span></a> Cicero, <i>Ep. ad Fam.</i> 5, 12</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10" id="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10"><span class="label">10</span></a> Lucian, <i>Macrobii</i>, &sect; 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11" id="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11"><span class="label">11</span></a> Livy, 36, 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12" id="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12"><span class="label">12</span></a> Pausan. 7, 9, 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13" id="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13"><span class="label">13</span></a> As Callicrates in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;179; Polyb. <b>36</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b36_2">2</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14" id="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14"><span class="label">14</span></a> <b>25</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b25_9">9</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15" id="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15"><span class="label">15</span></a> <b>26</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b26_3">3</a>. Callicrates at the same time secured a party in his favour, during
+his year of office <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;179, by restoring the Spartan and Messenian exiles; in
+return for which the former set up his statue at Olympia, the base of which is
+preserved. Hicks&#8217;s <i>Greek Inscriptions</i>, p. 330.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16" id="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16"><span class="label">16</span></a> <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_3">3</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17" id="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17"><span class="label">17</span></a> <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_6">6</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18" id="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18"><span class="label">18</span></a> See <b>11</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b11_8">8</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19" id="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19"><span class="label">19</span></a> <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_12">12</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20" id="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20"><span class="label">20</span></a> The decree was brought into the Peloponnese by C. Popilius and Cn.
+Octavius in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;171. See Livy, 43, 17, <i>ne quis ullam rem in bellum magistratibus
+Romanis conferret pr&aelig;ter quam quod Senatus censuisset</i>. Cp. Polyb.
+<b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_3">3</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21" id="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21"><span class="label">21</span></a> <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_13">13</a>-14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22" id="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22"><span class="label">22</span></a> <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_7">7</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23" id="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23"><span class="label">23</span></a> <b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_23">23</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24" id="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24"><span class="label">24</span></a> <b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_25">25</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_26">26</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25" id="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25"><span class="label">25</span></a> Thus Appius Claudius Cento would be hostile from the rejection of his
+illegal demand for 5000 men. One of the common grounds of offence had
+long been the refusal of Philopoemen and other Strategi to summon an
+assembly to meet a Roman officer unless he came duly authorised with a
+definite communication from the Senate. On this ground Quintus Caecilius
+was refused in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;185 (Polyb. <b>23</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b23_19">19</a>) and also Titus Flamininus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;183
+(Polyb. <b>24</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b24_5">5</a>). See Freeman&#8217;s <i>Federal Government</i>, pp. 652-655. And no
+doubt other cases of a similar nature would occur, generally leading to an unfavourable
+report at Rome.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26" id="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26"><span class="label">26</span></a> Polyb. <b>30</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b30_13">13</a>. Thirlwall, vol. viii. p. 419.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27" id="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27"><span class="label">27</span></a> Pausanias, 7, 10, 7-12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28" id="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28"><span class="label">28</span></a> Some few, it appears, had managed to escape, though at the risk of certain
+execution if caught.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29" id="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29"><span class="label">29</span></a> Polyb. <b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_21">21</a>. Plutarch, <i>Aemilius</i>, ch. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30" id="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30"><span class="label">30</span></a> Diodorus Sic. <i>fr. lib.</i> 31; Plutarch, <i>Apophth. Scip. min.</i> 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31" id="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31"><span class="label">31</span></a> <b>32</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b32_8">8</a>-16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32" id="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32"><span class="label">32</span></a> Thus he seems to have searched the Archives of the Pontifices. Dionys.
+Halicarn. 1, 73. And he observed and criticised all Roman customs, as, for
+instance, the provision for boys&#8217; education at Rome. Cic. <i>de Rep.</i> 4, 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33" id="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33"><span class="label">33</span></a> <b>31</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b31_19">19</a>-21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34" id="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34"><span class="label">34</span></a> <b>35</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b35_6">6</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35" id="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35"><span class="label">35</span></a> Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 49; Appian, <i>Pun.</i> 74-77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36" id="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36"><span class="label">36</span></a> I infer this, not very confidently, from <b>9</b>, <a href="#b9_25">25</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37" id="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37"><span class="label">37</span></a> <b>37</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b37_3">3</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38" id="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38"><span class="label">38</span></a> Scipio was born <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39" id="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39"><span class="label">39</span></a> <b>9</b>, <a href="#b9_25">25</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40" id="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40"><span class="label">40</span></a> <b>39</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b39_3">3</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41" id="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41"><span class="label">41</span></a> Pliny, <i>N. H.</i> 5, &sect; 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42" id="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42"><span class="label">42</span></a> Pausanias, 7, 11-12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43" id="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43"><span class="label">43</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44" id="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44"><span class="label">44</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> 14; Polyb. <b>38</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b38_7">7</a>-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45" id="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45"><span class="label">45</span></a> <b>38</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b38_7">7</a>-10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46" id="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46"><span class="label">46</span></a> Thucyd. 3. 92.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47" id="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47"><span class="label">47</span></a> Livy says the battle was at Thermopylae. This was near enough
+for a general statement, but Scarpheia is some miles to the south. Livy, <i>Ep.</i>
+52, Pausan. 7. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48" id="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48"><span class="label">48</span></a> <b>39</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b39_8">8</a> <i>sq.</i> Pausan. 7, 12 <i>sq.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49" id="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49"><span class="label">49</span></a> This has been much disputed. See Thirlwall&#8217;s note, vol. viii. p. 455. If
+the fragment, <b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_13">13</a> (<b>40</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b40_7">7</a>) is given correctly by Strabo, it seems certain that
+he must have arrived either before or immediately after the fall of Corinth.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50" id="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50"><span class="label">50</span></a> <b>39</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b39_13">13</a>-14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51" id="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51"><span class="label">51</span></a> <b>39</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b39_15">15</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52" id="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52"><span class="label">52</span></a> Livy, <i>Ep.</i> 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53" id="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53"><span class="label">53</span></a> Pausan. 7, 16, 9. Polyb. <b>39</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b39_16">16</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54" id="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54"><span class="label">54</span></a> Thus in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;44 Brutus going out as propraetor to take the province of
+Macedonia, goes first to Athens, and there, as well as in the rest of Greece,
+collects troops and money. See the note in Mommsen&#8217;s <i>History of Rome</i>, vol.
+III. p. 50 (book IV. c. 1.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55" id="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55"><span class="label">55</span></a> Pausan. 8, 9, 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56" id="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56"><span class="label">56</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 8, 30, 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57" id="Footnote_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57"><span class="label">57</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 8, 37, 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58" id="Footnote_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58"><span class="label">58</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 8, 44, 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59" id="Footnote_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59"><span class="label">59</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 8, 48, 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60" id="Footnote_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60"><span class="label">60</span></a> The base of this has been discovered with its inscription&mdash;
+</p><p>
+&#7977; &#960;&#8057;&#955;&#953;&#962; &#964;&#8182;&#957; &#7977;&#955;&#949;&#8055;&#969;&#957; &#928;&#959;&#955;&#8059;&#946;&#953;&#959;&#957;<br />
+&#923;&#965;&#954;&#8057;&#961;&#964;&#945; &#924;&#949;&#947;&#945;&#955;&#959;&#960;&#959;&#955;&#949;&#8055;&#964;&#951;&#957;.<br />
+</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61" id="Footnote_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61"><span class="label">61</span></a> Cicero, <i>Ep. ad Fam.</i> 5, 12. For the Numantine war (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;134-132)
+the authorities are Appian, <i>Hisp.</i> 48-98; Eutrop. 4, 17; Cicero <i>de Off.</i> 1, 11,
+Strabo, 3, p. 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62" id="Footnote_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62"><span class="label">62</span></a> <b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_14">14</a>. Strabo, p. 677.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63" id="Footnote_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63"><span class="label">63</span></a> <b>1</b>, <a href="#b1_1">1</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64" id="Footnote_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64"><span class="label">64</span></a> <b>3</b> <a href="#b3_4">4</a>. It is clear that such passages, as for instance the beginning of
+<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_42">42</a>, must have been written before <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;146, and perhaps published, and
+therefore not altered. Cp. the answer of Zeno of Rhodes to corrections
+sent by Polybius, that he could not make alterations, as his work was already
