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diff --git a/44144-8.txt b/44144-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 9c2e536..0000000 --- a/44144-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1975 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Protection and Communism, by Frédéric Bastiat - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Protection and Communism - With a Preface, by The Translator - -Author: Frédéric Bastiat - -Translator: Unknown - -Release Date: November 10, 2013 [EBook #44144] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PROTECTION AND COMMUNISM *** - - - - -Produced by David Widger - - - - - - -PROTECTION and COMMUNISM - -From The French - -By Frédéric Bastiat. - -With a Preface, by The Translator - -London: - -John W. Parker And Son, West Strand - -MDCCCLII. - - - - -TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. - -This translation will not, it is hoped, be unacceptable to the English -reader, particularly at the present moment, when it is not improbable -that, under certain circumstances, a great effort may be made in -this country to restore Protection--or, should that wild attempt be -considered impossible, to shift the public burdens in such a manner as -to effect, as far as possible, the same purpose in favour of what is -called the 'agricultural interest.' M. Bastiat's spirited little work -is in the form of a letter, addressed to M. Thiers--the archenemy of -free-trade, as he was of most propositions which had for their object -the true happiness of France. The present was only one of a series -of efforts made by M. Bastiat in favour of the cause of freedom of -commerce; and the English reader has already had an opportunity of -admiring the force of his arguments and the clearness of his style, in -Mr. Porter's* admirable translation of _Popular Fallacies_, which is, -indeed, a perfect armory of arguments for those 'who, although they may -have a general impression favourable to Free-trade, have yet some fears -as to the consequences that may follow its adoption.' What impression M. -Bastiat may have produced on the public mind of France it is not easy -to conjecture, or how far the recent violent changes in that country, -presuming them to be at all permanent, may prove favourable to -Free-trade or otherwise. But it is to be feared that there is an amount -of prejudice and ignorance in France, among the mass of her people, more -inveterate and more difficult to remove and enlighten than was the -case in this country. However, seed thus sown cannot remain altogether -without fruit, and the rapidity with which correct principles -spread through a great community, under apparently most unfavourable -circumstances, is such as frequently to astonish even those most -convinced of the vast power of truth. - - * Secretary of the Board of Trade, and author of the - _Progress of the Nation_. - -The real object of M. Bastiat is to expose the unsoundness and injustice -of the system of Protection. He does this partly by a dexterous -reference to the theory of Communism, and shows, with logical force and -neat application, that the principles of the two are in truth the same. -The parallel thus drawn, so far from being fanciful or strained, is -capable of easy demonstration. But, in drawing it, M. Bastiat rather -assumes than proves that Communism is itself wholly indefensible--that -its establishment would be destructive of security and property, -and, consequently, of society--in a word, that it is another term for -robbery. - -This is true, and obviously so, of Communism, in its more extravagant -form; and it is to this, of course, that M. Bastiat refers. But it -cannot be denied that there are many modifications of the principle -which embrace more or less truth, and which _appear_ to offer a -corrective to that excessive competition or pressure of numbers, the -evils of which are patent, admitted, and deplored. That the specific -remedy proposed is vicious, that it would quickly make matters much -worse than they are, that it is, in fact, a fraud and a mockery, does -not prevent it from being, and naturally, captivating to many who at -present see no other way out of the difficulties and the struggles by -which they are surrounded: and who are tempted to embrace it, not only -as a relief to their present wants and anxieties, but because it would, -in their opinion, entail other consequences, as connected with their -social condition, particularly grateful to their feelings. We further -admit that such sentiments--not in themselves irrational--founded on -a legitimate desire for improvement, and entertained by large and -important classes--are entitled to the most respectful consideration. - -Whether some considerable melioration in the condition of our labourers -and artisans may not by degrees be effected by means of combined labour, -or co-operation, and the principle of partnership, is no doubt one of -the great questions to be solved by modern society, but it is much too -wide a one to be entered upon, however cursorily, in this place. It is -understood, however, that one of the most original and powerful thinkers -within the domain of statistics is at the present moment engaged on this -subject; and, if this be so, we shall no doubt, before long, be in the -possession of views of extreme importance and interest. - -We have, with deep regret, to add that M. Bastiat died during the autumn -of last year, after a long illness, in the south of Italy. By his death, -not only France, but the world also, has sustained a loss. - - - - - -PROTECTION AND COMMUNISM. - - -TO M. THIERS. - -Sir, - -Do not be ungrateful to the revolution of February. It may have -surprised, perhaps disturbed you, but it has also afforded you, whether -as an author, an orator, or a practised statesman, some unexpected -triumphs. Amidst these successes, there is one certainly of no usual -character. We not long ago read in _La Presse_, 'The Association for the -Protection of National Labour (the ancient Mimerel Club)* is about -to address a circular to all its correspondents, to announce that a -subscription is opened for the purpose of promoting in manufactories the -circulation of M. Thiers's book upon Property. The association itself -subscribes for 5000 copies.' Would that I had been present when this -flattering announcement met your eyes. It should have made them sparkle -with joy. We have good reason to say that the ways of Providence are as -infallible as they are impenetrable. For if you will bear with me for a -moment I will endeavour to prove that Protection, when fully developed, -and pushed to its legitimate consequences, becomes Communism. It is -sufficiently singular that a champion of Protection should discover that -he is a promoter of Communism; but what is more extraordinary and more -consoling still, is the fact that we find a powerful association, that -was formed for the purpose of propagating theoretically and practically -the principles of Communism (in the manner deemed most profitable to -its members) now devoting the half of its resources to destroy the evil -which it has done with the other half. - - * An association, Mr. Porter informs us, composed like that - assembling (or that did assemble, for we are not quite sure - whether it still exists,) at No. 17, New Bond Street, - exclusively of producers, at least of the article sought to - be protected, and therefore of persons who believe - themselves to be interested in excluding from the home - market the productions of others. - -I repeat it,--this is consoling. It assures us of the inevitable triumph -of truth, since it shows us the real and first propagators of subversive -doctrines, startled at their success, industriously correcting with the -proper antidote the poison they had spread. - -This supposes, it is true, the identity of the principles of Communism -and of Protection, and perhaps you do not admit this identity, though, -to speak the truth, it seems to me impossible that you could have -written four hundred pages upon Property without being struck by it. -Perhaps you imagine that some efforts made in favour of commercial -freedom, or rather of free trade, the impatience of a discussion without -results, the ardour of the contest, and the keenness of the struggle, -have made me view (what happens too often to all of us) the errors of my -adversaries in exaggerated colours. But, beyond question, according to -my idea, it requires but little effort to develop the principles you -have been advocating into those of Communism. How can it be that our -great manufacturers, landed proprietors, rich bankers, able statesmen, -have become, without knowing or wishing it, the introducers, the very -apostles of Communism in France? And why not, I would ask? There -are numerous workmen fully convinced of the _right of labour_, and -consequently Communists also without knowing or wishing it, and who -would not acknowledge the title. The reason of this is, that amongst all -classes interest biases the will, and the will, as Pascal says, is -the chief element of our faith. Under another name, many of our working -classes, very honest people be it observed, use Communism as they have -always used it, namely, on the condition that the wealth of others -should alone be liable to the law. But as soon as the principle, -extending itself, would apply the same rule to their own property--oh! -then Communism is held in detestation, and their former principles -are rejected with loathing. To express surprise at this, is simply -to confess ignorance of the human heart, its secret workings, and how -strong its inclination is to practise self-deception.* - - * The truth of this is found on all occasions where the - interests or the passions of men are concerned, and was - rather amusingly shown in many ways when the free-trade - measures of Sir R. Peel were being carried through. Then - every interest desired free-trade, except with reference to - the articles produced by itself. - -No, Sir; it is not the heat of controversy, which has betrayed me in -seeing the doctrine of Protection in this light, for, on the contrary, -it was because I saw it in this point of view before the struggle -commenced that I am thus engaged. Believe me that to extend somewhat -our foreign commerce--a consequential result which, however, is far -from despicable--was never my governing motive; I believed, and I still -believe, that property itself was concerned in the question; I believed, -and I still believe, that our tariff of customs, owing to the principle -which has given it birth, and the arguments by which it is defended, has -made a breach in the very principle of property itself, through -which all the rest of our legislation threatens to force itself. In -considering this state of things, it seems to me that a Communism, the -true effect and range of which, (I must say this to be just,) was not -contemplated by its supporters, was on the point of overwhelming us. -It seems to me that this particular species of Communism (for there -are several kinds of it) flows logically from the arguments of the -protectionists, and is involved when those arguments are pressed to -their legitimate conclusion. It is upon this ground, therefore, that it -seems to me of the utmost importance to meet the evil, for, fortified as -it is by sophistical statements, and sanctioned by high authority, there -is no hope of eradicating the error while such statements are permitted -to take possession of and to distract the mind of the public. It is -thus that we view the matter at Bordeaux, Paris, Marseilles, Lyons, -and elsewhere, where we have organized the free-trade