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diff --git a/44608.txt b/44608.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 422a86d..0000000 --- a/44608.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,56997 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Bābur-nāma in English, by Babur, -Emperor of Hindustan, Translated by Annette Susannah Beveridge - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - - - - -Title: The Bābur-nāma in English - Memoirs of Bābur - - -Author: Babur, Emperor of Hindustan - - - -Release Date: January 7, 2014 [eBook #44608] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BāBUR-NāMA IN ENGLISH*** - - -E-text prepared by Barbara Tozier, Turgut Dincer, Bill Tozier, and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this - file which includes the original illustrations. - See 44608-h.htm or 44608-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44608/44608-h/44608-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/44608/44608-h.zip) - - - +-------------------------------------------------------------+ - | Transcriber's note: | - | | - | Many Turki, Arabic and Persian names have various spellings | - | in the text. There are about 700 occurrences of hyphenated | - | unhyphenated and spaced words. Correcting those for the | - | sake of consistency would be risky in many cases and would | - | mean a major change in the printed text which already has | - | many typographical errors. | - | | - | Two wide tables have been split into narrower sections. | - +-------------------------------------------------------------+ - - - - - -THE BABUR-NAMA IN ENGLISH - -(MEMOIRS OF BABUR). - -Translated from the original Turki Text of - -Zahiru'd-din Muhammad Babur Padshah _Ghazi_ - -by - -Annette Susannah Beveridge - -First Printed 1922 - - - - - [Illustration: - - _This work - - is dedicate to - - Babur's - - fame._] - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS - - - PREFACE: Introductory.--Cap. I. Babur's exemplars in the - Arts of peace, p. xxvii.--Cap. II. Problems of the mutilated - Babur-nama, p. xxxi.--Cap. III. The Turki MSS. and - work connecting with them, p. xxxviii.--Cap. IV. - The Leyden and Erskine "Memoirs of Baber", p. lvii.--Postscript - of Thanks, p. lx. - - - SECTION I.--FARGHANA - - 899 AH.--Oct. 12th 1493 to Oct. 2nd 1494 AD.--Babur's age at - the date of his accession--+Description of Farghana+ - (pp. 1 to 12)--Death and biography of 'Umar Shaikh - (13 to 19 and 24 to 28)--Biography of Yunas _Chaghatai_ - (18 to 24)--Babur's uncles Ahmad _Miran-shahi_ and - Mahmud _Chaghatai_ (The Khan) invade Farghana--Death - and biography of Ahmad--Misdoings of his successor, his - brother Mahmud 1-42 - - 900 AH.--Oct. 2nd 1494 to Sep. 21st 1495 AD.--Invasion of - Farghana continued--Babur's adoption of orthodox - observance--Death and biography of Mahmud - _Miran-shahi_--Samarkand affairs--revolt of Ibrahim _Saru_ - defeated--Babur visits The Khan in Tashkint--tribute collected - from the Jigrak tribe--expedition into Auratipa 43-56 - - 901 AH.--Sep. 21st 1495 to Sep. 9th 1496 AD.--Husain - _Bai-qara's_ campaign against Khusrau Shah--Babur receives - Auzbeg sultans--Revolt of the Tarkhans in Samarkand--Babur's - first move for Samarkand 57-64 - - 902 AH.--Sep. 9th 1496 to Aug. 30th 1497 AD.--Babur's second - move for Samarkand--Dissensions of Husain _Bai-qara_ and - his sons--Dissensions between Khusrau Shah and Mas'ud - _Miran-shahi_ 65-71 - - 903 AH.--Aug. 30th 1497 to Aug. 19th 1498 AD.--Babur's - second attempt on Samarkand is successful--+Description - of Samarkand+ (pp. 74 to 86)--his action there--Mughuls - demand and besiege Andijan for Babur's half-brother - Jahangir--his mother and friends entreat his help--he - leaves Samarkand in his cousin 'Ali's hands--has a relapse - of illness on the road and is believed dying--on the news - Andijan is surrendered by a Mughul to the Mughul faction--Having - lost Samarkand and Andijan, Babur is hospitably - entertained by the Khujandis--he is forced to dismiss - Khalifa--The Khan (his uncle) moves to help him but is - persuaded to retire--many followers go to Andijan where - were their families--he is left with 200-300 men--his - mother and grandmother and the families of his men sent - to him in Khujand--he is distressed to tears--The Khan - gives help against Samarkand but his troops turn back on - news of Shaibani--Babur returns to Khujand--speaks of - his ambition to rule--goes in person to ask The Khan's - help to regain Andijan--his force being insufficient, he - goes back to Khujand--Affairs of Khusrau Shah and the - Timurid Mirzas--Affairs of Husain _Bai-qara_ and his - sons--Khusrau Shah blinds Babur's cousin Mas'ud--Babur - curses the criminal 72-96 - - 904 AH.--Aug. 19th 1498 to Aug. 8th 1499 AD.--Babur borrows - Pashaghar for the winter and leaves Khujand--rides 70-80 - miles with fever--a winter's tug-of-war with Samarkand--his - force insufficient, he goes back to Khujand--unwilling - to burthen it longer, goes into the summer-pastures of - Auratipa--invited to Marghinan by his mother's uncle - 'Ali-dost--a joyful rush over some 145 miles--near - Marghinan prudent anxieties arise and are stilled--he is - admitted to Marghinan on terms--is attacked vainly by - the Mughul faction--accretions to his force--helped by - The Khan--the Mughuls defeated near Akhsi--Andijan - recovered--Mughuls renew revolt--Babur's troops beaten - by Mughuls--Tambal attempts Andijan 97-107 - - 905 AH.--Aug. 8th 1499 to July 28th 1500 AD.--Babur's campaign - against Ahmad _Tambal_ and the Mughul faction--he takes - Mazu--Khusrau Shah murders Bai-sunghar _Miranshahi_--Biography - of the Mirza--Babur wins his first ranged battle, from Tambal - supporting Jahangir, at Khuban--winter-quarters--minor - successes--the winter-camp broken up by Qambar-i-'ali's taking - leave--Babur returns to Andijan--The Khan persuaded by Tambal's - kinsmen in his service to support Jahangir--his troops retire - before Babur--Babur and Tambal again opposed--Qambar-i-'ali - again gives trouble--minor action and an accommodation made - without Babur's wish--terms of the accommodation--The - self-aggrandizement of 'Ali-dost _Mughul_--Babur's first - marriage--a personal episode--Samarkand affairs--'Ali quarrels - with the Tarkhans--The Khan sends troops against - Samarkand--Mirza Khan invited there by a Tarkhan--'Ali defeats - The Khan's Mughuls--Babur invited to Samarkand--prepares to - start and gives Jahangir rendezvous for the attempt--Tambal's - brother takes Aush--Babur leaves this lesser matter aside and - marches for Samarkand--Qambar-i-'ali punishes himself--Shaibani - reported to be moving on Bukhara--Samarkand begs wait on - Babur--the end of 'Ali-dost--Babur has news of Shaibani's - approach to Samarkand and goes to Kesh--hears there that 'Ali's - Auzbeg mother had given Samarkand to Shaibani on - condition of his marriage with herself 108-126 - - 906 AH.--July 28th 1500 to July 17th 1501 AD.--Shaibani murders - 'Ali--a son and two grandsons of Ahrari's murdered--Babur leaves - Kesh with a number of the Samarkand begs--is landless and - isolated--takes a perilous mountain journey back into - Auratipa--comments on the stinginess shewn to himself by - Khusrau Shah and another--consultation and resolve to attempt - Samarkand--Babur's dream-vision of success--he takes the town by - a surprise attack--compares this capture with Husain - _Bai-qara's_ of Heri--his affairs in good position--birth of his - first child--his summons for help to keep the Auzbeg - down--literary matters--his force of 240 grows to allow him to - face Shaibani at Sar-i-pul--the battle and his defeat--Mughuls - help his losses--he is besieged in Samarkand--a long - blockade--great privation--no help from any quarter--Futile - proceedings of Tambal and The Khan 127-145 - - 907 AH.--July 17th 1501 to July 7th 1502 AD.--Babur surrenders - Samarkand--his sister Khan-zada is married by Shaibani--incidents - of his escape to Dizak--his 4 or 5 escapes from - peril to safety and ease--goes to Dikh-kat in Auratipa--incidents - of his stay there--his wanderings bare-head, bare-foot--sends - gifts to Jahangir, and to Tambal a sword which - later wounds himself--arrival from Samarkand of the - families and a few hungry followers--Shaibani Khan raids - in The Khan's country--Babur rides after him fruitlessly--Death - of Nuyan Kukuldash--Babur's grief for his friend--he - retires to the Zar-afshan valley before Shaibani--reflects - on the futility of his wanderings and goes to The Khan in - Tashkint--Mughul conspiracy against Tambal _Mughul_--Babur - submits verses to The Khan and comments on his - uncle's scant study of poetic idiom--The Khan rides out - against Tambal--his standards acclaimed and his army - numbered--of the _Chingiz-tura_--quarrel of Chiras and - Begchik chiefs for the post of danger--Hunting--Khujand-river - reached 146-156 - - - 908 AH.--July 7th 1502 to June 26th 1503 AD.--Babur comments on - The Khan's unprofitable move--his poverty and despair in - Tashkint--his resolve to go to Khitai and ruse for getting - away--his thought for his mother--his plan not accepted by The - Khan and Shah Begim--The Younger Khan (Ahmad) arrives from - Kashghar--is met by Babur--a half-night's family talk--gifts to - Babur--the meeting of the two Khans--Ahmad's characteristics and - his opinion of various weapons--The Khans march into Farghana - against Jahangir's supporter Tambal--they number their - force--Babur detached against Aush, takes it and has great - accretions of following--An attempt to take Andijan frustrated - by mistake in a pass-word--Author's Note on pass-words--a second - attempt foiled by the over-caution of experienced begs--is - surprised in his bivouac by Tambal--face to face with - Tambal--his new _gosha-gir_--his dwindling company--wounded--left - alone, is struck by his gift-sword--escapes to Aush--The Khan - moves from Kasan against Andijan--his disposition of Babur's - lands--Qambar-i-'ali's counsel to Babur rejected--Babur is - treated by the Younger Khan's surgeon--tales of Mughul - surgery--Qambar-i-'ali flees to Tambal in fear through his - unacceptable counsel--Babur moves for Akhsi--a lost chance--minor - actions--an episode of Pap--The Khans do not take Andijan--Babur - invited into Akhsi--Tambal's brother Bayazid joins him with - Nasir _Miran-shahi_--Tambal asks help from Shaibani--On news of - Shaibani's consent the Khans retire from Andijan--Babur's - affairs in Akhsi--he attempts to defend it--incidents of the - defence--Babur wounded--unequal strength of the opponents--he - flees with 20-30 men--incidents of the flight--Babur left - alone--is overtaken by two foes--his perilous position--a - messenger arrives from Tambal's brother Bayazid--Babur - expecting death, quotes Nizami--(the narrative breaks off in - the middle of the verse) 157-182 - - +Translator's Note.+--908 to 909 AH.--1503 to 1504 AD.--Babur - will have been rescued--is with The Khans in - the battle and defeat by Shaibani at Archian--takes refuge - in the Asfara hills--there spends a year in misery and - poverty--events in Farghana and Tashkint--Shaibani - sends the Mughul horde back to Kashghar--his disposition - of the women of The Khan's family--Babur plans to go to - Husain _Bai-qara_ in Khurasan--changes his aim for Kabul 182-185 - - [+End of Translator's Note.+] - - - - SECTION II.--KABUL - - 910 AH.--June 14th 1504 to June 4th 1505 AD.--Babur halts on an - alp of Hisar--enters his 22nd (lunar) year--delays his march in - hope of adherents--writes a second time of the stinginess of - Khusrau Shah to himself--recalls Sherim Taghai _Mughul's_ - earlier waverings in support--is joined by Khusrau Shah's - brother Baqi Beg--they start for Kabul--Accretions of - force--their families left in Fort Ajar (Kahmard)--Jahangir - marries a cousin--Baqi advises his dismissal to Khurasan--Babur - is loyal to his half-brother--Jahangir is seduced, later, by - disloyal Begchik chiefs--Husain _Bai-qara_ summons help against - Shaibani--Despair in Babur's party at Husain's plan of - "defence, not attack"--Qambar-i-'ali dismissed to please - Baqi--Khusrau makes abject submission to Babur--Mirza Khan - demands vengeance on him--Khusrau's submission having been on - terms, he is let go free--Babur resumes his march--first sees - Canopus--is joined by tribesmen--Khusrau's brother Wali flees to - the Auzbegs and is executed--Risks run by the families now - fetched from Kahmard--Kabul surrendered to Babur by Muqim - _Arghun_--Muqim's family protected--+Description of Kabul+ (pp. - 199 to 277)--Muqim leaves for Qandahar--Allotment of - fiefs--Excess levy in grain--Foray on the Sultan Mas'udi - Hazara--Babur's first move for Hindustan--Khaibar - traversed--Bigram visited--Baqi Beg prevents crossing the - Sind--and persuades for Kohat--A plan for Bangash, Bannu and - thence return to Kabul--Yar-i-husain _Darya-khani_ asks for - permission to raise a force for Babur, east of the Sind--Move - to Thal, Bannu, and the Dasht--return route varied without - consulting Babur--Pir Kanu's tomb visited--through the - Pawat-pass into Duki--horse-food fails--baggage left behind--men - of all conditions walk to Ghazni--spectacle of the - Ab-istada--mirage and birds--Jahangir is Babur's host in - Ghazni--heavy floods--Kabul reached after a disastrous - expedition of four months--Nasir's misconduct abetted by two - Begchik chiefs--he and they flee into Badakhshan--Khusrau Shah's - schemes fail in Herat--imbroglio between him and Nasir--Shaibani - attempts Hisar but abandons the siege on his brother's - death--Khusrau attempts Hisar and is there killed--his followers - revolt against Babur--his death quenches the fire of sedition 188-245 - - - 911 AH.--June 4th 1505 to May 24th 1506 AD.--Death of - Babur's mother--Babur's illness stops a move for Qandahar--an - earth-quake--campaign against and capture of Qalat-i-ghilzai--Baqi - Beg dismissed towards Hindustan--murdered - in the Khaibar--Turkman Hazara raided--Nijr-au - tribute collected--Jahangir misbehaves and runs - away--Babur summoned by Husain _Bai-qara_ against - Shaibani--Shaibani takes Khwarizm and Chin Sufi is - killed--Death and biography of Husain _Bai-qara_ (256 to - 292)--his burial and joint-successors 246-293 - - 912 AH.--May 24th 1506 to May 13th 1507 AD.--Babur, without news - of Husain _Bai-qara's_ death, obeys his summons and leaves - Kabul--Jahangir flees from Babur's route--Nasir defeats - Shaibani's men in Badakhshan--Babur, while in Kahmard, hears of - Husain's death--continues his march with anxious thought for - the Timurid dynasty--Jahangir waits on him and accompanies him - to Herat--Co-alition of Khurasan Mirzas against Shaibani--their - meeting with Babur--etiquette of Babur's reception--an - entertainment to him--of the _Chingiz-tura_--Babur claims the - ceremonial observance due to his military - achievements--entertainments and Babur's obedience to - Muhammadan Law against wine--his reflections on the - Mirzas--difficulties of winter-plans (300, 307)--he sees the - sights of Heri--visits the Begims--the ceremonies observed--tells - of his hitherto abstention from wine and of his present - inclination to drink it--Qasim Beg's interference with those - pressing Babur to break the Law--Babur's poor carving--engages - Ma'suma in marriage--leaves for Kabul--certain retainers stay - behind--a perilous journey through snow to a wrong pass out of - the Herirud valley--arrival of the party in Yakaaulang--joy in - their safety and comfort--Shibr-tu traversed into - Ghur-bund--Turkman Hazara raided--News reaches Babur of - conspiracy in Kabul to put Mirza Khan in his place--Babur - concerts plans with the loyal Kabul garrison--moves on through - snow and in terrible cold--attacks and defeats the - rebels--narrowly escaped death--attributes his safety to - prayer---deals mercifully, from family considerations, with the - rebel chiefs--reflects on their behaviour to him who has - protected them--asserts that his only aim is to write the - truth--letters-of-victory sent out--Muh. Husain _Dughlat_ and - Mirza Khan banished--Spring excursion to Koh-daman--Nasir, - driven from Badakhshan, takes refuge with Babur 294-322 - - - 913 AH.--May 13th 1507 to May 2nd 1508 AD.--Raid on the Ghilji - Afghans--separation of the Fifth (_Khams_)--wild-ass, - hunting--Shaibani moves against Khurasan--Irresolution of the - Timurid Mirzas--Infatuation of Zu'n-nun _Arghun_--Shaibani takes - Heri--his doings there--Defeat and death of two _Bai-qaras_--The - Arghuns in Qandahar make overtures to Babur--he starts to join - them against Shaibani--meets Ma'suma in Ghazni on her way to - Kabul--spares Hindustan traders--meets Jahangir's widow and - infant-son coming from Herat--The Arghun chiefs provoke attack - on Qandahar--Babur's army--organization and terminology--wins the - battle of Qandahar and enters the fort--its spoils--Nasir put in - command--Babur returns to Kabul rich in goods and fame--marries - Ma'suma--Shaibani lays siege to Qandahar--Alarm in Kabul at his - approach--Mirza Khan and Shah Begim betake themselves to - Badakhshan--Babur sets out for Hindustan leaving 'Abdu'r-razzaq - in Kabul--Afghan highwaymen--A raid for food--Mahchuchak's - marriage--Hindustan plan abandoned--Nur-gal and Kunar - visited--News of Shaibani's withdrawal from Qandahar--Babur - returns to Kabul--gives Ghazni to Nasir--assumes the title of - Padshah--Birth of Humayun, feast and chronogram 323-344 - - 914 AH.--May 2nd 1508 to April 21st 1509 AD.--Raid on the - Mahmand Afghans--Seditious offenders reprieved--Khusrau Shah's - former retainers march off from Kabul--'Abdu'r-razzaq comes - from his district to near Kabul--not known to have joined the - rebels--earlier hints to Babur of this "incredible" - rebellion--later warnings of an immediate rising 345-346 - - +Translator's Note.+--914 to 925 AH.--1508 to 1519 AD.--Date of - composition of preceding narrative--Loss of matter here seems - partly or wholly due to Babur's death--Sources helping to fill - the Gap--Events of the remainder of 914 AH.--The mutiny swiftly - quelled--Babur's five-fold victory over hostile champions--Sa'id - _Chaghatai_ takes refuge with him in a quiet Kabul--Shaibani's - murders of Chaghatai and Dughlat chiefs 347-366 - - 915 AH.--April 21st 1509 to April 11th 1510 AD.--Beginning of - hostilities between Isma'il _Safawi_ and Shaibani--Haidar - _Dughlat_ takes refuge with Babur. - - 916 AH.--April 11th 1510 to March 31st 1511 AD.--Isma'il defeats - the Auzbegs near Merv--Shaibani is killed--20,000 Mughuls he - had migrated to Khurasan, return to near Qunduz--Mirza Khan - invites Babur to join him against the Auzbegs--Babur goes to - Qunduz--The 20,000 Mughuls proffer allegiance to their - hereditary Khan Sa'id--they propose to set Babur aside--Sa'id's - worthy rejection of the proposal--Babur makes Sa'id The Khan of - the Mughuls and sends him and his Mughuls into - Farghana--significance of Babur's words, "I made him - Khan"--Babur's first attempt on Hisar where were Hamza and - Mahdi _Auzbeg_--beginning of his disastrous intercourse with - Isma'il _Safawi_--Isma'il sends Khan-zada Begim back to - him--with thanks for the courtesy, Babur asks help against the - Auzbeg--it is promised under dangerous conditions. - - 917 AH.--March 31st 1511 to March 19th 1512 AD.--Babur's - second attempt on Hisar--wins the Battle of Pul-i-sangin--puts - Hamza and Mahdi to death--his Persian reinforcement - and its perilous cost--The Auzbegs are swept across the - Zar-afshan--The Persians are dismissed from Bukhara--Babur - occupies Samarkand after a nine-year's absence--he - gives Kabul to Nasir--his difficult position in relation to - the Shi'a Isma'il--Isma'il sends Najm Sani to bring him - to order. - - 918 AH.--March 19th 1512 to March 9th 1513 AD.--The Auzbegs - return to the attack--'Ubaid's vow--his defeat of Babur at - Kul-i-malik--Babur flees from Samarkand to Hisar--his - pursuers retire--Najm Sani from Balkh gives him rendezvous - at Tirmiz--the two move for Bukhara--Najm perpetrates - the massacre of Qarshi--Babur is helpless to prevent - it--Najm crosses the Zar-afshan to a disadvantageous - position--is defeated and slain--Babur, his reserve, does - not fight--his abstention made a reproach at the Persian - Court against his son Humayun (1544 AD.?)--his arrow-sped - message to the Auzbeg camp--in Hisar, he is attacked - suddenly by Mughuls--he escapes to Qunduz--the retributive - misfortunes of Hisar--Haidar on Mughuls--Ayub _Begchik's_ - death-bed repentance for his treachery to Babur--Haidar returns - to his kinsfolk in Kashghar. - - 919 AH.--March 9th 1513 to Feb. 26th 1514 AD.--Babur may - have spent the year in Khishm--Isma'il takes Balkh from - the Auzbegs--surmised bearing of the capture on his later - action. - - 920 AH.--Feb. 26th 1514 to Feb. 15th 1515 AD.--Haidar's - account of Babur's misery, patience and courtesy this year - in Qunduz--Babur returns to Kabul--his daughter Gulrang - is born in Khwast--he is welcomed by Nasir who - goes back to Ghazni. - - 921 AH.--Feb. 15th 1515 to Feb. 5th 1516 AD.--Death of - Nasir--Riot in Ghazni led by Sherim Taghai _Mughul_--quiet - restored--many rebels flee to Kashghar--Sherim - refused harbourage by Sa'id Khan and seeks Babur's - protection--Haidar's comment on Babur's benevolence. - - 922 AH.--Feb. 5th 1516 to Jan. 24th 1517 AD.--A quiet year - in Kabul apparently--Birth of 'Askari. - - 923 AH.--Jan. 24th 1517 to Jan. 13th 1518 AD.--Babur visits - Balkh--Khwand-amir's account of the affairs of Muhammad-i-zaman - Mirza _Bai-qara_--Babur pursues the Mirza--has him brought to - Kabul--gives him his daughter Ma'suma in marriage--An expedition - to Qandahar returns fruitless, on account of his illness--Shah - Beg's views on Babur's persistent attempts on Qandahar--Shah - Beg's imprisonment and release by his slave Sambal's means. - - 924 AH.--Jan. 13th 1518 to Jan. 3rd 1519 AD.--Shah Beg's son - Hasan flees to Babur--stays two years--date of his return - to his father--Babur begins a campaign in Bajaur against - Haidar-i-'ali _Bajauri_--takes two forts. - - [+End of Translator's Note.+] - - 925 AH.--Jan. 3rd to Dec. 23rd 1519 AD.--Babur takes the Fort of - Bajaur--massacres its people as false to Islam--Khwaja Kalan - made its Commandant--an excessive impost in grain--a raid for - corn--Mahim's adoption of Dil-dar's unborn child--Babur marries - Bibi Mubarika--Repopulation of the Fort of Bajaur--Expedition - against Afghan tribesmen--Destruction of the tomb of a heretic - qalandar--Babur first crosses the Sind--his long-cherished - desire for Hindustan--the ford of the Sind--the Koh-i-jud - (Salt-range)--his regard for Bhira, Khush-ab, Chin-ab and - Chiniut as earlier possessions of the Turk, now therefore his - own--the Kalda-kahar lake and subsequent location on it of the - Bagh-i-safa--Assurance of safety sent to Bhira as a Turk - possession--History of Bhira _etc._ as Turk - possessions--Author's Note on Tatar Khan _Yusuf-khail_--envoys - sent to Baluchis in Bhira--heavy floods in camp--Offenders - against Bhira people punished--Agreed tribute collected--Envoy - sent to ask from Ibrahim _Ludi_ the lands once dependent on - the Turk--Daulat Khan arrests and keeps the envoy who goes - back later to Babur _re infecta_--news of Hind-al's birth and - cause of his name--description of a drinking-party--Tatar Khan - _Kakar_ compels Minuchihr Khan _Turk_, going to wait on Babur, - to become his son-in-law--Account of the Kakars--excursions and - drinking-parties--Bhira appointments--action taken against Hati - Khan _Kakar_--Description and capture of Parhala--Babur sees the - sambal plant--a tiger killed--Gur-khattri visited--Loss of a - clever hawk--Khaibar traversed--mid-day halt in the - Bagh-i-wafa--Qara-tu garden visited--News of Shah Beg's capture - of Kahan--Babur's boys carried out in haste to meet - him--wine-parties--Death and biography of Dost Beg--Arrival of - Sultanim _Bai-qara_ and ceremonies observed on meeting her--A - long-imprisoned traitor released--Excursion to Koh-daman--Hindu - Beg abandons Bhira--Babur has (intermittent) fever--Visitors - from Khwast--Yusuf-zai chiefs wait on Babur--Khalifa's son sends - a wedding-gift--Babur's amusement when illness keeps him from - an entertainment--treatment of his illness--A Thursday reading - of theology (_see_ Add. Note p. 401)--Swimming--Envoy from Mirza - Khan--Tribesmen allowed to leave Kabul for wider - grazing-grounds--Babur sends his first _Diwan_ to Pulad - _Auzbeg_ in Samarkand--Arrivals and departures--Punitive - expedition against the 'Abdu'r-rahman Afghans--punishment - threatened and inflicted (p. 405) on defaulters in help to an - out-matched man--Description of the Rustam-maidan--return to - Kabul--Excursion to Koh-daman--snake incident--Tramontane begs - warned for service--fish-drugging--Babur's non-pressure to - drink, on an abstainer--wine-party--misadventure on a - raft--toothpicks gathered--A new retainer--Babur shaves his - head--Hind-al's guardian appointed--Auzbeg raiders defeated in - Badakhshan--Various arrivals--Yusuf-zai campaign--Babur - dislocates his wrist--_Varia_--Dilah-zak chiefs wait on him--Plan - to store corn in Hash-nagar--Incidents of the road--Khaibar - traversed--Bara urged on Babur as a place for corn--Kabul river - forded at Bara--little corn found and the Hash-nagar plan - foiled--Plan to store Pashawar Fort--return to 'Ali-masjid--News - of an invasion of Badakhshan hurries Babur back through the - Khaibar--The Khizr-khail Afghans punished--Babur first writes - since dislocating his wrist--The beauty and fruits of the - Bagh-i-wafa--incidents of the return march to Kabul--Excursion - to the Koh-daman--beauty of its harvest crops and autumnal - trees--a line offensive to Khalifa (_see_ Add. Note p. - 416)--Humayun makes a good shot--Beauty of the harvest near - Istalif and in the Bagh-i-padshahi--Return to Kabul--Babur - receives a white falcon in gift--pays a visit of consolation to - an ashamed drinker--Arrivals various--he finishes copying - 'Ali-sher's four _Diwans_--An order to exclude from future - parties those who become drunk--Babur starts for Lamghan 367-419 - - 926 AH.--Dec. 23rd 1519 to Dec. 12th 1520 AD.--Excursion to - Koh-daman and Kohistan--incidents of the road--Babur shoots with - an easy bow, for the first time after the dislocation of his - wrist--Nijr-au tribute fixed--Excursions in Lamghan--Kafir - head-men bring goat-skins of wine--Halt in the Bagh-i-wafa--its - oranges, beauty and charm--Babur records his wish and intention - to return to obedience in his 40th year and his consequent - excess in wine as the end approached--composes an air--visits - Nur-valley--relieves Kwaja Kalan in Bajaur--teaches a talisman - to stop rain--his opinion of the ill-taste and disgusting - intoxication of beer--his reason for summoning Khwaja Kalan, - and trenchant words to Shah Hasan relieving him--an old beggar - loaded with gifts--the raft strikes a rock--Description of the - Kindir spring--Fish taken from fish-ponds--Hunting--Accident to a - tooth--Fishing with a net--A murderer made over to the avengers - of blood--A Qoran chapter read and start made for Kabul--(here - the diary breaks off) 420-425 - - +Translator's Note.+--926 to 932 AH.--1520 to 1525 AD.--Babur's - activities in the Gap--missing matter less interesting than - that lost in the previous one--its distinctive mark is - biographical--_Dramatis personae_--Sources of information 426-444 - - 926 AH.--Dec. 23rd 1519 to Dec. 12th 1520 AD.--Babur's five - expeditions into Hindustan--this year's cut short by menace - from Qandahar--Shah Beg's position--particulars of his menace - not ascertained--+Description of Qandahar-fort+--Babur's various - sieges--this year's raised because of pestilence within the - walls--Shah Beg pushes out into Sind. - - 927 AH.--Dec. 12th 1520 to Dec. 1st 1521 AD.--Two accounts of - this year's siege of Qandahar--(i) that of the - _Habibu's-siyar_--(ii) that of the _Tarikh-i-sind_--concerning - the dates involved--Mirza Khan's death. - - - 928 AH.--Dec. 1st 1521 to Nov. 20th 1522 AD.--Babur and Mahim - visit Humayun in Badakhshan--Expedition to Qandahar--of the duel - between Babur and Shah Beg--the Chihil-zina monument of - victory--Death of Shah Beg and its date--Babur's literary work - down to this year. - - 929 AH.--Nov. 20th 1522 to Nov. 10th 1523 AD.--Hindustan - affairs--Daulat Khan _Ludi_, Ibrahim _Ludi_ and Babur--Dilawar - (son of Daulat Khan) goes to Kabul and asks help against - Ibrahim--Babur prays for a sign of victory--prepares for the - expedition--'Alam Khan _Ludi_ (apparently in this year) goes to - Kabul and asks Babur's help against his nephew Ibrahim--Birth - of Gul-badan. - - 930 AH.--Nov. 10th 1523 to Oct. 27th 1524 AD.--Babur's fourth - expedition into Hindustan--differs from earlier ones by its - concert with malcontents in the country--Babur defeats Bihar - Khan _Ludi_ near Lahor--Lahor occupied--Dibalpur stormed, - plundered and its people massacred--Babur moves onward from - Sihrind but returns on news of Daulat Khan's doings--there may - have been also news of Auzbeg threat to Balkh--The Panj-ab - garrison--Death of Isma'il _Safawi_ and of Shah Beg--Babur turns - for Kabul--plants bananas in the Bagh-i-wafa. - - 931 AH.--Oct. 29th 1524 to Oct. 18th 1525 AD.--Daulat Khan's - large resources--he defeats 'Alam Khan at Dibalpur--'Alam Khan - flees to Kabul and again asks help--Babur's conditions of - reinforcement--'Alam Khan's subsequent proceedings detailed - _s.a._ 932 AH.--Babur promises to follow him speedily--is - summoned to Balkh by its Auzbeg menace--his arrival raises the - siege--he returns to Kabul in time for his start to Hindustan - in 932 426-444 - - [+End of Translator's Note.+] - - - SECTION III--HINDUSTAN - - 932 AH.--Oct. 18th 1525 to Oct. 8th 1526 AD.--Babur starts on - his fifth expedition into Hindustan--is attacked by illness at - Gandamak--Humayun is late in coming in from - Badakh-shan--Verse-making on the Kabul-river--Babur makes a - satirical verse such as he had forsworn when writing the - _Mubin_--attributes a relapse of illness to his breach of - vow--renews his oath--Fine spectacle of the lighted camp at - Ali-masjid--Hunting near Bigram--Preparations for ferrying the - Sind--Order to make a list of all with the army, and to count - them up--continuation of illness--Orders sent to the Lahor begs - to delay engagement till Babur arrived--The Sind ferried (for - the first time) and the army tale declared as 12,000 good and - bad--The eastward march--unexpected ice--Rendezvous made with the - Lahor begs--Jat and Gujur thieves--a courier sent again to the - begs--News that 'Alam Khan had let Ibrahim _Ludi_ defeat him - near Dihli--particulars of the engagement--he takes refuge with - Babur--The Lahor begs announce their arrival close at - hand--Ibrahim's troops retire before Babur's march--Daulat Khan - _Ludi_ surrenders Milwat (Malot)--waits on Babur and is - reproached--Ghazi Khan's abandonment of his family - censured--Jaswan-valley--Ghazi Khan pursued--Babur advances - against Ibrahim _Ludi_--his estimate of his adversary's - strength--'Alam Khan's return destitute to Babur--Babur's march - leads towards Panipat--Humayun's first affair - succeeds--reiterated news of Ibrahim's approach--Babur's success - in a minor encounter--he arrays and counts his effective - force--finds it under the estimate--orders that every man in the - army shall collect carts towards Rumi defence--700 carts - brought in--account of the defences of the camp close to the - village of Panipat--Babur on the futility of fear; his excuses - for the fearful in his army--his estimate of Ibrahim's army and - of its higher possible numbers--Author's Note on the Auzbeg - chiefs in Hisar (918 AH. 1512 AD.)--Preliminary - encounters--Battle and victory of Panipat--Ibrahim's body - found--Dihli and Agra occupied by Babur--he makes the circuit of - a Farghana-born ruler in Dihli--visits other tombs and sees - sights--halts opposite Tughluqabad--the _khutba_ read for him in - Dihli--he goes to Agra--Author's Note on rulers in Gualiar--The - (Koh-i-nur) diamond given by the Gualiar family to - Humayun--Babur's dealings with Ibrahim's mother and her - entourage--+Description of Hindustan+ (pp. 478 to 521)--Revenues - of Hind (p. 521)--Agra treasure distributed--local disaffection - to Babur--discontent in his army at remaining in Hindustan--he - sets the position forth to his Council--Khwaja Kalan decides to - leave--his and Babur's verses on his desertion--Babur's force - grows locally--action begun against rebels to Ibrahim in the - East--Gifts made to officers, and postings various--Biban - _Jalwani_ revolts and is beaten--The Mir of Biana - warned--Mention of Rana Sanga's failure in his promise to act - with Babur--Sanga's present action--Decision in Council to leave - Sanga aside and to march to the East--Humayun leads out the - army--Babur makes garden, well and mosque near Agra--Progress of - Humayun's campaign--News of the Auzbegs in Balkh and - Khurasan--Affairs of Gujrat 445-535 - - 933 AH.--Oct. 8th 1526 to Sep. 27th 1527 AD.--Birth announced of - Babur's son Faruq--incomplete success in casting a large - mortar--_Varia_--Humayun summoned from the East to act against - Sanga--Plundering expedition towards Biana--Tahangar, Gualiar - and Dulpur obtained--Hamid Khan _Sarang-khani_ defeated--Arrival - of a Persian embassy--Ibrahim's mother tries to poison - Babur--+Copy of Babur's letter detailing the affair+--his - dealings with the poisoner and her agents--Humayun's return to - Agra--Khw. Dost-i-khawand's arrival from Kabul--Reiterated news - of the approach of Rana Sanga--Babur sends an advance force to - Biana--Hasan Khan _Miwati_--Tramontane matters disloyal to - Babur--Trial-test of the large mortar (p. 536)--Babur leaves - Agra to oppose Sanga--adverse encounter with Sanga by Biana - garrison--Alarming reports of Rajput prowess--Spadesmen sent - ahead to dig wells in Madhakur _pargana_--Babur halts - there--arrays and moves to Sikri--various joinings and - scoutings--discomfiture of a party reconnoitring from Sikri--the - reinforcement also overcome--The enemy retires at sight of a - larger troop from Babur--defence of the Sikri camp Rumi - fashion, with ditch besides--Continued praise of Rajput - prowess--Further defence of the camp made to hearten Babur's - men--20-25 days spent in the above preparations--arrival of 500 - men from Kabul--also of Muh. Sharif an astrologer who augurs - ill for Babur's success--Archers collected and Miwat - over-run--Babur reflects that he had always wished to cease - from the sin of wine--verses about his then position--resolves - to renounce wine--details of the destruction of wine and - precious vessels, and of the building of a commemorative well - and alms-house--his oath to remit a tax if victorious is - recalled to him--he remits the _tamgha_--Shaikh Zain writes the - _farman_ announcing the two acts--Copy of the _farman_--Great - fear in Babur's army--he adjures the Ghazi spirit in his men - who vow to stand fast--his perilous position--he moves forward - in considerable array--his camp is laid out and protected by - ditch and carts--An omen is taken and gives hope--Khalifa - advising, the camp is moved--While tents were being set up, the - enemy appears--The battle and victory of Kanwa--described in a - copy of the Letter-of-victory--Babur inserts this because of - its full particulars (pp. 559 to 574)--assumes the title of - Ghazi--Chronograms of the victory and also of that in Dibalpur - (930 AH.)--pursuit of the fugitive foe--escape of Sanga--the - falsely-auguring astrologer banished with a gift--a small - revolt crushed--a pillar of heads set up--Babur visits - Biana--Little water and much heat set aside plan to invade - Sanga's territory--Babur visits Miwat--give some historical - account of it--Commanders rewarded--Alwar visited--Humayun and - others allowed to leave Hindustan--Despatch of the - Letter-of-victory--Various excursions--Humayun bidden - farewell--Chandwar and Rapri recovered--Apportionment of - fiefs--Biban flees before Babur's men--Dispersion of troops for - the Rains--Misconduct of Humayun and Babur's grief--Embassy to - 'Iraq--Tardi Beg _khaksar_ allowed to return to the - darwesh-life--Babur's lines to departing friends--The - Ramzan-feast--Playing-cards--Babur ill (seemingly with - fever)--visits Dulpur and orders a house excavated--visits Bari - and sees the ebony-tree--has doubt of Bayazid _Farmuli's_ - loyalty--his remedial and metrical exercises--his Treatise on - Prosody composed--a relapse of illness--starts on an excursion - to Kul and Sambal 536-586 - - 934 AH.--Sep. 27th 1527 to Sep. 15th 1528 AD.--Babur visits Kul - and Sambal and returns to Agra--has fever and ague - intermittently for 20-25 days--goes out to welcome kinswomen--a - large mortar bursts with fatal result--he visits Sikri--starts - for Holy War against Chandiri--sends troops against Bayazid - _Farmuli_--incidents of the march to Chandiri--account of - Kachwa--account of Chandiri--its siege--Meantime bad news arrives - from the East--Babur keeping this quiet, accomplishes the work - in hand--Chandiri taken--change of plans enforced by defeat in - the East--return northwards--Further losses in the East--Rebels - take post to dispute Babur's passage of the Ganges--he orders a - pontoon-bridge--his artillery is used with effect, the bridge - finished and crossed and the Afghans worsted--Tukhta-bugha - _Chaghatai_ arrives from Kashgar--Babur visits Lakhnau--suffers - from ear-ache--reinforces Chin-timur against the - rebels--Chin-timur gets the better of Bayazid _Farmuli_--Babur - settles the affairs of Aud (Oude) and plans to hunt near 587-602 - - - +Translator's Note.+ (part of 934 AH.)--On the _cir._ - half-year's missing matter--known events of the Gap:--Continued - campaign against Biban and Bayazid--Babur at Junpur, Chausa and - Baksara--swims the Ganges--bestows Sarun on a Farmuli--orders a - Char-bagh made--is ill for 40 days--is inferred to have visited - Dulpur, recalled 'Askari from Multan, sent Khw. Dost-i-khawand - to Kabul on family affairs which were causing him much - concern--Remarks on the Gap and, incidentally, on the Rampur - Diwan and verses in it suiting Babur's illnesses of 934 AH. - - [+End of Translator's Note.+] - - 935 AH. Sep. 15th 1528 to Sep. 5th 1529 AD.--'Askari reaches - Agra from Multan--Khwand-amir and others arrive from - Khurasan--Babur prepares to visit Gualiar--bids farewell to - kinswomen who are returning to Kabul--marches out--is given an - unsavoury medicament--inspects construction-work in - Dulpur--reaches Gualiar--+Description of Gualiar+ (p. 607 to p. - 614)--returns to Dulpur--suffers from ear-ache--inspects work in - Sikri and reaches Agra--visit and welcomes to kinswomen--sends - an envoy to take charge of Rantanbhur--makes a levy on - stipendiaries--sends letters to kinsfolk in Khurasan--News - arrives of Kamran and Dost-i-khawand in Kabul--of Tahmasp - _Safawi's_ defeat at Jam of 'Ubaidu'l-lah _Auzbeg_--of the - birth of a son to Humayun, and of a marriage by Kamran--he - rewards an artificer--is strongly attacked by fever--for his - healing translates Ahrari's _Walidiyyah-risala_--account of the - task--Troops warned for service--A long-detained messenger - returns from Humayun--Accredited messengers-of-good-tidings - bring the news of Humayun's son's birth--an instance of rapid - travel--Further particulars of the Battle of Jam--Letters - written and summarized--+Copy of one to Humayun inserted - here+--Plans for an eastern campaign under 'Askari--royal - insignia given to him--Orders for the measurement, stations and - up-keep of the Agra-Kabul road--the _Mubin_ quoted--A feast - described--'Askari bids his Father farewell--Babur visits Dulpur - and inspects his constructions--Persian account of the Battle - of Jam--Babur decides contingently to go to the East--Baluchi - incursions--News reaches Dulpur of the loss of Bihar (town) and - decides Babur to go East--News of Humayun's action in - Badakhshan--Babur starts from Agra--honoured arrivals in the - assembly-camp--incidents of the march--congratulations and - gifts sent to Kamran, Humayun and others--also specimens of the - Baburi-script, and copies of the translation of the - _Walidiyyah-risala_ and the Hindustan Poems--commends his - building-work to his workmen--makes a new ruler for the better - copying of the _Walidiyyah-risala_ translation--letters - written--+Copy of one to Khwaja Kalan inserted here+--Complaints - from Kitin-qara _Auzbeg_ of Babur's begs on the Balkh - frontier--Babur shaves his head--Mahim using his style, orders - her own escort from Kabul to Agra--Babur watches - wrestling--leaves the Jumna, disembarks his guns, and goes - across country to Dugdugi on the Ganges--travels by - litter--'Askari and other Commanders meet him--News of Biban, - Bayazid and other Afghans--Letters despatched to meet Mahim on - her road--Babur sends a copy of his writings to - Samarkand--watches wrestling--hears news of the Afghans--(here a - surmised survival of record displaced from 934 AH.)--fall of a - river-bank under his horse--swims the Ganges--crosses the Jumna - at Allahabad (Piag) and re-embarks his guns--wrestling - watched--the evil Tons--he is attacked by boils--a Rumi remedy - applied--a futile attempt to hunt--he sends money-drafts to the - travellers from Kabul--visits places on the Ganges he had seen - last year--receives various letters below Ghazipur--has news - that the Ladies are actually on their way from Kabul--last - year's eclipse recalled--Hindu dread of the Karma-nasa - river--wrestling watched--Rumi remedy for boils used again with - much discomfort--fall of last year's landing-steps at - Baksara--wrestling--Negociations with an envoy of Nasrat Shah of - Bengal--Examination into Muhammad-i-zaman's objections to a - Bihar appointment--despatch of troops to Bihar - (town)--Muhammad-i-zaman submits requests which are granted--a - small success against Afghans--Royal insignia given to - Muhammad-i-zaman, with leave to start for Bihar--Babur's - boats--News of the Bengal army--Muhammad-i-zaman recalled - because fighting was probable--Dudu Bibi and her son Jalal - escape from Bengal to come to Babur--Further discussions with - the Bengal envoy--Favourable news from Bihar--Babur in - Arrah--Position of the Bengal army near the confluence of Gang - and Saru (Ganges and Gogra)--Babur making further effort for - peace, sends an envoy to Nasrat Shah--gives Nasrat's envoy - leave to go conveying an ultimatum--Arrival of a servant from - Mahim west of the Bagh-i-safa--Babur visits lotus-beds near - Arrah--also Munir and the Son--Distance measured by counting a - horse's paces--care for tired horses--Babur angered by Junaid - _Barlas'_ belated arrival--Consultation and plans made for the - coming battle--the Ganges crossed (by the Burh-ganga channel) - and move made to near the confluence--Babur watches 'Ali-quli's - stone-discharge--his boat entered by night--Battle and victory - of the Gogra--Babur praises and thanks his Chaghatai cousins - for their great services--crosses into the Nirhun _pargana_--his - favours to a Farmuli--News of Biban and Bayazid--and of the - strange deaths in Sambal--Chin-timur sends news from the west - of inconveniences caused by the Ladies' delay to leave - Kabul--and of success against the Baluchi--he is ordered to - Agra--Settlement made with the Nuhani Afghans--Peace made with - Nasrat Shah--Submissions and various guerdon--Biban and Bayazid - pursued--Babur's papers damaged in a storm--News of the rebel - pair as taking Luknur(?)--Disposition of Babur's boats--move - along the Saru--(a surmised survival of the record of 934 - AH.)--Account of the capture of Luknur(?)--Dispositions against - the rebel pair--fish caught by help of a lamp--incidents of the - march to Adampur on the Jumna--Biban and Bayazid flee to - Mahuba--Eastern Campaign wound up--Babur's rapid ride to Agra - (p. 686)--visits kinswomen--is pleased with Indian-grown - fruits--Mahim arrives--her gifts and Humayun's set before - Babur--porters sent off for Kabul to fetch fruits--Account of - the deaths in Sambal brought in--sedition in Lahor--wrestling - watched--sedition of Rahim-dad in Gualiar--Mahdi Khwaja comes to - Agra 605-689 - - 936 AH.--Sep. 5th 1529 to Aug. 25th 1530 AD.--Shaikh Ghaus comes - from Gualiar to intercede for Rahim-dad--Gualiar taken over 690 - - +Translator's Note.+--936 and 937 AH.--1529 and 1530 AD.--Sources - from which to fill the Gap down to Babur's death (December - 26th 1530)--Humayun's proceedings in Badakhshan--Haidar - _Dughlat's_ narrative of them--Humayun deserts his post, goes - to Kabul, and, arranging with Kamran, sends Hind-al to - Badakhshan--goes on to Agra and there arrives unexpected by his - Father--as he is unwilling to return, Sulaiman _Miran-shahi_ is - appointed under Babur's suzerainty--Sa'id Khan is warned to - leave Sulaiman in possession--Babur moves westward to support - him and visits Lahor--waited on in Sihrind by the Raja of - Kahlur--received in Lahor by Kamran and there visited from - Kabul by Hind-al--leaves Lahor (March 4th 1530 AD.)--from - Sihrind sends a punitive force against Mundahir Rajputs--hunts - near Dihli--appears to have started off an expedition to - Kashmir--family matters fill the rest of the year--Humayun falls - ill in Sambal and is brought to Agra--his disease not yielding - to treatment, Babur resolves to practise the rite of - intercession and self-surrender to save his life--is urged - rather to devote the great diamond (Koh-i-nur) to pious - uses--refuses the substitution of the jewel for his own - life--performs the rite--Humayun recovers--Babur falls ill and is - bedridden till death--his faith in the rite unquestionable, - belief in its efficacy general in the East--Plan to set Babur's - sons aside from the succession--The _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ story - discussed (p. 702 to 708)--suggested basis of the story (p. - 705)--Babur's death (Jumada I. 5th 937 AH.--Dec. 26th 1530 AD.) - and burial first, near Agra, later near Kabul--Shah-jahan's - epitaph inscribed on a tablet near the grave--Babur's wives and - children--Mr. Erskine's estimate of his character 691-716 - - - [+End of Translator's Note.+] - - - APPENDICES - - A. Site and disappearance of old Akhsi. - B. The birds Qil-quyirugh and Baghri-qara. - C. On the _gosha-gir_. - D. The Rescue-passage. - E. Nagarahar and Ning-nahar. - F. The name Dara-i-nur. - G. On the names of two Dara-i-nur wines. - H. On the counter-mark Bih-bud of coins. - I. The weeping-willows of f. 190_b_. - J. Babur's excavated chamber at Qandahar. - K. An Afghan Legend. - L. Mahim's adoption of Hind-al. - M. On the term Bahri-qutas. - N. Notes on a few birds. - O. Notes by Humayun on some Hindustan fruits. - P. Remarks on Babur's Revenue List. - Q. On the Rampur Diwan. - R. Plans of Chandiri and Gualiar. - S. The Babur-nama dating of 935 AH. - T. On L:knu (Lakhnau) and L:knur (Lakhnur _i.e._ Shahabad - in Rampur). - U. The Inscriptions in Babur's Mosque at Ajodhya (Oude). - V. Babur's Gardens in and near Kabul. - - - Indices:--I. Personal, II. Geographical, III. General, p. 717 - _et seq._ - - Omissions, Corrigenda, Additional Notes. - - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - Plane-tree Avenue in Babur's (later) - Burial-garden[1] _facing_ p. xxvii - - View from above his grave and Shah-jahan's - Mosque[1] _facing_ p. 367 - - His Grave[2] _facing_ p. 445 - - Babur in Prayer[3] _facing_ p. 702 - - His Signature App. Q, lxi - - Plans of Chandiri and Gualiar App. R, lxvii - - - [Illustration: Plane-tree Avenue in Babur's (later) - Burial-garden.] - - - PREFACE. - - O Spring of work! O Source of power to Be! - Each line, each thought I dedicate to Thee; - Each time I fail, the failure is my own, - But each success, a jewel in Thy Throne. - - JESSIE E. CADELL. - - - -INTRODUCTORY. - -This book is a translation of Babur Padshah's Autobiography, made from -the original Turki text. It was undertaken after a purely-Turki -manuscript had become accessible in England, the Haidarabad Codex (1915) -which, being in Babur's _ipsissima verba_, left to him the control of -his translator's diction--a control that had been impracticable from the -time when, under Akbar (1589), his book was translated into Persian. -What has come down to us of pure text is, in its shrunken amount, what -was translated in 1589. It is difficult, here and there, to interpret -owing to its numerous and in some places extensive _lacunae_, and -presents more problems than one the solution of which has real -importance because they have favoured suggestions of malfeasance by -Babur. - -My translation has been produced under considerable drawback, having -been issued in four _fasciculi_, at long intervals, respectively in June -1912, May 1914, October 1917, and September 1921. I have put with it of -supplementary matter what may be of service to those readers whom -Babur's personality attracts and to those who study Turki as a -linguistic entertainment, but owing to delays in production am unable to -include the _desiderata_ of maps. - - -CHAPTER I. - -BABUR'S EXEMPLARS IN THE ARTS OF PEACE. - - -Babur's civilian aptitudes, whether of the author and penman, the maker -of gardens, the artist, craftsman or sportsman, were nourished in a -fertile soil of family tradition and example. Little about his teaching -and training is now with his mutilated book, little indeed of any kind -about his prae-accession years, not the date of his birth even, having -escaped destruction.[4] Happily Haidar Mirza (_q.v._) possessed a more -complete Codex than has come down to us through the Timurid libraries, -and from it he translated many episodes of Baburiana that help to bridge -gaps and are of special service here where the personalities of Babur's -early environment are being named. - -Babur's home-milieu favoured excellence in the quiet Arts and set before -its children high standard and example of proficiency. Moreover, by -schooling him in obedience to the Law, it planted in him some of Art's -essentials, self-restraint and close attention. Amongst primal -influences on him, his mother Qut-luq-nigar's ranked high; she, -well-born and a scholar's daughter, would certainly be educated in Turki -and Persian and in the home-accomplishments her governess possessed -_(atun_ q.v.). From her and her mother Aisan-daulat, the child would -learn respect for the attainments of his wise old grandfather Yunas -Khan. Aisan-daulat herself brought to her grandson much that goes to the -making of a man; nomad-born and sternly-bred, she was brave to obey her -opinion of right, and was practically the boy's ruling counsellor -through his early struggle to hold Farghana. With these two in fine -influence must be counted Khan-zada, his five-years elder sister who -from his birth to his death proved her devotion to him. Her life-story -tempts, but is too long to tell; her girlish promise is seen fulfilled -in Gul-badan's pages. 'Umar Shaikh's own mother Shah Sultan Begim -brought in a type of merit widely differing from that of Aisan-daulat -Begim; as a town-lady of high Tarkhan birth, used to the amenities of -life in a wealthy house of Samarkand, she was, doubtless, an -accomplished and cultured woman. - -'Umar Shaikh's environment was dominated for many years by two great -men, the scholar and lover of town-life Yunas Khan and the saintly -Ahrari (_i.e._ Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l-lah) who were frequently with him in -company, came at Babur's birth and assisted at his naming. Ahrari died -in 895-1491 when the child was about seven years old but his influence -was life-long; in 935-1529 he was invoked as a spiritual helper by the -fever-stricken Babur and his mediation believed efficacious for recovery -(pp. 619, 648). For the babe or boy to be where the three friends held -social session in high converse, would be thought to draw blessing on -him; his hushed silence in the presence would sow the seed of reverence -for wisdom and virtue, such, for example, as he felt for Jami (_q.v._). -It is worth while to tell some part at least of Yunas' attainments in -the gentler Arts, because the biography from which they are quoted may -well have been written on the information of his wife Aisan-daulat, and -it indicates the breadth of his exemplary influence. Yunas was many -things--penman, painter, singer, instrumentalist, and a past master in -the crafts. He was an expert in good companionship, having even temper -and perfect manners, quick perception and conversational charm. His -intellectual distinction was attributed to his twelve years of wardship -under the learned and highly honoured Yazdi (Sharafu'd-din 'Ali), the -author of the _Zafar-nama_ [Timur's Book of Victory]. That book was in -hand during four years of Yunas' education; he will thus have known it -and its main basis Timur's Turki _Malfuzat_ (annals). What he learned of -either book he would carry with him into 'Umar Shaikh's environment, -thus magnifying the family stock of Timuriya influence. He lived to be -some 74 years old, a length of days which fairly bridged the gap between -Timur's death [807-1404] and Babur's birth (888-1483). It is said that -no previous Khan of his (Chaghatai) line had survived his 40th year; his -exceptional age earned him great respect and would deepen his influence -on his restless young son-in-law 'Umar Shaikh. It appears to have been -in 'Umar's 20th year (_cir._) that Yunas Khan began the friendly -association with him that lasted till Yunas' death (892-1483), a -friendship which, as disparate ages would dictate, was rather that of -father and son than of equal companionship. One matter mentioned in the -Khan's biography would come to Babur's remembrance in the future days -when he, like Yunas, broke the Law against intoxicants and, like him, -repented and returned. - -That two men of the calibre and high repute of Ahrari and Yunas -maintained friendly guidance so long over 'Umar cannot but be held an -accreditment and give fragrance of goodness to his name. Apart from the -high justice and generosity his son ascribes to him, he could set other -example, for he was a reader of great books, the Qoran and the _Masnawi_ -being amongst his favourites. This choice, it may be, led Abu'l-fazl to -say he had the darwesh-mind. Babur was old enough before 'Umar's death -to profit by the sight of his father enjoying the perusal of such books. -As with other parents and other children, there would follow the happy -stilling to a quiet mood, the piquing of curiosity as to what was in the -book, the sight of refuge taken as in a haven from self and care, and -perhaps, Babur being intelligent and of inquiring mind and 'Umar a -skilled reciter, the boy would marvel at the perennial miracle that a -lifeless page can become eloquent--gentle hints all, pointers of the way -to literary creation. - -Few who are at home in Baburiana but will take Timur as Babur's great -exemplar not only as a soldier but as a chronicler. Timur cannot have -seemed remote from that group of people so well-informed about him and -his civilian doings; his Shahrukhi grandchildren in Samarkand had -carried on his author-tradition; the 74 years of Yunas Khan's life had -bridged the gap between Timur's death in 807-1405 and Babur's birth in -888-1483. To Babur Timur will have been exemplary through his grandson -Aulugh Beg who has two productions to his credit, the _Char-ulus_ (Four -Hordes) and the Kurkani Astronomical Tables. His sons, again, Babur -(_qalandar_) and Ibrahim carried on the family torch of letters, the -first in verse and the second by initiating and fostering Yazdi's -labours on the _Zafar-nama_. Wide-radiating and potent influence for the -Arts of Peace came forth from Herat during the reign of that Sultan -Husain Mirza whose Court Babur describes in one of the best supplements -to his autobiography. Husain was a Timurid of the elder branch of -Bai-qara, an author himself but far more effective as a Macaenas; one man -of the shining galaxy of competence that gave him fame, set pertinent -example for Babur the author, namely, the Andijani of noble Chaghatai -family, 'Ali-sher _Nawa'i_ who, in classic Turki verse was the master -Babur was to become in its prose. That the standard of effort was high -in Herat is clear from Babur's dictum (p. 233) that whatever work a man -took up, he aspired to bring it to perfection. Elphinstone varies the -same theme to the tune of equality of excellence apart from social -status, writing to Erskine (August, 1826), that "it gives a high notion -of the time to find" (in Babur's account of Husain's Court) "artists, -musicians and others, described along with the learned and great of the -Age". - -My meagre summary of Babur's exemplars would be noticeably incomplete if -it omitted mention of two of his life-long helpers in the gentler Arts, -his love of Nature and his admiration for great architectural creations. -The first makes joyous accompaniment throughout his book; the second is -specially called forth by Timur's ennoblement of Samarkand. Timur had -built magnificently and laid out stately gardens; Babur made many a -fruitful pleasaunce and gladdened many an arid halting-place; he built a -little, but had small chance to test his capacity for building greatly; -never rich, he was poor in Kabul and several times destitute in his -home-lands. But his sword won what gave wealth to his Indian Dynasty, -and he passed on to it the builder's unused dower, so that Samarkand was -surpassed in Hindustan and the spiritual conception Timur's creations -embodied took perfect form at Sikandra where Akbar lies entombed. - - -CHAPTER II. - -PROBLEMS OF THE MUTILATED BABUR-NAMA. - -Losses from the text of Babur's book are the more disastrous because it -truly embodies his career. For it has the rare distinction of being -contemporary with the events it describes, is boyish in his boyhood, -grows with his growth, matures as he matured. Undulled by retrospect, it -is a fresh and spontaneous recital of things just seen, heard or done. -It has the further rare distinction of shewing a boy who, setting a -future task before him--in his case the revival of Timurid power,--began -to chronicle his adventure in the book which through some 37 years was -his twinned comrade, which by its special distinctions has attracted -readers for nearly a half-millennium, still attracts and still is a -thing apart from autobiographies which look back to recall dead years. - -Much circumstance makes for the opinion that Babur left his life-record -complete, perhaps repaired in places and recently supplemented, but -continuous, orderly and lucid; this it is not now, nor has been since it -was translated into Persian in 1589, for it is fissured by _lacunae_, has -neither Preface nor Epilogue,[5] opens in an oddly abrupt and -incongruous fashion, and consists of a series of fragments so -disconnected as to demand considerable preliminary explanation. Needless -to say, its dwindled condition notwithstanding, it has place amongst -great autobiographies, still revealing its author playing a man's part -in a drama of much historic and personal interest. Its revelation is -however now like a portrait out of drawing, because it has not kept the -record of certain years of his manhood in which he took momentous -decisions,(1) those of 1511-12 (918) in which he accepted -reinforcement--at a great price--from Isma'il the Shi'a Shah of Persia, -and in which, if my reading be correct, he first (1512) broke the Law -against the use of wine,[6] (2) those of 1519-1525 [926-932], in which -his literary occupations with orthodox Law (_see Mubin_) associated with -cognate matters of 932 AH. indicate that his return to obedience had -begun, in which too was taken the decision that worked out for his fifth -expedition across the Indus with its sequel of the conquest of Hind.--The -loss of matter so weighty cannot but destroy the balance of his record -and falsify the drawing of his portrait. - - -a. _Problem of Titles._ - -As nothing survives to decide what was Babur's chosen title for his -autobiography, a modern assignment of names to distinguish it from its -various descendants is desirable, particularly so since the revival of -interest in it towards which the Facsimile of its Haidarabad Codex has -contributed.[7] - -_Babur-nama_ (History of Babur) is a well-warranted name by which to -distinguish the original Turki text, because long associated with this -and rarely if ever applied to its Persian translation.[8] It is not -comprehensive because not covering supplementary matter of biography -and description but it has use for modern readers of classing -Babur's with other Timuriya and Timurid histories such as the -_Zafar-Humayun-Akbar-namas_. - -_Waqi'at-i-baburi_ (Babur's Acts), being descriptive of the book and in -common use for naming both the Turki and Persian texts, might usefully -be reserved as a title for the latter alone. - -Amongst European versions of the book _Memoirs of Baber_ is Erskine's -peculium for the Leyden and Erskine Perso-English translation--_Memoires -de Baber_ is Pavet de Courteille's title for his French version of the -Bukhara [Persified-Turki] compilation--_Babur-nama in English_ links the -translation these volumes contain with its purely-Turki source. - - -b. _Problems of the Constituents of the Books._ - -Intact or mutilated, Babur's material falls naturally into three -territorial divisions, those of the lands of his successive rule, -Farghana (with Samarkand), Kabul and Hindustan. With these are distinct -sub-sections of description of places and of obituaries of kinsmen. - -The book might be described as consisting of annals and diary, which -once met within what is now the gap of 1508-19 (914-925). Round this -gap, amongst others, bristle problems of which this change of literary -style is one; some are small and concern the mutilation alone, others -are larger, but all are too intricate for terse statement and all might -be resolved by the help of a second MS. _e.g._ one of the same strain as -Haidar's. - -Without fantasy another constituent might be counted in with the three -territorial divisions, namely, the grouped _lacunae_ which by their -engulfment of text are an untoward factor in an estimate either of Babur -or of his book. They are actually the cardinal difficulty of the book as -it now is; they foreshorten purview of his career and character and -detract from its merits; they lose it perspective and distort its -proportions. That this must be so is clear both from the value and the -preponderating amount of the lost text. It is no exaggeration to say -that while working on what survives, what is lost becomes like a -haunting presence warning that it must be remembered always as an -integral and the dominant part of the book. - -The relative proportions of saved and lost text are highly -significant:--Babur's commemorable years are about 47 and 10 months, -_i.e._ from his birth on Feb. 14th 1483 to near his death on Dec. 26th -1530; but the aggregate of surviving text records some 18 years only, -and this not continuously but broken through by numerous gaps. That -these gaps result from loss of pages is frequently shewn by a broken -sentence, an unfinished episode. The fragments--as they truly may be -called--are divided by gaps sometimes seeming to remove a few pages only -(cf. _s.a._ 935 AH.), sometimes losing the record of 6 and _cir._ 18 -months, sometimes of 6 and 11 years; besides these actual clefts in the -narrative there are losses of some 12 years from its beginning and some -16 months from its end. Briefly put we now have the record of _cir._ 18 -years where that of over 47 could have been.[9] - - -c. _Causes of the gaps._ - -Various causes have been surmised to explain the _lacunae_; on the plea -of long intimacy with Babur's and Haidar's writings, I venture to say -that one and all appear to me the result of accident. This opinion rests -on observed correlations between the surviving and the lost record, -which demand complement--on the testimony of Haidar's extracts, and -firmly on Babur's orderly and persistent bias of mind and on the -prideful character of much of the lost record. Moreover occasions of -risk to Babur's papers are known. - -Of these occasions the first was the destruction of his camp near Hisar -in 1512 (918; p. 357) but no information about his papers survives; they -may not have been in his tent but in the fort. The second was a case of -recorded damage to "book and sections" (p. 679) occurring in 1529 (935). -From signs of work done to the Farghana section in Hindustan, the damage -may be understood made good at the later date. To the third exposure to -damage, namely, the attrition of hard travel and unsettled life during -Humayun's 14 years of exile from rule in Hindustan (1441-1555) it is -reasonable to attribute even the whole loss of text. For, assuming--as -may well be done--that Babur left (1530) a complete autobiography, its -volume would be safe so long as Humayun was in power but after the -Timurid exodus (1441) his library would be exposed to the risks detailed -in the admirable chronicles of Gul-badan, Jauhar and Bayazid (_q.v._). -He is known to have annotated his father's book in 1555 (p. 466 n. 1) -just before marching from Kabul to attempt the re-conquest of Hindustan. -His Codex would return to Dihli which he entered in July 1555, and there -would be safe from risk of further mutilation. Its condition in 1555 is -likely to have remained what it was found when 'Abdu'r-rahim translated -it into Persian by Akbar's orders (1589) for Abu'l-fazl's use in the -_Akbar-nama_. That Persian translation with its descendant the _Memoirs -of Baber_, and the purely-Turki Haidarabad Codex with its descendant the -_Babur-nama in English_, contain identical contents and, so doing, carry -the date of the mutilation of Babur's Turki text back through its years -of safety, 1589 to 1555, to the period of Humayun's exile and its -dangers for camel-borne or deserted libraries. - - -d. _Two misinterpretations of lacunae._ - -Not unnaturally the frequent interruptions of narrative caused by -_lacunae_ have been misinterpreted occasionally, and sometimes -detractory comment has followed on Babur, ranking him below the -accomplished and lettered, steadfast and honest man he was. I select two -examples of this comment neither of which has a casual origin. - -The first is from the _B.M. Cat. of Coins of the Shahs of Persia_ p. -xxiv, where after identifying a certain gold coin as shewing vassalage -by Babur to Isma'il _Safawi_, the compiler of the Catalogue notes, "We -can now understand the omission from Babar's 'Memoirs' of the -occurrences between 914 H. and 925 H." Can these words imply other than -that Babur suppressed mention of minting of the coins shewing -acknowledgment of Shi'a suzerainty? Leaving aside the delicate topic of -the detraction the quoted words imply, much negatives the surmise that -the gap is a deliberate "omission" of text:--(1) the duration of the -Shi'a alliance was 19-20 months of 917-918 AH. (p. 355), why omit the -peaceful or prideful and victorious record of some 9-10 years on its -either verge? (2) Babur's Transoxus campaign was an episode in the -struggle between Shaibaq Khan (Shaibani) _Auzbeg_ and Shah -Isma'il--between Sunni and Shi'a; how could "omission" from his book, -always a rare one, hide what multitudes knew already? "Omission" would -have proved a fiasco in another region than Central Asia, because the -Babur-Haidar story of the campaign, vassal-coinage included,[10] has -been brought into English literature by the English translation of the -_Tarikh-i rashidi_. Babur's frank and self-judging habit of mind would, -I think, lead him to write fully of the difficulties which compelled the -hated alliance and certainly he would tell of his own anger at the -conduct of the campaign by Isma'il's Commanders. The alliance was a -tactical mistake; it would have served Babur better to narrate its -failure. - -The second misinterpretation, perhaps a mere surmising gloss, is -Erskine's (_Memoirs_ Supp. p. 289) who, in connection with 'Alam Khan's -request to Babur for reinforcement in order to oust his nephew Ibrahim, -observes that "Babur probably flattered 'Alam Khan with the hope of -succession to the empire of Hindustan." This idea does not fit the -record of either man. Elphinstone was angered by Erskine's remark which, -he wrote (Aug. 26th 1826) "had a bad effect on the narrative by -weakening the implicit confidence in Babur's candour and veracity which -his frank way of writing is so well-calculated to command." -Elphinstone's opinion of Babur is not that of a reader but of a student -of his book; he was also one of Erskine's staunchest helpers in its -production. From Erskine's surmise others have advanced on the -detractor's path saying that Babur used and threw over 'Alam Khan -(_q.v._). - - -e. _Reconstruction._ - -Amongst the problems mutilation has created an important one is that of -the condition of the beginning of the book (p. 1 to p. 30) with its -plunge into Babur's doings in his 12th year without previous mention of -even his day and place of birth, the names and status of his parents, or -any occurrences of his prae-accession years. Within those years should be -entered the death of Yunas Khan (1487) with its sequent obituary notice, -and the death of [Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l-lah] Ahrari (1491). Not only are -these customary entries absent but the very introductions of the two -great men are wanting, probably with the also missing account of their -naming of the babe Babur. That these routine matters are a part of an -autobiography planned as Babur's was, makes for assured opinion that the -record of more than his first decade of life has been lost, perhaps by -the attrition to which its position in the volume exposed it. - -Useful reconstruction if merely in tabulated form, might be effected in -a future edition. It would save at least two surprises for readers, one -the oddly abrupt first sentence telling of Babur's age when he became -ruler in Farghana (p. 1), which is a misfit in time and order, another -that of the sudden interruption of 'Umar Shaikh's obituary by a fragment -of Yunas Khan's (p. 19) which there hangs on a mere name-peg, whereas -its place according to Babur's elsewhere unbroken practice is directly -following the death. The record of the missing prae-accession years will -have included at the least as follows:--Day of birth and its place--names -and status of parents--naming and the ceremonial observances proper for -Muhammadan children--visits to kinsfolk in Tashkint, and to Samarkand -(aet. 5, p. 35) where he was betrothed--his initiation in school -subjects, in sport, the use of arms--names of teachers--education in the -rules of his Faith (p. 44), appointment to the Andijan Command _etc._, -_etc._ - -There is now no fit beginning to the book; the present first sentence -and its pendent description of Farghana should be removed to the -position Babur's practice dictates of entering the description of a -territory at once on obtaining it (cf. Samarkand, Kabul, Hindustan). It -might come in on p. 30 at the end of the topic (partly omitted on p. 29 -where no ground is given for the manifest anxiety about Babur's safety) -of the disputed succession (Haidar, trs. p. 135) Babur's partisan begs -having the better of Jahangir's (_q.v._), and having testified -obeisance, he became ruler in Farghana; his statement of age (12 years), -comes in naturally and the description of his newly acquired territory -follows according to rule. This removal of text to a later position has -the advantage of allowing the accession to follow and not precede -Babur's father's death. - -By the removal there is left to consider the historical matter of pp. -12-13. The first paragraph concerns matter of much earlier date than -'Umar's death in 1494 (p. 13); it may be part of an obituary notice, -perhaps that of Yunas Khan. What follows of the advance of displeased -kinsmen against 'Umar Shaikh would fall into place as part of Babur's -record of his boyhood, and lead on to that of his father's death. - -The above is a bald sketch of what might be effected in the interests of -the book and to facilitate its pleasant perusal. - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE TURKI MSS. AND WORK CONNECTING WITH THEM. - -This chapter is a literary counterpart of "Babur Padshah's Stone-heap," -the roadside cairn tradition says was piled by his army, each man laying -his stone when passing down from Kabul for Hindustan in the year of -victory 1525 (932).