+published (<b>16</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b16_20">20</a>).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65" id="Footnote_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65"><span class="label">65</span></a> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_57">57</a>, cp. <b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_5">5</a>**.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66" id="Footnote_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66"><span class="label">66</span></a> <b>21</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b21_38">38</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67" id="Footnote_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67"><span class="label">67</span></a> Lucian, <i>Macrobii</i>, &sect;22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68" id="Footnote_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68"><span class="label">68</span></a> <b>9</b>, <a href="#b9_20">20</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69" id="Footnote_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69"><span class="label">69</span></a> <b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_21">21</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70" id="Footnote_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70"><span class="label">70</span></a> Cicero, <i>Epist. ad Fam.</i> 5, 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71" id="Footnote_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71"><span class="label">71</span></a> <b>29</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b29_10">10</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72" id="Footnote_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72"><span class="label">72</span></a> <b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_14">14</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73" id="Footnote_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73"><span class="label">73</span></a> <i>Off.</i> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_32">32</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74" id="Footnote_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74"><span class="label">74</span></a> Republ. 2, 14, &sect; 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75" id="Footnote_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75"><span class="label">75</span></a> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_48">48</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76" id="Footnote_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76"><span class="label">76</span></a> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_33">33</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77" id="Footnote_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77"><span class="label">77</span></a> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_59">59</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78" id="Footnote_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78"><span class="label">78</span></a> <b>9</b>, <a href="#b9_25">25</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79" id="Footnote_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79"><span class="label">79</span></a> <b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_11">11</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80" id="Footnote_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80"><span class="label">80</span></a> <b>16</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b16_15">15</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81" id="Footnote_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81"><span class="label">81</span></a> Dionys. Halic. 1, 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82" id="Footnote_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82"><span class="label">82</span></a> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_22">22</a> <i>sqq.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83" id="Footnote_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83"><span class="label">83</span></a> <b>31</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b31_38">38</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84" id="Footnote_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84"><span class="label">84</span></a> <b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_14">14</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85" id="Footnote_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85"><span class="label">85</span></a> <b>12</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b12_5">5</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86" id="Footnote_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86"><span class="label">86</span></a> The elder Africanus died in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;183.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87" id="Footnote_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87"><span class="label">87</span></a> I append a list of all writers referred to by Polybius, the index will show
+the places where they are mentioned. Aeneas Tacticus, Alcaeus a grammarian,
+Antiphanes of Berga, Antisthenes of Rhodes, Aratus of Sicyon,
+Archedicus, Aristotle, Callisthenes, Demetrius of Phalerum, Demosthenes,
+Dicaearchus, Echecrates, Ephorus of Cumae, Epicharmus of Cos, Eratosthenes,
+Eudoxus, Euemerus, Euripides, Fabius Pictor, Hesiod, Homer,   Philinus,
+Phylarchus, Pindar, Plato, Pytheas, Simonides of Ceos, Stasinus,   Strabo,
+Theophrastus of Lesbos, Theopompus of Chios, Thucydides, Timaeus,
+Xenophon, Zaleucus, Zeno of Rhodes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88" id="Footnote_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88"><span class="label">88</span></a> <b>1</b>, <a href="#b1_14">14</a>, <a href="#b1_22">15</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89" id="Footnote_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89"><span class="label">89</span></a> See bk. <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b12_1">1</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90" id="Footnote_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90"><span class="label">90</span></a> <b>12</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b12_15">15</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91" id="Footnote_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91"><span class="label">91</span></a> Athenaeus, vi. 272 <i>b</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92" id="Footnote_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92"><span class="label">92</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Nicias</i>, 1, <i>Arat.</i> 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93" id="Footnote_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93"><span class="label">93</span></a> In the reference to the Seven Magi (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_43">43</a>), and to the story of Cleobis and
+Bito (<b>22</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b22_20">20</a>).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94" id="Footnote_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94"><span class="label">94</span></a> Cornelius Nepos, <i>Alcib.</i> 11. Plutarch, <i>Lys.</i> 30. Lucian, <i>Quomodo
+hist. conscr.</i> &sect; 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95" id="Footnote_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95"><span class="label">95</span></a> The History of the Achaean league is given with unrivalled learning,
+clearness, and impartiality by Bishop Thirlwall in the eighth volume of his
+<i>History of Greece</i>. Its constitution has been discussed with great fulness by
+Professor E. A. Freeman in his <i>History of Federal Government</i>. Recently Mr.
+Capes has published an edition of the parts of Polybius referring to it which
+will be found useful; and Mr. Strachan-Davidson has an able essay upon it
+in his edition of Extracts from Polybius. Still some brief statement of the
+main features of this remarkable attempt to construct a durable Hellenic
+Federation could not be altogether omitted here.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96" id="Footnote_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96"><span class="label">96</span></a> Take for instance the oath of the Pylagorae (Aeschin. <i>de Fal. L.</i> 121):
+&#8220;We will destroy no city of the Amphictyony, nor cut off its streams in peace
+or war; if any shall do so, we will march against him and destroy his cities;
+should any pillage the property of the god, or be privy to or plan anything against
+what is in his temple, we will take vengeance on him with hand and foot and
+voice and all our might.&#8221; This is indeed the language rather of a Militant
+Church than a state; but it is easily conceivable that, had these principles been
+carried out (which they were not), something nearer a central and sovereign
+parliament might have arisen.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97" id="Footnote_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97"><span class="label">97</span></a> Herodotus, vi. 7, 11-12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98" id="Footnote_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98"><span class="label">98</span></a> See Herod. 9, 15; Thucyd. 2, 2; 4, 91; 5, 37; Xenophon <i>Hellen.</i> 3, 4,
+4, Boeckh, <i>C. I. G.</i> vol. i. p. 726.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99" id="Footnote_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99"><span class="label">99</span></a> Herod. 7, 145-169.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100" id="Footnote_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100"><span class="label">100</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 7, 172-174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101" id="Footnote_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101"><span class="label">101</span></a> Herod. 9, 88; Polyb. <b>9</b>, <a href="#b9_39">39</a>. Equally abortive proved another attempt
+at combination in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;377, when the &#958;&#8059;&#957;&#949;&#948;&#961;&#959;&#953; from the islands met for a time
+at Athens. Grote, vol. ix. p. 319.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102" id="Footnote_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102"><span class="label">102</span></a> Herod. 6, 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103" id="Footnote_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103"><span class="label">103</span></a> Polybius (<b>12</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b12_26">26</a> <i>c</i>.) says that in his time the schools were generally
+in disrepute. But is not this generally the verdict of &#8220;practical&#8221; men on
+universities? The excitement at Rome at the visit of the philosophers (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+155) seems to show that they still enjoyed a world-wide reputation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104" id="Footnote_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104"><span class="label">104</span></a> Herod. 8, 73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105" id="Footnote_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105"><span class="label">105</span></a> Thucy. 1, 103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106" id="Footnote_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106"><span class="label">106</span></a> <i>Id.</i> 3, 94-98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107" id="Footnote_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107"><span class="label">107</span></a> Xen. <i>Hellen.</i> 4, 6, 13, 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108" id="Footnote_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108"><span class="label">108</span></a> Pausan. 10, 38, 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109" id="Footnote_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109"><span class="label">109</span></a> Demosth. 3 <i>Phil.</i> 120.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110" id="Footnote_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110"><span class="label">110</span></a> Pausan. 1, 4, 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111" id="Footnote_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111"><span class="label">111</span></a> <b>18</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b18_4">4</a> and <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b18_5">5</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112" id="Footnote_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112"><span class="label">112</span></a> Herod. 1, 145. Instead of Rhypes and Aegae, the first of which seems
+to have been burnt, and the other to have for some reason been deserted,
+Polybius (<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_41">41</a>) mentions Leontium and Caryneia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113" id="Footnote_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113"><span class="label">113</span></a> Thucyd. 1, 111, 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114" id="Footnote_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114"><span class="label">114</span></a> Thucyd. 4, 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115" id="Footnote_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115"><span class="label">115</span></a> <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_38">38</a>, <a href="#b2_39">39</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116" id="Footnote_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116"><span class="label">116</span></a> <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_39">39</a>, <a href="#b2_40">40</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117" id="Footnote_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117"><span class="label">117</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> ch. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118" id="Footnote_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118"><span class="label">118</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> ch. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119" id="Footnote_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119"><span class="label">119</span></a> Though this law was several times broken, certainly in the case
+of Philopoemen, and probably in that of Aratus also. It is very difficult to arrive
+at a satisfactory arrangement of Aratus&#8217;s seventeen generalships if the strict
+alternation is preserved. See Freeman&#8217;s <i>Federal Government</i>, p. 601.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120" id="Footnote_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120"><span class="label">120</span></a> <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_46">46</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121" id="Footnote_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121"><span class="label">121</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Cleomenes</i>, 3-16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122" id="Footnote_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122"><span class="label">122</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Cleom.</i> 3. Messenia had been free from the Spartans since the
+battle of Leuctra (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;371). Epaminondas had meant by the foundation of
+Megalopolis and Messene (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;371-370) to form a united Messenian and
+Arcadian state as a counterpoise to Sparta. The Messenians had drifted
+away from this arrangement, but were now members of the Achaean league.
+Polyb. <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_32">32</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123" id="Footnote_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123"><span class="label">123</span></a> <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_46">46</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124" id="Footnote_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124"><span class="label">124</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Cleom.</i> 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125" id="Footnote_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125"><span class="label">125</span></a> See the remarks of Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126" id="Footnote_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126"><span class="label">126</span></a> He was believed to have been long in secret communication with Antigonus.