association. -Commercial freedom, considered by itself, is without doubt a great -blessing to the people; but if we had only this object in view, our body -should have been named the _Association for Commercial Freedom_, or, -more accurately, _for the Gradual Reform of the Tariffs_. But the word -'free-trade' implies the _free disposal of the produce of labour_, -in other terms '_property_' and it is for this reason that we have -preferred it. We knew, indeed, that the term would give rise to many -difficulties. It affirmed a principle, and from that moment all the -supporters of the opposite one ranged themselves against us. More than -this, it was extremely objectionable, even to some of those who were -the most disposed to second us, that is to say, to merchants and traders -more engaged in reforming the Customs than in overthrowing Communism. -Havre, while sympathizing with our views, refused to enlist under our -banner. On all sides I was told, 'Let us obtain without loss of time -some modification of our tariff, without publishing to the world our -extreme pretensions.' I replied, 'If you have only that in view, -exert your influence through your chambers of commerce.' To this -they answered, 'The word free-trade frightens people, and retards our -success.' Nothing is more true; but I would derive even from the terror -inspired by this word my strongest arguments for its adoption. The -more disliked it is, say I, the more it proves that the true notion of -property is obscured. The doctrine of Protection has clouded ideas, and -confused and false ideas have in their turn supported Protection. To -obtain by surprise, or with the consent of the Government, an accidental -amelioration of the tariff may modify an effect, but cannot destroy a -cause. I retain, then, the word _Free-trade_, not in the mere spirit of -opposition, but still, I admit, because of the obstacles it creates or -encounters--obstacles which, while they betray the mischief at work, -bear along with them the certain proof, that the very foundation of -social order was threatened. - -It is not sufficient to indicate our views by a word; they should be -defined. This has been done, and I here transcribe, as a programme, the -first announcement or manifesto of this association. - -'When uniting for the defence of a great cause, the undersigned feel -the necessity of declaring their creed: of proclaiming the _design, the -province, the means and the principles of their association_. - -'Exchange is a natural right, like property. Every one who has made -or acquired any article should have the option either to apply it -immediately to his own use, or to transfer it to any one, whomsoever -he may be, who may consent to give him something he may prefer to it -in exchange. To deprive him of this power when he makes no use of -it contrary to public order or morality, and solely to gratify the -convenience of another, is to legalise a robbery--to violate the -principle of justice. - -'Again, it is to violate the conditions of social order--for what -true social order can exist in the midst of a community, in which each -individual interest, aided in this by law and public opinion, aims at -success by the depression of all the others? - -'It is to disown that providential superintendence which presides over -human affairs, and made manifest by the infinite variety of climates, -seasons, natural advantages and resources, benefits which God has so -unequally distributed among men to unite them by commercial intercourse -in the ties of a common brotherhood. - -'It is to retard or counteract the development of public prosperity, -since he who is not free to barter as he pleases, is not free to select -his occupation, and is compelled to give an unnatural direction to his -efforts, to his faculties, to his capital, and to those agents which -nature has placed at his disposal. - -'In short, it is to imperil the peace of nations, for it disturbs -the relations which unite them, and which render wars improbable in -proportion as they would be burdensome. - -'The association has, then, for its object Free-trade. - -'The undersigned do not contest that society has the right to impose on -merchandise, which crosses the frontier, custom dues to meet national -expenses, provided they are determined by the consideration of the wants -of the Treasury alone. - -'But as soon as a tax, losing its fiscal character, aims at the -exclusion of foreign produce, to the detriment of the Treasury itself, -in order to raise artificially the price of similar national products, -and thus to levy contributions on the community for the advantage of a -class, from that instant Protection, or rather robbery, displays itself, -and _this_ is the principle which the association proposes to eradicate -from the public mind, and to expunge from our laws, independently of all -reciprocity, and of the systems which prevail elsewhere. - -'Though this association has for its object the complete destruction of -the system of protection, it does not follow that it requires or expects -such a reformation to be accomplished in a day, as by the stroke of -a wand. To return even from evil to good, from an artificial state of -things to one more natural, calls for the exercise of much prudence and -precaution. To carry out the details belongs to the supreme power--the -province of the association is to propagate the principle, and to make -it popular. - -'As to the means which the association may employ to accomplish its -ends, it will never seek for any but what are legal and constitutional. - -'Finally, the association has nothing to do with party politics. It does -not advocate any particular interest, class or section of the country. -It embraces the cause of eternal justice, of peace, of union, of free -intercourse, of brotherhood among all men--the cause of public weal, -which is identical in every respect with that of the _public consumer_.' - -Is there a word in this programme which does not show an ardent wish to -confirm and strengthen, or rather perhaps to re-establish, in the minds -of men the idea of property, perverted, as it is, by the system of -Protection? Is it not evident that the interest of commerce is made -secondary to the interest of society generally? Remark that the tariff, -in itself good or evil in the financial point of view, engages little -of our attention. But, as soon as it acts _intentionally_ with a view -to Protection, that is to say, as soon as it develops the principle of -spoliation, and ignores, in fact, the right of property, we combat it, -not as a tariff, but as a system. _It is there_, we say, that we must -eradicate the principle from the public mind, in order to blot it from -our laws.* - - * As Mr. Porter says, in one of his excellent notes on M. - Bastiat's work on _Popular Fallacies_, 'The true history of - all progress in regard to great questions, involving change - in social policy, is here indicated by M. Bastiat. It is in - vain that we look for such change through the enlightenment - of what should be the governing bodies. In this respect, all - legislative assemblies, whether called a Chamber of Deputies - or a House of Commons, are truly representatives of the - public mind, never placing themselves in advance, nor - lagging much behind the general conviction. This is not, - indeed, a new discovery, but we are much indebted to Mr. - Cobden and the leading members of the Anti-Corn-Law League - for having placed it in a point of view so prominent that it - can no longer be mistaken. Hereafter, the course of action - is perfectly clear upon all questions that require - legislative sanction. This can only be obtained through the - enlightenment of the constituency; but when such - enlightenment has been accomplished--when those mainly - interested in bringing about the change have once formed - their opinion in its favour, the task is achieved.' - -It will be asked, no doubt, why, having in view a general principle -of this importance, we have confined the struggle to the merits of a -particular question. - -The reason of this, is simple. It is necessary to oppose association to -association, to engage the interests of men, and thus draw volunteers -into our ranks. We know well that the contest between the Protectionists -and Free-traders cannot be prolonged without raising and finally -settling all questions, moral, political, philosophical, and economical, -connected with property. And since the Mimerel Club, in directing its -efforts to one end, had weakened the principle of property, so we aimed -at inspiring it with renewed vigour, in pursuing a course diametrically -opposite. - -But what matters it what I may have said or thought at other times? What -matters it that I have perceived, or thought that I have perceived, a -certain connexion between Protection and Communism? The essential thing -is to prove that this connexion exists, and I proceed to ascertain -whether this be so. - -You no doubt remember the time when, with your usual ability, you drew -from the lips of Monsieur Proudhon this celebrated declaration, 'Give -me the right of labour, and I will abandon the right of property.' -M. Proudhon does not conceal that, in his eyes, these two rights are -incompatible. - -If property is incompatible with the right of labour, and if the -right of labour is founded upon the same principle as Protection, what -conclusion can we draw, but that Protection is itself incompatible with -property? In geometry, we regard as an incontestable truth, that two -things equal to a third are equal to each other. - -Now it happens that an eminent orator, M. Billault, has thought it right -to support at the tribune the right of labour. This was not easy, in -the face of the declaration which escaped from M. Proudhon. M. Billault -understood very well, that to make the state interfere to weigh in the -balance the fortunes, and equalize the conditions, of men, tends towards -Communism; and what did he say to induce the National Assembly to -violate property and the principles thereof? He told you with all -simplicity that he asked you to do what, in effect, you already do -by your tariff. His aim does not go beyond a somewhat more extended -application of the doctrines now admitted by you, and applied in -practice. Here are his words:-- - -'Look at our custom-house tariff? By their prohibitions, their -differential taxes, their premiums, their combinations of all kinds, it -is society which aids, which supports, which retards or advances all the -combinations of national labour; it not only holds the balance between -French labour, which it protects, and foreign labour, but on the soil -of France itself it is perpetually interfering between the different -interests of the country. Listen to the perpetual complaints made by one -class against another: see, for example, those who employ iron in their -processes, complaining of the protection given to French iron over -foreign iron; those who employ flax or cotton thread, protesting -against the protection granted to French thread, in opposition to the -introduction of foreign thread; and it is thus with all the others. -Society (it ought to be said, the government) finds itself then forcibly -mixed up with all these struggles, with all the perplexities connected -with the regulation of labour; it is always actively interfering between -them, directly and indirectly, and from the moment that the question of -custom duties is broached, you will see that you will be, in spite of -yourselves, forced to acknowledge the fact and its cause, and to take on -yourself the protection of every interest. - -'The necessity which is thus imposed on the