[11] - -For a title suiting its contents is "Babur Padshah's Book-pile," because -it is fashioned of item after item of pen-work done by many men in -obedience to the dictates given by his book. Unlike the cairn, however, -the pile of books is not of a single occasion but of many, not of a -single year but of many, irregularly spacing the 500 years through which -he and his autobiography have had Earth's immortality. - - -Part I. The MSS. themselves. - -_Preliminary._--Much of the information given below was published in the -Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society from 1900 onwards, as it came into -my possession during a search for reliable Turki text of the -_Babur-nama_. My notes were progressive; some MSS. were in distant -places, some not traceable, but in the end I was able to examine in -England all of whose continued existence I had become aware. It was -inevitable that some of my earlier statements should be superseded -later; my Notes (_see s.n._ JRAS.) need clearing of transitory matter -and summarizing, in particular those on the Elphinstone Codex and -Klaproth's articles. Neither they nor what is placed here makes claim to -be complete. Other workers will supplement them when the World has -renewed opportunity to stroll in the bye-paths of literature. - -Few copies of the _Babur-nama_ seem to have been made; of the few I have -traced as existing, not one contains the complete autobiography, and one -alone has the maximum of dwindled text shewn in the Persian translation -(1589). Two books have been reputed to contain Babur's authentic text, -one preserved in Hindustan by his descendants, the other issuing from -Bukhara. They differ in total contents, arrangement and textual worth; -moreover the Bukhara book compiles items of divers diction and origin -and date, manifestly not from one pen. - -The Hindustan book is a record--now mutilated--of the Acts of Babur alone; -the Bukhara book as exhibited in its fullest accessible example, Kehr's -Codex, is in two parts, each having its preface, the first reciting -Babur's Acts, the second Humayun's. - -The Bukhara book is a compilation of oddments, mostly translated from -compositions written after Babur's death. Textual and circumstantial -grounds warrant the opinion that it is a distinct work mistakenly -believed to be Babur's own; to these grounds was added in 1903 the -authoritative verdict of collation with the Haidarabad Codex, and in -1921 of the colophon of its original MS. in which its author gives his -name, with the title and date of his compilation (JRAS. 1900, p. 474). -What it is and what are its contents and history are told in Part III of -this chapter. - - -Part II. Work on the Hindustan MSS. - -BABUR'S ORIGINAL CODEX. - -My latest definite information about Babur's autograph MS. comes from -the _Padshah-nama_ (Bib. Ind. ed. ii, 4), whose author saw it in -Shah-i-jahan's private library between 1628 and 1638. Inference is -justified, however, that it was the archetype of the Haidarabad Codex -which has been estimated from the quality of its paper as dating _cir._ -1700 (JRAS. 1906, p. 97). But two subsequent historic disasters -complicate all questions of MSS. missing from Indian libraries, namely, -Nadir Shah's vengeance on Dihli in 1739 and the dispersions and fires of -the Mutiny. Faint hope is kept alive that the original Codex may have -drifted into private hands, by what has occurred with the Rampur MS. of -Babur's Hindustan verses (App. J), which also appears once to have -belonged to Shah-i-jahan. - - -I - -Amongst items of work done during Babur's life are copies of his book -(or of the Hindustan section of it) he mentions sending to sons and -friends. - - -II - -The _Tabaqat-i-baburi_ was written during Babur's life by his Persian -secretary Shaikh Zainu'd-din of Khawaf; it paraphrases in rhetorical -Persian the record of a few months of Hindustan campaigning, including -the battle of Panipat. - - TABLE OF THE HINDUSTAN MSS. OF THE BABUR-NAMA.[12] - - - ----------------------+---------------+--------------------+-----------+ - | Date of | Folio-standard | | - Names. | completion. | 382.[13] |Archetype. | - ----------------------+---------------+--------------------+-----------+ - 1. Babur's Codex. |1530. |Originally much | -- | - | |over 382. | | - | | | | - 2. Khwaja Kalan |1529. |Undefined 363(?), |No. 1. | - _Ahraris_ Codex. | |p. 652. | | - | | | | - | | | | - 3. Humayun's Codex |1531(?). |Originally = No. 1 |No. 1. | - = (commanded | |(unmutilated). | | - and annotate?).[14]| | | | - | | | | - 4. Muhammad Haidar |Between 1536 |No. 1 (unmutilated).|No. 1 or | - _Dughlat's_ Codex. |and 40(?). | |No. 2. | - | | | | - 5. Elphinstone Codex. |Between 1556 |In 1816 and 1907, |No. 3. | - |and 1567. |286 ff. | | - | | | | - 6. British Museum MS. |1629. |97 (fragments). |Unknown. | - | | | | - | | | | - 7. Bib. Lindesiana MS.|Scribe living |71 (an extract). |Unknown. | - [now John Rylands] |in 1625. | | | - | | | | - | | | | - 8. Haidarabad Codex. |Paper indicates|382. |(No. 1) | - |_cir._ 1700. | |mutilated. | - | | | | - ----------------------+---------------+--------------------+-----------+ - - ----------------------+-------------+------------------+---------------- - | | Latest known | - Names. | Scribe. | location. | Remarks. - ----------------------+-------------+------------------+---------------- - 1. Babur's Codex. |Babur. |Royal Library |Has disappeared. - | |between 1628-38. | - | | | - 2. Khwaja Kalan |Unknown. |Sent to Samarkand |Possibly still - _Ahraris_ Codex. | |1529. |in Khwaja - | | |Kalan's family. - | | | - 3. Humayun's Codex |'Ali'u-'l- |Royal Library |Seems the - = (commanded | katib(?). |between 1556-1567.|archetype of - and annotate?).[14]| | |No. 5. - | | | - 4. Muhammad Haidar |Haidar(?) |Kashmir 1540-47. |Possibly now in - _Dughlat's_ Codex. | | |Kashghar. - | | | - 5. Elphinstone Codex. |Unknown. |Advocates' Library|Bought in - | |(1816 to 1921). |Peshawar 1810. - | | | - 6. British Museum MS. |'Ali'u'l- |British Museum. | -- - | _kashmiri_.| | - | | | - 7. Bib. Lindesiana MS.|Nur-muhammad |John Rylands | -- - [now John Rylands] |(nephew of |Library. | - |'Abu'l-fazl).| | - | | | - 8. Haidarabad Codex. |No colophon. |The late Sir |Centupled in - | |Salar-jang's |facsimile, 1905. - | |Library. | - ----------------------+-------------+------------------+---------------- - - - III - - During the first decade of Humayun's reign (1530-40) at least - two important codices seem to have been copied. - - The earlier (_see_ Table, No. 2) has varied circumstantial - warrant. It meets the need of an archetype, one marginally - annotated by Humayun, for the Elphinstone Codex in which a few - notes are marginal and signed, others are pell-mell, - interpolated in the text but attested by a scrutineer as having - been marginal in its archetype and mistakenly copied into its - text. This second set has been ineffectually sponged over. Thus - double collation is indicated (i) with Babur's autograph MS. to - clear out extra Babur matter, and (ii) with its archetype, to - justify the statement that in this the interpolations were - marginal.--No colophon survives with the much dwindled Elph. - Codex, but one, suiting the situation, has been observed, where - it is a complete misfit, appended to the Alwar Codex of the - second Persian translation, (estimated as copied in 1589). Into - the incongruities of that colophon it is not necessary to - examine here, they are too obvious to aim at deceit; it appears - fitly to be an imperfect translation from a Turki original, - this especially through its odd fashion of entitling "Humayun - Padshah." It can be explained as translating the colophon of - the Codex (No. 2) which, as his possession, Humayun allowably - annotated and which makes it known that he had ordered - 'Ali'u-'l-katib to copy his father's Turki book, and that it - was finished in February, 1531, some six weeks after Babur's - death.[15] - - The later copy made in Humayun's first decade is Haidar Mirza's - (_infra_). - - - IV - - Muhammad Haidar Mirza _Dughlat's_ possession of a copy of the - Autobiography is known both from his mention of it and through - numerous extracts translated from it in his _Tarikh-i-rashidi_. - As a good boy-penman (p. 22) he may have copied down to 1512 - (918) while with Babur (p. 350), but for obtaining a transcript - of it his opportunity was while with Humayun before the - Timurid exodus of 1541. He died in 1551; his Codex is likely to - have found its way back from Kashmir to his ancestral home in - the Kashghar region and there it may still be. (_See_ T.R. trs. - Ney Elias' biography of him). - - - V - - The Elphinstone Codex[16] has had an adventurous career. The - enigma of its archetype is posed above; it may have been copied - during Akbar's first decade (1556-67); its, perhaps first, - owner was a Bai-qara rebel (d. 1567) from amongst whose - possessions it passed into the Royal Library, where it was - cleared of foreign matter by the expunction of Humayun's - marginal notes which its scribe had interpolated into its text. - At a date I do not know, it must have left the Royal Library - for its fly-leaves bear entries of prices and in 1810 it was - found and purchased in Peshawar by Elphinstone. It went with - him to Calcutta, and there may have been seen by Leyden during - the short time between its arrival and the autumn month of the - same year (1810) when he sailed for Java. In 1813 Elphinstone - in Poona sent it to Erskine in Bombay, saying that he had - fancied it gone to Java and had been writing to 'Izzatu'l-lah - to procure another MS. for Erskine in Bukhara, but that all the - time it was on his own shelves. Received after Erskine had - dolefully compared his finished work with Leyden's (tentative) - translation, Erskine sadly recommenced the review of his own - work. The Codex had suffered much defacement down to 908 (1502) - at the hands of "a Persian Turk of Ganj" who had interlined it - with explanations. It came to Scotland (with Erskine?) who in - 1826 sent it with a covering letter (Dec. 12th, 1826), at its - owner's desire, to the Advocates' Library where it now is. In - 1907 it was fully described by me in the JRAS. - - - VI - - Of two _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ (Pers. trs.) made in Akbar's reign, - the earlier was begun in 1583, at private instance, by two - Mughuls Payanda-hasan of Ghazni and Muhammad-quli of Hisar. - The Bodleian and British Museum Libraries have copies of it, - very fragmentary unfortunately, for it is careful, likeable, - and helpful by its small explanatory glosses. It has the great - defect of not preserving autobiographic quality in its diction. - - - VII - - The later _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ translated by 'Abdu'r-rahim Mirza - is one of the most important items in Baburiana, both by its - special characteristics as the work of a Turkman and not of a - Persian, and by the great service it has done. Its origin is - well-known; it was made at Akbar's order to help Abu'l-fazl in - the Akbar-nama account of Babur and also to facilitate perusal - of the _Babur-nama_ in Hindustan. It was presented to Akbar, by - its translator who had come up from Gujrat, in the last week of - November, 1589, on an occasion and at a place of admirable - fitness. For Akbar had gone to Kabul to visit Babur's tomb, and - was halting on his return journey at Barik-ab where Babur had - halted on his march down to Hindustan in the year of victory - 1525, at no great distance from "Babur Padshah's Stone-heap". - Abu'l-fazl's account of the presentation will rest on - 'Abdu'r-rahim's information (A.N. trs. cap. ci). The diction of - this translation is noticeable; it gave much trouble to Erskine - who thus writes of it (_Memoirs_ Preface, lx), "Though simple - and precise, a close adherence to the idioms and forms of - expression of the Turki original joined to a want of - distinctness in the use of the relatives, often renders the - meaning extremely obscure, and makes it difficult to discover - the connexion of the different members of the sentence.[17] The - style is frequently not Persian.... Many of the Turki words are - untranslated." - - Difficult as these characteristics made Erskine's - interpretation, it appears to me likely that they indirectly - were useful to him by restraining his diction to some extent in - their Turki fettering.--This Turki fettering has another aspect, - apart from Erskine's difficulties, _viz_. it would greatly - facilitate re-translation into Turki, such as has been - effected, I think, in the Farghana section of the Bukhara - compilation.[18] - - - VIII - - This item of work, a harmless attempt of Salim (_i.e_. Jahangir - Padshah; 1605-28) to provide the ancestral autobiography with - certain stop-gaps, has caused much needless trouble and - discussion without effecting any useful result. It is this:--In - his own autobiography, the _Tuzuk-i-jahangiri s.a_. 1607, he - writes of a Babur-nama Codex he examined, that it was all in - Babur's "blessed handwriting" except four portions which were - in his own and each of which he attested in Turki as so being. - Unfortunately he did not specify his topics; unfortunately also - no attestation has been found to passages reasonably enough - attributable to his activities. His portions may consist of the - "Rescue-passage" (App. D) and a length of translation from the - _Akbar-nama_, a continuous part of its Babur chapter but broken - up where only I have seen it, _i.e._ the Bukhara compilation, - into (1) a plain tale of Kanwa (1527), (2) episodes of Babur's - latter months (1529)--both transferred to the first person--and - (3) an account of Babur's death (December 26th, 1530) and - Court. - - Jahangir's occupation, harmless in itself, led to an imbroglio - of Langles with Erskine, for the former stating in the - _Biographie Universelle_ art. Babour, that Babour's - Commentaries "_augmentes par Jahangir_" were translated into - Persian by 'Abdu'r-rahim. Erskine made answer, "I know not on - what authority the learned Langles hazarded this assertion, - which is certainly incorrect" (_Memoirs_, Preface, p. ix). Had - Langles somewhere met with Jahangir's attestations? He had - authority if he had seen merely the statement of 1607, but - Erskine was right also, because the Persian translation - contains no more than the unaugmented Turki text. The royal - stop-gaps are in Kehr's MS. and through Ilminski reached De - Courteille, whence the biting and thorough analysis of the - three "Fragments" by Teufel. Both episodes--the Langles and the - Teufel ones--are time-wasters but they are comprehensible in - the circumstances that Jahangir could not foresee the - consequences of his doubtless good intentions. - - If the question arise of how writings that had had place in - Jahangir's library reached Bukhara, their open road is through - the Padshah's correspondence (App. Q and references), with a - descendant of Ahrari in whose hands they were close to - Bukhara.[19] - - It groups scattered information to recall that Salim (Jahangir) - was 'Abdu'r-rahim's ward, that then, as now, Babur's - Autobiography was the best example of classic Turki, and that - it would appeal on grounds of piety--as it did appeal on some - sufficient ground--to have its broken story made good. Also that - for three of the four "portions" Abu'l-fazl's concise matter - was to hand. - - - IX - - My information concerning Baburiana under Shah-i-jahan Padshah - (1628-58) is very meagre. It consists of (1) his attestation of - a signature of Babur (App. Q and photo), (2) his possession of - Babur's autograph Codex (_Padshah-nama_, Bib. Ind. ed., ii, 4), - and (3) his acceptance, and that by his literary entourage, of - Mir Abu-talib _Husaini's_ Persian translation of Timur's - Annals, the _Malfuzat_ whose preparation the _Zafar-nama_ - describes and whose link with Babur's writings is that of the - exemplar to the emulator.[20] - - - X - - The Haidarabad Codex may have been inscribed under Aurang-zib - Padshah (1655-1707). So many particulars about it have been - given already that little needs saying here.[21] It was the - _grande trouvaille_ of my search for Turki text wherewith to - revive Babur's autobiography both in Turki and English. My - husband in 1900 saw it in Haidarabad; through the kind offices - of the late Sayyid Ali _Bilgrami_ it was lent to me; it proved - to surpass, both in volume and quality, all other Babur-nama - MSS. I had traced; I made its merits known to Professor Edward - Granville Browne, just when the E. J. Wilkinson Gibb Trust was - in formation, with the happy and accordant result that the best - prose book in classic Turki became the first item in the - Memorial--_matris ad filium_--of literary work done in the name - of the Turkish scholar, and Babur's very words were safeguarded - in hundred-fold facsimile. An event so important for - autobiography and for Turki literature may claim more than the - bald mention of its occurrence, because sincere autobiography, - however ancient, is human and social and undying, so that this - was no mere case of multiplying copies of a book, but was one - of preserving a man's life in his words. There were, therefore, - joyful red-letter days in the English story of the - Codex--outstanding from others being those on which its merits - revealed themselves (on Surrey uplands)--the one which brought - Professor Browne's acceptance of it for reproduction by the - Trust--and the day of pause from work marked by the accomplished - fact of the safety of the _Babur-nama._ - - - XI - - The period from _cir._ 1700, the date of the Haidarabad Codex, - and 1810, when the Elphinstone Codex was purchased by its - sponsor at Peshawar, appears to have been unfruitful in work on - the Hindustan MSS. Causes for this may connect with historic - events, _e.g._ Nadir Shah's desolation of Dihli and the rise of - the East India Company, and, in Baburiana, with the - disappearance of Babur's autograph Codex (it was unknown to the - Scots of 1800-26), and the transfer of the Elphinstone Codex - from royal possession--this, possibly however, an accident of - royal travel to and from Kabul at earlier dates. - - The first quarter of the nineteenth century was, on the - contrary, most fruitful in valuable work, useful impulse to - which was given by Dr. John Leyden who in about 1805 began to - look into Turki. Like his contemporary Julius Klaproth - (_q.v._), he was avid of tongues and attracted by Turki and by - Babur's writings of which he had some knowledge through the - 'Abdu'r-rahim (Persian) translation. His Turki text-book would - be the MS. of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,[22] a part-copy of - the Bukhara compilation, from which he had the India Office MS. - copied. He took up Turki again in 1810, after his return from - Malay and whilst awaiting orders in Calcutta for departure to - Java. He sailed in the autumn of the year and died in August - 1811. Much can be learned about him and his Turki occupations - from letters (_infra_ xiii) written to Erskine by him and by - others of the Scottish band which now achieved such fine - results for Babur's Autobiography. - - It is necessary to say something of Leyden's part in producing - the _Memoirs_, because Erskine, desiring to "lose nothing that - might add to Leyden's reputation", has assigned to him an undue - position of collaboration in it both by giving him premier - place on its title-page and by attributing to him the beginning - the translation. What one gleans of Leyden's character makes an - impression of unassumption that would forbid his acceptance of - the posthumous position given to him, and, as his translation - shews the tyro in Turki, there can be no ground for supposing - he would wish his competence in it over-estimated. He had, as - dates show, nothing to do with the actual work of the _Memoirs_ - which was finished before Erskine had seen in 1813 what Leyden - had set down before he died in 1811. As the _Memoirs_ is now a - rare book, I quote from it what Erskine says (Preface, p. ix) - of Leyden's rough translation:--"This acquisition (_i.e_. of - Leyden's trs.) reduced me to rather an awkward dilemma. The two - translations (his own and Leyden's) differed in many important - particulars; but as Dr. Leyden had the advantage of translating - from the original, I resolved to adopt his translation as far - as it went, changing only such expressions in it as seemed - evidently to be inconsistent with the context, or with other - parts of the _Memoirs_, or such as seemed evidently to - originate in the oversights that are unavoidable in an - unfinished work.[23] This labour I had completed with some - difficulty, when Mr. Elphinstone sent me the copy of the - _Memoirs of Baber_ in the original Turki (_i.e._ The - Elphinstone Codex) which he had procured when he went to - Peshawar on his embassy to Kabul. This copy, which he had - supposed to have been sent with Dr. Leyden's manuscripts from - Calcutta, he was now fortunate enough to recover (in his own - library at Poona). The discovery of this valuable manuscript - reduced me, though heartily sick of the task, to the necessity - of commencing my work once more." - - Erskine's Preface (pp. x, xi) contains various other references - to Leyden's work which indicate its quality as tentative and - unrevised. It is now in the British Museum Library. - - - XII - - Little need be said here about the _Memoirs of Baber_.[24] - Erskine worked on a basis of considerable earlier acquaintance - with his Persian original, for, as his Preface tells, he had - (after Leyden's death) begun to translate this some years - before he definitely accepted the counsel of Elphinstone and - Malcolm to undertake the _Memoirs_. He finished his translation - in 1813, and by 1816 was able to dedicate his complete volume - to Elphinstone, but publication was delayed till 1826. His was - difficult pioneer-work, and carried through with the drawback - of working on a secondary source. It has done yeoman service, - of which the crowning merit is its introduction of Babur's - autobiography to the Western world. - - - XIII - - Amongst Erskine's literary remains are several bound volumes of - letters from Elphinstone, Malcolm, Leyden, and others of that - distinguished group of Scots who promoted the revival of - Babur's writings. Erskine's grandson, the late Mr. Lestocq - Erskine, placed these, with other papers, at our disposal, and - they are now located where they have been welcomed as - appropriate additions:--Elphinstone's are in the Advocates' - Library, where already (1826) he, through Erskine, had - deposited his own Codex--and with his letters are those of - Malcolm and more occasional correspondents; Leyden's letters - (and various papers) are in the Memorial Cottage maintained in - his birthplace Denholm (Hawick) by the Edinburgh Border - Counties Association; something fitting went to the Bombay - Asiatic Society and a volume of diary to the British Museum. - Leyden's papers will help his fuller biography; Elphinstone's - letters have special value as recording his co-operation with - Erskine by much friendly criticism, remonstrance against delay, - counsels and encouragement. They, moreover, shew the estimate - an accomplished man of modern affairs formed of Babur Padshah's - character and conduct; some have been quoted in Colebrooke's - _Life of Elphinstone_, but there they suffer by detachment from - the rest of his Baburiana letters; bound together as they now - are, and with brief explanatory interpolations, they would make - a welcome item for "Babur Padshah's Book-pile". - - - XIV - - In May 1921 the contents of these volumes were completed, - namely, the _Babur-nama in English_ and its supplements, the - aims of which are to make Babur known in English diction - answering to his _ipsissima verba_, and to be serviceable to - readers and students of his book and of classic Turki. - - - XV - - Of writings based upon or relating to Babur's the following - have appeared:-- - - Denkwurdigkeiten des Zahir-uddin Muhammad Babar--A. Kaiser - (Leipzig, 1828). This consists of extracts translated from the - Memoirs. - - An abridgement of the Memoirs--R. M. Caldecott (London, 1844). - - History of India--Baber and Humayun--W. Erskine (Longmans, - 1854). - - Babar--Rulers of India series--Stanley Lane-Poole (Oxford, - 1899). - - Tuzuk-i-babari or Waqi'at-i-babari (_i.e._ the Persian - trs.)--Elliot and Dowson's History of India, 1872, vol. iv. - - Babur Padshah _Ghazi_--H. Beveridge (Calcutta Review, 1899). - - Babur's diamond, was it the Koh-i-nur?--H. Beveridge, Asiatic - Quarterly Review, April, 1899. - - Was 'Abdu'r-rahim the translator of Babur's Memoirs? (_i.e._ - the _Babur-nama_)--H. Beveridge, AQR., July and October, 1900. - - An Empire-builder of the 16th century, Babur--Laurence F. L. - Williams (Allahabad, 1918). - - Notes on the MSS. of the Turki text (_Babur-nama_)--A. S. - Beveridge, JRAS. 1900, 1902, 1921, 1905, and Part II 1906, - 1907, 1908, p. 52 and p. 828, 1909 p. 452 (_see_ Index, _s.n._ - A. S. B. for topics). - -[For other articles and notes by H. B. _see_ Index _s.n._] - - -Part III. The "Bukhara Babur-nama". - -This is a singular book and has had a career as singular as its -characteristics, a very comedy of (blameless) errors and mischance. For -it is a compilation of items diverse in origin, diction, and age, -planned to be a record of the Acts of Babur and Humayun, dependent -through its Babur portion on the 'Abdu'r-rahim Persian translation for -re-translation, or verbatim quotation, or dove-tailing effected on the -tattered fragments of what had once been Kamran's Codex of the -Babur-nama proper, the whole interspersed by stop-gaps attributable to -Jahangir. These and other specialities notwithstanding, it ranked for -nearly 200 years as a reproduction of Babur's authentic text, as such -was sent abroad, as such was reconstructed and printed in Kasan (1857), -translated in Paris (1871), catalogued for the Petrograd Oriental School -(1894), and for the India Office (1903).[25] - -Manifest causes for the confusion of identity are, (1) lack of the -guidance in Bukhara and Petrograd of collation with the true text, (2) -want of information, in the Petrograd of 1700-25, about Babur's career, -coupled with the difficulties of communication with Bukhara, (3) the -misleading feature in the compiled book of its author's retention of the -autobiographic form of his sources, without explanation as to whether he -entered surviving fragments of Kamran's Codex, patchings or extracts -from 'Abdu'r-rahim's Persian translation, or quotations of Jahangir's -stop-gaps. Of these three causes for error the first is dominant, -entailing as it does the drawbacks besetting work on an inadequate -basis. - -It is necessary to enumerate the items of the Compilation here as they -are arranged in Kehr's autograph Codex, because that codex (still in -London) may not always be accessible,[26] and because the imprint does -not obey its model, but aims at closer agreement of the Bukhara -Compilation with Ilminski's gratefully acknowledged guide--_The Memoirs -of Baber_. Distinction in commenting on the Bukhara and the Kasan -versions is necessary; their discrepancy is a scene in the comedy of -errors.[27][28][29][30] - - -OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE COMPILATION. - -An impelling cause for the production of the Bukhara compilation is -suggested by the date 1709 at which was finished the earliest example -known to me. For in the first decade of the eighteenth century Peter the -Great gave attention to Russian relations with foreign states of Central -Asia and negociated with the Khan of Bukhara for the reception of a -Russian mission.[31] Political aims would be forwarded if envoys were -familiar with Turki; books in that tongue for use in the School of -Oriental Languages would be desired; thus the Compilation may have been -prompted and, as will be shown later, it appears to have been produced, -and not merely copied, in 1709. The Mission's despatch was delayed till -1719;[32] it arrived in Bukhara in 1721; during its stay a member of its -secretariat bought a Compilation MS. noted as finished in 1714 and on a -fly-leaf of it made the following note:-- - -"_I, Timur-pulad son of Mirza Rajab son of Pay-chin, bought this book -Babur-nama after coming to Bukhara with [the] Russian Florio Beg -Beneveni, envoy of the Padshah ... whose army is numerous as the -stars.... May it be well received! Amen! O Lord of both Worlds!_" - -Timur-pulad's hope for a good reception indicates a definite recipient, -perhaps a commissioned purchase. The vendor may have been asked for a -history of Babur; he sold one, but "Babur-nama" is not necessarily a -title, and is not suitable for the Compilation; by conversational -mischance it may have seemed so to the purchaser and thus have initiated -the mistake of confusing the "Bukhara Babur-nama" with the true one. - -Thus endorsed, the book in 1725 reached the Foreign Office; there in -1737 it was obtained by George Jacob Kehr, a teacher of Turki, amongst -other languages, in the Oriental School, who copied it with meticulous -care, understanding its meaning imperfectly, in order to produce a Latin -version of it. His Latin rendering was a fiasco, but his reproduction of -the Arabic forms of his archetype was so obedient that on its sole basis -Ilminski edited the Kasan Imprint (1857). A collateral copy of the -Timur-pulad Codex was made in 1742 (as has been said). - -In 1824 Klaproth (who in 1810 had made a less valuable extract perhaps -from Kehr's Codex) copied from the Timur-pulad MS. its purchaser's note, -the Auzbeg?(?) endorsement as to the transfer of the "Kamran-docket" and -Babur's letter to Kamran (_Memoires relatifs a l'Asie_ Paris). - -In 1857 Ilminski, working in Kasan, produced his imprint, which became -de Courteille's source for _Les Memoires de Baber_ in 1871. No worker in -the above series shews doubt about accepting the Compilation as -containing Babur's authentic text. Ilminski was in the difficult -position of not having entire reliance on Kehr's transcription, a -natural apprehension in face of the quality of the Latin version, his -doubts sum up into his words that a reliable text could not be made from -his source (Kehr's MS.), but that a Turki reading-book could--and was. As -has been said, he did not obey the dual plan of the Compilation Kehr's -transcript reveals, this, perhaps, because of the misnomer Babur-nama -under which Timur-pulad's Codex had come to Petrograd; this, certainly, -because he thought a better history of Babur could be produced by -following Erskine than by obeying Kehr--a series of errors following the -verbal mischance of 1725. Ilminski's transformation of the items of his -source had the ill result of misleading Pavet de Courteille to -over-estimate his Turki source at the expense of Erskine's Persian one -which, as has been said, was Ilminski's guide--another scene in the -comedy. A mischance hampering the French work was its falling to be done -at a time when, in Paris 1871, there can have been no opportunity -available for learning the contents of Ilminski's Russian Preface or for -quiet research and the examination of collateral aids from abroad.[33] - - -THE AUTHOR OF THE COMPILATION. - -The Haidarabad Codex having destroyed acquiescence in the phantasmal -view of the Bukhara book, the question may be considered, who was its -author? - -This question a convergence of details about the Turki MSS. reputed to -contain the _Babur-nama_, now allows me to answer with some semblance of -truth. Those details have thrown new light upon a colophon which I -received in 1900 from Mr. C. Salemann with other particulars concerning -the "_Senkovski Babur-nama_," this being an extract from the -Compilation; its archetype reached Petrograd from Bukhara a century -after Kehr's [_viz._ the Timur-pulad Codex]; it can be taken as a direct -copy of the Mulla's original because it bears his colophon.[34] In 1900 -I accepted it as merely that of a scribe who had copied Senkovski's -archetype, but in 1921 reviewing the colophon for this Preface, it seems -to me to be that of the original autograph MS. of the Compilation and to -tell its author's name, his title for his book, and the year (1709) in -which he completed it. - - -TABLE OF BUKHARA REPUTED-BABUR-NAMA MSS. (_Waqi'nama-i-padshahi?_). - - --------------------+-----------------+-------------------+ - Names. | Date of | Scribe. | - | completion. | | - --------------------+-----------------+-------------------+ - | | | - 1. Waqi'nama-i- | 1121-1709. Date |'Abdu'l-wahhab | - padshahi _alias_ | of colophon of | _q.v._ | - Babur-nama. | earliest known | Taken to be also | - | example. | the author. | - | | | - 2. Nazar Bai | Unknown. | Unknown. | - Turkistani's MS. | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - 3. F. O. Codex | 1126-1714. | Unknown. | - (Timurpulad's | | | - MS.). | | | - | | | - | | | - 4. Kehr's Autograph | 1737. | George Jacob | - Codex. | | Kehr. | - | | | - | | | - 5. Name not learned.| 1155-1742. | Unknown. | - | | | - | | | - 6. (Mysore) A.S.B. | Unknown. JRAS. | Unknown. | - Codex. | 1900, Nos. vii | | - | and viii. | | - | | | - 7. India Office | Cir. 1810. | Unknown. | - Codex (Bib. | | | - Leydeniana). | | | - | | | - 8. "The Senkovski | 1824. | J. Senkovski. | - Babur-nama." | | | - | | | - | | | - | | | - 9. Pet. University | 1839? | Mulla Faizkhanov? | - Codex. | | | - --------------------+-----------------+-------------------+ - - --------------------+-------------------+-------------+-------------- - Names. | Last known | Archetype. | Remarks. - | location. | | - --------------------+-------------------+-------------+-------------- - | | | - 1. Waqi'nama-i- | Bukhara. | Believed to | _See_ - padshahi _alias_ | | be the | Part III. - Babur-nama. | | original | - | | compilation.| - | | | - 2. Nazar Bai | In owner's | No. 1, the | Senkovski's - Turkistani's MS. | charge in | colophon of | archetype who - | Petrograd, 1824. | which it | copied its - | | reproduces. | (transferred) - | | | colophon. - | | | - 3. F. O. Codex | F.O. Petrograd, | Not stated, | Bought in - (Timurpulad's | where copied in | an indirect | Bukhara, - MS.). | 1742. | copy of | brought to - | | No. 1. | Petro. 1725. - | | | - 4. Kehr's Autograph | Pet. Or. School, | No. 3. | _See_ - Codex. | 1894. | | Part III. - | London T.O. 1921. | | - | | | - 5. Name not learned.| Unknown. | No. 3. | Archetype - | | | of 9. - | | | - 6. (Mysore) A.S.B. | Asiatic Society | Unknown. | -- - Codex. | of Bengal. | | - | | | - | | | - 7. India Office | India Office, | No. 6. | Copied for - Codex (Bib. | 1921. | | Leyden. - Leydeniana). | | | - | | | - 8. "The Senkovski | Pet. Asiatic | No. 2. | Bears a copy - Babur-nama." | Museum, 1900. | | of the - | | | colophon of - | | | No. 1. - | | | - 9. Pet. University | Pet. Univ. | No. 5 (?). | -- - Codex. | Library. | | - --------------------+-------------------+-------------+-------------- - -Senkovski brought it over from his archetype; Mr. Salemann sent it to me -in its original Turki form. (JRAS. 1900, p. 474). Senkovski's own -colophon is as follows:-- - -"_J'ai acheve cette copie le 4 Mai, 1824, a St. Petersburg; elle a ete -faite d'apres un exemplaire appartenant a Nazar Bai Turkistani, -negociant Boukhari, qui etait venu cette annee a St. Petersburg. J. -Senkovski._" - -The colophon Senkovski copied from his archetype is to the following -purport:-- - -"_Known and entitled Waqi'nama-i-padshahi (Record of Royal Acts), [this] -autograph and composition (bayad u navisht) of Mulla 'Abdu'l-wahhab the -Teacher, of Ghaj-davan in Bukhara--God pardon his mistakes and the -weakness of his endeavour!--was finished on Monday, Rajab 5, 1121 (Aug. -31st, 1709).--Thank God!_" - -It will be observed that the title Waqi'nama-i-padshahi suits the plan -of dual histories (of Babur and Humayun) better than does the -"Babur-nama" of Timur-pulad's note, that the colophon does not claim for -the Mulla to have copied the elder book (1494-1530) but to have written -down and composed one under a differing title suiting its varied -contents; that the Mulla's deprecation and thanks tone better with -perplexing work, such as his was, than with the steadfast patience of a -good scribe; and that it exonerates the Mulla from suspicion of having -caused his compilation to be accepted as Babur's authentic text. Taken -with its circumstanding matters, it may be the denoument of the play. - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE LEYDEN AND ERSKINE MEMOIRS OF BABER. - -The fame and long literary services of the _Memoirs of Baber_ compel me -to explain why these volumes of mine contain a verbally new English -translation of the _Babur-nama_ instead of a second edition of the -_Memoirs_. My explanation is the simple one of textual values, of the -advantage a primary source has over its derivative, Babur's original -text over its Persian translation which alone was accessible to Erskine. - -If the _Babur-nama_ owed its perennial interest to its valuable -multifarious matter, the _Memoirs_ could suffice to represent it, but -this it does not; what has kept interest in it alive through some four -centuries is the autobiographic presentment of an arresting personality -its whole manner, style and diction produce. It is characteristic -throughout, from first to last making known the personal quality of its -author. Obviously that quality has the better chance of surviving a -transfer of Babur's words to a foreign tongue when this can be effected -by imitation of them. To effect this was impracticable to Erskine who -did not see any example of the Turki text during the progress of his -translation work and had little acquaintance with Turki. No blame -attaches to his results; they have been the one introduction of Babur's -writings to English readers for almost a century; but it would be as -sensible to expect a potter to shape a vessel for a specific purpose -without a model as a translator of autobiography to shape the new verbal -container for Babur's quality without seeing his own. Erskine was the -pioneer amongst European workers on Baburiana--Leyden's fragment of -unrevised attempt to translate the Bukhara Compilation being a -negligible matter, notwithstanding friendship's deference to it; he had -ready to his hand no such valuable collateral help as he bequeathed to -his successors in the Memoirs volume. To have been able to help in the -renewal of his book by preparing a second edition of it, revised under -the authority of the Haidarabad Codex, would have been to me an act of -literary piety to an old book-friend; I experimented and failed in the -attempt; the wording of the Memoirs would not press back into the Turki -mould. Being what it is, sound in its matter and partly representative -of Babur himself, the all-round safer plan, one doing it the greater -honour, was to leave it unshorn of its redundance and unchanged in its -wording, in the place of worth and dignity it has held so long. - -Brought to this point by experiment and failure, the way lay open to -make bee-line over intermediaries back to the fountain-head of -re-discovered Turki text preserved in the Haidarabad Codex. Thus I have -enjoyed an advantage no translator has had since 'Abdu'r-rahim in 1589. - -Concerning matters of style and diction, I may mention that three -distinct impressions of Babur's personality are set by his own, -Erskine's and de Courteille's words and manner. These divergencies, -while partly due to differing textual bases, may result mainly from the -use by the two Europeans of unsifted, current English and French. Their -portrayal might have been truer, there can be no doubt, if each had -restricted himself to such under-lying component of his mother-tongue as -approximates in linguistic stature to classic Turki. This probability -Erskine could not foresee for, having no access during his work to a -Turki source and no familiarity with Turki, he missed their lessoning. - -Turki, as Babur writes it--terse, word-thrifty, restrained and -lucid,--comes over neatly into Anglo-Saxon English, perhaps through -primal affinities. Studying Babur's writings in verbal detail taught me -that its structure, idiom and vocabulary dictate a certain mechanism for -a translator's imitation. Such are the simple sentence, devoid of -relative phrasing, copied in the form found, whether abrupt and brief -or, ranging higher with the topic, gracious and dignified--the retention -of Babur's use of "we" and "I" and of his frequent impersonal -statement--the matching of words by their root-notion--the strict -observance of Babur's limits of vocabulary, effected by allotting to one -Turki word one English equivalent, thus excluding synonyms for which -Turki has little use because not shrinking from the repeated word; -lastly, as preserving relations of diction, the replacing of Babur's -Arabic and Persian aliens by Greek and Latin ones naturalized in -English. Some of these aids towards shaping a counterpart of Turki may -be thought small, but they obey a model and their aggregate has power to -make or mar a portrait. - -(1) Of the uses of pronouns it may be said that Babur's "we" is neither -regal nor self-magnifying but is co-operative, as beseems the chief -whose volunteer and nomad following makes or unmakes his power, and who -can lead and command only by remittent consent accorded to him. His "I" -is individual. The _Memoirs_ varies much from these uses. - -(2) The value of reproducing impersonal statements is seen by the -following example, one of many similar:--When Babur and a body of men, -making a long saddle-journey, halted for rest and refreshment by the -road-side; "There was drinking," he writes, but Erskine, "I drank"; what -is likely being that all or all but a few shared the local _vin du -pays_. - -(3) The importance of observing Babur's limits of vocabulary needs no -stress, since any man of few words differs from any man of many. -Measured by the Babur-nama standard, the diction of the _Memoirs_ is -redundant throughout, and frequently over-coloured. Of this a pertinent -example is provided by a statement of which a minimum of seven -occurrences forms my example, namely, that such or such a man whose life -Babur sketches was vicious or a vicious person (_fisq_, _fasiq_). -Erskine once renders the word by "vicious" but elsewhere enlarges to -"debauched, excess of sensual enjoyment, lascivious, libidinous, -profligate, voluptuous". The instances are scattered and certainly -Erskine could not feel their collective effect, but even scattered, each -does its ill-part in distorting the Memoirs portraiture of the man of -the one word.[35] - - -POSTSCRIPT OF THANKS. - -I take with gratitude the long-delayed opportunity of finishing my book -to express the obligation I feel to the Council of the Royal Asiatic -Society for allowing me to record in the Journal my Notes on the Turki -Codices of the _Babur-nama_ begun in 1900 and occasionally appearing -till 1921. In minor convenience of work, to be able to gather those -progressive notes together and review them, has been of value to me in -noticeable matters, two of which are the finding and multiplying of the -Haidarabad Codex, and the definite clearance of the confusion which had -made the Bukhara (reputed) _Babur-nama_ be mistaken for a reproduction -of Babur's true text. - -Immeasurable indeed is the obligation laid on me by the happy community -of interests which brought under our roof the translation of the -biographies of Babur, Humayun, and Akbar. What this has meant to my own -work may be surmised by those who know my husband's wide reading in many -tongues of East and West, his retentive memory and his generous -communism in knowledge. One signal cause for gratitude to him from those -caring for Baburiana, is that it was he made known the presence of the -Haidarabad Codex in its home library (1899) and thus led to its -preservation in facsimile. - -It would be impracticable to enumerate all whose help I keep in grateful -memory and realize as the fruit of the genial camaraderie of letters. - - ANNETTE S. BEVERIDGE. - - PITFOLD, SHOTTERMILL, HASLEMERE. - _August, 1921._ - - - - -THE MEMOIRS OF BABUR - -SECTION I. FARGHANA. - - - In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. - - -In[36] the month of Ramzan of the year 899 (June 1494) and [Sidenote: -Haidarabad MS. fol. 1b.] in the twelfth year of my age,[37] I became -ruler[38] in the country of Farghana. - - -(_a. Description of Farghana._) - -Farghana is situated in the fifth climate[39] and at the limit of -settled habitation. On the east it has Kashghar; on the west, Samarkand; -on the south, the mountains of the Badakhshan border; on the north, -though in former times there must have been towns such as Almaligh, -Almatu and Yangi which in books they write Taraz,[40] at the present -time all is desolate, no settled population whatever remaining, because -of the Mughuls and the Auzbegs.[41] - -Farghana is a small country,[42] abounding in grain and fruits. It is -girt round by mountains except on the west, _i.e._ towards Khujand and -Samarkand, and in winter[43] an enemy can enter only on that side. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 2.] The Saihun River (_darya_) commonly known as the -Water of Khujand, comes into the country from the north-east, flows -westward through it and after passing along the north of Khujand and the -south of Fanakat,[44] now known as Shahrukhiya, turns directly north and -goes to Turkistan. It does not join any sea[45] but sinks into the -sands, a considerable distance below [the town of] Turkistan. - -Farghana has seven separate townships,[46] five on the south and two on -the north of the Saihun. - -Of those on the south, one is Andijan. It has a central position and is -the capital of the Farghana country. It produces much grain, fruits in -abundance, excellent grapes and melons. In the melon season, it is not -customary to sell them out at the beds.[47] Better than the Andijan -_nashpati_,[48] there is none. After Samarkand and Kesh, the fort[49] of -Andijan is the largest in Mawara'u'n-nahr (Transoxiana). It has three -gates. Its citadel (_ark_) is on its south side. Into it water goes by -nine channels; out of it, it is strange that none comes at even a single -place.[50] Round the outer edge of the ditch[51] runs a gravelled -highway; the width of this highway divides the fort from the suburbs -surrounding it. - -Andijan has good hunting and fowling; its pheasants grow [Sidenote: Fol. -2b.] so surprisingly fat that rumour has it four people could not -finish one they were eating with its stew.[52] - -Andijanis are all Turks, not a man in town or bazar but knows Turki. The -speech of the people is correct for the pen; hence the writings of Mir -'Ali-shir _Nawa'i_,[53] though he was bred and grew up in Hiri (Harat), -are one with their dialect. Good looks are common amongst them. The -famous musician, Khwaja Yusuf, was an Andijani.[54] The climate is -malarious; in autumn people generally get fever.[55] - -Again, there is Aush (Ush), to the south-east, inclining to east, of -Andijan and distant from it four _yighach_ by road.[56] It has a fine -climate, an abundance of running waters[57] and a most beautiful spring -season. Many traditions have their rise in its excellencies.[58] To the -south-east of the walled town (_qurghan_) lies a symmetrical mountain, -known as the Bara Koh;[59] on the top of this, Sl. Mahmud Khan built a -retreat (_hajra_) and lower down, on its shoulder, I, in 902AH. -(1496AD.) built another, having a porch. Though his lies the higher, -mine is the better placed, the whole of the town and the suburbs being -at its foot. - -The Andijan torrent[60] goes to Andijan after having traversed -[Sidenote: Fol. 3.] the suburbs of Aush. Orchards (_baghat_)[61] lie -along both its banks; all the Aush gardens (_baghlar_) overlook it; -their violets are very fine; they have running waters and in spring are -most beautiful with the blossoming of many tulips and roses. - -On the skirt of the Bara-koh is a mosque called the Jauza Masjid (Twin -Mosque).[62] Between this mosque and the town, a great main canal flows -from the direction of the hill. Below the outer court of the mosque lies -a shady and delightful clover-meadow where every passing traveller takes -a rest. It is the joke of the ragamuffins of Aush to let out water from -the canal[63] on anyone happening to fall asleep in the meadow. A very -beautiful stone, waved red and white[64] was found in the Bara Koh in -'Umar Shaikh Mirza's latter days; of it are made knife handles, and -clasps for belts and many other things. For climate and for -pleasantness, no township in all Farghana equals Aush. - -Again there is Marghinan; seven _yighach_[65] by road to the west of -Andijan,--a fine township full of good things. Its apricots (_auruk_) and -pomegranates are most excellent. One sort of pomegranate, they call the -Great Seed (_Dana-i-kalan_); its sweetness has a little of the pleasant -flavour of the small apricot (_zard-alu_) and it may be thought better -than the Semnan pomegranate. [Sidenote: Fol. 3b.] Another kind of -apricot (_auruk_) they dry after stoning it and putting back the -kernel;[66] they then call it _subhani_; it is very palatable. The -hunting and fowling of Marghinan are good; _aq kiyik_[67] are had close -by. Its people are Sarts,[68] boxers, noisy and turbulent. Most of the -noted bullies (_jangralar_) of Samarkand and Bukhara are Marghinanis. -The author of the Hidayat[69] was from Rashdan, one of the villages of -Marghinan. - -Again there is Asfara, in the hill-country and nine _yighach_[70] by -road south-west of Marghinan. It has running waters, beautiful little -gardens (_baghcha_) and many fruit-trees but almonds for the most part -in its orchards. Its people are all Persian-speaking[71] Sarts. In the -hills some two miles (_birshar'i_) to the south of the town, is a piece -of rock, known as the Mirror Stone.[72] It is some 10 arm-lengths -(_qari_) long, as high as a man in parts, up to his waist in others. -Everything is reflected by it as by a mirror. The Asfara district -(_wilayat_) is in four subdivisions (_baluk_) in the hill-country, one -Asfara, one Warukh, one Sukh and one Hushyar. When Muhammad _Shaibani_ -Khan defeated Sl. Mahmud Khan and Alacha Khan and took Tashkint and -Shahrukhiya,[73] I went into the Sukh and Hushyar [Sidenote: Fol. 4.] -hill-country and from there, after about a year spent in great misery, I -set out _('azimat_) for Kabul.[74] - -Again there is Khujand,[75] twenty-five _yighach_ by road to the west -of Andijan and twenty-five _yighach_ east of Samarkand.[76] Khujand is -one of the ancient towns; of it were Shaikh Maslahat and Khwaja -Kamal.[77] Fruit grows well there; its pomegranates are renowned for -their excellence; people talk of a Khujand pomegranate as they do of a -Samarkand apple; just now however, Marghinan pomegranates are much met -with.[78] The walled town (_qurghan_) of Khujand stands on high ground; -the Saihun River flows past it on the north at the distance, may be, of -an arrow's flight.[79] To the north of both the town and the river lies -a mountain range called Munughul;[80] people say there are turquoise and -other mines in it and there are many snakes. The hunting and -fowling-grounds of Khujand are first-rate; _aq kiyik_,[81] -_bughu-maral_,[82] pheasant and hare are all had in great plenty. The -climate is very malarious; in autumn there is much fever;[83] people -rumour it about that the very sparrows get fever and say that the cause -of the malaria is the mountain range on the north (_i.e._ Munughul). - -Kand-i-badam (Village of the Almond) is a dependency of Khujand; though -it is not a township (_qasba_) it is rather a good approach to one -(_qasbacha_). Its almonds are excellent, hence its name; they all go to -Hormuz or to Hindustan. It is five or [Sidenote: Fol. 4b.] six -_yighach_[84] east of Khujand. - -Between Kand-i-badam and Khujand lies the waste known as Ha Darwesh. In -this there is always (_hamesha_) wind; from it wind goes always -(_hamesha_) to Marghinan on its east; from it wind comes continually -(_da'im_) to Khujand on its west.[85] It has violent, whirling winds. -People say that some darweshes, encountering a whirlwind in this -desert,[86] lost one another and kept crying, "Hay Darwesh! Hay -Darwesh!" till all had perished, and that the waste has been called Ha -Darwesh ever since. - -Of the townships on the north of the Saihun River one is Akhsi. In books -they write it Akhsikit[87] and for this reason the poet Asiru-d-din is -known as _Akhsikiti_. After Andijan no township in Farghana is larger -than Akhsi. It is nine _yighach_[88] by road to the west of Andijan. -'Umar Shaikh Mirza made it his capital.[89] The Saihun River flows below -its walled town (_qurghan_). This stands above a great ravine (_buland -jar_) and it has deep ravines (_'umiq jarlar_) in place of a moat. When -'Umar Shaikh Mirza made it his capital, he once or twice cut other -ravines from the outer ones. In all Farghana no fort is so strong as -Akhsi. *Its suburbs extend some two miles further [Sidenote: Fol. 5.] -than the walled town.* People seem to have made of Akhsi the saying -(_misal_), "Where is the village? Where are the trees?" (_Dih kuja? -Dirakhtan kuja?_) Its melons are excellent; they call one kind Mir -Timuri; whether in the world there is another to equal it is not known. -The melons of Bukhara are famous; when I took Samarkand, I had some -brought from there and some from Akhsi; they were cut up at an -entertainment and nothing from Bukhara compared with those from Akhsi. -The fowling and hunting of Akhsi are very good indeed; _aq kiyik_ abound -in the waste on the Akhsi side of the Saihun; in the jungle on the -Andijan side _bughu-maral_,[90] pheasant and hare are had, all in very -good condition. - -Again there is Kasan, rather a small township to the north of Akhsi. -From Kasan the Akhsi water comes in the same way as the Andijan water -comes from Aush. Kasan has excellent air and beautiful little gardens -(_baghcha_). As these gardens all lie along the bed of the torrent -(_sa'i_) people call them the "fine front of the coat."[91] Between -Kasanis and Aushis there is rivalry about the beauty and climate of -their townships. - -In the mountains round Farghana are excellent summer-pastures (_yilaq_). -There, and nowhere else, the _tabalghu_[92]grows, a tree (_yighach_) -with red bark; they make staves of it; they [Sidenote: Fol. 5b.] make -bird-cages of it; they scrape it into arrows;[93] it is an excellent -wood (_yighach_) and is carried as a rarity[94] to distant places. Some -books write that the mandrake[95] is found in these mountains but for -this long time past nothing has been heard of it. A plant called _Ayiq -auti_[96] and having the qualities of the mandrake (_mihr-giyah_), is -heard of in Yiti-kint;[97] it seems to be the mandrake (_mihr-giyah_) -the people there call by this name (_i.e._ _ayiq auti_). There are -turquoise and iron mines in these mountains. - -If people do justly, three or four thousand men[98] may be maintained by -the revenues of Farghana. - - -(_b. Historical narrative resumed._)[99] - -As 'Umar Shaikh Mirza was a ruler of high ambition and great pretension, -he was always bent on conquest. On several occasions he led an army -against Samarkand; sometimes he was beaten, sometimes retired against -his will.[100] More than once he asked his father-in-law into the -country, that is to say, my grandfather, Yunas Khan, the then Khan of -the Mughuls in the camping ground (_yurt_) of his ancestor, Chaghatai -Khan, the second son of Chingiz Khan. Each time the Mirza brought The -Khan into the Farghana country he gave him lands, but, partly owing to -his misconduct, partly to the thwarting of the [Sidenote: Fol. 6.] -Mughuls,[101] things did not go as he wished and Yunas Khan, not being -able to remain, went out again into Mughulistan. When the Mirza last -brought The Khan in, he was in possession of Tashkint, which in books -they write Shash, and sometimes Chach, whence the term, a Chachi, -bow.[102] He gave it to The Khan, and from that date (890AH.-1485AD.) -down to 908AH. (1503AD.) it and the Shahrukhiya country were held by the -Chaghatai Khans. - -At this date (_i.e._, 899AH.-1494AD.) the Mughul Khanship was in Sl. -Mah=mud Khan, Yunas Khan's younger son and a half-brother of my mother. -As he and 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's elder brother, the then ruler of -Samarkand, Sl. Ahmad Mirza were offended by the Mirza's behaviour, they -came to an agreement together; Sl. Ahmad Mirza had already given a -daughter to Sl. Mahmud Khan;[103] both now led their armies against -'Umar Shaikh Mirza, the first advancing along the south of the Khujand -Water, the second along its north. - -Meantime a strange event occurred. It has been mentioned [Sidenote: Fol. -6b] that the fort of Akhsi is situated above a deep ravine;[104] along -this ravine stand the palace buildings, and from it, on Monday, Ramzan -4, (June 8th.) 'Umar Shaikh Mirza flew, with his pigeons and their -house, and became a falcon.[105] - -He was 39 (lunar) years old, having been born in Samarkand, in 860AH. -(1456AD.) He was Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza's fourth son,[106] being younger -than Sl. Ahmad M. and Sl. Muhammad M. and Sl. Mahmud Mirza. His father, -Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza, was the son of Sl. Muhammad Mirza, son of Timur -Beg's third son, Miran-shah M. and was younger than 'Umar Shaikh Mirza, -(the elder) and Jahangir M. but older than Shahrukh Mirza. - - -_c. 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's country._ - -His father first gave him Kabul and, with Baba-i-Kabuli[107] for his -guardian, had allowed him to set out, but recalled him from the Tamarisk -Valley[108] to Samarkand, on account of the Mirzas' Circumcision Feast. -When the Feast was over, he gave him Andijan with the appropriateness -that Timur Beg had given Farghana (Andijan) to his son, the elder 'Umar -Shaikh Mirza. This done, he sent him off with Khudai-birdi _Tughchi -Timur-tash_[109] for his guardian. - - -_d. His appearance and characteristics._ - -He was a short and stout, round-bearded and fleshy-faced [Sidenote: Fol. -7.] person.[110] He used to wear his tunic so very tight that to fasten -the strings he had to draw his belly in and, if he let himself out after -tying them, they often tore away. He was not choice in dress or food. He -wound his turban in a fold (_dastar-pech_); all turbans were in four -folds (_char-pech_) in those days; people wore them without twisting -and let the ends hang down.[111] In the heats and except in his Court, -he generally wore the Mughul cap. - - -_e. His qualities and habits._ - -He was a true believer (_Hanafi mazhablik_) and pure in the Faith, not -neglecting the Five Prayers and, his life through, making up his -Omissions.[112] He read the Qur'an very frequently and was a disciple of -his Highness Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l-lah (_Ahrari_) who honoured him by visits -and even called him son. His current readings[113] were the two Quintets -and the _Masnawi_;[114] of histories he read chiefly the _Shah-nama_. -He had a poetic nature, but no taste for composing verses. He was so -just that when he heard of a caravan returning from Khitai as -overwhelmed by snow in the mountains of Eastern Andijan,[115] and that -of its thousand heads of houses (_awiluq_) two only had escaped, he sent -his overseers to take charge of all goods and, though no heirs were -[Sidenote: Fol. 7b.] near and though he was in want himself, summoned -the heirs from Khurasan and Samarkand, and in the course of a year or -two had made over to them all their property safe and sound. - -He was very generous; in truth, his character rose altogether to the -height of generosity. He was affable, eloquent and sweet-spoken, daring -and bold. Twice out-distancing all his braves,[116] he got to work with -his own sword, once at the Gate of Akhsi, once at the Gate of -Shahrukhiya. A middling archer, he was strong in the fist,--not a man but -fell to his blow. Through his ambition, peace was exchanged often for -war, friendliness for hostility. - -In his early days he was a great drinker, later on used to have a party -once or twice a week. He was good company, on occasions reciting verses -admirably. Towards the last he rather preferred intoxicating -confects[117] and, under their sway, used to lose his head. His -disposition[118] was amorous, and he bore many a lover's mark.[119] He -played draughts a good deal, sometimes even threw the dice. - - -_f. His battles and encounters._ - -He fought three ranged battles, the first with Yunas Khan, [Sidenote: -Fol. 8.] on the Saihun, north of Andijan, at the Goat-leap,[120] a -village so-called because near it the foot-hills so narrow the flow of -the water that people say goats leap across.[121] There he was beaten -and made prisoner. Yunas Khan for his part did well by him and gave him -leave to go to his own district (Andijan). This fight having been at -that place, the Battle of the Goat-leap became a date in those parts. - -His second battle was fought on the Urus,[122] in Turkistan, with -Auzbegs returning from a raid near Samarkand. He crossed the river on -the ice, gave them a good beating, separated off all their prisoners and -booty and, without coveting a single thing for himself, gave everything -back to its owners. - -His third battle he fought with (his brother) Sl. Ahmad Mirza at a -place between Shahrukhiya and Aura-tipa, named Khwas.[123] Here he was -beaten. - - -_g. His country._ - -The Farghana country his father had given him; Tashkint and Sairam, his -elder brother, Sl. Ahmad Mirza gave, and they were in his possession for -a time; Shahrukhiya he took by a ruse and held awhile. Later on, -Tashkint and Shahrukhiya passed out of his hands; there then remained -the Farghana country and Khujand,--some do not include Khujand in -[Sidenote: Fol. 8b.] Farghana,--and Aura-tipa, of which the original name -was Aurushna and which some call Aurush. In Aura-tipa, at the time Sl. -Ahmad Mirza went to Tashkint against the Mughuls, and was beaten on the -Chir[124] (893AH.-1488AD.) was Hafiz Beg _Duldai_; he made it over to -'Umar Shaikh M. and the Mirza held it from that time forth. - - -_h. His children._ - -Three of his sons and five of his daughters grew up. I, Zahiru'd-din -Muhammad Babur,[125] was his eldest son; my mother was Qutluq-nigar -Khanim. Jahangir Mirza was his second son, two years younger than I; his -mother, Fatima-sultan by name, was of the Mughul _tuman_-begs.[126] -Nasir Mirza was his third son; his mother was an Andijani, a -mistress,[127] named Umid. He was four years younger than I. - -'Umar Shaikh Mirza's eldest daughter was Khan-zada Begim,[128] my full -sister, five years older than I. The second time I took Samarkand -(905AH.-1500AD.), spite of defeat at Sar-i-pul,[129] I went back and -held it through a five months' siege, but as no sort of help or -reinforcement came from any beg or ruler thereabouts, I left it in -despair and got away; in that throneless time (_fatrat_) Khan-zada Begim -fell[130] to Muhammad _Shaibani_ Khan. She had one child by him, a -pleasant boy,[131] [Sidenote: Fol. 9.] named Khurram Shah. The Balkh -country was given to him; he went to God's mercy a few years after the -death of his father (916AH.-1510AD.). Khan-zada Begim was in Merv when -Shah Isma'il (_Safawi_) defeated the Auzbegs near that town -(916AH.-1510AD.); for my sake he treated her well, giving her a -sufficient escort to Qunduz where she rejoined me. We had been apart for -some ten years; when Muhammadi _kukuldash_ and I went to see her, -neither she nor those about her knew us, although I spoke. They -recognized us after a time. - -Mihr-banu Begim was another daughter, Nasir Mirza's full-sister, two -years younger than I. Shahr-banu Begim was another, also Nasir Mirza's -full-sister, eight years younger than I. Yadgar-sultan Begim was -another, her mother was a mistress, called Agha-sultan. Ruqaiya-sultan -Begim was another; her mother, Makhdum-sultan Begim, people used to call -the Dark-eyed Begim. The last-named two were born after the Mirza's -death. Yadgar-sultan Begim was brought up by my grandmother, -Aisan-daulat Begim; she fell to 'Abdu'l-latif Sl., a son of Hamza Sl. -when Shaibani Khan took Andijan and Akhsi (908AH.-1503AD.). She rejoined -me when (917AH.-1511AD.) in Khutlan I defeated Hamza Sl. and other -sultans and took Hisar. Ruqaiya-sultan Begim fell in that [Sidenote: -Fol. 9b.] same throneless time (_fatrat_) to Jani Beg Sl. (_Auzbeg_). By -him she had one or two children who did not live. In these days of our -leisure (_fursatlar_)[132] has come news that she has gone to God's -mercy. - - -_i. His ladies and mistresses._ - -Qutluq-nigar Khanim was the second daughter of Yunas Khan and the eldest -(half-) sister of Sl. Mahmud Khan and Sl. Ahmad Khan. - - -(_j. Interpolated account of Babur's mother's family._) - -Yunas Khan descended from Chaghatai Khan, the second son of Chingiz Khan -(as follows,) Yunas Khan, son of Wais Khan, son of Sher-'ali _Aughlan_, -son of Muhammad Khan, son of Khizr Khwaja Khan, son of Tughluq-timur -Khan, son of Aisan-bugha Khan, son of Dawa Khan, son of Baraq Khan, son -of Yisuntawa Khan, son of Muatukan, son of Chaghatai Khan, son of -Chingiz Khan. - -Since such a chance has come, set thou down[133] now a summary of the -history of the Khans. - -Yunas Khan (d. 892 AH.-1487 AD.) and Aisan-bugha Khan (d. 866 AH.-1462 -AD.) were sons of Wais Khan (d. 832 AH.-1428 AD.).[134] Yunas Khan's -mother was either a daughter or a grand-daughter of Shaikh Nuru'd-din -Beg, a Turkistani Qipchaq favoured by Timur Beg. When Wais Khan died, -the Mughul horde split in two, one portion being for Yunas Khan, the -greater for Aisan-bugha Khan. For help in getting the upper hand in the -horde, Airzin (var. Airazan) one of the Barin _tuman_-begs and Beg Mirik -_Turkman_, one of the Chiras _tuman_-begs, took Yunas Khan (aet. 13) and -with him [Sidenote: Fol. 10.] three or four thousand Mughul heads of -houses (_awiluq_), to Aulugh Beg Mirza (_Shahrukhi_) with the -fittingness that Aulugh Beg M. had taken Yunas Khan's elder sister for -his son, 'Abdu'l-'aziz Mirza. Aulugh Beg Mirza did not do well by them; -some he imprisoned, some scattered over the country[135] one by one. The -Dispersion of Airzin became a date in the Mughul horde. - -Yunas Khan himself was made to go towards 'Iraq; one year he spent in -Tabriz where Jahan Shah _Barani_ of the Black Sheep Turkmans was ruling. -From Tabriz he went to Shiraz where was Shahrukh Mirza's second son, -Ibrahim Sultan Mirza.[136] He having died five or six months later -(Shawwal 4, 838 AH.-May 3rd, 1435 AD.), his son, 'Abdu'l-lah Mirza sat -in his place. Of this 'Abdu'l-lah Mirza Yunas Khan became a retainer and -to him used to pay his respects. The Khan was in those parts for 17 or -18 years. - -In the disturbances between Aulugh Beg Mirza and his sons, Aisan-bugha -Khan found a chance to invade Farghana; he plundered as far as -Kand-i-badam, came on and, having plundered Andijan, led all its people -into captivity.[137] Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza, after seizing the throne of -Samarkand, led an army out to beyond Yangi (Taraz) to Aspara in -Mughulistan, [Sidenote: Fol. 10b.] there gave Aisan-bugha a good beating -and then, to spare himself further trouble from him and with the -fittingness that he had just taken to wife[138] Yunas Khan's elder -sister, the former wife of 'Abdu'l-'aziz Mirza (_Shahrukhi_), he invited -Yunas Khan from Khurasan and 'Iraq, made a feast, became friends and -proclaimed him Khan of the Mughuls. Just when he was speeding him forth, -the Sagharichi _tuman_-begs had all come into Mughulistan, in anger with -Aisan-bugha Khan.[139] Yunas Khan went amongst them and took to wife -Aisan-daulat Begim, the daughter of their chief, 'Ali-shir Beg. They -then seated him and her on one and the same white felt and raised him to -the Khanship.[140] - -By this Aisan-daulat Begim, Yunas Khan had three daughters. Mihr-nigar -Khanim was the eldest; Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza set her aside[141] for his -eldest son, Sl. Ahmad Mirza; she had no child. In a throneless time (905 -AH.) she fell to Shaibani Khan; she left Samarkand[142] with Shah Begim -for Khurasan (907 AH.) and both came on to me in Kabul (911 AH.). At the -time Shaibani Khan was besieging Nasir Mirza in Qandahar and I set out -for Lamghan[143] (913 AH.) they went to Badakhshan with Khan Mirza -(Wais).[144] When Mubarak Shah invited Khan Mirza into Fort -Victory,[145] they were [Sidenote: Fol. 11.] captured, together with the -wives and families of all their people, by marauders of Aba-bikr -_Kashghari_ and, as captives to that ill-doing miscreant, bade farewell -to this transitory world (_circa_ 913 AH.-1507 AD.). - -Qutluq-nigar Khanim, my mother, was Yunas Khan's second daughter. She -was with me in most of my guerilla expeditions and throneless times. She -went to God's mercy in Muharram 911 AH. (June 1505 AD.) five or six -months after the capture of Kabul. - -Khub-nigar Khanim was his third daughter. Her they gave to Muhammad -Husain _Kurkan Dughlat_ (899 AH.). She had one son and one daughter by -him. 'Ubaid Khan (_Auzbeg_) took the daughter (Habiba).[146] When I -captured Samarkand and Bukhara (917 AH.-1511 AD.), she stayed -behind,[147] and when her paternal uncle, Sayyid Muhammad _Dughlat_ came -as Sl. Sa'id Khan's envoy to me in Samarkand, she joined him and with -him went to Kashghar where (her cousin), Sl. Sa'id Khan took her. -Khub-nigar's son was Haidar Mirza.[148] He was in my service for three -or four years after the Auzbegs slew his father, then (918 AH.-1512 AD.) -asked leave to go to Kashghar to the presence of Sl. Sa'id Khan. - - "Everything goes back to its source. - Pure gold, or silver or tin."[149] - -People say he now lives lawfully (_ta'ib_) and has found the right way -(_tariqa_).[150] He has a hand deft in everything, penmanship and -painting, and in making arrows and arrow-barbs [Sidenote: Fol. 11b.] and -string-grips; moreover he is a born poet and in a petition written to -me, even his style is not bad.[151] - -Shah Begim was another of Yunas Khan's ladies. Though he had more, she -and Aisan-daulat Begim were the mothers of his children. She was one of -the (six) daughters of Shah Sultan Muhammad, Shah of Badakhshan.[152] -His line, they say, runs back to Iskandar Filkus.[153] Sl. Abu-sa'id -Mirza took another daughter and by her had Aba-bikr Mirza.[154] By this -Shah Begim Yunas Khan had two sons and two daughters. Her first-born -but younger than all Aisan-daulat Begim's daughters, was Sl. Mahmud -Khan, called Khanika Khan[155] by many in and about Samarkand. Next -younger than he was Sl. Ahmad Khan, known as Alacha Khan. People say he -was called this because he killed many Qalmaqs on the several occasions -he beat them. In the Mughul and Qalmaq tongues, one who will kill -(_aulturguchi_) is called _alachi_; Alachi they called him therefore and -this by repetition, became Alacha.