+Plutarch, <i>l.c.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127" id="Footnote_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127"><span class="label">127</span></a> Polyb. <b>8</b>, <a href="#b8_14">14</a>; Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128" id="Footnote_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128"><span class="label">128</span></a> <b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_22">22</a>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_24">24</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129" id="Footnote_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129"><span class="label">129</span></a> <b>11</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b11_9">9</a>-10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130" id="Footnote_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130"><span class="label">130</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Philop.</i> 12, 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131" id="Footnote_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131"><span class="label">131</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Philop.</i> 16; Livy, 38, 32-34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132" id="Footnote_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132"><span class="label">132</span></a> <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_38">38</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133" id="Footnote_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133"><span class="label">133</span></a> <b>26</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b26_3">3</a> <i>sq.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134" id="Footnote_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134"><span class="label">134</span></a> The title of Achaean Strategus seems to have been revived under the
+Empire. <i>C. I. G.</i> 1124. The principal authorities for the history of the last
+hundred years of Greek Independence, including that of the Achaean league,
+are Polybius, beginning with book 2, and in its turn going on throughout the
+rest of his work which remains; scattered notices in Livy from 27, 29 to the
+end of his extant work, and the epitomes of the last books, mostly translated
+directly from Polybius; Plutarch&#8217;s Lives of Agis, Cleomenes, Aratus, Philopoemen,
+Flamininus, Aemilius; Pausanias, 7, 6-16; parts of Diodorus;
+Justinus (epitome of Trogus); and some fragments of Greek historians collected
+by M&uuml;ller.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135" id="Footnote_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135"><span class="label">135</span></a> I speak of course of the restored league after the election of one
+Strategus began, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136" id="Footnote_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136"><span class="label">136</span></a> For the change of time of the election see note on <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_1">1</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137" id="Footnote_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137"><span class="label">137</span></a> We hear nothing of a secretary under the new league after the abolition
+of the dual presidency. But he probably still existed (<b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_43">43</a>).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138" id="Footnote_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138"><span class="label">138</span></a> <b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_22">22</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139" id="Footnote_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139"><span class="label">139</span></a> See ch. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140" id="Footnote_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140"><span class="label">140</span></a> This is certainly the meaning of the words of Polybius. But he has
+confused matters. The two new Consuls designated at the comitia of 249 were
+C. Aurelius Cotta II and P. Servilius Geminus II, whereas Lucius Junius
+Pullus was the existing Consul with the disgraced P. Claudius Pulcher. What
+really happened is made clear by Livy, Ep. 19. The Senate sent Junius
+with these supplies, recalled Claudius, and forced him to name a Dictator.
+Claudius retaliated by naming an obscure person, who was compelled to
+abdicate, and then Atilius Calatinus was nominated.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141" id="Footnote_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141"><span class="label">141</span></a> The dangerous nature of the S. Coast of Sicily was well known to the
+pilots. See above, ch. 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142" id="Footnote_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142"><span class="label">142</span></a> About &pound;500,000. For the value of the talent, taking the Euboic and
+Attic talent as the same, see note on Book <b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_8">8</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143" id="Footnote_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143"><span class="label">143</span></a> &#7985;&#963;&#964;&#959;&#961;&#8053;&#963;&#945;&#957;&#964;&#945;&#962;. There seems no need to give this word the unusual
+sense of <i>narratum legere</i> here, as some do.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144" id="Footnote_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144"><span class="label">144</span></a> Sicca Venerea, so called from a temple of Venus, was notorious for its
+licentiousness. Valer. Max. 2, 6, 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145" id="Footnote_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145"><span class="label">145</span></a> A line of the text appears to have been lost, probably containing an
+allusion to Hiero.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146" id="Footnote_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146"><span class="label">146</span></a> The southernmost point of Italy is Leucopetra (Capo dell&#8217; Armi).
+Cocinthus (Punta di Stilo) is much too far to the north; yet it may have been
+regarded as the conventional point of separation between the two seas, Sicilian
+and Ionian, which have no natural line of demarcation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147" id="Footnote_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147"><span class="label">147</span></a> Really 3/16; for 16 ases = 6 obols (one drachma or denarius) see <b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_8">8</a>.
+The Sicilian medimnus is about a bushel and a half; the metretes 8-1/2 gallons.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148" id="Footnote_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148"><span class="label">148</span></a> Livy, 5, 17, 33-49; Plutarch, <i>Camillus</i>, 16; Mommsen, <i>History of
+Rome</i>, vol. i. p. 338 (Eng. tr.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149" id="Footnote_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149"><span class="label">149</span></a> Compare the description of the Gauls given by Caesar, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.G.</span> 6, 11-20.
+They had apparently made considerable progress in civilisation by that time,
+principally perhaps from the influence of Druidism. But the last characteristic
+mentioned by Polybius is also observed by Caesar (15), <i>omnes in bello
+versantur atque eorum ut quisque est genere copiisque amplissimus, ita plurimos
+circum se ambactos clienteeque habet. Hanc unam gratiam potentiamque
+habent.</i> Even in the time of Cato they were at least beginning to add something
+to their warlike propensities. Or, 2, 2 (Jordan) <i>Pleraque Gallia duas res
+industrissime persequitur, rem militare et argute loqui</i>. Cf. Diod. 5, 27 <i>sq.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150" id="Footnote_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150"><span class="label">150</span></a> Lucius Caecilius, Livy, Ep. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151" id="Footnote_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151"><span class="label">151</span></a> For a more complete list of Gallic invasions in this period, see Mommsen,
+<i>H.R.</i> i. p. 344. The scantiness of continuous Roman history from <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;390,
+and its total loss from 293 to the first Punic war renders it difficult to determine
+exactly which of the many movements Polybius has selected.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152" id="Footnote_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152"><span class="label">152</span></a> Ch. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153" id="Footnote_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153"><span class="label">153</span></a> This clause is bracketed by Hultsch, Mommsen, and Strachan-Davidson.
+See the essay of the last named in his Polybius, p. 22. Livy, Ep. 20, gives
+the number of Romans and Latins as 300,000.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154" id="Footnote_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154"><span class="label">154</span></a> Others read Ananes and Marseilles [&#7944;&#957;&#8049;&#957;&#969;&#957; ... &#924;&#945;&#963;&#963;&#945;&#955;&#8055;&#945;&#962;]; but it
+seems impossible that the Roman march should have extended so far.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155" id="Footnote_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155"><span class="label">155</span></a> That is, each city struck its own coin, but on a common standard of
+weight and value. See P. Gardner&#8217;s Introduction to Catalogue of Greek
+Coins (Peloponnesus) in the British Museum, p. xxiv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156" id="Footnote_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156"><span class="label">156</span></a> The Pythagorean clubs, beginning in combinations for the cultivation of
+mystic philosophy and ascetic life, had grown to be political,&mdash; a combination
+of the upper or cultivated classes to secure political power. Thus Archytas
+was for many years ruler in Tarentum (Strabo, 1, 3, 4). The earliest was
+at Croton, but they were also established in many cities of Magna Graecia.
+Sometime in the fourth century <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;a general democratic rising took place
+against them, and their members were driven into exile. Strabo, 8, 7, 1;
+Justin, 20, 4; Iamblichus <i>vit. Pythag.</i>, 240-262.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157" id="Footnote_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157"><span class="label">157</span></a> The MS. vary between &#8001;&#956;&#8049;&#961;&#953;&#959;&#962; and &#8001;&#956;&#8057;&#961;&#953;&#959;&#962;. The latter form seems to
+mean &#8220;god of a common frontier.&#8221; But an inscription found at Orchomenus
+gives the form &#7936;&#956;&#8049;&#961;&#953;&#959;&#962;, which has been connected with &#7969;&#956;&#8049;&#961;&#945; &#8220;day.&#8221;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158" id="Footnote_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158"><span class="label">158</span></a> There was still an under-strategus (&#8017;&#960;&#959;&#963;&#964;&#961;&#945;&#964;&#951;&#947;&#8056;&#962;), see <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_94">94</a>; <b>23</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b23_16">16</a>;
+<b>30</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b30_11">11</a>. But he was entirely subordinate, and did not even succeed to power on
+the death of a strategus during the year of office, as the vice-president in
+America does.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159" id="Footnote_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159"><span class="label">159</span></a> Alexander II. of Epirus, son of Pyrrhus, whom he succeeded <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;272.
+The partition of Acarnania took place in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;266.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160" id="Footnote_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160"><span class="label">160</span></a> Near Bellina, a town on the north-west frontier of Laconia, which had
+long been a subject of dispute between Sparta and the Achaeans. Plutarch
+<i>Arat.</i> 4; Pausan. 8, 35, 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161" id="Footnote_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161"><span class="label">161</span></a> Ptolemy Euergetes (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;247-222).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162" id="Footnote_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162"><span class="label">162</span></a> The treaty, besides securing the surrender of the Acrocorinthus, provided
+that no embassy should be sent to any other king without the consent of Antigonus,
+and that the Achaeans should supply food and pay for the Macedonian
+army of relief. Solemn sacrifices and games were also established in his
+honour, and kept up long after his death at Sicyon, see <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_19">19</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b30_23">23</a>.
+Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> 45. The conduct of Aratus in thus bringing the Macedonians
+into the Peloponnese has been always attacked (see Plut. <i>Cleom.</i> 16).
+It is enough here to say that our judgment as to it must depend greatly on our
+view of the designs and character of Cleomenes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163" id="Footnote_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163"><span class="label">163</span></a> Phylarchus, said by some to be a native of Athens, by others of Naucratis,
+and by others again of Sicyon, wrote, among other things, a history in
+twenty-eight books from the expedition of Pyrrhus into the Peloponnese (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+272) to the death of Cleomenes. He was a fervent admirer of Cleomenes,
+and therefore probably wrote in a partisan spirit; yet in the matter of the
+outrage upon Mantinea, Polybius himself is not free from the same charge.