government to interfere in -the question of labour, should not, then, be considered an objection to -the debt which society owes to the poor workmen.' - -And you will remark well that in his arguments, M. Billault has not the -least intention of being sarcastic. He is no Free-trader, intentionally -disguised for the purpose of exposing the inconsistency of the -Protectionists. No; M. Billault is himself a Protectionist, _bonâ fide_. -He aims at equalizing our fortunes by law. With this view, he considers -the action of the tariffs useful; and being met by an obstacle--the -right of property--he leaps over it, as you do. The right of labour is -then pointed out to him, which is a second step in the same direction. -He again encounters the right of property, and again he leaps over it; -but turning round, he is surprised to see you do not follow him. He asks -the reason. If you reply--I admit in principle that the law may violate -property, but I find it _inopportune_ that this should be done under -the particular form of the right of labour, M. Billault would understand -you, and discuss with you the secondary question of expediency. But you -raise up, in opposition to his views, the principle of property itself. -This astonishes him; and he conceives that he is entitled to say to -you--Do not act with inconsistency, and deny the right of labour on the -ground of its infringement of the right of property, since you violate -this latter right by your tariffs, whenever you find it convenient to do -so. He might add, with some reason, by the protective tariffs you often -violate the property of the poor for the advantage of the rich. By -the right of labour, you would violate the property of the rich to the -advantage of the poor. By what chance does it happen that your scruples -stop short at the point they do? - -Between you and M. Billault there is only one point of difference. Both -of you proceed in the same direction--that of Communism: only you have -taken but one step, and he has taken two. On this account the advantage, -in my eyes at least, is on your side; but you lose it on the ground of -logic. - -For since you go along with him, though more slowly than he does, he -is sufficiently well pleased to have you as his follower. This is an -inconsistency which M. Bitlault has managed to avoid, but, alas! to -fall himself also into a sad dilemma! M. Billault is too enlightened not -to feel, indistinctly perhaps, the danger of each step that he takes -in the path which ends in Communism. He does not assume the ridiculous -position of the champion of property, at the very moment of violating -it; but how does he justify himself? He calls to his aid the favourite -axiom of all who can reconcile two irreconcilable things--_There are no -fixed principles_. Property, Communism--let us take a little from both, -according to circumstances. - -'To my mind, the pendulum of civilization which oscillates from the one -principle to the other, according to the wants of the moment, but which -always makes the greater progress if, after strongly inclining towards -the absolute freedom of individual action, it fells back on the -necessity of government interference.' - -There is, then, no such thing as truth in the world. No principles -exist, since _the pendulum ought to oscillate from one principle to the -other, according to the wants of the moment._ Oh! metaphor, to what a -point thou wouldst bring us, if allowed! - -But as you have well said, in your place in the Assembly, one cannot -discuss all parts of this subject at once, I will not at the present -moment examine the system of Protection in the purely economic point of -view. I do not inquire then whether, with regard to national wealth, it -does more good than harm, or the reverse. The only point that I wish -to prove is, that it is nothing else than a species of Communism. MM. -Billault and Proudhon have commenced the proof, and I will try and -complete it. - -And first, What is to be understood by Communism? There are several -modes, if not of realizing community of goods, at least of trying to -do so. M. de Lamartine has reckoned four. You think that there are a -thousand, and I am of your opinion. However, I believe that all these -could be reduced under three general heads, of which one only, according -to me, is truly dangerous. - -First, it might occur to two or more men to combine their labour and -their time. While they do not threaten the security, infringe the -liberty, or usurp the property of others, neither directly nor -indirectly, if they do any mischief, they do it to themselves. The -tendency of such men will be always to attempt in remote places the -realization of their dream. Whoever has reflected upon these matters -knows these enthusiasts will probably perish from want, victims to their -illusions. In our times, Communists of this description have given -to their imaginary elysium the name of Icaria,* as if they had had a -melancholy presentiment of the frightful end towards which they were -hastening. We may lament over their blindness; we should try to rescue -them if they were in a state to hear us, but society has nothing to fear -from their chimeras. - - * This, as most of our readers are aware, is an imaginary - country at the other side of the world, where a state of - circumstances is supposed to exist productive of general - happiness--moral and physical--to all. The chief creator of - this modern Utopia, from which indeed the idea is - confessedly taken, is M. Cabet, whose book was published - during the year of the late revolution in France. It is - meant to be a grave essay on possible things, but could only - be considered so, we venture to think, in Paris, and only - there in times of unusual excitement. The means by which M. - Cabet and his followers suppose their peculiar society could - be established and maintained, are beyond conception false, - ludicrous, and puerile. - - M. Cabet was obliged to leave France for a grave offence, - but found a refuge and no inconsiderable number of followers - in America, where, by the side of much that is excellent and - hopeful, flourishes, perhaps, under present circumstances, - as a necessary parallel, many of the wild and exploded - theories of the world. - -Another form of Communism, and decidedly the coarsest, is this: throw -into a mass all the existing property, and then share it equally. It -is spoliation becoming the dominant and universal law. It is the -destruction, not only of property, but also of labour and of the springs -of action which induce men to work. This same Communism is so violent, -so absurd, so monstrous, that in truth I cannot believe it to be -dangerous. I said this some time ago before a considerable assembly of -electors, the great majority of whom belonged to the suffering classes. -My words were received with loud murmurs. - -I expressed my surprise at it. 'What,' said they, 'dares M. Bastiat -say that Communism is not dangerous? He is then a Communist! Well, we -suspected as much, for Communists, Socialists, Economists, are all of -the same order, as it is proved by the termination of the words.' I had -some difficulty in recovering myself; but even this interruption proved -the truth of my proposition. No, Communism is not dangerous, when it -shows itself in its most naked form, that of pure and simple spoliation; -it is not dangerous, because it excites horror. - -I hasten to say, that if Protection can be and ought to be likened to -Communism, it is not that which I am about to attack. - -But Communism assumes a third form:-- - -To make the state interfere to, let it take upon itself to adjust -profits and to equalize men's possessions by taking from some, without -their consent, to give to others without any return, to assume the task -of putting things on an equality by robbery, assuredly is Communism to -the fullest extent. It matters not what may be the means employed by the -state with this object, no more than the sounding names with which they -dignify this thought. Whether they pursue its realization by direct or -indirect means, by restriction or by impost, by tariffs or by the right -of labour; whether they call it by the watchword of equality, of mutual -responsibility, of fraternity, that does not change the nature of -things; the violation of property is not less robbery because it is -accomplished with regularity, order, and system, and under the forms of -law. - -I repeat that it is here, at this juncture, that Communism is really -dangerous. Why? Because under this form we see it incessantly ready to -taint everything. Behold the proof! One demands that the state should -supply gratuitously to artisans, to labourers, the _instruments of -labour_,* that is, to encourage them to take them from other artisans -and labourers. Another wishes that the state should lend without -interest; this could not be done without violating property. A third -calls for gratuitous education to all degrees; gratuitous! that is to -say, at the expense of the tax-payers.** - - * By this phrase we believe is meant much more than the - English words might indicate--the supplying all the capital - necessary to start the artisan in the world. - - ** We think, with Adam Smith and most others, that education - and religious instruction may fairly and properly, if the - occasion requires, be excepted from this rule, on the ground - that as they are most beneficial to the whole of society-- - their effects not stopping short with the persons receiving - the immediate benefits--'they may, without injustice, be - defrayed by the general contribution of the whole society.' - We by no means say, however, that this public support should - supersede voluntary contribution. - -A fourth requires that the state should support the associations of -workmen, the theatres, the artists, See. But the means necessary for -such support is so much money taken from those who have legitimately -made it. A fifth is dissatisfied unless the state artificially raises -the price of a particular product for the benefit of those who sell it; -but it is to the detriment of those who buy. Yes, under this form, there -are very few people who at one time or an other would not be Communists. -You are so yourself; M. Billault is; and I fear that in France we are -all so in some degree. It seems that the intervention of the state -reconciles us to robbery, in throwing the responsibility of it on all -the world; that is to say, on no one; and it is thus that we sport with -the wealth of others in perfect tranquillity of conscience. That -honest M. Tourret, one of the most upright of men who ever sat upon the -ministerial bench, did he not thus commence his statement in favour -of the scheme for the advancement of public money for agricultural -purposes? 