[156] As occasion arises, the acts and -circumstances of these two Khans will find mention in this history -(_tarikh_). - -Sultan-nigar Khanim was the youngest but one of Yunas Khan's children. -Her they made go forth (_chiqarib idilar_) [Sidenote: Fol. 12.] to Sl. -Mahmud Mirza; by him she had one child, Sl. Wais (Khan Mirza), mention -of whom will come into this history. When Sl. Mahmud Mirza died (900 -AH.-1495 AD.), she took her son off to her brothers in Tashkint without -a word to any single person. They, a few years later, gave her to Adik -(Aung) Sultan,[157] a Qazaq sultan of the line of Juji Khan, Chingiz -Khan's eldest son. When Shaibani Khan defeated the Khans (her brothers), -and took Tashkint and Shahrukhiya (908 AH.), she got away with 10 or 12 -of her Mughul servants, to (her husband), Adik Sultan. She had two -daughters by Adik Sultan; one she gave to a Shaiban sultan, the other to -Rashid Sultan, the son of (her cousin) Sl. Sa'id Khan. After Adik -Sultan's death, (his brother), Qasim Khan, Khan of the Qazaq horde, took -her.[158] Of all the Qazaq khans and sultans, no one, they say, ever -kept the horde in such good order as he; his army was reckoned at -300,000 men. On his death the Khanim went to Sl. Sa'id Khan's presence -in Kashghar. Daulat-sultan Khanim was Yunas Khan's youngest child. -[Sidenote: Fol. 12b.] In the Tashkint disaster (908 AH.) she fell to -Timur Sultan, the son of Shaibani Khan. By him she had one daughter; -they got out of Samarkand with me (918 AH.-1512 AD.), spent three or -four years in the Badakhshan country, then went (923 AH.-1420 AD.) to -Sl. Sa'id Khan's presence in Kashghar.[159] - - -(_k. Account resumed of Babur's father's family._) - -In 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's _haram_ was also Aulus Agha, a daughter of -Khwaja Husain Beg; her one daughter died in infancy and they sent her -out of the _haram_ a year or eighteen months later. Fatima-sultan Agha -was another; she was of the Mughul _tuman_-begs and the first taken of -his wives. Qaraguz (Makhdum sultan) Begim was another; the Mirza took -her towards the end of his life; she was much beloved, so to please him, -they made her out descended from (his uncle) Minuchihr Mirza, the elder -brother of Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza. He had many mistresses and concubines; -one, Umid Aghacha died before him. Latterly there were also Tun-sultan -(var. Yun) of the Mughuls and Agha Sultan. - - -_l. 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's Amirs._ - -There was Khudai-birdi _Tughchi Timur-tash_, a descendant of the brother -of Aq-bugha Beg, the Governor of Hiri (Herat, for Timur Beg.) When Sl. -Abu-sa'id Mirza, after besieging Juki Mirza (_Shahrukhi_) in Shahrukhiya -(868AH.-1464AD.) gave the Farghana country to 'Umar Shaikh Mirza, he put -this Khudai-birdi [Sidenote: Fol. 13.] Beg at the head of the Mirza's -Gate.[160] Khudai-birdi was then 25 but youth notwithstanding, his -rules and management were very good indeed. A few years later when -Ibrahim _Begchik_ was plundering near Aush, he followed him up, fought -him, was beaten and became a martyr. At the time, Sl. Ahmad Mirza was in -the summer pastures of Aq Qachghai, in Aura-tipa, 18 _yighach_ east of -Samarkand, and Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza was at Baba Khaki, 12 _yighach_ east -of Hiri. People sent the news post-haste to the Mirza(s),[161] having -humbly represented it through 'Abdu'l-wahhab _Shaghawal_. In four days -it was carried those 120 _yighach_ of road.[162] - -Hafiz Muhammad Beg _Duldai_ was another, Sl. Malik _Kashghari's_ son and -a younger brother of Ahmad Haji Beg. After the death of Khudai-birdi -Beg, they sent him to control 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's Gate, but he did not -get on well with the Andijan begs and therefore, when Sl. Abu-sa'id -Mirza died, went to Samarkand and took service with Sl. Ahmad Mirza. At -the time of the disaster on the Chir, he was in Aura-tipa and made it -over to 'Umar Shaikh Mirza when the Mirza passed through on his way to -Samarkand, himself taking [Sidenote: Fol. 13b.] service with him. The -Mirza, for his part, gave him the Andijan Command. Later on he went to -Sl. Mahmud Khan in Tashkint and was there entrusted with the -guardianship of Khan Mirza (Wais) and given Dizak. He had started for -Makka by way of Hind before I took Kabul (910AH. Oct. 1504AD.), but he -went to God's mercy on the road. He was a simple person, of few words -and not clever. - -Khwaja Husain Beg was another, a good-natured and simple person. It is -said that, after the fashion of those days, he used to improvise very -well at drinking parties.[163] - -Shaikh Mazid Beg was another, my first guardian, excellent in rule and -method. He must have served (_khidmat qilghan dur_) under Babur Mirza -(_Shahrukhi_). There was no greater beg in 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's -presence. He was a vicious person and kept catamites. - -'Ali-mazid _Quchin_ was another;[164] he rebelled twice, once at Akhsi, -once at Tashkint. He was disloyal, untrue to his salt, vicious and -good-for-nothing. - -Hasan (son of) Yaq'ub was another, a small-minded, good-tempered, smart -and active man. This verse is his:-- - - "Return, O Huma, for without the parrot-down of thy lip, - The crow will assuredly soon carry off my bones."[165] - -[Sidenote: Fol. 14.] He was brave, a good archer, played polo -(_chaughan_) well and leapt well at leap-frog.[166] He had the control -of my Gate after 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's accident. He had not much sense, -was narrow-minded and somewhat of a strife-stirrer. - -Qasim Beg _Quchin_, of the ancient army-begs of Andijan, was another. He -had the control of my Gate after Hasan Yaq'ub Beg. His life through, his -authority and consequence waxed without decline. He was a brave man; -once he gave some Auzbegs a good beating when he overtook them raiding -near Kasan; his sword hewed away in 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's presence; and -in the fight at the Broad Ford (Yasi-kijit _circa_ 904AH.-July, 1499AD.) -he hewed away with the rest. In the guerilla days he went to Khusrau -Shah (907AH.) at the time I was planning to go from the Macha -hill-country[167] to Sl. Mahmud Khan, but he came back to me in 910AH. -(1504AD.) and I shewed him all my old favour and affection. When I -attacked the Turkman Hazara raiders in Dara-i-khwush (911AH.) he made -better advance, spite of his age, than the younger men; I gave him -Bangash as a reward and later on, after returning to Kabul, made him -Humayun's guardian. He went to God's mercy [Sidenote: Fol. 14b.] about -the time Zamin-dawar was taken (_circa_ 928AH.-1522AD.). He was a pious, -God-fearing Musalman, an abstainer from doubtful aliments; excellent in -judgment and counsel, very facetious and, though he could neither read -nor write (_ummiy_), used to make entertaining jokes. - -Baba Beg's Baba Quli ('Ali) was another, a descendant of Shaikh 'Ali -_Bahadur_.[168] They made him my guardian when Shaikh Mazid Beg died. He -went over to Sl. Ahmad Mirza when the Mirza led his army against Andijan -(899AH.), and gave him Aura-tipa. After Sl. Mahmud Mirza's death, he -left Samarkand and was on his way to join me (900AH.) when Sl. 'Ali -Mirza, issuing out of Aura-tipa, fought, defeated and slew him. His -management and equipment were excellent and he took good care of his -men. He prayed not; he kept no fasts; he was like a heathen and he was a -tyrant. - -'Ali-dost Taghai[169] was another, one of the Sagharichi _tuman_-begs -and a relation of my mother's mother, Aisan-daulat Begim. I favoured him -more than he had been favoured in 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's time. People -said, "Work will come from his hand." But in the many years he was -in my presence, no work to speak of[170] came to sight. He must have -served Sl. [Sidenote: Fol. 15.] Abu-sa'id Mirza. He claimed to have -power to bring on rain with the jade-stone. He was the Falconer -(_qushchi_),worthless by nature and habit, a stingy, severe, -strife-stirring person, false, self-pleasing, rough of tongue and -cold-of-face. - -Wais _Laghari_,[171] one of the Samarkand _Tughchi_ people, was another. -Latterly he was much in 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's confidence; in the guerilla -times he was with me. Though somewhat factious, he was a man of good -judgment and counsel. - -Mir Ghiyas Taghai was another, a younger brother of 'Ali-dost Taghai. -No man amongst the leaders in Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza's Gate was more to the -front than he; he had charge of the Mirza's square seal[172] and was -much in his confidence latterly. He was a friend of Wais _Laghari_. When -Kasan had been given to Sl. Mahmud Khan (899AH.-1494AD. ), he was -continuously in The Khan's service and was in high favour. He was a -laugher, a joker and fearless in vice. - -'Ali-darwesh _Khurasani_ was another. He had served in the Khurasan -Cadet Corps, one of two special corps of serviceable young men formed by -Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza when he first began [Sidenote: Fol. 15b.] to arrange -the government of Khurasan and Samarkand, and, presumably, called by him -the Khurasan Corps and the Samarkand Corps. 'Ali-darwesh was a brave -man; he did well in my presence at the Gate of Bishkaran.[173] He wrote -the _naskh ta'liq_ hand clearly.[174] His was the flatterer's tongue and -in his character avarice was supreme. - -Qambar-'ali _Mughul_ of the Equerries (_akhtachi_) was another. People -called him The Skinner because his father, on first coming into the -(Farghana) country, worked as a skinner. Qambar-'ali had been Yunas -Khan's water-bottle bearer,[175] later on he became a beg. Till he was a -made man, his conduct was excellent; once arrived, he was slack. He was -full of talk and of foolish talk,--a great talker is sure to be a foolish -one,--his capacity was limited and his brain muddy. - - -(_l. Historical narrative._) - -At the time of 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's accident, I was in the Four Gardens -(_Char-bagh_) of Andijan.[176] The news reached Andijan on Tuesday, -Ramzan 5 (June 9th); I mounted at once, with my followers and retainers, -intending to go into the fort but, on our getting near the Mirza's Gate, -Shirim Taghai[177] took hold of my bridle and moved off towards the -Praying Place.[178] It had crossed his mind that if a great ruler like -Sl. Ahmad Mirza came in force, the Andijan begs would make over to him -[Sidenote: Fol. 16.] me and the country,[179] but that if he took me to -Auzkint and the foothills thereabouts, I, at any rate, should not be -made over and could go to one of my mother's (half-) brothers, Sl. -Mahmud Khan or Sl. Ahmad Khan.[180] When Khwaja Maulana-i-qazi[181] and -the begs in the fort heard of (the intended departure), they sent after -us Khwaja Muhammad, the tailor,[184] an old servant (_bayri_) of my -father and the foster-father of one of his daughters. He dispelled our -fears and, turning back from near the Praying [Sidenote: Fol. 16b.] -Place, took me with him into the citadel (_ark_) where I dismounted. -Khwaja Maulana-i-qazi and the begs came to my presence there and after -bringing their counsels to a head,[185] busied themselves in making good -the towers and ramparts of the fort.[186] A few days later, Hasan, son -of Yaq'ub, and Qasim _Quchin_, arrived, together with other begs who had -been sent to reconnoitre in Marghinan and those parts.[187] They also, -after waiting on me, set themselves with one heart and mind and with -zeal and energy, to hold the fort. - - (_Author's note on Khwaja Maulana-i-qazi._) He was the son of - Sl. Ahmad Qazi, of the line of Burhanu'd-din 'Ali - _Qilich_[182] and through his mother, traced back to Sl. Ailik - _Mazi_.[183] By hereditary right (_yusunluq_) his high family - (_khanwadalar_) must have come to be the Refuge (_marji'_) and - Pontiffs (_Shaikhu'l-islam_) of the (Farghana) country. - -Meantime Sl. Ahmad Mirza took Aura-tipa, Khujand and Marghinan, came on -to Qaba,[188] 4 _yighach_ from Andijan and there made halt. At this -crisis, Darwesh Gau, one of the Andijan notables, was put to death on -account of his improper proposals; his punishment crushed the rest. - -Khwaja Qazi and Auzun (Long) Hasan,[189] (brother) of Khwaja Husain, -were then sent to Sl. Ahmad Mirza to say in effect that, as he himself -would place one of his servants in the country and as I was myself both -a servant and (as) a son, he would attain his end most readily and -easily if he entrusted the service to me. He was a mild, weak man, of -few words who, without his begs, decided no opinion or compact (_aun_), -action or move; they paid attention to our proposal, gave it a harsh -answer and moved forward. - -But the Almighty God, who, of His perfect power and without mortal aid, -has ever brought my affairs to their right issue, made such things -happen here that they became disgusted at having advanced (_i.e._ from -Qaba), repented indeed that they had ever set out on this expedition and -turned back with nothing done. - -One of those things was this: Qaba has a stagnant, morass-like -Water,[190] passable only by the bridge. As they were many, there was -crowding on the bridge and numbers of horses and [Sidenote: Fol. 17.] -camels were pushed off to perish in the water. This disaster recalling -the one they had had three or four years earlier when they were badly -beaten at the passage of the Chir, they gave way to fear. Another thing -was that such a murrain broke out amongst their horses that, massed -together, they began to die off in bands.[191] Another was that they -found in our soldiers and peasants a resolution and single-mindedness -such as would not let them flinch from making offering of their -lives[192] so long as there was breath and power in their bodies. Need -being therefore, when one _yighach_ from Andijan, they sent Darwesh -Muhammad Tarkhan[193] to us; Hasan of Yaq'ub went out from those in the -fort; the two had an interview near the Praying Place and a sort of -peace was made. This done, Sl. Ahmad Mirza's force retired. - -Meantime Sl. Mahmud Khan had come along the north of the Khujand Water -and laid siege to Akhsi.[194] In Akhsi was Jahangir Mirza (aet. 9) and -of begs, 'Ali-darwesh Beg, Mirza Quli _Kukuldash_, Muh. Baqir Beg and -Shaikh 'Abdu'l-lah, Lord of the Gate. Wais _Laghari_ and Mir Ghiyas -Taghai had been there too, but being afraid of the (Akhsi) begs had -gone off to Kasan, Wais _Laghari's_ district, where, he being Nasir -Mirza's guardian, the Mirza was.[195] They went over to Sl. Mahmud Khan -when he got near Akhsi; Mir Ghiyas entered his service; [Sidenote: Fol. -17b.] Wais _Laghari_ took Nasir Mirza to Sl. Ahmad Mirza, who entrusted -him to Muh. Mazid Tarkhan's charge. The Khan, though he fought several -times near Akhsi, could not effect anything because the Akhsi begs and -braves made such splendid offering of their lives. Falling sick, being -tired of fighting too, he returned to his own country (_i.e._ Tashkint). - -For some years, Aba-bikr _Kashghari Dughlat_,[196] bowing the head to -none, had been supreme in Kashgar and Khutan. He now, moved like the -rest by desire for my country, came to the neighbourhood of Auzkint, -built a fort and began to lay the land waste. Khwaja Qazi and several -begs were appointed to drive him out. When they came near, he saw -himself no match for such a force, made the Khwaja his mediator and, by -a hundred wiles and tricks, got himself safely free. - -Throughout these great events, 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's former begs and -braves had held resolutely together and made daring offer of their -lives. The Mirza's mother, Shah Sultan Begim,[197] and Jahangir Mirza -and the _haram_ household and the begs came from Akhsi to Andijan; the -customary mourning was fulfilled and food and victuals spread for the -poor and destitute.[198] - -[Sidenote: Fol. 18.] In the leisure from these important matters, -attention was given to the administration of the country and the -ordering of the army. The Andijan Government and control of my Gate were -settled (_mukarrar_) for Hasan (son) of Yaq'ub; Aush was decided on -(_qarar_) for Qasim _Quchin_; Akhsi and Marghinan assigned (_ta'in_) to -Auzun Hasan and 'Ali-dost Taghai. For the rest of 'Umar Shaikh Mirza's -begs and braves, to each according to his circumstances, were settled -and assigned district (_wilayat_) or land (_yir_) or office (_mauja_) or -charge (_jirga_) or stipend (_wajh_). - -When Sl. Ahmad Mirza had gone two or three stages on his return-march, -his health changed for the worse and high fever appeared. On his -reaching the Aq Su near Aura-tipa, he bade farewell to this transitory -world, in the middle of Shawwal of the date 899 (mid July 1494 AD.) -being then 44 (lunar) years old. - - -_m. Sl. Ahmad Mirza's birth and descent._ - -He was born in 855 AH. (1451 AD.) the year in which his father took the -throne (_i.e._ Samarkand). He was Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza's eldest son; his -mother was a daughter of Aurdu-bugha Tarkhan (_Arghun_), the elder -sister of Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan, and the most honoured of the Mirza's -wives. - - -_n. His appearance and habits._ - -He was a tall, stout, brown-bearded and red-faced man. He had beard on -his chin but none on his cheeks. He had very [Sidenote: Fol. 18b.] -pleasing manners. As was the fashion in those days, he wound his turban -in four folds and brought the end forward over his brows. - - -_o. His characteristics and manners._ - -He was a True Believer, pure in the Faith; five times daily, without -fail, he recited the Prayers, not omitting them even on drinking-days. -He was a disciple of his Highness Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l-lah (_Ahrari_), his -instructor in religion and the strengthener of his Faith. He was very -ceremonious, particularly when sitting with the Khwaja. People say he -never drew one knee over the other[199] at any entertainment of the -Khwaja. On one occasion contrary to his custom, he sat with his feet -together. When he had risen, the Khwaja ordered the place he had sat in -to be searched; there they found, it may have been, a bone.[200] He had -read nothing whatever and was ignorant (_'ami_), and though town-bred, -unmannered and homely. Of genius he had no share. He was just and as his -Highness the Khwaja was there, accompanying him step by step,[201] most -of his affairs found lawful settlement. He was true and faithful to his -vow and word; nothing was ever seen to the contrary. He had courage, and -though he never happened to get in his own hand to work, gave sign of -it, they say, in some of his encounters. [Sidenote: Fol. 19.] He drew a -good bow, generally hitting the duck[202] both with his arrows (_auq_) -and his forked-arrows (_tir-giz_), and, as a rule, hit the gourd[203] in -riding across the lists (_maidan_). Latterly, when he had grown stout, -he used to take quail and pheasant with the goshawks,[204] rarely -failing. A sportsman he was, hawking mostly and hawking well; since -Aulugh Beg Mirza, such a sporting _padshah_ had not been seen. He was -extremely decorous; people say he used to hide his feet even in the -privacy of his family and amongst his intimates. Once settled down to -drink, he would drink for 20 or 30 days at a stretch; once risen, would -not drink again for another 20 or 30 days. He was a good drinker;[205] -on non-drinking days he ate without conviviality (_basit_). Avarice was -dominant in his character. He was kindly, a man of few words whose will -was in the hands of his begs. - - -_p. His battles._ - -He fought four battles. The first was with Ni'mat _Arghun_, Shaikh Jamal -_Arghun's_ younger brother, at Aqar-tuzi, near Zamin. This he won. The -second was with 'Umar Shaikh Mirza at Khwas; this also he won. The third -affair was when he encountered Sl. Mahmud Khan on the Chir, near -Tashkint [Sidenote: Fol. 19b.](895 AH.-1469 AD.). There was no real -fighting, but some Mughul plunderers coming up, by ones and twos, in his -rear and laying hands on his baggage, his great army, spite of its -numbers, broke up without a blow struck, without an effort made, -without a coming face to face, and its main body was drowned in the -Chir.[206] His fourth affair was with Haidar _Kukuldash_ (_Mughul_), -near Yar-yilaq; here he won. - - -_q. His country._ - -Samarkand and Bukhara his father gave him; Tashkint and Sairam he took -and held for a time but gave them to his younger brother, 'Umar Shaikh -Mirza, after 'Abdu'l-qadus (_Dughlat_) slew Shaikh Jamal (_Arghun_); -Khujand and Auratipa were also for a time in his possession. - - -_r. His children._ - -His two sons did not live beyond infancy. He had five daughters, four by -Qataq Begim.[207] - -Rabi'a-sultan Begim, known as the Dark-eyed Begim, was his eldest. The -Mirza himself made her go forth to Sl. Mahmud Khan;[208] she had one -child, a nice little boy, called Baba Khan. The Auzbegs killed him and -several others of age as unripe as his when they martyred (his father) -The Khan, in Khujand, (914 AH.-1508 AD.). At that time she fell to Jani -Beg Sultan (_Auzbeg_). [Sidenote: Fol. 20.] - -Saliha-sultan (Saliqa) Begim was his second daughter; people called her -the Fair Begim. Sl. Mahmud Mirza, after her father's death, took her for -his eldest son, Sl. Mas'ud Mirza and made the wedding feast (900 AH.). -Later on she fell to the Kashghari with Shah Begim and Mihr-nigar -Khanim. - -'Ayisha-sultan Begim was the third. When I was five and went to -Samarkand, they set her aside for me; in the guerilla times[209] she -came to Khujand and I took her (905 AH.); her one little daughter, born -after the second taking of Samarkand, went in a few days to God's mercy -and she herself left me at the instigation of an older sister. - -Sultanim Begim was the fourth daughter; Sl. 'Ali Mirza took her; then -Timur Sultan (_Auzbeg_) took her and after him, Mahdi Sultan (_Auzbeg_). - -Ma'suma-sultan Begim was the youngest of Sl. Ahmad Mirza's daughters. -Her mother, Habiba-sultan Begim, was of the Arghuns, a daughter of Sl. -Husain _Arghun's_ brother. I saw her when I went to Khurasan (912 -AH.-1506 AD.), liked her, asked for her, had her brought to Kabul and -took her (913 AH.-1507 AD.). She had one daughter and there and then, -went to God's mercy, through the pains of the birth. Her name was at -once given to her child. - - -_s. His ladies and mistresses._ - -Mihr-nigar Khanim was his first wife, set aside for him by his father, -Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza. She was Yunas Khan's eldest [Sidenote: Fol. 20b.] -daughter and my mother's full-sister. - -Tarkhan Begim of the Tarkhans was another of his wives. - -Qataq Begim was another, the foster-sister of the Tarkhan Begim just -mentioned. Sl. Ahmad Mirza took her _par amours_ (_'ashiqlar bila_): she -was loved with passion and was very dominant. She drank wine. During the -days of her ascendancy (_tiriklik_), he went to no other of his _haram_; -at last he took up a proper position (_aulnurdi_) and freed himself from -his reproach.[210] - -Khan-zada Begim, of the Tirmiz Khans, was another. He had just taken her -when I went, at five years old, to Samarkand; her face was still veiled -and, as is the Turki custom, they told me to uncover it.[211] - -Latif Begim was another, a daughter's child of Ahmad Haji Beg _Duldai_ -(_Barlas_). After the Mirza's death, Hamza Sl. took her and she had -three sons by him. They with other sultans' children, fell into my hands -when I took Hisar (916 AH.-1510 AD.) after defeating Hamza Sultan and -Timur Sultan. I set all free. - -Habiba-sultan Begim was another, a daughter of the brother of Sl. Husain -_Arghun_. - - -_t. His amirs._ - -Jani Beg _Duldai_ (_Barlas_) was a younger brother of Sl. Malik -_Kashghari_. Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza gave him the Government of Samarkand -and Sl. Ahmad Mirza gave him the control of his own Gate.[212] He must -have had singular habits and [Sidenote: Fol. 21.] manners;[213] many -strange stories are told about him. One is this:--While he was Governor -in Samarkand, an envoy came to him from the Auzbegs renowned, as it -would seem, for his strength. An Auzbeg, is said to call a strong man a -bull (_bukuh_). "Are you a _bukuh_?" said Jani Beg to the envoy, "If you -are, come, let's have a friendly wrestle together (_kurashaling_)." -Whatever objections the envoy raised, he refused to accept. They -wrestled and Jani Beg gave the fall. He was a brave man. - -Ahmad Haji (_Duldai Barlas_) was another, a son of Sl. Malik -_Kashghari_. Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza gave him the Government of Hiri (Harat) -for a time but sent him when his uncle, Jani Beg died, to Samarkand -with his uncle's appointments. He was pleasant-natured and brave. Wafa'i -was his pen-name and he put together a diwan in verse not bad. This -couplet is his: - - "I am drunk, Inspector, to-day keep your hand off me, - "Inspect me on the day you catch me sober." - -Mir 'Ali-sher Nawa'i when he went from Hiri to Samarkand, was with Ahmad -Haji Beg but he went back to Hiri when Sl. Husain Mirza (Bai-qara) -became supreme (873 AH.-1460 AD.) and he there received exceeding -favour. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 21b.] Ahmad Haji Beg kept and rode excellent -_tipuchaqs_,[214] mostly of his own breeding. Brave he was but his power -to command did not match his courage; he was careless and what was -necessary in his affairs, his retainers and followers put through. He -fell into Sl. 'Ali Mirza's hands when the Mirza defeated Bai-sunghar -Mirza in Bukhara (901 AH.), and was then put to a dishonourable death on -the charge of the blood of Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan.[215] - -Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan (_Arghun_) was another, the son of Aurdu-bugha -Tarkhan and full-brother of the mother of Sl. Ahmad Mirza and Sl. Mahmud -Mirza.[216] Of all begs in Sl. Ahmad Mirza's presence, he was the -greatest and most honoured. He was an orthodox Believer, kindly and -darwesh-like, and was a constant transcriber of the Qu'ran.[217] He -played chess often and well, thoroughly understood the science of -fowling and flew his birds admirably. He died in the height of his -greatness, with a bad name, during the troubles between Sl. 'Ali Mirza -and Bai-sunghar Mirza.[218] - -'Abdu'l-'ali Tarkhan was another, a near relation of Darwesh Muhammad -Tarkhan, possessor also of his younger sister,[219] that is to say, Baqi -Tarkhan's mother. Though both by the Mughul rule (_tura_) and by his -rank, Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan was the superior of 'Abdu'l-'ali -Tarkhan, this Pharoah regarded him not at all. For some years he had the -Government of Bukhara. His retainers were reckoned at [Sidenote: Fol. -22.] 3,000 and he kept them well and handsomely. His gifts -(_bakhshish_), his visits of enquiry (_purshish_), his public audience -(_diwan_), his work-shops (_dast-gah_), his open-table (_shilan_) and -his assemblies (_majlis_) were all like a king's. He was a strict -disciplinarian, a tyrannical, vicious, self-infatuated person. Shaibani -Khan, though not his retainer, was with him for a time; most of the -lesser (Shaiban) sultans did themselves take service with him. This same -'Abdu'l-'ali Tarkhan was the cause of Shaibani Khan's rise to such a -height and of the downfall of such ancient dynasties.[220] - -Sayyid Yusuf, the Grey Wolfer[221] was another; his grandfather will -have come from the Mughul horde; his father was favoured by Aulugh Beg -Mirza (_Shahrukhi_). His judgment and counsel were excellent; he had -courage too. He played well on the guitar (_qubuz_). He was with me when -I first went to Kabul; I shewed him great favour and in truth he was -worthy of favour. I left him in Kabul the first year the army rode out -for Hindustan; at that time he went to God's mercy.[222] - -Darwesh Beg was another; he was of the line of Aiku-timur Beg,[223] a -favourite of Timur Beg. He was a disciple of his Highness Khwaja -'Ubaidu'l-lah (_Ahrari_), had knowledge of the science of music, played -several instruments and was naturally [Sidenote: Fol. 22b.] disposed to -poetry. He was drowned in the Chir at the time of Sl. Ahmad Mirza's -discomfiture. - -Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan was another, a younger full-brother of Darwesh -Muh. Tarkhan. He was Governor in Turkistan for some years till Shaibani -Khan took it from him. His judgment and counsel were excellent; he was -an unscrupulous and vicious person. The second and third times I took -Samarkand, he came to my presence and each time I shewed him very great -favour. He died in the fight at Kul-i-malik (918 AH.-1512 AD.). - -Baqi Tarkhan was another, the son of 'Abdu'l-'ali Tarkhan and Sl. Ahmad -Mirza's aunt. When his father died, they gave him Bukhara. He grew in -greatness under Sl. 'Ali Mirza, his retainers numbering 5 or 6,000. He -was neither obedient nor very submissive to Sl. 'Ali Mirza. He fought -Shaibani Khan at Dabusi (905 AH.) and was crushed; by the help of this -defeat, Shaibani Khan went and took Bukhara. He was very fond of -hawking; they say he kept 700 birds. His manners and habits were not -such as may be told;[224] he grew up with a Mirza's state and splendour. -Because his father had shewn favour to Shaibani Khan, he went to the -Khan's presence, but that inhuman ingrate made him no sort of return in -favour and kindness. [Sidenote: Fol. 23.] He left the world at Akhsi, in -misery and wretchedness. - -Sl. Husain _Arghun_ was another. He was known as Qara-kuli because he -had held the Qara-kul government for a time. His judgment and counsel -were excellent; he was long in my presence also. - -Quli Muhammad _Bughda_[225] was another, a _quchin_; he must have been a -brave man. - -'Abdu'l-karim _Ishrit_[226] was another; he was an Auighur, Sl. Ahmad -Mirza's Lord of the Gate, a brave and generous man. - - -(_u. Historical narrative resumed._) - -After Sl. Ahmad Mirza's death, his begs in agreement, sent a courier by -the mountain-road to invite Sl. Mahmud Mirza.[227] - -Malik-i-Muhammad Mirza, the son of Minuchihr Mirza, Sl. Abu-sa'id -Mirza's eldest brother, aspired for his own part to rule. Having drawn a -few adventurers and desperadoes to himself, they dribbled away[228] from -(Sl. Ahmad Mirza's) camp and went to Samarkand. He was not able to -effect anything, but he brought about his own death and that of several -innocent persons of the ruling House. - -At once on hearing of his brother's death, Sl. Mahmud Mirza went off to -Samarkand and there seated himself on the throne, without difficulty. -Some of his doings soon disgusted and alienated high and low, soldier -and peasant. The first of these was that he sent the above-named -Malik-i-Muhammad to the [Sidenote: Fol. 23b.] Kuk-sarai,[229] although -he was his father's brother's son and his own son-in-law.[230] With him -he sent others, four Mirzas in all. Two of these he set aside; -Malik-i-Muhammad and one other he martyred. Some of the four were not -even of ruling rank and had not the smallest aspiration to rule; though -Malik-i-Muhammad Mirza was a little in fault, in the rest there was no -blame whatever. A second thing was that though his methods and -regulations were excellent, and though he was expert in revenue matters -and in the art of administration, his nature inclined to tyranny and -vice. Directly he reached Samarkand, he began to make new regulations -and arrangements and to rate and tax on a new basis. Moreover the -dependants of his (late) Highness Khwaja 'Ubaid'l-lah, under whose -protection formerly many poor and destitute persons had lived free from -the burden of dues and imposts, were now themselves treated with -harshness and oppression. On what ground should hardship have touched -them? Nevertheless oppressive exactions were made from them, indeed from -the Khwaja's very children. Yet another thing was that just as he was -vicious and tyrannical, so were his begs, small and great, and his -retainers and followers. The Hisaris and in particular the followers of -Khusrau Shah engaged themselves unceasingly with wine and fornication. -Once one of them enticed and took away a certain man's wife. [Sidenote: -Fol. 24.]When her husband went to Khusrau Shah and asked for justice, he -received for answer: "She has been with you for several years; let her -be a few days with him." Another thing was that the young sons of the -townsmen and shopkeepers, nay! even of Turks and soldiers could not go -out from their houses from fear of being taken for catamites. The -Samarakandis, having passed 20 or 25 years under Sl. Ahmad Mirza in ease -and tranquillity, most matters carried through lawfully and with justice -by his Highness the Khwaja, were wounded and troubled in heart and soul, -by this oppression and this vice. Low and high, the poor, the destitute, -all opened the mouth to curse, all lifted the hand for redress. - - "Beware the steaming up of inward wounds, - For an inward wound at the last makes head; - Avoid while thou canst, distress to one heart, - For a single sigh will convulse a world."[231] - -By reason of his infamous violence and vice Sl. Mahmud Mirza did not -rule in Samarkand more than five or six months. - - -900 AH.-OCT. 2ND. 1494 TO SEP. 21ST. 1495 AD.[232] - -This year Sl. Mahmud Mirza sent an envoy, named 'Abdu'l-qadus Beg,[233] -to bring me a gift from the wedding he had made with splendid festivity -for his eldest son, Mas'ud Mirza with (Saliha-sultan), the Fair Begim, -the second daughter of his elder brother, Sl. Ahmad Mirza. They had sent -gold and silver almonds and pistachios. - -There must have been relationship between this envoy and Hasan-i-yaq'ub, -and on its account he will have been the man sent to make -Hasan-i-yaq'ub, by fair promises, look towards Sl. Mahmud Mirza. -Hasan-i-yaq'ub returned him a smooth answer, made indeed as though won -over to his side, and gave him leave to go. Five or six months later, -his manners changed entirely; he began to behave ill to those about me -and to others, and he carried matters so far that he would have -dismissed me in order to put Jahangir Mirza in my place. Moreover his -conversation with the whole body of begs and soldiers was not what -should be; every-one came to know what was in his mind. Khwaja-i-Qazi -and (Sayyid) Qasim _Quchin_ and 'Ali-dost Taghai met other well-wishers -of mine in the presence of my grandmother, Aisan-daulat Begim and -decided to give quietus to Hasan-i-yaq'ub's disloyalty by his -deposition. - -Few amongst women will have been my grandmother's equals for judgment -and counsel; she was very wise and far-sighted and most affairs of mine -were carried through under her advice. She and my mother were (living) -in the Gate-house of the outer fort;[234] Hasan-i-yaq'ub was in the -citadel. - -When I went to the citadel, in pursuance of our decision, he had ridden -out, presumably for hawking, and as soon as he had [Sidenote: Fol. 25.] -our news, went off from where he was towards Samarkand. The begs and -others in sympathy with him,[235] were arrested; one was Muhammad Baqir -Beg; Sl. Mahmud _Duldai_, Sl. Muhammad _Duldai's_ father, was another; -there were several more; to some leave was given to go for Samarkand. -The Andijan Government and control of my Gate were settled on (Sayyid) -Qasim _Quchin_. - -A few days after Hasan-i-yaq'ub reached Kand-i-badam on the Samarkand -road, he went to near the Khuqan sub-division (_aurchin_) with -ill-intent on Akhsi. Hearing of it, we sent several begs and braves to -oppose him; they, as they went, detached a scouting party ahead; he, -hearing this, moved against the detachment, surrounded it in its -night-quarters[236] and poured flights of arrows (_shiba_) in on it. In -the darkness of the night an arrow (_auq_), shot by one of his own men, -hit him just (_auq_) in the vent (_qachar_) and before he could take -vent (_qachar_),[237] he became the captive of his own act. - - "If you have done ill, keep not an easy mind, - For retribution is Nature's law."[238] - -This year I began to abstain from all doubtful food, my obedience -extended even to the knife, the spoon and the table-cloth;[239] also the -after-midnight Prayer (_tahajjud_) was [Sidenote: Fol. 25b.] less -neglected. - - -(_a. Death of Sl. Mahmud Mirza._) - -In the month of the latter Rabi' (January 1495 AD.), Sl. Mahmud Mirza -was confronted by violent illness and in six days, passed from the -world. He was 43 (lunar) years old. - - -_b. His birth and lineage._ - -He was born in 857 AH. (1453 AD.), was Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza's third son -and the full-brother of Sl. Ahmad Mirza.[240] - - -_c. His appearance and characteristics._ - -He was a short, stout, sparse-bearded and somewhat ill-shaped person. -His manners and his qualities were good, his rules and methods of -business excellent; he was well-versed in accounts, not a _dinar_ or a -_dirham_[241] of revenue was spent without his knowledge. The pay of his -servants was never disallowed. His assemblies, his gifts, his open -table, were all good. Everything of his was orderly and -well-arranged;[242] no soldier or peasant could deviate in the slightest -from any plan of his. Formerly he must have been hard set (_qatirar_) on -hawking but latterly he very frequently hunted driven game.[243] He -carried violence and vice to frantic excess, was a constant wine-bibber -and kept many catamites. If anywhere in his territory, there was a -handsome boy, he used, by whatever means, to have him brought for a -catamite; of his begs' sons and of his sons' begs' sons he made -catamites; and laid command for this service on [Sidenote: Fol. 26.] his -very foster brothers and on their own brothers. So common in his day was -that vile practice, that no person was without his catamite; to keep one -was thought a merit, not to keep one, a defect. Through his infamous -violence and vice, his sons died in the day of their strength (_tamam -juwan_). - -He had a taste for poetry and put a _diwan_[244] together but his verse -is flat and insipid,--not to compose is better than to compose verse such -as his. He was not firm in the Faith and held his Highness Khwaja -'Ubaidu'l-lah (_Ahrari_) in slight esteem. He had no heart (_yuruk_) and -was somewhat scant in modesty,--several of his impudent buffoons used to -do their filthy and abominable acts in his full Court, in all men's -sight. He spoke badly, there was no understanding him at first. - - -_d. His battles._ - -He fought two battles, both with Sl. Husain Mirza (_Baiqara_). The first -was in Astarabad; here he was defeated. The second was at Chikman -(Sarai),[245] near Andikhud; here also he was defeated. He went twice to -Kafiristan, on the [Sidenote: Fol. 26b.] south of Badakhshan, and made -Holy War; for this reason they wrote him Sl. Mahmud _Ghazi_ in the -headings of his public papers. - - -_e. His countries._ - -Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza gave him Astarabad.[246] After the 'Iraq disaster -(_i.e._, his father's death,) he went into Khurasan. At that time, -Qambar-'ali Beg, the governor of Hisar, by Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza's orders, -had mobilized the Hindustan[247] army and was following him into 'Iraq; -he joined Sl. Mahmud Mirza in Khurasan but the Khurasanis, hearing of -Sl. Husain Mirza's approach, rose suddenly and drove them out of the -country. On this Sl. Mahmud Mirza went to his elder brother, Sl. Ahmad -Mirza in Samarkand. A few months later Sayyid Badr and Khusrau Shah and -some braves under Ahmad _Mushtaq_[248] took him and fled to Qambar-'ali -in Hisar. From that time forth, Sl. Mahmud Mirza possessed the countries -lying south of Quhqa (Quhlugha) and the Kohtin Range as far as the -Hindu-kush Mountains, such as Tirmiz, Chaghanian, Hisar, Khutlan, Qunduz -and Badakhshan. He also held Sl. Ahmad Mirza's lands, after his -brother's death. - - -_f. His children._ - -He had five sons and eleven daughters. - -Sl. Mas'ud Mirza was his eldest son; his mother was Khan-zada [Sidenote: -Fol 27.] Begim, a daughter of the Great Mir of Tirmiz. Bai-sunghar Mirza -was another; his mother was Pasha (or Pasha) Begim. Sl. 'Ali Mirza was -another; his mother was an Auzbeg, a concubine called Zuhra Begi Agha. -Sl. Husain Mirza was another; his mother was Khan-zada Begim, a -grand-daughter of the Great Mir of Tirmiz; he went to God's mercy in his -father's life-time, at the age of 13. Sl. Wais Mirza (Mirza Khan) was -another; his mother, Sultan-nigar Khanim was a daughter of Yunas Khan -and was a younger (half-) sister of my mother. The affairs of these four -Mirzas will be written of in this history under the years of their -occurrence. - -Of Sl. Mahmud Mirza's daughters, three were by the same mother as -Bai-sunghar Mirza. One of these, Bai-sunghar Mirza's senior, Sl. Mahmud -Mirza made to go out to Malik-i-muhammad Mirza, the son of his paternal -uncle, Minuchihr Mirza.[249] - - * * * * * - -Five other daughters were by Khan-zada Begim, the grand-daughter of the -Great Mir of Tirmiz. The oldest of these, (Khan-zada Begim)[250] was -given, after her father's death, to Aba-bikr [Sidenote: Fol. 27b.] -(_Dughlat_) _Kashghari_. The second was Bega Begim. When Sl. Husain -Mirza besieged Hisar (901 AH.), he took her for Haidar Mirza, his son by -Payanda Begim, Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza's daughter, and having done so, rose -from before the place.[251] The third daughter was Aq (Fair) Begim; the -fourth[252]--,was betrothed to Jahangir Mirza (_aet._ 5, _circa_ 895 AH.) -at the time his father, 'Umar Shaikh Mirza sent him to help Sl. Mahmud -Mirza with the Andijan army, against Sl. Husain Mirza, then attacking -Qunduz.[253] In 910 AH. (1504 AD.) when Baqi _Chaghaniani_[254] waited -on me on the bank of the Amu (Oxus), these (last-named two) Begims were -with their mothers in Tirmiz and joined me then with Baqi's family. When -we reached Kahmard, Jahangir Mirza took ---- Begim; one little daughter -was born; she now[255] is in the Badakhshan country with her -grandmother. The fifth daughter was Zainab-sultan Begim; under my -mother's insistence, I took her at the time of the capture of Kabul (910 -AH.-Oct. 1504 AD.). She did not become very congenial; two or three -years later, she left the world, through small-pox. Another daughter was -Makhdum-sultan Begim, Sl. 'Ali Mirza's full-sister; she is now in the -Badakhshan country. Two others of his daughters, Rajab-sultan and -Muhibb-sultan, were by mistresses (_ghunchachi_). - - -_g. His ladies_ (_khwatinlar_) _and concubines_ (_sarari_). - -His chief wife, Khan-zada Begim, was a daughter of the [Sidenote: Fol. -28.] Great Mir of Tirmiz; he had great affection for her and must have -mourned her bitterly; she was the mother of Sl. Mas'ud Mirza. Later on, -he took her brother's daughter, also called Khan-zada Begim, a -grand-daughter of the Great Mir of Tirmiz. She became the mother of -five of his daughters and one of his sons. Pasha (or Pasha) Begim was -another wife, a daughter of 'Ali-shukr Beg, a Turkman Beg of the Black -Sheep Baharlu Aimaq.[256] She had been the wife of Jahan-shah (_Barani_) -of the Black Sheep Turkmans. After Auzun (Long) Hasan Beg of the White -Sheep had taken Azar-baijan and 'Iraq from the sons of this Jahan-shah -Mirza (872 AH.-1467 AD.), 'Ali-shukr Beg's sons went with four or five -thousand heads-of-houses of the Black Sheep Turkmans to serve Sl. -Abu-sa'id Mirza and after the Mirza's defeat (873 AH. by Auzun Hasan), -came down to these countries and took service with Sl. Mahmud Mirza. -This happened after Sl. Mahmud Mirza came to Hisar from Samarkand, and -then it was he took Pasha Begim. She became the mother of one of his -sons and three of his daughters. Sultan-nigar Khanim was another of his -ladies; her descent has been mentioned already in the account of the -(Chaghatai) Khans. [Sidenote: Fol. 28b.] - -He had many concubines and mistresses. His most honoured concubine -(_mu'atabar ghuma_) was Zuhra Begi Agha; she was taken in his father's -life-time and became the mother of one son and one daughter. He had many -mistresses and, as has been said, two of his daughters were by two of -them. - - -_h. His amirs._ - -Khusrau Shah was of the Turkistani Qipchaqs. He had been in the intimate -service of the Tarkhan begs, indeed had been a catamite. Later on he -became a retainer of Mazid Beg (Tarkhan) _Arghun_ who favoured him in -all things. He was favoured by Sl. Mahmud Mirza on account of services -done by him when, after the 'Iraq disaster, he joined the Mirza on his -way to Khurasan. He waxed very great in his latter days; his retainers, -under Sl. Mahmud Mirza, were a clear five or six thousand. Not only -Badakhshan but the whole country from the Amu to the Hindu-kush -Mountains depended on him and he devoured its whole revenue (_darobast -yir idi_). His open table was good, so too his open hand; though he was -a rough getter,[257] what he got, he spent liberally. He waxed -exceeding great after Sl. Mahmud Mirza's death, in whose sons' time his -retainers approached 20,000. Although he prayed and abstained from -forbidden aliments, yet was he black-souled and vicious, [Sidenote: Fol. -29.] dunder-headed and senseless, disloyal and a traitor to his salt. -For the sake of this fleeting, five-days world,[258] he blinded one of -his benefactor's sons and murdered another. A sinner before God, -reprobate to His creatures, he has earned curse and execration till the -very verge of Resurrection. For this world's sake he did his evil deeds -and yet, with lands so broad and with such hosts of armed retainers, he -had not pluck to stand up to a hen. An account of him will come into -this history. - -Pir-i-muhammad _Ailchi-bugha[259] Quchin_ was another. In Hazaraspi's -fight[260] he got in one challenge with his fists in Sl. Abu-sa'id -Mirza's presence at the Gate of Balkh. He was a brave man, continuously -serving the Mirza (Mahmud) and guiding him by his counsel. Out of -rivalry to Khusrau Shah, he made a night-attack when the Mirza was -besieging Qunduz, on Sl. Husain Mirza, with few men, without arming[261] -and without plan; he could do nothing; what was there he could do -against such and so large a force? He was pursued, threw himself into -the river and was drowned. - -Ayub (_Begchik Mughul_)[262] was another. He had served in Sl. Abu-sa'id -Mirza's Khurasan Cadet Corps, a brave man, Baisunghar Mirza's guardian. -He was choice in dress and food; a jester and talkative, nicknamed -Impudence, perhaps because the Mirza called him so. [Sidenote: Fol. -29b.] - -Wali was another, the younger, full-brother of Khusrau Shah. He kept his -retainers well. He it was brought about the blinding of Sl. Mas'ud Mirza -and the murder of Bai-sunghar Mirza. He had an ill-word for every-one -and was an evil-tongued, foul-mouthed, self-pleasing and dull-witted -mannikin. He approved of no-one but himself. When I went from the Qunduz -country to near Dushi (910 AH.-1503 AD.), separated Khusrau Shah from -his following and dismissed him, this person (_i.e._, Wali) had come to -Andar-ab and Sir-ab, also in fear of the Auzbegs. The Aimaqs of those -parts beat and robbed him[263] then, having let me know, came on to -Kabul. Wali went to Shaibani Khan who had his head struck off in the -town of Samarkand. - -Shaikh 'Abdu'l-lah _Barlas_[264] was another; he had to wife one of the -daughters of Shah Sultan Muhammad (_Badakhshi_) _i.e._, the maternal -aunt of Aba-bikr Mirza (_Miran-shahi_) and of Sl. Mahmud Khan. He wore -his tunic narrow and _pur shaqq_[265]; he was a kindly well-bred man. - -Mahmud _Barlas_ of the Barlases of Nundak (Badakhshan) was another. He -had been a beg also of Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza and had surrendered Karman to -him when the Mirza took the 'Iraq countries. When Aba-bikr Mirza -(_Miran-shahi_) came [Sidenote: Fol. 30.] against Hisar with Mazid Beg -Tarkhan and the Black Sheep Turkmans, and Sl. Mahmud Mirza went off to -his elder brother, Sl. Ahmad Mirza in Samarkand, Mahmud _Barlas_ did not -surrender Hisar but held out manfully.[266] He was a poet and put a -_diwan_ together. - - -(_i. Historical narrative resumed_). - -When Sl. Mahmud Mirza died, Khusrau Shah kept the event concealed and -laid a long hand on the treasure. But how could such news be hidden? It -spread through the town at once. That was a festive day for the -Samarkand families; soldier and peasant, they uprose in tumult against -Khusrau Shah. Ahmad Haji Beg and the Tarkhani begs put the rising down -and turned Khusrau Shah out of the town with an escort for Hisar. - -As Sl. Mahmud Mirza himself after giving Hisar to Sl. Mas'ud Mirza and -Bukhara to Bai-sunghar Mirza, had dismissed both to their governments, -neither was present when he died. The Hisar and Samarkand begs, after -turning Khusrau Shah out, agreed to send for Bai-sunghar Mirza from -Bukhara, brought him to Samarkand and seated him on the throne. When he -thus became supreme (_padshah_), he was 18 (lunar) years old. - -At this crisis, Sl. Mahmud Khan (_Chaghatai_), acting on the [Sidenote: -Fol. 30b.] word of Junaid _Barlas_ and of some of the notables of -Samarkand, led his army out to near Kan-bai with desire to take that -town. Bai-sunghar Mirza, on his side, marched out in force. They fought -near Kan-bai. Haidar _Kukuldash_, the main pillar of the Mughul army, -led the Mughul van. He and all his men dismounted and were pouring in -flights of arrows (_shiba_) when a large body of the mailed braves of -Hisar and Samarkand made an impetuous charge and straightway laid them -under their horses' feet. Their leader taken, the Mughul army was put to -rout without more fighting. Masses (_qalin_) of Mughuls were wiped out; -so many were beheaded in Bai-sunghar Mirza's presence that his tent was -three times shifted because of the number of the dead. - -At this same crisis, Ibrahim _Saru_ entered the fort of Asfara, there -read Bai-sunghar Mirza's name in the _Khutba_ and took up a position of -hostility to me. - - (_Author's note._) Ibrahim _Saru_ is of the Mingligh - people;[267] he had served my father in various ways from his - childhood but later on had been dismissed for some fault. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 31.] The army rode out to crush this rebellion in the -month of Sha'ban (May) and by the end of it, had dismounted round -Asfara. Our braves in the wantonness of enterprise, on the very day of -arrival, took the new wall[268] that was in building outside the fort. -That day Sayyid Qasim, Lord of my Gate, out-stripped the rest and got in -with his sword; Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_ and Muhammad-dost Taghai got theirs -in also but Sayyid Qasim won the Champion's Portion. He took it in -Shahrukhiya when I went to see my mother's brother, Sl. Mahmud Khan. - - (_Author's note._) The Championship Portion[269] is an ancient - usage of the Mughul horde. Whoever outdistanced his tribe and - got in with his own sword, took the portion at every feast and - entertainment. - -My guardian, Khudai-birdi Beg died in that first day's fighting, struck -by a cross-bow arrow. As the assault was made without armour, several -bare braves (_yikit yilang_)[270] perished and many were wounded. One of -Ibrahim _Saru's_ cross-bowmen was an excellent shot; his equal had never -been seen; he it was hit most of those wounded. When Asfara had been -taken, he entered my service. - -As the siege drew on, orders were given to construct head-strikes[271] -in two or three places, to run mines and to make every [Sidenote: Fol. -31b.] effort to prepare appliances for taking the fort. The siege lasted -40 days; at last Ibrahim _Saru_ had no resource but, through the -mediation of Khwaja Moulana-i-qazi, to elect to serve me. In the month -of Shawwal (June 1495 A.D.) he came out, with his sword and quiver -hanging from his neck, waited on me and surrendered the fort. - -Khujand for a considerable time had been dependent on 'Umar Shaikh -Mirza's Court (_diwan_) but of late had looked towards Sl. Ahmad Mirza -on account of the disturbance in the Farghana government during the -interregnum.[272] As the opportunity offered, a move against it also -was now made. Mir Mughul's father, 'Abdu'l-wahhab _Shaghawal_[273] was -in it; he surrendered without making any difficulty at once on our -arrival. - -Just then Sl. Mahmud Khan was in Shahrukhiya. It has been said already -that when Sl. Ahmad Mirza came into Andijan (899 AH.), he also came and -that he laid siege to Akhsi. It occurred to me that if since I was so -close, I went and waited on him, he being, as it were, my father and my -elder brother, and if bye-gone resentments were laid aside, it would be -good hearing and seeing for far and near. So said, I went. - -I waited on The Khan in the garden Haidar _Kukuldash_ had made outside -Shahrukhiya. He was seated in a large four-doored [Sidenote: Fol. 32.] -tent set up in the middle of it. Having entered the tent, I knelt three -times,[274] he for his part, rising to do me honour. We looked one -another in the eyes;[275] and he returned to his seat. After I had -kneeled, he called me to his side and shewed me much affection and -friendliness. Two or three days later, I set off for Akhsi and Andijan -by the Kindirlik Pass.[276] At Akhsi I made the circuit of my Father's -tomb. I left at the hour of the Friday Prayer (_i.e._, about midday) -and reached Andijan, by the Band-i-salar Road between the Evening and -Bedtime Prayers. This road _i.e._ the Band-i-salar, people call a nine -_yighach_ road.[277] - -One of the tribes of the wilds of Andijan is the Jigrak[278] a numerous -people of five or six thousand households, dwelling in the mountains -between Kashghar and Farghana. They have many horses and sheep and also -numbers of yaks (_qutas_), these hill-people keeping yaks instead of -common cattle. As their mountains are border-fastnesses, they have a -fashion of not paying tribute. An army was now sent against them under -(Sayyid) Qasim Beg in order that out of the tribute taken from them -something might reach the soldiers. He took about 20,000 of their sheep -and between 1000 and 1500 of their horses and shared all out to the men. - -After its return from the Jigrak, the army set out for Aura-tipa. -[Sidenote: Fol. 34.] Formerly this was held by 'Umar Shaikh Mirza but it -had gone out of hand in the year of his death and Sl. 'Ali Mirza was now -in it on behalf of his elder brother, Baisunghar Mirza. When Sl. 'Ali -Mirza heard of our coming, he went off himself to the Macha -hill-country, leaving his guardian, Shaikh Zu'n-nun _Arghun_ behind. -From half-way between Khujand and Aura-tipa, Khalifa[279] was sent as -envoy to Shaikh Zu'n-nun but that senseless mannikin, instead of giving -him a plain answer, laid hands on him and ordered him to death. For -Khalifa to die cannot have been the Divine will; he escaped and came to -me two or three days later, stripped bare and having suffered a hundred -_tumans_ (1,000,000) of hardships and fatigues. We went almost to -Aura-tipa but as, winter being near, people had carried away their corn -and forage, after a few days we turned back for Andijan. After our -retirement, The Khan's men moved on the place when the Aura-tipa -person[280] unable to make a stand, surrendered and came out. The Khan -then gave it to Muhammad Husain _Kurkan Dughlat_ and in his hands it -remained till 908 AH. (1503).[281] - - - - -901 AH.--SEP. 21ST. 1495 TO SEP. 9TH. 1496 AD.[282] - -(_a. Sultan Husain Mirza's campaign against Khusrau Shah_). - -In the winter of this year, Sl. Husain Mirza led his army out of -Khurasan against Hisar and went to opposite Tirmiz. Sl. Mas'ud Mirza, -for his part, brought an army (from Hisar) and sat down over against him -in Tirmiz. Khusrau Shah strengthened himself in Qunduz and to help Sl. -Mas'ud Mirza sent his younger brother, Wali. They (_i.e._, the opposed -forces) spent most of that winter on the river's banks, no crossing -being effected. Sl. Husain Mirza was a shrewd and experienced commander; -he marched up the river,[283] his face set for Qunduz and by this having -put Sl. Mas'ud Mirza off his guard, sent 'Abdu'l-latif _Bakhshi_ -(pay-master) with 5 or 600 serviceable men, down the river to the Kilif -ferry. These crossed and had entrenched themselves on the other bank -before Sl. Mas'ud Mirza had heard of their movement. When he did hear of -it, whether because of pressure put upon him by Baqi _Chaghaniani_ to -spite (his half-brother) Wali, or whether from his own want of heart, he -did not march against those who had crossed but disregarding Wali's -urgency, at once broke up his camp and turned for Hisar.[284] - -Sl. Husain Mirza crossed the river and then sent, (1) against Khusrau -Shah, Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and Ibrahim Husain Mirza with Muhammad Wali -Beg and Zu'n-nun _Arghun_, and [Sidenote: Fol. 33b.] (2) against -Khutlan, Muzaffar Husain Mirza with Muhammad _Baranduq Barlas_. He -himself moved for Hisar. - -When those in Hisar heard of his approach, they took their precautions; -Sl. Mas'ud Mirza did not judge it well to stay in the fort but went off -up the Kam Rud valley[285] and by way of Sara-taq to his younger -brother, Bai-sunghar Mirza in Samarkand. Wali, for his part drew off to -(his own district) Khutlan. Baqi _Chaghaniani_, Mahmud _Barlas_ and Quch -Beg's father, Sl. Ahmad strengthened the fort of Hisar. Hamza Sl. and -Mahdi Sl. (_Auzbeg_) who some years earlier had left Shaibani Khan for -(the late) Sl. Mahmud Mirza's service, now, in this dispersion, drew off -with all their Auzbegs, for Qara-tigin. With them went Muhammad -_Dughlat_[286] and Sl. Husain _Dughlat_ and all the Mughuls located in -the Hisar country. - -Upon this Sl. Husain Mirza sent Abu'l-muhsin Mirza after Sl. Mas'ud -Mirza up the Kam Rud valley. They were not strong enough for such work -when they reached the defile.[287] There Mirza Beg _Firingi-baz_[288] -got in his sword. In pursuit of Hamza Sl. into Qara-tigin, Sl. Husain -Mirza sent Ibrahim Tarkhan and Yaq'ub-i-ayub. They overtook the sultans -and [Sidenote: Fol. 33.] fought. The Mirza's detachment was defeated; -most of his begs were unhorsed but all were allowed to go free. - - -(_b. Babur's reception of the Auzbeg sultans._) - -As a result of this exodus, Hamza Sl. with his son, Mamaq Sl., and Mahdi -Sl. and Muhammad _Dughlat_, later known as _Hisari_ and his brother, Sl. -Husain _Dughlat_ with the Auzbegs dependent on the sultans and the -Mughuls who had been located in Hisar as (the late) Sl. Mahmud Mirza's -retainers, came, after letting me know (their intention), and waited -upon me in Ramzan (May-June) at Andijan. According to the custom of -Timuriya sultans on such occasions, I had seated myself on a raised seat -(_tushak_); when Hamza Sl. and Mamaq Sl. and Mahdi Sl. entered, I rose -and went down to do them honour; we looked one another in the eyes and I -placed them on my right, _baghish da_.[289] A number of Mughuls also -came, under Muhammad _Hisari_; all elected for my service. - - -(_c. Sl. Husain Mirza's affairs resumed_). - -Sl. Husain Mirza, on reaching Hisar, settled down at once to besiege it. -There was no rest, day nor night, from the labours of mining and attack, -of working catapults and mortars. Mines were run in four or five places. -When one had gone well forward towards the Gate, the townsmen, -countermining, struck it and forced smoke down on the Mirza's men; they, -in turn, [Sidenote: Fol. 34b.] closed the hole, thus sent the smoke -straight back and made the townsmen flee as from the very maw of death. -In the end, the townsmen drove the besiegers out by pouring jar after -jar of water in on them. Another day, a party dashed out from the town -and drove off the Mirza's men from their own mine's mouth. Once the -discharges from catapults and mortars in the Mirza's quarters on the -north cracked a tower of the fort; it fell at the Bed-time Prayer; some -of the Mirza's braves begged to assault at once but he refused, saying, -"It is night." Before the shoot of the next day's dawn, the besieged had -rebuilt the whole tower. That day too there was no assault; in fact, for -the two to two and a half months of the siege, no attack was made except -by keeping up the blockade,[290] by mining, rearing head-strikes,[291] -and discharging stones. - -When Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and whatever (_ni kim_) troops had been sent -with him against Khusrau Shah, dismounted some 16 m. (3 to 4 _yighach_) -below Qunduz,[292] Khusrau Shah arrayed whatever men (_ni kim_) he had, -marched out, halted one night on the way, formed up to fight and came -down upon the Mirza and his men. The Khurasanis may not have been twice -as many as his men but what question is there they were half [Sidenote: -Fol. 35.] as many more? None the less did such Mirzas and such -Commander-begs elect for prudence and remain in their entrenchments! -Good and bad, small and great, Khusrau Shah's force may have been of 4 -or 5,000 men! - -This was the one exploit of his life,--of this man who for the sake of -this fleeting and unstable world and for the sake of shifting and -faithless followers, chose such evil and such ill-repute, practised such -tyranny and injustice, seized such wide lands, kept such hosts of -retainers and followers,--latterly he led out between 20 and 30,000 and -his countries and his districts (_parganat_) exceeded those of his own -ruler and that ruler's sons,[293]--for an exploit such as this his name -and the names of his adherents were noised abroad for generalship and -for this they were counted brave, while those timorous laggards, in the -trenches, won the resounding fame of cowards. - -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza marched out from that camp and after a few stages -reached the Alghu Mountain of Taliqan[294] and there made halt. Khusrau -Shah, in Qunduz, sent his brother, Wali, with serviceable men, to -Ishkimish, Fulul and the hill-skirts thereabouts to annoy and harass the -Mirza from outside also. Muhibb-'ali, the armourer, (_qurchi_) for his -part, came down [Sidenote: Fol. 35b.] (from Wali's Khutlan) to the bank -of the Khutlan Water, met in with some of the Mirza's men there, -unhorsed some, cut off a few heads and got away. In emulation of this, -Sayyidim 'Ali[295] the door-keeper, and his younger brother, Quli Beg -and Bihlul-i-ayub and a body of their men got to grips with the -Khurasanis on the skirt of 'Ambar Koh, near Khwaja Changal but, many -Khurasanis coming up, Sayyidim 'Ali and Baba Beg's (son) Quli Beg and -others were unhorsed. - -At the time these various news reached Sl. Husain Mirza, his army was -not without distress through the spring rains of Hisar; he therefore -brought about a peace; Mahmud _Barlas_ came out from those in the fort; -Haji Pir the Taster went from those outside; the great commanders and -what there was (_ni kim_) of musicians and singers assembled and the -Mirza took (Bega Begim), the eldest[296] daughter of Sl. Mahmud Mirza by -Khan-zada Begim, for Haidar Mirza, his son by Payanda Begim and through -her the grandson of Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza. This done, he rose from before -Hisar and set his face for Qunduz. - -At Qunduz also Sl. Husain Mirza made a few trenches and took up the -besieger's position but by Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's intervention peace at -length was made, prisoners were exchanged and the Khurasanis retired. -The twice-repeated[297] attacks made by Sl. Husain Mirza on Khusrau Shah -and his unsuccessful retirements were the cause of Khusrau Shah's -[Sidenote: Fol. 36.] great rise and of action of his so much beyond his -province. - -When the Mirza reached Balkh, he, in the interests of [M.]a -wara'u'n-nahr gave it to Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza, gave Badi'u'z-zaman -Mirza's district of Astarabad to (a younger son), Muzaffar Husain Mirza -and made both kneel at the same assembly, one for Balkh, the other for -Astarabad. This offended Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and led to years of -rebellion and disturbance.[298] - - -(_d. Revolt of the Tarkhanis in Samarkand_). - -In Ramzan of this same year, the Tarkhanis revolted in Samarkand. Here -is the story:--Bai-sunghar Mirza was not so friendly and familiar with -the begs and soldiers of Samarkand as he was with those of Hisar.[299] -His favourite beg was Shaikh 'Abdu'l-lah _Barlas_[300] whose sons were -so intimate with the Mirza that it made a relation as of Lover and -Beloved. These things displeased the Tarkhans and the Samarkandi begs; -Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan went from Bukhara to Qarshi, brought Sl. 'Ali -Mirza to Samarkand and raised him to be supreme. People then went to the -New Garden where Bai-sunghar [Sidenote: Fol. 36b.] Mirza was, treated -him like a prisoner, parted him from his following and took him to the -citadel. There they seated both mirzas in one place, thinking to send -Bai-sunghar Mirza to the Guk Sarai close to the Other Prayer. The Mirza, -however, on plea of necessity, went into one of the palace-buildings on -the east side of the Bu-stan Sarai. Tarkhanis stood outside the door and -with him went in Muhammad Quli _Quchin_ and Hasan, the sherbet-server. -To be brief:--A gateway, leading out to the back, must have been bricked -up for they broke down the obstacle at once. The Mirza got out of the -citadel on the Kafshir side, through the water-conduit (_ab-muri_), -dropped himself from the rampart of the water-way (_du-tahi_), and went -to Khwajaki Khwaja's[301] house in Khwaja Kafshir. When the Tarkhanis, -in waiting at the door, took the precaution of looking in, they found -him gone. Next day the Tarkhanis went in a large body to Khwajaki -Khwaja's gate but the Khwaja said, "No!"[302] and did not give him up. -Even they could not take him by force, the Khwaja's dignity was too -great for them to be able to use force. A few days later, Khwaja -Abu'l-makaram[303] and Ahmad Haji Beg and other begs, great and -[Sidenote: Fol. 37.] small, and soldiers and townsmen rose in a mass, -fetched the Mirza away from the Khwaja's house and besieged Sl. 'Ali -Mirza and the Tarkhans in the citadel. They could not hold out for even -a day; Muh. Mazid Tarkhan went off through the Gate of the Four Roads -for Bukhara; Sl. 'Ali Mirza and Darwesh Muh. Tarkhan were made -prisoner. - -Bai-sunghar Mirza was in Ahmad Haji Beg's house when people brought -Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan in. He put him a few questions but got no good -answer. In truth Darwesh Muhammad's was a deed for which good answer -could not be made. He was ordered to death. In his helplessness he clung -to a pillar[304] of the house; would they let him go because he clung to -a pillar? They made him reach his doom (_siyasat_) and ordered Sl. 'Ali -Mirza to the Guk Sarai there to have the fire-pencil drawn across his -eyes. - - (_Author's note._) The Guk Sarai is one of Timur Beg's great - buildings in the citadel of Samarkand. It has this singular - and special characteristic, if a Timurid is to be seated on - the throne, here he takes his seat; if one lose his head, - coveting the throne, here he loses it; therefore the name Guk - Sarai has a metaphorical sense (_kinayat_) and to say of any - ruler's son, "They have taken him to the Guk Sarai," means, to - death.[305] - -To the Guk Sarai accordingly Sl. 'Ali Mirza was taken but when the -fire-pencil was drawn across his eyes, whether by the surgeon's choice -or by his inadvertence, no harm was done. [Sidenote: Fol. 37b.] This the -Mirza did not reveal at once but went to Khwaja Yahya's house and a few -days later, to the Tarkhans in Bukhara. - -Through these occurrences, the sons of his Highness Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l-lah -became settled partisans, the elder (Muhammad 'Ubaidu'l-lah, Khwajaki -Khwaja) becoming the spiritual guide of the elder prince, the younger -(Yahya) of the younger. In a few days, Khwaja Yahya followed Sl. 'Ali -Mirza to Bukhara. - -Bai-sunghar Mirza led out his army against Bukhara. On his approach, Sl. -'Ali Mirza came out of the town, arrayed for battle. There was little -fighting; Victory being on the side of Sl. 'Ali Mirza, Bai-sunghar Mirza -sustained defeat. Ahmad Haji Beg and a number of good soldiers were -taken; most of the men were put to death. Ahmad Haji Beg himself the -slaves and slave-women of Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan, issuing out of -Bukhara, put to a dishonourable death on the charge of their master's -blood. - - -(_e. Babur moves against Samarkand._) - -These news reached us in Andijan in the month of Shawwal (mid-June to -mid-July) and as we (_act._ 14) coveted Samarkand, we got our men to -horse. Moved by a like desire, Sl. Mas'ud Mirza, his mind and Khusrau -Shah's mind set at ease by Sl. [Sidenote: Fol. 38.] Husain Mirza's -retirement, came over by way of Shahr-i-sabz.[306] To reinforce him, -Khusrau Shah laid hands (_qapti_) on his younger brother, Wali. We -(three mirzas) beleaguered the town from three sides during three or -four months; then Khwaja Yahya came to me from Sl. 'Ali Mirza to mediate -an agreement with a common aim. The matter was left at an interview -arranged (_kurushmak_); I moved my force from Soghd to some 8m. below -the town; Sl. 'Ali Mirza from his side, brought his own; from one bank, -he, from the other, I crossed to the middle of[307] the Kohik water, -each with four or five men; we just saw one another (_kurushub_), asked -each the other's welfare and went, he his way, I mine. - -I there saw, in Khwaja Yahya's service, Mulla _Bina'i_ and Muhammad -Salih;[308] the latter I saw this once, the former was long in my -service later on. After the interview (_kurushkan_) with Sl. 'Ali Mirza, -as winter was near and as there was no great scarcity amongst the -Samarkandis, we retired, he to Bukhara, I to Andijan. - -Sl. Mas'ud Mirza had a penchant for a daughter of Shaikh 'Abdu'l-lah -_Barlas_, she indeed was his object in coming to Samarkand. He took her, -laid world-gripping ambition aside [Sidenote: Fol. 38b.] and went back -to Hisar. - -When I was near Shiraz and Kan-bai, Mahdi Sl. deserted to Samarkand; -Hamza Sl. went also from near Zamin but with leave granted. - - - - -902 AH.--SEP. 9TH. 1496 TO AUG. 30TH. 1497 AD.[309] - -(_a. Babur's second attempt on Samarkand._) - -This winter, Bai-sunghar Mirza's affairs were altogether in a good way. -When 'Abdu'l-karim _Ushrit_ came on Sl. 'Ali Mirza's part to near Kufin, -Mahdi Sl. led out a body of Bai-sunghar Mirza's troops against him. The -two commanders meeting exactly face to face, Mahdi Sl. pricked -'Abdu'l-karim's horse with his Chirkas[310] sword so that it fell, and -as 'Abdu'l-karim was getting to his feet, struck off his hand at the -wrist. Having taken him, they gave his men a good beating. - -These (Auzbeg) sultans, seeing the affairs of Samarkand and the Gates of -the (Timurid) Mirzas tottering to their fall, went off in good time -(_airta_) into the open country (?)[311] for Shaibani. - -Pleased[312] with their small success (over 'Abdu'l-karim), the -Samarkandis drew an army out against Sl. 'Ali Mirza; Bai-sunghar Mirza -went to Sar-i-pul (Bridge-head), Sl. 