+See Mueller&#8217;s <i>Histor. Graec.</i> fr. lxxvii.-lxxxi. Plutarch, though admitting
+Phylarchus&#8217;s tendency to exaggeration (<i>Arat.</i> 38), yet uses his authority both
+in his life of Aratus and of Cleomenes; and in the case of Aristomachus says
+that he was both racked and drowned (<i>Arat.</i> 44).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164" id="Footnote_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164"><span class="label">164</span></a> &#7969;&#947;&#949;&#956;&#8057;&#957;&#945; &#954;&#945;&#8054; &#963;&#964;&#961;&#945;&#964;&#951;&#947;&#8056;&#957;. It is not quite clear whether this is merely a
+description of the ordinary office of Strategus, or whether any special office is
+meant, such as that conferred on Antigonus. In <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_11">11</a> &#7969;&#947;&#949;&#956;&#8057;&#957;&#949;&#962; includes the
+Strategus and other officers. See Freeman, <i>Federal Government</i>, p. 299.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165" id="Footnote_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165"><span class="label">165</span></a> Of Chaereas nothing seems known; a few fragments of an historian of his
+name are given in M&uuml;ller, vol. iii. Of Sosilus, Diodorus (26, fr. 6) says that he
+was of Ilium and wrote a history of Hannibal in seven books. Nepos (Hann. 13)
+calls him a Lacedaemonian, and says that he lived in Hannibal&#8217;s camp
+and taught him Greek.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166" id="Footnote_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166"><span class="label">166</span></a> <i>i.e.</i> in Latium.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167" id="Footnote_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167"><span class="label">167</span></a> &#7952;&#960;&#953;&#955;&#8049;&#946;&#951;&#964;&#945;&#953; <i>injecerit manum</i>, the legal form of claiming a slave.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168" id="Footnote_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168"><span class="label">168</span></a> <b>1</b>, <a href="#b1_83">83</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169" id="Footnote_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169"><span class="label">169</span></a> Saguntum of course is south of the Iber, but the attack on it by Hannibal
+was a breach of the former of the two treaties. Livy (21, 2) seems to assert
+that it was specially exempted from attack in the treaty with Hasdrubal.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170" id="Footnote_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170"><span class="label">170</span></a> From ch. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171" id="Footnote_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171"><span class="label">171</span></a> &#946;&#945;&#963;&#953;&#955;&#949;&#8059;&#962;. The two Suffetes represented the original Kings of Carthage
+(<b>6</b>, <a href="#b6_51">51</a>). The title apparently remained for sacrificial purposes, like the &#7940;&#961;&#967;&#969;&#957; &#946;&#945;&#963;&#953;&#955;&#949;&#8059;&#962;, and the <i>rex sacrificulus</i>. Polybius, like other Greek writers, calls
+them &#946;&#945;&#963;&#953;&#955;&#949;&#8150;&#962;. <i>Infra</i>, 42. Herod. 7, 165. Aristot. Pol. 2, 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172" id="Footnote_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172"><span class="label">172</span></a> A promontory in Bruttium, <i>Capo del Colonne</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173" id="Footnote_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173"><span class="label">173</span></a> This division of the world into three parts was an advance upon the
+ancient geographers, who divided it into two, combining Egypt with Asia, and
+Africa with Europe. See Sall. <i>Jug.</i> 17; Lucan, <i>Phars.</i> 9, 411; Varro de
+L. L. 5, &sect; 31. And note on <b>12</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b12_25">25</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174" id="Footnote_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174"><span class="label">174</span></a> The <i>arae Philaenorum</i> were apparently set up as boundary stones to mark
+the territory of the Pentapolis or Cyrene from Egypt: and the place retained
+the name long after the disappearance of the altars (Strabo, 3, 5, 5-6).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175" id="Footnote_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175"><span class="label">175</span></a> For Polybius&#8217;s calculation as to the length of the stade, see note on
+<b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_12">12</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176" id="Footnote_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176"><span class="label">176</span></a> Livy, 21, 25, calls it <i>Tannetum</i>, and describes it only as <i>vicus Pado
+propinquus</i>. It was a few miles from Parma.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177" id="Footnote_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177"><span class="label">177</span></a> <i>Pluribus enim divisus amnis in mare decurrit</i> (Livy, 21, 26).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178" id="Footnote_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178"><span class="label">178</span></a> See on ch. 33, note 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179" id="Footnote_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179"><span class="label">179</span></a> This statement has done much to ruin Polybius&#8217;s credit as a geographer.
+It indicates indeed a strangely defective conception of distance; as his idea, of
+the Rhone flowing always west, does of the general lie of the country.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180" id="Footnote_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180"><span class="label">180</span></a> I have no intention of rediscussing the famous question of the pass by
+which Hannibal crossed the Alps. The reader will find an admirably clear
+statement of the various views entertained, and the latest arguments advanced
+in favour of each, in the notes to Mr. W. T. Arnold&#8217;s edition of Dr. Arnold&#8217;s
+<i>History of the Second Punic War</i>, pp. 362-373.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181" id="Footnote_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181"><span class="label">181</span></a> &#960;&#949;&#961;&#8055; &#964;&#953; &#955;&#949;&#965;&#954;&#8057;&#960;&#949;&#964;&#961;&#959;&#957;, which, however, perhaps only means &#8220;bare rock,&#8221;
+cf. <b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_30">30</a>. But see Law&#8217;s <i>Alps of Hannibal</i>, vol. i. p. 201 <i>sq.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182" id="Footnote_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182"><span class="label">182</span></a> His life according to one story, was saved by his son, the famous Scipio
+Africanus (<b>10</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b10_3">3</a>); according to another, by a Ligurian slave (Livy, 21, 46).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183" id="Footnote_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183"><span class="label">183</span></a> Livy says &#8220;to Mago,&#8221; Hannibal&#8217;s younger brother (<b>21</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b21_47">47</a>). This
+Hasdrubal is called in ch. 93 &#8220;captain of pioneers.&#8221;</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184" id="Footnote_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184"><span class="label">184</span></a> That is, four legions and their regular contingent of socii. See <b>6</b>, <a href="#b6_19">19</a> <i>sqq.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185" id="Footnote_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185"><span class="label">185</span></a> &#8220;He crossed the Apennines, not by the ordinary road to Lucca, descending
+the valley of the Macra, but, as it appears, by a straighter line down the
+valley of the Auser or Serchio.&#8221;&mdash;<span class="smcap">Arnold.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186" id="Footnote_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186"><span class="label">186</span></a> The marshes between the Arno and the Apennines south of Florence.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187" id="Footnote_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187"><span class="label">187</span></a> &#7936;&#960;&#949;&#954;&#959;&#953;&#956;&#8182;&#957;&#964;&#959; Schw. translates simply <i>dormiebant</i>. But the compound
+means more than that; it conveys the idea of an interval of sleep snatched
+from other employments. See Herod. 8, 76; Aristoph. <i>Vesp.</i> 211.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188" id="Footnote_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188"><span class="label">188</span></a> Livy, 22, 4-6. For a discussion of the modern views as to the scene of
+the battle, see W. T. Arnold&#8217;s edition of Dr. Arnold&#8217;s <i>History of the Second
+Punic War</i>, pp. 384-393. The radical difference between the account of
+Livy and that of Polybius seems to be that the former conceives the fighting
+to have been on the north shore of the lake between Tucro and Passignano;
+Polybius conceives the rear to have been caught in the defile of Passignano,
+the main fighting to have been more to the east, where the road turns up at
+right angles to the lake by La Torricella. Mr. Capes, however in his note on
+the passage of Livy, seems to think that both accounts agree in representing
+the fighting on the vanguard as being opposite Tucro.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189" id="Footnote_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189"><span class="label">189</span></a> This treatment of non-combatants was contrary to the usages of civilised
+warfare even in those days, and seems to have been the true ground for the
+charge of <i>crudelitas</i> always attributed to Hannibal by Roman writers, as opposed
+to the behaviour of such an enemy as Pyrrhus (Cic. <i>de Am.</i> 28). It
+may be compared to the order of the Convention to give no quarter to
+English soldiers, which the French officers nobly refused to execute.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190" id="Footnote_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190"><span class="label">190</span></a> Polybius expresses the fact accurately, for, in the absence of a Consul to
+nominate a Dictator, Fabius was created by a plebiscitum; but the scruples of
+the lawyers were quieted by his having the title of <i>prodictator</i> only (Livy, 22, 8).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191" id="Footnote_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191"><span class="label">191</span></a> Ramsay (<i>Roman Antiquities</i>, p. 148) denies this exception, quoting Livy,
+6, 16. But Polybius could hardly have been mistaken on such a point; and
+there are indications (Plutarch, <i>Anton.</i> 9) that the Tribunes did not occupy
+the same position as the other magistrates towards the Dictator.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192" id="Footnote_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192"><span class="label">192</span></a> The <i>ager Praetutianus</i> was the southern district of Picenum (Livy, 22,
+9; 27, 43). The chief town was Interamna.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193" id="Footnote_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193"><span class="label">193</span></a> On the Appian Way between Equus Tuticus and Herdonia, mod. <i>Troja</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194" id="Footnote_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194"><span class="label">194</span></a> Holsten for the &#916;&#945;&#8059;&#957;&#953;&#959;&#953; of the old text; others suggest <i>Calatia</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195" id="Footnote_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195"><span class="label">195</span></a> Added by conjecture of Schw. One MS. has &#948;&#949;&#965;&#964;&#8051;&#961;&#945; &#7969; &#7936;&#960;&#8056; &#964;&#959;&#8166; &#7960;&#961;&#953;&#946;&#945;&#957;&#959;&#8166;.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196" id="Footnote_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196"><span class="label">196</span></a> Near Cales.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197" id="Footnote_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197"><span class="label">197</span></a> Homer, <i>Odyss.</i> 10, 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198" id="Footnote_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198"><span class="label">198</span></a> See i. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199" id="Footnote_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199"><span class="label">199</span></a> &#7952;&#958; &#7936;&#963;&#960;&#8055;&#948;&#959;&#962; &#7952;&#960;&#953;&#960;&#945;&#961;&#949;&#957;&#8051;&#946;&#945;&#955;&#955;&#959;&#957;. The ordinary word for &#8220;forming line&#8221; or
+&#8220;taking dressing&#8221; is &#960;&#945;&#961;&#949;&#956;&#946;&#8049;&#955;&#955;&#949;&#953;&#957;. In the other two passages where &#7952;&#960;&#953;&#960;&#945;&#961;&#949;&#956;&#946;&#8049;&#955;&#955;&#949;&#953;&#957;
+is used, &#7952;&#960;&#8055; has a distinct (though different) force. I think here it
+must mean &#8220;against,&#8221; &#8220;so as to attack.&#8221; And this seems to be Casaubon&#8217;s
+interpretation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200" id="Footnote_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200"><span class="label">200</span></a> There is nothing here absolutely to contradict the picturesque story of the
+death of Paulus given by Livy (22, 49), but the words certainly suggest that
+Polybius had never heard it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201" id="Footnote_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201"><span class="label">201</span></a> A town on the lake of Trichonis, in Aetolia, but its exact situation is uncertain.