'It is not sufficient to give instruction for the cultivation -of the arts. We must also supply the instruments of labour.' After this -preamble, he submits to the National Assembly a proposition, the first -heading of which runs thus:-- - -'First--There is opened, in the budget of 1849, in favour of the -Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, a credit of ten millions, to meet -advances to the proprietors and associations of proprietors of rural -districts.' Confess that if this legislative language was rendered with -exactness, it should have been:-- - -'The Minister of Agriculture and Commerce is authorized, during the year -1849, to take the sum of ten millions from the pocket of the labourers -who are in great want of it, and _to whom it belongs_, to put it in the -pocket of other labourers who are equally in want of it, and _to whom it -does not belong_.' - -Is not this an act of Communism, and if made general, would it not -constitute the system of Communism? - -The manufacturer, who would die sooner than steal a farthing, does not -in the least scruple to make this request of the legislature--'Pass me a -law which raises the price of my cloth, my iron, my coal, and enable me -to overcharge my purchasers.' As the motive upon which he founds -this demand is that he is not content with the profit, at which trade -unfettered or free-trade would fix it, (which I affirm to be the same -thing, whatever they may say,) so, on the other hand, as we are all -dissatisfied with our profits, and disposed to call in the aid of the -law, it is clear, at least to me, that if the legislature does not -hasten to reply, 'That does not signify to us; we are not charged to -violate property, but to protect it,' it is clear, I say, that we are in -downright Communism. The machinery put in motion by the state to effect -the object may differ from what we have indicated, but it has the same -aim, and involves the same principle. - -Suppose I present myself at the bar of the National Assembly, and say, -'I exercise a trade, and I do not find that my profits are sufficient: -consequently I pray you to pass a law authorizing the tax-collectors to -levy, for my benefit, only one centime upon each French family,' If the -legislature grants my request, this could only be taken as a single -act of legal robbery, which does not at this point merit the name of -Communism. But if all Frenchmen, one after the other, made the same -request, and if the legislature examined them with the avowed object of -realizing the equality of goods, it is in this principle, followed by -its effects, that I see, and that you cannot help seeing, Communism. - -Whether, in order to realize its theory, the legislature employs -custom-house officers or excise collectors, imposes direct or indirect -taxes, encourages by protection or premiums, matters but little. Does it -believe itself authorized to _take_ and to _give_ without compensation? -Does it believe that its province is to regulate profits? Does it act in -consequence of this belief? Do the mass of the public approve of it?--do -they compel this species of action? If so, I say we are upon the descent -which leads to Communism, whether we are conscious of it or not. - -And if they say to me, the state never acts thus in favour of any one, -but only in favour of some classes, I would reply--Then it has found the -means of making Communism even worse than it naturally is. - -I know, Sir, that some doubt is thrown on these conclusions by the aid -of a ready confusion of ideas. Some administrative acts are quoted, very -legitimate cases in their way, where the intervention of the state is -as equitable as it is useful; then, establishing an apparent analogy -between these cases, and those against which I protest, they will -attempt to place me in the wrong, and will say to me--'As you can only -see Communism in Protection, so you ought to see it in every case where -government interferes.' - -This is a trap into which I will not fall. - -This is why I am compelled to inquire what is the precise circumstance -which impresses on state intervention the communistic character. - -What is the province of the state? What are the things which individuals -ought to entrust to the Supreme Power? Which are those which they ought -to reserve for private enterprise? To reply to these questions would -require a dissertation on political economy. Fortunately I need not do -this for the purpose of solving the problem before us. - -When men, in place of labouring for themselves individually, combine -with others, that is to say, when they club together to execute any -work, or to produce a result by an united exertion, I do not call -that _Communism_, because I see nothing in this of its peculiar -characteristic, _equalizing conditions by violent means_. The state -_takes_, it is true, by taxes, but it _renders_ service for them in -return. It is a particular but legitimate form of that foundation of all -society, _exchange_. I go still further. In intrusting a special service -to be done by the state, it may be made beneficial, or otherwise, -according to its nature and the mode in which it is effected. -Beneficial, if by this means the service is made with superior -perfection and economy, and the reverse on the opposite hypothesis: -but in either case I do not perceive the principle of Communism. The -proceeding in the first was attended with success; in the second, with -failure, that is all; and if Communism is a mistake, it does not follow -that every mistake is Communism. - -Political economists are in general very distrustful on the question -of the intervention of government. They see in it inconveniences of all -sorts, a discouragement of individual liberty, energy, foresight, -and experience, which are the surest foundations of society. It often -happens, then, that they have to resist this intervention. But it is -not at all on the same ground and from the same motive which makes them -repudiate Protection. Our opponents cannot, therefore, fairly turn any -argument against us in consequence of our predilections, expressed, -perhaps, without sufficient caution for the freedom of private -enterprise, nor say, 'It is not surprising that these people reject the -system of Protection, for they reject the intervention of the state in -everything.' - -First, it is not true that we reject it in everything: we admit that it -is the province of the state to maintain order and security, to enforce -regard for person and property, to repress fraud and violence. As to the -services which partake, so to speak, of an industrial character, we have -no other rule than this: that the state may take charge of these, if the -result is a saving of labour to the mass of the people. But pray, in -the calculation, take into account all the innumerable inconveniences of -labour monopolized by the state. - -Secondly, I am obliged to repeat it, it is one thing to protest against -any new interference on the part of the state on the ground that, when -the calculation was made, it was found that it would be disadvantageous -to do so, and that it would result in a national loss; and it is another -thing to resist it because it is illegitimate, violent, unprincipled, -and because it assigns to the government to do precisely what it is -its proper duty to prevent and to punish. Now against the system called -Protection these two species of objections may be urged, but it is -against the principle last mentioned, fenced round as it is by legal -forms, that incessant war should be waged. - -Thus, for example, men would submit to a municipal council the question -of knowing whether it would be better that each family in a town should -go and seek the water it requires at the distance of some quarter of -a league, or whether it is more advantageous that the local authority -should levy an assessment to bring the water to the marketplace. -I should not have any objection in _principle_ to enter into the -examination of this question. The calculation of the advantages and -inconveniences for all would be the sole element in the decision. One -might be mistaken in the calculation, but the error, which in this -instance may involve the loss of property, would not be a systematic -violation of it. - -But when the mayor proposes to discourage one trade for the advantage -of another, to prohibit boots for the advantage of the shoemaker, or -something like it, then would I say to him, that in this instance he -acts no longer on a calculation of advantages and inconveniences; he -acts by means of an abuse of power, and a violent perversion of the -public authority; I would say to him, 'You who are the depositary of -power and of the public authority to chastise robbery, dare you apply -that power and authority to protect it and render it systematic?' - -Should the idea of the mayor prevail, if I see, in consequence of this -precedent all the trading classes of the village bestirring themselves, -to ask for favours at the expense of each other--if in the midst of this -tumult of unscrupulous attempts I see them confound even the notion of -property, I must be allowed to assume that, to save it from destruction, -the first thing to do is to point out what has been iniquitous in the -measure, which formed the first link of the chain of these deplorable -events. - -It would not be difficult, Sir, to find in your work passages which -support my position and corroborate my views. To speak the truth, I -might consult it almost by chance for this purpose. Thus, opening the -book at hap-hazard, I would probably find a passage condemning, either -expressly or by implication, the system of Protection--proof of the -identity of this system in principle with Communism. Let me make the -trial. At page 283, I read:-- - -'It is, then, a grave mistake to lay the blame upon competition, and not -to have perceived that if the people are the producers, they are also -the consumers, and that receiving less on one side,' (which I deny, -and which you deny yourself some lines lower down,) 'paying less on -the other, there remains then, for the advantage of all, the difference -between a system which restrains human activity, and a system which -places it in its proper course, and inspires it with ceaseless energy.' - -I defy you to say that this argument does not apply with equal force to -foreign as to domestic competition. Let us try again. At page 325, we -find: - -'Men either possess certain rights, or they do not. If they do--if these -rights exist, they entail certain inevitable consequences.... - -But more than this, they must be the same at all times; they are entire -and absolute--past, present, and to come--in all seasons; and not only -when it may please you to declare them to be, but when it may please the -workmen to appeal to them.' - -Will you maintain that an iron-master has an undefined right to hinder -me for ever from producing indirectly two hundredweight of iron in my -manufactory, for the sake of producing one hundred-weight in a direct -manner in his own? This right, also, I repeat, either exists, or it -does not. If it does exist, it must be absolute at all times and in all -seasons; not only when it may please you to declare it to be so, but -when it may please the iron-masters to claim its protection. - -Let us again try our luck. At page 63, I read,-- - -'Property does not exist, if I cannot _give_ as well as _consume_ it.' - -We say so likewise. 'Property does not exist, if I cannot _exchange_ -as well as _consume_ it;' and permit me to add, that the _right of -exchange_ is at least as valuable, as important in a social point of -view, as characteristic of property, as the _right of gift_. It is to be -regretted, that in a work written for the purpose of examining property -under all its aspects, you have thought it right to devote two chapters -to an investigation of the latter right, which is in but little danger, -and not a line to that of exchange, which is so boldly attacked, even -under the shelter of the laws. - -Again, at page 47:-- - -'Man has an absolute property in his person and in his faculties. He has -a derivative one, less inherent in his nature, but not less sacred, in -what these faculties may produce, which embraces all that can be called -the wealth of this world, and which society is in the highest degree -interested in protecting; for without this protection there would be -no labour; without labour, no civilization, not even the necessaries of -life--nothing but misery, robbery, and barbarism.'