'Ali Mirza to Khwaja Karzun. -Meantime, Khwaja Abu'l-makaram, at the instigation of Khwaja Munir of -Aush, rode light against [Sidenote: Fol. 39.] Bukhara with Wais -_Laghari_ and Muhammad Baqir of the Andijan begs, and Qasim _Duldai_ and -some of the Mirza's household. As the Bukhariots took precautions when -the invaders got near the town, they could make no progress. They -therefore retired. - -At the time when (last year) Sl. 'Ali Mirza and I had our interview, it -had been settled[313] that this summer he should come from Bukhara and I -from Andijan to beleaguer Samarkand. To keep this tryst, I rode out in -Ramzan (May) from Andijan. Hearing when close to Yar Yilaq, that the -(two) Mirzas were lying front to front, we sent Tulun Khwaja -_Mughul_[314] ahead, with 2 or 300 scouting braves (_qazaq yikitlar_). -Their approach giving Bai-sunghar Mirza news of our advance, he at once -broke up and retired in confusion. That same night our detachment -overtook his rear, shot a mass (_qalin_) of his men and brought in -masses of spoil. - -Two days later we reached Shiraz. It belonged to Qasim Beg _Duldai_; his -_darogha_ (Sub-governor) could not hold it and surrendered.[315] It was -given into Ibrahim _Saru's_ charge. After making there, next day, the -Prayer of the Breaking of the Fast (_'Idu'l-fitr_), we moved for -Samarkand and dismounted in the reserve (_qurugh_) of Ab-i-yar (Water of -Might). That day waited on me with 3 or 400 men, Qasim _Duldai_, -[Sidenote: Fol. 39b.] Wais _Laghari_, Muhammad Sighal's grandson, -Hasan,[316] and Sl. Muhammad Wais. What they said was this: 'Bai-sunghar -Mirza came out and has gone back; we have left him therefore and are -here for the _padshah's_ service,' but it was known later that they must -have left the Mirza at his request to defend Shiraz, and that the Shiraz -affair having become what it was, they had nothing for it but to come to -us. - -When we dismounted at Qara-bulaq, they brought in several Mughuls -arrested because of senseless conduct to humble village elders coming in -to us.[317] Qasim Beg _Quchin_ for discipline's sake (_siyasat_) had -two or three of them cut to pieces. It was on this account he left me -and went to Hisar four or five years later, in the guerilla times, (907 -AH.) when I was going from the Macha country to The Khan.[318] - -Marching from Qara-bulaq, we crossed the river (_i.e._ the Zar-afshan) -and dismounted near Yam.[319] On that same day, our men got to grips -with Bai-sunghar Mirza's at the head of the Avenue. Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_ -was struck in the neck by a spear but not unhorsed. Khwajaki -Mulla-i-sadr, Khwaja-i-kalan's eldest brother, was pierced in the nape -of the neck[320] by an arrow and went straightway to God's mercy. An -excellent soldier, my father before me had favoured him, making him -Keeper of the Seal; he was a student of theology, had great [Sidenote: -Fol. 40.] acquaintance with words and a good style; moreover he -undertook hawking and rain-making with the jade-stone. - -While we were at Yam, people, dealers and other, came out in crowds so -that the camp became a bazar for buying and selling. One day, at the -Other Prayer, suddenly, a general hubbub arose and all those Musalman -(traders) were plundered. Such however was the discipline of our army -that an order to restore everything having been given, the first watch -(_pahar_) of the next day had not passed before nothing, not a tag of -cotton, not a broken needle's point, remained in the possession of any -man of the force, all was back with its owners. - -Marching from Yam, it was dismounted in Khan Yurti (The Khan's Camping -Ground),[321] some 6 m. (3 _kuroh_) east of Samarkand. We lay there for -40 or 50 days. During the time, men from their side and from ours -chopped at one another (_chapqu-lashtilar_) several times in the Avenue. -One day when Ibrahim _Begchik_ was chopping away there, he was cut on -the face; thereafter people called him _Chapuk_ (_Balafre_). Another -time, this also in the Avenue, at the Maghak (Fosse) Bridge[322] -Abu'l-qasim (_Kohbur Chaghatai_) got in with his mace. Once, again -[Sidenote: Fol. 40b.] in the Avenue, near the Mill-sluice, when Mir Shah -_Quchin_ also got in with his mace, they cut his neck almost -half-through; most fortunately the great artery was not severed. - -While we were in Khan Yurti, some in the fort sent the deceiving -message,[323] 'Come you to-night to the Lovers' Cave side and we will -give you the fort.' Under this idea, we went that night to the Maghak -Bridge and from there sent a party of good horse and foot to the -rendezvous. Four or five of the household foot-soldiers had gone forward -when the matter got wind. They were very active men; one, known as Haji, -had served me from my childhood; another people called Mahmud -_Kundur-sangak_.[324] They were all killed. - -While we lay in Khan Yurti, so many Samarkandis came out that the camp -became a town where everything looked for in a town was to be had. -Meantime all the forts, Samarkand excepted, and the Highlands and the -Lowlands were coming in to us. As in Aurgut, however, a fort on the -skirt of the Shavdar (var. Shadwar) range, a party of men held -fast[325], of necessity we moved out from Khan Yurti against them. They -could not maintain themselves, and surrendered, making [Sidenote: Fol. -41.] Khwaja-i-qazi their mediator. Having pardoned their offences -against ourselves, we went back to beleaguer Samarkand. - - -(_b. Affairs of Sl. Husain Mirza and his son, Badi'u'z-zaman -Mirza._)[326] - -This year the mutual recriminations of Sl. Husain Mirza and -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza led on to fighting; here are the particulars:--Last -year, as has been mentioned, Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and Muzaffar Husain -Mirza had been made to kneel for Balkh and Astarabad. From that time -till this, many envoys had come and gone, at last even 'Ali-sher Beg had -gone but urge it as all did, Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza would not consent to -give up Astarabad. 'The Mirza,' he said, 'assigned[327] it to my son, -Muhammad Mu'min Mirza at the time of his circumcision.' A conversation -had one day between him and 'Ali-sher Beg testifies to his acuteness and -to the sensibility of 'Ali-sher Beg's feelings. After saying many things -of a private nature in the Mirza's ear, 'Ali-sher Beg added, 'Forget -these matters.'[328] 'What matters?' rejoined the Mirza instantly. -'Ali-sher Beg was much affected and cried a good deal. - -At length the jarring words of this fatherly and filial discussion went -so far that _his_ father against his father, and _his_ son against his -son drew armies out for Balkh and Astarabad.[329] - -Up (from Harat) to the Pul-i-chiragh meadow, below Garzawan,[330] went -Sl. Husain Mirza; down (from Balkh) came [Sidenote: Fol. 41b.] -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza. On the first day of Ramzan (May 2nd.) Abu'l-muhsin -Mirza advanced, leading some of his father's light troops. There was -nothing to call a battle; Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza was routed and of his -braves masses were made prisoner. Sl. Husain Mirza ordered that all -prisoners should be beheaded; this not here only but wherever he -defeated a rebel son, he ordered the heads of all prisoners to be struck -off. And why not? Right was with him. The (rebel) Mirzas were so given -over to vice and social pleasure that even when a general so skilful and -experienced as their father was within half-a-day's journey of them, and -when before the blessed month of Ramzan, one night only remained, they -busied themselves with wine and pleasure, without fear of their father, -without dread of God. Certain it is that those so lost (_yutkan_) will -perish and that any hand can deal a blow at those thus going to -perdition (_autkan_). During the several years of Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's -rule in Astarabad, his coterie and his following, his bare (_yalang_) -braves even, were in full splendour[4] and adornment. He had many gold -and silver drinking cups [Sidenote: Fol. 42.] and utensils, much silken -plenishing and countless tipuchaq horses. He now lost everything. He -hurled himself in his flight down a mountain track, leading to a -precipitous fall. He himself got down the fall, with great difficulty, -but many of his men perished there.[331] - -After defeating Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza, Sl. Husain Mirza moved on to -Balkh. It was in charge of Shaikh 'Ali Taghai; he, not able to defend -it, surrendered and made his submission. The Mirza gave Balkh to Ibrahim -Husain Mirza, left Muhammad Wali Beg and Shah Husain, the page, with him -and went back to Khurasan. - -Defeated and destitute, with his braves bare and his bare -foot-soldiers[332], Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza drew off to Khusrau Shah in -Qunduz. Khusrau Shah, for his part, did him good service, such service -indeed, such kindness with horses and camels, tents and pavilions and -warlike equipment of all sorts, both for himself and those with him, -that eye-witnesses said between this and his former equipment the only -difference might be in the gold and silver vessels. - - -(_c. Dissension between Sl. Mas'ud Mirza and Khusrau Shah._) - -Ill-feeling and squabbles had arisen between Sl. Mas'ud Mirza and -Khusrau Shah because of the injustices of the one and the -self-magnifyings of the other. Now therefore Khusrau Shah joined his -brothers, Wali and Baqi to Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and sent the three -against Hisar. They could not even [Sidenote: Fol. 42b.] get near the -fort, in the outskirts swords were crossed once or twice; one day at the -Bird-house[333] on the north of Hisar, Muhibb-'ali, the armourer -(_qurchi_), outstripped his people and struck in well; he fell from his -horse but at the moment of his capture, his men attacked and freed him. -A few days later a somewhat compulsory peace was made and Khusrau Shah's -army retired. - -Shortly after this, Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza drew off by the mountain-road -to Zu'n-nun _Arghun_ and his son, Shuja' _Arghun_ in Qandahar and -Zamin-dawar. Stingy and miserly as Zu'n-nun was, he served the Mirza -well, in one single present offering 40,000 sheep. - -Amongst curious happenings of the time one was this: Wednesday was the -day Sl. Husain Mirza beat Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza; Wednesday was the day -Muzaffar Husain Mirza beat Muhammad Mu'min Mirza; Wednesday, more -curious still, was the name of the man who unhorsed and took prisoner, -Muhammad Mu'min Mirza.[334] - - - - -903 AH.--AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 1498 AD.[335] - -(_a. Resumed account of Babur's second attempt on Samarkand._) - -When we had dismounted in the Qulba (Plough) meadow,[336] behind the -Bagh-i-maidan (Garden of the plain), the Samarkandis came out in great -numbers to near Muhammad Chap's [Sidenote: Fol. 43.] Bridge. Our men -were unprepared; and before they were ready, Baba 'Ali's (son) Baba Quli -had been unhorsed and taken into the fort. A few days later we moved to -the top of Qulba, at the back of Kohik.[337] That day Sayyid Yusuf,[338] -having been sent out of the town, came to our camp and did me obeisance. - -The Samarkandis, fancying that our move from the one ground to the other -meant, 'He has given it up,' came out, soldiers and townsmen in alliance -(through the Turquoise Gate), as far as the Mirza's Bridge and, through -the Shaikh-zada's Gate, as far as Muhammad Chap's. We ordered our braves -to arm and ride out; they were strongly attacked from both sides, from -Muhammad Chap's Bridge and from the Mirza's, but God brought it right! -our foes were beaten. Begs of the best and the boldest of braves our men -unhorsed and brought in. Amongst them Hafiz _Duldai's_ (son) Muhammad -_Miskin_[339] was taken, after his index-finger had been struck off; -Muhammad Qasim _Nabira_ also was unhorsed and brought in by his own -younger brother, Hasan _Nabira_.[340] There were many other such -soldiers and known men. Of the town-rabble, were brought in Diwana, the -tunic-weaver and _Kalqashuq_,[341] headlong leaders both, in brawl and -tumult; they [Sidenote: Fol. 43b.] were ordered to death with torture in -blood-retaliation for our foot-soldiers, killed at the Lovers' -Cave.[342] This was a complete reverse for the Samarkandis; they came -out no more even when our men used to go to the very edge of the ditch -and bring back their slaves and slave-women. - -The Sun entered the Balance and cold descended on us.[343] I therefore -summoned the begs admitted to counsel and it was decided, after -discussion, that although the towns-people were so enfeebled that, by -God's grace, we should take Samarkand, it might be to-day, it might be -to-morrow, still, rather than suffer from cold in the open, we ought to -rise from near it and go for winter-quarters into some fort, and that, -even if we had to leave those quarters later on, this would be done -without further trouble. As Khwaja Didar seemed a suitable fort, we -marched there and having dismounted in the meadow lying before it, went -in, fixed on sites for the winter-houses and covered shelters,[344] left -overseers and inspectors of the work and returned to our camp in the -meadow. There we lay during the few days before the winter-houses were -finished. - -Meantime Bai-sunghar Mirza had sent again and again to ask help from -Shaibani Khan. On the morning of the very day on which, our quarters -being ready, we had moved into Khwaja Didar, the Khan, having ridden -light from Turkistan, [Sidenote: Fol. 44.] stood over against our -camping-ground. Our men were not all at hand; some, for winter-quarters, -had gone to Khwaja Rabati, some to Kabud, some to Shiraz. None-the-less, -we formed up those there were and rode out. Shaibani Khan made no stand -but drew off towards Samarkand. He went right up to the fort but because -the affair had not gone as Bai-sunghar Mirza wished, did not get a good -reception. He therefore turned back for Turkistan a few days later, in -disappointment, with nothing done. - -Bai-sunghar Mirza had sustained a seven months' siege; his one hope had -been in Shaibani Khan; this he had lost and he now with 2 or 300 of his -hungry suite, drew off from Samarkand, for Khusrau Shah in Qunduz. - -When he was near Tirmiz, at the Amu ferry, the Governor of Tirmiz, -Sayyid Husain Akbar, kinsman and confidant both of Sl. Mas'ud Mirza, -heard of him and went out against him. The Mirza himself got across the -river but Mirim Tarkhan was drowned and all the rest of his people were -captured, together with his baggage and the camels loaded with his -personal effects; even his page, Muhammad Tahir, falling into Sayyid -Husain Akbar's hands. Khusrau Shah, for his part, looked kindly on the -Mirza. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 44b.] When the news of his departure reached us, we got -to horse and started from Khwaja Didar for Samarkand. To give us -honourable meeting on the road, were nobles and braves, one after -another. It was on one of the last ten days of the first Rabi' (end of -November 1497 AD.), that we entered the citadel and dismounted at the -Bu-stan Sarai. Thus, by God's favour, were the town and the country of -Samarkand taken and occupied. - - -(_b. Description of Samarkand._)[345] - -Few towns in the whole habitable world are so pleasant as Samarkand. It -is of the Fifth Climate and situated in lat. 40 deg. 6' and long. 99 -deg.[346] The name of the town is Samarkand; its country people used to -call Ma wara'u'n-nahr (Transoxania). - -They used to call it _Baldat-i-mahfuza_ because no foe laid hands on it -with storm and sack.[347] It must have become[348] Musalman in the time -of the Commander of the Faithful, his Highness 'Usman. Qusam ibn -'Abbas, one of the Companions[349] must have gone there; his -burial-place, known as the Tomb of Shah-i-zinda (The Living Shah, -_i.e._, Faqir) is outside the Iron Gate. Iskandar must have founded -Samarkand. The Turk and Mughul hordes call it Simiz-kint.[350] Timur Beg -made it his capital; no ruler so great will ever have made it a capital -before (_qilghan aimas dur_). I ordered people to pace round the -ramparts of the walled-town; it came out at 10,000 steps.[351] -Samarkandis are all orthodox (_sunni_), pure-in-the Faith, law-abiding -and religious. The number of Leaders [Sidenote: Fol. 45.] of Islam said -to have arisen in Ma wara'u'n-nahr, since the days of his Highness the -Prophet, are not known to have arisen in any other country.[352] From -the Matarid suburb of Samarkand came Shaikh Abu'l-mansur, one of the -Expositors of the Word.[353] Of the two sects of Expositors, the -Mataridiyah and the Ash'ariyah,[354] the first is named from this -Shaikh Abu'l-mansur. Of Ma wara'u'n-nahr also was Khwaja Isma'il -_Khartank_, the author of the _Sahih-i-bukhari_.[355] From the Farghana -district, Marghinan--Farghana, though at the limit of settled habitation, -is included in Ma wara'u'n-nahr,--came the author of the _Hidayat_,[356] -a book than which few on Jurisprudence are more honoured in the sect of -Abu Hanifa. - -On the east of Samarkand are Farghana and Kashghar; on the west, Bukhara -and Khwarizm; on the north, Tashkint and Shahrukhiya,--in books written -Shash and Banakat; and on the south, Balkh and Tirmiz. - -The Kohik Water flows along the north of Samarkand, at the distance of -some 4 miles (2 _kuroh_); it is so-called because it comes out from -under the upland of the Little Hill (_Kohik_)[357] lying between it and -the town. The Dar-i-gham Water (canal) flows along the south, at the -distance of some two miles (1 _shari'_). This is a large and swift -torrent,[358] indeed it is like a large river, cut off from the Kohik -Water. All the gardens and suburbs and some of the _tumans_ of Samarkand -are cultivated by it. By the Kohik Water a stretch of from 30 to 40 -_yighach_,[359] by road, is made habitable and cultivated, as far as -Bukhara and Qara-kul. Large as the river is, it is not too large for -its dwellings and its culture; during three or four months of the -[Sidenote: Fol. 45b.] year, indeed, its waters do not reach -Bukhara.[360] Grapes, melons, apples and pomegranates, all fruits -indeed, are good in Samarkand; two are famous, its apple and its -_sahibi_ (grape).[361] Its winter is mightily cold; snow falls but not -so much as in Kabul; in the heats its climate is good but not so good as -Kabul's. - -In the town and suburbs of Samarkand are many fine buildings and gardens -of Timur Beg and Aulugh Beg Mirza.[362] - -In the citadel,[363] Timur Beg erected a very fine building, the great -four-storeyed kiosque, known as the Guk Sarai.[364] In the walled-town, -again, near the Iron Gate, he built a Friday Mosque[365] of stone -(_sangin_); on this worked many stone-cutters, brought from Hindustan. -Round its frontal arch is inscribed in letters large enough to be read -two miles away, the Qu'ran verse, _Wa az yerfa' Ibrahim al Qawa'id ali -akhara_.[366] This also is a very fine building. Again, he laid out two -gardens, on the east of the town, one, the more distant, the -Bagh-i-bulandi,[367] the other and nearer, the Bagh-i-dilkusha.[368] -From Dilkusha to the Turquoise Gate, he planted an Avenue of White -Poplar,[369] and in the garden itself erected a great kiosque, painted -inside [Sidenote: Fol. 46.] with pictures of his battles in Hindustan. -He made another garden, known as the Naqsh-i-jahan (World's Picture), on -the skirt of Kohik, above the Qara-su or, as people also call it, the -Ab-i-rahmat (Water-of-mercy) of Kan-i-gil.[370] It had gone to ruin when -I saw it, nothing remaining of it except its name. His also are the -Bagh-i-chanar,[371] near the walls and below the town on the south,[372] -also the Bagh-i-shamal (North Garden) and the Bagh-i-bihisht (Garden of -Paradise). His own tomb and those of his descendants who have ruled in -Samarkand, are in a College, built at the exit (_chaqar_) of the -walled-town, by Muhammad Sultan Mirza, the son of Timur Beg's son, -Jahangir Mirza.[373] - -Amongst Aulugh Beg Mirza's buildings inside the town are a College and a -monastery (_Khanqah_). The dome of the monastery is very large, few so -large are shown in the world. Near these two buildings, he constructed -an excellent Hot Bath (_hammam_) known as the Mirza's Bath; he had the -pavements in this made of all sorts of stone (? mosaic); such another -bath is not known in Khurasan or in Samarkand.[374] [Sidenote: Fol. -46b.] Again;--to the south of the College is his mosque, known as the -Masjid-i-maqata' (Carved Mosque) because its ceiling and its walls are -all covered with _islimi_[375] and Chinese pictures formed of segments -of wood.[376] There is great discrepancy between the _qibla_ of this -mosque and that of the College; that of the mosque seems to have been -fixed by astronomical observation. - -Another of Aulugh Beg Mirza's fine buildings is an observatory, that is, -an instrument for writing Astronomical Tables.[377] This stands three -storeys high, on the skirt of the Kohik upland. By its means the Mirza -worked out the Kurkani Tables, now used all over the world. Less work is -done with any others. Before these were made, people used the Ail-khani -Tables, put together at Maragha, by Khwaja Nasir _Tusi_,[378] in the -time of Hulaku Khan. Hulaku Khan it is, people call _Ail-khani_.[379] - - (_Author's note._) Not more than seven or eight observatories - seem to have been constructed in the world. Mamum Khalifa[380] - (Caliph) made one with which the _Mamumi_ Tables were written. - Batalmus (Ptolemy) constructed another. Another was made, in - Hindustan, in the time of Raja Vikramaditya _Hindu_, in Ujjain - and Dhar, that is, the Malwa country, now known as Mandu. The - Hindus of Hindustan use the Tables of this Observatory. They - were put together 1,584 years ago.[381] [Sidenote: Fol. 47.] - Compared with others, they are somewhat defective. - -Aulugh Beg Mirza again, made the garden known as the Bagh-i-maidan -(Garden of the Plain), on the skirt of the Kohik upland. In the middle -of it he erected a fine building they call Chihil Situn (Forty Pillars). -On both storeys are pillars, all of stone (_tashdin_).[382] Four -turrets, like minarets, stand on its four corner-towers, the way up into -them being through the towers. Everywhere there are stone pillars, some -fluted, some twisted, some many-sided. On the four sides of the upper -storey are open galleries enclosing a four-doored hall (_char-dara_); -their pillars also are all of stone. The raised floor of the building is -all paved with stone. - -He made a smaller garden, out beyond Chihil Situn and towards Kohik, -also having a building in it. In the open gallery of this building he -placed a great stone throne, some 14 or 15 yards (_qari_) long, some 8 -yards wide and perhaps 1 yard high. They brought a stone so large by a -very long road.[383] There is a crack in the middle of it which people -say must have come after it was brought here. In the same [Sidenote: -Fol. 47b.] garden he also built a four-doored hall, know as the -Chini-khana (Porcelain House) because its _izara_[384] are all of -porcelain; he sent to China for the porcelain used in it. Inside the -walls again, is an old building of his, known as the Masjid-i-laqlaqa -(Mosque of the Echo). If anyone stamps on the ground under the middle of -the dome of this mosque, the sound echoes back from the whole dome; it -is a curious matter of which none know the secret. - -In the time also of Sl. Ahmad Mirza the great and lesser begs laid out -many gardens, large and small.[385] For beauty, and air, and view, few -will have equalled Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan's Char-bagh (Four -Gardens).[386] It lies overlooking the whole of Qulba Meadow, on the -slope below the Bagh-i-maidan. Moreover it is arranged symmetrically, -terrace above terrace, and is planted with beautiful _narwan_[387] and -cypresses and white poplar. A most agreeable sojourning place, its one -defect is the want of a large stream. - -Samarkand is a wonderfully beautified town. One of its specialities, -perhaps found in few other places,[388] is that the different trades are -not mixed up together in it but each has its own _bazar_, a good sort of -plan. Its bakers and its cooks are good. The best paper in the world is -made there; the water for the paper-mortars[389] all comes from -Kan-i-gil,[390] a meadow on the banks of the Qara-su (Blackwater) or -Ab-i-rahmat (Water of Mercy). [Sidenote: Fol. 48.] Another article of -Samarkand trade, carried to all sides and quarters, is cramoisy velvet. - -Excellent meadows lie round Samarkand. One is the famous Kan-i-gil, some -2 miles east and a little north of the town. The Qara-su or Ab-i-rahmat -flows through it, a stream (with driving power) for perhaps seven or -eight mills. Some say the original name of the meadow must have been -Kan-i-abgir (Mine of Quagmire) because the river is bordered by -quagmire, but the histories all write Kan-i-gil (Mine of clay). It is an -excellent meadow. The Samarkand sultans always made it their -reserve,[391] going out to camp in it each year for a month or two. - -Higher up (on the river) than Kan-i-gil and to the s.e. of it is a -meadow some 4 miles east of the town, known as Khan Yurti (Khan's -Camping-ground). The Qara-su flows through this meadow before entering -Kan-i-gil. When it comes to Khan Yurti it curves back so far that it -encloses, with a very narrow outlet, enough ground for a camp. Having -noticed these advantages, we camped there for a time during [Sidenote: -Fol. 48b.] the siege of Samarkand.[392] - -Another meadow is the Budana Qurugh (Quail Reserve), lying between -Dil-kusha and the town. Another is the Kul-i-maghak (Meadow of the deep -pool) at some 4 miles from the town. This also is a round[393] meadow. -People call it Kul-i-maghak meadow because there is a large pool on one -side of it. Sl. 'Ali Mirza lay here during the siege, when I was in Khan -Yurti. Another and smaller meadow is Qulba (Plough); it has Qulba -Village and the Kohik Water on the north, the Bagh-i-maidan and Darwesh -Muhammad Tarkhan's Char-bagh on the south, and the Kohik upland on the -west. - -Samarkand has good districts and _tumans_. Its largest district, and one -that is its equal, is Bukhara, 25 _yighach_[394] to the west. Bukhara in -its turn, has several _tumans_; it is a fine town; its fruits are many -and good, its melons excellent; none in Ma wara'u'n-nahr matching them -for quality and quantity. Although the Mir Timuri melon of Akhsi[395] is -sweeter and more delicate than any Bukhara melon, still in Bukhara many -kinds of melon are good and plentiful. The Bukhara plum is famous; no -other equals it. They skin it,[396] dry it and [Sidenote: Fol. 49.] -carry it from land to land with rarities (_tabarruklar bila_); it is an -excellent laxative medicine. Fowls and geese are much looked after -(_parwari_) in Bukhara. Bukhara wine is the strongest made in Ma -wara'u'n-nahr; it was what I drank when drinking in those countries at -Samarkand.[397] - -Kesh is another district of Samarkand, 9 _yighach_[398] by road to the -south of the town. A range called the Aitmak Pass (_Daban_)[399] lies -between Samarkand and Kesh; from this are taken all the stones for -building. Kesh is called also Shahr-i-sabz (Green-town) because its -barren waste (_sahr_) and roofs and walls become beautifully green in -spring. As it was Timur Beg's birth-place, he tried hard to make it his -capital. He erected noble buildings in it. To seat his own Court, he -built a great arched hall and in this seated his Commander-begs and his -Diwan-begs, on his right and on his left. For those attending the Court, -he built two smaller halls, and to seat petitioners to his Court, built -quite small recesses on the four sides of the Court-house.[400] Few -arches so fine can be shown in the world. It is said to be higher than -the Kisri Arch.[401] Timur Beg also built in Kesh a college and a -mausoleum, in which are the tombs of Jahangir Mirza and others of his -descendants.[402] As Kesh did not offer the same facilities as -[Sidenote: Fol. 49b.] Samarkand for becoming a town and a capital, he -at last made clear choice of Samarkand. - -Another district is Qarshi, known also as Nashaf and Nakhshab.[403] -Qarshi is a Mughul name. In the Mughul tongue they call a _kur-khana_ -Qarshi.[404] The name must have come in after the rule of Chingiz Khan. -Qarshi is somewhat scantily supplied with water; in spring it is very -beautiful and its grain and melons are good. It lies 18 _yighach_[405] -by road south and a little inclined to west of Samarkand. In the -district a small bird, known as the _qil-quyirugh_ and resembling the -_baghri qara_, is found in such countless numbers that it goes by the -name of the Qarshi birdie (_murghak_).[406] - -Khozar is another district; Karmina another, lying between Samarkand and -Bukhara; Qara-kul another, 7 _yighach_[407] n.w. of Bukhara and at the -furthest limit of the water. - -Samarkand has good _tumans_. One is Soghd with its dependencies. Its -head Yar-yilaq, its foot Bukhara, there may be not one single _yighach_ -of earth without its village and its cultivated lands. So famous is it -that the saying attributed to Timur Beg, 'I have a garden 30 _yighach_ -long,[408] must have been spoken of Soghd. Another _tuman_ is Shavdar -(var. Shadwar), an excellent one adjoining the town-suburbs. On one side -it has the range (Aitmak Daban), lying between Samarkand and [Sidenote: -Fol. 50.] Shahr-i-sabz, on the skirts of which are many of its villages. -On the other side is the Kohik Water (_i.e._ the Dar-i-gham canal). -There it lies! an excellent _tuman_, with fine air, full of beauty, -abounding in waters, its good things cheap. Observers of Egypt and Syria -have not pointed out its match. - -Though Samarkand has other _tumans_, none rank with those enumerated; -with so much, enough has been said. - -Timur Beg gave the government of Samarkand to his eldest son, Jahangir -Mirza (in 776 AH.-1375 AD.); when Jahangir Mirza died (805 AH.-1403 -AD.), he gave it to the Mirza's eldest son, Muhammad Sultan-i-jahangir; -when Muhammad Sultan Mirza died, it went to Shah-rukh Mirza, Timur Beg's -youngest son. Shah-rukh Mirza gave the whole of Ma wara'u'n-nahr (in 872 -AH.-1467 AD.) to his eldest son, Aulugh Beg Mirza. From him his own son, -'Abdu'l-latif Mirza took it, (853 AH.-1449 AD.), for the sake of this -five days' fleeting world martyring a father so full of years and -knowledge. - -The following chronogram gives the date of Aulugh Beg Mirza's death:-- - - Aulugh Beg, an ocean of wisdom and science, - The pillar of realm and religion, - Sipped from the hand of 'Abbas, the mead of martyrdom, - And the date of the death is _'Abbas kasht_ ('Abbas slew).[409] - -Though 'Abdu'l-latif Mirza did not rule more than five or six months, -the following couplet was current about him:-- - - Ill does sovereignty befit the parricide; - Should he rule, be it for no more than six months.[410] - -This chronogram of the death of 'Abdu'l-latif Mirza is also well done:-- - - 'Abdu'l-latif, in glory a Khusrau and Jamshid, [Sidenote: Fol. 50b.] - In his train a Faridun and Zardusht, - Baba Husain slew on the Friday Eve, - With an arrow. Write as its date, _Baba Husain kasht_ (Baba - Husain slew).[411] - -After 'Abdu'l-latif Mirza's death, (Jumada I, 22, 855 AH.-June 22nd. -1450 AD.), (his cousin) 'Abdu'l-lah Mirza, the grandson of Shah-rukh -Mirza through Ibrahim Mirza, seated himself on the throne and ruled for -18 months to two years.[412] From him Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza took it (855 -AH.-1451 AD.). He in his life-time gave it to his eldest son, Sl. Ahmad -Mirza; Sl. Ahmad Mirza continued to rule it after his father's death -(873 AH.-1469 AD.). On his death (899 AH.-1494 AD.) Sl. Mahmud Mirza was -seated on the throne and on his death (900 AH.-1495 AD.) Bai-sunghar -Mirza. Bai-sunghar Mirza was made prisoner for a few days, during the -Tarkhan rebellion (901 AH.-1496 AD.), and his younger brother, Sl. 'Ali -Mirza was seated on the throne, but Bai-sunghar Mirza, as has been -related in this history, took it again directly. From Bai-sunghar Mirza -I took it (903 AH.-1497 AD.). Further details will be learned from the -ensuing history. - - -(_c. Babur's rule in Samarkand._) - -When I was seated on the throne, I shewed the Samarkand begs precisely -the same favour and kindness they had had before. I bestowed rank and -favour also on the begs with me, [Sidenote: Fol. 51.] to each according -to his circumstances, the largest share falling to Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_; -he had been in the household begs' circle; I now raised him to that of -the great begs. - -We had taken the town after a seven months' hard siege. Things of one -sort or other fell to our men when we got in. The whole country, with -exception of Samarkand itself, had come in earlier either to me or to -Sl. 'Ali Mirza and consequently had not been over-run. In any case -however, what could have been taken from districts so long subjected to -raid and rapine? The booty our men had taken, such as it was, came to an -end. When we entered the town, it was in such distress that it needed -seed-corn and money-advances; what place was this to take anything from? -On these accounts our men suffered great privation. We ourselves could -give them nothing. Moreover they yearned for their homes and, by ones -and twos, set their faces for flight. The first to go was Bayan Quli's -(son) Khan Quli; Ibrahim _Begchik_ was another; all the Mughuls went off -and, a little later, Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_. - -Auzun Hasan counted himself a very sincere and faithful friend of -Khwaja-i-qazi; we therefore, to put a stop to these desertions, sent the -Khwaja to him (in Andijan) so that they, [Sidenote: Fol. 51b.] in -agreement, might punish some of the deserters and send others back to -us. But that very Auzun Hasan, that traitor to his salt, may have been -the stirrer-up of the whole trouble and the spur-to-evil of the -deserters from Samarkand. Directly Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_ had gone, all the -rest took up a wrong position. - - -(_d. Andijan demanded of Babur by The Khan, and also for Jahangir -Mirza._) - -Although, during the years in which, coveting Samarkand, I had -persistently led my army out, Sl. Mahmud Khan[413] had provided me with -no help whatever, yet, now it had been taken, he wanted Andijan. -Moreover, Auzun Hasan and Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_, just when soldiers of ours -and all the Mughuls had deserted to Andijan and Akhsi, wanted those two -districts for Jahangir Mirza. For several reasons, those districts could -not be given to them. One was, that though not promised to The Khan, yet -he had asked for them and, as he persisted in asking, an agreement with -him was necessary, if they were to be given to Jahangir Mirza. A further -reason was that to ask for them just when deserters from us had fled to -them, was very like a command. If the matter had been brought forward -earlier, some way of tolerating a command might have been found. At -[Sidenote: Fol. 52.] the moment, as the Mughuls and the Andijan army and -several even of my household had gone to Andijan, I had with me in -Samarkand, beg for beg, good and bad, somewhere about 1000 men. - -When Auzun Hasan and Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_ did not get what they wanted, -they invited all those timid fugitives to join them. Just such a -happening, those timid people, for their own sakes, had been asking of -God in their terror. Hereupon, Auzun Hasan and Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_, -becoming openly hostile and rebellious, led their army from Akhsi -against Andijan. - -Tulun Khwaja was a bold, dashing, eager brave of the Barin (Mughuls). My -father had favoured him and he was still in favour, I myself having -raised him to the rank of beg. In truth he deserved favour, a -wonderfully bold and dashing brave! He, as being the man I favoured -amongst the Mughuls, was sent (after them) when they began to desert -from Samarkand, to counsel the clans and to chase fear from their hearts -so that [Sidenote: Fol. 52b.] they might not turn their heads to the -wind.[414] Those two traitors however, those false guides, had so -wrought on the clans that nothing availed, promise or entreaty, counsel -or threat. Tulun Khwaja's march lay through Aiki-su-arasi,[415] known -also as Rabatik-aurchini. Auzun Hasan sent a skirmishing party against -him; it found him off his guard, seized and killed him. This done, they -took Jahangir Mirza and went to besiege Andijan. - - -(_e. Babur loses Andijan._) - -In Andijan when my army rode out for Samarkand, I had left Auzun Hasan -and 'Ali-dost Taghai (Ramzan 902 AH.-May 1497 AD.). Khwaja-i-qazi had -gone there later on, and there too were many of my men from Samarkand. -During the siege, the Khwaja, out of good-will to me, apportioned 18,000 -of his own sheep to the garrison and to the families of the men still -with me. While the siege was going on, letters kept coming to me from my -mothers[416] and from the Khwaja, saying in effect, 'They are besieging -us in this way; if at our cry of distress you do not come, things will -go all to ruin. Samarkand was taken [Sidenote: Fol. 53.] by the strength -of Andijan; if Andijan is in your hands, God willing, Samarkand can be -had again.' One after another came letters to this purport. Just then I -was recovering from illness but, not having been able to take due care -in the days of convalescence, I went all to pieces again and this time, -became so very ill that for four days my speech was impeded and they -used to drop water into my mouth with cotton. Those with me, begs and -bare braves alike, despairing of my life, began each to take thought for -himself. While I was in this condition, the begs, by an error of -judgment, shewed me to a servant of Auzun Hasan's, a messenger come with -wild proposals, and then dismissed him. In four or five days, I became -somewhat better but still could not speak, in another few days, was -myself again. - -Such letters! so anxious, so beseeching, coming from my mothers, that is -from my own and hers, Aisan-daulat Begim, and from my teacher and -spiritual guide, that is, Khwaja-i-maulana-i-qazi, with what heart would -a man not move? We left Samarkand for Andijan on a Saturday in Rajab -(Feb.-March), when I had ruled 100 days in the town. It was [Sidenote: -Fol. 53b.] Saturday again when we reached Khujand and on that day a -person brought news from Andijan, that seven days before, that is on the -very day we had left Samarkand, 'Ali-dost Taghai had surrendered -Andijan. - -These are the particulars;--The servant of Auzun Hasan who, after seeing -me, was allowed to leave, had gone to Andijan and there said, 'The -_padshah_ cannot speak and they are dropping water into his mouth with -cotton.' Having gone and made these assertions in the ordinary way, he -took oath in 'Ali-dost Taghai's presence. 'Ali-dost Taghai was in the -Khakan Gate. Becoming without footing through this matter, he invited -the opposite party into the fort, made covenant and treaty with them, -and surrendered Andijan. Of provisions and of fighting men, there was no -lack whatever; the starting point of the surrender was the cowardice of -that false and faithless manikin; what was told him, he made a pretext -to put himself in the right. - -When the enemy, after taking possession of Andijan, heard of my arrival -in Khujand, they martyred Khwaja-i-maulana-i-qazi by hanging him, with -dishonour, in the Gate of the citadel. [Sidenote: Fol. 54.] He had come -to be known as Khwaja-maulana-i-qazi but his own name was 'Abdu'l-lah. -On his father's side, his line went back to Shaikh Burhanu'd-din 'Ali -_Qilich_, on his mother's to Sl. Ailik _Mazi_. This family had come to -be the Religious Guides (_muqtada_) and pontiff (_Shaikhu'l-islam_) and -Judge (_qazi_) in the Farghana country.[417] He was a disciple of his -Highness 'Ubaidu'l-lah (_Ahrari_) and from him had his upbringing. I -have no doubt he was a saint (_wali_); what better witnesses to his -sanctity than the fact that within a short time, no sign or trace -remained of those active for his death? He was a wonderful man; it was -not in him to be afraid; in no other man was seen such courage as his. -This quality is a further witness to his sanctity. Other men, however -bold, have anxieties and tremours; he had none. When they had killed -him, they seized and plundered those connected with him, retainers and -servants, tribesmen and followers. - -In anxiety for Andijan, we had given Samarkand out of our hands; then -heard we had lost Andijan. It was like the saying, 'In ignorance, made -to leave this place, shut out from that' (_Ghafil az in ja randa, az an -ja manda_). It was very hard and vexing to me; for why? never since I -had ruled, had I been cut [Sidenote: Fol. 54b.] off like this from my -retainers and my country; never since I had known myself, had I known -such annoyance and such hardship. - - -(_f. Babur's action from Khujand as his base._) - -On our arrival in Khujand, certain hypocrites, not enduring to see -Khalifa in my Gate, had so wrought on Muhammad Husain Mirza _Dughlat_ -and others that he was dismissed towards Tashkint. To Tashkint also -Qasim Beg _Quchin_ had been sent earlier, in order to ask The Khan's -help for a move on Andijan. The Khan consented to give it and came -himself by way of the Ahangaran Dale,[418] to the foot of the Kindirlik -Pass.[419] There I went also, from Khujand, and saw my Khan dada.[420] -We then crossed the pass and halted on the Akhsi side. The enemy for -their part, gathered their men and went to Akhsi. - -Just at that time, the people in Pap[421] sent me word they had made -fast the fort but, owing to something misleading in The Khan's advance, -the enemy stormed and took it. Though The Khan had other good qualities -and was in other ways businesslike, he was much without merit as a -soldier and commander. Just when matters were at the point that if he -made one more march, it was most probable the country would be had -without fighting, at such a time! he gave ear to what the enemy said -with alloy of deceit, spoke of peace and, as his messengers, sent them -Khwaja Abu'l-makaram and his own [Sidenote: Fol. 55.] Lord of the Gate, -Beg _Tilba_ (Fool), _Tambal's_ elder brother. To save themselves those -others (_i.e._ Hasan and Tambal) mixed something true with what they -fabled and agreed to give gifts and bribes either to The Khan or to his -intermediaries. With this, The Khan retired. - -As the families of most of my begs and household and braves were in -Andijan, 7 or 800 of the great and lesser begs and bare braves, left us -in despair of our taking the place. Of the begs were 'Ali-darwesh Beg, -'Ali-mazid _Quchin_, Muhammad Baqir Beg, Shaikh 'Abdu'l-lah, Lord of the -Gate and Mirim _Laghari_. Of men choosing exile and hardship with me, -there may have been, of good and bad, between 200 and 300. Of begs there -were Qasim _Quchin_ Beg, Wais _Laghari_ Beg, Ibrahim _Saru Mingligh_ -Beg, Shirim Taghai, Sayyidi Qara Beg; and of my household, Mir Shah -_Quchin_, Sayyid Qasim _Jalair_, Lord of the Gate, Qasim-'ajab, -'Ali-dost Taghai's (son) Muhammad-dost, Muhammad-'ali _Mubashir_,[422] -Khudai-birdi _Tughchi Mughul_, Yarik Taghai, Baba 'Ali's (son) Baba -Quli, Pir Wais, Shaikh Wais, [Sidenote: Fol. 55b.] Yar-'ali -_Balal_,[423] Qasim _Mir Akhwur_ (Chief Equerry) and Haidar _Rikabdar_ -(stirrup-holder). - -It came very hard on me; I could not help crying a good deal. Back I -went to Khujand and thither they sent me my mother and my grandmother -and the families of some of the men with me. - -That Ramzan (April-May) we spent in Khujand, then mounted for Samarkand. -We had already sent to ask The Khan's help; he assigned, to act with us -against Samarkand, his son, Sl. Muhammad (Sultanim) Khanika and (his -son's guardian) Ahmad Beg with 4 or 5000 men and rode himself as far as -Aura-tipa. There I saw him and from there went on by way of Yar-yilaq, -past the Burka-yilaq Fort, the head-quarters of the sub-governor -(_darogha_) of the district. Sl. Muhammad Sultan and Ahmad Beg, riding -light and by another road, got to Yar-yilaq first but on their hearing -that Shaibani Khan was raiding Shiraz and thereabouts, turned back. -There was no help for it! Back I too had to go. Again I went to Khujand! - -As there was in me ambition for rule and desire of conquest, I did not -sit at gaze when once or twice an affair had made no progress. Now I -myself, thinking to make another move for [Sidenote: Fol. 56.] Andijan, -went to ask The Khan's help. Over and above this, it was seven or eight -years since I had seen Shah Begim[424] and other relations; they also -were seen under the same pretext. After a few days, The Khan appointed -Sayyid Muhammad Husain (_Dughlat_) and Ayub _Begchik_ and Jan-hasan -_Barin_ with 7 or 8000 men to help us. With this help we started, rode -light, through Khujand without a halt, left Kand-i-badam on the left and -so to Nasukh, 9 or 10 _yighach_ of road beyond Khujand and 3 _yighach_ -(12-18 m.) from Kand-i-badam, there set our ladders up and took the -fort. It was the melon season; one kind grown here, known as Isma'il -Shaikhi, has a yellow rind, feels like shagreen leather, has seeds like -an apple's and flesh four fingers thick. It is a wonderfully delicate -melon; no other such grows thereabout. Next day the Mughul begs -represented to me, 'Our fighting men are few; to what would holding this -one fort lead on?' In truth they were right; of what use was it to make -that fort fast and stay there? Back once more to Khujand! - - -(_f. Affairs of Khusrau Shah and the Timurid Mirzas_.)[425] - -This year Khusrau Shah, taking Bai-sunghar Mirza with him, led his army -(from Qunduz) to Chaghanian and with false and treacherous intent, sent -this message to Hisar for Sl. Mas'ud Mirza, 'Come, betake yourself to -Samarkand; if [Sidenote: Fol. 56b.] Samarkand is taken, one Mirza may -seat himself there, the other in Hisar.' Just at the time, the Mirza's -begs and household were displeased with him, because he had shewn -excessive favour to his father-in-law, Shaikh 'Abdu'l-lah _Barlas_ who -from Bai-sunghar Mirza had gone to him. Small district though Hisar is, -the Mirza had made the Shaikh's allowance 1,000 _tumans_ of _fulus_[426] -and had given him the whole of Khutlan in which were the holdings of -many of the Mirza's begs and household. All this Shaikh 'Abdu'l-lah had; -he and his sons took also in whole and in part, the control of the -Mirza's gate. Those angered began, one after the other, to desert to -Bai-sunghar Mirza. - -By those words of false alloy, having put Sl. Mas'ud Mirza off his -guard, Khusrau Shah and Bai-sunghar Mirza moved light out of Chaghanian, -surrounded Hisar and, at beat of morning-drum, took possession of it. -Sl. Mas'ud Mirza was in Daulat Sarai, a house his father had built in -the suburbs. Not being able to get into the fort, he drew off towards -Khutlan with Shaikh 'Abu'l-lah _Barlas_, parted from him half-way, -crossed the river at the Aubaj ferry and betook himself to Sl. Husain -Mirza. Khusrau Shah, having taken Hisar, set Bai-sunghar [Sidenote: Fol. -57.] Mirza on the throne, gave Khutlan to his own younger brother, Wali -and rode a few days later, to lay siege to Balkh where, with many of his -father's begs, was Ibrahim Husain Mirza (_Bai-qara_). He sent Nazar -_Bahadur_, his chief retainer, on in advance with 3 or 400 men to near -Balkh, and himself taking Bai-sunghar Mirza with him, followed and laid -the siege. - -Wali he sent off with a large force to besiege Shabarghan and raid and -ravage thereabouts. Wali, for his part, not being able to lay close -siege, sent his men off to plunder the clans and hordes of the Zardak -Chul, and they took him back over 100,000 sheep and some 3000 camels. He -then came, plundering the San-chirik country on his way, and raiding and -making captive the clans fortified in the hills, to join Khusrau Shah -before Balkh. - -One day during the siege, Khusrau Shah sent the Nazar _Bahadur_ already -mentioned, to destroy the water-channels[427] of [Sidenote: Fol. 57b.] -Balkh. Out on him sallied Tingri-birdi _Samanchi_,[428] Sl. Husain -Mirza's favourite beg, with 70 or 80 men, struck him down, cut off his -head, carried it off, and went back into the fort. A very bold sally, -and he did a striking deed. - - -(_g. Affairs of Sl. Husain Mirza and Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza._) - -This same year, Sl. Husain Mirza led his army out to Bast and there -encamped,[429] for the purpose of putting down Zu'n-nun _Arghun_ and his -son, Shah Shuja', because they had become Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's -retainers, had given him a daughter of Zu'n-nun in marriage and taken up -a position hostile to himself. No corn for his army coming in from any -quarter, it had begun to be distressed with hunger when the sub-governor -of Bast surrendered. By help of the stores of Bast, the Mirza got back -to Khurasan. - -Since such a great ruler as Sl. Husain Mirza had twice led a splendid -and well-appointed army out and twice retired, without taking Qunduz, or -Hisar or Qandahar, his sons and his begs waxed bold in revolt and -rebellion. In the spring of this year, he sent a large army under -Muhammad Wali Beg to put down (his son) Muhammad Husain Mirza who, -supreme in Astarabad, had taken up a position hostile to himself. While -Sl. Husain Mirza was still lying in the Nishin meadow (near Harat), he -was surprised by Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and Shah Shuja' Beg (_Arghun_). By -unexpected good-fortune, he had been [Sidenote: Fol. 58.] joined that -very day by Sl. Mas'ud Mirza, a refugee after bringing about the loss of -Hisar,[430] and also rejoined by a force of his own returning from -Astarabad. There was no question of fighting. Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and -Shah Beg, brought face to face with these armies, took to flight. - -Sl. Husain Mirza looked kindly on Sl. Mas'ud Mirza, made him kneel as a -son-in-law and gave him a place in his favour and affection. -None-the-less Sl. Mas'ud Mirza, at the instigation of Baqi -_Chaghaniani_, who had come earlier into Sl. Husain Mirza's service, -started off on some pretext, without asking leave, and went from the -presence of Sl. Husain Mirza to that of Khusrau Shah! - -Khusrau Shah had already invited and brought from Hisar, Bai-sunghar -Mirza; to him had gone Aulugh Beg Mirza's son,[431] Miran-shah Mirza -who, having gone amongst the Hazara in rebellion against his father, had -been unable to remain amongst them because of his own immoderate acts. -Some short-sighted persons were themselves ready to kill these three -(Timurid) Mirzas and to read Khusrau Shah's name in the _khutba_ but he -himself did not think this combination desirable. The ungrateful -[Sidenote: Fol. 58b.] manikin however, for the sake of gain in this five -days' fleeting world,--it was not true to him nor will it be true to any -man soever,--seized that Sl. Mas'ud Mirza whom he had seen grow up in his -charge from childhood, whose guardian he had been, and blinded him with -the lancet. - -Some of the Mirza's foster-brethren and friends of affection and old -servants took him to Kesh intending to convey him to his (half)-brother -Sl. 'Ali Mirza in Samarkand but as that party also (_i.e._ 'Ali's) -became threatening, they fled with him, crossed the river at the Aubaj -ferry and went to Sl. Husain Mirza. - -A hundred thousand curses light on him who planned and did a deed so -horrible! Up to the very verge of Resurrection, let him who hears of -this act of Khusrau Shah, curse him; and may he who hearing, curses not, -know cursing equally deserved! - -This horrid deed done, Khusrau Shah made Bai-sunghar Mirza ruler in -Hisar and dismissed him; Miran-shah Mirza he despatched for Bamian with -Sayyid Qasim to help him. - - - - -904 AH.--AUG. 19TH. 1498 TO AUG. 8TH. 1499 AD.[432] - -(_a. Babur borrows Pashaghar and leaves Khujand._) - -Twice we had moved out of Khujand, once for Andijan, once for Samarkand, -and twice we had gone back to it because our work was not opened -out.[433] Khujand is a poor place; a man with 2 or 300 followers would -have a hard time there; with [Sidenote: Fol. 59.] what outlook would an -ambitious man set himself down in it? - -As it was our wish to return to Samarkand, we sent people to confer with -Muhammad Husain _Kurkan Dughlat_ in Aura-tipa and to ask of him the loan -for the winter of Pashaghar where we might sit till it was practicable -to make a move on Samarkand. He consenting, I rode out from Khujand for -Pashaghar. - - (_Author's note on Pashaghar._) Pashaghar is one of the - villages of Yar-yilaq; it had belonged to his Highness the - Khwaja,[434] but during recent interregna,[435] it had become - dependent on Muhammad Husain Mirza. - -I had fever when we reached Zamin, but spite of my fever we hurried off -by the mountain road till we came over against Rabat-i-khwaja, the -head-quarters of the sub-governor of the Shavdar _tuman_, where we hoped -to take the garrison at unawares, set our ladders up and so get into the -fort. We reached it at dawn, found its men on guard, turned back and -rode without halt to Pashaghar. The pains and misery of fever -notwithstanding, I had ridden 14 or 15 _yighach_ (70 to 80 miles). - -After a few days in Pashaghar, we appointed Ibrahim _Saru_, [Sidenote: -Fol. 59b.] Wais _Laghari_, Sherim Taghai and some of the household and -braves to make an expedition amongst the Yar-yilaq forts and get them -into our hands. Yar-yilaq, at that time was Sayyid Yusuf Beg's,[436] he -having remained in Samarkand at the exodus and been much favoured by Sl. -'Ali Mirza. To manage the forts, Sayyid Yusuf had sent his younger -brother's son, Ahmad-i-yusuf, now[437] Governor of Sialkot, and -Ahmad-i-yusuf was then in occupation. In the course of that winter, our -begs and braves made the round, got possession of some of the forts -peacefully, fought and took others, gained some by ruse and craft. In -the whole of that district there is perhaps not a single village without -its defences because of the Mughuls and the Auzbegs. Meantime Sl. 'Ali -Mirza became suspicious of Sayyid Yusuf and his nephew on my account and -dismissed both towards Khurasan. - -The winter passed in this sort of tug-of-war; with the oncoming -heats,[438] they sent Khwaja Yahya to treat with me, while they, urged -on by the (Samarkand) army, marched out to near Shiraz and Kabud. I may -have had 200 or 300 soldiers (_sipahi_); powerful foes were on my every -side; Fortune had [Sidenote: Fol. 60.] not favoured me when I turned to -Andijan; when I put a hand out for Samarkand, no work was opened out. Of -necessity, some sort of terms were made and I went back from Pashaghar. - -Khujand is a poor place; one beg would have a hard time in it; there we -and our families and following had been for half a year[439] and during -the time the Musalmans of the place had not been backward in bearing our -charges and serving us to the best of their power. With what face could -we go there again? and what, for his own part, could a man do there? 'To -what home to go? For what gain to stay?'[440] - -In the end and with the same anxieties and uncertainty, we went to the -summer-pastures in the south of Aura-tipa. There we spent some days in -amazement at our position, not knowing where to go or where to stay, our -heads in a whirl. On one of those days, Khwaja Abu'l-makaram came to see -me, he like me, a wanderer, driven from his home.[441] He questioned us -about our goings and stayings, about what had or had not been done and -about our whole position. He was touched with compassion for our state -and recited the _fatiha_ for me before he left. I also was much touched; -I pitied him. - - -(_b. Babur recovers Marghinan._) - -Near the Afternoon Prayer of that same day, a horseman appeared at the -foot of the valley. He was a man named Yul-chuq, presumably 'Ali-dost -Taghai's own servant, and had been sent with this written message, -'Although many great misdeeds have had their rise in me, yet, if you -will do me the [Sidenote: Fol. 60b.] favour and kindness of coming to -me, I hope to purge my offences and remove my reproach, by giving you -Marghinan and by my future submission and single-minded service.' - -Such news! coming on such despair and whirl-of-mind! Off we hurried, -that very hour,--it was sun-set,--without reflecting, without a moment's -delay, just as if for a sudden raid, straight for Marghinan. From where -we were to Marghinan may have been 24 or 25 _yighach_ of road.[442] -Through that night it was rushed without delaying anywhere, and on next -day till at the Mid-day Prayer, halt was made at Tang-ab (Narrow-water), -one of the villages of Khujand. There we cooled down our horses and gave -them corn. We rode out again at beat of (twilight-) drum[443] and on -through that night till shoot of dawn, and through the next day till -sunset, and on through that night till, just before dawn, we were one -_yighach_ from Marghinan. Here Wais Beg and others represented to me -with some anxiety what sort of an evil-doer 'Ali-dost was. 'No-one,' -they said, 'has come and gone, time and again, between him and us; no -terms and compact have been made; trusting to what are we going?' In -truth their fears were just! After waiting awhile to consult, we at last -agreed that [Sidenote: Fol. 61.] reasonable as anxiety was, it ought to -have been earlier; that there we were after coming three nights and two -days without rest or halt; in what horse or in what man was any strength -left?--from where we were, how could return be made? and, if made, where -were we to go?--that, having come so far, on we must, and that nothing -happens without God's will. At this we left the matter and moved on, our -trust set on Him. - -At the Sunnat Prayer[444] we reached Fort Marghinan. 'Ali-dost Taghai -kept himself behind (_arqa_) the closed gate and asked for terms; these -granted, he opened it. He did me obeisance between the (two) gates.[445] -After seeing him, we dismounted at a suitable house in the walled-town. -With me, great and small, were 240 men. - -As Auzun Hasan and Tambal had been tyrannical and oppressive, all the -clans of the country were asking for me. We therefore, after two or -three days spent in Marghinan, joined to Qasim Beg over a hundred men of -the Pashagharis, the new retainers of Marghinan and of 'Ali-dost's -following, and sent them to bring over to me, by force or fair words, -such hill-people of the south of Andijan as the Ashpari, Turuqshar, -[Sidenote: Fol. 61b.] Chikrak and others roundabout. Ibrahim Saru and -Wais _Laghari_ and Sayyidi Qara were also sent out, to cross the -Khujand-water and, by whatever means, to induce the people on that side -to turn their eyes to me. - -Auzun Hasan and Tambal, for their parts, gathered together what soldiers -and Mughuls they had and called up the men accustomed to serve in the -Andijan and Akhsi armies. Then, bringing Jahangir Mirza with them, they -came to Sapan, a village 2 m. east of Marghinan, a few days after our -arrival, and dismounted there with the intention of besieging Marghinan. -They advanced a day or two later, formed up to fight, as far as the -suburbs. Though after the departure of the Commanders, Qasim Beg, -Ibrahim _Saru_ and Wais _Laghari_, few men were left with me, those -there were formed up, sallied out and prevented the enemy from advancing -beyond the suburbs. On that day, Page Khalil, the turban-twister, went -well forward and got his hand into the work. They had come; they could -do nothing; on two other days they failed to get near the fort. -[Sidenote: Fol. 62.] - -When Qasim Beg went into the hills on the south of Andijan, all the -Ashpari, Turuqshar, Chikrak, and the peasants and highland and lowland -clans came in for us. When the Commanders, Ibrahim _Saru_ and Wais -_Laghari_, crossed the river to the Akhsi side, Pap and several other -forts came in. - -Auzun Hasan and Tambal being the heathenish and vicious tyrants they -were, had inflicted great misery on the peasantry and clansmen. -One of the chief men of Akhsi, Hasan-dikcha by name,[446] gathered -together his own following and a body of the Akhsi mob and rabble, -black-bludgeoned[447] Auzun Hasan's and Tambal's men in the outer fort -and drubbed them into the citadel. They then invited the Commanders, -Ibrahim _Saru_, Wais _Laghari_ and Sayyidi Qara and admitted them into -the fort. - -Sl. Mahmud Khan had appointed to help us, Haidar _Kukuldash's_ (son) -Banda-'ali and Haji Ghazi _Manghit_,[448] the latter just then a -fugitive from Shaibani Khan, and also the Barin _tuman_ with its begs. -They arrived precisely at this time. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 62b.] These news were altogether upsetting to Auzun -Hasan; he at once started off his most favoured retainers and most -serviceable braves to help his men in the citadel of Akhsi. His force -reached the brow of the river at dawn. Our Commanders and the (Tashkint) -Mughuls had heard of its approach and had made some of their men strip -their horses and cross the river (to the Andijan side). Auzun Hasan's -men, in their haste, did not draw the ferry-boat up-stream;[449] they -consequently went right away from the landing-place, could not cross for -the fort and went down stream.[450] Here-upon, our men and the -(Tashkint) Mughuls began to ride bare-back into the water from both -banks. Those in the boat could make no fight at all. Qarlughach (var. -Qarbughach) _Bakhshi_ (Pay-master) called one of Mughul Beg's sons to -him, took him by the hand, chopped at him and killed him. Of what use -was it? The affair was past that! His act was the cause why most of -those in the boat went to their death. Instantly our men seized them all -(_ariq_) and killed all (but a few).[451] Of Auzun Hasan's confidants -escaped Qarlughach _Bakhshi_ and Khalil _Diwan_ and Qazi _Ghulam_, the -last getting off by pretending to be a slave (_ghulam_); and of his -trusted braves, Sayyid 'Ali, now in trust in my own service,[452] and -Haidar-i-quli and Qilka _Kashghari_ escaped. Of his 70 or 80 men, no -more than this [Sidenote: Fol. 63.] same poor five or six got free. - -On hearing of this affair, Auzun Hasan and Tambal, not being able to -remain near Marghinan, marched in haste and disorder for Andijan. There -they had left Nasir Beg, the husband of Auzun Hasan's sister. He, if not -Auzun Hasan's second, what question is there he was his third?[453] He -was an experienced man, brave too; when he heard particulars, he knew -their ground was lost, made Andijan fast and sent a man to me. They -broke up in disaccord when they found the fort made fast against them; -Auzun Hasan drew off to his wife in Akhsi, Tambal to his district of -Aush. A few of Jahangir Mirza's household and braves fled with him from -Auzun Hasan and joined Tambal before he had reached Aush. - - -(_c. Babur recovers Andijan._) - -Directly we heard that Andijan had been made fast against them, I rode -out, at sun-rise, from Marghinan and by mid-day was in Andijan.[454] -There I saw Nasir Beg and his two sons, that is to say, Dost Beg and -Mirim Beg, questioned them and uplifted their heads with hope of favour -and kindness. In this way, by God's grace, my father's country, lost to -me for two years, was regained and re-possessed, in the month Zu'l-qa'da -of [Sidenote: Fol. 63b.] the date 904 (June 1498).[455] - -Sl. Ahmad Tambal, after being joined by Jahangir Mirza, drew away for -Aush. On his entering the town, the red rabble (_qizil ayaq_) there, as -in Akhsi, black-bludgeoned (_qara tiyaq qilib_) and drubbed his men out, -blow upon blow, then kept the fort for me and sent me a man. Jahangir -and Tambal went off confounded, with a few followers only, and entered -Auzkint Fort. - -Of Auzun Hasan news came that after failing to get into Andijan, he had -gone to Akhsi and, it was understood, had entered the citadel. He had -been head and chief in the rebellion; we therefore, on getting this -news, without more than four or five days' delay in Andijan, set out for -Akhsi. On our arrival, there was nothing for him to do but ask for peace -and terms, and surrender the fort. - -We stayed in Akhsi[456] a few days in order to settle its affairs and -those of Kasan and that country-side. We gave the Mughuls who had come -in to help us, leave for return (to Tashkint), then went back to -Andijan, taking with us Auzun Hasan and his family and dependants. In -Akhsi was left, for a time, Qasim-i-'ajab (Wonderful Qasim), formerly -one of the household circle, now arrived at beg's rank. - - -(_d. Renewed rebellion of the Mughuls._) - -As terms had been made, Auzun Hasan, without hurt to life [Sidenote: -Fol. 64.] or goods, was allowed to go by the Qara-tigin road for Hisar. -A few of his retainers went with him, the rest parted from him and -stayed behind. These were the men who in the throneless times had -captured and plundered various Musalman dependants of my own and of the -Khwaja. In agreement with several begs, their affair was left at -this;--'This very band have been the captors and plunderers of our -faithful Musalman dependants;[457] what loyalty have they shown to their -own (Mughul) begs that they should be loyal to us? If we had them seized -and stripped bare, where would be the wrong? and this especially because -they might be going about, before our very eyes, riding our horses, -wearing our coats, eating our sheep. Who could put up with that? If, out -of humanity, they are not imprisoned and not plundered, they certainly -ought to take it as a favour if they get off with the order to give back -to our companions of the hard guerilla times, whatever goods of theirs -are known to be here.' - -In truth this seemed reasonable; our men were ordered to take what they -knew to be theirs. Reasonable and just though the order was, (I now) -understand that it was a little hasty. [Sidenote: Fol. 64b.] With a -worry like Jahangir seated at my side, there was no sense in frightening -people in this way. In conquest and government, though many things may -have an outside appearance of reason and justice, yet 100,000 -reflections are right and necessary as to the bearings of each one of -them. From this single incautious order of ours,[458] what troubles! -what rebellions arose! In the end this same ill-considered order was -the cause of our second exile from Andijan. Now, through it, the Mughuls -gave way to anxiety and fear, marched through Rabatik-aurchini, that is, -Aiki-su-arasi, for Auzkint and sent a man to Tambal. - -In my mother's service were 1500 to 2000 Mughuls from the horde; as many -more had come from Hisar with Hamza Sl. and Mahdi Sl. and Muhammad -_Dughlat Hisari_.[459] Mischief and devastation must always be expected -from the Mughul horde. Up to now[460] they have rebelled five times -against me. It must not be understood that they rebelled through not -getting on with me; they have done the same thing with their own Khans, -again and again. Sl. Quli _Chunaq_[461] brought me the news. His late -father, Khudai-birdi _Buqaq_[462] I had favoured amongst the Mughuls; he -was himself with the (rebel) Mughuls [Sidenote: Fol. 65.] and he did -well in thus leaving the horde and his own family to bring me the news. -Well as he did then however, he, as will be told,[463] did a thing so -shameful later on that it would hide a hundred such good deeds as this, -if he had done them. His later action was the clear product of his -Mughul nature. When this news came, the begs, gathered for counsel, -represented to me, 'This is a trifling matter; what need for the padshah -to ride out? Let Qasim Beg go with the begs and men assembled here.' So -it was settled; they took it lightly; to do so must have been an error -of judgment. Qasim Beg led his force out that same day; Tambal meantime -must have joined the Mughuls. Our men crossed the Ailaish river[464] -early next morning by the Yasi-kijit (Broad-crossing) and at once came -face to face with the rebels. Well did they chop at one another -(_chapqulashurlar_)! Qasim Beg himself came face to face with Muhammad -_Arghun_ and did not desist from chopping at him in order to cut off his -head.[465] Most of our braves exchanged [Sidenote: Fol. 65b.] good blows -but in the end were beaten. Qasim Beg, 'Ali-dost Taghai, Ibrahim -_Saru_, Wais _Laghari_, Sayyidi Qara and three or four more of our begs -and household got away but most of the rest fell into the hands of the -rebels. Amongst them were 'Ali-darwesh Beg and Mirim _Laghari_ and -(Sherim?) Taghai Beg's (son) Tuqa[466] and 'Ali-dost's son, -Muhammad-dost and Mir Shah _Quchin_ and Mirim Diwan. - -Two braves chopped very well at one another; on our side, Samad, Ibrahim -_Saru's_ younger brother, and on their side, Shah-suwar, one of the -Hisari Mughuls. Shah-suwar struck so that his sword drove through -Samad's helm and seated itself well in his head; Samad, spite of his -wound, struck so that his sword cut off Shah-suwar's head a piece of -bone as large as the palm of a hand. Shah-suwar must have worn no helm; -they trepanned his head and it healed; there was no one to trepan -Samad's and in a few days, he departed simply through the wound.[467] - -Amazingly unseasonable was this defeat, coming as it did just in the -respite from guerilla fighting and just when we had regained the -country. One of our great props, Qambar-'ali _Mughul_ (the Skinner) had -gone to his district when Andijan [Sidenote: Fol. 66.] was occupied and -therefore was not with us. - - -(_e. Tambal attempts to take Andijan._) - -Having effected so much, Tambal, bringing Jahangir Mirza with him, came -to the east of Andijan and dismounted 2 miles off, in the meadow lying -in front of the Hill of Pleasure ('Aish).[468] - -Once or twice he advanced in battle-array, past Chihil-dukhteran[469] -to the town side of the hill but, as our braves went out arrayed to -fight, beyond the gardens and suburbs, he could not advance further and -returned to the other side of the hill. On his first coming to those -parts, he killed two of the begs he had captured, Mirim _Laghari_ and -Tuqa Beg. For nearly a month he lay round-about without effecting -anything; after that he retired, his face set for Aush. Aush had been -given to Ibrahim _Saru_ and his man in it now made it fast. - - - - -905 AH. AUG. 8TH. 1499 TO JULY 28TH. 1500 AD.[470] - -(_a. Babur's campaign against Ahmad Tambal Mughul._) - - -Commissaries were sent gallopping off at once, some to call up the horse -and foot of the district-armies, others to urge return on Qambar-'ali -and whoever else was away in his own district, while energetic people -were told off to get together mantelets (_tura_), shovels, axes and the -what-not of war-material and stores for the men already with us. - -As soon as the horse and foot, called up from the various districts to -join the army, and the soldiers and retainers who had been scattered to -this and that side on their own affairs, were gathered together, I went -out, on Muharram 18th. (August 25th.), putting my trust in God, to Hafiz -Beg's Four-gardens [Sidenote: Fol. 66b.] and there stayed a few days in -order to complete our equipment. This done, we formed up in array of -right and left, centre and van, horse and foot, and started direct for -Aush against our foe. - -On approaching Aush, news was had that Tambal, unable to make stand in -that neighbourhood, had drawn off to the north, to the Rabat-i-sarhang -sub-district, it was understood. That night we dismounted in Lat-kint. -Next day as we were passing through Aush, news came that Tambal was -understood to have gone to Andijan. We, for our part, marched on as for -Auzkint, detaching raiders ahead to over-run those parts.