+Strabo (10, 2, 3) says that it was on a fertile plain, which answers
+best to a situation north of the lake.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202" id="Footnote_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202"><span class="label">202</span></a> Cf. <b>9</b>, <a href="#b9_34">34</a>. We know nothing of this incident.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203" id="Footnote_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203"><span class="label">203</span></a> See <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_53">53</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204" id="Footnote_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204"><span class="label">204</span></a> The Achaean Strategus was elected in the middle of May, the Aetolian in
+the autumn. Aratus would be elected May 12, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220, and come into office
+some time before midsummer; Ariston&#8217;s Aetolian office would terminate in
+September <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220. See v. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205" id="Footnote_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205"><span class="label">205</span></a> The capture of Sicyon and expulsion of the tyrant Nicocles was the earliest
+exploit of Aratus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 251. Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i> 4-9. The taking of the Acrocorinthus
+from the Macedonian garrison was in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;243, <i>ib.</i> ch. 19-24. For
+the affair at Pellene see <i>ib.</i> 31. The capture of Mantinea was immediately
+after a defeat by Cleomenes. See Plutarch, <i>Cleom.</i> 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206" id="Footnote_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206"><span class="label">206</span></a> The city of Pheia was on the isthmus connecting the promontory Ichthys
+(<i>Cape Kat&aacute;kolo</i>) with the mainland: opposite its harbour is a small island
+which Polybius here calls <i>Pheias, i.e.</i> the island belonging to Pheia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207" id="Footnote_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207"><span class="label">207</span></a> Caphyae was on a small plain, which was subject to inundations from
+the lake of Orchomenus; the ditches here mentioned appear to be those dug to
+drain this district. They were in the time of Pausanias superseded by a high
+dyke, from the inner side of which ran the River Tragus (<i>Tara</i>). Pausan.
+8, 23, 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208" id="Footnote_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208"><span class="label">208</span></a> The Olympiads being counted from the summer solstice, these events
+occurring before midsummer of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220 belong to the 139th Olympiad. The
+140th begins with midsummer <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209" id="Footnote_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209"><span class="label">209</span></a> But outside the natural borders of Arcadia. Mod. Kal&aacute;vryta.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210" id="Footnote_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210"><span class="label">210</span></a> By the diolcos which had been formed for the purpose. Strabo, 8, 2.
+Ships had been dragged across the Isthmus on various occasions from early
+times. See Thucyd. 3, 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211" id="Footnote_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211"><span class="label">211</span></a> Reading, &#956;&#8057;&#957;&#959;&#965;. See ch. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212" id="Footnote_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212"><span class="label">212</span></a> A mountain on the frontier, on the pass over which the roads to Tegea
+and Argos converge.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213" id="Footnote_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213"><span class="label">213</span></a> A town of Phthiotis in Thessaly. See Book <b>25</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b25_3">3</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214" id="Footnote_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214"><span class="label">214</span></a> See ch. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215" id="Footnote_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215"><span class="label">215</span></a> See ch. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216" id="Footnote_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216"><span class="label">216</span></a> See Stobaeus Floril. 58, 9, who gives three more lines.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217" id="Footnote_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217"><span class="label">217</span></a> Cf. ch. 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218" id="Footnote_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218"><span class="label">218</span></a> The hero of the second Messenian war, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;685-668 (Pausan. 4, 14-24).
+The story told by Pausanias, who also quotes these verses, is that Aristocrates,
+king of the Arcadians, twice played the traitor to Aristomenes, the Messenian
+champion: once at the battle of the Great Trench, and again when Aristomenes
+renewed the war after his escape from the Pits at Sparta; and that on
+the second occasion his own people stoned him to death, and set up this pillar
+in the sacred enclosure of Zeus on Mount Lycaeus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219" id="Footnote_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219"><span class="label">219</span></a> But Pausanias represents the pillar as put up by the Arcadians, not the
+Messenians (4, 22, 7).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220" id="Footnote_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220"><span class="label">220</span></a> The text is uncertain here.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221" id="Footnote_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221"><span class="label">221</span></a> Reading with Hultsch, &#964;&#8048; &#954;&#945;&#955;&#8048;.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222" id="Footnote_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222"><span class="label">222</span></a> However cogent may be the reasons for his prophecy adduced by Polybius,
+there are no signs of its being fulfilled. Indeed, the bank at the mouth
+of the Danube, which he mentions, has long disappeared. The fact seems to
+be that he failed to take into calculation the constant rush of water out of the
+Euxine, which is sufficient to carry off any amount of alluvial deposit.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223" id="Footnote_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223"><span class="label">223</span></a> Xenophon, <i>Hellen.</i> 1, 1, 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224" id="Footnote_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224"><span class="label">224</span></a> Or Tylis, according to Stephanos Byz., who says it was near the Haemus.
+Perhaps the modern Kilios.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225" id="Footnote_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225"><span class="label">225</span></a> Seleucus II. (Callinicus), <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;246-226. Seleucus III. (Ceraunus), <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+226-223. Antiochus the Great (son of Callinicus), <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;223-187.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226" id="Footnote_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226"><span class="label">226</span></a> Of Seleucus Callinicus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227" id="Footnote_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227"><span class="label">227</span></a> That this was the name of a yearly officer at Byzantium appears from a
+decree in Demosthenes (<i>de Cor.</i> &sect; 90), and Byzantine coins, Eckhel, ii. p. 31.
+The title seems to have been brought from the mother-city Megara; as at
+Chalcedon, another colony of Megara, the same existed (C. I. G. 3794). It
+was connected with the worship of Apollo brought from Megara, M&uuml;ller&#8217;s
+<i>Dorians</i>, i. p. 250. It seems that this use of the name (generally employed
+of the deputies to the Amphictyonic council) was peculiarly Dorian. See
+Boeckh. C. I., vol. i. p. 610.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228" id="Footnote_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228"><span class="label">228</span></a> Or Lyctos (Steph. Byz.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229" id="Footnote_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229"><span class="label">229</span></a> Of Arcadia, a city of Crete (Steph. Byz.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230" id="Footnote_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230"><span class="label">230</span></a> Which had a harbour formed by a projecting headland called Lisses.
+Steph. Byz., who quotes Homer, <i>Odyss.</i> 3, 293:
+</p>
+<p>
+&#7956;&#963;&#964;&#953; &#948;&#8051; &#964;&#953;&#962; &#923;&#953;&#963;&#963;&#8052;&#962; &#945;&#7984;&#960;&#949;&#8150;&#8049; &#964;&#949; &#949;&#7984;&#962; &#7941;&#955;&#945; &#960;&#8051;&#964;&#961;&#951;.<br />
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231" id="Footnote_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231"><span class="label">231</span></a> As a measure of weight a talent = about 57 lbs. avoirdupois. The prepared
+hair was for making ropes and bowstrings apparently.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232" id="Footnote_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232"><span class="label">232</span></a> Gortyna or Gortys is an emendation of Reiske for Gorgus, which is not
+known. Gortys is mentioned by Pausanias, 5, 7, 1; 8, 27, 4; 8, 28, 1; it
+was on the river Bouphagus, and in the time of Pausanias was a mere village.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233" id="Footnote_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233"><span class="label">233</span></a> See <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_41">41</a>. We have no hint, as far as I know, of the circumstances
+under which such recovery would take place. We may conjecture from this
+passage that it would be on showing that losses had been sustained by reason
+of a failure of the league to give protection.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234" id="Footnote_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234"><span class="label">234</span></a> Stephanos describes Ambracus as a &#960;&#959;&#955;&#953;&#967;&#957;&#8055;&#959;&#957; close to Ambracia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235" id="Footnote_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235"><span class="label">235</span></a> Though it was in the territory of Acarnania (Steph. Byz.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236" id="Footnote_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236"><span class="label">236</span></a> <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_19">19</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237" id="Footnote_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237"><span class="label">237</span></a> The position of Dodona, long a subject of doubt, was settled by the discovery
+of the numerous inscriptions found about seven miles from Jannina,
+and published by Constantine Caraponos in 1878, <i>Dodon et ses Ruines</i>. See
+also <i>Journal of Hellenic Studies</i>, vol. i. p. 228.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238" id="Footnote_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238"><span class="label">238</span></a> See ch. 68.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239" id="Footnote_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239"><span class="label">239</span></a> Reading &#7937;&#955;&#8055;&#945;&#957;. See Muller&#8217;s <i>Dorians</i>, vol. II, p. 88.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240" id="Footnote_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240"><span class="label">240</span></a> The local name of Tarentine, though doubtless originating in fact, had
+come to indicate a species of mercenary cavalry armed in a particular way.