* - - * This is a happy exposure of the inconsistency of M. - Thiers. But we have had recently, and in the sitting of the - late National Assembly, a curious example of the perversion - of his extraordinary powers, in the speeches, full of false - brilliancy, to the legislature of France, in condemnation of - the principles of Free-trade. His statements were coloured, - or altogether without foundation; the examples which he - adduced, when looked into, told against him, and his logic - was puerile. Yet he found an attentive and a willing - auditory. Indeed, the prejudices of the French on this - subject, mixed up as they are with so many influences - operating on their vanity, are still inveterate; and it was, - as it always has been, M. Thiers's object to reflect - faithfully the national mind. His aim never was the noble - one of raising and enlightening the views of his countrymen, - but simply to gain an influence over their minds, by - encouraging and echoing their prejudices and keeping alive - their passions. - -Well, Sir, let us make a comment, if you do not object, on this text. - -Like you, I see property at first in the free disposal of the person; -then of the faculties; finally, of the produce of those faculties, which -proves, I may say as a passing remark, that, from a certain point of -view, Liberty and Property are identical. - -I dare hardly say, like you, that property in the produce of our -faculties is less inherent in our nature than property in these -faculties themselves. Strictly speaking, that may be true; but whether a -man is debarred from exercising his faculties, or deprived of what -they may produce, the result is the same, and that result is called -_Slavery_. This is another proof of the identity of the nature of -liberty and property. If I force a man to labour for my profit, that man -is my slave. He is so still, if, leaving him personal liberty, I find -means, by force or by fraud, to appropriate to myself the fruits of his -labour. The first kind of oppression is the more brutal, the second -the more subtle. As it has been remarked that free labour is more -intelligent and productive, it may be surmised that the masters have -said to themselves, 'Do not let us claim directly the powers of our -slaves, but let us take possession of much richer booty--the produce of -their faculties freely exercised, and let us give to this new form of -servitude the engaging name of _Protection_.' - -You say, again, that society is interested in rendering property secure. -We are agreed; only I go further than you; and if by _society_ you mean -_government_, I say that its only province as regards property is to -guarantee it in the most ample manner; that if it tries to measure and -distribute it by that very act, government, instead of guaranteeing, -infringes it. This deserves examination. - -When a certain number of men, who cannot live without labour and without -property, unite to support a _common authority_, they evidently desire -to be able to labour, and to enjoy the fruits of their labour in all -security, and not to place their faculties and their properties at -the mercy of that authority. Even antecedent to all form of regular -government, I do not believe that individuals could be properly deprived -of the _right of defence_--the right of defending their persons, their -faculties, and their possessions. - -Without pretending, in this place, to philosophise upon the origin and -the extent of the rights of governments--a vast subject, well calculated -to deter me--permit me to submit the following idea to you. It seems to -me that the rights of the state can only be the reduction into method -of personal rights _previously existing_. I cannot, for myself, conceive -_collective right_ which has not its root in _individual right_, and -does not presume it. Then, in order to know if the state is legitimately -invested with a right, it is incumbent on us to ask whether this right -dwells in the individual in virtue of his being and independently of all -government. - -It is upon this principle that I denied some time ago the right of -labour. I said, since Peter has no right to take directly from Paul what -Paul has acquired by his labour, there is no better foundation for this -pretended right through the intervention of the state: for the state -is but the _public authority_ created by Peter and by Paul, at their -expense, with a defined and clear object in view, but which never can -render that just which is in itself not so. It is with the aid of this -touchstone that I test the distinction between property secured and -property controlled by the state. Why has the state the right to -secure, even by force, every man's property? Because this right exists -previously in the individual. No one can deny to individuals the _right -of lawful defence_--the right of employing force, if necessary, to -repel the injuries directed against their persons, their faculties, -and their effects. It is conceived that this individual right, since -it resides in all men, can assume the collective form, and justify -the employment of public authority. And why has the state no right to -_equalize_ or apportion worldly wealth? _Because, in order to do so, it -is necessary to rob some in order to gratify others_. Now, as none of -the thirty-five millions of Frenchmen have the right to take by force, -under the pretence of rendering fortunes more equal, it does not appear -how they could invest public authority with this right. - -And remark, that the right of distributing* the wealth of individuals is -destructive of the right which secures it. There are the savages. They -have not yet formed a government; but each of them possesses the _right -of lawful defence_. And it is easy to perceive that it is this right -which will become the basis of legitimate public authority. If one of -these savages has devoted his time, his strength, his intelligence to -make a bow and arrows, and another wishes to take these from him, all -the sympathies of the tribe will be on the side of the victim; and if -the cause is submitted to the judgment of the elders, the robber -will infallibly be condemned. From that there is but one step to the -organization of public power. But I ask you--Is the province of this -public power, at least its lawful province, to repress the act of him -who defends his property in virtue of his abstract right, or the act of -him who violates, contrary to that right, the property of another? It -would be singular enough if public authority was based, not upon -the rights of individuals, but upon their permanent and systematic -violation! No; the author of the book before me could not support such -a position. But it is scarcely enough that he could not support it; he -ought perhaps to condemn it. It is scarcely enough to attack this gross -and absurd Communism disseminated in low newspapers. It would perhaps -have been better to have unveiled and rebuked that other and more -audacious and subtle Communism, which, by the simple perversion of -the just idea of the rights of government, insinuates itself into some -branches of our legislation, and threatens to invade all. - - * It is not easy here, and in some other places, to convey - the exact meaning without using circuitous language. - -For, Sir, it is quite incontestable that by the action of the -tariffs--by means of Protection--governments realize this monstrous -thing of which I have spoken so much. They abandon the right of lawful -defence, previously existing in all men, the source and foundation of -their own existence, to arrogate to themselves a _pretended right of -equalizing the fortunes of all by means of robbery_, a right which, not -existing before in any one, cannot therefore exist in the community. - -But to what purpose is it to insist upon these general ideas? Why should -I show the absurdity of Communism, since you have done so yourself -(except as to one of its aspects, and, as I think, practically the most -threatening) much better than it was in my power to effect? - -Perhaps you will say to me that the principle of the system of -Protection is not opposed to the principle of property. See, then, the -means by which this system operates. - -These are two: by the aid of premiums or bounties, or by restriction. - -As to the first, that is evident. I defy any one to maintain that the -end of the system of premiums, pushed to its legitimate conclusion, -is not absolute Communism. Men work under protection of the public -authority, as you say, charged to secure to each one his own--_suum -cuique_. But in this instance the state, with the most philanthropic -intentions in the world, undertakes a task altogether new and different, -and, according to me, not only exclusive, but destructive of the -first. It constitutes itself the judge of profits; it decides that this -interest is not sufficiently remunerated, and that that is too much -so; it stands as the distributor of fortunes, and makes, as M. Billault -phrases it, the pendulum of civilization oscillate from the liberty -of individual action to its opposite. Consequently it imposes upon the -community at large a contribution for the purpose of making a present, -under the name of premiums, to the exporters of a particular kind of -produce. The pretext is to favour industry; it ought to say, _one_ -particular interest at the expense of _all_ the others. I shall not stop -to show that it stimulates the off-shoot at the expense of that branch -which bears the fruit; but I ask you, on entering on this course, does -it not justify every interest to come and claim a premium, if it can -prove that the profits gained by it are not as much as those obtained -by other interests? Is it not the duty of the state to listen, to -entertain, to give ear to every demand, and to do justice between the -applicants. I do not believe it; but those who do so, should have the -courage to put their thoughts in this form, and to say--Government is -not charged to render property secure, but to distribute it equally. In -other words, there is no such thing as property. - -I only discuss here a question of principle. If I wished to investigate -the subject of premiums for exportation, as shown in their economical -effects, I could place them in the most ridiculous light, for they are -nothing more than a gratuitous gift made by France to foreigners. It is -not the seller who receives it, but the purchaser, in virtue of that law -which you yourself have stated with regard to taxes; the consumer in -the end supports all the charges, as he reaps all the advantages of -production. Thus we are brought to the subject of premiums, one of the -most mortifying and mystifying things possible. Some foreign governments -have reasoned thus: 'If we raise our import duties to a figure equal to -the premium paid by the tax-payers in France, it is clear that nothing -will be changed as regards our consumers, for the net price will remain -the same. The goods reduced by five francs on the French frontier, will -pay five francs more at the German frontier; it is an infallible means -of paying our public expenses out of the French Treasury.' But other -governments, they assure me, have been more ingenious still. They have -said to themselves, 'The premium given by France is properly a present -she makes us; but if we raise the duty, no reason would exist why more -of those particular goods should be imported than in past times; we -ourselves place a limit on the generosity of these excellent French -people; let us abolish, on the contrary, provisionally, these duties; -let us encourage, for instance, an unusual introduction of cloths, since -every yard brings with it an absolute