[471] Our -opponents went to Andijan and at night got into the ditch but being -discovered by the garrison when they set their ladders up against the -ramparts, could effect no more and retired. Our raiders retired also -after over-running round about Auzkint without getting into their hands -anything worth their trouble. - -Tambal had stationed his younger brother, Khalil, with 200 or 300 men, -in Madu,[472] one of the forts of Aush, renowned in that centre (_ara_) -for its strength. We turned back (on the [Sidenote: Fol. 67.] Auzkint -road) to assault it. It is exceedingly strong. Its northern face stands -very high above the bed of a torrent; arrows shot from the bed might -perhaps reach the ramparts. On this side is the water-thief,[473] made -like a lane, with ramparts on both sides carried from the fort to the -water. Towards the rising ground, on the other sides of the fort, there -is a ditch. The torrent being so near, those occupying the fort had -carried stones in from it as large as those for large mortars.[474] From -no fort of its class we have ever attacked, have stones been thrown so -large as those taken into Madu. They dropped such a large one on -'Abdu'l-qasim _Kohbur_, Kitta (Little) Beg's elder brother,[475] when he -went up under the ramparts, that he spun head over heels and came -rolling and rolling, without once getting to his feet, from that great -height down to the foot of the glacis (_khak-rez_). He did not trouble -himself about it at all but just got on his horse and rode off. Again, a -stone flung from the double water-way, hit Yar-'ali _Balal_ so hard on -the head that in the end it had to be trepanned.[476] Many of our men -perished by their stones. The assault began at dawn; the water-thief -[Sidenote: Fol. 67b.] had been taken before breakfast-time;[477] -fighting went on till evening; next morning, as they could not hold out -after losing the water-thief, they asked for terms and came out. We took -60 or 70 or 80 men of Khalil's command and sent them to Andijan for -safe-keeping; as some of our begs and household were prisoners in their -hands, the Madu affair fell out very well.[478] - -From there we went to Unju-tupa, one of the villages of Aush, and there -dismounted. When Tambal retired from Andijan and went into the -Rabat-i-sarhang sub-district, he dismounted in a village called -Ab-i-khan. Between him and me may have been one _yighach_ (5 m.?). At -such a time as this, Qambar-'ali (the Skinner) on account of some -sickness, went into Aush. - -It was lain in Unju-tupa a month or forty days without a battle, but day -after day our foragers and theirs got to grips. All through the time our -camp was mightily well watched at night; a ditch was dug; where no ditch -was, branches were set close together;[479] we also made our soldiers go -out in their mail [Sidenote: Fol. 68.] along the ditch. Spite of such -watchfulness, a night-alarm was given every two or three days, and the -cry to arms went up. One day when Sayyidi Beg Taghai had gone out with -the foragers, the enemy came up suddenly in greater strength and took -him prisoner right out of the middle of the fight. - - -(_b. Bai-sunghar Mirza murdered by Khusrau Shah._) - -Khusrau Shah, having planned to lead an army against Balkh, in this same -year invited Bai-sunghar Mirza to go with him, brought him[480] to -Qunduz and rode out with him for Balkh. But when they reached the Aubaj -ferry, that ungrateful infidel, Khusrau Shah, in his aspiration to -sovereignty,--and to what sort of sovereignty, pray, could such a no-body -attain? a person of no merit, no birth, no lineage, no judgment, no -magnanimity, no justice, no legal-mindedness,--laid hands on Bai-sunghar -Mirza with his begs, and bowstrung the Mirza. It was upon the 10th. of -the month of Muharram (August 17th.) that he martyred that scion of -sovereignty, so accomplished, so sweet-natured and so adorned by birth -and lineage. He killed also a few of the Mirza's begs and household. - - -(_c. Bai-sunghar Mirza's birth and descent._) - -He was born in 882 (1477 AD.), in the Hisar district. He was Sl. Mahmud -Mirza's second son, younger than Sl. Mas'ud M. and older than Sl. 'Ali -M. and Sl. Husain M. and Sl. Wais M. known as Khan Mirza. His mother was -Pasha Begim. [Sidenote: Fol. 68b.] - - -(_d. His appearance and characteristics._) - -He had large eyes, a fleshy face[481] and Turkman features, was of -middle height and altogether an elegant young man (_aet._ 22). - - -(_e. His qualities and manners._) - -He was just, humane, pleasant-natured and a most accomplished scion of -sovereignty. His tutor, Sayyid Mahmud,[482] presumably was a Shi'a; -through this he himself became infected by that heresy. People said that -latterly, in Samarkand, he reverted from that evil belief to the pure -Faith. He was much addicted to wine but on his non-drinking days, used -to go through the Prayers.[483] He was moderate in gifts and liberality. -He wrote the _naskh-ta'liq_ character very well; in painting also his -hand was not bad. He made 'Adili his pen-name and composed good verses -but not sufficient to form a _diwan_. Here is the opening couplet -(_matla'_) of one of them[484];-- - - Like a wavering shadow I fall here and there; - If not propped by a wall, I drop flat on the ground. - -In such repute are his odes held in Samarkand, that they are to be found -in most houses. - - -(_f. His battles._) - -He fought two ranged battles. One, fought when he was first seated on -the throne (900 AH.-1495 AD.), was with Sl. Mahmud Khan[485] who, -incited and stirred up by Sl. Junaid _Barlas_ and others to desire -Samarkand, drew an army out, [Sidenote: Fol. 69.] crossed the Aq-kutal -and went to Rabat-i-soghd and Kan-bai. Bai-sunghar Mirza went out from -Samarkand, fought him near Kan-bai, beat him and beheaded 3 or 4000 -Mughuls. In this fight died Haidar _Kukuldash_, the Khan's looser and -binder (_hall u'aqdi_). His second battle was fought near Bukhara with -Sl. 'Ali Mirza (901 AH.-1496 AD.); in this he was beaten.[486] - - -(_g. His countries._) - -His father, Sl. Mahmud Mirza, gave him Bukhara; when Sl. Mahmud M. died, -his begs assembled and in agreement made Bai-sunghar M. ruler in -Samarkand. For a time, Bukhara was included with Samarkand in his -jurisdiction but it went out of his hands after the Tarkhan rebellion -(901 AH.-1496 AD.). When he left Samarkand to go to Khusrau Shah and I -got possession of it (903 AH.-1497 AD.), Khusrau Shah took Hisar and -gave it to him. - - -(_h. Other details concerning him._) - -He left no child. He took a daughter of his paternal uncle, Sl. Khalil -Mirza, when he went to Khusrau Shah; he had no other wife or concubine. - -He never ruled with authority so independent that any beg was heard of -as promoted by him to be his confidant; his begs [Sidenote: Fol. 69b.] -were just those of his father and his paternal uncle (Ahmad). - - -(_i. Resumed account of Babur's campaign against Tambal._) - -After Bai-sunghar Mirza's death, Sl. Ahmad _Qarawal_,[487] the father of -Quch (Quj) Beg, sent us word (of his intention) and came to us from -Hisar through the Qara-tigin country, together with his brethren, elder -and younger, and their families and dependants. From Aush too came -Qambar-'ali, risen from his sickness. Arriving, as it did, at such a -moment, we took the providential help of Sl. Ahmad and his party for a -happy omen. Next day we formed up at dawn and moved direct upon our foe. -He made no stand at Ab-i-khan but marched from his ground, leaving many -tents and blankets and things of the baggage for our men. We dismounted -in his camp. - -That evening Tambal, having Jahangir with him, turned our left and went -to a village called Khuban (var. Khunan), some 3 _yighach_ from us (15 -m.?) and between us and Andijan. Next day we moved out against him, -formed up with right and left, centre and van, our horses in their mail, -our men in theirs, and with foot-soldiers, bearing mantelets, flung to -the front. Our right was 'Ali-dost and his dependants, our left Ibrahim -_Saru_, Wais _Laghari_, Sayyidi Qara, Muhammad-'ali _Mubashir_, and -Khwaja-i-kalan's elder brother, Kichik Beg, with several of [Sidenote: -Fol. 70.] the household. In the left were inscribed[488] also Sl. Ahmad -_Qarawal_ and Quch Beg with their brethren. With me in the centre was -Qasim Beg _Quchin_; in the van were Qambar-'ali (the Skinner) and some -of the household. When we reached Saqa, a village two miles east of -Khuban, the enemy came out of Khuban, arrayed to fight. We, for our -part, moved on the faster. At the time of engaging, our foot-soldiers, -provided how laboriously with the mantelets! were quite in the rear! By -God's grace, there was no need of them; our left had got hands in with -their right before they came up. Kichik Beg chopped away very well; next -to him ranked Muhammad 'Ali _Mubashir_. Not being able to bring equal -zeal to oppose us, the enemy took to flight. The fighting did not reach -the front of our van or right. Our men brought in many of their braves; -we ordered the heads of all to be struck off. Favouring caution and good -generalship, our begs, Qasim Beg and, especially, 'Ali-dost did not -think it advisable to send far in pursuit; for [Sidenote: Fol. 70b.] -this reason, many of their men did not fall into our hands. We -dismounted right in Khuban village. This was my first ranged battle; the -Most High God, of His own favour and mercy, made it a day of victory and -triumph. We accepted the omen. - -On the next following day, my father's mother, my grandmother, Shah -Sultan Begim[489] arrived from Andijan, thinking to beg off Jahangir -Mirza if he had been taken. - - -(_j. Babur goes into winter-quarters in Between-the-two-rivers._) - -As it was now almost winter and no grain or fruits[490] remained in the -open country, it was not thought desirable to move against (Tambal in) -Auzkint but return was made to Andijan. A few days later, it was settled -after consultation, that for us to winter in the town would in no way -hurt or hamper the enemy, rather that he would wax the stronger by it -through raids and guerilla fighting; moreover on our own account, it was -necessary that we should winter where our men would not become enfeebled -through want of grain and where we could straiten the enemy by some sort -of blockade. For these desirable [Sidenote: Fol. 71.] ends we marched -out of Andijan, meaning to winter near Armiyan and Nush-ab in the -Rabatik-aurchini, known also as Between-the-two-rivers. On arriving in -the two villages above-mentioned, we prepared winter-quarters. - -The hunting-grounds are good in that neighbourhood; in the jungle near -the Ailaish river is much _bughu-maral_[491] and pig; the small -scattered clumps of jungle are thick with hare and pheasant; and on the -near rising-ground, are many foxes[492] of fine colour and swifter than -those of any other place. While we were in those quarters, I used to -ride hunting every two or three days; we would beat through the great -jungle and hunt _bughu-maral_, or we would wander about, making a circle -round scattered clumps and flying our hawks at the pheasants. The -pheasants are unlimited[493] there; pheasant-meat was abundant as long -as we were in those quarters. - -While we were there, Khudai-birdi _Tughchi_, then newly-favoured with -beg's rank, fell on some of Tambal's raiders and brought in a few heads. -Our braves went out also from Aush and Andijan and raided untiringly on -the enemy, driving in his herds of horses and much enfeebling him. If -the whole winter had been passed in those quarters, the more probable -thing is [Sidenote: Fol. 71b.] that he would have broken up simply -without a fight. - - -(_k. Qambar-'ali again asks leave._) - -It was at such a time, just when our foe was growing weak and helpless, -that Qambar-'ali asked leave to go to his district. The more he was -dissuaded by reminder of the probabilities of the position, the more -stupidity he shewed. An amazingly fickle and veering manikin he was! It -had to be! Leave for his district was given him. That district had been -Khujand formerly but when Andijan was taken this last time, Asfara and -Kand-i-badam were given him in addition. Amongst our begs, he was the -one with large districts and many followers; no-one's land or following -equalled his. We had been 40 or 50 days in those winter-quarters. At his -recommendation, leave was given also to some of the clans in the army. -We, for our part, went into Andijan. - - -(_l. Sl. Mahmud Khan sends Mughuls to help Tambal._) - -Both while we were in our winter-quarters and later on in Andijan, -Tambal's people came and went unceasingly between him and The Khan in -Tashkint. His paternal uncle of the full-blood, Ahmad Beg, was guardian -of The Khan's son, Sl. Muhammad Sl. and high in favour; his elder -brother of the full-blood, Beg Tilba (Fool), was The Khan's Lord of the -Gate. After all the comings and goings, these two brought The Khan to -the point of reinforcing Tambal. Beg Tilba, leaving his wife and -domestics and family in Tashkint, came on ahead of the [Sidenote: Fol. -72.] reinforcement and joined his younger brother, Tambal,--Beg Tilba! -who from his birth up had been in Mughulistan, had grown up amongst -Mughuls, had never entered a cultivated country or served the rulers of -one, but from first to last had served The Khans! - -Just then a wonderful (_'ajab_) thing happened;[494] Qasim-i-'ajab -(wonderful Qasim) when he had been left for a time in Akhsi, went out -one day after a few marauders, crossed the Khujand-water by Bachrata, -met in with a few of Tambal's men and was made prisoner. - -When Tambal heard that our army was disbanded and was assured of The -Khan's help by the arrival of his brother, Beg Tilba, who had talked -with The Khan, he rode from Auzkint into Between-the-two-rivers. -Meantime safe news had come to us from Kasan that The Khan had appointed -his son, Sl. Muh. Khanika, commonly known as Sultanim,[495] and Ahmad -Beg, with 5 or 6000 men, to help Tambal, that they had crossed by the -Archa-kint road[496] and were laying siege to Kasan. Hereupon we, -without delay, without a glance at our absent men, just with those there -were, in the hard cold of winter, put our [Sidenote: Fol. 72b.] trust in -God and rode off by the Band-i-salar road to oppose them. That night we -stopped no-where; on we went through the darkness till, at dawn, we -dismounted in Akhsi.[497] So mightily bitter was the cold that night -that it bit the hands and feet of several men and swelled up the ears of -many, each ear like an apple. We made no stay in Akhsi but leaving there -Yarak Taghai, temporarily also, in Qasim-i-'ajab's place, passed on for -Kasan. Two miles from Kasan news came that on hearing of our approach, -Ahmad Beg and Sultanim had hurried off in disorder. - - -(_m. Babur and Tambal again opposed._) - -Tambal must have had news of our getting to horse for he had hurried to -help his elder brother.[498] Somewhere between the two Prayers of the -day,[499] his blackness[500] became visible towards Nu-kint. Astonished -and perplexed by his elder brother's light departure and by our quick -arrival, he stopped short. Said we, 'It is God has brought them in this -fashion! here they have come with their horses' necks at full -stretch;[501] if we join hands[502] and go out, and if God bring it -right, not a man of them will get off.' But Wais _Laghari_ and some -others said, 'It is late in the day; even if we do not go out today, -where can they go tomorrow? Wherever it is, we will meet [Sidenote: Fol. -73.] them at dawn.' So they said, not thinking it well to make the joint -effort there and then; so too the enemy, come so opportunely, broke up -and got away without any hurt whatever. The (Turki) proverb is, 'Who -does not snatch at a chance, will worry himself about it till old age.' - - _(Persian) couplet._ Work must be snatched at betimes, - Vain is the slacker's mistimed work. - -Seizing the advantage of a respite till the morrow, the enemy slipped -away in the night, and without dismounting on the road, went into Fort -Archian. When a morrow's move against a foe was made, we found -no foe; after him we went and, not thinking it well to lay close -siege to Archian, dismounted two miles off (one _shar'i_) in -Ghazna-namangan.[503] We were in camp there for 30 or 40 days, Tambal -being in Fort Archian. Every now and then a very few would go from our -side and come from theirs, fling themselves on one another midway and -return. They made one night-attack, rained arrows in on us and retired. -As the camp was encircled by a ditch or by branches close-set, and as -watch was kept, they could effect no more. - - -(_n. Qambar-'ali, the Skinner, again gives trouble._) - -Two or three times while we lay in that camp, Qambar-'ali, [Sidenote: -Fol. 73b.] in ill-temper, was for going to his district; once he even -had got to horse and started in a fume, but we sent several begs after -him who, with much trouble, got him to turn back. - - -(_o. Further action against Tambal and an accommodation made._) - -Meantime Sayyid Yusuf of Macham had sent a man to Tambal and was looking -towards him. He was the head-man of one of the two foot-hills of -Andijan, Macham and Awighur. Latterly he had become known in my Gate, -having outgrown the head-man and put on the beg, though no-one ever had -made him a beg. He was a singularly hypocritical manikin, of no standing -whatever. From our last taking of Andijan (June 1499) till then (Feb. -1500), he had revolted two or three times from Tambal and come to me, -and two or three times had revolted from me and gone to Tambal. This was -his last change of side. With him were many from the (Mughul) horde and -tribesmen and clansmen. 'Don't let him join Tambal,' we said and rode in -between them. We got to Bishkharan with one night's halt. Tambal's men -must have come earlier and entered the fort. A party of our begs, -'Ali-darwesh Beg and Quch Beg, with his brothers, went close up to the -Gate of [Sidenote: Fol. 74.] Bishkharan and exchanged good blows with -the enemy. Quch Beg and his brothers did very well there, their hands -getting in for most of the work. We dismounted on a height some two -miles from Bishkharan; Tambal, having Jahangir with him, dismounted with -the fort behind him. - -Three or four days later, begs unfriendly to us, that is to say, -'Ali-dost and Qambar-'ali, the Skinner, with their followers and -dependants, began to interpose with talk of peace. I and my well-wishers -had no knowledge of a peace and we all[504] were utterly averse from the -project. Those two manikins however were our two great begs; if we gave -no ear to their words and if we did not make peace, other things from -them were probable! It had to be! Peace was made in this fashion;--the -districts on the Akhsi side of the Khujand-water were to depend on -Jahangir, those on the Andijan side, on me; Auzkint was to be left in my -jurisdiction after they had removed their families from it; when the -districts were settled and I and Jahangir had made our agreement, we -(_biz_) should march together against Samarkand; and when I was in -possession of Samarkand, Andijan was to be given to Jahangir. So the -affair was settled. [Sidenote: Fol. 74b.] Next day,--it was one of the -last of Rajab, (end of Feb. 1500) Jahangir Mirza and Tambal came and did -me obeisance; the terms and conditions were ratified as stated above; -leave for Akhsi was given to Jahangir and I betook myself to Andijan. - -On our arrival, Khalil-of-Tambal and our whole band of prisoners were -released; robes of honour were put on them and leave to go was given. -They, in their turn, set free our begs and household, _viz._ the -commanders[505] (Sherim?) Taghai Beg, Muhammad-dost, Mir Shah _Quchin_, -Sayyidi Qara Beg, Qasim-i-'ajab, Mir Wais, Mirim _Diwan_, and those -under them. - - -(_p. The self-aggrandizement of 'Ali-dost Taghai._) - -After our return to Andijan, 'Ali-dost's manners and behaviour changed -entirely. He began to live ill with my companions of the guerilla days -and times of hardship. First, he dismissed Khalifa; next seized and -plundered Ibrahim _Saru_ and Wais _Laghari_, and for no fault or cause -deprived them of their districts and dismissed them. He entangled -himself with Qasim Beg and _he_ was made to go; he openly declared, -'Khalifa and Ibrahim are in sympathy about Khwaja-i-qazi; they will -avenge him on me.'[506] His son, Muhammad-dost set himself up on a regal -footing, starting receptions and a public table and a [Sidenote: Fol. -75.] Court and workshops, after the fashion of sultans. Like father, -like son, they set themselves up in this improper way because they had -Tambal at their backs. No authority to restrain their unreasonable -misdeeds was left to me; for why? Whatever their hearts desired, that -they did because such a foe of mine as Tambal was their backer. The -position was singularly delicate; not a word was said but many -humiliations were endured from that father and that son alike. - - -(_q. Babur's first marriage._) - -'Ayisha-sultan Begim whom my father and hers, _i.e._ my uncle, Sl. Ahmad -Mirza had betrothed to me, came (this year) to Khujand[507] and I took -her in the month of Sha'ban. Though I was not ill-disposed towards her, -yet, this being my first marriage, out of modesty and bashfulness, I -used to see her once in 10, 15 or 20 days. Later on when even my first -inclination did not last, my bashfulness increased. Then my mother -Khanim used to send me, once a month or every 40 [Sidenote: Fol. 75b.] -days, with driving and driving, dunnings and worryings. - - -(_r. A personal episode and some verses by Babur._) - -In those leisurely days I discovered in myself a strange inclination, -nay! as the verse says, 'I maddened and afflicted myself' for a boy in -the camp-bazar, his very name, Baburi, fitting in. Up till then I had -had no inclination for any-one, indeed of love and desire, either by -hear-say or experience, I had not heard, I had not talked. At that time -I composed Persian couplets, one or two at a time; this is one of the -them:-- - - May none be as I, humbled and wretched and love-sick; - No beloved as thou art to me, cruel and careless. - -From time to time Baburi used to come to my presence but out of modesty -and bashfulness, I could never look straight at him; how then could I -make conversation (_ikhtilat_) and recital (_hikayat_)? In my joy and -agitation I could not thank him (for coming); how was it possible for me -to reproach him with going away? What power had I to command the duty of -service to myself?[508] One day, during that time of desire and passion -when I was going with companions along a lane and suddenly met him face -to face, I got into such a state of confusion that I almost went right -off. To look straight at him [Sidenote: Fol. 76.] or to put words -together was impossible. With a hundred torments and shames, I went on. -A (Persian) couplet of Muhammad Salih's[509] came into my mind:-- - - I am abashed with shame when I see my friend; - My companions look at me, I look the other way. - -That couplet suited the case wonderfully well. In that frothing-up of -desire and passion, and under that stress of youthful folly, I used to -wander, bare-head, bare-foot, through street and lane, orchard and -vineyard. I shewed civility neither to friend nor stranger, took no care -for myself or others. - - (_Turki_) Out of myself desire rushed me, unknowing - That this is so with the lover of a fairy-face. - -Sometimes like the madmen, I used to wander alone over hill and plain; -sometimes I betook myself to gardens and the suburbs, lane by lane. My -wandering was not of my choice, not I decided whether to go or stay. - - (_Turki_) Nor power to go was mine, nor power to stay; - I was just what you made me, o thief of my heart. - - -(_s. Sl. 'Ali Mirza's quarrels with the Tarkhans._) - -In this same year, Sl. 'Ali Mirza fell out with Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan -for the following reasons;--The Tarkhans had risen to over-much -predominance and honour; Baqi had taken the whole revenue of the Bukhara -Government and gave not a [Sidenote: Fol. 76b.] half-penny (_dang_)[510] -to any-one else; Muhammad Mazid, for his part, had control in Samarkand -and took all its districts for his sons and dependants; a small sum only -excepted, fixed by them, not a farthing (_fils_) from the town reached -the Mirza by any channel. Sl. 'Ali Mirza was a grown man; how was he to -tolerate such conduct as theirs? He and some of his household formed a -design against Muh. Mazid Tarkhan; the latter came to know of it and -left the town with all his following and with whatever begs and other -persons were in sympathy with him,[511] such as Sl. Husain _Arghun_, Pir -Ahmad, Auzun Hasan's younger brother, Khwaja Husain, Qara _Barlas_, -Salih Muhammad[512] and some other begs and braves. - -At the time The Khan had joined to Khan Mirza a number of Mughul begs -with Muh. Husain _Dughlat_ and Ahmad Beg, and had appointed them to act -against Samarkand.[513] Khan Mirza's guardians were Hafiz Beg _Duldai_ -and his son, Tahir Beg; because of relationship to them, (Muh. -Sighal's) grandson, Hasan and Hindu Beg fled with several braves from -Sl. 'Ali [Sidenote: Fol. 77.] Mirza's presence to Khan Mirza's. - -Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan invited Khan Mirza and the Mughul army, moved to -near Shavdar, there saw the Mirza and met the begs of the Mughuls. No -small useful friendlinesses however, came out of the meeting between his -begs and the Mughuls; the latter indeed seem to have thought of making -him a prisoner. Of this he and his begs coming to know, separated -themselves from the Mughul army. As without him the Mughuls could make -no stand, they retired. Here-upon, Sl. 'Ali Mirza hurried light out of -Samarkand with a few men and caught them up where they had dismounted in -Yar-yilaq. They could not even fight but were routed and put to flight. -This deed, done in his last days, was Sl. 'Ali Mirza's one good little -affair. - -Muh. Mazid Tarkhan and his people, despairing both of the Mughuls and of -these Mirzas, sent Mir Mughul, son of 'Abdu'l-wahhab _Shaghawal_[514] to -invite me (to Samarkand). Mir Mughul had already been in my service; he -had risked his life in good accord with Khwaja-i-qazi during the siege -of Andijan (903 AH.-1498 AD.). - -This business hurt us also[515] and, as it was for that purpose we had -made peace (with Jahangir), we resolved to move on Samarkand. We sent -Mir Mughul off at once to give rendezvous[516] [Sidenote: Fol. 77b.] to -Jahangir Mirza and prepared to get to horse. We rode out in the month -of Zu'l-qa'da (June) and with two halts on the way, came to Qaba and -there dismounted.[517] At the mid-afternoon Prayer of that day, news -came that Tambal's brother, Khalil had taken Aush by surprise. - -The particulars are as follows;--As has been mentioned, Khalil and those -under him were set free when peace was made. Tambal then sent Khalil to -fetch away their wives and families from Auzkint. He had gone and he -went into the fort on this pretext. He kept saying untruthfully, 'We -will go out today,' or 'We will go out tomorrow,' but he did not go. -When we got to horse, he seized the chance of the emptiness of Aush to -go by night and surprise it. For several reasons it was of no advantage -for us to stay and entangle ourselves with him; we went straight on -therefore. One reason was that as, for the purpose of making ready -military equipment, all my men of name had scattered, heads of houses to -their homes, we had no news of them because we had relied on the peace -and were by this off our guard against the treachery and falsity of the -other party. Another reason was that for some time, as has been -[Sidenote: Fol. 78.] said, the misconduct of our great begs, 'Ali-dost -and Qambar-'ali had been such that no confidence in them was left. A -further reason was that the Samarkand begs, under Muh. Mazid Tarkhan had -sent Mir Mughul to invite us and, so long as a capital such as Samarkand -stood there, what would incline a man to waste his days for a place like -Andijan? - -From Qaba we moved on to Marghinan (20 m.). Marghinan had been given to -Quch Beg's father, Sl. Ahmad _Qarawal_, and he was then in it. As he, -owing to various ties and attachments, could not attach himself to -me,[518] he stayed behind while his son, Quch Beg and one or two of his -brethren, older and younger, went with me. - -Taking the road for Asfara, we dismounted in one of its villages, called -Mahan. That night there came and joined us in Mahan, by splendid chance, -just as if to a rendezvous, Qasim Beg _Quchin_ with his company, -'Ali-dost with his, and Sayyid Qasim with a large body of braves. We -rode from Mahan by the Khasban (var. Yasan) plain, crossed the Chupan -(Shepherd)-bridge and so to Aura-tipa.[519] - - -(_t. Qambar-'ali punishes himself._) - -Trusting to Tambal, Qambar-'ali went from his own district (Khujand) to -Akhsi in order to discuss army-matters with him. [Sidenote: Fol. 78b.] -Such an event happening,[520] Tambal laid hands on Qambar-'ali, marched -against his district and carried him along. Here the (Turki) proverb -fits, 'Distrust your friend! he'll stuff your hide with straw.' While -Qambar-'ali was being made to go to Khujand, he escaped on foot and -after a hundred difficulties reached Aura-tipa. - -News came to us there that Shaibani Khan had beaten Baqi Tarkhan in -Dabusi and was moving on Bukhara. We went on from Aura-tipa, by way of -Burka-yilaq, to Sangzar[521] which the sub-governor surrendered. There -we placed Qambar-'ali, as, after effecting his own capture and betrayal, -he had come to us. We then passed on. - - -(_u. Affairs of Samarkand and the end of 'Ali-dost._) - -On our arrival in Khan-yurti, the Samarkand begs under Muh. Mazid -Tarkhan came and did me obeisance. Conference was held with them as to -details for taking the town; they said, 'Khwaja Yahya also is wishing -for the _padshah_;[522] with his consent the town may be had easily -without fighting or disturbance.' The Khwaja did not say decidedly to -our messengers that he had resolved to admit us to the town but at the -same time, he said nothing likely to lead us to despair. - -Leaving Khan-yurti, we moved to the bank of the Dar-i-gham (canal) and -from there sent our librarian, Khwaja Muhammad [Sidenote: Fol. 79.] 'Ali -to Khwaja Yahya. He brought word back, 'Let them come; we will give them -the town.' Accordingly we rode from the Dar-i-gham straight for the -town, at night-fall, but our plan came to nothing because Sl. Muhammad -_Duldai's_ father, Sl. Mahmud had fled from our camp and given such -information to (Sl. 'Ali's party) as put them on their guard. Back we -went to the Dar-i-gham bank. - -While I had been in Yar-yilaq, one of my favoured begs, Ibrahim _Saru_ -who had been plundered and driven off by 'Ali-dost,[523] came and did me -obeisance, together with Muh. Yusuf, the elder son of Sayyid Yusuf -(_Aughlaqchi_). Coming in by ones and twos, old family servants and begs -and some of the household gathered back to me there. All were enemies of -'Ali-dost; some he had driven away; others he had plundered; others -again he had imprisoned. He became afraid. For why? Because with -Tambal's backing, he had harassed and persecuted me and my well-wishers. -As for me, my very nature sorted ill with the manikin's! From shame and -fear, he could stay no longer with us; he asked leave; I took it as a -personal favour; I gave it. On this leave, he and his son, Muhammad-dost -went to Tambal's presence. They became his intimates, [Sidenote: Fol. -79b.] and from father and son alike, much evil and sedition issued. -'Ali-dost died a few years later from ulceration of the hand. -Muhammad-dost went amongst the Auzbegs; that was not altogether bad but, -after some treachery to his salt, he fled from them and went into the -Andijan foot-hills.[524] There he stirred up much revolt and trouble. In -the end he fell into the hands of Auzbeg people and they blinded him. -The meaning of 'The salt took his eyes,' is clear in his case.[525] - -After giving this pair their leave, we sent Ghuri _Barlas_ toward -Bukhara for news. He brought word that Shaibani Khan had taken Bukhara -and was on his way to Samarkand. Here-upon, seeing no advantage in -staying in that neighbourhood, we set out for Kesh where, moreover, were -the families of most of the Samarkand begs. - -When we had been a few weeks there, news came that Sl. 'Ali Mirza had -given Samarkand to Shaibani Khan. The particulars are these;--The Mirza's -mother, Zuhra Begi Agha (_Auzbeg_), in her ignorance and folly, had -secretly written to [Sidenote: Fol. 80.] Shaibani Khan that if he would -take her (to wife) her son should give him Samarkand and that when -Shaibani had taken (her son's) father's country, he should give her son -a country.[526] Sayyid Yusuf _Arghun_ must have known of this plan, -indeed will have been the traitor inventing it. - - - - -906 AH.--JULY 28TH. 1500 TO JULY 17TH. 1501 AD.[527] - -(_a. Samarkand in the hands of the Auzbegs._) - - -When, acting on that woman's promise, Shaibani Khan went to Samarkand, -he dismounted in the Garden of the Plain. About mid-day Sl. 'Ali Mirza -went out to him through the Four-roads Gate, without a word to any of -his begs or unmailed braves, without taking counsel with any-one soever -and accompanied only by a few men of little consideration from his own -close circle. The Khan, for his part, did not receive him very -favourably; when they had seen one another, he seated him on his less -honourable hand.[528] Khwaja Yahya, on hearing of the Mirza's departure, -became very anxious but as he could find no remedy,[529] went out also. -The Khan looked at him without rising and said a few words in which -blame had part, but when the Khwaja rose to leave, showed him the -respect of rising. - -As soon as Khwaja 'Ali[530] Bay's[531] son, Jan-'ali heard in -Rabat-i-khwaja of the Mirza's going to Shaibani Khan, he also went. As -for that calamitous woman who, in her folly, gave her son's [Sidenote: -Fol. 80b.] house and possessions to the winds in order to get herself a -husband, Shaibani Khan cared not one atom for her, indeed did not regard -her as the equal of a mistress or a concubine.[532] - -Confounded by his own act, Sl. 'Ali Mirza's repentance was extreme. Some -of his close circle, after hearing particulars, planned for him to -escape with them but to this he would not agree; his hour had come; he -was not to be freed. He had dismounted in Timur Sultan's quarters; three -or four days later they killed him in Plough-meadow.[533] For a matter -of this five-days' mortal life, he died with a bad name; having entered -into a woman's affairs, he withdrew himself from the circle of men of -good repute. Of such people's doings no more should be written; of acts -so shameful, no more should be heard. - -The Mirza having been killed, Shaibani Khan sent Jan-'ali after his -Mirza. He had apprehensions also about Khwaja Yahya and therefore -dismissed him, with his two sons, Khwaja Muh. Zakariya and Khwaja Baqi, -towards Khurasan.[534] A few Auzbegs followed them and near Khwaja -Kardzan martyred both the Khwaja and his two young sons. Though -Shaibani's [Sidenote: Fol. 81.] words were, 'Not through me the Khwaja's -affair! Qambar Bi and Kupuk Bi did it,' this is worse than that! There -is a proverb,[535] 'His excuse is worse than his fault,' for if begs, -out of their own heads, start such deeds, unknown to their Khans or -Padshahs, what becomes of the authority of khanship and sovereignty? - - -(_b. Babur leaves Kesh and crosses the Mura pass._) - -Since the Auzbegs were in possession of Samarkand, we left Kesh and went -in the direction of Hisar. With us started off Muh. Mazid Tarkhan and -the Samarkand begs under his command, together with their wives and -families and people, but when we dismounted in the Chultu meadow of -Chaghanian, they parted from us, went to Khusrau Shah and became his -retainers. - -Cut off from our own abiding-town and country,[536] not knowing where -(else) to go or where to stay, we were obliged to traverse the very -heart of Khusrau Shah's districts, spite of what measure of misery he -had inflicted on the men of our dynasty! - -One of our plans had been to go to my younger Khan dada, _i.e._ Alacha -Khan, by way of Qara-tigin and the Alai,[537] but this was not managed. -Next we were for going up the valley of the Kam torrent and over the -Sara-taq pass (_daban_). When we were near Nundak, a servant of Khusrau -Shah brought me one set of nine horses[538] and one of nine pieces of -cloth. When we dismounted at the mouth of the Kam valley, Sher-'ali. -[Sidenote: Fol. 81b.] the page, deserted to Khusrau Shah's brother, Wali -and, next day, Quch Beg parted from us and went to Hisar.[539] - -We entered the valley and made our way up it. On its steep and narrow -roads and at its sharp and precipitous saddles[540] many horses and -camels were left. Before we reached the Sara-taq pass we had (in 25 m.) -to make three or four night-halts. A pass! and what a pass! Never was -such a steep and narrow pass seen; never were traversed such ravines and -precipices. Those dangerous narrows and sudden falls, those perilous -heights and knife-edge saddles, we got through with much difficulty and -suffering, with countless hardships and miseries. Amongst the Fan -mountains is a large lake (Iskandar); it is 2 miles in circumference, a -beautiful lake and not devoid of marvels.[541] - -News came that Ibrahim Tarkhan had strengthened Fort Shiraz and was -seated in it; also that Qambar-'ali (the Skinner) and Abu'l-qasim -_Kohbur_, the latter not being able to stay in Khwaja Didar with the -Auzbegs in Samarkand,--had both come into Yar-yilaq, strengthened its -lower forts and occupied them. - -Leaving Fan on our right, we moved on for Keshtud. The head-man of Fan -had a reputation for hospitality, generosity, [Sidenote: Fol. 82.] -serviceableness and kindness. He had given tribute of 70 or 80 horses to -Sl. Mas'ud Mirza at the time the Mirza, when Sl. Husain Mirza made -attack on Hisar, went through Fan on his way to his younger brother, -Bai-sunghar Mirza in Samarkand. He did like service to others. To me he -sent one second-rate horse; moreover he did not wait on me himself. So -it was! Those renowned for liberality became misers when they had to do -with me, and the politeness of the polite was forgotten. Khusrau Shah -was celebrated for liberality and kindness; what service he did -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza has been mentioned; to Baqi Tarkhan and other begs -he shewed great generosity also. Twice I happened to pass through his -country;[542] not to speak of courtesy shewn to my peers, what he shewed -to my lowest servants he did not shew to me, indeed he shewed less -regard for us than for them. - - (_Turki_) Who, o my heart! has seen goodness from worldlings? - Look not for goodness from him who has none. - -Under the impression that the Auzbegs were in Keshtud, we made an -excursion to it, after passing Fan. Of itself it seemed [Sidenote: Fol. -82b.] to have gone to ruin; no-one seemed to be occupying it. We went on -to the bank of the Kohik-water (Zar-afshan) and there dismounted. From -that place we sent a few begs under Qasim _Quchin_ to surprise -Rabat-i-khwaja; that done, we crossed the river by a bridge from -opposite Yari, went through Yari and over the Shunqar-khana -(Falcons'-home) range into Yar-yilaq. Our begs went to Rabat-i-khwaja -and had set up ladders when the men within came to know about them and -forced them to retire. As they could not take the fort, they rejoined -us. - - -(_c. Babur renews attack on Samarkand._) - -Qambar-'ali (the Skinner) was (still) holding Sangzar; he came and saw -us; Abu'l-qasim _Kohbur_ and Ibrahim Tarkhan showed loyalty and -attachment by sending efficient men for our service. We went into -Asfidik (var. Asfindik), one of the Yar-yilaq villages. At that time -Shaibaq Khan lay near Khwaja Didar with 3 or 4000 Auzbegs and as many -more soldiers gathered in locally. He had given the Government of -Samarkand to Jan-wafa, and Jan-wafa was then in the fort with 500 or 600 -men. Hamza Sl. and Mahdi Sl. were lying near the fort, in the -Quail-reserve. Our men, good and bad were 240. [Sidenote: Fol. 83.] - -Having discussed the position with all my begs and unmailed braves, we -left it at this;--that as Shaibani Khan had taken possession of Samarkand -so recently, the Samarkandis would not be attached to him nor he to -them; that if we made an effort at once, we might do the thing; that if -we set ladders up and took the fort by surprise, the Samarkandis would -be for us; how should they not be? even if they gave us no help, they -would not fight us for the Auzbegs; and that Samarkand once in our -hands, whatever was God's will, would happen. - -Acting on this decision, we rode out of Yar-yilaq after the Mid-day -Prayer, and on through the dark till mid-night when we reached -Khan-yurti. Here we had word that the Samarkandis knew of our coming; -for this reason we went no nearer to the town but made straight back -from Khan-yurti. It was dawn when, after crossing the Kohik-water below -Rabat-i-khwaja, we were once more in Yar-yilaq. - -One day in Fort Asfidik a household party was sitting in my presence; -Dost-i-nasir and Nuyan[543] _Kukuldash_ and Khan-quli-i-Karim-dad and -Shaikh Darwesh and Mirim-i-nasir were all there. Words were crossing -from all sides when (I said), 'Come now! say when, if God bring it -right, we shall take [Sidenote: Fol. 83b.] Samarkand.' Some said, 'We -shall take it in the heats.' It was then late in autumn. Others said, -'In a month,' 'Forty days,' 'Twenty days.' Nuyan _Kukuldash_ said, 'We -shall take it in 14.' God shewed him right! we did take it in exactly 14 -days. - -Just at that time I had a wonderful dream;--His Highness Khwaja -'Ubaid'l-lah (_Ahrari_) seemed to come; I seemed to go out to give him -honourable meeting; he came in and seated himself; people seemed to lay -a table-cloth before him, apparently without sufficient care and, on -account of this, something seemed to come into his Highness Khwaja's -mind. Mulla Baba (? _Pashaghari_) made me a sign; I signed back, 'Not -through me! the table-layer is in fault!' The Khwaja understood and -accepted the excuse.[544] When he rose, I escorted him out. In the hall -of that house he took hold of either my right or left arm and lifted me -up till one of my feet was off the ground, saying, in Turki, 'Shaikh -Maslahat has given (Samarkand).'[545] I really took Samarkand a few days -later. - - -(_d. Babur takes Samarkand by surprise._) - -In two or three days move was made from Fort Asfidik to Fort Wasmand. -Although by our first approach, we had let [Sidenote: Fol. 84.] our plan -be known, we put our trust in God and made another expedition to -Samarkand. It was after the Mid-day Prayer that we rode out of Fort -Wasmand, Khwaja Abu'l-makaram accompanying us. By mid-night we reached -the Deep-fosse-bridge in the Avenue. From there we sent forward a -detachment of 70 or 80 good men who were to set up ladders opposite the -Lovers'-cave, mount them and get inside, stand up to those in the -Turquoise Gate, get possession of it and send a man to me. Those braves -went, set their ladders up opposite the Lovers'-cave, got in without -making anyone aware, went to the Gate, attacked Fazil Tarkhan, chopped -at him and his few retainers, killed them, broke the lock with an axe -and opened the Gate. At that moment I came up and went in. - - (_Author's note on Fazil Tarkhan._) He was not one of those - (Samarkand) Tarkhans; he was a merchant-tarkhan of Turkistan. - He had served Shaibani Khan in Turkistan and had found favour - with him.[546] - -Abu'l-qasim _Kohbur_ himself had not come with us but had sent 30 or 40 -of his retainers under his younger brother, Ahmad-i-qasim. No man of -Ibrahim Tarkhan's was with us; his younger brother, Ahmad Tarkhan came -with a few retainers after I had entered the town and taken post in the -Monastery. [Sidenote: Fol. 84b.] - -The towns-people were still slumbering; a few traders peeped out of -their shops, recognized me and put up prayers. When, a little later, the -news spread through the town, there was rare delight and satisfaction -for our men and the towns-folk. They killed the Auzbegs in the lanes and -gullies with clubs and stones like mad dogs; four or five hundred were -killed in this fashion. Jan-wafa, the then governor, was living in -Khwaja Yahya's house; he fled and got away to Shaibaq Khan.[547] - -On entering the Turquoise Gate I went straight to the College and took -post over the arch of the Monastery. There was a hubbub and shouting of -'Down! down!' till day-break. Some of the notables and traders, hearing -what was happening, came joyfully to see me, bringing what food was -ready and putting up prayers for me. At day-light we had news that the -Auzbegs were fighting in the Iron Gate where they had made themselves -fast between the (outer and inner) doors. With 10, 15 or 20 men, I at -once set off for the Gate but before I came up, the town-rabble, busy -ransacking every corner of the newly-taken town for loot, had driven the -Auzbegs out through [Sidenote: Fol. 85.] it. Shaibaq Khan, on hearing -what was happening, hurried at sun-rise to the Iron Gate with 100 or 140 -men. His coming was a wonderful chance but, as has been said, my men -were very few. Seeing that he could do nothing, he rode off at once. -From the Iron Gate I went to the citadel and there dismounted, at the -Bu-stan palace. Men of rank and consequence and various head-men came to -me there, saw me and invoked blessings on me. - -Samarkand for nearly 140 years had been the capital of our dynasty. An -alien, and of what stamp! an Auzbeg foe, had taken possession of it! It -had slipped from our hands; God gave it again! plundered and ravaged, -our own returned to us. - -Sl. Husain Mirza took Harat[548] as we took Samarkand, by surprise, but -to the experienced, and discerning, and just, it will be clear that -between his affair and mine there are distinctions and differences, and -that his capture and mine are things apart. - -Firstly there is this;--He had ruled many years, passed through much -experience and seen many affairs. - -Secondly;--He had for opponent, Yadgar Muh. Nasir Mirza, [Sidenote: Fol. -85b.] an inexperienced boy of 17 or 18. - -Thirdly;--(Yadgar Mirza's) Head-equerry, Mir 'Ali, a person -well-acquainted with the particulars of the whole position, sent a man -out from amongst Sl. Husain Mirza's opponents to bring him to surprise -them. - -Fourthly;--His opponent was not in the fort but was in the -Ravens'-garden. Moreover Yadgar Muh. Nasir Mirza and his followers are -said to have been so prostrate with drink that three men only were in -the Gate, they also drunk. - -Fifthly;--he surprised and captured Harat the first time he approached -it. - -On the other hand: firstly;--I was 19 when I took Samarkand. - -Secondly;--I had as my opponent, such a man as Shaibaq Khan, of mature -age and an eye-witness of many affairs. - -Thirdly;--No-one came out of Samarkand to me; though the heart of its -people was towards me, no-one could dream of coming, from dread of -Shaibaq Khan. - -Fourthly;--My foe was in the fort; not only was the fort taken but he was -driven off. - -Fifthly;--I had come once already; my opponent was on his guard about me. -The second time we came, God brought it right! Samarkand was won. - -In saying these things there is no desire to be-little the reputation of -any man; the facts were as here stated. In [Sidenote: Fol. 86.] writing -these things, there is no desire to magnify myself; the truth is set -down. - -The poets composed chronograms on the victory; this one remains in my -memory;--Wisdom answered, 'Know that its date is the _Victory_ (_Fath_) -_of Babur Bahadur_.' - -Samarkand being taken, Shavdar and Soghd and the _tumans_ and nearer -forts began, one after another, to return to us. From some their Auzbeg -commandants fled in fear and escaped; from others the inhabitants drove -them and came in to us; in some they made them prisoner, and held the -forts for us. - -Just then the wives and families of Shaibaq Khan and his Auzbegs arrived -from Turkistan;[549] he was lying near Khwaja Didar and 'Ali-abad but -when he saw the forts and people returning to me, marched off towards -Bukhara. By God's grace, all the forts of Soghd and Miyan-kal returned -to me within three or four months. Over and above this, Baqi Tarkhan -seized this opportunity to occupy Qarshi; Khuzar and Qarshi (? Kesh) -both went out of Auzbeg hands; Qara-kul [Sidenote: Fol. 86b.] also was -taken from them by people of Abu'l-muhsin Mirza (_Bai-qara_), coming up -from Merv. My affairs were in a very good way. - - -(_e. Birth of Babur's first child._) - -After our departure (last year) from Andijan, my mothers and my wife and -relations came, with a hundred difficulties and hardships, to Auratipa. -We now sent for them to Samarkand. Within a few days after their -arrival, a daughter was born to me by 'Ayisha-sultan Begim, my first -wife, the daughter of Sl. Ahmad Mirza. They named the child -Fakhru'n-nisa' (Ornament of women); she was my first-born, I was 19. In -a month or 40 days, she went to God's mercy. - - -(_f. Babur in Samarkand._) - -On taking Samarkand, envoys and summoners were sent off at once, and -sent again and again, with reiterated request for aid and reinforcement, -to the khans and sultans and begs and marchers on every side. Some, -though experienced men, made foolish refusal; others whose relations -towards our family had been discourteous and unpleasant, were afraid for -themselves and took no notice; others again, though they sent help, sent -it insufficient. Each such case will be duly mentioned. - -When Samarkand was taken the second time, 'Ali-sher Beg [Sidenote: Fol. -87.] was alive. We exchanged letters once; on the back of mine to him I -wrote one of my Turki couplets. Before his reply reached me, separations -(_tafarqa_) and disturbances (_ghugha_) had happened.[550] Mulla Bina'i -had been taken into Shaibaq Khan's service when the latter took -possession of Samarkand; he stayed with him until a few days after I -took the place, when he came into the town to me. Qasim Beg had his -suspicions about him and consequently dismissed him towards Shahr-i-sabz -but, as he was a man of parts, and as no fault of his came to light, I -had him fetched back. He constantly presented me with odes (_qasida u -ghazal_). He brought me a song in the Nawa mode composed to my name and -at the same time the following quatrain;--[551] - - No grain (_ghala_) have I by which I can be fed (_noshid_); - No rhyme of grain (_mallah_, nankeen) wherewith I can be - clad (_poshid_); - The man who lacks both food and clothes, - In art or science where can he compete (_koshid_)? - -In those days of respite, I had written one or two couplets but had not -completed an ode. As an answer to Mulla Bina'i I made up and set this -poor little Turki quatrain;--[552] - - As is the wish of your heart, so shall it be (_bulghusidur_); - For gift and stipend both an order shall be made (_buyurulghusidur_); - I know the grain and its rhyme you write of; - The garments, you, your house, the corn shall fill (_tulghusidur_). - -The Mulla in return wrote and presented a quatrain to me in [Sidenote: -Fol. 87b.] which for his refrain, he took a rhyme to (the _tulghusidur_ -of) my last line and chose another rhyme;-- - - Mirza-of-mine, the Lord of sea and land shall be (_yir bulghusidur_); - His art and skill, world o'er, the evening tale shall be - (_samar bulghusidur_); - If gifts like these reward one rhyming (_or_ pointless) word; - For words of sense, what guerdon will there be (_nilar bulghusidur_)? - -Abu'l-barka, known as _Faraqi_ (Parted), who just then had come to -Samarkand from Shahr-i-sabz, said Bina'i ought to have rhymed. He made -this verse;-- - - Into Time's wrong to you quest shall be made (_surulghusidur_); - Your wish the Sultan's grace from Time shall ask (_qulghusidur_); - O Ganymede! our cups, ne'er filled as yet, - In this new Age, brimmed-up, filled full shall be (_tulghusidur_). - -Though this winter our affairs were in a very good way and Shaibaq -Khan's were on the wane, one or two occurrences were somewhat of a -disservice; (1) the Merv men who had taken Qara-kul, could not be -persuaded to stay there and it went back into the hands of the Auzbegs; -(2) Shaibaq Khan besieged Ibrahim Tarkhan's younger brother, Ahmad in -Dabusi, stormed the place and made a general massacre of its inhabitants -before the army we were collecting was ready to march. - -With 240 proved men I had taken Samarkand; in the next [Sidenote: Fol. -88.] five or six months, things so fell out by the favour of the Most -High God, that, as will be told, we fought the arrayed battle of -Sar-i-pul with a man like Shaibaq Khan. The help those round-about gave -us was as follows;--From The Khan had come, with 4 or 5000 Barins, Ayub -_Begchik_ and Qashka Mahmud; from Jahangir Mirza had come Khalil, -Tambal's younger brother, with 100 or 200 men; not a man had come from -Sl. Husain Mirza, that experienced ruler, than whom none knew better the -deeds and dealings of Shaibaq Khan; none came from Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza; -none from Khusrau Shah because he, the author of what evil done,--as has -been told,--to our dynasty! feared us more than he feared Shaibaq Khan. - - -(_g. Babur defeated at Sar-i-pul._) - -I marched out of Samarkand, with the wish of fighting Shaibaq Khan, in -the month of Shawwal[553] and went to the New-garden where we lay four -or five days for the convenience of gathering our men and completing our -equipment. We took the precaution of fortifying our camp with ditch and -branch. From the New-garden we advanced, march by march, to beyond -Sar-i-pul (Bridge-head) and there dismounted. [Sidenote: Fol. 88b.] -Shaibaq Khan came from the opposite direction and dismounted at Khwaja -Kardzan, perhaps one _yighach_ away (? 5 m.). We lay there for four or -five days. Every day our people went from our side and his came from -theirs and fell on one another. One day when they were in unusual force, -there was much fighting but neither side had the advantage. Out of that -engagement one of our men went rather hastily back into the -entrenchments; he was using a standard; some said it was Sayyidi Qara -Beg's standard who really was a man of strong words but weak sword. -Shaibaq Khan made one night-attack on us but could do nothing because -the camp was protected by ditch and close-set branches. His men raised -their war-cry, rained in arrows from outside the ditch and then retired. - -In the work for the coming battle I exerted myself greatly and took all -precautions; Qambar-'ali also did much. In Kesh lay Baqi Tarkhan with -1000 to 2000 men, in a position to join us after a couple of days. In -Diyul, 4 _yighach_ off (? 20 m.), lay Sayyid Muh. Mirza _Dughlat_, -bringing me 1000 to 2000 men from my Khan dada; he would have joined me -at [Sidenote: Fol. 89.] dawn. With matters in this position, we hurried -on the fight! - - Who lays with haste his hand on the sword, - Shall lift to his teeth the back-hand of regret.[554] - -The reason I was so eager to engage was that on the day of battle, the -Eight stars[555] were between the two armies; they would have been in -the enemy's rear for 13 or 14 days if the fight had been deferred. I now -understand that these considerations are worth nothing and that our -haste was without reason. - -As we wished to fight, we marched from our camp at dawn, we in our mail, -our horses in theirs, formed up in array of right and left, centre and -van. Our right was Ibrahim _Saru_, Ibrahim Jani, Abu'l-qasim _Kohbur_ -and other begs. Our left was Muh. Mazid Tarkhan, Ibrahim Tarkhan and -other Samarkandi begs, also Sl. Husain _Arghun_, Qara (Black) _Barlas_, -Pir Ahmad and Khwaja Husain. Qasim Beg was (with me) in the centre and -also several of my close circle and household. In the van were inscribed -Qambar-'ali the Skinner, Banda-'ali, Khwaja 'Ali, Mir Shah _Quchin_, -Sayyid Qasim, Lord of the Gate,--Banda-'ali's younger brother Khaldar -(mole-marked) and Haidar-i-qasim's son Quch, together with all the good -braves there were, and the rest of the household. - -Thus arrayed, we marched from our camp; the enemy, also in array, -marched out from his. His right was Mahmud and Jani and Timur Sultans; -his left, Hamza and Mahdi and some [Sidenote: Fol. 89b.] other sultans. -When our two armies approached one another, he wheeled his right towards -our rear. To meet this, I turned; this left our van,--in which had been -inscribed what not of our best braves and tried swordsmen!--to our right -and bared our front (_i.e._ the front of the centre). None-the-less we -fought those who made the front-attack on us, turned them and forced -them back on their own centre. So far did we carry it that some of -Shaibaq Khan's old chiefs said to him, 'We must move off! It is past a -stand.' He however held fast. His right beat our left, then wheeled -(again) to our rear. - -(As has been said), the front of our centre was bare through our van's -being left to the right. The enemy attacked us front and rear, raining -in arrows on us. (Ayub _Begchik's_) Mughul army, come for our help! was -of no use in fighting; it set to work forthwith to unhorse and plunder -our men. Not this [Sidenote: Fol. 90.] once only! This is always the way -with those ill-omened Mughuls! If they win, they grab at booty; if they -lose, they unhorse and pilfer their own side! We drove back the Auzbegs -who attacked our front by several vigorous assaults, but those who had -wheeled to our rear came up and rained arrows on our standard. Falling -on us in this way, from the front and from the rear, they made our men -hurry off. - -This same turning-movement is one of the great merits of Auzbeg -fighting; no battle of theirs is ever without it. Another merit of -theirs is that they all, begs and retainers, from their front to their -rear, ride, loose-rein at the gallop, shouting as they come and, in -retiring, do not scatter but ride off, at the gallop, in a body. - -Ten or fifteen men were left with me. The Kohik-water was close by,--the -point of our right had rested on it. We made straight for it. It was the -season when it comes down in flood. We rode right into it, man and horse -in mail. It was just fordable for half-way over; after that it had to be -swum. For more than an arrow's flight[556] we, man and mount in mail! -made our horses swim and so got across. Once out of the water, we cut -off the horse-armour and let it lie. By thus [Sidenote: Fol. 90b.] -passing to the north bank of the river, we were free of our foes, but at -once Mughul wretches were the captors and pillagers of one after another -of my friends. Ibrahim Tarkhan and some others, excellent braves all, -were unhorsed and killed by Mughuls.[557] We moved along the north bank -of the Kohik-river, recrossed it near Qulba, entered the town by the -Shaikh-zada's Gate and reached the citadel in the middle of the -afternoon. - -Begs of our greatest, braves of our best and many men perished in that -fight. There died Ibrahim Tarkhan, Ibrahim _Saru_ and Ibrahim Jani; -oddly enough three great begs named Ibrahim perished. There died also -Haidar-i-qasim's eldest son, Abu'l-qasim _Kohbur_, and Khudai-birdi -_Tughchi_ and Khalil, Tambal's younger brother, spoken of already -several times. Many of our men fled in different directions; -Muh. Mazid Tarkhan went towards Qunduz and Hisar for Khusrau Shah. -[Sidenote: Fol. 91.] Some of the household and of the braves, such as -Karim-dad-i-Khudai-birdi _Turkman_ and Janaka _Kukuldash_ and Mulla Baba -of Pashaghar got away to Aura-tipa. Mulla Baba at that time was not in -my service but had gone out with me in a guest's fashion. Others again, -did what Sherim Taghai and his band did;--though he had come back with -me into the town and though when consultation was had, he had agreed -with the rest to make the fort fast, looking for life or death within -it, yet spite of this, and although my mothers and sisters, elder and -younger, stayed on in Samarkand, he sent off their wives and families to -Aura-tipa and remained himself with just a few men, all unencumbered. -Not this once only! Whenever hard work had to be done, low and -double-minded action was the thing to expect from him! - - -(_h. Babur besieged in Samarkand._) - -Next day, I summoned Khwaja Abu'l-makaram, Qasim and the other begs, the -household and such of the braves as were admitted to our counsels, when -after consultation, we resolved to make the fort fast and to look for -life or death within it. I and Qasim Beg with my close circle and -household were the reserve. For convenience in this I took up quarters -in the middle of the town, in tents pitched on the roof of Aulugh Beg -[Sidenote: Fol. 91b.] Mirza's College. To other begs and braves posts -were assigned in the Gates or on the ramparts of the walled-town. - -Two or three days later, Shaibaq Khan dismounted at some distance from -the fort. On this, the town-rabble came out of lanes and wards, in -crowds, to the College gate, shouted good wishes for me and went out to -fight in mob-fashion. Shaibaq Khan had got to horse but could not so -much as approach the town. Several days went by in this fashion. The mob -and rabble, knowing nothing of sword and arrow-wounds, never witnesses -of the press and carnage of a stricken field, through these incidents, -became bold and began to sally further and further out. If warned by the -braves against going out so incautiously, they broke into reproach. - -One day when Shaibaq Khan had directed his attack towards the Iron Gate, -the mob, grown bold, went out, as usual, daringly and far. To cover -their retreat, we sent several braves towards the Camel's-neck,[558] -foster-brethren and some of the close household-circle, such as Nuyan -_Kukuldash_, Qul-nazar (son of Sherim?) Taghai Beg, and Mazid. An -Auzbeg or two [Sidenote: Fol. 92.] put their horses at them and with -Qul-nazar swords were crossed. The rest of the Auzbegs dismounted and -brought their strength to bear on the rabble, hustled them off and -rammed them in through the Iron Gate. Quch Beg and Mir Shah _Quchin_ had -dismounted at the side of Khwaja Khizr's Mosque and were making a stand -there. While the townsmen were being moved off by those on foot, a party -of mounted Auzbegs rode towards the Mosque. Quch Beg came out when they -drew near and exchanged good blows with them. He did distinguished work; -all stood to watch. Our fugitives below were occupied only with their -own escape; for them the time to shoot arrows and make a stand had gone -by. I was shooting with a slur-bow[559] from above the Gate and some of -my circle were shooting arrows (_auq_). Our attack from above kept the -enemy from advancing beyond the Mosque; from there he retired. - -During the siege, the round of the ramparts was made each night; -sometimes I went, sometimes Qasim Beg, sometimes one of the household -Begs. Though from the Turquoise to the Shaikh-zada's Gate may be ridden, -the rest of the way must be [Sidenote: Fol. 92b.] walked. When some men -went the whole round on foot, it was dawn before they had finished.[560] - -One day Shaibaq Khan attacked between the Iron Gate and the -Shaikh-zada's. I, as the reserve, went to the spot, without anxiety -about the Bleaching-ground and Needle-makers' Gates. That day, (?) in a -shooting wager (_auq auchida_), I made a good shot with a slur-bow, at a -Centurion's horse.[561] It died at once (_auq bardi_) with the arrow -(_auq bila_). They made such a vigorous attack this time that they got -close under the ramparts. Busy with the fighting and the stress near the -Iron Gate, we were entirely off our guard about the other side of the -town. There, opposite the space between the Needle-makers' and -Bleaching-ground Gates, the enemy had posted 7 or 800 good men in -ambush, having with them 24 or 25 ladders so wide that two or three -could mount abreast. These men came from their ambush when the attack -near the Iron Gate, by occupying all our men, had left those other posts -empty, and quickly set up their ladders between the two Gates, -[Sidenote: Fol. 93.] just where a road leads from the ramparts to Muh. -Mazid Tarkhan's houses. That post was Quch Beg's and Muhammad-quli -_Quchin's_, with their detachment of braves, and they had their quarters -in Muh. Mazid's houses. In the Needle-makers' Gate was posted Qara -(Black) _Barlas_, in the Bleaching-ground Gate, Qutluq Khwaja -_Kukuldash_ with Sherim Taghai and his brethren, older and younger. As -attack was being made on the other side of the town, the men attached to -these posts were not on guard but had scattered to their quarters or to -the bazar for necessary matters of service and servants' work. Only the -begs were at their posts, with one or two of the populace. Quch Beg and -Muhammad-quli and Shah Sufi and one other brave did very well and -boldly. Some Auzbegs were on the ramparts, some were coming up, when -these four men arrived at a run, dealt them blow upon blow, and, by -energetic drubbing, forced them all down and put them to flight. Quch -Beg did best; this was his out-standing and approved good deed; twice -during this siege he got his hand into the work. Qara _Barlas_ had been -left alone in the Needle-makers' Gate; he also held out well to the end. -Qutluq Khwaja and Qul-nazar Mirza were also at their posts in the -Bleaching-ground Gate; they held out well too, and charged the foe in -his rear. - -Another time Qasim Beg led his braves out through the [Sidenote: Fol. -93b.] Needle-makers' Gate, pursued the Auzbegs as far as Khwaja Kafsher, -unhorsed some and returned with a few heads. - -It was now the time of ripening rain but no-one brought new corn -into the town. The long siege caused great privation to the -towns-people;[562] it went so far that the poor and destitute began to -eat the flesh of dogs and asses and, as there was little grain for the -horses, people fed them on leaves. Experience shewed that the leaves -best suiting were those of the mulberry and elm (_qara-yighach_). Some -people scraped dry wood and gave the shavings, damped, to their horses. - -For three or four months Shaibaq Khan did not come near the fort but had -it invested at some distance and himself moved round it from post to -post. Once when our men were off their guard, at mid-night, the enemy -came near to the Turquoise [Sidenote: Fol. 94.] Gate, beat his drums and -flung his war-cry out. I was in the College, undressed. There was great -trepidation and anxiety. After that they came night after night, -disturbing us by drumming and shouting their war-cry. - -Although envoys and messengers had been sent repeatedly to all sides and -quarters, no help and reinforcement arrived from any-one. No-one had -helped or reinforced me when I was in strength and power and had -suffered no sort of defeat or loss; on what score would any-one help me -now? No hope in any-one whatever recommended us to prolong the siege. -The old saying was that to hold a fort there must be a head, two hands -and two legs, that is to say, the Commandant is the head; help and -reinforcement coming from two quarters are the two arms and the food and -water in the fort are the two legs. While we looked for help from those -round about, their thoughts were elsewhere. That brave and experienced -ruler, Sl. Husain Mirza, gave us not even the help of an encouraging -message, but none-the-less he sent Kamalu'd-din Husain _Gazur-gahi_[563] -as an envoy to Shaibaq Khan. - - -(_i. Tambal's proceedings in Farghana._)[564] - -(This year) Tambal marched from Andijan to near Bish-kint.[565] Ahmad -Beg and his party, thereupon, made The Khan move out against him. The -two armies came face to face near [Sidenote: Fol. 94b.] Lak-lakan and -the Turak Four-gardens but separated without engaging. Sl. Mahmud was -not a fighting man; now when opposed to Tambal, he shewed want of -courage in word and deed. Ahmad Beg was unpolished[566] but brave and -well-meaning. In his very rough way, he said, 'What's the measure of -this person, Tambal? that you are so tormented with fear and fright -about him. If you are afraid to look at him, bandage your eyes before -you go out to face him.' - - - - -907 AH.--JULY 17TH. 1501 TO JULY 7TH. 1502 AD.[567] - -(_a. Surrender of Samarkand to Shaibani._) - - -The siege drew on to great length; no provisions and supplies came in -from any quarter, no succour and reinforcement from any side. The -soldiers and peasantry became hopeless and, by ones and twos, began to -let themselves down outside[568] the walls and flee. On Shaibaq Khan's -hearing of the distress in the town, he came and dismounted near the -Lovers'-cave. I, in turn, went to Malik-muhammad Mirza's dwellings in -Low-lane, over against him. On one of those days, Khwaja Husain's -brother, Auzun Hasan[569] came into the town with 10 or 15 of his -men,--he who, as has been told, had been the cause of Jahangir Mirza's -rebellion, of my exodus from Samarkand (903 AH.--March 1498 AD.) and, -again! of what an amount of sedition and [Sidenote: Fol. 95.] -disloyalty! That entry of his was a very bold act.[570] - -The soldiery and townspeople became more and more distressed. Trusted -men of my close circle began to let themselves down from the ramparts -and get away; begs of known name and old family servants were amongst -them, such as Pir Wais, Shaikh Wais and Wais _Laghari_.[571] Of help -from any side we utterly despaired; no hope was left in any quarter; our -supplies and provisions were wretched, what there was was coming to an -end; no more came in. Meantime Shaibaq Khan interjected talk of -peace.[572] Little ear would have been given to his talk of peace, if -there had been hope or food from any side. It had to be! a sort of peace -was made and we took our departure from the town, by the Shaikh-zada's -Gate, somewhere about midnight. - - -(_b. Babur leaves Samarkand._) - -I took my mother Khanim out with me; two other women-folk went too, one -was Bishka (var. Peshka)-i-Khalifa, the other, Minglik _Kukuldash_.[573] -At this exodus, my elder sister, Khan-zada Begim fell into Shaibaq -Khan's hands.[574] In the darkness of that night we lost our way[575] -and wandered about amongst the main irrigation channels of Soghd. At -shoot of dawn, after a hundred difficulties, we got past Khwaja Didar. -At the Sunnat Prayer we scrambled up the rising-ground of Qara-bugh. -[Sidenote: Fol. 95b.] From the north slope of Qara-bugh we hurried on -past the foot of Juduk village and dropped down into Yilan-auti. On the -road I raced with Qasim Beg and Qambar-'ali (the Skinner); my horse was -leading when I, thinking to look at theirs behind, twisted myself round; -the girth may have slackened, for my saddle turned and I was thrown on -my head to the ground. Although I at once got up and remounted, my brain -did not steady till the evening; till then this world and what went on -appeared to me like things felt and seen in a dream or fancy. Towards -afternoon we dismounted in Yilan-auti, there killed a horse, spitted -and roasted its flesh, rested our horses awhile and rode on. Very weary, -we reached Khalila-village before the dawn and dismounted. From there it -was gone on to Dizak. - -In Dizak just then was Hafiz Muh. _Duldai's_ son, Tahir. There, in -Dizak, were fat meats, loaves of fine flour, plenty of sweet melons and -abundance of excellent grapes. From what privation we came to such -plenty! From what stress to what repose! - - From fear and hunger rest we won (_amani taptuq_); - A fresh world's new-born life we won (_jahani taptuq_). - From out our minds, death's dread was chased [Sidenote: Fol. 96.] - (_rafa' buldi_); - From our men the hunger-pang kept back (_dafa' buldi_).