+Arrian, <i>Tact.</i> 4, distinguishes two sorts of light cavalry for skirmishing Tarentines
+armed with javelins (&#948;&#959;&#961;&#945;&#964;&#8055;&#945;), and horse archers (&#7985;&#960;&#960;&#959;&#964;&#959;&#958;&#8057;&#964;&#945;&#953;). Cp, <b>11</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b11_12">12</a>.
+Livy 35, 29; 37, 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241" id="Footnote_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241"><span class="label">241</span></a> Pausanias (8, 26, 7) calls him Hypatodorus; and mentions another
+work of his at Delphi (10, 10, 3). He flourished about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;370. He was a
+native of Thebes. Sostratos was a Chian, and father of another statuary
+named Pantias. Paus. 6, 9, 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242" id="Footnote_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242"><span class="label">242</span></a> That is the office of the Polemarch, as in Athens the Strategium
+(&#963;&#964;&#961;&#945;&#964;&#951;&#947;&#8055;&#959;&#957;) is the office of the Strategi. Plutarch, <i>Nicias</i>, 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243" id="Footnote_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243"><span class="label">243</span></a> Yet the avowed project of Cleomenes was the restoration of the ancient
+constitution. Plutarch, <i>Cleom.</i> c. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244" id="Footnote_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244"><span class="label">244</span></a> See ch. 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245" id="Footnote_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245"><span class="label">245</span></a> From <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_6">6</a>, it appears that the election took place at the rising of the
+Pleiades (13th May) and that the new Strategus did not enter upon his office
+until some time afterwards, towards the middle of June or even midsummer.
+But the custom apparently varied, and the use of &#964;&#8057;&#964;&#949; seems to indicate a
+change.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246" id="Footnote_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246"><span class="label">246</span></a> Later on the assemblies were held at the different cities in turn. See <b>23</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b23_17">17</a>; <b>24</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b24_10">10</a>, etc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247" id="Footnote_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247"><span class="label">247</span></a> &#925;&#949;&#959;&#954;&#961;&#8134;&#964;&#949;&#962;, cf. cc. 65, 79. Livy (37, 40) transcribes the word <i>Neocretes</i>.
+It is uncertain what the exact meaning of the word is. It seems most
+reasonable to suppose that, like Tarentini, it had ceased to be an ethnical term,
+and meant mercenary soldiers (&#957;&#8051;&#959;&#953;) armed like Cretans, that is, as archers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248" id="Footnote_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248"><span class="label">248</span></a> The narrow channel between Leucas and the mainland, which had been
+artificially enlarged. Dionys Halic. 1, 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249" id="Footnote_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249"><span class="label">249</span></a> <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_63">63</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250" id="Footnote_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250"><span class="label">250</span></a> <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_62">62</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251" id="Footnote_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251"><span class="label">251</span></a> <b>4</b>, <a href="#b4_67">67</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252" id="Footnote_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252"><span class="label">252</span></a> The pun disappears in translation. The line is
+</p>
+<p>
+&#8001;&#961;&#8119;&#962; &#964;&#8056; <b>&#948;&#8150;&#959;&#957;</b> &#959;&#8023; &#946;&#8051;&#955;&#959;&#962; &#948;&#953;&#8051;&#960;&#964;&#945;&#964;&#959;.<br />
+
+</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253" id="Footnote_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253"><span class="label">253</span></a> Games in his honour were celebrated at Sicyon. See Plutarch, <i>Arat.</i>
+45. <i>Cleomenes</i>, 16. <i>Supra</i>, p. <a href="#Page_147">147</a> n. <i>Infra</i>, <b>28</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b28_19">19</a>; <b>30</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b30_23">23</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254" id="Footnote_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254"><span class="label">254</span></a> A memorial, apparently, of the fruitless expedition of Pyrrhus into
+Laconia in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;272.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255" id="Footnote_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255"><span class="label">255</span></a> The Guard. The word <i>agema</i> properly means the leading corps in an
+army; but it obtained this technical meaning in the Macedonian army (see
+Arrian, 1, 1, 11), whence it was used in other armies also founded on the
+Macedonian model, as for instance in Alexandria (see <i>infra</i>, ch. 65).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256" id="Footnote_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256"><span class="label">256</span></a> Hypaspists, originally a bodyguard to the king, had been extended in
+number and formed one or more distinct corps of light infantry (Grote, ch. 92).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257" id="Footnote_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257"><span class="label">257</span></a> Here again, as in <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_1">1</a>, the outgoing Strategus appears to go out of office
+at the time of the election of his successor (see note on ch. <a href="#b5_1">1</a>, and cp. <a href="#b5_4">4</a>, <a href="#b5_6">6</a>).
+There seems to have been some variety of practice. Perhaps the interval was
+left somewhat to mutual arrangement, the summer solstice being the outside
+limit.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258" id="Footnote_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258"><span class="label">258</span></a> See <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_69">69</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259" id="Footnote_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259"><span class="label">259</span></a> Archidamus was the brother of Agis, the king of the other line, who had
+been assassinated in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;240. Plutarch, <i>Cleom.</i> 5, probably on the authority of
+Phylarchus, represents the murder of Archidamus as not the work of Cleomenes,
+but of the same party that had murdered Agis and feared the vengeance of his
+brother. (See Thirlwall, 8, p. 158, who agrees with Plutarch.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260" id="Footnote_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260"><span class="label">260</span></a> Homer, <i>Il.</i>, 22, 304.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261" id="Footnote_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261"><span class="label">261</span></a> The false Smerdis (Herod. 3, 61-82).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262" id="Footnote_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262"><span class="label">262</span></a> Hence the sacred breed of Nisaean horses, used for the Persian king&#8217;s
+chariot (Herod 7, 40; 9, 20). The Nisaean plain was one of those in Media
+containing the best pasture, and is identified by Rawlinson with that of <i>Khawar</i>
+and <i>Alistan</i> near <i>Behistun</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263" id="Footnote_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263"><span class="label">263</span></a> &#7957;&#964;&#945;&#953;&#961;&#959;&#953; are cavalry; the &#960;&#949;&#950;&#8051;&#964;&#945;&#953;&#961;&#959;&#953; of the Macedonian army are represented
+in Polybius by the Hypaspists. See <i>supra</i>, ch. <a href="#b5_27">27</a>, cp. 16, 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264" id="Footnote_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264"><span class="label">264</span></a> That is, Demetrius II. and Antigonus Doson.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265" id="Footnote_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265"><span class="label">265</span></a> See Professor Mahaffy, <i>Greek Life and Thought</i>, p. 405, who points out
+that this refers to the Egyptian troops especially, whose old military castes (see
+Herod. 2, 164-6) though not extinct had forgotten their old skill. In a sense,
+however, it applies to both kinds of troops; for they had to be trained to act
+<i>together</i>, as is shown in the next chapter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266" id="Footnote_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266"><span class="label">266</span></a> See above, ch. 5 note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267" id="Footnote_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267"><span class="label">267</span></a> Two different towns of this name have already been mentioned (ch. 48,
+52). This Dura appears to be in Phoenicia; but nothing is known of it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268" id="Footnote_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268"><span class="label">268</span></a> Seleucus I., <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;306-280. Antigonus, the One-eyed, in <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;318,
+occupied Coele-Syria and Phoenicia after a victory over Perdiccas. Diodor.