gift.' In the first case, our -premiums have gone to the foreign exchequer; in the second they have -profited, but upon a larger scale, private individuals. - -Let us pass on to restriction. - -I am a workman--a joiner, for example--I have a little workshop, tools, -some materials. All these things incontestably belong to me, for I have -made them, or, which comes to the same thing, I have bought and paid for -them. Still more, I have strong arms, some intelligence, and plenty of -good will. On this foundation I endeavour to provide for my own wants -and for those of my family. Remark, that I cannot directly produce -anything which is useful to me, neither iron, nor wood, nor bread, nor -wine, nor meat, nor stuffs, &c., but I can produce the _value_ of them. -Finally, these things must, so to speak, circulate under another form, -from my saw and my plane. It is my interest to receive honestly the -largest possible quantity in exchange for the produce of my labour. I -say honestly, because it is not my desire to infringe on the property -or the liberty of any one. But I also demand that my own property and -liberty be held equally inviolable. The other workmen and I, agreed upon -this point, impose upon ourselves some sacrifices; we give up a portion -of our labour to some men called public _functionaries_, because theirs -is the special _function_ to secure our labour and its produce from -every injury that might befal either from within or from without. - -Matters being thus arranged, I prepare to put my intelligence, my arms, -my saw, and plane into activity. Naturally my eyes are always fixed -on those things necessary to my existence, and which it is my duty to -produce indirectly in creating what is equal to them in _value_. The -problem is, that I should produce them in the most advantageous manner -possible. Consequently I look at _values_ generally, or what, in other -words, may be called the current or market price of articles. I am -satisfied, judging from these materials in my possession, that my means -for obtaining the largest quantity possible of fuel, for example, -with the smallest possible quantity of labour, is to make a piece of -furniture, to send it to a Belgian, who will give me in return some -coal. - -But there is in France a workman who extracts coal from the earth. Now, -it so happens that the officials, whom the miner and I _contribute_ to -pay for preserving to each of us his freedom of labour, and the free -disposal of its produce (which is property), it so happens, I say, that -these officials have become newly enlightened and assumed other duties. -They have taken it into their heads to compare my labour with that of -the miner. Consequently, they have forbidden me to warm myself with -Belgian fuel: and when I go to the frontier with my piece of furniture -to receive the coal, I find it prohibited from entering France, which -comes to the same thing as if they prohibited my piece of furniture -from going out. I then reason with myself--if we had never paid -the government in order to save us the trouble of defending our own -property, would the miner have had the right to go to the frontier to -prohibit me from making an advantageous exchange, on the ground that -it would be better for him that this exchange should not be effected? -Assuredly not. If he had made so unjust an attempt, we would have joined -issue on the spot, he, urged on by his unjust pretensions, I, strong in -my right of legitimate defence. - -We have appointed and paid a public officer for the special purpose -of preventing such contests. How does it happen, then, that I find the -miner and him concurring in restraining my liberty and hampering my -industry, in limiting the field of my exertions? If the public officer -had taken my part, I might have conceived his right; he would have -derived it from my own; for lawful defence is, indeed, a right. But on -what principle should he aid the miner in his injustice? I learn, then, -that the public officer has changed his nature. He is no longer a -simple mortal invested with rights delegated to him by other men, who, -consequently, possess them. No. He is a being superior to humanity, -drawing his right from himself, and, amongst these rights, he arrogates -to himself that of calculating our profits, of holding the balance -between our various circumstances and conditions. It is very well, say -I; in that case, I will overwhelm him with claims and demands, while I -see a richer man than myself in the country. He will not listen to you, -it may be said to me, for if he listen to you, he will be a Communist, -and he takes good care not to forget that his duty is to secure -properties, not to destroy them. - -What disorder, what confusion in facts; but what can you expect when -there is such disorder and confusion in ideas? You may have resisted -Communism vigorously in the abstract; but while at the same time you -humour, and support, and foster it in that part of our legislation which -it has tainted, your labours will be in vain. It is a poison, which, -with your consent and approbation, has glided into all our laws and into -our morals, and now you are indignant that it is followed by its natural -consequences. - -Possibly, Sir, you will make me one concession; you will say to me, -perhaps, the system of Protection rests on the principle of Communism. -It is contrary to right, to property, to liberty; it throws the -government out of its proper road, and invests it with arbitrary powers, -which have no rational origin. All this is but too true; but the system -of Protection is useful; without it the country, yielding to foreign -competition, would be ruined. - -This would lead us to the examination of Protection in the economical -point of view. Putting aside all consideration of justice, of right, of -equity, of property, of liberty, we should have to resolve the question -into one of pure utility, the money question, so to speak; but this, you -will admit, does not properly fall within my subject. Take care that, -availing yourself of expediency in order to justify your contempt of -the principle of right is as if you said, 'Communism or spoliation, -condemned by justice, can, nevertheless, be admitted as an expedient,' -and you must admit that such an avowal is replete with danger. - -Without seeking to solve in this place the economical problem, allow me -to make one assertion. I affirm that I have submitted to arithmetical -calculation the advantages and the inconveniences of Protection, -from the point of view of mere wealth, and putting aside all higher -considerations. I affirm, moreover, that I have arrived at this -result: that all restrictive measures produce one advantage and two -inconveniences, or, if you will, one profit and two losses, each of -these losses equal to the profit, from which results one pure distinct -loss, which circumstance brings with it the encouraging conviction, that -in this, as in many other things, and I dare say in all, expediency and -justice agree. - -This is only an assertion, it is true, but it can be supported by proofs -of mathematical accuracy.* - - * What M. Bastiat here asserts is unquestionably true. For - it has often been shown, and may readily be shown, that the - importation of foreign commodities, in the common course of - traffic, never takes place except when it is, economically - speaking, a national good, by causing the same amount of - commodities to be obtained at a smaller cost of labour and - capital to the country. To prohibit, therefore, this - importation, or impose duties which prevent it, is to render - the labour and capital of the country less efficient in - production than they would otherwise be; and compel a waste - of the difference between the labour and capital necessary - for the home production of the commodity, and that which is - required for producing the things with which it can be - purchased from abroad. The amount of national loss thus - occasioned is measured by the excess of the price at which - the commodity is produced over that at which it could be - imported. In the case of manufactured goods, the whole - difference between the two prices is absorbed in - indemnifying the producers for waste of labour, or of the - capital which supports that labour. Those who are supposed - to be benefited--namely, the makers of the protected - article, (unless they form an exclusive company, and have a - monopoly against their own countrymen, as well as against - foreigners,) do not obtain higher profits than other people. - All is sheer loss to the country as well as to the consumer. - When the protected article is a product of agriculture--the - waste of labour not being incurred on the whole produce, but - only on what may be called the last instalment of it--the - extra price is only in part an indemnity for waste, the - remainder being a tax paid to the landlords.--J. S. Mill - -What causes public opinion to be led astray upon this point is this, -that the profit produced by Protection is palpable--visible, as it were, -to the naked eye, whilst of the two equal losses which it involves, one -is distributed over the mass of society, and the existence of the other -is only made apparent to the investigating and reflective mind. - -Without pretending to bring forward any proof of the matter here, I may -be allowed, perhaps, to point out the basis on which it rests. - -Two products, A and B, have an original value in France, which I may -denominate 50 and 40 respectively. Let us admit that A is not worth more -than 40 in Belgium. This being supposed, if France is subjected to the -protective system, she will have the enjoyment of A and B in the whole -as the result of her efforts, a quantity equal to 90, for she will, on -the above supposition, be compelled to produce A directly. If she is -free, the result of her efforts, equal to 90, will be equal: 1st, to the -production of B, which she will take to Belgium, in order to obtain -A; 2ndly, to the production of another B for herself; 3rdly, to the -production of C. - -It is that portion of disposable labour applied to the production of -C in the second case, that is to say, creating new wealth equal to 10, -without France being deprived either of A or of B, which makes all the -difficulty. In the place of A put iron; in the place of B, wine, silk, -and Parisian articles; in the place of C put some new product not now -existing. You will always find that restriction is injurious to national -prosperity. - -Do you wish to leave this dull algebra? So do I. To speak of facts, -therefore, you will not deny that if the prohibitory system has -contrived to do some good to the coal trade, it is only in raising the -price of the coal. You will not, moreover, deny that this excess of -price from 1822 to the present time has only occasioned a greater -expense to all those who use this fuel--in other words, that it -represents a loss. Can it be said that the producers of coal have -received, besides the interest of their capital and the ordinary profits -of trade, in consequence of the protection afforded them, an extra gain -equivalent to that loss? It would be necessary that Protection, without -losing those unjust and Communistic qualities which characterize it, -should at least be _neuter_ in the purely economic point of view. It -would be necessary that it should at least have the merit of resembling -simple robbery, which displaces wealth without destroying it. But -you yourself affirm, at page 236, 'that the mines of Aveyron, Alais, -Saint-Etienne, Creuzot, Anzin, the most celebrated of all, have not -produced a revenue of four per cent, on the capital embarked in them.' -It does