[576] - -Never in all our lives had we felt such relief! never in the whole -course of them have we appreciated security and plenty so highly. Joy is -best and more delightful when it follows sorrow, ease after toil. I have -been transported four or five times from toil to rest and from hardship -to ease.[577] This was the first. We were set free from the affliction -of such a foe and from the pangs of hunger and had reached the repose of -security and the relief of abundance. - - -(_c. Babur in Dikh-kat._) - -After three or four days of rest in Dizak, we set out for Aura-tipa. -Pashaghar is a little[578] off the road but, as we had occupied it for -some time (904 AH.), we made an excursion to it in passing by. In -Pashaghar we chanced on one of Khanim's old servants, a teacher[579] who -had been left behind in Samarkand from want of a mount. We saw one -another and on questioning her, I found she had come there on foot. - -Khub-nigar Khanim, my mother Khanim's younger sister[580] already must -have bidden this transitory world farewell; for they let Khanim and me -know of it in Aura-tipa. My father's mother also must have died in -Andijan; this too they let us [Sidenote: Fol. 96b.] know in -Aura-tipa.[581] Since the death of my grandfather, Yunas Khan (892 AH.), -Khanim had not seen her (step-)mother or her younger brother and -sisters, that is to say, Shah Begim, Sl. Mahmud Khan, Sultan-nigar -Khanim and Daulat-sultan Khanim. The separation had lasted 13 or 14 -years. To see these relations she now started for Tashkint. - -After consulting with Muh. Husain Mirza, it was settled for us to winter -in a place called Dikh-kat[582] one of the Aura-tipa villages. There I -deposited my impedimenta (_auruq_); then set out myself in order to -visit Shah Begim and my Khan dada and various relatives. I spent a few -days in Tashkint and waited on Shah Begim and my Khan dada. My mother's -elder full-sister, Mihr-nigar Khanim[583] had come from Samarkand and -was in Tashkint. There my mother Khanim fell very ill; it was a very bad -illness; she passed through mighty risks. - -His Highness Khwajaka Khwaja, having managed to get out of Samarkand, -had settled down in Far-kat; there I visited him. I had hoped my Khan -dada would shew me affection and kindness and would give me a country or -a district (_pargana_). He did promise me Aura-tipa but Muh. Husain -Mirza. did not make it over, whether acting on his own account -[Sidenote: Fol. 97.] or whether upon a hint from above, is not known. -After spending a few days with him (in Aura-tipa), I went on to -Dikh-kat. - -Dikh-kat is in the Aura-tipa hill-tracts, below the range on the other -side of which is the Macha[584] country. Its people, though Sart, -settled in a village, are, like Turks, herdsmen and shepherds. Their -sheep are reckoned at 40,000. We dismounted at the houses of the -peasants in the village; I stayed in a head-man's house. He was old, 70 -or 80, but his mother was still alive. She was a woman on whom much life -had been bestowed for she was 111 years old. Some relation of hers may -have gone, (as was said), with Timur Beg's army to Hindustan;[585] she -had this in her mind and used to tell the tale. In Dikh-kat alone were -96 of her descendants, hers and her grandchildren, great-grandchildren -and grandchildren's grandchildren. Counting in the dead, 200 of her -descendants were reckoned up. Her grandchild's grandson was a strong -young man of 25 or 26, with full black beard. While in Dikh-kat, I -constantly made excursions amongst the mountains round [Sidenote: Fol. -97b.] about. Generally I went bare-foot and, from doing this so much, my -feet became so that rock and stone made no difference to them.[586] Once -in one of these wanderings, a cow was seen, between the Afternoon and -Evening prayers, going down by a narrow, ill-defined road. Said I, 'I -wonder which way that road will be going; keep your eye on that cow; -don't lose the cow till you know where the road comes out.' Khwaja -Asadu'l-lah made his joke, 'If the cow loses her way,' he said, 'what -becomes of us?' - -In the winter several of our soldiers asked for leave to Andijan because -they could make no raids with us.[587] Qasim Beg said, with much -insistance, 'As these men are going, send something special of your own -wear by them to Jahangir Mirza.' I sent my ermine cap. Again he urged, -'What harm would there be if you sent something for Tambal also?' Though -I was very unwilling, yet as he urged it, I sent Tambal a large -broad-sword which Nuyan _Kukuldash_ had had made for himself in -Samarkand. This very sword it was which, as will be told with the -events of next year, came down on my own head![588] - -A few days later, my grandmother, Aisan-daulat Begim, who, when I left -Samarkand, had stayed behind, arrived in Dikh-kat [Sidenote: Fol. 98.] -with our families and baggage (_auruq_) and a few lean and hungry -followers. - - -(_d. Shaibaq Khan raids in The Khan's country._) - -That winter Shaibaq Khan crossed the Khujand river on the ice and -plundered near Shahrukhiya and Bish-kint. On hearing news of this, we -gallopped off, not regarding the smallness of our numbers, and made for -the villages below Khujand, opposite Hasht-yak (One-eighth). The cold -was mightily bitter,[589] a wind not less than the Ha-darwesh[590] -raging violently the whole time. So cold it was that during the two or -three days we were in those parts, several men died of it. When, needing -to make ablution, I went into an irrigation-channel, frozen along both -banks but because of its swift current, not ice-bound in the middle, and -bathed, dipping under 16 times, the cold of the water went quite through -me. Next day we crossed the river on the ice from opposite Khaslar and -went on through the dark to Bish-kint.[591] Shaibaq Khan, however, must -have gone straight back after plundering the neighbourhood of -Shahrukhiya. - - -(_e. Death of Nuyan Kukuldash._) - -Bish-kint, at that time, was held by Mulla Haidar's son, 'Abdu'l-minan. -A younger son, named Mumin, a worthless and dissipated person, had come -to my presence in Samarkand and had received all kindness from me. This -sodomite, Mumin, for what sort of quarrel between them is not known, -cherished [Sidenote: Fol. 98b.] rancour against Nuyan _Kukuldash_. At -the time when we, having heard of the retirement of the Auzbegs, sent a -man to The Khan and marched from Bish-kint to spend two or three days -amongst the villages in the Blacksmith's-dale,[592] Mulla Haidar's son, -Mumin invited Nuyan _Kukuldash_ and Ahmad-i-qasim and some others in -order to return them hospitality received in Samarkand. When I left -Bish-kint, therefore they stayed behind. Mumin's entertainment to this -party was given on the edge of a ravine (_jar_). Next day news was -brought to us in Sam-sirak, a village in the Blacksmith's-dale, that -Nuyan was dead through falling when drunk into the ravine. We sent his -own mother's brother, Haq-nazar and others, who searched out where he -had fallen. They committed Nuyan to the earth in Bish-kint, and came -back to me. They had found the body at the bottom of the ravine an -arrow's flight from the place of the entertainment. Some suspected that -Mumin, nursing his trumpery rancour, had taken Nuyan's life. None knew -the truth. His death made me strangely sad; for few men have I felt such -grief; I wept unceasingly for a week or [Sidenote: Fol. 99.] ten days. -The chronogram of his death was found in _Nuyan is dead_.[593] - -With the heats came the news that Shaibaq Khan was coming up into -Aura-tipa. Hereupon, as the land is level about Dikh-kat, we crossed the -Ab-burdan pass into the Macha hill-country.[594] Ab-burdan is the last -village of Macha; just below it a spring sends its water down (to the -Zar-afshan); above the stream is included in Macha, below it depends on -Palghar. There is a tomb at the spring-head. I had a rock at the side of -the spring-head shaped (_qatirib_) and these three couplets inscribed on -it;-- - - I have heard that Jamshid, the magnificent, - Inscribed on a rock at a fountain-head[595] - 'Many men like us have taken breath at this fountain, - And have passed away in the twinkling of an eye; - We took the world by courage and might, - But we took it not with us to the tomb.' - -There is a custom in that hill-country of cutting verses and things[596] -on the rocks. - -While we were in Macha, Mulla Hijri,[597] the poet, came from Hisar and -waited on me. At that time I composed the following opening lines;-- - - Let your portrait flatter you never so much, than it you are more - (_andin artuqsin_); - Men call you their Life (_Jan_), than Life, without doubt, you are - more (_jandin artuqsin_).[598] - -After plundering round about in Aura-tipa, Shaibaq Khan retired.[599] -While he was up there, we, disregarding the fewness [Sidenote: Fol. -99b.] of our men and their lack of arms, left our impedimenta (_auruq_) -in Macha, crossed the Ab-burdan pass and went to Dikh-kat so that, -gathered together close at hand, we might miss no chance on one of the -next nights. He, however, retired straightway; we went back to Macha. - -It passed through my mind that to wander from mountain to mountain, -homeless and houseless, without country or abiding-place, had nothing to -recommend it. 'Go you right off to The Khan,' I said to myself. Qasim -Beg was not willing for this move, apparently being uneasy because, as -has been told, he had put Mughuls to death at Qara-bulaq, by way of -example. However much we urged it, it was not to be! He drew off for -Hisar with all his brothers and his whole following. We for our part, -crossed the Ab-burdan pass and set forward for The Khan's presence in -Tashkint. - - -(_f. Babur with The Khan._) - -In the days when Tambal had drawn his army out and gone into the -Blacksmith's-dale,[600] men at the top of his army, such as Muh. -_Dughlat_, known as _Hisari_, and his younger brother Husain, and also -Qambar-'ali, the Skinner, conspired to attempt his life. When he -discovered this weighty matter, they, unable to remain with him, had -gone to The Khan. - -The Feast of Sacrifices ('Id-i-qurban) fell for us in Shah-rukhiya -(Zu'l-hijja 10th.-June 16th. 1502). - -I had written a quatrain in an ordinary measure but was in some doubt -about it, because at that time I had not studied [Sidenote: Fol. 100.] -poetic idiom so much as I have now done. The Khan was good-natured and -also he wrote verses, though ones somewhat deficient in the requisites -for odes. I presented my quatrain and I laid my doubts before him but -got no reply so clear as to remove them. His study of poetic idiom -appeared to have been somewhat scant. Here is the verse;-- - - One hears no man recall another in trouble (_mihnat-ta kishi_); - None speak of a man as glad in his exile (_ghurbat-ta kishi_); - My own heart has no joy in this exile; - Called glad is no exile, man though he be (_albatta kishi_). - -Later on I came to know that in Turki verse, for the purpose of rhyme, -_ta_ and _da_ are interchangeable and also _ghain_, _qaf_ and -_kaf_.[601] - - -(_g. The acclaiming of the standards._) - -When, a few days later, The Khan heard that Tambal had gone up into -Aura-tipa, he got his army to horse and rode out from Tashkint. Between -Bish-kint and Sam-sirak he formed up into array of right and left and -saw the count[602] of his men. This done, the standards were acclaimed -in Mughul fashion.[603] The Khan dismounted and nine standards were set -up in front of him. A Mughul tied a long strip of white cloth to the -thigh-bone (_aurta ailik_) of a cow and took the other end in his hand. -Three other long strips of white cloth were tied to the staves of three -of the (nine) standards, just below the yak-tails, and their other ends -were brought for The Khan to stand on one and for me and Sl. Muh. -Khanika to stand each on one of the two others. The Mughul who had hold -of the strip of cloth [Sidenote: Fol. 100b.] fastened to the cow's leg, -then said something in Mughul while he looked at the standards and made -signs towards them. The Khan and those present sprinkled _qumiz_[604] in -the direction of the standards; hautbois and drums were sounded towards -them;[605] the army flung the war-cry out three times towards them, -mounted, cried it again and rode at the gallop round them. - -Precisely as Chingiz Khan laid down his rules, so the Mughuls still -observe them. Each man has his place, just where his ancestors had it; -right, right,--left, left,--centre, centre. The most reliable men go to -the extreme points of the right and left. The Chiras and Begchik clans -always demand to go to the point in the right.[606] At that time the Beg -of the Chiras tuman was a very bold brave, Qashka (Mole-marked) Mahmud -and the beg of the renowned Begchik tuman was Ayub _Begchik_. These two, -disputing which should go out to the point, drew swords on one another. -At last it seems to have been settled that one should take the highest -place in the hunting-circle, the other, in the battle-array. - -Next day after making the circle, it was hunted near Samsirak; -[Sidenote: Fol. 101.] thence move was made to the Turak Four-gardens. -On that day and in that camp, I finished the first ode I ever finished. -Its opening couplet is as follows;-- - - Except my soul, no friend worth trust found I (_wafadar tapmadim_); - Except my heart, no confidant found I (_asrar tapmadim_). - -There were six couplets; every ode I finished later was written just on -this plan. - -The Khan moved, march by march, from Sam-sirak to the bank of the -Khujand-river. One day we crossed the water by way of an excursion, -cooked food and made merry with the braves and pages. That day some-one -stole the gold clasp of my girdle. Next day Bayan-quli's Khan-quli and -Sl. Muh. Wais fled to Tambal. Every-one suspected them of that bad deed. -Though this was not ascertained, Ahmad-i-qasim _Kohbur_ asked leave and -went away to Aura-tipa. From that leave he did not return; he too went -to Tambal. - - - - -908 AH.--JULY 7TH. 1502 TO JUNE 26TH. 1503 AD.[607] - -(_a. Babur's poverty in Tashkint._) - - -This move of The Khan's was rather unprofitable; to take no fort, to -beat no foe, he went out and went back. - -During my stay in Tashkint, I endured much poverty and humiliation. No -country or hope of one! Most of my retainers dispersed, those left, -unable to move about with me because of their destitution! If I went to -my Khan dada's Gate,[608] I went sometimes with one man, sometimes with -two. It was well he was no stranger but one of my own blood. [Sidenote: -Fol. 101b.] After showing myself[609] in his presence, I used to go to -Shah Begim's, entering her house, bareheaded and barefoot, just as if it -were my own. - -This uncertainty and want of house and home drove me at last to despair. -Said I, 'It would be better to take my head[610] and go off than live in -such misery; better to go as far as my feet can carry me than be seen of -men in such poverty and humiliation.' Having settled on China to go to, -I resolved to take my head and get away. From my childhood up I had -wished to visit China but had not been able to manage it because of -ruling and attachments. Now sovereignty itself was gone! and my mother, -for her part, was re-united to her (step)-mother and her younger -brother. The hindrances to my journey had been removed; my anxiety for -my mother was dispelled. I represented (to Shah Begim and The Khan) -through Khwaja Abu'l-makaram that now such a foe as Shaibaq Khan had -made his appearance, Mughul and Turk[611] alike must guard against him; -that thought about him must be taken while he had not well-mastered the -(Auzbeg) horde or grown very strong, for as they have said;--[612] - - To-day, while thou canst, quench the fire, - Once ablaze it will burn up the world; - Let thy foe not fix string to his bow, - While an arrow of thine can pierce him; - -that it was 20 or 25 years[613] since they had seen the Younger Khan -(Ahmad _Alacha_) and that I had never seen him; should I be able, if I -went to him, not only to see him myself, but to bring about the meeting -between him and them? - -[Sidenote: Fol. 102.] Under this pretext I proposed to get out of those -surroundings;[614] once in Mughulistan and Turfan, my reins would be in -my own hands, without check or anxiety. I put no-one in possession of my -scheme. Why not? Because it was impossible for me to mention such a -scheme to my mother, and also because it was with other expectations -that the few of all ranks who had been my companions in exile and -privation, had cut themselves off with me and with me suffered change of -fortune. To speak to them also of such a scheme would be no pleasure. - -The Khwaja, having laid my plan before Shah Begim and The Khan, -understood them to consent to it but, later, it occurred to them that I -might be asking leave a second time,[615] because of not receiving -kindness. That touching their reputation, they delayed a little to give -the leave. - - -(_b. The Younger Khan comes to Tashkint._) - -At this crisis a man came from the Younger Khan to say that he was -actually on his way. This brought my scheme to naught. When a second -man announced his near approach, we all went out to give him honourable -meeting, Shah Begim and his younger sisters, Sultan-nigar Khanim and -Daulat-sultan Khanim, and I and Sl. Muh. Khanika and Khan Mirza (Wais). - -Between Tashkint and Sairam is a village called Yagha (var. Yaghma), -with some smaller ones, where are the tombs of Father Abraham and Father -Isaac. So far we went out. Knowing nothing exact about his coming,[616] -I rode out for an [Sidenote: Fol. 102b.] excursion, with an easy mind. -All at once, he descended on me, face to face. I went forward; when I -stopped, he stopped. He was a good deal perturbed; perhaps he was -thinking of dismounting in some fixed spot and there seated, of -receiving me ceremoniously. There was no time for this; when we were -near each other, I dismounted. He had not time even to dismount;[617] I -bent the knee, went forward and saw him. Hurriedly and with agitation, -he told Sl. Sa'id Khan and Baba Khan Sl. to dismount, bend the knee with -(_bila_) me and make my acquaintance.[618] Just these two of his sons -had come with him; they may have been 13 or 14 years old. When I had -seen them, we all mounted and went to Shah Begim's presence. After he -had seen her and his sisters, and had renewed acquaintance, they all sat -down and for half the night told one another particulars of their past -and gone affairs. - -Next day, my Younger Khan dada bestowed on me arms of his own and one of -his own special horses saddled, and a Mughul head-to-foot dress,--a -Mughul cap,[619] a long coat of Chinese satin, with broidering of -stitchery,[620] and Chinese armour; in the old fashion, they had hung, -on the left side, a haversack (_chantai_) and an outer bag,[621] and -three or four things such as women usually hang on their collars, -perfume-holders and various receptacles;[622] in the same way, three or -four things hung on the right side also. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 103.] From there we went to Tashkint. My Elder Khan dada -also had come out for the meeting, some 3 or 4 _yighach_ (12 to 15 m.) -along the road. He had had an awning set up in a chosen spot and was -seated there. The Younger Khan went up directly in front of him; on -getting near, fetched a circle, from right to left, round him; then -dismounted before him. After advancing to the place of interview -(_kurushur yir_), he nine times bent the knee; that done, went close and -saw (his brother). The Elder Khan, in his turn, had risen when the -Younger Khan drew near. They looked long at one another (_kurushtilar_) -and long stood in close embrace (_quchushub_). The Younger Khan again -bent the knee nine times when retiring, many times also on offering his -gift; after that, he went and sat down. - -All his men had adorned themselves in Mughul fashion. There they were in -Mughul caps (_burk_); long coats of Chinese satin, broidered with -stitchery, Mughul quivers and saddles of green shagreen-leather, and -Mughul horses adorned in a unique fashion. He had brought rather few -men, over 1000 and under 2000 may-be. He was a man of singular manners, -a mighty master of the sword, and brave. Amongst arms he preferred to -trust to the sword. He used to say that of arms there are, the -_shash-par_[623] (six-flanged mace), the _piyazi_ (rugged mace), the -_kistin_,[624] the _tabar-zin_ (saddle-hatchet) and the _baltu_ -(battle-axe), all, if they strike, work only with what of them first -touches, but the sword, if it touch, works from point to hilt. He never -parted with his keen-edged sword; it was either at his waist or to his -hand. He was a little rustic and rough-of-speech, [Sidenote: Fol. 103b.] -through having grown up in an out-of-the-way place. - -When, adorned in the way described, I went with him to The Khan, Khwaja -Abu'l-makaram asked, 'Who is this honoured sultan?' and till I spoke, -did not recognize me. - - -(_c. The Khans march into Farghana against Tambal._) - -Soon after returning to Tashkint, The Khan led out an army for Andikan -(Andijan) direct against Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_.[625] He took the road over -the Kindirlik-pass and from Blacksmiths'-dale (Ahangaran-julgasi) sent -the Younger Khan and me on in advance. After the pass had been crossed, -we all met again near Zarqan (var. Zabarqan) of Karnan. - -One day, near Karnan, they numbered their men[626] and reckoned them up -to be 30,000. From ahead news began to come that Tambal also was -collecting a force and going to Akhsi. After having consulted together, -The Khans decided to join some of their men to me, in order that I might -cross the Khujand-water, and, marching by way of Aush and Auzkint, turn -Tambal's rear. Having so settled, they joined to me Ayub _Begchik_ with -his _tuman_, Jan-hasan Barin (var. Narin) with his Barins, Muh. _Hisari -Dughlat_, Sl. Husain _Dughlat_ and Sl. Ahmad Mirza _Dughlat_, not in -command of the Dughlat _tuman_,--and Qambar-'ali Beg (the Skinner). The -commandant (_darogha_) of their force was Sarigh-bash (Yellow-head) -Mirza _Itarchi_.[627] - -Leaving The Khans in Karnan, we crossed the river on rafts near Sakan, -traversed the Khuqan sub-district (_aurchin_), crushed [Sidenote: Fol. -104.] Qaba and by way of the Alai sub-districts[628] descended suddenly -on Aush. We reached it at dawn, unexpected; those in it could but -surrender. Naturally the country-folk were wishing much for us, but they -had not been able to find their means, both through dread of Tambal and -through our remoteness. After we entered Aush, the hordes and the -highland and lowland tribes of southern and eastern Andijan came in to -us. The Auzkint people also, willing to serve us, sent me a man and came -in. - - (_Author's note on Auzkint._) Auzkint formerly must have been - a capital of Farghana;[629] it has an excellent fort and is - situated on the boundary (of Farghana). - -The Marghinanis also came in after two or three days, having beaten and -chased their commandant (_darogha_). Except Andijan, every fort south of -the Khujand-water had now come in to us. Spite of the return in those -days of so many forts, and spite of risings and revolt against him, -Tambal did not yet come to his senses but sat down with an army of horse -and foot, fortified with ditch and branch, to face The Khans, between -Karnan and Akhsi. Several times over there was a little fighting and -pell-mell but without decided success to either side. - -In the Andijan country (_wilayat_), most of the tribes and [Sidenote: -Fol. 104b.] hordes and the forts and all the districts had come in to -me; naturally the Andijanis also were wishing for me. They however could -not find their means. - - -(_d. Babur's attempt to enter Andijan frustrated by a mistake._) - -It occurred to me that if we went one night close to the town and sent a -man in to discuss with the Khwaja[630] and notables, they might perhaps -let us in somewhere. With this idea we rode out from Aush. By midnight -we were opposite Forty-daughters (Chihil-dukhteran) 2 miles (one -_kuroh_) from Andijan. From that place we sent Qambar-'ali Beg forward, -with some other begs, who were to discuss matters with the Khwaja after -by some means or other getting a man into the fort. While waiting for -their return, we sat on our horses, some of us patiently humped up, some -wrapt away in dream, when suddenly, at about the third watch, there rose -a war-cry[631] and a sound of drums. Sleepy and startled, ignorant -whether the foe was many or few, my men, without looking to one another, -took each his own road and turned for flight. There was no time for me -to get at them; I went straight for the enemy. Only Mir Shah _Quchin_ -and Baba Sher-zad (Tiger-whelp) and Nasir's Dost sprang forward; we four -excepted, every man set his face for flight. I had gone a little way -forward, when the enemy rode rapidly up, flung out his war-cry and -poured arrows on us. One man, on a horse with a starred forehead,[632] -came close to me; I shot at it; it rolled over and died. They made a -little as if to retire. The three [Sidenote: Fol. 105.] with me said, -'In this darkness it is not certain whether they are many or few; all -our men have gone off; what harm could we four do them? Fighting must be -when we have overtaken our run-aways and rallied them.' Off we hurried, -got up with our men and beat and horse-whipped some of them, but, do -what we would, they would not make a stand. Back the four of us went to -shoot arrows at the foe. They drew a little back but when, after a -discharge or two, they saw we were not more than three or four, they -busied themselves in chasing and unhorsing my men. I went three or four -times to try to rally my men but all in vain! They were not to be -brought to order. Back I went with my three and kept the foe in check -with our arrows. They pursued us two or three _kuroh_ (4-6 m.), as far -as the rising ground opposite Kharabuk and Pashamun. There we met Muh. -'Ali _Mubashir_. Said I, 'They are only few; let us stop and put our -horses at them.' So we did. When we got up to them, they stood -still.[633] - -Our scattered braves gathered in from this side and that, but several -very serviceable men, scattering in this attack, went right away to -Aush. - -The explanation of the affair seemed to be that some of Ayub _Begchik's_ -Mughuls had slipped away from Aush to raid near Andijan and, hearing the -noise of our troop, came somewhat stealthily towards us; then there -seems to have been confusion about the pass-word. The pass-words settled -on for use during this movement of ours were Tashkint and Sairam. If -Tashkint were said, Sairam would be answered; if Sairam, Tashkint. In -this muddled affair, Khwaja Muh. 'Ali seems to have been somewhat in -advance of our party and to have got bewildered,--he was a Sart -person,[635]--when the Mughuls came up saying, 'Tashkint, Tashkint,' for -he gave them 'Tashkint, Tashkint,' as the counter-sign. Through this -they took him for an enemy, raised their war-cry, beat their -saddle-drums and poured arrows on us. It was through this we gave way, -and through this false alarm were scattered! We went back to Aush. - - [Sidenote: Fol. 105b.] (_Author's note on pass-words._) - Pass-words are of two kinds;--in each tribe there is one for - use in the tribe, such as _Darwana_ or _Tuqqai_ or - _Lulu_;[634] and there is one for the use of the whole army. - For a battle, two words are settled on as pass-words so that - of two men meeting in the fight, one may give the one, the - other give back the second, in order to distinguish friends - from foes, own men from strangers. - - -(_e. Babur again attempts Andijan._) - -Through the return to me of the forts and the highland and lowland -clans, Tambal and his adherents lost heart and footing. His army and -people in the next five or six days began to desert him and to flee to -retired places and the open country.[636] Of his household some came and -said, 'His affairs are nearly ruined; he will break up in three or four -days, utterly ruined.' On hearing this, we rode for Andijan. - -Sl. Muh. _Galpuk_[637] was in Andijan,--the younger of Tambal's cadet -brothers. We took the Mulberry-road and at the Mid-day Prayer came to -the Khakan (canal), south of the town. A [Sidenote: Fol. 106.] -foraging-party was arranged; I followed it along Khakan to the skirt of -'Aish-hill. When our scouts brought word that Sl. Muh. _Galpuk_ had come -out, with what men he had, beyond the suburbs and gardens to the skirt -of 'Aish, I hurried to meet him, although our foragers were still -scattered. He may have had over 500 men; we had more but many had -scattered to forage. When we were face to face, his men and ours may -have been in equal number. Without caring about order or array, down we -rode on them, loose rein, at the gallop. When we got near, they could -not stand; there was not so much fighting as the crossing of a few -swords. My men followed them almost to the Khakan Gate, unhorsing one -after another. - -It was at the Evening Prayer that, our foe outmastered, we reached -Khwaja Kitta, on the outskirts of the suburbs. My idea was to go quickly -right up to the Gate but Dost Beg's father, Nasir Beg and Qambar-'ali -Beg, old and experienced begs both, represented to me, 'It is almost -night; it would be ill-judged to go in a body into the fort in the dark; -let us withdraw a little and dismount. What can they do to-morrow but -surrender the place?' Yielding at once to the opinion of these -experienced persons, we forthwith retired to the outskirts of the -suburbs. If we had gone to the Gate, undoubtedly, Andijan [Sidenote: -Fol. 106b.] would have come into our hands. - - -(_f. Babur surprised by Tambal._) - -After crossing the Khakan-canal, we dismounted, near the Bed-time -prayer, at the side of the village of Rabat-i-zauraq (var. ruzaq). -Although we knew that Tambal had broken camp and was on his way to -Andijan, yet, with the negligence of inexperience, we dismounted on -level ground close to the village, instead of where the defensive canal -would have protected us.[638] There we lay down carelessly, without -scouts or rear-ward. - -At the top (_bash_) of the morning, just when men are in sweet sleep, -Qambar-'ali Beg hurried past, shouting, 'Up with you! the enemy is -here!' So much he said and went off without a moment's stay. It was my -habit to lie down, even in times of peace, in my tunic; up I got -instanter, put on sword and quiver and mounted. My standard-bearer had -no time to adjust my standard,[639] he just mounted with it in his hand. -There were ten or fifteen men with me when we started toward the enemy; -after riding an arrow's flight, when we came up with his scouts, there -may have been ten. Going rapidly forward, we overtook him, poured in -arrows on him, over-mastered his foremost men and hurried them off. We -followed them for another arrow's flight and came up with his centre -where Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_ himself was, with as many as [Sidenote: Fol. -107.] 100 men. He and another were standing in front of his array, as if -keeping a Gate,[640] and were shouting, 'Strike, strike!' but his men, -mostly, were sidling, as if asking themselves, 'Shall we run away? Shall -we not?' By this time three were left with me; one was Nasir's Dost, -another, Mirza Quli _Kukuldash_, the third, Khudai-birdi _Turkman's_ -Karim-dad.[641] I shot off the arrow on my thumb,[642] aiming at -Tambal's helm. When I put my hand into my quiver, there came out a quite -new _gosha-gir_[643] given me by my Younger Khan dada. It would have -been vexing to throw it away but before I got it back into the quiver, -there had been time to shoot, maybe, two or three arrows. When once more -I had an arrow on the string, I went forward, my three men even holding -back. One of those two in advance, Tambal seemingly,[644] moved forward -also. The high-road was between us; I from my side, he, from his, got -upon it and came face to face, in such a way that his right hand was -towards me, mine towards him. His horse's mail excepted, he was fully -accoutred; but for sword and quiver, I was unprotected. I shot off the -arrow in my hand, adjusting for the attachment of his shield. With -matters in this position, they shot my right leg through. I had on the -cap of my helm;[645] Tambal chopped [Sidenote: Fol. 107b.] so violently -at my head that it lost all feeling under the blow. A large wound was -made on my head, though not a thread of the cap was cut.[646] I had not -bared[647] my sword; it was in the scabbard and I had no chance to draw -it. Single-handed, I was alone amongst many foes. It was not a time to -stand still; I turned rein. Down came a sword again; this time on my -arrows. When I had gone 7 or 8 paces, those same three men rejoined -me.[648] After using his sword on me, Tambal seems to have used it on -Nasir's Dost. As far as an arrrow flies to the butt, the enemy followed -us. - -The Khakan-canal is a great main-channel, flowing in a deep cutting, not -everywhere to be crossed. God brought it right! we came exactly opposite -a low place where there was a passage over. Directly we had crossed, the -horse Nasir's Dost was on, being somewhat weakly, fell down. We stopped -and remounted him, then drew off for Aush, over the rising-ground -between Faraghina and Khirabuk. Out on the rise, Mazid Taghai came up -and joined us. An arrow had pierced his right leg also and though it had -not gone through and come out again, he got to Aush with difficulty. The -enemy unhorsed (_tushurdilar_) good men of mine; Nasir Beg, Muh. 'Ali -_Mubashir_, Khwaja Muh. 'Ali, Khusrau _Kukuldash_, Na'man the page, all -fell (to them, _tushtilar_), and also many unmailed braves.[649] - - -(_g. The Khans move from Kasan to Andijan._) - -The Khans, closely following on Tambal, dismounted near Andijan,--the -Elder at the side of the Reserve (_quruq_) in the [Sidenote: Fol. 108.] -garden, known as Birds'-mill (_Qush-tigirman_), belonging to my -grandmother, Aisan-daulat Begim,--the Younger, near Baba Tawakkul's -Alms-house. Two days later I went from Aush and saw the Elder Khan in -Birds'-mill. At that interview, he simply gave over to the Younger Khan -the places which had come in to me. He made some such excuse as that for -our advantage, he had brought the Younger Khan, how far! because such a -foe as Shaibaq Khan had taken Samarkand and was waxing greater; that the -Younger Khan had there no lands whatever, his own being far away; and -that the country under Andijan, on the south of the Khujand-water, must -be given him to encamp in. He promised me the country under Akhsi, on -the north of the Khujand-water. He said that after taking a firm grip of -that country (Farghana), they would move, take Samarkand, give it to me -and then the whole of the Farghana country was to be the Younger Khan's. -These words seem to have been meant to deceive me, since there is no -knowing what they would have done when they had attained their object. -It had to be however! willy-nilly, I agreed. - -When, leaving him, I was on my way to the Younger Khan's presence, -Qambar-'ali, known as the Skinner, joined me in a friendly way and said, -'Do you see? They have taken the whole of the country just become yours. -There is no opening for you through them. You have in your hands Aush, -Marghinan, [Sidenote: Fol. 108b.] Auzkint and the cultivated land and -the tribes and the hordes; go you to Aush; make that fort fast; send a -man to Tambal, make peace with him, then strike at the Mughul and drive -him out. After that, divide the districts into an elder and a younger -brother's shares.' 'Would that be right?' said I. 'The Khans are my -blood relations; better serve them than rule for Tambal.' He saw that -his words had made no impression, so turned back, sorry he had spoken. I -went on to see my Younger Khan Dada. At our first interview, I had come -upon him without announcement and he had no time to dismount, so it was -all rather unceremonious. This time I got even nearer perhaps, and he -ran out as far as the end of the tent-ropes. I was walking with some -difficulty because of the wound in my leg. We met and renewed -acquaintance; then he said, 'You are talked about as a hero, my young -brother!' took my arm and led me into his tent. The tents pitched were -rather small and through his having grown up in an out-of-the-way place, -he let the one he sat in be neglected; it was like a raider's, melons, -grapes, saddlery, every sort of thing, in his sitting-tent. I went from -his presence straight back to my own camp and there he sent his Mughul -surgeon to examine my wound. Mughuls call a surgeon also a _bakhshi_; -this one was called Ataka Bakhshi.[650] - -He was a very skilful surgeon; if a man's brains had come [Sidenote: -Fol. 109.] out, he would cure it, and any sort of wound in an artery he -easily healed. For some wounds his remedy was in form of a plaister, for -some medicines had to be taken. He ordered a bandage tied on[651] the -wound in my leg and put no seton in; once he made me eat something like -a fibrous root (_yildiz_). He told me himself, 'A certain man had his -leg broken in the slender part and the bone was shattered for the -breadth of the hand. I cut the flesh open and took the bits of bone out. -Where they had been, I put a remedy in powder-form. That remedy simply -became bone where there had been bone before.' He told many strange and -marvellous things such as surgeons in cultivated lands cannot match. - -Three or four days later, Qambar-'ali, afraid on account of what he had -said to me, fled (to Tambal) in Andijan. A few days later, The Khans -joined to me Ayub _Begchik_ with his _tuman_, and Jan-hasan _Barin_ with -the Barin _tuman_ and, as their army-beg, Sarigh-bash Mirza,--1000 to -2000 men in all, and sent us towards Akhsi. - - -(_h. Babur's expedition to Akhsi._) - -Shaikh Bayazid, a younger brother of Tambal, was in Akhsi; Shahbaz -_Qarluq_ was in Kasan. At the time, Shahbaz was lying before Nu-kint -fort; crossing the Khujand-water opposite Bikhrata, we hurried to fall -upon him there. When, a little [Sidenote: Fol. 109b.] before dawn, we -were nearing the place, the begs represented to me that as the man would -have had news of us, it was advisable not to go on in broken array. We -moved on therefore with less speed. Shahbaz may have been really unaware -of us until we were quite close; then getting to know of it, he fled -into the fort. It often happens so! Once having said, 'The enemy is on -guard!' it is easily fancied true and the chance of action is lost. In -short, the experience of such things is that no effort or exertion must -be omitted, once the chance for action comes. After-repentance is -useless. There was a little fighting round the fort at dawn but we -delivered no serious attack. - -For the convenience of foraging, we moved from Nu-kint towards the hills -in the direction of Bishkharan. Seizing his opportunity, Shahbaz -_Qarluq_ abandoned Nu-kint and returned to Kasan. We went back and -occupied Nu-kint. During those days, the army several times went out and -over-ran all sides and quarters. Once they over-ran the villages of -Akhsi, once those of Kasan. Shahbaz and Long Hasan's adopted son, Mirim -came out of Kasan to fight; they fought, were beaten, and there Mirim -died. - - -(_i. The affairs of Pap._) - -Pap is a strong fort belonging to Akhsi. The Papis made it fast and sent -a man to me. We accordingly sent Sayyid Qasim with a few braves to -occupy it. They crossed the river [Sidenote: Fol. 110.] (_darya_) -opposite the upper villages of Akhsi and went into Pap.[652] A few days -later, Sayyid Qasim did an astonishing thing. There were at the time -with Shaikh Bayazid in Akhsi, Ibrahim _Chapuk_ (Slash-face) -Taghai,[653] Ahmad-of-qasim _Kohbur_, and Qasim Khitika (?) _Arghun_. -To these Shaikh Bayazid joins 200 serviceable braves and one night sends -them to surprise Pap. Sayyid Qasim must have lain down carelessly to -sleep, without setting a watch. They reach the fort, set ladders up, get -up on the Gate, let the drawbridge down and, when 70 or 80 good men in -mail are inside, goes the news to Sayyid Qasim! Drowsy with sleep, he -gets into his vest (_kunglak_), goes out, with five or six of his men, -charges the enemy and drives them out with blow upon blow. He cut off a -few heads and sent to me. Though such a careless lying down was bad -leadership, yet, with so few, just by force of drubbing, to chase off -such a mass of men in mail was very brave indeed. - -Meantime The Khans were busy with the siege of Andijan but the garrison -would not let them get near it. The Andijan braves used to make sallies -and blows would be exchanged. - - -(_j. Babur invited into Akhsi._) - -Shaikh Bayazid now began to send persons to us from Akhsi to testify to -well-wishing and pressingly invite us to Akhsi. His object was to -separate me from The Khans, by any artifice, because without me, they -had no standing-ground. [Sidenote: Fol. 110b] His invitation may have -been given after agreeing with his elder brother, Tambal that if I were -separated from The Khans, it might be possible, in my presence, to come -to some arrangement with them. We gave The Khans a hint of the -invitation. They said, 'Go! and by whatever means, lay hands on Shaikh -Bayazid.' It was not my habit to cheat and play false; here above all -places, when promises would have been made, how was I to break them? It -occurred to me however, that if we could get into Akhsi, we might be -able, by using all available means, to detach Shaikh Bayazid from -Tambal, when he might take my side or something might turn up to favour -my fortunes. We, in our turn, sent a man to him; compact was made, he -invited us into Akhsi and when we went, came out to meet us, bringing my -younger brother, Nasir Mirza with him. Then he took us into the town, -gave us ground to camp in (_yurt_) and to me one of my father's houses -in the outer fort[654] where I dismounted. - - -(_k. Tambal asks help of Shaibaq Khan._) - -Tambal had sent his elder brother, Beg Tilba, to Shaibaq Khan with -proffer of service and invitation to enter Farghana. At this very time -Shaibaq Khan's answer arrived; 'I will come,' he wrote. On hearing this, -The Khans were all upset; they could sit no longer before Andijan and -rose from before it. - -The Younger Khan himself had a reputation for justice and orthodoxy, but -his Mughuls, stationed, contrary to the expectations of the -towns-people, in Aush, Marghinan and other places,--places that had come -in to me,--began to behave ill [Sidenote: Fol. 111.] and oppressively. -When The Khans had broken up from before Andijan, the Aushis and -Marghinanis, rising in tumult, seized the Mughuls in their forts, -plundered and beat them, drove them out and pursued them. - -The Khans did not cross the Khujand-water (for the Kindirlik-pass) but -left the country by way of Marghinan and Kand-i-badam and crossed it at -Khujand, Tambal pursuing them as far as Marghinan. We had had much -uncertainty; we had not had much confidence in their making any stand, -yet for us to go away, without clear reason, and leave them, would not -have looked well. - - -(_l. Babur attempts to defend Akhsi._) - -Early one morning, when I was in the Hot-bath, Jahangir Mirza came into -Akhsi, from Marghinan, a fugitive from Tambal. We saw one another, -Shaikh Bayazid also being present, agitated and afraid. The Mirza and -Ibrahim Beg said, 'Shaikh Bayazid must be made prisoner and we must get -the citadel into our hands.' In good sooth, the proposal was wise. Said -I, 'Promise has been made; how can we break it?' Shaikh Bayazid went -into the citadel. Men ought to have been posted on the bridge; not even -there did we post any-one! These blunders were the fruit of -inexperience. At the top of the morning came Tambal himself with 2 or -3000 men in mail, crossed the bridge and went into the citadel. To begin -with I had had rather few men; when I first went into Akhsi some had -been sent to other forts and some had been made commandants and -summoners all round. Left with me in Akhsi may have been something over -100 men. We [Sidenote: Fol. 111b.] had got to horse with these and were -posting braves at the top of one lane after another and making ready for -the fight, when Shaikh Bayazid and Qambar-'ali (the Skinner), and -Muhammad-dost[655] came gallopping from Tambal with talk of peace. - -After posting those told off for the fight, each in his appointed place, -I dismounted at my father's tomb for a conference, in which I invited -Jahangir Mirza to join. Muhammad-dost went back to Tambal but -Qambar-'ali and Shaikh Bayazid were present. We sat in the south porch -of the tomb and were in consultation when the Mirza, who must have -settled beforehand with Ibrahim _Chapuk_ to lay hands on those other -two, said in my ear, 'They must be made prisoner.' Said I, 'Don't hurry! -matters are past making prisoners. See here! with terms made, the affair -might be coaxed into something. For why? Not only are they many and we -few, but they with their strength are in the citadel, we with our -weakness, in the outer fort.' Shaikh Bayazid and Qambar-'ali both being -present, Jahangir Mirza looked at Ibrahim Beg and made him a sign to -refrain. Whether he misunderstood to the contrary or whether he -pretended to misunderstand, is not known; suddenly he did the ill-deed -of seizing Shaikh Bayazid. Braves [Sidenote: Fol. 112.] closing in from -all sides, flung those two to the ground. Through this the affair was -taken past adjustment; we gave them into charge and got to horse for the -coming fight. - -One side of the town was put into Jahangir Mirza's charge; as his men -were few, I told off some of mine to reinforce him. I went first to his -side and posted men for the fight, then to other parts of the town. -There is a somewhat level, open space in the middle of Akhsi; I had -posted a party of braves there and gone on when a large body of the -enemy, mounted and on foot, bore down upon them, drove them from their -post and forced them into a narrow lane. Just then I came up (the lane), -gallopped my horse at them, and scattered them in flight. While I was -thus driving them out from the lane into the flat, and had got my sword -to work, they shot my horse in the leg; it stumbled and threw me there -amongst them. I got up quickly and shot one arrow off. My squire, Kahil -(lazy) had a weakly pony; he got off and led it to me. Mounting this, I -started for another lane-head. Sl. Muh. Wais noticed the weakness of my -mount, dismounted and led me his own. I mounted that horse. Just then, -Qasim Beg's son, Qambar-'ali came, wounded, from Jahangir Mirza and said -the Mirza had [Sidenote: Fol. 112b.] been attacked some time before, -driven off in panic, and had gone right away. We were thunderstruck! At -the same moment arrived Sayyid Qasim, the commandant of Pap! His was a -most unseasonable visit, since at such a crisis it was well to have such -a strong fort in our hands. Said I to Ibrahim Beg, 'What's to be done -now?' He was slightly wounded; whether because of this or because of -stupefaction, he could give no useful answer. My idea was to get across -the bridge, destroy it and make for Andijan. Baba Sher-zad did very well -here. 'We will storm out at the gate and get away at once,' he said. At -his word, we set off for the Gate. Khwaja Mir Miran also spoke boldly at -that crisis. In one of the lanes, Sayyid Qasim and Nasir's Dost chopped -away at Baqi Khiz,[656] I being in front with Ibrahim Beg and Mirza Quli -_Kukuldash_. - -As we came opposite the Gate, we saw Shaikh Bayazid, wearing his -pull-over shirt[657] above his vest, coming in with three or four -horsemen. He must have been put into the charge of Jahangir's men in the -morning when, against my will, he was made prisoner, and they must have -carried him off when they got away. They had thought it would be well to -kill him; they set him free alive. He had been released just when I -chanced upon him in the Gate. I drew and shot off the arrow on my thumb; -it grazed his neck, a good shot! He came confusedly in at the Gate, -turned to the right and fled down a lane. We followed him instantly. -Mirza Quli _Kukuldash_ got at one man with his rugged-mace and went on. -Another man took [Sidenote: Fol. 113.] aim at Ibrahim Beg, but when the -Beg shouted 'Hai! Hai!' let him pass and shot me in the arm-pit, from as -near as a man on guard at a Gate. Two plates of my Qalmaq mail were cut; -he took to flight and I shot after him. Next I shot at a man running -away along the ramparts, adjusting for his cap against the battlements; -he left his cap nailed on the wall and went off, gathering his -turban-sash together in his hand. Then again,--a man was in flight -alongside me in the lane down which Shaikh Bayazid had gone. I pricked -the back of his head with my sword; he bent over from his horse till he -leaned against the wall of the lane, but he kept his seat and with some -trouble, made good his flight. When we had driven all the enemy's men -from the Gate, we took possession of it but the affair was past -discussion because they, in the citadel, were 2000 or 3000, we, in the -outer fort, 100 or 200. Moreover they had chased off Jahangir Mirza, as -long before as it takes milk to boil, and with him had gone half my men. -This notwithstanding, we sent a man, while we were in the Gate, to say -to him, 'If you are near at hand, come, let us attack again.' But the -matter had gone past that! Ibrahim Beg, either because his horse was -really weak or because of his wound, said, 'My horse is done.' On this, -Sulaiman, one of Muh. 'Ali's _Mubashir's_ servants, did a plucky thing, -for with matters [Sidenote: Fol. 113b.] as they were and none -constraining him, while we were waiting in the Gate, he dismounted and -gave his horse to Ibrahim Beg. Kichik (little) 'Ali, now the Governor of -Koel,[658] also shewed courage while we were in the Gate; he was a -retainer of Sl. Muh. Wais and twice did well, here and in Aush. We -delayed in the Gate till those sent to Jahangir Mirza came back and said -he had gone off long before. It was too late to stay there; off we -flung; it was ill-judged to have stayed as long as we did. Twenty or -thirty men were with me. Just as we hustled out of the Gate, a number of -armed men[659] came right down upon us, reaching the town-side of the -drawbridge just as we had crossed. Banda-'ali, the maternal grandfather -of Qasim Beg's son, Hamza, called out to Ibrahim Beg, 'You are always -boasting of your zeal! Let's take to our swords!' 'What hinders? Come -along!' said Ibrahim Beg, from beside me. The senseless fellows were for -displaying their zeal at a time of such disaster! Ill-timed zeal! That -was no time to make stand or delay! We went off quickly, the enemy -following and unhorsing our men. - - -(_m. Babur a fugitive before Tambal's men._) - -When we were passing Meadow-dome (Gumbaz-i-chaman), two miles out of -Akhsi, Ibrahim Beg called out to me. Looking [Sidenote: Fol. 114.] back, -I saw a page of Shaikh Bayazid's striking at him and turned rein, but -Bayan-quli's Khan-quli, said at my side, 'This is a bad time for going -back,' seized my rein and pushed ahead. Many of our men had been -unhorsed before we reached Sang, 4 miles (2 _shar'i_) out of Akhsi.[660] -Seeing no pursuers at Sang, we passed it by and turned straight up its -water. In this position of our affairs there were eight men of -us;--Nasir's Dost, Qasim Beg's Qambar-'ali, Bayan-quli's Khan-quli, Mirza -Quli _Kukuldash_, Nasir's Shaham, Sayyidi Qara's 'Abdu'l-qadus, Khwaja -Husaini and myself, the eighth. Turning up the stream, we found, in the -broad valley, a good little road, far from the beaten track. We made -straight up the valley, leaving the stream on the right, reached its -waterless part and, near the Afternoon Prayer, got up out of it to level -land. When we looked across the plain, we saw a blackness on it, far -away. I made my party take cover and myself had gone to look out from -higher ground, when a number of men came at a gallop up the hill behind -us. Without waiting to know whether they were many or few, we mounted -and rode off. There were 20 or 25; we, as has been said, were eight. If -we had known their number at first, we should have made a good stand -against them but we thought they would not be pursuing us, unless they -had good support behind. A [Sidenote: Fol. 114b.] fleeing foe, even if -he be many, cannot face a few pursuers, for as the saying is, '_Hai_ is -enough for the beaten ranks.'[661] - -Khan-quli said, 'This will never do! They will take us all. From amongst -the horses there are, you take two good ones and go quickly on with -Mirza Quli _Kukuldash_, each with a led horse. May-be you will get -away.' He did not speak ill; as there was no fighting to hand, there was -a chance of safety in doing as he said, but it really would not have -looked well to leave any man alone, without a horse, amongst his foes. -In the end they all dropped off, one by one, of themselves. My horse was -a little tired; Khan-quli dismounted and gave me his; I jumped off at -once and mounted his, he mine. Just then they unhorsed Sayyidi Qara's -'Abdu'l-qadus and Nasir's Shaham who had fallen behind. Khan-quli also -was left. It was no time to profer help or defence; on it was gone, at -the full speed of our mounts. The horses began to flag; Dost Beg's -failed and stopped. Mine began to tire; Qambar-'ali got off and gave me -his; I mounted his, he mine. He was left. Khwaja Husaini was a lame man; -he turned aside to the higher ground. I was left with Mirza Quli -_Kukuldash_. Our [Sidenote: Fol. 115.] horses could not possibly gallop, -they trotted. His began to flag. Said I, 'What will become of me, if you -fall behind? Come along! let's live or die together.' Several times I -looked back at him; at last he said, 'My horse is done! It can't go on. -Never mind me! You go on, perhaps you will get away.' It was a miserable -position for me; he remained behind, I was alone. - -Two of the enemy were in sight, one Baba of Sairam, the other -Banda-'ali. They gained on me; my horse was done; the mountains were -still 2 miles (1 _kuroh_) off. A pile of rock was in my path. Thought I -to myself, 'My horse is worn out and the hills are still somewhat far -away; which way should I go? In my quiver are at least 20 arrows; should -I dismount and shoot them off from this pile of rock?' Then again, I -thought I might reach the hills and once there, stick a few arrows in my -belt and scramble up. I had a good deal of confidence in my feet and -went on, with this plan in mind. My horse could not possibly trot; the -two men came within arrow's reach. [Sidenote: Fol. 115b.] For my own -sake sparing my arrows, I did not shoot; they, out of caution, came no -nearer. By sunset I was near the hills. Suddenly they called out, 'Where -are you going in this fashion? Jahangir Mirza has been brought in a -prisoner; Nasir Mirza also is in their hands.' I made no reply and went -on towards the hills. When a good distance further had been gone, they -spoke again, this time more respectfully, dismounting to speak. I gave -no ear to them but went on up a glen till, at the Bed-time prayer, I -reached a rock as big as a house. Going behind it, I saw there were -places to be jumped, where no horse could go. They dismounted again and -began to speak like servants and courteously. Said they, 'Where are you -going in this fashion, without a road and in the dark? Sl. Ahmad Tambal -will make you _padshah_.' They swore this. Said I, 'My mind is not easy -as to that. I cannot go to him. [Sidenote: Fol. 116.] If you think to do -me timely service, years may pass before you have such another chance. -Guide me to a road by which I can go to The Khan's presence. If you -will do this, I will shew you favour and kindness greater than your -heart's-desire. If you will not do it, go back the way you came; that -also would be to serve me well.' Said they, 'Would to God we had never -come! But since we are here, after following you in the way we have -done, how can we go back from you? If you will not go with us, we are at -your service, wherever you go.' Said I, 'Swear that you speak the -truth.' They, for their part, made solemn oath upon the Holy Book. - -I at once confided in them and said, 'People have shewn me a road -through a broad valley, somewhere near this glen; take me to it.' Spite -of their oath, my trust in them was not so complete but that I gave them -the lead and followed. After 2 to 4 miles (1-2 _kuroh_), we came to the -bed of a torrent. 'This will not be the road for the broad valley,' I -said. They drew back, saying, 'That road is a long way ahead,' but it -really must have been the one we were on and they have been concealing -the fact, in order to deceive me. About half through the night, we -reached another stream. This time they said, 'We have been negligent; it -now seems to us that the road through the broad valley is behind.' Said -I, 'What is to be done?' Said they, 'The Ghawa road is certainly in -front; by it people cross for Far-kat.[662] They guided me for that and -we went on till in [Sidenote: Fol. 116b.] the third watch of the night -we reached the Karnan gully which comes down from Ghawa. Here Baba -Sairami said, 'Stay here a little while I look along the Ghawa road.' He -came back after a time and said, 'Some men have gone along that road, -led by one wearing a Mughul cap; there is no going that way.' I took -alarm at these words. There I was, at dawn, in the middle of the -cultivated land, far from the road I wanted to take. Said I, 'Guide me -to where I can hide today, and tonight when you will have laid hands on -something for the horses, lead me to cross the Khujand-water and along -its further bank.' Said they, 'Over there, on the upland, there might be -hiding.' - -Banda-'ali was Commandant in Karnan. 'There is no doing without food for -ourselves or our horses;' he said, 'let me go into Karnan and bring -what I can find.' We stopped 2 miles (1 _kuroh_) out of Karnan; he went -on. He was a long time away; near dawn there was no sign of him. The day -had shot when he hurried up, bringing three loaves of bread but no corn -for the horses. Each of us putting a loaf into the breast of his tunic, -we went quickly up the rise, tethered our horses there in the open -valley and went to higher ground, each to keep watch. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 117.] Near mid-day, Ahmad the Falconer went along the -Ghawa road for Akhsi. I thought of calling to him and of saying, with -promise and fair word, 'You take those horses,' for they had had a day -and a night's strain and struggle, without corn, and were utterly done. -But then again, we were a little uneasy as we did not entirely trust -him. We decided that, as the men Baba Sairami had seen on the road would -be in Karnan that night, the two with me should fetch one of their -horses for each of us, and that then we should go each his own way. - -At mid-day, a something glittering was seen on a horse, as far away as -eye can reach. We were not able to make out at all what it was. It must -have been Muh. Baqir Beg himself; he had been with us in Akhsi and when -we got out and scattered, he must have come this way and have been -moving then to a hiding-place.[663] - -Banda-'ali and Baba Sairami said, 'The horses have had no corn for two -days and two nights; let us go down into the dale and put them there to -graze.' Accordingly we rode down and put them to the grass. At the -Afternoon Prayer, a horseman passed along the rising-ground where we had -been. We recognized him for Qadir-birdi, the head-man of Ghawa. 'Call -him,' I said. They called; he came. After questioning him, and speaking -to him of favour and kindness, and giving him promise and fair word, I -sent him to bring rope, and a grass-hook, and an axe, and material for -crossing water,[664] and corn [Sidenote: Fol. 117b.] for the horses, and -food and, if it were possible, other horses. We made tryst with him for -that same spot at the Bed-time Prayer. - -Near the Evening Prayer, a horseman passed from the direction of Karnan -for Ghawa. 'Who are you?' we asked. He made some reply. He must have -been Muh. Baqir Beg himself, on his way from where we had seen him -earlier, going at night-fall to some other hiding-place, but he so -changed his voice that, though he had been years with me, I did not know -it. It would have been well if I had recognized him and he had joined -me. His passing caused much anxiety and alarm; tryst could not be kept -with Qadir-birdi of Ghawa. Banda-'ali said, 'There are retired gardens -in the suburbs of Karnan where no one will suspect us of being; let us -go there and send to Qadir-birdi and have him brought there.' With this -idea, we mounted and went to the Karnan suburbs. It was winter and very -cold. They found a worn, coarse sheepskin coat and brought it to me; I -put it on. They brought me a bowl of millet-porridge; I ate it and was -wonderfully refreshed. 'Have you sent off the man to Qadir-birdi?' said -I to Banda-'ali. 'I have sent,' he said. But those luckless, clownish -mannikins seem to have agreed together to send the man to Tambal in -Akhsi! - -We went into a house and for awhile my eyes closed in sleep. Those -mannikins artfully said to me, 'You must not bestir yourself to leave -Karnan till there is news of Qadir-birdi but this house is right amongst -the suburbs; on the outskirts the orchards are empty; no-one will -suspect if we go [Sidenote: Fol. 118.] there.' Accordingly we mounted at -mid-night and went to a distant orchard. Baba Sairami kept watch from -the roof of a house. Near mid-day he came down and said, 'Commandant -Yusuf is coming.' Great fear fell upon me! 'Find out,' I said, 'whether -he comes because he knows about me.' He went and after some exchange of -words, came back and said, 'He says he met a foot-soldier in the Gate of -Akhsi who said to him, "The padshah is in such a place," that he told -no-one, put the man with Wali the Treasurer whom he had made prisoner in -the fight, and then gallopped off here.' Said I, 'How does it strike -you?' 'They are all your servants,' he said, 'you must go. What else can -you do? They will make you their ruler.' Said I, 'After such rebellion -and fighting, with what confidence could I go?' We were saying this, -when Yusuf knelt before me, saying, 'Why should it be hidden? Sl. Ahmad -Tambal has no news of you, but Shaikh Bayazid has and he sent me here.' -On hearing this, my state of mind was miserable indeed, for well is it -understood that nothing in the world is worse than fear for one's life. -'Tell the truth!' I said, 'if the affair is likely to go on to worse, I -will make [Sidenote: Fol. 118b.] ablution.' Yusuf swore oaths, but who -would trust them? I knew the helplessness of my position. I rose and -went to a corner of the garden, saying to myself, 'If a man live a -hundred years or a thousand years, at the last nothing ...'[665] - - -TRANSLATOR'S NOTE. - -Friends are likely to have rescued Babur from his dangerous isolation. -His presence in Karnan was known both in Ghawa and in Akhsi; Muh. Baqir -Beg was at hand (f. 117); some of those he had dropped in his flight -would follow him when their horses had had rest; Jahangir was somewhere -north of the river with the half of Babur's former force (f. 112); The -Khans, with their long-extended line of march, may have been on the main -road through or near Karnan. If Yusuf took Babur as a prisoner along the -Akhsi road, there were these various chances of his meeting friends. - -His danger was evaded; he joined his uncles and was with them, leading -1000 men (Sh. N. p. 268), when they were defeated at Archian just before -or in the season of Cancer, _i.e._ _circa_ June (T. R. p. 164). What he -was doing between the winter cold of Karnan (f. 117b) and June might -have been known from his lost pages. Muh. Salih writes at length of one -affair falling within the time,--Jahangir's occupation of Khujand, its -siege and its capture by Shaibani. This capture will have occurred -considerably more than a month before the defeat of The Khans (Sh. N. p. -230). - -It is not easy to decide in what month of 908 AH. they went into -Farghana or how long their campaign lasted. Babur chronicles a series of -occurrences, previous to the march of the army, which must have filled -some time. The road over the Kindirlik-pass was taken, one closed in -Babur's time (f. 1b) though now open through the winter. Looking at the -rapidity of his own movements in Farghana, it seems likely that the pass -was crossed after and not before its closed time. If so, the campaign -may have covered 4 or 5 months. Muh. Salih's account of Shaibaq's -operations strengthens this view. News that Ahmad had joined Mahmud in -Tashkint (f. 102) went to Shaibani in Khusrau Shah's territories; he saw -his interests in Samarkand threatened by this combination of the -Chaghatai brothers to restore Babur in Farghana, came north therefore in -order to help Tambal. He then waited a month in Samarkand (Sh. N. p. -230), besieged Jahangir, went back and stayed in Samarkand long enough -to give his retainers time to equip for a year's campaigning (l. c. p. -244) then went to Akhsi and so to Archian. - -Babur's statement (f. 110b) that The Khans went from Andijan to the -Khujand-crossing over the Sir attracts attention because this they might -have done if they had meant to leave Farghana by Mirza-rabat but they -are next heard of as at Akhsi. Why did they make that great detour? Why -not have crossed opposite Akhsi or at Sang? Or if they had thought of -retiring, what turned them east again? Did they place Jahangir in -Khujand? Babur's missing pages would have answered these questions no -doubt. It was useful for them to encamp where they did, east of Akhsi, -because they there had near them a road by which reinforcement could -come from Kashghar or retreat be made. The Akhsi people told Shaibani -that he could easily overcome The Khans if he went without warning, and -if they had not withdrawn by the Kulja road (Sh. N. p. 262). By that -road the few men who went with Ahmad to Tashkint (f. 103) may have been -augmented to the force, enumerated as his in the battle by Muh. Salih -(Sh. N. cap. LIII.). - -When The Khans were captured, Babur escaped and made 'for Mughulistan,' -a vague direction seeming here to mean Tashkint, but, finding his road -blocked, in obedience to orders from Shaibaq that he and Abu'l-makaram -were to be captured, he turned back and, by unfrequented ways, went into -the hill-country of Sukh and Hushiar. There he spent about a year in -great misery (f. 14 and H. S. ii, 318). Of the wretchedness of the time -Haidar also writes. If anything was attempted in Farghana in the course -of those months, record of it has been lost with Babur's missing pages. -He was not only homeless and poor, but shut in by enemies. Only the -loyalty or kindness of the hill-tribes can have saved him and his few -followers. His mother was with him; so also were the families of his -men. How Qutluq-nigar contrived to join him from Tashkint, though -historically a small matter, is one he would chronicle. What had -happened there after the Mughul defeat, was that the horde had marched -away for Kashghar while Shah Begim remained in charge of her daughters -with whom the Auzbeg chiefs intended to contract alliance. Shaibani's -orders for her stay and for the general exodus were communicated to her -by her son, The Khan, in what Muh. Salih, quoting its purport, describes -as a right beautiful letter (p. 296). - -By some means Qutluq-nigar joined Babur, perhaps helped by the -circumstance that her daughter, Khan-zada was Shaibaq's wife. She spent -at least some part of those hard months with him, when his fortunes were -at their lowest ebb. A move becoming imperative, the ragged and -destitute company started in mid-June 1504 (Muh. 910 AH.) on that -perilous mountain journey to which Haidar applies the Prophet's dictum, -'Travel is a foretaste of Hell,' but of which the end was the -establishment of a Timurid dynasty in Hindustan. To look down the years -from the destitute Babur to Akbar, Shah-jahan and Aurangzib is to see a -great stream of human life flow from its source in his resolve to win -upward, his quenchless courage and his abounding vitality. Not yet 22, -the sport of older men's intrigues, he had been tempered by failure, -privation and dangers. - -He left Sukh intending to go to Sl. Husain Mirza in Khurasan but he -changed this plan for one taking him to Kabul where a Timurid might -claim to dispossess the Arghuns, then holding it since the death, in 907 -AH. of his uncle, Aulugh Beg Mirza _Kabuli_. - - - - -THE MEMOIRS OF BABUR - - -SECTION II. KABUL[666] - -910 AH.-JUNE 14TH 1504 TO JUNE 4TH 1505 AD.[667] - -(_a. Babur leaves Farghana._) - - -In the month of Muharram, after leaving the Farghana country [Sidenote: -Haidarabad MS. Fol. 120.] intending to go to Khurasan, I dismounted at -Ailak-yilaq,[668] one of the summer pastures of Hisar. In this camp I -entered my 23rd year, and applied the razor to my face.[669] Those who, -hoping in me, went with me into exile, were, small and great, between 2 -and 300; they were almost all on foot, had walking-staves in their -hands, brogues[670] on their feet, and long coats[671] on their -shoulders. So destitute were we that we had but two tents (_chadar_) -amongst us; my own used to be pitched for my mother, and they set an -_alachuq_ at each stage for me to sit in.[672] - -Though we had started with the intention of going into Khurasan, yet -with things as they were[673] something was hoped for from the Hisar -country and Khusrau Shah's retainers. Every few days some-one would come -in from the country or a tribe or the (Mughul) horde, whose words made -it probable that we had growing ground for hope. Just then Mulla Baba of -Pashaghar came back, who had been our envoy to Khusrau Shah; from -Khusrau Shah he brought nothing likely to please, but he did from the -tribes and the horde. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 120b.] Three or four marches beyond Ailak, when halt was -made at a place near Hisar called Khwaja 'Imad, Muhibb-'ali, the -Armourer, came to me from Khusrau Shah. Through Khusrau Shah's -territories I have twice happened to pass;[674] renowned though he was -for kindness and liberality, he neither time showed me the humanity he -had shown to the meanest of men. - -As we were hoping something from the country and the tribes, we made -delay at every stage. At this critical point Sherim Taghai, than whom -no man of mine was greater, thought of leaving me because he was not -keen to go into Khurasan. He had sent all his family off and stayed -himself unencumbered, when after the defeat at Sar-i-pul (906 AH.) I -went back to defend Samarkand; he was a bit of a coward and he did this -sort of thing several times over. - - -(_b. Babur joined by one of Khusrau Shah's kinsmen._) - -After we reached Qabadian, a younger brother of Khusrau Shah, Baqi -_Chaghaniani_, whose holdings were Chaghanian,[675] Shahr-i-safa and -Tirmiz, sent the _khatib_[676] of Qarshi to me to express his good -wishes and his desire for alliance, and, after we had crossed the Amu at -the Aubaj-ferry, he came himself to wait on me. By his wish we moved -down the river to opposite Tirmiz, where, without fear [or, without -going over himself],[677] he had their families[678] and their goods -brought across to join us. This done, we set out together for Kahmard -and Bamian, then held by his son[679] Ahmad-i-qasim, the son of Khusrau -Shah's sister. Our plan was to leave the households (_awi-ail_) safe in -Fort Ajar of the Kahmard-valley and to take action wherever [Sidenote: -Fol. 121.] action might seem well. At Aibak, Yar-'ali Balal,[680] who -had fled from Khusrau Shah, joined us with several braves; he had been -with me before, and had made good use of his sword several times in my -presence, but was parted from me in the recent throneless times[681] and -had gone to Khusrau Shah. He represented to me that the Mughuls in -Khusrau Shah's service wished me well. Moreover, Qambar-'ali Beg, known -also as Qambar-'ali _Silakh_ (Skinner), fled to me after we reached the -Zindan-valley.