+Sic. 18, 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269" id="Footnote_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269"><span class="label">269</span></a> Battle of Ipsus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;301.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270" id="Footnote_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270"><span class="label">270</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, ch. <a  href="#b5_40">40</a>-2, <a  href="#b5_57">57</a>-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271" id="Footnote_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271"><span class="label">271</span></a> Antiochus Hierax, son of Antiochus II.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272" id="Footnote_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272"><span class="label">272</span></a> Laodice was the sister of the wife of Antiochus (<b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_43">43</a>) and a daughter of
+King Mithridates (<b>8</b>, <a href="#b8_22">22</a>-23).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273" id="Footnote_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273"><span class="label">273</span></a> Selge was said to be a colony of the Lacedaemonians. Strabo 13, 7, 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274" id="Footnote_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274"><span class="label">274</span></a> Called Barathra. See Strabo, 17, 1, 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275" id="Footnote_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275"><span class="label">275</span></a> Agema. See note on <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_25">25</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276" id="Footnote_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276"><span class="label">276</span></a> Sarissae, the long Macedonian spears.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277" id="Footnote_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277"><span class="label">277</span></a> Polybius therefore reckons the value of the &#955;&#8051;&#946;&#951;&#964;&#949;&#962; and &#8017;&#948;&#961;&#8055;&#945;&#953; as five
+talents.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278" id="Footnote_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278"><span class="label">278</span></a> That is about 171,000 lbs., see <b>34</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b34_8">8</a>, note, reckoning the talent as
+= 57 lbs.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279" id="Footnote_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279"><span class="label">279</span></a> &#7936;&#961;&#964;&#8049;&#946;&#951;, an Egyptian measure = the Attic medimnus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280" id="Footnote_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280"><span class="label">280</span></a> Callinicus, ob. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;226. This must refer to another case.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281" id="Footnote_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281"><span class="label">281</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, ch. 30. Agetas had been elected Aetolian Strategus in the
+autumn of 218 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>, Aratus Achaean Strategus in the early summer of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>
+217.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282" id="Footnote_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282"><span class="label">282</span></a> See <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_61">61</a>-4. <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;222.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283" id="Footnote_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283"><span class="label">283</span></a> See <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_39">39</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284" id="Footnote_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284"><span class="label">284</span></a> See <i>supra</i>, ch. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285" id="Footnote_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285"><span class="label">285</span></a> According to Suidas, these were light vessels used by pirates: but whether
+the name arose from their construction, capacity, or the number of their oars,<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 0.5em;">seems uncertain. According to Hesychius they had two banks of oars</span><br />
+(&#948;&#8055;&#954;&#961;&#959;&#964;&#959;&#962; &#957;&#945;&#8166;&#962;&#903; &#960;&#955;&#959;&#8150;&#959;&#957; &#956;&#953;&#954;&#961;&#8057;&#957;).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286" id="Footnote_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286"><span class="label">286</span></a> See ch. 95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287" id="Footnote_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287"><span class="label">287</span></a> This language is so vague that we might suppose from it that the
+Achaeans elected Timoxenus in the summer of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217 to come into office
+in the following spring. But there is nowhere else any indication of such an
+interval at this period, and we must suppose Polybius to be speaking in
+general terms of the result of the peace during the next ten months. Agelaus
+was elected Aetolian Strategus in the autumn of <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;217.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288" id="Footnote_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288"><span class="label">288</span></a> Euripides, fr. 529. Ed. Nauck.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289" id="Footnote_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289"><span class="label">289</span></a> Some disconnected fragments which are usually placed at the end of the
+first chapter, and form the second chapter of this book, I have placed among
+the minor fragments at the end of these volumes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290" id="Footnote_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290"><span class="label">290</span></a> Aristotle&#8217;s classification is kingship, aristocracy, &#960;&#959;&#955;&#953;&#964;&#949;&#8055;&#945;, democracy,
+oligarchy, tyranny (Pol. 4, 2). This was derived from Plato (Pol. 302, c.)
+who arranges the six (besides the ideal polity) in pairs, kingship, tyranny,&mdash;aristocracy,
+oligarchy,&mdash;democracy, good and bad. Plato has no distinct
+name except &#948;&#951;&#956;&#959;&#954;&#961;&#945;&#964;&#8055;&#945; &#960;&#945;&#961;&#8049;&#957;&#959;&#956;&#959;&#962;, for the bad democracy which Polybius calls
+&#8000;&#967;&#955;&#959;&#954;&#961;&#945;&#964;&#8055;&#945;, &#8220;mob-rule.&#8221; Polybius&#8217;s arrangement is this&mdash;
+</p>
+
+<table summary="polity" border="0"><tr>
+<td class="tdl padl2"><p class="indent">Kingship (arising from a natural despotism or monarchy)</p></td><td class="tdl vertb">degenerates&nbsp;into&nbsp;Tyranny.</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="tdl padl2">Aristocracy</td><td class="tdl"><span class="vh">degen</span>&#8221;<span class="vh">erates&nbsp;into</span>Oligarchy.</td>
+</tr><tr>
+<td class="tdl padl2">Democracy</td><td class="tdl"><span class="vh">degen</span>&#8221;<span class="vh">erates&nbsp;into</span>Mob-rule.</td>
+</tr></table>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291" id="Footnote_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291"><span class="label">291</span></a> &#949;&#8016;&#952;&#8059;&#957;&#945;&#962;. Polybius uses a word well known at Athens and other Greek
+states, but the audit of a Consul seems to have been one of money accounts
+only. At the expiration, however, of his office he took an oath in public that he
+had obeyed the laws, and if any prosecution were brought against him it would
+be tried before the people. See the case of Publius Claudius, <b>1</b>, <a href="#b1_52">52</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292" id="Footnote_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292"><span class="label">292</span></a> This refers primarily to the <i>consilium</i> of the <i>quaesitor</i> in any special
+<i>quaestio</i>, which up to the time of the lex judiciaria of Gracchus, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;122, was
+invariably composed of Senators. The same would apply to the <i>Quaestiones
+perpetuae</i>, only one of which existed in the time of Polybius, i.e., <i>de repetundis</i>,
+established in 149 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;by the lex Calpurnia. Other single judices in civil
+suits, though nominated by the Praetor, were, Polybius intimates, almost
+necessarily Senators in cases of importance.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293" id="Footnote_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293"><span class="label">293</span></a> Casaubon altered this to &#8220;two hundred.&#8221; In 3, 107, Polybius certainly
+states that the ordinary number of cavalry was 200, raised in cases of emergency
+to 300, and Livy, 22, 36, gives an instance. But both authors in
+many other passages mention 300 as the usual number, and any alteration of
+this passage would be unsafe.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294" id="Footnote_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294"><span class="label">294</span></a> <i>Praefectus sociis</i> and <i>quaestor</i>. But this quaestor must be distinguished
+from the Roman quaestors.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295" id="Footnote_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295"><span class="label">295</span></a> For the Spanish sword see Fr. xxii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296" id="Footnote_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296"><span class="label">296</span></a> Polybius does not mention the subdivision of maniples into centuries, for
+which the word ordines is sometimes used. Livy, 8, 8; 42, 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297" id="Footnote_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297"><span class="label">297</span></a> The plethrum = 10,000 square feet. The side of the square of the Praetorium,
+therefore, is 200 feet.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298" id="Footnote_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298"><span class="label">298</span></a> That is the <i>via</i> separating it from the next block, or from the vallum.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299" id="Footnote_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299"><span class="label">299</span></a> That is, one between the two legions, and two between the blocks in each.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300" id="Footnote_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300"><span class="label">300</span></a> That is to say&mdash;without the <i>extraordinarii</i> (1/5)&mdash;there are 2400 to get into
+10 spaces instead of 3000 into 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301" id="Footnote_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301"><span class="label">301</span></a> That is, who have been selected from the pedites sociorum to serve on the
+praetoria cohors.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302" id="Footnote_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302"><span class="label">302</span></a> Polybius always calls this the &#967;&#8049;&#961;&#945;&#958; or &#967;&#945;&#961;&#8049;&#954;&#969;&#956;&#945;. But the Romans had
+two words, <i>agger</i> the embankment, and <i>vallum</i> the palisading on the top of
+it. Either word, however, is often used to represent the whole structure.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303" id="Footnote_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303"><span class="label">303</span></a> That is, whether in first, second, or other watch in the night.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304" id="Footnote_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304"><span class="label">304</span></a> See the story of Cato&#8217;s son, Plutarch, <i>Cato Maj.</i> 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305" id="Footnote_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305"><span class="label">305</span></a> In seeking a constitution to compare with that of Rome, that of Athens
+is rejected (1) as not being a mixed one, (2) as not having been successful:
+successful, that is, in gaining or keeping an empire. He is speaking somewhat
+loosely. The power of Athens, of which Themistocles laid the foundation,
+was mainly consolidated by Pericles; so that Polybius includes much of the
+period of her rise with that of her decline.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306" id="Footnote_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306"><span class="label">306</span></a> For what remains of the account of Ephorus see Strabo, 10, 4, 8-9. The
+reference to Plato is to the &#8220;Laws,&#8221; especially Book I. See also Aristotle, <i>Pol.</i>
+2, 10, who points out the likeness and unlikeness between the Cretan and
+Lacedaemonian constitutions.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307" id="Footnote_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307"><span class="label">307</span></a> This equality of land had gradually disappeared by the time of King
+Agis IV. (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;243-239): so that, according to Plutarch [<i>Agis</i> 5], the number
+of landowners was reduced to 100. This process had been accelerated by the
+Rhetra of Epitadeus, allowing free bequest of land, Plutarch, <i>ib.</i> See Thirlwall,
+vol. viii. p. 132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308" id="Footnote_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308"><span class="label">308</span></a> The meaning of &#957;&#949;&#957;&#949;&#956;&#951;&#956;&#8051;&#957;&#959;&#965;&#962;, which I here represent by &#8220;acquired a
+recognised position,&#8221; is at least doubtful. Casaubon translates it <i>qui in
+album non fuerint recepti</i>, referring to Sueton. Nero, 21. But nothing is elsewhere
+known of such an <i>album</i> for registering the names of recognised athletes.