not require Protection that capital in France should yield four -per cent. Where, then, in this instance, is the profit to counterbalance -the above-mentioned loss? - -This is not all. There is another national loss. Since by the relative -rising of the price of fuel, all the consumers of coal have lost, they -have been obliged to limit their expenses in proportion, and the whole -of national labour has been necessarily discouraged to this extent. It -is this loss which they never take into their calculation, because it -does not strike their senses. - -Permit me to make another observation, which I am surprised has not -struck people more. It is that Protection applied to agricultural -produce shows itself in all its odious iniquity with regard to farmers, -and injurious in the end to the landed proprietors themselves. - -Let us imagine an island in the South Seas where the soil has become the -private property of a certain number of inhabitants. - -Let us imagine upon this appropriated and limited territory an -agricultural population always increasing or having a tendency to -increase. - -This last class will not be able to produce anything _directly_ of what -is indispensable to life. They will be compelled to give up their labour -to those who have it in their power to offer in exchange maintenance, -and also the materials for labour, corn, fruit, vegetables, meat, wool, -flax, leather, wood, &c. - -The interest of this class evidently is, that the market where these -things are sold should be as extensive as possible. The more it finds -itself surrounded by the greatest quantity of agricultural produce, the -more of this it will receive for any given quantity of its own labour. - -Under a free system, a multitude of vessels would be seen seeking food -and materials among the neighbouring islands and continents, in exchange -for manufactured articles. The cultivators of the land will enjoy all -the prosperity to which they have a right to pretend; a just balance -will be maintained between the value of manufacturing labour and that of -agricultural labour. - -But, in this situation, the landed proprietors of the island make this -calculation--If we prevent the workmen labouring for the foreigners, -and receiving from them in exchange subsistence and raw materials, they -will be forced to turn to us. As their number continually increases, and -as the competition which exists between them is always active, they will -compete for that share of food and materials which we can dispose of, -after deducting what we require for ourselves, and we cannot fail to -sell our produce at a very high price. In other words, the balance in -the relative value of their labour and of ours will be disturbed. We -shall be able to command a greater share in the result of their labour. -Let us, then, impose restrictions on that commerce which inconveniences -us; and to enforce these restrictions, let us constitute a body of -functionaries, which the workmen shall aid in paying. - -I ask you, would not this be the height of oppression, a flagrant -violation of all liberty, of the first and the most sacred principles of -property? - -However, observe well, that it would not perhaps be difficult for -the landed proprietors to make this law received as a benefit by the -labourer. They would say to the latter: - -'It is not for us, honest people, that we have made it, but for you. Our -own interests touch us little; we only think of yours. Thanks to this -wise measure, agriculture prospers; we proprietors shall become rich, -which will, at the same time, put it in our power to support a great -deal of labour, and to pay you good wages; without it, we shall be -reduced to misery--and what will become of you? The island will be -inundated with provisions and importations from abroad; your vessels -will be always afloat--what a national calamity! Abundance, it is true, -will reign all round you, but will you share in it? Do not imagine that -your wages will keep up and be raised, because the foreigner will only -augment the number of those who overwhelm you with their competition. -Who can say that they will not take it into their heads to give you -their produce for nothing? In this case, having neither labour nor -wages, you will perish of want in the midst of abundance. Believe -us; accept our regulations with gratitude. Increase and multiply. -The produce which will remain in the island, over and above what is -necessary for our own consumption, will be given to you in exchange for -your labour, which by this means you will be always secure of. Above -all, do not believe that the question now in debate is between you and -us, or one in which your liberty and your property are at stake. -Never listen to those who tell you so. Consider it as certain that the -question is between you and the foreigner--this barbarous foreigner--and -who evidently wishes to speculate upon you; making you perfidious -proffers of intercourse, which you are free either to accept or to -refuse.' - -It is not improbable that such a discourse, suitably seasoned with -sophisms upon cash, the balance of trade, national labour, agriculture -encouraged by the state, the prospect of a war, &c., &c., would obtain -the greatest success, and that the oppressive decree would' obtain the -sanction of the oppressed themselves, if they were consulted. This has -been, and will be so again.* - - * The ease with which the body of the people--the consumers-- - are deceived by statements and arguments such as are given - in the text is remarkable. The principal reason, perhaps, - is, that men are disposed at first to regard themselves as - producers rather than as consumers. They imagine that the - advantages of Protection, if applied to their own case, - would be incontestable; and, being unable consistently to - deny that their neighbours are equally entitled to the same - favour, a general clamour for Protection against foreign - competition arises. While they fail to perceive the - absurdity of universal Protection and its fallacy, or that - it would be more for their interests to be able to dispose - of a larger quantity of their productions, though perhaps at - a reduced cost, than a smaller quantity in a market - narrowed, as it must be, by the Protection which it - receives. - -However, the true position of the case is now, we hope, firmly -established in England, and this is chiefly due to the recent able, -full, and free discussions which have resulted in our existing -Free-trade system. And we confidently anticipate the day when the people -of the Continent, and of America, will, through the same processes of -reasoning and reflection, and influenced by our example, arrive at the -same result as ourselves. - -But the prejudices of proprietors and labourers do not change the -nature of things. The result will be, a population miserable, destitute, -ignorant, ill-conditioned, thinned by want, illness, and vice. The -result will then be, the melancholy shipwreck, in the public mind, of -all correct notions of right, of property, of liberty, and of the true -functions of the state. - -And what I should like much to be able to show here is, that the -mischief will soon ascend to the proprietors themselves, who will have -led the way to their own ruin by the ruin of the general consumer, for -in that island they will see the population, more and more debased, -resort to the inferior species of food. Here it will feed on chesnuts, -there upon maize, or again upon millet, buckwheat, oats, potatoes. It -will no longer know the taste of corn or of meat. The proprietors -will be surprised to see agriculture decline. They will in vain exert -themselves and ring in the ears of all,--'Let us raise produce; with -produce, there will be cattle; with cattle, manure; with manure, corn.' -They will in vain create new taxes, in order to distribute premiums -to the producers of grass and lucern; they will always encounter this -obstacle--a miserable population, without the power of paying for food, -and, consequently, of giving the first impulse to this succession of -causes and effects. They will end by learning, to their cost, that it -is better to have competition in a rich community, than to possess a -monopoly in a poor one. - -This is why I say, not only is Protection Communism, but it is Communism -of the worst kind. It commences by placing the faculties and the labour -of the poor, their only property, at the mercy of the rich; it inflicts -a pure loss on the mass, and ends by involving the rich themselves in -the common ruin. It invests the state with the extraordinary right of -taking from those who have little, to give to those who have much; and -when, under the sanction of this principle, the dispossessed call for -the intervention of the state to make an adjustment in the opposite -direction, I really do not see what answer can be given. In all cases, -the first reply and the best would be, to abandon the wrongful act. - -But I hasten to come to an end with these calculations. After all, what -is the position of the question? What do we say, and what do you say? -There is one point, and it is the chief, upon which we are agreed: -it is, that the intervention of the legislature in order to -equalize fortunes, by taking from some for the benefit of others, -is _Communism_--it is the destruction of all labour, saving, and -prosperity; of all justice; of all social order. - -You perceive that this fatal doctrine taints, under every variety -of form, both journals and books: in a word, that it influences the -speculations and the doctrines of men, and here you attack it with -vigour. - -For myself, I believe that it had previously affected, with your assent -and with your assistance, legislation and practical statesmanship, and -it is there that I endeavour to counteract it. - -Afterwards, I made you remark the inconsistency into which you would -fall, if, while resisting Communism when speculated on, you spare, or -much more encourage, Communism when acted on. - -If you reply to me, 'I act thus because Communism, as existing through -tariffs, although opposed to liberty, property, justice, promotes, -nevertheless, the public good, and this consideration makes me overlook -all others'--if this is your answer, do you not feel that you ruin -beforehand all the success of your book, that you defeat its object, -that you deprive it of its force, and give your sanction, at least upon -the philosophical and moral part of the question, to Communism of every -shade? - -And then, sir, can so clear a mind as yours admit the hypothesis of a -fundamental antagonism between what is useful and what is just? Shall -I speak frankly? Rather than hazard an assertion so improbable, so -impious, I would rather say, 'Here is a particular question in which, -at the first glance, it seems to me that utility and justice conflict. I -rejoice that all those who have passed their lives in investigating the -subject think otherwise. Doubtless I have not sufficiently studied -it.' I have not sufficiently studied it! Is it, then, so painful a -confession, that, not to make it, you would willingly run into the -inconsistency even of denying the wisdom of those providential laws -which govern the development of human societies? For what more formal -denial of the Divine wisdom can there be, than to pronounce that justice -and utility are essentially incompatible! It has always appeared to me, -that the most painful dilemma in which an intelligent and conscientious -mind can be placed, is when it conceives such a distinction to exist. In -short, which side to espouse--what part to take in such an alternative? -To declare for utility--it is