[682] - - -(_c. Occurrences in Kakmard._) - -We reached Kahmard with three or four marches and deposited our -households and families in Ajar. While we stayed there, Jahangir Mirza -married (Ai Begim) the daughter of Sl. Mahmud Mirza and Khan-zada Begim, -who had been set aside for him during the lifetime of the Mirzas.[683] - -Meantime Baqi Beg urged it upon me, again and again, that two rulers in -one country, or two chiefs in one army are a source of faction and -disorder--a foundation of dissension and ruin. "For they have said, 'Ten -darwishes can sleep under one blanket, but two kings cannot find room in -one clime.' - - If a man of God eat half a loaf, - He gives the other to a darwish; - Let a king grip the rule of a clime, - He dreams of another to grip."[684] - -Baqi Beg urged further that Khusrau Shaah's retainers and followers -would be coming in that day or the next to take service with the Padshah -(_i.e._ Babur); that there were such [Sidenote: Fol. 121b.] -sedition-mongers with them as the sons of Ayub _Begchik_, besides other -who had been the stirrers and spurs to disloyalty amongst their -Mirzas,[685] and that if, at this point, Jahangir Mirza were dismissed, -on good and friendly terms, for Khurasan, it would remove a source of -later repentance. Urge it as he would, however, I did not accept his -suggestion, because it is against my nature to do an injury to my -brethren, older or younger,[686] or to any kinsman soever, even when -something untoward has happened. Though formerly between Jahangir Mirza -and me, resentments and recriminations had occurred about our rule and -retainers, yet there was nothing whatever then to arouse anger against -him; he had come out of that country (_i.e._ Farghana) with me and was -behaving like a blood-relation and a servant. But in the end it was just -as Baqi Beg predicted;--those tempters to disloyalty, that is to say, -Ayub's Yusuf and Ayub's Bihlul, left me for Jahangir Mirza, took up a -hostile and mutinous position, parted him from me, and conveyed him into -Khurasan. - - -(_d. Co-operation invited against Shaibaq Khan._) - -In those days came letters from Sl. Husain Mirza, long and far-fetched -letters which are still in my possession and in that [Sidenote: Fol. -122.] of others, written to Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza, myself, Khusrau Shah -and Zu'n-nun Beg, all to the same purport, as follows:--"When the three -brothers, Sl. Mahmud Mirza, Sl. Ahmad Mirza, and Aulugh Beg Mirza, -joined together and advanced against me, I defended the bank of the -Murgh-ab[687] in such a way that they retired without being able to -effect anything. Now if the Auzbegs advance, I might myself guard the -bank of the Murgh-ab again; let Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza leave men to defend -the forts of Balkh, Shibarghan, and Andikhud while he himself guards -Girzawan, the Zang-valley, and the hill-country thereabouts." As he had -heard of my being in those parts, he wrote to me also, "Do you make fast -Kahmard, Ajar, and that hill-tract; let Khusrau Shah place trusty men in -Hisar and Qunduz; let his younger brother Wali make fast Badakhshan and -the Khutlan hills; then the Auzbeg will retire, able to do nothing." - -These letters threw us into despair;--for why? Because at that time there -was in Timur Beg's territory (_yurt_) no ruler so great as Sl. Husain -Mirza, whether by his years, armed strength, or dominions; it was to be -expected, therefore, that envoys would go, treading on each other's -heels, with clear and sharp orders, such as, "Arrange for so many boats -at the Tirmiz, [Sidenote: Fol. 122b.] Kilif, and Kirki ferries," "Get -any quantity of bridge material together," and "Well watch the ferries -above Tuquz-aulum,"[688] so that men whose spirit years of Auzbeg -oppression had broken, might be cheered to hope again.[689] But how -could hope live in tribe or horde when a great ruler like Sl. Husain -Mirza, sitting in the place of Timur Beg, spoke, not of marching forth -to meet the enemy, but only of defence against his attack? - -When we had deposited in Ajar what had come with us of hungry train (_aj -auruq_) and household (_awi-ail_), together with the families of Baqi -Beg, his son, Muh. Qasim, his soldiers and his tribesmen, with all their -goods, we moved out with our men. - - -(_e. Increase of Babur's following._) - -One man after another came in from Khusrau Shah's Mughuls and said, "We -of the Mughul horde, desiring the royal welfare, have drawn off from -Taikhan (Talikan) towards Ishkimish and Fulul. Let the Padshah advance -as fast as possible, for the greater part of Khusrau Shah's force has -broken up and is ready to take service with him." Just then news arrived -that Shaibaq Khan, after taking Andijan,[690] was getting to horse again -against Hisar and Qunduz. On hearing [Sidenote: Fol. 123.] this, Khusrau -Shah, unable to stay in Qunduz, marched out with all the men he had, and -took the road for Kabul. No sooner had he left than his old servant, the -able and trusted Mulla Muhammad _Turkistani_ made Qunduz fast for -Shaibaq Khan. - -Three or four thousand heads-of-houses in the Mughul horde, former -dependants of Khusrau Shah, brought their families and joined us when, -going by way of Sham-tu, we were near the Qizil-su.[691] - - -(_f. Qambar-'ali, the Skinner, dismissed._) - -Qambar-'ali Beg's foolish talk has been mentioned several times already; -his manners were displeasing to Baqi Beg; to gratify Baqi Beg, he was -dismissed. Thereafter his son, 'Abdu'l-shukur, was in Jahangir Mirza's -service. - - -(_g. Khusrau Shah waits on Babur._) - -Khusrau Shah was much upset when he heard that the Mughul horde had -joined me; seeing nothing better to do for himself, he sent his -son-in-law, Ayub's Yaq'ub, to make profession of well-wishing and -submission to me, and respectfully to represent that he would enter my -service if I would make terms and compact with him. His offer was -accepted, because Baqi _Chaghaniani_ was a man of weight, and, however -steady in his favourable disposition to me, did not overlook his -brother's side in this matter. Compact was made that Khusrau Shah's -life should be safe, and that whatever amount of his goods he selected, -should not be refused him. After giving Yaq'ub leave to go, we marched -down the Qizil-su and dismounted near to where it joins the water of -Andar-ab. [Sidenote: Fol. 123b.] - -Next day, one in the middle of the First Rabi' (end of August, 1504 -AD.), riding light, I crossed the Andar-ab water and took my seat under -a large plane-tree near Dushi, and thither came Khusrau Shah, in pomp -and splendour, with a great company of men. According to rule and -custom, he dismounted some way off and then made his approach. Three -times he knelt when we saw one another, three times also on taking -leave; he knelt once when asking after my welfare, once again when he -offered his tribute, and he did the same with Jahangir Mirza and with -Mirza Khan (Wais). That sluggish old mannikin who through so many years -had just pleased himself, lacking of sovereignty one thing only, namely, -to read the _Khutba_ in his own name, now knelt 25 or 26 times in -succession, and came and went till he was so wearied out that he -tottered forward. His many years of begship and authority vanished from -his view. When we had seen one another and he had offered his gift, I -desired him to be seated. We stayed in that place for one or two -_garis_,[692] exchanging tale and talk. His conversation was vapid and -empty, presumably because he was a coward and false to his salt. Two -things he said were extraordinary for the time when, under his eyes, his -trusty and trusted retainers were becoming mine, and when his affairs -had reached the point that he, the sovereign-aping mannikin, had had to -come, willy-nilly, abased and unhonoured, to what sort [Sidenote: Fol. -124.] of an interview! One of the things he said was this:--When condoled -with for the desertion of his men, he replied, "Those very servants have -four times left me and returned." The other was said when I had asked -him where his brother Wali would cross the Amu and when he would arrive. -"If he find a ford, he will soon be here, but when waters rise, fords -change; the (Persian) proverb has it, 'The waters have carried down the -fords.'" These words God brought to his tongue in that hour of the -flowing away of his own authority and following! - -After sitting a _gari_ or two, I mounted and rode back to camp, he for -his part returning to his halting-place. On that day his begs, with -their servants, great and small, good and bad, and tribe after tribe -began to desert him and come, with their families, to me. Between the -two Prayers of the next afternoon not a man remained in his presence. - -"Say,--O God! who possessest the kingdom! Thou givest it to whom Thou -wilt and Thou takest it from whom Thou wilt! In Thy hand is good, for -Thou art almighty."[693] - -Wonderful is His power! This man, once master of 20 or 30,000 retainers, -once owning Sl. Mahmud's dominions from Qahlugha,--known also as the -Iron-gate,--to the range of [Sidenote: Fol. 124b.] Hindu-kush, whose old -mannikin of a tax-gatherer, Hasan _Barlas_ by name, had made us march, -had made us halt, with all the tax-gatherer's roughness, from Ailak to -Aubaj,[694] that man He so abased and so bereft of power that, with no -blow struck, no sound made, he stood, without command over servants, -goods, or life, in the presence of a band of 200 or 300 men, defeated -and destitute as we were. - -In the evening of the day on which we had seen Khusrau Shah and gone -back to camp, Mirza Khan came to my presence and demanded vengeance on -him for the blood of his brothers.[695] Many of us were at one with him, -for truly it is right, both by Law and common justice, that such men -should get their desserts, but, as terms had been made, Khusrau Shah was -let go free. An order was given that he should be allowed to take -whatever of his goods he could convey; accordingly he loaded up, on -three or four strings of mules and camels, all jewels, gold, silver, and -precious things he had, and took them with him.[696] Sherim Taghai was -told off to escort him, who after setting Khusrau Shah on his road for -Khurasan, by way of Ghuri and Dahanah, was to go to Kahmard and bring -the families after us to Kabul. - - -(_h. Babur marches for Kabul._) - -Marching from that camp for Kabul, we dismounted in Khwaja Zaid. - -On that day, Hamza Bi _Mangfit_,[697] at the head of Auzbeg raiders, was -over-running round about Dushi. Sayyid Qasim, the Lord of the Gate, and -Ahmad-i-qasim _Kohbur_ were sent [Sidenote: Fol. 125.] with several -braves against him; they got up with him, beat his Auzbegs well, cut off -and brought in a few heads. - -In this camp all the armour (_jiba_) of Khusrau Shah's armoury was -shared out. There may have been as many as 7 or 800 coats-of-mail -(_joshan_) and horse accoutrements (_kuhah_);[698] these were the one -thing he left behind; many pieces of porcelain also fell into our hands, -but, these excepted, there was nothing worth looking at. - -With four or five marches we reached Ghur-bund, and there dismounted in -Ushtur-shahr. We got news there that Muqim's chief beg, Sherak (var. -Sherka) _Arghun_, was lying along the Baran, having led an army out, not -through hearing of me, but to hinder 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza from passing -along the Panjhir-road, he having fled from Kabul[699] and being then -amongst the Tarkalani Afghans towards Lamghan. On hearing this we -marched forward, starting in the afternoon and pressing on through the -dark till, with the dawn, we surmounted the Hupian-pass.[700] - -I had never seen Suhail;[701] when I came out of the pass I saw a star, -bright and low. "May not that be Suhail?" said I. Said they, "It is -Suhail." Baqi _Chaghaniani_ recited this couplet;--[702] - - "How far dost thou shine, O Suhail, and where dost thou rise? - A sign of good luck is thine eye to the man on whom it may light." - -The Sun was a spear's-length high[703] when we reached the foot of the -Sanjid (Jujube)-valley and dismounted. Our scouting [Sidenote: Fol. -125b.] braves fell in with Sherak below the Qara-bagh,[704] near -Aikari-yar, and straightway got to grips with him. After a little of -some sort of fighting, our men took the upper hand, hurried their -adversaries off, unhorsed 70-80 serviceable braves and brought them in. -We gave Sherak his life and he took service with us. - - -(_i. Death of Wali of Khusrau._) - -The various clans and tribes whom Khusrau Shah, without troubling -himself about them, had left in Qunduz, and also the Mughul horde, were -in five or six bodies (_bulak_). One of those belonging to -Badakhshan,--it was the Rusta-hazara,:--came, with Sayyidim 'Ali -_darban_,[705] across the Panjhir-pass to this camp, did me obeisance -and took service with me. Another body came under Ayub's Yusuf and -Ayub's Bihlul; it also took service with me. Another came from Khutlan, -under Khusrau Shah's younger brother, Wali; another, consisting of the -(Mughul) tribesmen (_aimaq_) who had been located in Yilanchaq, Nikdiri -(?), and the Qunduz country, came also. The last-named two came by -Andar-ab and Sar-i-ab,[706] meaning to cross by the Panjhir-pass; at -Sar-i-ab the tribesmen were ahead; Wali came up behind; they held the -road, fought and beat him. He himself fled to the Auzbegs,[707] and -Shaibaq Khan had his head struck off in the Square (_Char-su_) of -Samarkand; his followers, beaten and plundered, came on with the -tribesmen, and like these, took service with me. With them came Sayyid -[Sidenote: Fol. 126.] Yusuf Beg (the Grey-wolfer). - - -(_j. Kabul gained._) - -From that camp we marched to the Aq-sarai meadow of the Qara-bagh and -there dismounted. Khusrau Shah's people were well practised in -oppression and violence; they tyrannized over one after another till at -last I had up one of Sayyidim 'Ali's good braves to my Gate[708] and -there beaten for forcibly taking a jar of oil. There and then he just -died under the blows; his example kept the rest down. - -We took counsel in that camp whether or not to go at once against Kabul. -Sayyid Yusuf and some others thought that, as winter was near, our first -move should be into Lamghan, from which place action could be taken as -advantage offered. Baqi Beg and some others saw it good to move on Kabul -at once; this plan was adopted; we marched forward and dismounted in -Aba-quruq. - -My mother and the belongings left behind in Kahmard rejoined us at -Aba-quruq. They had been in great danger, the particulars of which are -these:--Sherim Taghai had gone to set Khusrau Shah on his way for -Khurasan, and this done, was to fetch the families from Kahmard. When he -reached Dahanah, he found he was not his own master; Khusrau Shah went -on with him into Kahmard, where was his sister's son, Ahmad-i-qasim. -These two took up an altogether wrong [Sidenote: Fol. 126b.] position -towards the families in Kahmard. Hereupon a number of Baqi Beg's -Mughuls, who were with the families, arranged secretly with Sherim -Taghai to lay hands on Khusrau Shah and Ahmad-i-qasim. The two heard of -it, fled along the Kahmard-valley on the Ajar side[709] and made for -Khurasan. To bring this about was really what Sherim Taghai and the -Mughuls wanted. Set free from their fear of Khusrau Shah by his flight, -those in charge of the families got them out of Ajar, but when they -reached Kahmard, the Saqanchi (var. Asiqanchi) tribe blocked the road, -like an enemy, and plundered the families of most of Baqi Beg's -men.[710] They made prisoner Qul-i-bayazid's little son, Tizak; he came -into Kabul three or four years later. The plundered and unhappy families -crossed by the Qibchaq-pass, as we had done, and they rejoined us in -Aba-quruq. - -Leaving that camp we went, with one night's halt, to the Chalak-meadow, -and there dismounted. After counsel taken, it was decided to lay siege -to Kabul, and we marched forward. With what men of the centre there -were, I dismounted between Haidar _Taqi's_[711] garden and the tomb of -Qul-i-bayazid, the Taster (_bakawal_);[712] Jahangir Mirza, with the men -of the right, [Sidenote: Fol. 127.] dismounted in my great Four-gardens -(_Char-bagh_), Nasir Mirza, with the left, in the meadow of -Qutluq-qadam's tomb. People of ours went repeatedly to confer with -Muqim; they sometimes brought excuses back, sometimes words making for -agreement. His tactics were the sequel of his dispatch, directly after -Sherak's defeat, of a courier to his father and elder brother (in -Qandahar); he made delays because he was hoping in them. - -One day our centre, right, and left were ordered to put on their mail -and their horses' mail, to go close to the town, and to display their -equipment so as to strike terror on those within. Jahangir Mirza and the -right went straight forward by the Kucha-bagh;[713] I, with the centre, -because there was water, went along the side of Qutluq-qadam's tomb to a -mound facing the rising-ground;[714] the van collected above -Qutluq-qadam's bridge,--at that time, however, there was no bridge. When -the braves, showing themselves off, galloped close up to the -Curriers'-gate,[715] a few who had come out through it fled in again -without making any stand. A crowd of Kabulis who had come out to see the -sight raised a great dust when they ran away from the high slope of the -glacis of the citadel (_i.e._ Bala-hisar). A number of pits had been dug -up the rise [Sidenote: Fol. 127b.] between the bridge and the gate, and -hidden under sticks and rubbish; Sl. Quli _Chunaq_ and several others -were thrown as they galloped over them. A few braves of the right -exchanged sword-cuts with those who came out of the town, in amongst -the lanes and gardens, but as there was no order to engage, having done -so much, they retired. - -Those in the fort becoming much perturbed, Muqim made offer through the -begs, to submit and surrender the town. Baqi Beg his mediator, he came -and waited on me, when all fear was chased from his mind by our entire -kindness and favour. It was settled that next day he should march out -with retainers and following, goods and effects, and should make the -town over to us. Having in mind the good practice Khusrau Shah's -retainers had had in indiscipline and longhandedness, we appointed -Jahangir Mirza and Nasir Mirza with the great and household begs, to -escort Muqim's family out of Kabul[716] and to bring out Muqim himself -with his various dependants, goods and effects. Camping-ground was -assigned to him at Tipa.[717] When the Mirzas and the Begs went at dawn -to the Gate, they saw much mobbing and tumult of the common people, so -they sent me a man to say, "Unless you come yourself, there will be no -holding these people in." In the end I got to horse, had two or three -persons shot, two or three cut in pieces, and so stamped the rising -down. Muqim and his belongings then got out, safe and sound, [Sidenote: -Fol. 128.] and they betook themselves to Tipa. - -It was in the last ten days of the Second Rabi' (Oct. 1504 AD.)[718] -that without a fight, without an effort, by Almighty God's bounty and -mercy, I obtained and made subject to me Kabul and Ghazni and their -dependent districts. - - -DESCRIPTION OF KABUL[719] - -The Kabul country is situated in the Fourth climate and in the midst of -cultivated lands.[720] On the east it has the Lamghanat,[721] -Parashawar (Pashawar), Hash(t)-nagar and some of the countries of -Hindustan. On the west it has the mountain region in which are Karnud -(?) and Ghur, now the refuge and dwelling-places of the Hazara and -Nikdiri (var. Nikudari) tribes. On the north, separated from it by the -range of Hindu-kush, it has the Qunduz and Andar-ab countries. On the -south, it has Farmul, Naghr (var. Naghz), Bannu and Afghanistan.[722] - - -(_a. Town and environs of Kabul._) - -The Kabul district itself is of small extent, has its greatest length -from east to west, and is girt round by mountains. Its walled-town -connects with one of these, rather a low one known as Shah-of-Kabul -because at some time a (Hindu) Shah of Kabul built a residence on its -summit.[723] Shah-of-Kabul begins at the Durrin narrows and ends at -those of Dih-i-yaq'ub[724]; it may be 4 miles (2 _shar'i_) round; its -skirt is covered with gardens fertilized from a canal which was brought -along the hill-slope in the time of my paternal uncle, Aulugh Beg Mirza -by his guardian, Wais Ataka.[725] The water of this canal comes to an -end in a retired corner, a quarter known as Kul-kina[726] where much -debauchery has gone on. About this place it [Sidenote: Fol. 128b.] -sometimes used to be said, in jesting parody of Khwaja Hafiz[727],--"Ah! -the happy, thoughtless time when, with our names in ill-repute, we lived -days of days at Kul-kina!" - -East of Shah-of-Kabul and south of the walled-town lies a large -pool[728] about a 2 miles [_shar'i_] round. From the town side of the -mountain three smallish springs issue, two near Kul-kina; Khwaja -Shamu's[729] tomb is at the head of one; Khwaja Khizr's Qadam-gah[730] -at the head of another, and the third is at a place known as Khwaja -Raushanai, over against Khwaja 'Abdu's-samad. On a detached rock of a -spur of Shah-of-Kabul, known as 'Uqabain,[731] stands the citadel of -Kabul with the great walled-town at its north end, lying high in -excellent air, and overlooking the large pool already mentioned, and -also three meadows, namely, Siyah-sang (Black-rock), Sung-qurghan -(Fort-back), and Chalak (Highwayman?),--a most beautiful outlook when the -meadows are green. The north-wind does not fail Kabul in the heats; -people call it the Parwan-wind[732]; it makes a delightful temperature -in the windowed houses on the northern part of the citadel. In praise of -the citadel of Kabul, Mulla Muhammad _Talib Mu'ammai_ (the -Riddler)[733] - -[Sidenote: Fol. 129.] used to recite this couplet, composed on -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's name:-- - - Drink wine in the castle of Kabul and send the cup round - without pause; - For Kabul is mountain, is river, is city, is lowland in one.[734] - - -(_b. Kabul as a trading-town._) - -Just as 'Arabs call every place outside 'Arab (Arabia), 'Ajam, so -Hindustanis call every place outside Hindustan, Khurasan. There are two -trade-marts on the land-route between Hindustan and Khurasan; one is -Kabul, the other, Qandahar. To Kabul caravans come from Kashghar,[735] -Farghana,Turkistan, Samarkand, Bukhara, Balkh, Hisar and Badakhshan. To -Qandahar they come from Khurasan. Kabul is an excellent trading-centre; -if merchants went to Khita or to Rum,[736] they might make no higher -profit. Down to Kabul every year come 7, 8, or 10,000 horses and up to -it, from Hindustan, come every year caravans of 10, 15 or 20,000 -heads-of-houses, bringing slaves (_barda_), white cloth, sugar-candy, -refined and common sugars, and aromatic roots. Many a trader is not -content with a profit of 30 or 40 on 10.[737] In Kabul can be had the -products of Khurasan, Rum, 'Iraq and Chin (China); while it is -Hindustan's own market. - - -(_c. Products and climate of Kabul._) - -In the country of Kabul, there are hot and cold districts close to one -another. In one day, a man may go out of the town of Kabul to where snow -never falls, or he may go, in two sidereal [Sidenote: Fol. 129b.] hours, -to where it never thaws, unless when the heats are such that it cannot -possibly lie. - -Fruits of hot and cold climates are to be had in the districts near the -town. Amongst those of the cold climate, there are had in the town the -grape, pomegranate, apricot, apple, quince, pear, peach, plum, -_sinjid_, almond and walnut.[738] I had cuttings of the _alu-balu_[739] -brought there and planted; they grew and have done well. Of fruits of -the hot climate people bring into the town;--from the Lamghanat, the -orange, citron, _amluk_ (_diospyrus lotus_), and sugar-cane; this last I -had had brought and planted there;[740]--from Nijr-au (Nijr-water), they -bring the _jil-ghuza,[741] and, from the hill-tracts, much honey. -Bee-hives are in use; it_ is only from towards Ghazni, that no honey -comes. - -The rhubarb[742] of the Kabul district is good, its quinces and plums -very good, so too its _badrang_;[743] it grows an excellent grape, known -as the water-grape.[744] Kabul wines are heady, those of the Khwaja -Khawand Sa'id hill-skirt being famous for their strength; at this time -however I can only repeat the praise of others about them:--[745] - - The flavour of the wine a drinker knows; - What chance have sober men to know it? - -Kabul is not fertile in grain, a four or five-fold return is reckoned -good there; nor are its melons first-rate, but they are not altogether -bad when grown from Khurasan seed. - -It has a very pleasant climate; if the world has another so pleasant, it -is not known. Even in the heats, one cannot sleep at night without a -fur-coat.[746] Although the snow in most places lies deep in winter, the -cold is not excessive; whereas in [Sidenote: Fol. 130.] Samarkand and -Tabriz, both, like Kabul, noted for their pleasant climate, the cold is -extreme. - - -(_d. Meadows of Kabul._) - -There are good meadows on the four sides of Kabul. An excellent one, -Sung-qurghan, is some 4 miles (2 _kuroh_) to the north-east; it has -grass fit for horses and few mosquitos. To the north-west is the Chalak -meadow, some 2 miles (1 _shar'i_) away, a large one but in it mosquitos -greatly trouble the horses. On the west is the Durrin, in fact there are -two, Tipa and Qush-nadir (var. nawar),--if two are counted here, there -would be five in all. Each of these is about 2 miles from the town; both -are small, have grass good for horses, and no mosquitos; Kabul has no -others so good. On the east is the Siyah-sang meadow with Qutluq-qadam's -tomb[747] between it and the Currier's-gate; it is not worth much -because, in the heats, it swarms with mosquitos. Kamari[748] meadow -adjoins it; counting this in, the meadows of Kabul would be six, but -they are always spoken of as four. - - -(_e. Mountain-passes into Kabul._) - -The country of Kabul is a fastness hard for a foreign foe to make his -way into. - -The Hindu-kush mountains, which separate Kabul from Balkh, Qunduz and -Badakhshan, are crossed by seven roads.[749] Three of these lead out of -Panjhir (Panj-sher), _viz._ Khawak, the uppermost, Tul, the next lower, -and Bazarak.[750] Of the passes on them, the one on the Tul road is the -best, but the road itself is rather [Sidenote: Fol. 130b.] the longest -whence, seemingly, it is called Tul. Bazarak is the most direct; like -Tul, it leads over into Sar-i-ab; as it passes through Parandi, local -people call its main pass, the Parandi. Another road leads up -through Parwan; it has seven minor passes, known as Haft-bacha -(Seven-younglings), between Parwan and its main pass (Baj-gah). It is -joined at its main pass by two roads from Andar-ab, which go on to -Parwan by it. This is a road full of difficulties. Out of Ghur-bund, -again, three roads lead over. The one next to Parwan, known as the -Yangi-yul pass (New-road), goes through Walian to Khinjan; next above -this is the Qipchaq road, crossing to where the water of Andar-ab meets -the Surkh-ab (Qizil-su); this also is an excellent road; and the third -leads over the Shibr-tu pass;[751] those crossing by this in the heats -take their way by Bamian and Saighan, but those crossing by it in -winter, go on by Ab-dara (Water-valley).[752] Shibr-tu excepted, all the -Hindu-kush roads are closed for three or four months in winter,[753] -because no road through a valley-bottom is passable when the waters are -high. If any-one thinks to cross the Hindu-kush at that time, over the -mountains instead of through a valley-bottom, his journey is hard -indeed. The time to cross is during the three or four autumn months when -the snow is less and the waters are low. [Sidenote: Fol. 131.] Whether -on the mountains or in the valley-bottoms, Kafir highwaymen are not few. - -The road from Kabul into Khurasan passes through Qandahar; it is quite -level, without a pass. - -Four roads lead into Kabul from the Hindustan side; one by rather a low -pass through the Khaibar mountains, another by way of Bangash, another -by way of Naghr (var. Naghz),[754] and another through Farmul;[755] the -passes being low also in the three last-named. These roads are all -reached from three ferries over the Sind. Those who take the Nil-ab[756] -ferry, come on through the Lamghanat.[757] In winter, however, people -ford the Sind-water (at Haru) above its junction with the -Kabul-water,[758] and ford this also. In most of my expeditions into -Hindustan, I crossed those fords, but this last time (932 AH.-1525 AD.), -when I came, defeated Sl. Ibrahim and conquered the country, I crossed -by boat at Nil-ab. Except at the one place mentioned above, the -Sind-water can be crossed only by boat. Those again, who cross at -Din-kot[759] go on through Bangash. Those crossing at Chaupara, if they -take the Farmul road, go on to Ghazni, or, if they go by the Dasht, go -on to Qandahar.[760] - - -(_f. Inhabitants of Kabul._) - -There are many differing tribes in the Kabul country; in its dales and -plains are Turks and clansmen[761] and 'Arabs; in its town and in many -villages, Sarts; out in the districts and also [Sidenote: Fol. 131b.] in -villages are the Pashai, Paraji, Tajik, Birki and Afghan tribes. In the -western mountains are the Hazara and Nikdiri tribes, some of whom speak -the Mughuli tongue. In the north-eastern mountains are the places of the -Kafirs, such as Kitur (Gawar?) and Gibrik. To the south are the places -of the Afghan tribes. - -Eleven or twelve tongues are spoken in Kabul,--'Arabi, Persian, Turki, -Mughuli, Hindi, Afghani, Pashai, Paraji, Gibri, Birki and Lamghani. If -there be another country with so many differing tribes and such a -diversity of tongues, it is not known. - - -(_e. Sub-divisions of the Kabul country._) - -The [Kabul] country has fourteen _tumans_.[762] - -Bajaur, Sawad and Hash-nagar may at one time have been dependencies of -Kabul, but they now have no resemblance to cultivated countries -(_wilayat_), some lying desolate because of the Afghans, others being -now subject to them. - -In the east of the country of Kabul is the Lamghanat, 5 _tumans_ and 2 -_buluks_ of cultivated lands.[763] The largest of these is Ningnahar, -sometimes written Nagarahar in the histories.[764] Its _darogha's_ -residence is in Adinapur,[765] some 13 _yighach_ east of Kabul by a very -bad and tiresome road, going in three or four places over small -hill-passes, and in three or four others, through [Sidenote: Fol. 132.] -narrows.[766] So long as there was no cultivation along it, the -Khirilchi and other Afghan thieves used to make it their beat, but it -has become safe[767] since I had it peopled at Qara-tu,[768] below -Quruq-sai. The hot and cold climates are separated on this road by the -pass of Badam-chashma (Almond-spring); on its Kabul side snow falls, -none at Quruq-sai, towards the Lamghanat.[769] After descending this -pass, another world comes into view, other trees, other plants (or -grasses), other animals, and other manners and customs of men. Ningnahar -is nine torrents (_tuquz-rud_).[770] It grows good crops of rice and -corn, excellent and abundant oranges, citrons and pomegranates. In 914 -AH. (1508-9 AD.) I laid out the Four-gardens, known as the Bagh-i-wafa -(Garden-of-fidelity), on a rising-ground, facing south and having the -Surkh-rud between it and Fort Adinapur.[771] There oranges, citrons and -pomegranates grow in abundance. The year I defeated Pahar Khan and took -Lahor and Dipalpur,[772] I had plantains (bananas) brought and planted -there; they did very well. The year before I had had sugar-cane planted -there; it also did well; some of it was sent to Bukhara and -Badakhshan.[773] The garden lies high, has running-water close at hand, -and a mild winter [Sidenote: Fol. 132b.] climate. In the middle of it, a -one-mill stream flows constantly past the little hill on which are the -four garden-plots. In the south-west part of it there is a reservoir, 10 -by 10,[774] round which are orange-trees and a few pomegranates, the -whole encircled by a trefoil-meadow. This is the best part of the -garden, a most beautiful sight when the oranges take colour. Truly that -garden is admirably situated! - -The Safed-koh runs along the south of Ningnahar, dividing it from -Bangash; no riding-road crosses it; nine torrents (_tuquz-rud_) issue -from it.[775] It is called Safed-koh[776] because its snow never -lessens; none falls in the lower parts of its valleys, a half-day's -journey from the snow-line. Many places along it have an excellent -climate; its waters are cold and need no ice. - -The Surkh-rud flows along the south of Adinapur. The fort stands on a -height having a straight fall to the river of some 130 ft. (40-50 -_qari_) and isolated from the mountain behind it on the north; it is -very strongly placed. That mountain runs between Ningnahar and -Lamghan[777]; on its head snow falls when it snows [Sidenote: Fol. 133.] -in Kabul, so Lamghanis know when it has snowed in the town. - -In going from Kabul into the Lamghanat,[778]--if people come by -Quruq-sai, one road goes on through the Diri-pass, crosses the -Baran-water at Bulan, and so on into the Lamghanat,--another goes through -Qara-tu, below Quruq-sai, crosses the Baran-water at Aulugh-nur -(Great-rock?), and goes into Lamghan by the pass of Bad-i-pich.[779] If -however people come by Nijr-au, they traverse Badr-au (Tag-au), and -Qara-nakariq (?), and go on through the pass of Bad-i-pich. - -Although Ningnahar is one of the five _tumans_ of the Lamghan _tuman_ -the name Lamghanat applies strictly only to the three (mentioned below). - -One of the three is the 'Ali-shang _tuman_, to the north of which are -fastness-mountains, connecting with Hindu-kush and inhabited by Kafirs -only. What of Kafiristan lies nearest to 'Ali-shang, is Mil out of which -its torrent issues. The tomb of Lord Lam,[780] father of his Reverence -the prophet Nuh (Noah), is in this _tuman_. In some histories he is -called Lamak and Lamakan. Some people are observed often to change _kaf_ -for _ghain_ (_k_ for _gh_); it would seem to be on this account that the -country is called Lamghan. - -The second is Alangar. The part of Kafiristan nearest to it is Gawar -(Kawar), out of which its torrent issues (the Gau or Kau). This torrent -joins that of 'Ali-shang and flows with it [Sidenote: Fol. 133b.] into -the Baran-water, below Mandrawar, which is the third _tuman_ of the -Lamghanat. - -Of the two _buluks_ of Lamghan one is the Nur-valley.[781] This is a -place (_yir_) without a second[782]; its fort is on a beak (_tumshuq_) -of rock in the mouth of the valley, and has a torrent on each side; its -rice is grown on steep terraces, and it can be traversed by one road -only.[783] It has the orange, citron and other fruits of hot climates in -abundance, a few dates even. Trees cover the banks of both the torrents -below the fort; many are _amluk_, the fruit of which some Turks call -_qara-yimish_;[784] here they are many, but none have been seen -elsewhere. The valley grows grapes also, all trained on trees.[785] Its -wines are those of Lamghan that have reputation. Two sorts of grapes are -grown, the _arah-tashi_ and the _suhan-tashi_;[786] the first are -yellowish, the second, full-red of fine colour. The first make the more -cheering wine, but it must be said that neither wine equals its -reputation for cheer. High up in one of its glens, apes (_maimun_) are -found, none below. Those people (_i.e._ Nuris) used to keep swine but -they have given it up in our time.[787] - -Another _tuman_ of Lamghan is Kunar-with-Nur-gal. It lies somewhat -out-of-the-way, remote from the Lamghanat, with its borders in amongst -the Kafir lands; on these accounts its people give in tribute rather -little of what they have. The Chaghan-sarai [Sidenote: Fol. 134.] water -enters it from the north-east, passes on into the _buluk_ of Kama, there -joins the Baran-water and with that flows east. - -Mir Sayyid 'Ali _Hamadani_,[788]--God's mercy on him!--coming here as he -journeyed, died 2 miles (1 _shar'i_) above Kunar. His disciples carried -his body to Khutlan. A shrine was erected at the honoured place of his -death, of which I made the circuit when I came and took Chaghan-sarai in -920 AH.[789] - -The orange, citron and coriander[790] abound in this _tuman_. Strong -wines are brought down into it from Kafiristan. - -A strange thing is told there, one seeming impossible, but one told to -us again and again. All through the hill-country above Multa-kundi, -_viz._ in Kunar, Nur-gal, Bajaur, Sawad and thereabouts, it is commonly -said that when a woman dies and has been laid on a bier, she, if she has -not been an ill-doer, gives the bearers such a shake when they lift the -bier by its four sides, that against their will and hindrance, her -corpse falls to the ground; but, if she has done ill, no movement -occurs. This was heard not only from Kunaris but, again and again, in -Bajaur, [Sidenote: Fol. 134b.] Sawad and the whole hill-tract. -Haidar-'ali _Bajauri_,--a sultan who governed Bajaur well,--when his -mother died, did not weep, or betake himself to lamentation, or put on -black, but said, "Go! lay her on the bier! if she move not, I will have -her burned."[792] They laid her on the bier; the desired movement -followed; when he heard that this was so, he put on black and betook -himself to lamentation. - - (_Authors note to Multa-kundi._) As Multa-kundi is known the - lower part of the _tuman_ of Kunar-with-Nur-gal; what is below - (_i.e._ on the river) belongs to the valley of Nur and to - Atar.[791] - -Another _buluk_ is Chaghan-sarai,[793] a single village with little -land, in the mouth of Kafiristan; its people, though Musalman, mix with -the Kafirs and, consequently, follow their customs.[794] A great torrent -(the Kunar) comes down to it from the north-east from behind Bajaur, and -a smaller one, called Pich, comes down out of Kafiristan. Strong -yellowish wines are had there, not in any way resembling those of the -Nur-valley, however. The village has no grapes or vineyards of its own; -its wines are all brought from up the Kafiristan-water and from -Pich-i-kafiristani. - -The Pich Kafirs came to help the villagers when I took the place. Wine -is so commonly used there that every Kafir has his leathern wine-bag -(_khig_) at his neck, and drinks wine instead of water.[795] - -Kama, again, though not a separate district but dependent on Ningnahar, -is also called a _buluk_.[796] [Sidenote: Fol. 135.] - -Nijr-au[797] is another _tuman_. It lies north of Kabul, in the -Kohistan, with mountains behind it inhabited solely by Kafirs; it is a -quite sequestered place. It grows grapes and fruits in abundance. Its -people make much wine but, they boil it. They fatten many fowls in -winter, are wine-bibbers, do not pray, have no scruples and are -Kafir-like.[798] - -In the Nijr-au mountains is an abundance of _archa_, _jilghuza_, _bilut_ -and _khanjak_.[799] The first-named three do not grow above Nigr-au but -they grow lower, and are amongst the trees of Hindustan. _Jilghuza_-wood -is all the lamp the people have; it burns like a candle and is very -remarkable. The flying-squirrel[800] is found in these mountains, an -animal larger than a bat and having a curtain (_parda_), like a bat's -wing, between its arms and legs. People often brought one in; it is said -to fly, downward from one tree to another, as far as a _giz_ flies;[801] -I myself have never seen one fly. Once we put one to a tree; it -clambered up directly and got away, but, when people went after it, it -spread its wings and came down, without hurt, as if it had flown. -Another of the curiosities of the Nijr-au mountains is the _lukha_ -(var. _luja_) bird, called also _bu-qalamun_ (chameleon) because, -between head and tail, it has four or five changing colours, -resplendent like a pigeon's throat.[802] It is about as large as the -_kabg-i-dari_ and seems to be the _kabg-i-dari_ of Hindustan.[803] -People tell this wonderful thing about it:--When the birds, at [Sidenote: -Fol. 135b.] the on-set of winter, descend to the hill-skirts, if they -come over a vineyard, they can fly no further and are taken.[804] There -is a kind of rat in Nijr-au, known as the musk-rat, which smells of -musk; I however have never seen it.[805] - -Panjhir (Panj-sher) is another _tuman_; it lies close to Kafiristan, -along the Panjhir road, and is the thoroughfare of Kafir highwaymen who -also, being so near, take tax of it. They have gone through it, killing -a mass of persons, and doing very evil deeds, since I came this last -time and conquered Hindustan (932 AH.-1526 AD.).[806] - -Another is the _tuman_ of Ghur-bund. In those countries they call a -_kutal_ (_koh_?) a _bund_;[807] they go towards Ghur by this pass -(_kutal_); apparently it is for this reason that they have called (the -_tuman_?) Ghur-bund. The Hazara hold the heads of its valleys.[808] It -has few villages and little revenue can be raised from it. There are -said to be mines of silver and lapis lazuli in its mountains. - -Again, there are the villages on the skirts of the (Hindu-kush) -mountains,[809] with Mita-kacha and Parwan at their head, and -Dur-nama[810] at their foot, 12 or 13 in all. They are fruit-bearing -villages, and they grow cheering wines, those of Khwaja Khawand Sa'id -being reputed the strongest roundabouts. The villages all lie on the -foot-hills; some pay taxes but not all are taxable because they lie so -far back in the mountains. - -Between the foot-hills and the Baran-water are two detached stretches of -level land, one known as _Kurrat-taziyan_,[811] the other as -_Dasht-i-shaikh_ (Shaikh's-plain). As the green grass of the millet[812] -grows well there, they are the resort of Turks and [Sidenote: Fol. 136.] -(Mughul) clans (_aimaq_). - -Tulips of many colours cover these foot-hills; I once counted them up; -it came out at 32 or 33 different sorts. We named one the Rose-scented, -because its perfume was a little like that of the red rose; it grows by -itself on Shaikh's-plain, here and nowhere else. The Hundred-leaved -tulip is another; this grows, also by itself, at the outlet of the -Ghur-bund narrows, on the hill-skirt below Parwan. A low hill known as -Khwaja Reg-i-rawan (Khwaja-of-the-running-sand), divides the afore-named -two pieces of level land; it has, from top to foot, a strip of sand from -which people say the sound of nagarets and tambours issues in the -heats.[813] - -Again, there are the villages depending on Kabul itself. South-west from -the town are great snow mountains[814] where snow falls on snow, and -where few may be the years when, falling, it does not light on last -year's snow. It is fetched, 12 miles may-be, from these mountains, to -cool the drinking water when ice-houses in Kabul are empty. Like the -Bamian mountains, these are fastnesses. Out of them issue the Harmand -(Halmand), Sind, Dughaba of Qunduz, and Balkh-ab,[815] so that in a -single day, a man might drink of the water of each of these four rivers. - -It is on the skirt of one of these ranges (Pamghan) that most of the -villages dependent on Kabul lie.[816] Masses of grapes ripen in their -vineyards and they grow every sort of fruit in abundance. No-one of them -equals Istalif or Astar-ghach; these must be the [Sidenote: Fol. 136b.] -two which Aulugh Beg Mirza used to call his Khurasan and Samarkand. -Pamghan is another of the best, not ranking in fruit and grapes with -those two others, but beyond comparison with them in climate. The -Pamghan mountains are a snowy range. Few villages match Istalif, with -vineyards and fine orchards on both sides of its great torrent, with -waters needing no ice, cold and, mostly, pure. Of its Great garden -Aulugh Beg Mirza had taken forcible possession; I took it over, after -paying its price to the owners. There is a pleasant halting-place -outside it, under great planes, green, shady and beautiful. A one-mill -stream, having trees on both banks, flows constantly through the middle -of the garden; formerly its course was zig-zag and irregular; I had it -made straight and orderly; so the place became very beautiful. Between -the village and the valley-bottom, from 4 to 6 miles down the slope, is -a spring, known as Khwaja Sih-yaran (Three-friends), round which three -sorts of tree grow. A group of planes gives pleasant shade above it; -holm-oak [Sidenote: Fol. 137.] (_quercus bilut_) grows in masses on the -slope at its sides,--these two oaklands (_bilutistan_) excepted, no -holm-oak grows in the mountains of western Kabul,--and the Judas-tree -(_arghwan_)[817] is much cultivated in front of it, that is towards the -level ground,--cultivated there and nowhere else. People say the three -different sorts of tree were a gift made by three saints,[818] whence -its name. I ordered that the spring should be enclosed in mortared -stone-work, 10 by 10, and that a symmetrical, right-angled platform -should be built on each of its sides, so as to overlook the whole field -of Judas-trees. If, the world over, there is a place to match this when -the _arghwans_ are in full bloom, I do not know it. The yellow _arghwan_ -grows plentifully there also, the red and the yellow flowering at the -same time.[819] - -In order to bring water to a large round seat which I had built on the -hillside and planted round with willows, I had a channel dug across the -slope from a half-mill stream, constantly flowing in a valley to the -south-west of Sih-yaran. The date of cutting this channel was found in -_jui-khush_ (kindly channel).[820] - -Another of the _tumans_ of Kabul is Luhugur (mod. Logar). Its one large -village is Chirkh from which were his Reverence Maulana Ya'qub and -Mulla-zada 'Usman.[821] Khwaja Ahmad [Sidenote: Fol. 137b.] and Khwaja -Yunas were from Sajawand, another of its villages. Chirkh has many -gardens, but there are none in any other village of Luhugur. Its people -are Aughan-shal, a term common in Kabul, seeming to be a -mispronouncement of Aughan-sha'ar.[822] - -Again, there is the _wilayat_, or, as some say, _tuman_ of Ghazni, said -to have been[823] the capital of Sabuk-tigin, Sl. Mahmud and their -descendants. Many write it Ghaznin. It is said also to have been the -seat of government of Shihabu'd-din _Ghuri_,[824] styled Mu'izzu'd-din -in the _Tabaqat-i-nasiri_ and also some of the histories of Hind. - -Ghazni is known also as _Zabulistan_; it belongs to the Third climate. -Some hold that Qandahar is a part of it. It lies 14 _yighach_ (south-) -west of Kabul; those leaving it at dawn, may reach Kabul between the Two -Prayers (_i.e._ in the afternoon); whereas the 13 _yighach_ between -Adinapur and Kabul can never be done in one day, because of the -difficulties of the road. - -Ghazni has little cultivated land. Its torrent, a four-mill or five-mill -stream may-be, makes the town habitable and fertilizes four or five -villages; three or four others are cultivated from under-ground -water-courses (_karez_). Ghazni grapes are better than those of Kabul; -its melons are more abundant; its apples [Sidenote: Fol. 138.] are very -good, and are carried to Hindustan. Agriculture is very laborious in -Ghazni because, whatever the quality of the soil, it must be newly -top-dressed every year; it gives a better return, however, than Kabul. -Ghazni grows madder; the entire crop goes to Hindustan and yields -excellent profit to the growers. In the open-country of Ghazni dwell -Hazara and Afghans. Compared with Kabul, it is always a cheap place. Its -people hold to the Hanafi faith, are good, orthodox Musalmans, many keep -a three months' fast,[825] and their wives and children live modestly -secluded. - -One of the eminent men of Ghazni was Mulla 'Abdu'r-rahman, a learned man -and always a learner (_dars_), a most orthodox, pious and virtuous -person; he left this world the same year as Nasir Mirza (921 AH.-1515 -AD.). Sl. Mahmud's tomb is in the suburb called Rauza,[826] from which -the best grapes come; there also are the tombs of his descendants, Sl. -Mas'ud and Sl. Ibrahim. Ghazni has many blessed tombs. The year[827] I -took Kabul and Ghazni, over-ran Kohat, the plain of Bannu and lands of -the Afghans, and went on to Ghazni by way of Duki (Dugi) and Ab-istada, -people told me there was a tomb, in a village of Ghazni, which moved -when a benediction on the Prophet was [Sidenote: Fol. 138b.] pronounced -over it. We went to see it. In the end I discovered that the movement -was a trick, presumably of the servants at the tomb, who had put a sort -of platform above it which moved when pushed, so that, to those on it, -the tomb seemed to move, just as the shore does to those passing in a -boat. I ordered the scaffold destroyed and a dome built over the tomb; -also I forbad the servants, with threats, ever to bring about the -movement again. - -Ghazni is a very humble place; strange indeed it is that rulers in whose -hands were Hindustan and Khurasanat,[828] should have chosen it for -their capital. In the Sultan's (Mahmud's) time there may have been three -or four dams in the country; one he made, some three _yighach_ (18 m.?) -up the Ghazni-water to the north; it was about 40-50 _qari_ (yards) high -and some 300 long; through it the stored waters were let out as -required.[829] It was destroyed by 'Alau'u'd-din _Jahan-soz Ghuri_ when -he conquered the country (550 AH.-1152 AD.), burned and ruined the tombs -of several descendants of Sl. Mahmud, sacked and burned the town, in -short, left undone no tittle of murder and rapine. Since [Sidenote: Fol. -139.] that time, the Sultan's dam has lain in ruins, but, through God's -favour, there is hope that it may become of use again, by means of the -money which was sent, in Khwaja Kalan's hand, in the year Hindustan was -conquered (932 AH.-1526 AD.).[830] The Sakhandam is another, 2 or 3 -_yighach_ (12-18 m.), may-be, on the east of the town; it has long been -in ruins, indeed is past repair. There is a dam in working order at -Sar-i-dih (Village-head). - -In books it is written that there is in Ghazni a spring such that, if -dirt and foul matter be thrown into it, a tempest gets up instantly, -with a blizzard of rain and wind. It has been seen said also in one of -the histories that Sabuk-tigin, when besieged by the Rai (Jai-pal) of -Hind, ordered dirt and foulness to be thrown into the spring, by this -aroused, in an instant, a tempest with blizzard of rain and snow, and, -by this device, drove off his foe.[831] Though we made many enquiries, -no intimation of the spring's existence was given us. - -In these countries Ghazni and Khwarizm are noted for cold, in the same -way that Sultania and Tabriz are in the two 'Iraqs and Azarbaijan. - -Zurmut is another _tuman_, some 12-13 _yighach_ south of Kabul and 7-8 -south-east of Ghazni.[832] Its _darogha's_ head-quarters are [Sidenote: -Fol. 139b.] in Girdiz; there most houses are three or four storeys high. -It does not want for strength, and gave Nasir Mirza trouble when it went -into hostility to him. Its people are Aughan-shal; they grow corn but -have neither vineyards nor orchards. The tomb of Shaikh Muhammad -_Musalman_ is at a spring, high on the skirt of a mountain, known as -Barakistan, in the south of the _tuman_. - -Farmul is another _tuman_,[833] a humble place, growing not bad apples -which are carried into Hindustan. Of Farmul were the Shaikh-zadas, -descendants of Shaikh Muhammad _Musalman_, who were so much in favour -during the Afghan period in Hindustan. - -Bangash is another _tuman_.[834] All round about it are Afghan -highwaymen, such as the Khugiani, Khirilchi, Turi and Landar. Lying -out-of-the-way, as it does, its people do not pay taxes willingly. There -has been no time to bring it to obedience; greater tasks have fallen to -me,--the conquests of Qandahar, Balkh, Badakhshan and Hindustan! But, God -willing! when I get the chance, I most assuredly will take order with -those Bangash thieves. - -One of the _buluks_ of Kabul is Ala-sai,[835] 4 to 6 miles (2-3 -_shar'i_) east of Nijr-au. The direct road into it from Nijr-au leads, -at a place called Kura, through the quite small pass which in that -locality separates the hot and cold climates. Through this pass the -birds migrate at the change of the seasons, and at those times many are -taken by the people of Pichghan, one of the dependencies of Nijr-au, in -the following manner:--From [Sidenote: Fol. 140.] distance to distance -near the mouth of the pass, they make hiding-places for the -bird-catchers. They fasten one corner of a net five or six yards away, -and weight the lower side to the ground with stones. Along the other -side of the net, for half its width, they fasten a stick some 3 to 4 -yards long. The hidden bird-catcher holds this stick and by it, when the -birds approach, lifts up the net to its full height. The birds then go -into the net of themselves. Sometimes so many are taken by this -contrivance that there is not time to cut their throats.[836] - -Though the Ala-sai pomegranates are not first-rate, they have local -reputation because none are better there-abouts; they are carried into -Hindustan. Grapes also do not grow badly, and the wines of Ala-sai are -better and stronger than those of Nijr-au. - -Badr-au (Tag-au) is another _buluk_; it runs with Ala-sai, grows no -fruit, and for cultivators has corn-growing Kafirs.[837] - - -(_f. Tribesmen of Kabul._) - -Just as Turks and (Mughul) clans (_aimaq_) dwell in the open country of -Khurasan and Samarkand, so in Kabul do the Hazara and Afghans. Of the -Hazara, the most widely-scattered are the Sultan-mas'udi Hazara, of -Afghans, the Mahmand. - - -(_g. Revenue of Kabul._) - -The revenues of Kabul, whether from the cultivated lands or from tolls -(_tamgha_) or from dwellers in the open country, amount to 8 _laks_ of -_shahrukhis_.[838] [Sidenote: Fol. 140b.] - - -(_h. The mountain-tracts of Kabul._) - -Where the mountains of Andar-ab, Khwast,[839] and the Badakh-shanat have -conifers (_archa_), many springs and gentle slopes, those of eastern -Kabul have grass (_aut_), grass like a beautiful floor, on hill, slope -and dale. For the most part it is _buta-kah_ grass (_aut_), very -suitable for horses. In the Andijan country they talk of _buta-kah_, but -why they do so was not known (to me?); in Kabul it was heard-say to be -because the grass comes up in tufts (_buta, buta_).[840] The alps of -these mountains are like those of Hisar, Khutlan, Farghana, Samarkand -and Mughulistan,--all these being alike in mountain and alp, though the -alps of Farghana and Mughulistan are beyond comparison with the rest. - -From all these the mountains of Nijr-au, the Lamghanat and Sawad differ -in having masses of cypresses,[841] holm-oak, olive and mastic -(_khanjak_); their grass also is different,--it is dense, it is tall, it -is good neither for horse nor sheep. Although these mountains are not so -high as those already described, indeed they look to be low, -none-the-less, they are strongholds; what to the eye is even slope, -really is hard rock on which it is impossible to ride. Many of the -beasts and birds of Hindustan [Sidenote: Fol. 141.] are found amongst -them, such as the parrot, _mina_, peacock and _luja_ (_lukha_), the ape, -_nil-gau_ and hog-deer (_kuta-pai_);[842] some found there are not found -even in Hindustan. - -The mountains to the west of Kabul are also all of one sort, those of -the Zindan-valley, the Suf-valley, Garzawan and Gharjistan -(Gharchastan).[843] Their meadows are mostly in the dales; they have not -the same sweep of grass on slope and top as some of those described -have; nor have they masses of trees; they have, however, grass suiting -horses. On their flat tops, where all the crops are grown, there is -ground where a horse can gallop. They have masses of _kiyik_.[844] Their -valley-bottoms are strongholds, mostly precipitous and inaccessible from -above. It is remarkable that, whereas other mountains have their -fastnesses in their high places, these have theirs below. - -Of one sort again are the mountains of Ghur, Karnud (var. Kuzud) and -Hazara; their meadows are in their dales; their trees are few, not even -the _archa_ being there;[845] their grass is fit for horses and for the -masses of sheep they keep. They differ from those last described in -this, their strong places are not below. - -The mountains (south-east of Kabul) of Khwaja Isma'il, Dasht, Dugi -(Duki)[846] and Afghanistan are all alike; all low, scant of vegetation, -short of water, treeless, ugly and good-for-nothing. Their people take -after them, just as has been said, _Ting bulma-ghuncha_ [Sidenote: Fol -141b.] _tush bulmas_.[847] Likely enough the world has few mountains so -useless and disgusting. - - -(_h. Fire-wood of Kabul._) - -The snow-fall being so heavy in Kabul, it is fortunate that excellent -fire-wood is had near by. Given one day to fetch it, wood can be had of -the _khanjak_ (mastic), _bilut_ (holm-oak), _badamcha_ (small-almond) -and _qarqand_.[848] Of these _khanjak_ wood is the best; it burns with -flame and nice smell, makes plenty of hot ashes and does well even if -sappy. Holm-oak is also first-rate fire-wood, blazing less than mastic -but, like it, making a hot fire with plenty of hot ashes, and nice -smell. It has the peculiarity in burning that when its leafy branches -are set alight, they fire up with amazing sound, blazing and crackling -from bottom to top. It is good fun to burn it. The wood of the -small-almond is the most plentiful and commonly-used, but it does not -make a lasting fire. The _qarqand_ is quite a low shrub, thorny, and -burning sappy or dry; it is the fuel of the Ghazni people. - - -(_i. Fauna of Kabul._) - -The cultivated lands of Kabul lie between mountains which are like great -dams[849] to the flat valley-bottoms in which most villages and peopled -places are. On these mountains _kiyik_ and _ahu_[850] are scarce. -Across them, between its summer and winter quarters, the dun sheep,[851] -the _arqarghalcha_, have their regular track,[852] to which braves go -out with dogs and birds[853] to take them. [Sidenote: Fol. 142.] Towards -Khurd-kabul and the Surkh-rud there is wild-ass, but there are no white -_kiyik_ at all; Ghazni has both and in few other places are white -_kiyik_ found in such good condition.[854] - -In the heats the fowling-grounds of Kabul are crowded. The birds take -their way along the Baran-water. For why? It is because the river has -mountains along it, east and west, and a great Hindu-kush pass in a line -with it, by which the birds must cross since there is no other -near.[855] They cannot cross when the north wind blows, or if there is -even a little cloud on Hindu-kush; at such times they alight on the -level lands of the Baran-water and are taken in great numbers by the -local people. Towards the end of winter, dense flocks of mallards -(_aurduq_) reach the banks of the Baran in very good condition. Follow -these the cranes and herons,[856] great birds, in large flocks and -countless numbers. - - -(_j. Bird-catching._) - -Along the Baran people take masses of cranes (_turna_) with the cord; -masses of _auqar_, _qarqara_ and _qutan_ also.[857] This method of -bird-catching is unique. They twist a cord as long as the arrow's[858] -flight, tie the arrow at one end and a _bildurga_[859] at the other, and -wind it up, from the arrow-end, on a piece of wood, span-long and -wrist-thick, right up to the _bildurga_. They [Sidenote: Fol. 142b.] -then pull out the piece of wood, leaving just the hole it was in. The -_bildurga_ being held fast in the hand, the arrow is shot off[860] -towards the coming flock. If the cord twists round a neck or wing, it -brings the bird down. On the Baran everyone takes birds in this way; it -is difficult; it must be done on rainy nights, because on such nights -the birds do not alight, but fly continually and fly low till dawn, in -fear of ravening beasts of prey. Through the night the flowing river is -their road, its moving water showing through the dark; then it is, while -they come and go, up and down the river, that the cord is shot. One -night I shot it; it broke in drawing in; both bird and cord were brought -in to me next day. By this device Baran people catch the many herons -from which they take the turban-aigrettes sent from Kabul for sale in -Khurasan. - -Of bird-catchers there is also the band of slave-fowlers, two or three -hundred households, whom some descendant of Timur Beg made migrate from -near Multan to the Baran.[861] Bird-catching [Sidenote: Fol. 143.] is -their trade; they dig tanks, set decoy-birds[862] on them, put a net -over the middle, and in this way take all sorts of birds. Not fowlers -only catch birds, but every dweller on the Baran does it, whether by -shooting the cord, setting the springe, or in various other ways. - - -(_k. Fishing._) - -The fish of the Baran migrate at the same seasons as birds. At those -times many are netted, and many are taken on wattles (_chigh_) fixed in -the water. In autumn when the plant known as _wild-ass-tail_[863] has -come to maturity, flowered and seeded, people take 10-20 loads (of -seed?) and 20-30 of green branches (_guk-shibak_) to some head of water, -break it up small and cast it in. Then going into the water, they can at -once pick up drugged fish. At some convenient place lower down, in a -hole below a fall, they will have fixed beforehand a wattle of -finger-thick willow-withes, making it firm by piling stones on its -sides. The water goes rushing and dashing through the wattle, but leaves -on it any fish that may have come floating down. This way of catching -fish is practised in Gul-bahar, Parwan and Istalif. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 143b.] Fish are had in winter in the Lamghanat by this -curious device:--People dig a pit to the depth of a house, in the bed of -a stream, below a fall, line it with stones like a cooking-place, and -build up stones round it above, leaving one opening only, under water. -Except by this one opening, the fish have no inlet or outlet, but the -water finds its way through the stones. This makes a sort of fish-pond -from which, when wanted in winter, fish can be taken, 30-40 together. -Except at the opening, left where convenient, the sides of the fish-pond -are made fast with rice-straw, kept in place by stones. A piece of -wicker-work is pulled into the said opening by its edges, gathered -together, and into this a second piece, (a tube,) is inserted, fitting -it at the mouth but reaching half-way into it only.[864] The fish go -through the smaller piece into the larger one, out from which they -cannot get. The second narrows towards its inner mouth, its pointed ends -being drawn so close that the fish, once entered, cannot [Sidenote: Fol. -144.] turn, but must go on, one by one, into the larger piece. Out of -that they cannot return because of the pointed ends of the inner, narrow -mouth. The wicker-work fixed and the rice-straw making the pond fast, -whatever fish are inside can be taken out;[865] any also which, trying -to escape may have gone into the wicker-work, are taken in it, because -they have no way out. This method of catching fish we have seen nowhere -else.[866] - - -HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED.[867] - -(_a. Departure of Muqim and allotment of lands._) - -A few days after the taking of Kabul, Muqim asked leave to set off for -Qandahar. As he had come out of the town on terms and conditions, he was -allowed to go to his father (Zu'n-nun) and his elder brother (Shah Beg), -with all his various people, his goods and his valuables, safe and -sound. - -Directly he had gone, the Kabul-country was shared out to the Mirzas and -the guest-begs.[868] To Jahangir Mirza was given Ghazni with its -dependencies and appurtenancies; to Nasir Mirza, the Ningnahar _tuman_, -Mandrawar, Nur-valley, Kunar, Nur-gal (Rock-village?) and Chighan-sarai. -To some of the begs who had been with us in the guerilla-times and had -come to Kabul with us, were given villages, fief-fashion.[869] _Wilayat_ -[Sidenote: Fol. 144b.] itself was not given at all.[870] It was not only -then that I looked with more favour on guest-begs and stranger-begs than -I did on old servants and Andijanis; this I have always done whenever -the Most High God has shown me His favour; yet it is remarkable that, -spite of this, people have blamed me constantly as though I had favoured -none but old servants and Andijanis. There is a proverb, (Turki) "What -will a foe not say? what enters not into dream?" and (Persian) "A -town-gate can be shut, a foe's mouth never." - - -(_b. A levy in grain._) - -Many clans and hordes had come from Samarkand, Hisar and Qunduz into the -Kabul-country. Kabul is a small country; it is also of the sword, not of -the pen;[871] to take in money from it for all these tribesmen was -impossible. It therefore seemed advisable to take in grain, provision -for the families of these clans so that their men could ride on forays -with the army. Accordingly it was decided to levy 30,000 ass-loads[872] -of grain on Kabul, Ghazni and their dependencies; we knew nothing at -that time about the harvests and incomings; the impost was excessive, -and under it the country suffered very grievously. - -In those days I devised the Baburi script.[873] - - -(_c. Foray on the Hazara._) - -A large tribute in horses and sheep had been laid on the Sultan Mas'udi -Hazaras;[874] word came a few days after collectors [Sidenote: Fol. -145.] had gone to receive it, that the Hazaras were refractory and would -not give their goods. As these same tribesmen had before that come down -on the Ghazni and Girdiz roads, we got to horse, meaning to take them by -surprise. Riding by the Maidan-road, we crossed the Nirkh-pass[875] by -night and at the Morning-prayer fell upon them near Jal-tu (var. -Cha-tu). The incursion was not what was wished.[876] We came back by the -Tunnel-rock (Sang-i-surakh); Jahangir Mirza (there?) took leave for -Ghazni. On our reaching Kabul, Yar-i-husain, son of Darya Khan, coming -in from Bhira, waited on me.[877] - - -(_d. Babur's first start for Hindustan._) - -When, a few days later, the army had been mustered, persons acquainted -with the country were summoned and questioned about its every side and -quarter. Some advised a march to the Plain (Dasht);[878] some approved -of Bangash; some wished to go into Hindustan. The discussion found -settlement in a move on Hindustan. - -It was in the month of Sha'ban (910 AH.-Jan. 1505 AD.), the Sun being in -Aquarius, that we rode out of Kabul for Hindustan. We took the road -by Badam-chashma and Jagdalik and reached Adinapur in six marches. Till -that time I had never seen a hot country or the Hindustan border-land. -In Ningnahar[879] another world came to view,--other grasses, other -trees, other animals, other birds, and other manners and customs of clan -and horde. We were amazed, and truly there was ground for amaze. -[Sidenote: Fol. 145b.] - -Nasir Mirza, who had gone earlier to his district, waited on me in -Adinapur. We made some delay in Adinapur in order to let the men from -behind join us, also a contingent from the clans which had come with us -into Kabul and were wintering in the Lamghanat.[880] All having joined -us, we marched to below Jui-shahi and dismounted at Qush-gumbaz.[881] -There Nasir Mirza asked for leave to stay behind, saying he would follow -in a few days after making some sort of provision for his dependants and -followers. Marching on from Qush-gumbaz, when we dismounted at -Hot-spring (Garm-chashma), a head-man of the Gagiani was brought in, a -_Fajji_[882] presumably with his caravan. We took him with us to point -out the roads. Crossing Khaibar in a march or two, we dismounted at -Jam.[883] - -Tales had been told us about Gur-khattri;[884] it was said to be a holy -place of the Jogis and Hindus who come from long distances to shave -their heads and beards there. I rode out at once from Jam to visit -Bigram,[885] saw its great tree,[886] and all the country round, but, -much as we enquired about Gur-khattri, our guide, one Malik Bu-sa'id -_Kamari_,[887] would say nothing [Sidenote: Fol. 146.] about it. When we -were almost back in camp, however, he told Khwaja Muhammad-amin that it -was in Bigram and that he had said nothing about it because of its -confined cells and narrow passages. The Khwaja, having there and then -abused him, repeated to us what he had said, but we could not go back -because the road was long and the day far spent. - - -(_e. Move against Kohat._) - -Whether to cross the water of Sind, or where else to go, was discussed -in that camp.[888] Baqi _Chaghaniani_ represented that it seemed we -might go, without crossing the river and with one night's halt, to a -place called Kohat where were many rich tribesmen; moreover he brought -Kabulis forward who represented the matter just as he had done. We had -never heard of the place, but, as he, my man in great authority, saw it -good to go to Kohat and had brought forward support of his -recommendation,--this being so! we broke up our plan of crossing the -Sind-water into Hindustan, marched from Jam, forded the Bara-water, and -dismounted not far from the pass (_daban_) through the Muhammad-mountain -(_fajj_). At the time the Gagiani Afghans were located in Parashawar -but, in dread of our army, had drawn off to the skirt-hills. One of -their headmen, coming into this camp, did me obeisance; we took him, as -well as the Fajji, with us, so that, between them, they might -[Sidenote: Fol. 146b.] point out the roads. We left that camp at -midnight, crossed Muhammad-fajj at day-rise[889] and by breakfast-time -descended on Kohat. Much cattle and buffalo fell to our men; many -Afghans were taken but I had them all collected and set them free. In -the Kohat houses corn was found without limit. Our foragers raided as -far as the Sind-river (_darya_), rejoining us after one night's halt. As -what Baqi _Chaghaniani_ had led us to expect did not come to hand, he -grew rather ashamed of his scheme. - -When our foragers were back and after two nights in Kohat, we took -counsel together as to what would be our next good move, and we decided -to over-run the Afghans of Bangash and the Bannu neighbourhood, then to -go back to Kabul, either through Naghr (Baghzan?), or by the Farmul-road -(Tochi-valley?). - -In Kohat, Darya Khan's son, Yar-i-husain, who had waited on me in Kabul -made petition, saying, "If royal orders were given me for the -Dilazak,[890] the Yusuf-zai, and the Gagiani, these would not go far -from my orders if I called up the Padshah's swords on the other side of -the water of Sind."