+The passage is important as helping to explain how the number of those entering
+for the contests in the greater games was practically limited, and therefore
+how it happened that, for instance, the five contests of the Pentathlum did not
+often fall to different athletes so as to leave the victory uncertain.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309" id="Footnote_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309"><span class="label">309</span></a> The Carthaginian Suffetes are always called &#946;&#945;&#963;&#953;&#955;&#949;&#8150;&#962; by the Greek
+writers: see <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_33">33</a>, note; Herod. 7, 165; Diod. <i>Sic.</i> 14, 53. Aristotle
+[<i>Pol.</i> 2, 11], in contrasting the Spartan and Carthaginian constitutions,
+mentions with approval that, unlike the Spartan kings, those at Carthage were
+elected, and were not confined to a particular family.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310" id="Footnote_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310"><span class="label">310</span></a> See Bosworth Smith, <i>Carthage and the Carthaginians</i>, p. 26 ff.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311" id="Footnote_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311"><span class="label">311</span></a> This seems to be the only authority for assigning to the censors the <i>toga
+purpurea</i> instead of the <i>toga praetexta</i>: and, indeed, Athenaeus speaks of them
+as wearing the toga praetexta (&#960;&#949;&#961;&#953;&#960;&#8057;&#961;&#966;&#965;&#961;&#959;&#962;), <b>14</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b14_69">69</a>. In Livy, 40, 45, they
+occupy <i>sellae curules</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312" id="Footnote_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312"><span class="label">312</span></a> Livy (2, 10) makes Cocles succeed in reaching the bank alive.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313" id="Footnote_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313"><span class="label">313</span></a> But Polybius afterwards admits that a falling off in this respect had begun.
+See <b>18</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b18_35">35</a>; <b>32</b>, <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44126/44126-h/44126-h.htm#b32_11">11</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314" id="Footnote_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314"><span class="label">314</span></a> Livy, 22, 58-61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315" id="Footnote_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315"><span class="label">315</span></a> &#954;&#945;&#954;&#959;&#8054; &#954;&#945;&#954;&#8182;&#962;, a phrase at once insulting and vulgar.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316" id="Footnote_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316"><span class="label">316</span></a> Plutarch, <i>Aratus</i>, ch. 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317" id="Footnote_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317"><span class="label">317</span></a> &#946;&#945;&#955;&#945;&#957;&#8049;&#947;&#961;&#945;&#962;. The &#946;&#945;&#955;&#945;&#957;&#8049;&#947;&#961;&#945; was a straight piece of wood with upright
+pins corresponding with those that fall into the bolt (the &#946;&#8049;&#955;&#945;&#957;&#959;&#953;), and which
+are pushed up by it. It was thus used as a key which could be taken out
+and kept by the Commandant, as in Herod. 3, 155; Thucyd. 2, 4. But
+Polybius here seems to use it as equivalent to &#946;&#8049;&#955;&#945;&#957;&#959;&#962;. See Aeneas, <i>Tact.</i> 18-20,
+who recommends that the &#956;&#8057;&#967;&#955;&#959;&#962; should be sheeted with iron to prevent this
+very operation. Cp. 4, 57. What he means by &#950;&#8059;&#947;&#969;&#956;&#945; on the outside (here
+translated &#8220;fastenings&#8221;) is also somewhat doubtful. From Hesychius, s.v.
+&#7952;&#960;&#953;&#958;&#949;&#965;&#954;&#964;&#8053;&#961;, it might be conjectured that chains of some kind were intended.
+Casaubon supposed it to be a cross bar similar to the &#956;&#8057;&#967;&#955;&#959;&#962; inside, and
+Schw. to represent the posts and the lintel connecting them.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318" id="Footnote_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318"><span class="label">318</span></a> See <b>5</b>, <a href="#b5_37">37</a>. According to Phylarchus the murder of Archidamus was
+against the wish of Cleomenes. Plut. <i>Cleom.</i> 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319" id="Footnote_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319"><span class="label">319</span></a> To which proceedings may be referred a sentence of Polybius preserved
+by Suidas, s.v. &#948;&#953;&#949;&#963;&#954;&#949;&#965;&#945;&#963;&#956;&#8051;&#957;&#951;&#957;&mdash;&#8220;They send out certain Cretans, as though
+on a raid, giving them a sham despatch to carry.&#8221; See Livy, 24, 30-31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320" id="Footnote_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320"><span class="label">320</span></a> Cp. <b>1</b>, <a href="#b1_35">35</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321" id="Footnote_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321"><span class="label">321</span></a> &#963;&#954;&#959;&#961;&#960;&#8055;&#948;&#953;&#945;, mentioned among a number of similar engines in 1 Macc. 6,
+51. Plutarch calls them &#963;&#954;&#959;&#961;&#960;&#8055;&#959;&#953;, and explains that they only carried a short
+distance, but, being concealed, gave wounds at close quarters; hence, doubtless,
+their name.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322" id="Footnote_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322"><span class="label">322</span></a> See also Athenaeus, 4, 166-167. Theopompus of Chius was a contemporary
+of Philip II. and Alexander, having been born about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;376-372.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323" id="Footnote_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323"><span class="label">323</span></a> The accusation of administering slow poisons is a very common one, as
+readers of medi&aelig;val history know. But the ignorance of the conditions of
+health was too great to allow us to accept them without question. It is
+doubtful whether drugs, acting in this particular way, were known to the
+ancients; and certainly spitting blood would be no conclusive evidence of
+the presence of poison. See Creighton&#8217;s <i>History of the Papacy</i>, vol. iv.
+Append.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324" id="Footnote_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324"><span class="label">324</span></a> This fragment is supposed, by comparison with Livy, 25, 36, to belong
+to the account of the fall of Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio in Spain, <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;212.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325" id="Footnote_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325"><span class="label">325</span></a> Or &#8220;legion,&#8221; according to others. But as both Consuls are engaged in
+the business, it seems reasonable to refer it to the two consular armies of two
+legions each.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326" id="Footnote_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326"><span class="label">326</span></a> That is &#8220;blaming Fortune or Providence.&#8221; Schw. quotes Xenophon
+<i>Hellen.</i> 7, 5, 12, &#7956;&#958;&#949;&#963;&#964;&#953; &#956;&#8050;&#957; &#964;&#8056; &#952;&#949;&#8150;&#959;&#957; &#945;&#7984;&#964;&#953;&#8118;&#963;&#952;&#945;&#953;.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327" id="Footnote_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327"><span class="label">327</span></a> &#963;&#965;&#956;&#960;&#8051;&#956;&#968;&#945;&#953;, a difficult word. See Strachan-Davidson&#8217;s note. It seems
+to me to be opposed to &#966;&#965;&#947;&#949;&#8150;&#957; or some such idea. Hannibal was not in
+flight, but kept the enemy with him, as it were, in a kind of procession, until
+the moment for striking.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328" id="Footnote_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328"><span class="label">328</span></a> There is some word wanting in the text here which has been variously
+supplied. I have ventured to conjecture <span class="g">&#964;&#8048; &#947;&#8048;&#961; &#948;&#959;&#954;&#959;&#8166;&#957;&#964;&#945;</span> &#960;&#945;&#961;&#8049;&#946;&#959;&#955;&#959;&#957;
+<span class="g">&#954;.&#964;.&#955;.</span>, and to translate accordingly: for it is the boldness and apparent rashness
+of Hannibal&#8217;s movement that Polybius seems to wish to commend.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329" id="Footnote_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329"><span class="label">329</span></a> Cp. Homer, <i>Odyss.</i> 19, 471.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330" id="Footnote_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330"><span class="label">330</span></a> Livy, 25, 40, calls him Mutines.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331" id="Footnote_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331"><span class="label">331</span></a> See <b>3</b>, <a href="#b3_86">86</a>, note. Cp. Cicero de Am. &sect; 8, cum duobus ducibus de
+imperio in Italia decertatum est, Pyrrho et Annibale. Ab altero propter probitatem
+ejus non nimis alien os animos habemus; alterum <i>propter crudelitatem
+semper haec civitas oderit</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332" id="Footnote_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332"><span class="label">332</span></a> The paragraph &#8220;For the Aetolians ... in Greece,&#8221; follows &#8220;the
+Messenians&#8221; in ch. 30, in the Greek texts. But it is evidently out of place
+there, and falls naturally into this position.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333" id="Footnote_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333"><span class="label">333</span></a> Antigonus Doson.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334" id="Footnote_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334"><span class="label">334</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;211. See Livy, 26, 24-26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335" id="Footnote_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335"><span class="label">335</span></a> On the margin of one MS. is written &#8220;For such is the characteristic
+always maintained by the Athenian State.&#8221; But its relevancy is not very
+apparent; and at any rate it seems more likely to be a comment of the Epitomator,
+than a sentence from Polybius.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336" id="Footnote_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336"><span class="label">336</span></a> Scopas (<span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span>&nbsp;211-210) must have gone out of office, <i>i.e.</i> it was after
+autumn of 210 <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337" id="Footnote_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337"><span class="label">337</span></a> That is, 10s. 3-3/4d. for about a bushel and a half. See on <b>2</b>, <a href="#b2_15">15</a>.</p></div>
+<hr />
+<p class="center"><i>Printed by</i> <span class="smcap">R. &amp; R. Clark</span>, <i>Edinburgh</i></p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Histories of Polybius, Vol. I (of
+2), by Polybius
+
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+</pre>
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+</body>
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