that to which men incline who call -themselves practical. But unless they cannot connect two ideas, they -will unquestionably be alarmed at the consequences of robbery and -iniquity reduced to a system. Shall we embrace resolutely, come what -may, the cause of justice, saying--Let us do what is our duty, in spite -of everything. It is to this that honest men incline; but who would -take the responsibility of plunging his country and mankind into misery, -desolation and destruction? I defy any one, if he is convinced of this -antagonism, to come to a decision. - -I deceive myself--they will come to a decision; and the human heart is -so formed, that it will place interest before conscience. Facts prove -this; since, wherever they have believed the system of Protection to -be favourable to the well-being of the people, they have adopted it, in -spite of all considerations of justice; but then the consequences -have followed. Faith in property has vanished. They have said, like M. -Billault, since property has been violated by Protection, why should it -not be by the right of labour? Some, following M. Billault, will take -a further step; and others, one still more extreme, until Communism is -established. - -Good and sound minds like yours are terrified by the rapidity of the -descent They feel compelled to draw back--they do, in fact, draw back, -as you have done in your book, as regards the protective system, which -is the first start, and the sole practical start, of society upon the -fatal declivity; but in the face of this strong denial of the right of -property, if, instead of this maxim of your book, 'Rights either -exist, or they do not; if they do, they involve some absolute -consequences'--you substitute this, 'Here is a particular case where the -national good calls for the sacrifice of right;' immediately, all that -you believe you have put with force and reason in this work, is nothing -but weakness and inconsistency. - -This is why, Sir, if you wish to complete your work, it will be -necessary that you should declare yourself upon the protective system; -and for that purpose it is indispensable to commence by solving the -economical problem; it will be necessary to be clear upon the pretended -utility of this system. For, to suppose even that I extract from you -its sentence of condemnation, on the ground of justice, that will not -suffice to put an end to it. I repeat it--men are so formed, that when -they believe themselves placed between _substantial good_ and _abstract -Justice_, the cause of justice runs a great risk. Do you wish for a -palpable proof of this? It is that which has befallen myself. - -When I arrived in Paris, I found myself in the presence of schools -called Democratical and Socialist, where, as you know, they make great -use of the words, _principle, devotion, sacrifice, fraternity, right, -union_. Wealth is there treated _de haut en bas_, as a thing, if not -contemptible at least secondary, so far, that because we consider it -to be of much importance, they treat us as cold economists, egotists, -selfish, shopkeepers, men without compassion, ungrateful to God for -anything save vile pelf. Good! you say to me; these are noble hearts, -with whom I have no need to discuss the economical question, which -is very subtle, and requires more attention than the Parisian -newspaper-writers and their readers can in general bestow on a study of -this description. But with them the question of wealth will not be an -obstacle; either they will take it on trust, on the faith of Divine -wisdom, as in harmony with justice, or they will sacrifice it willingly -without a thought, for they have a passion for self-abandonment. If, -then, they once acknowledge that Free-trade is, in the abstract, right, -they will resolutely enrol themselves under its banner. Consequently, I -address my appeal to them. Can you guess their reply? Here it is:-- - -'Your Free-trade is a beautiful theory. It is founded on right and -justice; it realizes liberty; it consecrates property; it would be -followed by the union of nations--the reign of peace and of good-will -amongst men. You have reason and principle on your side; but we will -resist you to the utmost, and with all our strength, because foreign -competition would be fatal to our national industry.' - -I take the liberty of addressing this reply to them:-- - -'I deny that foreign competition would be fatal to national industry. -If it was so, you would be placed in every instance between -your interest--which, according to you, is on the side of the -restriction--and justice, which, by your confession, is on the side of -freedom of intercourse! Now when I, the worshipper of the golden calf, -warn you that the time has arrived to make your own choice, whence comes -it that you, the men of self-denial, cling to self-interest, and trample -principle under foot? Do not, then, inveigh so much against a motive, -which governs you as it governs other men? Such is the experience which -warns me that it is incumbent on us, in the first place, to solve this -alarming problem: Is there harmony or antagonism between justice and -utility? and, in consequence, to investigate the economical side of -the protective system; for since they whose watchword is Fraternity, -themselves yield before an apprehended adversity, it is clear that this -proceeds from no doubt in the truth of the cause of universal justice, -but that it is an acknowledgment of the existence and of the necessity -of self-interest, as an all-powerful spring of action, however unworthy, -abject, contemptible, and despised it may be deemed. - -It is this which has given rise to a work, in two small volumes, which -I take the liberty of sending you with the present one, well convinced, -Sir, that if, like other political economists, you judge severely of the -system of Protection on the ground of morality, and if we only differ as -far as concerns its utility, you will not refuse to inquire, with some -care, if these two great elements of substantial progress agree or -disagree. - -This harmony exists--or, at least, it is as clear to me as the light -of the sun that it does. May it reveal itself to you! It is, then, by -applying your talents, which have so remarkable an influence on others, -to counteract Communism in its most dangerous shape, that you will give -it a mortal blow. - -See what passes in England. It would seem that if Communism could -have found a land favourable to it, it ought to have been the soil -of Britain. There, the feudal institutions, placing everywhere in -juxtaposition extreme misery and extreme opulence, should have -prepared the minds of men for the reception of false doctrines. But -notwithstanding this, what do we see? Whilst the Continent is agitated, -not even the surface of English society is disturbed. Chartism has -been able to take no root there. Do you know why? Because the league -or association which, for ten years discussed the system of Protection, -only triumphed by placing the right of property on its true principles, -and by pointing out and defining the proper functions of the state.* - - * This is a well-earned tribute, both to the people of - England, and to the results of the exertions of the League - and of Sir R. Peel. There can be no doubt that the calmness - of this country, during the late agitations of Europe, was - very much due to the contentment which followed on the - abolition of the corn-laws, and on the reduction and - simplification of the tariff. To this must be added the - conviction (though the process is sometimes sufficiently - slow), that their wishes, when clearly indicated, find - expression and attention in the legislature, and that things - are working on to a great though gradual improvement. The - inhabitants of this kingdom had the practical good sense to - perceive the progress made, and the security they had that - the future would not be barren, and they refused to imperil - these substantial advantages in favour of mere theories and - of experiments, the effects of which no human wit could - foresee. - -Assuredly, if to unmask Protectionism is to aim a blow at Communism in -consequence of their close connexion, one might also destroy both, by -adopting a course the converse of the above. Protection would not -stand for any length of time before a good definition of the right of -property. Also, if anything has surprised and rejoiced me, it is to see -the Association for the Defence of Monopolies devote their resources to -the propagation of your book. It is an encouraging sight, and consoles -me for the inutility of my past efforts. This resolution of the Mimerel -Committee will doubtless oblige you to add to the editions of your -work. In this case, permit me to observe to you that, such as it is, -it presents a grave deficiency. In the name of science, in the name of -truth, in the name of the public good, I adjure you to supply it; and I -warn you that the time has come when you must answer these two questions: - -First, Is there an incompatibility in principle between the system of -Protection and the right of property? - -Secondly, Is it the function of the government to guarantee to each the -free exercise of his faculties, and the free disposal of the fruits of -his labour--that is to say, property--or to take from one to give to -the other, so as to weigh in the balance profits, contingencies, and -other circumstances? - -Ah! Sir, if you arrive at the same conclusions as myself--if, thanks to -your talents, to your fame, to your influence, you can imbue the public -mind with these conclusions, who can calculate the extent of the service -which you will render to French society? We would see the state confine -itself within its proper limits, which is, to secure to each the -exercise of his faculties, and the free disposition of his possessions. -We would see it free itself at once, both from its present vast but -unlawful functions, and from the frightful responsibility which attaches -to them. It would confine itself to restraining the abuses of liberty, -which is to realize liberty itself! It would secure justice to all, -and would no longer promise prosperity to any one. Men would learn to -distinguish between what is reasonable, and what is puerile to ask -from the government. They would no longer overwhelm it with claims and -complaints; no longer lay their misfortunes at its door, or make it -responsible for their chimerical hopes; and, in this keen pursuit of a -prosperity, of which it is not the dispenser, they would no longer be -seen, at each disappointment, to accuse the legislature and the law, -to change their rulers and the forms of government, heaping institution -upon institution, and ruin upon ruin. They would witness the extinction -of that universal fever for mutual robbery, by the costly and perilous -intervention of the state. The government, limited in its aim and -responsibility, simple in its action, economical, not imposing on the -governed the expense of their own chains, and sustained by sound public -opinion, would have a solidity which, in our country, has never been its -portion; and we would at last have solved this great problem--_To close -for ever the gulf of revolution_. - -THE END. - - - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Protection and Communism, by Frédéric Bastiat - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PROTECTION AND COMMUNISM *** - -***** This file should be named 44144-8.txt or 44144-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/4/1/4/44144/ - -Produced by David Widger - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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