[891] The farman he petitioned for being given, he -was allowed to go from Kohat. - - -(_f. March to Thal._) - -Marching out of Kohat, we took the Hangu-road for Bangash. [Sidenote: -Fol. 147.] Between Kohat and Hangu that road runs through a valley shut -in on either hand by the mountains. When we entered this valley, the -Afghans of Kohat and thereabouts who were gathered on both hill-skirts, -raised their war-cry with great clamour. Our then guide, Malik Bu-sa'id -_Kamari_ was well-acquainted with the Afghan locations; he represented -that further on there was a detached hill on our right, where, if the -Afghans came down to it from the hill-skirt, we might surround and take -them. God brought it right! The Afghans, on reaching the place, did come -down. We ordered one party of braves to seize the neck of land between -that hill and the mountains, others to move along its sides, so that -under attack made from all sides at once, the Afghans might be made to -reach their doom. Against the allround assault, they could not even -fight; a hundred or two were taken, some were brought in alive but of -most, the heads only were brought. We had been told that when Afghans -are powerless to resist, they go before their foe with grass between -their teeth, this being as much as to say, "I am your cow."[892] Here -[Sidenote: Fol. 147b.] we saw this custom; Afghans unable to make -resistance, came before us with grass between their teeth. Those our men -had brought in as prisoners were ordered to be beheaded and a pillar of -their heads was set up in our camp.[893] - -Next day we marched forward and dismounted at Hangu, where local Afghans -had made a _sangur_ on a hill. I first heard the word _sangur_ after -coming to Kabul where people describe fortifying themselves on a hill as -making a _sangur_. Our men went straight up, broke into it and cut off a -hundred or two of insolent Afghan heads. There also a pillar of heads -was set up. - -From Hangu we marched, with one night's halt, to Til (Thal),[894] below -Bangash; there also our men went out and raided the Afghans near-by; -some of them however turned back rather lightly from a _sangur_.[895] - - -(_g. Across country into Bannu._) - -On leaving Til (Thal) we went, without a road, right down a steep -descent, on through out-of-the-way narrows, halted one night, and next -day came down into Bannu,[896] man, horse and camel all worn out with -fatigue and with most of the booty in cattle left on the way. The -frequented road must have been a few miles to our right; the one we came -by did not seem a riding-road at all; it was understood to be called -the Gosfandliyar [Sidenote: Fol. 148.] (Sheep-road),--_liyar_ being -Afghani for a road,--because sometimes shepherds and herdsmen take their -flocks and herds by it through those narrows. Most of our men regarded -our being brought down by that left-hand road as an ill-design of Malik -Bu-sa'id _Kamari_.[897] - - -(_h. Bannu and the 'Isa-khail country._) - -The Bannu lands lie, a dead level, immediately outside the Bangash and -Naghr hills, these being to their north. The Bangash torrent (the Kuram) -comes down into Bannu and fertilizes its lands. South(-east) of them are -Chaupara and the water of Sind; to their east is Din-kot; (south-)west -is the Plain (Dasht), known also as Bazar and Taq.[898] The Bannu lands -are cultivated by the Kurani, Kiwi, Sur, 'Isa-khail and Nia-zai of the -Afghan tribesmen. - -After dismounting in Bannu, we heard that the tribesmen in the Plain -(Dasht) were for resisting and were entrenching themselves on a hill to -the north. A force headed by Jahangir Mirza, went against what seemed to -be the Kiwi _sangur_, took it at once, made general slaughter, cut off -and brought in many heads. Much white cloth fell into (their) hands. In -Bannu also a pillar of heads was set up. After the _sangur_ had been -taken, the Kiwi head-man, Shadi Khan, came to my presence, with grass -between his teeth, and did me obeisance. I pardoned all the prisoners. - -After we had over-run Kohat, it had been decided that Bangash and Bannu -should be over-run, and return to Kabul [Sidenote: Fol. 148b.] made -through Naghr or through Farmul. But when Bannu had been over-run, -persons knowing the country represented that the Plain was close by, -with its good roads and many people; so it was settled to over-run the -Plain and to return to Kabul afterwards by way of Farmul.[899] - -Marching next day, we dismounted at an 'Isa-khail village on that same -water (the Kuram) but, as the villagers had gone into the Chaupara hills -on hearing of us, we left it and dismounted on the skirt of Chaupara. -Our foragers went from there into the hills, destroyed the 'Isa-khail -_sangur_ and came back with sheep, herds and cloth. That night the -'Isa-khail made an attack on us but, as good watch was kept all through -these operations, they could do nothing. So cautious were we that at -night our right and left, centre and van were just in the way they had -dismounted, each according to its place in battle, each prepared for its -own post, with men on foot all round the camp, at an arrow's distance -from the tents. Every night the army was posted in this way and every -night three or four of my household [Sidenote: Fol. 149.] made the -rounds with torches, each in his turn. I for my part made the round once -each night. Those not at their posts had their noses slit and were led -round through the army. Jahangir Mirza was the right wing, with Baqi -_Chaghaniani_, Sherim Taghai, Sayyid Husain Akbar, and other begs. -Mirza Khan was the left wing, with 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza, Qasim Beg and -other begs. In the centre there were no great begs, all were -household-begs. Sayyid Qasim Lord-of-the-gate, was the van, with Baba -Aughuli, Allah-birdi (var. Allah-quli Puran), and some other begs. The -army was in six divisions, each of which had its day and night on guard. - -Marching from that hill-skirt, our faces set west, we dismounted on a -waterless plain (_qul_) between Bannu and the Plain. The soldiers got -water here for themselves, their herds and so on, by digging down, from -one to one-and-a-half yards, into the dry water-course, when water came. -Not here only did this happen for all the rivers of Hindustan have the -peculiarity that water is safe to be found by digging down from one to -one-and-a-half yards in their beds. It is a wonderful provision -of God that where, except for the great rivers, there are no -running-waters,[900] water should be so placed within reach in dry -water-courses. - -We left that dry channel next morning. Some of our men, riding light, -reached villages of the Plain in the afternoon, raided a few, and -brought back flocks, cloth and horses bred for trade.[901] Pack-animals -and camels and also the braves we had outdistanced, kept coming into -camp all through that night till dawn and on till that morrow's noon. -During our stay there, the foragers [Sidenote: Fol. 149b.] brought in -from villages in the Plain, masses of sheep and cattle, and, from Afghan -traders met on the roads, white cloths, aromatic roots, sugars, -_tipuchaqs_, and horses bred for trade. Hindi (var. Mindi) _Mughul_ -unhorsed Khwaja Khizr _Luhani_, a well-known and respected Afghan -merchant, cutting off and bringing in his head. Once when Sherim Taghai -went in the rear of the foragers, an Afghan faced him on the road and -struck off his index-finger. - - -(_i. Return made for Kabul._) - -Two roads were heard of as leading from where we were to Ghazni; one was -the Tunnel-rock (Sang-i-surakh) road, passing Birk (Barak) and going on -to Farmul; the other was one along the Gumal, which also comes out at -Farmul but without touching Birk (Barak).[902] As during our stay in the -Plain rain had fallen incessantly, the Gumal was so swollen that it -would have been difficult to cross at the ford we came to; moreover -persons well-acquainted with the roads, represented that going by the -Gumal road, this torrent must be crossed several times, that this was -always difficult when the waters were so high and that there was always -uncertainty on the Gumal road. Nothing was settled then as to which of -these two roads to take; I expected it to be settled next day when, -after the drum of departure had sounded, [Sidenote: Fol. 150.] we talked -it over as we went.[903] It was the 'Id-i-fitr (March 7th 1505 AD.); -while I was engaged in the ablutions due for the breaking of the fast, -Jahangir Mirza and the begs discussed the question of the roads. -Some-one said that if we were to turn the bill[904] of the Mehtar -Sulaiman range, this lying between the Plain and the Hill-country -(_desht u duki_),[905] we should get a level road though it might make -the difference of a few marches. For this they decided and moved off; -before my ablutions were finished the whole army had taken the road and -most of it was across the Gumal. Not a man of us had ever seen the road; -no-one knew whether it was long or short; we started off just on a -rumoured word! - -The Prayer of the 'Id was made on the bank of the Gumal. That year -New-year's Day[906] fell close to the 'Id-i-fitr, there being only a few -days between; on their approximation I composed the following (Turki) -ode:-- - - Glad is the Bairam-moon for him who sees both the face of the Moon and - the Moon-face of his friend; - Sad is the Bairam-moon for me, far away from thy face and from - thee.[907] - - O Babur! dream of your luck when your Feast is the meeting, - your New-year the face; - For better than that could not be with a hundred New-years - and Bairams. - -After crossing the Gumal torrent, we took our way along the skirt of the -hills, our faces set south. A mile or two further on, [Sidenote: Fol. -150b.] some death-devoted Afghans shewed themselves on the lower edge of -the hill-slope. Loose rein, off we went for them; most of them fled but -some made foolish stand on rocky-piles[908] of the foot-hills. One took -post on a single rock seeming to have a precipice on the further side of -it, so that he had not even a way of escape. Sl. Quli _Chunaq_ -(One-eared), all in his mail as he was, got up, slashed at, and took -him. This was one of Sl. Quli's deeds done under my own eyes, which led -to his favour and promotion.[909] At another pile of rock, when -Qutluq-qadam exchanged blows with an Afghan, they grappled and came down -together, a straight fall of 10 to 12 yards; in the end Qutluq-qadam -cut off and brought in his man's head. Kupuk Beg got hand-on-collar with -an Afghan at another hill; both rolled down to the bottom; that head -also was brought in. All Afghans taken prisoner were set free. - -Marching south through the Plain, and closely skirting Mehtar Sulaiman, -we came, with three nights' halt, to a small township, called Bilah, on -the Sind-water and dependent on Multan.[910] The villagers crossed the -water, mostly taking to their boats, but some flung themselves in to -cross. Some were seen standing on an island in front of Bilah. Most of -our men, man and horse in [Sidenote: Fol. 151.] mail, plunged in and -crossed to the island; some were carried down, one being Qul-i-aruk -(thin slave), one of my servants, another the head tent-pitcher, another -Jahangir Mirza's servant, Qaitmas _Turkman_.[911] Cloth and things of -the baggage (_partaldik nima_) fell to our men. The villagers all -crossed by boat to the further side of the river; once there, some of -them, trusting to the broad water, began to make play with their swords. -Qul-i-bayazid, the taster, one of our men who had crossed to the island, -stripped himself and his horse and, right in front of them, plunged by -himself into the river. The water on that side of the island may have -been twice or thrice as wide as on ours. He swum his horse straight for -them till, an arrow's-flight away, he came to a shallow where his weight -must have been up-borne, the water being as high as the saddle-flap. -There he stayed for as long as milk takes to boil; no-one supported him -from behind; he had not a chance of support. He made a dash at them; -they shot a few arrows at him but, this not checking him, they took to -flight. To swim such a river as the Sind, alone, bare on a bare-backed -horse, no-one behind him, and to chase off a foe and occupy his ground, -was a mightily bold deed! He having driven the enemy off, other soldiers -went over who [Sidenote: Fol. 151b.] returned with cloth and droves of -various sorts. Qul-i-bayazid had already his place in my favour and -kindness on account of his good service, and of courage several times -shewn; from the cook's office I had raised him to the royal taster's; -this time, as will be told, I took up a position full of bounty, favour -and promotion,--in truth he was worthy of honour and advancement. - -Two other marches were made down the Sind-water. Our men, by perpetually -gallopping off on raids, had knocked up their horses; usually what they -took, cattle mostly, was not worth the gallop; sometimes indeed in the -Plain there had been sheep, sometimes one sort of cloth or other, but, -the Plain left behind, nothing was had but cattle. A mere servant would -bring in 3 or 400 head during our marches along the Sind-water, but -every march many more would be left on the road than they brought in. - - -(_j. The westward march._) - -Having made three more marches[912] close along the Sind, we left it -when we came opposite Pir Kanu's tomb.[913] Going to the tomb, we there -dismounted. Some of our soldiers having injured [Sidenote: Fol. 152.] -several of those in attendance on it, I had them cut to pieces. It is a -tomb on the skirt of one of the Mehtar Sulaiman mountains and held in -much honour in Hindustan. - -Marching on from Pir Kanu, we dismounted in the (Pawat) pass; next again -in the bed of a torrent in Duki.[914] After we left this camp there were -brought in as many as 20 to 30 followers of a retainer of Shah Beg, -Fazil _Kukuldash_, the darogha of Siwi. They had been sent to -reconnoitre us but, as at that time, we were not on bad terms with Shah -Beg, we let them go, with horse and arms. After one night's halt, we -reached Chutiali, a village of Duki. - -Although our men had constantly gallopped off to raid, both before we -reached the Sind-water and all along its bank, they had not left horses -behind, because there had been plenty of green food and corn. When, -however, we left the river and set our faces for Pir Kanu, not even -green food was to be had; a little land under green crop might be found -every two or three marches, but of horse-corn, none. So, beyond the -camps mentioned, there began the leaving of horses behind. After passing -Chutiali, my own felt-tent[915] had to be left from want of -baggage-beasts. One night at that time, it rained so much, that water -stood knee-deep in my tent (_chadar_); I watched the night out till -dawn, uncomfortably sitting on a pile of blankets. - - -(_k. Baqi Chaghaniani's treachery._) - -A few marches further on came Jahangir Mirza, saying, "I [Sidenote: Fol. -152b.] have a private word for you." When we were in private, he said, -"Baqi _Chaghaniani_ came and said to me, 'You make the Padshah cross the -water of Sind with 7, 8, 10 persons, then make yourself Padshah.'" Said -I, "What others are heard of as consulting with him?" Said he, "It was -but a moment ago Baqi Beg spoke to me; I know no more." Said I, "Find -out who the others are; likely enough Sayyid Husain Akbar and Sl. 'Ali -the page are in it, as well as Khusrau Shah's begs and braves." Here the -Mirza really behaved very well and like a blood-relation; what he now -did was the counterpart of what I had done in Kahmard,[916] in this same -ill-fated mannikin's other scheme of treachery.[917] - -On dismounting after the next march, I made Jahangir Mirza lead a body -of well-mounted men to raid the Aughans (Afghans) of that neighbourhood. - -Many men's horses were now left behind in each camping-ground, the day -coming when as many as 2 or 300 were left. Braves of the first rank went -on foot; Sayyid Mahmud _Aughlaqchi_, one of the best of the -household-braves, left his horses behind and walked. In this state as to -horses we went all the rest of the way to Ghazni. - -Three or four marches further on, Jahangir Mirza plundered [Sidenote: -Fol. 153.] some Afghans and brought in a few sheep. - - -(_l. The Ab-i-istada._) - -When, with a few more marches, we reached the Standing-water -(_Ab-i-istada_) a wonderfully large sheet of water presented itself to -view; the level lands on its further side could not be seen at all; its -water seemed to join the sky; the higher land and the mountains of that -further side looked to hang between Heaven and Earth, as in a mirage. -The waters there gathered are said to be those of the spring-rain floods -of the Kattawaz-plain, the Zurmut-valley, and the Qara-bagh meadow of -the Ghazni-torrent,--floods of the spring-rains, and the over-plus[918] -of the summer-rise of streams. - -When within two miles of the Ab-i-istada, we saw a wonderful -thing,--something as red as the rose of the dawn kept shewing and -vanishing between the sky and the water. It kept coming and going. When -we got quite close we learned that what seemed the cause were flocks of -geese,[919] not 10,000, not 20,000 in a flock, but geese innumerable -which, when the mass of birds flapped their wings in flight, sometimes -shewed red feathers, sometimes not. Not only was this bird there in -countless numbers, but birds of every sort. Eggs lay in masses on the -shore. When two Afghans, come there to collect eggs, saw us, [Sidenote: -Fol. 153b.] they went into the water half a _kuroh_ (a mile). Some of -our men following, brought them back. As far as they went the water was -of one depth, up to a horse's belly; it seemed not to lie in a hollow, -the country being flat. - -We dismounted at the torrent coming down to the Ab-i-istada from the -plain of Kattawaz. The several other times we have passed it, we have -found a dry channel with no water whatever,[920] but this time, there -was so much water, from the spring-rains, that no ford could be found. -The water was not very broad but very deep. Horses and camels were made -to swim it; some of the baggage was hauled over with ropes. Having got -across, we went on through Old Nani and Sar-i-dih to Ghazni where for a -few days Jahangir Mirza was our host, setting food before us and -offering his tribute. - - -(_m. Return to Kabul._) - -That year most waters came down in flood. No ford was found through the -water of Dih-i-yaq'ub.[921] For this reason we went straight on to -Kamari, through the Sajawand-pass. At Kamari I had a boat fashioned in a -pool, brought and set on the Dih-i-yaq'ub-water in front of Kamari. In -this all our people were put over. - -We reached Kabul in the month of Zu'l-hijja (May 1505 AD.).[922] A few -days earlier Sayyid Yusuf _Aughlaqchi_ had gone to God's [Sidenote: Fol. -154.] mercy through the pains of colic. - - -(_n. Misconduct of Nasir Mirza._) - -It has been mentioned that at Qush-gumbaz, Nasir Mirza asked leave to -stay behind, saying that he would follow in a few days after taking -something from his district for his retainers and followers.[923] But -having left us, he sent a force against the people of Nur-valley, they -having done something a little refractory. The difficulty of moving in -that valley owing to the strong position of its fort and the -rice-cultivation of its lands, has already been described.[924] The -Mirza's commander, Fazli, in ground so impracticable and in that -one-road tract, instead of safe-guarding his men, scattered them to -forage. Out came the valesmen, drove the foragers off, made it -impossible to the rest to keep their ground, killed some, captured a -mass of others and of horses,--precisely what would happen to any army -chancing to be under such a person as Fazli! Whether because of this -affair, or whether from want of heart, the Mirza did not follow us at -all; he stayed behind. - -Moreover Ayub's sons, Yusuf and Bahlul (Begchik), more seditious, silly -and arrogant persons than whom there may not exist,--to whom I had given, -to Yusuf Alangar, to Bahlul 'Ali-shang, they like Nasir Mirza, were to -have taken something from [Sidenote: Fol. 154b.] their districts and to -have come on with him, but, he not coming, neither did they. All that -winter they were the companions of his cups and social pleasures. They -also over-ran the Tarkalani Afghans in it.[925] With the on-coming -heats, the Mirza made march off the families of the clans, -outside-tribes and hordes who had wintered in Ningnahar and the -Lamghanat, driving them like sheep before him, with all their goods, as -far as the Baran-water.[926] - - -(_o. Affairs of Badakhshan._) - -While Nasir Mirza was in camp on the Baran-water, he heard that the -Badakhshis were united against the Auzbegs and had killed some of them. - -Here are the particulars:--When Shaibaq Khan had given Qunduz to Qambar -Bi and gone himself to Khwarizm[927]; Qambar Bi, in order to conciliate -the Badakhshis, sent them a son of Muhammad-i-makhdumi, Mahmud by name, -but Mubarak Shah,--whose ancestors are heard of as begs of the Badakhshan -Shahs,--having uplifted his own head, and cut off Mahmud's and those of -some Auzbegs, made himself fast in the fort once known as Shaf-tiwar but -re-named by him Qila'-i-zafar. Moreover, in Rustaq Muhammad _qurchi_, an -armourer of Khusrau Shah, then occupying Khamalangan, slew Shaibaq -Khan's _sadr_ and some Auzbegs and made that place fast. Zubair of Ragh, -again, [Sidenote: Fol. 155.] whose forefathers also will have been begs -of the Badakhshan Shahs, uprose in Ragh.[928] Jahangir _Turkman_, again, -a servant of Khusrau Shah's Wali, collected some of the fugitive -soldiers and tribesmen Wali had left behind, and with them withdrew into -a fastness.[929] - -Nasir Mirza, hearing these various items of news and spurred on by the -instigation of a few silly, short-sighted persons to covet Badakhshan, -marched along the Shibr-tu and Ab-dara road, driving like sheep before -him the families of the men who had come into Kabul from the other side -of the Amu.[930] - - -(_p. Affairs of Khusrau Shah._) - -At the time Khusrau Shah and Ahmad-i-qasim were in flight from Ajar for -Khurasan,[931] they meeting in with Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and Zu'n-nun -Beg, all went on together to the presence of Sl. Husain Mirza in Heri. -All had long been foes of his; all had behaved unmannerly to him; what -brands had they not set on his heart! Yet all now went to him in their -distress, and all went through me. For it is not likely they would have -seen him if I had not made Khusrau Shah helpless by parting him from his -following, and if I had not taken Kabul from Zu'n'nun's son, Muqim. -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza himself was as dough in the [Sidenote: Fol. 155b.] -hands of the rest; beyond their word he could not go. Sl. Husain Mirza -took up a gracious attitude towards one and all, mentioned no-one's -misdeeds, even made them gifts. - -Shortly after their arrival Khusrau Shah asked for leave to go to his -own country, saying, "If I go, I shall get it all into my hands." As he -had reached Heri without equipment and without resources, they finessed -a little about his leave. He became importunate. Muhammad Baranduq -retorted roundly on him with, "When you had 30,000 men behind you and -the whole country in your hands, what did you effect against the Auzbeg? -What will you do now with your 500 men and the Auzbegs in possession?" -He added a little good advice in a few sensible words, but all was in -vain because the fated hour of Khusrau Shah's death was near. Leave was -at last given because of his importunity; Khusrau Shah with his 3 or 400 -followers, went straight into the borders of Dahanah. There as Nasir -Mirza had just gone across, these two met. - -Now the Badakhshi chiefs had invited only the Mirza; they had not -invited Khusrau Shah. Try as the Mirza did to persuade Khusrau Shah to -go into the hill-country,[932] the latter, quite understanding the whole -time, would not consent to go, his own idea being that if he marched -under the Mirza, he would get the [Sidenote: Fol. 156.] country into his -own hands. In the end, unable to agree, each of them, near Ishkimish, -arrayed his following, put on mail, drew out to fight, and--departed. -Nasir Mirza went on for Badakhshan; Khusrau Shah after collecting a -disorderly rabble, good and bad of some 1,000 persons, went, with the -intention of laying siege to Qunduz, to Khwaja Char-taq, one or two -_yighach_ outside it. - - -(_q. Death of Khusrau Shah._) - -At the time Shaibaq Khan, after overcoming Sultan Ahmad _Tambal_ and -Andijan, made a move on Hisar, his Honour Khusrau Shah[933] flung away -his country (Qunduz and Hisar) without a blow struck, and saved himself. -Thereupon Shaibaq Khan went to Hisar in which were Sherim the page and a -few good braves. _They_ did not surrender Hisar, though their honourable -beg had flung _his_ country away and gone off; they made Hisar fast. The -siege of Hisar Shaibaq Khan entrusted to Hamza Sl. and Mahdi -Sultan,[934] went to Qunduz, gave Qunduz to his younger brother, Mahmud -Sultan and betook himself without delay to Khwarizm against Chin Sufi. -But as, before he reached Samarkand on his way to Khwarizm, he heard of -the death in Qunduz of his brother, Mahmud Sultan, he gave that place to -Qambar Bi of Marv.[935] - -Qambar Bi was in Qunduz when Khusrau Shah went against it; he at once -sent off galloppers to summon Hamza Sl. and the [Sidenote: Fol. 156b.] -others Shaibaq Khan had left behind. Hamza Sl. came himself as far as -the _sarai_ on the Amu bank where he put his sons and begs in command of -a force which went direct against Khusrau Shah. There was neither fight -nor flight for that fat, little man; Hamza Sultan's men unhorsed him, -killed his sister's son, Ahmad-i-qasim, Sherim the page and several good -braves. Him they took into Qunduz, there struck his head off and from -there sent it to Shaibaq Khan in Khwarizm.[936] - - -(_r. Conduct in Kabul of Khusrau Shah's retainers._) - -Just as Khusrau Shah had said they would do, his former retainers and -followers, no sooner than he marched against Qunduz, changed in their -demeanour to me,[937] most of them marching off to near -Khwaja-i-riwaj.[938] The greater number of the men in my service had -been in his. The Mughuls behaved well, taking up a position of adherence -to me.[939] On all this the news of Khusrau Shah's death fell like water -on fire; it put his men out. - - - - -911 AH.--JUNE 4TH 1505 TO MAY 24TH 1506 AD.[940] - -(_a. Death of Qutluq-nigar Khanim._) - - -In the month of Muharram my mother had fever. Blood was let without -effect and a Khurasani doctor, known as Sayyid Tabib, in accordance -with the Khurasan practice, gave her water-melon, but her time to die -must have come, for on the [Sidenote: Fol. 157.] Saturday after six days -of illness, she went to God's mercy. - -On Sunday I and Qasim Kukuldash conveyed her to the New-year's Garden on -the mountain-skirt[941] where Aulugh Beg Mirza had built a house, and -there, with the permission of his heirs,[942] we committed her to the -earth. While we were mourning for her, people let me know about (the -death of) my younger Khan _dada_ Alacha Khan, and my grandmother -Aisan-daulat Begim.[943] Close upon Khanim's Fortieth[944] arrived from -Khurasan Shah Begim the mother of the Khans, together with my -maternal-aunt Mihr-nigar Khanim, formerly of Sl. Ahmad Mirza's _haram_, -and Muhammad Husain _Kurkan Dughlat_.[945] Lament broke out afresh; the -bitterness of these partings was extreme. When the mourning-rites had -been observed, food and victuals set out for the poor and destitute, the -Qoran recited, and prayers offered for the departed souls, we steadied -ourselves and all took heart again. - - -(_b. A futile start for Qandahar._) - -When set free from these momentous duties, we got an army to horse for -Qandahar under the strong insistance of Baqi _Chaghaniani_. At the -start I went to Qush-nadir (var. nawar) where on dismounting I got -fever. It was a strange sort of illness for whenever with much trouble I -had been awakened, my eyes closed again in sleep. In four or five days I -got quite well. - - -(_c. An earthquake._) - -At that time there was a great earthquake[946] such that most of the -ramparts of forts and the walls of gardens fell down; houses were -levelled to the ground in towns and villages and many persons lay dead -beneath them. Every house fell in Paghman-village, [Sidenote: Fol. -157b.] and 70 to 80 strong heads-of-houses lay dead under their walls. -Between Pagh-man and Beg-tut[947] a piece of ground, a good -stone-throw[948] wide may-be, slid down as far as an arrow's-flight; -where it had slid springs appeared. On the road between Istarghach and -Maidan the ground was so broken up for 6 to 8 _yighach_ (36-48 m.) that -in some places it rose as high as an elephant, in others sank as deep; -here and there people were sucked in. When the Earth quaked, dust rose -from the tops of the mountains. Nuru'l-lah the _tambourchi_[949] had -been playing before me; he had two instruments with him and at the -moment of the quake had both in his hands; so out of his own control was -he that the two knocked against each other. Jahangir Mirza was in the -porch of an upper-room at a house built by Aulugh Beg Mirza in Tipa; -when the Earth quaked, he let himself down and was not hurt, but the -roof fell on some-one with him in that upper-room, presumably one of his -own circle; that this person was not hurt in the least must have been -solely through God's mercy. In Tipa most of the houses were levelled to -the ground. The Earth quaked 33 times on the first day, and for a month -afterwards used to quake two or three times in the 24 hours. The begs -and soldiers having been ordered to repair the breaches made in the -towers and ramparts [Sidenote: Fol. 158.] of the fort (Kabul), -everything was made good again in 20 days or a month by their industry -and energy. - - -(_d. Campaign against Qalat-i-ghilzai._) - -Owing to my illness and to the earthquake, our plan of going to Qandahar -had fallen somewhat into the background. The illness left behind and the -fort repaired, it was taken up again. We were undecided at the time we -dismounted below Shniz[950] whether to go to Qandahar, or to over-run -the hills and plains. Jahangir Mirza and the begs having assembled, -counsel was taken and the matter found settlement in a move on Qalat. On -this move Jahangir Mirza and Baqi _Chaghaniani_ insisted strongly. - -At Tazi[951] there was word that Sher-i-'ali the page with Kichik Baqi -_Diwana_ and others had thoughts of desertion; all were arrested; -Sher-i-'ali was put to death because he had given clear signs of -disloyalty and misdoing both while in my service and not in mine, in -this country and in that country.[952] The others were let go with loss -of horse and arms. - -On arriving at Qalat we attacked at once and from all sides, without our -mail and without siege-appliances. As has been mentioned in this -History, Kichik Khwaja, the elder brother of Khwaja Kalan, was a most -daring brave; he had used his sword [Sidenote: Fol. 158b.] in my -presence several times; he now clambered up the south-west tower of -Qalat, was pricked in the eye with a spear when almost up, and died of -the wound two or three days after the place was taken. Here that Kichik -Baqi _Diwana_ who had been arrested when about to desert with -Sher-i-'ali the page, expiated his baseness by being killed with a stone -when he went under the ramparts. One or two other men died also. -Fighting of this sort went on till the Afternoon Prayer when, just as -our men were worn-out with the struggle and labour, those in the fort -asked for peace and made surrender. Qalat had been given by Zu'n-nun -_Arghun_ to Muqim, and in it now were Muqim's retainers, Farrukh -_Arghun_ and Qara _Bilut_ (Afghan). When they came out with their swords -and quivers hanging round their necks, we forgave their offences.[953] -It was not my wish to reduce this high family[954] to great straits; for -why? Because if we did so when such a foe as the Auzbeg was at our side, -what would be said by those of far and near, who saw and heard? - -As the move on Qalat had been made under the insistance of Jahangir -Mirza and Baqi _Chaghaniani_, it was now made over to the Mirza's -charge. He would not accept it; Baqi also could give no good answer in -the matter. So, after such a storming and assaulting of Qalat, its -capture was useless. - -We went back to Kabul after over-running the Afghans of Sawa-sang and -Ala-tagh on the south of Qalat. [Sidenote: Fol. 159.] - -The night we dismounted at Kabul I went into the fort; my tent and -stable being in the Char-bagh, a Khirilchi thief going into the garden, -fetched out and took away a bay horse of mine with its accoutrements, -and my _khachar_.[955] - - -(_e. Death of Baqi Chaghaniani._) - -From the time Baqi _Chaghaniani_ joined me on the Amu-bank, no man of -mine had had more trust and authority.[956] If a word were said, if an -act were done, that word was his word, that act, his act. Spite of this, -he had not done me fitting service, nor had he shewn me due civility. -Quite the contrary! he had done things bad and unmannerly. Mean he was, -miserly and malicious, ill-tongued, envious and cross-natured. So -miserly was he that although when he left Tirmiz, with his family and -possessions, he may have owned 30 to 40,000 sheep, and although those -masses of sheep used to pass in front of us at every camping-ground, he -did not give a single one to our bare braves, tortured as they were by -the pangs of hunger; at last in Kah-mard, he gave 50! - -Spite of acknowledging me for his chief (_padshah_), he had nagarets -beaten at his own Gate. He was sincere to none, had regard for none. -What revenue there is from Kabul (town) comes from the _tamgha_[957]; -the whole of this he had, together [Sidenote: Fol. 159b.] with the -_darogha_-ship in Kabul and Panjhir, the Gadai (var. Kidi) Hazara, and -_kushluk_[958] and control of the Gate.[959] With all this favour and -finding, he was not in the least content; quite the reverse! What medley -of mischief he planned has been told; we had taken not the smallest -notice of any of it, nor had we cast it in his face. He was always -asking for leave, affecting scruple at making the request. We used to -acknowledge the scruple and excuse ourselves from giving the leave. This -would put him down for a few days; then he would ask again. He went too -far with his affected scruple and his takings of leave! Sick were we too -of his conduct and his character. We gave the leave; he repented asking -for it and began to agitate against it, but all in vain! He got written -down and sent to me, "His Highness made compact not to call me to -account till nine[960] misdeeds had issued from me." I answered with a -reminder of eleven successive faults and sent this to him through Mulla -Baba of Pashaghar. He submitted and was allowed to go towards Hindustan, -taking his family and possessions. A few of his retainers escorted him -through Khaibar and returned; he joined Baqi _Gagiani's_ caravan and -crossed at Nil-ab. - -Darya Khan's son, Yar-i-husain was then in Kacha-kot,[961] having drawn -into his service, on the warrant of the _farman_ taken from me in Kohat, -a few Afghans of the Dilazak (var. Dilah-zak) and Yusuf-zai and also a -few Jats and Gujurs.[962] With these he beat the roads, taking toll with -might and main. Hearing about Baqi, he blocked the road, made the whole -party [Sidenote: Fol. 160.] prisoner, killed Baqi and took his wife. - -We ourselves had let Baqi go without injuring him, but his own misdeeds -rose up against him; his own acts defeated him. - - Leave thou to Fate the man who does thee wrong; - For Fate is an avenging servitor. - - -(_f. Attack on the Turkman Hazaras._) - -That winter we just sat in the Char-bagh till snow had fallen once or -twice. - -The Turkman Hazaras, since we came into Kabul, had done a variety of -insolent things and had robbed on the roads. We thought therefore of -over-running them, went into the town to Aulugh Beg Mirza's house at the -Bustan-sarai, and thence rode out in the month of Sha'ban (Feb. 1506 -AD.). - -We raided a few Hazaras at Janglik, at the mouth of the Dara-i-khush -(Happy-valley).[963] Some were in a cave near the valley-mouth, hiding -perhaps. Shaikh Darwish Kukuldash went incautiously right (_auq_) up to -the cave-mouth, was shot (_auqlab_) in the nipple by a Hazara inside and -died there and then (_auq_).[964] - - (_Author's note on Shaikh Darwish._) He had been with me in - the guerilla-times, was Master-armourer (_qur-begi_), drew a - strong bow and shot a good shaft. - -As most of the Turkman Hazaras seemed to be wintering inside the -Dara-i-khush, we marched against them. - -The valley is shut in,[965] by a mile-long gully stretching inwards from -its mouth. The road engirdles the mountain, having [Sidenote: Fol. -160b.] a straight fall of some 50 to 60 yards below it and above it a -precipice. Horsemen go along it in single-file. We passed the gully and -went on through the day till between the Two Prayers (3 p.m.) without -meeting a single person. Having spent the night somewhere, we found a -fat camel[966] belonging to the Hazaras, had it killed, made part of its -flesh into _kababs_[967] and cooked part in a ewer (_aftab_). Such good -camel-flesh had never been tasted; some could not tell it from mutton. - -Next day we marched on for the Hazara winter-camp. At the first watch (9 -a.m.) a man came from ahead, saying that the Hazaras had blocked a ford -in front with branches, checked our men and were fighting. That winter -the snow lay very deep; to move was difficult except on the road. The -swampy meadows (_tuk-ab_) along the stream were all frozen; the stream -could only be crossed from the road because of snow and ice. The Hazaras -had cut many branches, put them at the exit from the water and were -fighting in the valley-bottom with horse and foot or raining [Sidenote: -Fol. 161.] arrows down from either side. - -Muhammad 'Ali _Mubashshir_[968] Beg, one of our most daring braves, -newly promoted to the rank of beg and well worthy of favour, went along -the branch-blocked road without his mail, was shot in the belly and -instantly surrendered his life. As we had gone forward in haste, most of -us were not in mail. Shaft after shaft flew by and fell; with each one -Yusuf's Ahmad said anxiously, "Bare[969] like this you go into it! I -have seen two arrows go close to your head!" Said I, "Don't fear! Many -as good arrows as these have flown past my head!" So much said, Qasim -Beg, his men in full accoutrement,[970] found a ford on our right and -crossed. Before their charge the Hazaras could make no stand; they fled, -swiftly pursued and unhorsed one after the other by those just up with -them. - -In guerdon for this feat Bangash was given to Qasim Beg. Hatim the -armourer having been not bad in the affair, was promoted to Shaikh -Darwish's office of _qur-begi_. Baba Quli's Kipik (_sic_) also went well -forward in it, so we entrusted Muh. 'Ali _Mubashshir's_ office to him. - -Sl. Quli _Chunaq_ (one-eared) started in pursuit of the Hazaras but -there was no getting out of the hollow because of the snow. [Sidenote: -Fol. 161b.] For my own part I just went with these braves. - -Near the Hazara winter-camp we found many sheep and herds of horses. I -myself collected as many as 4 to 500 sheep and from 20 to 25 horses. -Sl. Quli _Chunaq_ and two or three of my personal servants were with me. -I have ridden in a raid twice[971]; this was the first time; the other -was when, coming in from Khurasan (912 AH.), we raided these same -Turkman Hazaras. Our foragers brought in masses of sheep and horses. The -Hazara wives and their little children had gone off up the snowy slopes -and stayed there; we were rather idle and it was getting late in the -day; so we turned back and dismounted in their very dwellings. Deep -indeed was the snow that winter! Off the road it was up to a horse's -_qaptal_,[972] so deep that the night-watch was in the saddle all -through till shoot of dawn. - -Going out of the valley, we spent the next night just inside the mouth, -in the Hazara winter-quarters. Marching from there, we dismounted at -Janglik. At Janglik Yarak Taghai and other late-comers were ordered to -take the Hazaras who had killed Shaikh Darwish and who, luckless and -death-doomed, seemed still to be in the cave. Yarak Taghai and his band -by sending smoke into the cave, took 70 to 80 Hazaras who mostly died by -the sword. - - -(_g. Collection of the Nijr-au tribute._) - -On the way back from the Hazara expedition we went to the Ai-tughdi -neighbourhood below Baran[973] in order to collect the revenue of -Nijr-au. Jahangir Mirza, come up from Ghazni, [Sidenote: Fol. 162.] -waited on me there. At that time, on Ramzan 13th (Feb. 7th) such -sciatic-pain attacked me that for 40 days some-one had to turn me over -from one side to the other. - -Of the (seven) valleys of the Nijr-water the Pichkan-valley,--and of the -villages in the Pichkan-valley Ghain,--and of Ghain its head-man Husain -_Ghaini_ in particular, together with his elder and younger brethren, -were known and notorious for obstinacy and daring. On this account a -force was sent under Jahangir Mirza, Qasim Beg going too, which went to -Sar-i-tup (Hill-top), stormed and took a _sangur_ and made a few meet -their doom. - -Because of the sciatic pain, people made a sort of litter for me in -which they carried me along the bank of the Baran and into the town to -the Bustan-sarai. There I stayed for a few days; before that trouble was -over a boil came out on my left cheek; this was lanced and for it I also -took a purge. When relieved, I went out into the Char-bagh. - - -(_h. Misconduct of Jahangir Mirza._) - -At the time Jahangir Mirza waited on me, Ayub's sons Yusuf and Buhlul, -who were in his service, had taken up a strifeful and seditious attitude -towards me; so the Mirza was not found to be what he had been earlier. -In a few days he marched out of Tipa in his mail,[974] hurried back to -Ghazni, there took Nani, killed some of its people and plundered all. -[Sidenote: Fol. 162b.] After that he marched off with whatever men he -had, through the Hazaras,[975] his face set for Bamian. God knows that -nothing had been done by me or my dependants to give him ground for -anger or reproach! What was heard of later on as perhaps explaining his -going off in the way he did, was this;--When Qasim Beg went with other -begs, to give him honouring meeting as he came up from Ghazni, the Mirza -threw a falcon off at a quail. Just as the falcon, getting close, put -out its pounce to seize the quail, the quail dropped to the ground. -Hereupon shouts and cries, "Taken! is it taken?" Said Qasim Beg, "Who -looses the foe in his grip?" Their misunderstanding of this was their -sole reason for going off, but they backed themselves on one or two -other worse and weaker old cronish matters.[976] After doing in Ghazni -what has been mentioned, they drew off through the Hazaras to the Mughul -clans.[977] These clans at that time had left Nasir Mirza but had not -joined the Auzbeg, and were in Yai, Astar-ab and the summer-pastures -thereabouts. - - -(_i. Sl. Husain Mirza calls up help against Shaibaq Khan._) - -Sl. Husain Mirza, having resolved to repel Shaibaq Khan, summoned all -his sons; me too he summoned, sending to me Sayyid Afzal, son of Sayyid -'Ali _Khwab-bin_ (Seer-of-dreams). It was right on several grounds for -us to start for Khurasan. One ground was that when a great ruler, -sitting, as Sl. Husain Mirza sat, in Timur Beg's place, had resolved to -act against [Sidenote: Fol. 163.] such a foe as Shaibaq Khan and had -called up many men and had summoned his sons and his begs, if there were -some who went on foot it was for us to go if on our heads! if some took -the bludgeon, we would take the stone! A second ground was that, since -Jahangir Mirza had gone to such lengths and had behaved so badly,[978] -we had either to dispel his resentment or to repel his attack. - - -(_j. Chin Sufi's death._) - -This year Shaibaq Khan took Khwarizm after besieging Chin Sufi in it for -ten months. There had been a mass of fighting during the siege; many -were the bold deeds done by the Khwarizmi braves; nothing soever did -they leave undone. Again and again their shooting was such that their -arrows pierced shield and cuirass, sometimes the two cuirasses.[979] For -ten months they sustained that siege without hope in any quarter. A few -bare braves then lost heart, entered into talk with the Auzbeg and were -in the act of letting him up into the fort when Chin Sufi had the news -and went to the spot. Just as he was beating and forcing down the -Auzbegs, his own page, in a discharge of arrows, shot him from behind. -No man was left to fight; the Auzbegs took Khwarizm. God's mercy on -Chin Sufi, who never for one moment ceased to stake his life [Sidenote: -Fol. 163b.] for his chief![980] - -Shaibaq Khan entrusted Khwarizm to Kupuk (_sic_) Bi and went back to -Samarkand. - - -(_k. Death of Sultan Husain Mirza._) - -Sl. Husain Mirza having led his army out against Shaibaq Khan as far as -Baba Ilahi[981] went to God's mercy, in the month of Zu'l-hijja -(Zu'l-hijja 11th 911 AH.-May 5th 1506 AD.). - - -SULTAN HUSAIN MIRZA AND HIS COURT.[982] - -(_a._) _His birth and descent._ - -He was born in Heri (Harat), in (Muharram) 842 (AH.-June-July, 1438 AD.) -in Shahrukh Mirza's time[983] and was the son of Mansur Mirza, son of -Bai-qara Mirza, son of 'Umar Shaikh Mirza, son of Amir Timur. Mansur -Mirza and Bai-qara Mirza never reigned. - -His mother was Firuza Begim, a (great-)grandchild (_nabira_) of Timur -Beg; through her he became a grandchild of Miran-shah also.[984] He was -of high birth on both sides, a ruler of royal lineage.[985] Of the -marriage (of Mansur with Firuza) were born two sons and two daughters, -namely, Bai-qara Mirza and Sl. Husain Mirza, Aka Begim and another -daughter, Badka Begim whom Ahmad Khan took.[986] - -Bai-qara Mirza was older than Sl. Husain Mirza; he was his younger -brother's retainer but used not to be present as head of the Court;[987] -except in Court, he used to share his brother's divan (_tushak_). He was -given Balkh by his younger brother and was its Commandant for several -years. He had three sons, Sl. Muhammad Mirza, Sl. Wais Mirza and Sl. -Iskandar Mirza.[988] - -Aka Begim was older than the Mirza; she was taken by [Sidenote: Fol. -164.] Sl. Ahmad Mirza,[989] a grandson (_nabira_) of Miran-shah; by him -she had a son (Muhammad Sultan Mirza), known as Kichik (Little) Mirza, -who at first was in his maternal-uncle's service, but later on gave up -soldiering to occupy himself with letters. He is said to have become -very learned and also to have taste in verse.[990] Here is a Persian -quatrain of his:-- - - For long on a life of devotion I plumed me, - As one of the band of the abstinent ranged me; - Where when Love came was devotion? denial? - By the mercy of God it is I have proved me! - -This quatrain recalls one by the Mulla.[991] Kichik Mirza made the -circuit of the _ka'ba_ towards the end of his life. - -Badka (Badi'u'l-jamal) Begim also was older[992] than the Mirza. She was -given in the guerilla times to Ahmad Khan of Haji-tarkhan;[993] by him -she had two sons (Sl. Mahmud Khan and Bahadur Sl.) who went to Heri and -were in the Mirza's service. - - -(_b._) _His appearance and habits._ - -He was slant-eyed (_qiyik guzluq_) and lion-bodied, being slender from -the waist downwards. Even when old and white-bearded, he wore silken -garments of fine red and green. He used to wear either the black -lambskin cap (_burk_) or the _qalpaq_,[994] but on a Feast-day would -sometimes set up a little three-fold turban, wound broad and badly,[995] -stick a heron's plume in it and so go to Prayers. - -When he first took Heri, he thought of reciting the names of [Sidenote: -Fol. 164b.] the Twelve Imams in the _khutba_,[996] but 'Ali-sher Beg and -others prevented it; thereafter all his important acts were done in -accordance with orthodox law. He could not perform the Prayers on -account of a trouble in the joints,[997] and he kept no fasts. He was -lively and pleasant, rather immoderate in temper, and with words that -matched his temper. He shewed great respect for the law in several -weighty matters; he once surrendered to the Avengers of blood a son of -his own who had killed a man, and had him taken to the Judgment-gate -(_Daru'l-qaza_). He was abstinent for six or seven years after he took -the throne; later on he degraded himself to drink. During the almost 40 -years of his rule[998] in Khurasan, there may not have been one single -day on which he did not drink after the Mid-day prayer; earlier than -that however he did not drink. What happened with his sons, the soldiers -and the town was that every-one pursued vice and pleasure to excess. -Bold and daring he was! Time and again he got to work with his own -sword, getting his own hand in wherever he arrayed to fight; no man of -Timur Beg's line has been known to match him in the slashing of swords. -He had a leaning to poetry and even put a _diwan_ together, writing in -Turki with Husaini for his pen-name.[999] Many couplets in his _diwan_ -are not bad; it is however in one and the same metre throughout. Great -ruler though he was, [Sidenote: Fol. 165.] both by the length of his -reign (_yash_) and the breadth of his dominions, he yet, like little -people kept fighting-rams, flew pigeons and fought cocks. - - -(_c._) _His wars and encounters._[1000] - -He swam the Gurgan-water[1001] in his guerilla days and gave a party of -Auzbegs a good beating. - -Again,--with 60 men he fell on 3000 under Pay-master Muhammad 'Ali, sent -ahead by Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza, and gave them a downright good beating -(868 AH.). This was his one fine, out-standing feat-of-arms.[1002] - -Again,--he fought and beat Sl. Mahmud Mirza near Astarabad (865 -AH.).[1003] - -Again,--this also in Astarabad, he fought and beat Sa'idliq Sa'id, son of -Husain _Turkman_ (873 AH.?). - -Again,--after taking the throne (of Heri in Ramzan 873 AH.-March 1469 -AD.), he fought and beat Yadgar-i-muhammad Mirza at Chanaran (874 -AH.).[1004] - -Again,--coming swiftly[1005] from the Murgh-ab bridge-head (Sar-i-pul), -he fell suddenly on Yadgar-i-muhammad Mirza where he lay drunk in the -Ravens'-garden (875 AH.), a victory which kept all Khurasan quiet. - -Again,--he fought and beat Sl. Mahmud Mirza at Chikman-sarai in the -neighbourhood of Andikhud and Shibrghan (876 AH.).[1006] - -Again,--he fell suddenly on Aba-bikr Mirza[1007] after that Mirza, joined -by the Black-sheep Turkmans, had come out of 'Iraq, beaten Aulugh Beg -Mirza (_Kabuli_) in Takana and Khimar (var. Himar), taken Kabul, left it -because of turmoil in 'Iraq, crossed Khaibar, gone on to Khush-ab and -Multan, on again to [Sidenote: Fol. 165b.] Siwi,[1008] thence to Karman -and, unable to stay there, had entered the Khurasan country (884 -AH.).[1009] - -Again,--he defeated his son Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza at Pul-i-chiragh (902 -AH.); he also defeated his sons Abu'l-muhsin Mirza and Kupuk -(Round-shouldered) Mirza at Halwa-spring (904 AH.).[1010] - -Again,--he went to Qunduz, laid siege to it, could not take it, and -retired; he laid siege to Hisar, could not take that either, and rose -from before it (901 AH.); he went into Zu'n-nun's country, was given -Bast by its _darogha_, did no more and retired (903 AH.).[1011] A ruler -so great and so brave, after resolving royally on these three movements, -just retired with nothing done! - -Again,--he fought his son Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza in the Nishin-meadow, who -had come there with Zu'n-nun's son, Shah Beg (903 AH.). In that affair -were these curious coincidences:--The Mirza's force will have been small, -most of his men being in Astarabad; on the very day of the fight, one -force rejoined him coming back from Astarabad, and Sl. Mas'ud Mirza -arrived to join Sl. Husain Mirza after letting Bai-sunghar Mirza take -Hisar, and Haidar Mirza came back from reconnoitring Badi'u'z-zaman -Mirza at Sabzawar. - - -(_d._) _His countries._ - -His country was Khurasan, with Balkh to the east, Bistam and Damghan to -the west, Khwarizm to the north, Qandahar [Sidenote: Fol. 166.] and -Sistan to the south. When he once had in his hands such a town as Heri, -his only affair, by day and by night, was with comfort and pleasure; nor -was there a man of his either who did not take his ease. It followed of -course that, as he no longer tolerated the hardships and fatigue of -conquest and soldiering, his retainers and his territories dwindled -instead of increasing right down to the time of his departure.[1012] - - -(_e._) _His children._ - -Fourteen sons and eleven daughters were born to him.[1013] The oldest of -all his children was Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza; (Bega Begim) a daughter of -Sl. Sanjar of Marv, was his mother. - -Shah-i-gharib Mirza was another; he had a stoop (_bukuri_); though ill -to the eye, he was of good character; though weak of body, he was -powerful of pen. He even put a _diwan_ together, using Gharbati -(Lowliness) for his pen-name and writing both Turki and Persian verse. -Here is a couplet of his:-- - - Seeing a peri-face as I passed, I became its fool; - Not knowing what was its name, where was its home. - -For a time he was his father's Governor in Heri. He died before his -father, leaving no child. - -Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza was another; he was his father's favourite son, -but though this favourite, had neither accomplishments nor character. It -was Sl. Husain Mirza's over-fondness for this son that led his other -sons into rebellion. The mother of Shah-i-gharib Mirza and of -Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza was [Sidenote: Fol. 166b.] Khadija Begim, a -former mistress of Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza by whom she had had a daughter -also, known as Aq (Fair) Begim. - -Two other sons were Abu'l-husain Mirza and Kupuk (var. Kipik) Mirza -whose name was Muhammad Muhsin Mirza; their mother was Latif-sultan -Aghacha. - -Abu-turab Mirza was another. From his early years he had an excellent -reputation. When the news of his father's increased illness[1014] -reached him and other news of other kinds also, he fled with his younger -brother Muhammad-i-husain Mirza into 'Iraq,[1015] and there abandoned -soldiering to lead the darwish-life; nothing further has been heard -about him.[1016] His son Sohrab was in my service when I took Hisar -after having beaten the sultans led by Hamza Sl. and Mahdi Sl. (917 -AH.-1511 AD.); he was blind of one eye and of wretchedly bad aspect; his -disposition matched even his ill-looks. Owing to some immoderate act -(_bi i'tidal_), he could not stay with me, so went off. For some of his -immoderate doings, Nijm Sani put him to death near Astarabad.[1017] - -Muhammad-i-husain Mirza was another. He must have been shut up (_bund_) -with Shah Isma'il at some place in 'Iraq and have become his -disciple;[1018] he became a rank heretic later on and became this -although his father and brethren, older and younger, were all orthodox. -He died in Astarabad, still on the same wrong road, still with the same -absurd opinions. A good deal is heard about his courage and heroism, but -no deed of his stands out as worthy of record. He may have been -poetically-disposed; here is a couplet of his:-- - - Grimed with dust, from tracking what game dost thou come? - Steeped in sweat, from whose heart of flame dost thou come? - -Faridun-i-husain Mirza was another. He drew a very strong [Sidenote: -Fol. 167.] bow and shot a first-rate shaft; people say his cross-bow -(_kaman-i-guroha_) may have been 40 _batmans_.[1019] He himself was very -brave but he had no luck in war; he was beaten wherever he fought. He -and his younger brother Ibn-i-husain Mirza were defeated at Rabat-i-duzd -(var. Dudur) by Timur Sl. and 'Ubaid Sl. leading Shaibaq Khan's advance -(913 AH.?), but he had done good things there.[1020] In Damghan he and -Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza[1021] fell into the hands of Shaibaq Khan who, -killing neither, let both go free. Faridun-i-husain Mirza went later on -to Qalat[1022] where Shah Muhammad _Diwana_ had made himself fast; there -when the Auzbegs took the place, he was captured and killed. The three -sons last-named were by Mingli Bibi Aghacha, Sl. Husain Mirza's Auzbeg -mistress. - -Haidar Mirza was another; his mother Payanda-sultan Begim was a daughter -of Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza. Haidar Mirza was Governor of Balkh and Mashhad -for some time during his father's life. For him his father, when -besieging Hisar (901 AH.) took (Bega Begim) a daughter of Sl. Mahmud -Mirza and Khan-zada Begim; this done, he rose from before Hisar. One -daughter only[1023] was born of that marriage; she was named Shad (Joy) -Begim and given to 'Adil Sl.[1024] when she came to Kabul later on. -Haidar Mirza departed from the world in his father's [Sidenote: Fol. -167b.] life-time. - -Muhammad Ma'sum Mirza was another. He had Qandahar given to him and, as -was fitting with this, a daughter of Aulugh Beg Mirza, (Bega Begim), was -set aside for him; when she went to Heri (902 AH.), Sl. Husain Mirza -made a splendid feast, setting up a great _char-taq_ for it.[1025] -Though Qandahar was given to Muh. Ma'sum Mirza, he had neither power nor -influence there, since, if black were done, or if white were done, the -act was Shah Beg _Arghun's_. On this account the Mirza left Qandahar and -went into Khurasan. He died before his father. - -Farrukh-i-husain Mirza was another. Brief life was granted to him; he -bade farewell to the world before his younger brother Ibrahim-i-husain -Mirza. - -Ibrahim-i-husain Mirza was another. They say his disposition was not -bad; he died before his father from bibbing and bibbing Heri wines. - -Ibn-i-husain Mirza and Muh. Qasim Mirza were others;[1026] their story -will follow. Papa Aghacha was the mother of the five sons last-named. - -Of all the Mirza's daughters, Sultanim Begim was the oldest. She had no -brother or sister of the full-blood. Her mother, known as Chuli (Desert) -Begim, was a daughter of one of the Azaq begs. Sultanim Begim had great -acquaintance with words (_soz bilur aidi_); she was never at fault for a -word. Her father sent her out[1027] to Sl. Wais Mirza, the middle son of -his own elder brother Bai-qara Mirza; she had a son and a daughter by -him; the daughter was sent out to Aisan-quli Sl. younger brother of -Yili-bars of the Shaban sultans;[1028] the son is that Muhammad Sl. -Mirza to whom I have given the Qanauj district.[1029] At that same date -Sultanim Begim, when on her way with her grandson [Sidenote: Fol. 168.] -from Kabul to Hindustan, went to God's mercy at Nil-ab. Her various -people turned back, taking her bones; her grandson came on.[1030] - -Four daughters were by Payanda-sultan Begim. Aq Begim, the oldest, was -sent out to Muhammad Qasim _Arlat_, a grandson of Bega Begim the younger -sister of Babur Mirza;[1031] there was one daughter (_bir gina qiz_), -known as Qara-guz (Dark-eyed) Begim, whom Nasir Mirza (_Miran-shahi_) -took. Kichik Begim was the second; for her Sl. Mas'ud Mirza had great -desire but, try as he would, Payanda-sultan Begim, having an aversion -for him, would not give her to him;[1032] she sent Kichik Begim out -afterwards to Mulla Khwaja of the line of Sayyid Ata.[1033] Her third -and fourth daughters Bega Begim and Agha Begim, she gave to Babur Mirza -and Murad Mirza the sons of her younger sister, Rabi'a-sultan -Begim.[1034] - -Two other daughters of the Mirza were by Mingli Bibi Aghacha. They gave -the elder one, Bairam-sultan Begim to Sayyid 'Abdu'l-lah, one of the -sayyids of Andikhud who was a grandson of Bai-qara Mirza[1035] through a -daughter. A son of this marriage, Sayyid Barka[1036] was in my service -when Samarkand was taken (917 AH.-1511 AD.); he went to Aurganj later -and there made claim to rule; the Red-heads[1037] killed him in -Astarabad. Mingli Bibi's second daughter was Fatima-sultan Begim; her -they gave to Yadgar(-i-farrukh) Mirza of Timur Beg's line.[1038] - -Three daughters[1039] were by Papa Aghacha. Of these the oldest, -Sultan-nizhad Begim was made to go out to Iskandar Mirza, youngest son -of Sl. Husain Mirza's elder brother Bai-qara Mirza. The second, -(Sa'adat-bakht, known as) Begim Sultan, [Sidenote: Fol. 168b.] was given -to Sl. Mas'ud Mirza after his blinding.[1040] By Sl. Mas'ud Mirza she -had one daughter and one son. The daughter was brought up by Apaq Begim -of Sl. Husain Mirza's _haram_; from Heri she came to Kabul and was there -given to Sayyid Mirza Apaq.[1041] (Sa'adat-bakht) Begim Sultan after the -Auzbeg killed her husband, set out for the _ka'ba_ with her son.[1042] -News has just come (_circa_ 934 AH.) that they have been heard of as in -Makka and that the boy is becoming a bit of a great personage.[1043] -Papa Aghacha's third daughter was given to a sayyid of Andikhud, -generally known as Sayyid Mirza.[1044] - -Another of the Mirza's daughters, 'Ayisha-sultan Begim, was by a -mistress, Zubaida Aghacha the grand-daughter of Husain-i-Shaikh -Timur.[1045] They gave her to Qasim Sl. of the Shaban sultans; she had -by him a son, named Qasim-i-husain Sl. who came to serve me in -Hindustan, was in the Holy Battle with Rana Sanga, and was given -Badayun.[1046] When Qasim Sl. died, (his widow) 'Ayisha-sultan Begim was -taken by Buran Sl. one of his relations,[1047] by whom she had a son, -named 'Abdu'l-lah Sl. now serving me and though young, not doing badly. - - -(_f. His wives and concubines._) - -The wife he first took was Bega Sultan Begim, a daughter of Sl. Sanjar -of Marv. She was the mother of Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza. She was very -cross-tempered and made the Mirza endure much wretchedness, until -driven at last to despair, he set himself [Sidenote: Fol. 169.] free by -divorcing her. What was he to do? Right was with him.[1048] - - A bad wife in a good man's house - Makes this world already his hell.[1049] - -God preserve every Musalman from this misfortune! Would that not a -single cross or ill-tempered wife were left in the world! - -Chuli Begim was another; she was a daughter of the Azaq begs and was the -mother of Sultanim Begim. - -Shahr-banu Begim was another; she was Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza's daughter, -taken after Sl. Husain Mirza took the throne (873 AH.). When the Mirza's -other ladies got out of their litters and mounted horses, at the battle -of Chikman, Shahr-banu Begim, putting her trust in her younger brother -(Sl. Mahmud M.), did not leave her litter, did not mount a horse;[1050] -people told the Mirza of this, so he divorced her and took her younger -sister Payanda-sultan Begim. When the Auzbegs took Khurasan (913 AH.), -Payanda-sultan Begim went into 'Iraq, and in 'Iraq she died in great -misery. - -Khadija Begim was another.[1051] She had been a mistress of Sl. -Abu-sa'id Mirza and by him had had a daughter, Aq Begim; after his -defeat (873 AH.-1468 AD.) she betook herself to Heri where Sl. Husain -Mirza took her, made her a great favourite, and promoted her to the rank -of Begim. Very dominant indeed she became later on; she it was wrought -Muh. Mumin Mirza's death;[1052] she in chief it was caused Sl. Husain -Mirza's sons to rebel against him. She took herself for a sensible woman -but was a silly chatterer, may also have been a heretic. Of her were -[Sidenote: Fol. 169b.] born Shah-i-gharib Mirza and Muzaffar-i-husain -Mirza. - -Apaq Begim was another;[1053] she had no children; that Papa Aghacha the -Mirza made such a favourite of was her foster-sister. Being childless, -Apaq Begim brought up as her own the children of Papa Aghacha. She -nursed the Mirza admirably when he was ill; none of his other wives -could nurse as she did. The year I came into Hindustan (932 AH.)[1054] -she came into Kabul from Heri and I shewed her all the honour and -respect I could. While I was besieging Chandiri (934 AH.) news came that -in Kabul she had fulfilled God's will.[1055] - -One of the Mirza's mistresses was Latif-sultan Aghacha of the -Char-shamba people[1056]; she became the mother of Abu'l-muhsin Mirza -and Kupuk (or Kipik) Mirza (_i.e._ Muhammad Muhsin). - -Another mistress was Mingli Bibi Aghacha,[1057] an Auzbeg and one of -Shahr-banu Begim's various people. She became the mother of Abu-turab -Mirza, Muhammad-i-husain Mirza, Faridun-i-husain Mirza and of two -daughters. - -Papa Aghacha, the foster-sister of Apaq Begim was another mistress. The -Mirza saw her, looked on her with favour, took her and, as has been -mentioned, she became the mother of five of his sons and four of his -daughters.[1058] - -Begi Sultan Aghacha was another mistress; she had no child. There were -also many concubines and mistresses held in little respect; those -enumerated were the respected wives and mistresses of Sl. Husain Mirza. - -Strange indeed it is that of the 14 sons born to a ruler so great as Sl. -Husain Mirza, one governing too in such a town as Heri, three only were -born in legal marriage.[1059] In him, in his sons, and in his tribes and -hordes vice and debauchery were [Sidenote: Fol. 170.] extremely -prevalent. What shews this point precisely is that of the many sons born -to his dynasty not a sign or trace was left in seven or eight years, -excepting only Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza.[1060] - - -(_g. His amirs._) - -There was Muhammad Baranduq _Barlas_, descending from Chaku _Barlas_ as -follows,--Muhammad Baranduq, son of 'Ali, son of Baranduq, son of -Jahan-shah, son of Chaku _Barlas_.[1061] He had been a beg of Babur -Mirza's presence; later on Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza favoured him, gave him -Kabul conjointly with Jahangir _Barlas_, and made him Aulugh Beg Mirza's -guardian. After the death of Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza, Aulugh Beg Mirza -formed designs against the two Barlas; they got to know this, kept tight -hold of him, made the tribes and hordes march,[1062] moved as for -Qunduz, and when up on Hindu-kush, courteously compelled Aulugh Beg -Mirza to start back for Kabul, they themselves going on to Sl. Husain -Mirza in Khurasan, who, in his turn, shewed them great favour. Muhammad -Baranduq was remarkably intelligent, a very leaderlike man indeed! He -was extravagantly fond of a hawk; so much so, they say, that if a hawk -of his had strayed or had died, he would ask, taking the names of his -sons on his lips, what it would have mattered if such or such a son had -died or had broken his neck, rather than this or that bird had died or -had strayed. - -Muzaffar _Barlas_ was another.[1063] He had been with the Mirza in the -guerilla fighting and, for some cause unknown, had received extreme -favour. In such honour was he in those guerilla days that the compact -was for the Mirza to take four _dang_ (sixths) [Sidenote: Fol. 170b.] of -any country conquered, and for him to take two _dang_. A strange compact -indeed! How could it be right to make even a faithful servant a -co-partner in rule? Not even a younger brother or a son obtains such a -pact; how then should a beg?[1064] When the Mirza had possession of the -throne, he repented the compact, but his repentance was of no avail; -that muddy-minded mannikin, favoured so much already, made growing -assumption to rule. The Mirza acted without judgment; people say -Muzaffar _Barlas_ was poisoned in the end.[1065] God knows the truth! - -'Ali-sher _Nawa'i_ was another, the Mirza's friend rather than his beg. -They had been learners together in childhood and even then are said to -have been close friends. It is not known for what offence Sl. Abu-sa'id -Mirza drove 'Ali-sher Beg from Heri; he then went to Samarkand where he -was protected and supported by Ahmad Haji Beg during the several years -of his stay.[1066] He was noted for refinement of manner; people fancied -this due to the pride of high fortune but it may not have been so, it -may have been innate, since it was equally noticeable also in -Samarkand.[1067] 'Ali-sher Beg had no match. For as long as verse has -been written in the Turki tongue, no-one has written so much or so well -as he. He wrote six books of poems (masnawi), five of them answering to -the Quintet (_Khamsah_),[1068] the sixth, entitled the _Lisanu't-tair_ -(Tongue of the birds), was in the same metre as the _Mantiqu't-tair_ -(Speech of the birds).[1069] He put together four _diwans_ (collections) -of odes, bearing the names, _Curiosities of Childhood_, _Marvels of -Youth_, _Wonders of Manhood_ and _Advantages of Age_.[1070] There are -good quatrains of his also. Some others of his compositions rank below -those [Sidenote: Fol. 171.] mentioned; amongst them is a collection of -his letters, imitating that of Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman _Jami_ and aiming -at gathering together every letter on any topic he had ever written to -any person. He wrote also the _Mizanu'l-auzan_ (Measure of measures) on -prosody; it is very worthless; he has made mistake in it about the -metres of four out of twenty-four quatrains, while about other measures -he has made mistake such as any-one who has given attention to prosody, -will understand. He put a Persian _diwan_ together also, Fani -(transitory) being his pen-name for Persian verse.[1071] Some couplets -in it are not bad but for the most part it is flat and poor. In music -also he composed good things (_nima_), some excellent airs and preludes -(_nakhsh u peshrau_). No such patron and protector of men of parts and -accomplishments is known, nor has one such been heard of as ever -appearing. It was through his instruction and support that Master -(Ustad) Qul-i-muhammad the lutanist, Shaikhi the flautist, and Husain -the lutanist, famous performers all, rose to eminence and renown. It was -through his effort and supervision that Master Bih-zad and Shah -Muzaffar became so distinguished in painting. Few are heard of as -having helped to lay the good foundation for future excellence he helped -to lay. He had neither son nor daughter, wife or family; he let the -world pass by, alone and unencumbered. At first he was Keeper of the -Seal; in middle-life he became a beg and for a time was Commandant in -Astarabad; later on he forsook soldiering. He took nothing from the -Mirza, on the contrary, he each year [Sidenote: Fol. 171b.] offered -considerable gifts. When the Mirza was returning from the Astarabad -campaign, 'Ali-sher Beg went out to give him meeting; they saw one -another but before 'Ali-sher Beg should have risen to leave, his -condition became such that he could not rise. He was lifted up and -carried away; the doctors could not tell what was wrong; he went to -God's mercy next day,[1072] one of his own couplets suiting his case:-- - - I was felled by a stroke out of their ken and mine; - What, in such evils, can doctors avail? - -Ahmad the son of Tawakkal _Barlas_ was another;[1073] for a time he held -Qandahar. - -Wali Beg was another; he was of Haji Saifu'd-din Beg's line,[1074] and -had been one of the Mirza's father's (Mansur's) great begs.[1075] Short -life was granted to him after the Mirza took the throne (973 AH.); he -died directly afterwards. He was orthodox and made the Prayers, was -rough (_turk_) and sincere. - -Husain of Shaikh Timur was another; he had been favoured and raised to -the rank of beg[1076] by Babur Mirza. - -Nuyan Beg was another. He was a Sayyid of Tirmiz on his father's side; -on his mother's he was related both to Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza and to Sl. -Husain Mirza.[1077] Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza had favoured him; he was the beg -honoured in Sl. Ahmad Mirza's presence and he met with very great favour -when he went to Sl. Husain Mirza's. He was a bragging, easy-going, -wine-bibbing, jolly person. Through being in his father's service,[1078] -Hasan of Ya'qub used to be called also Nuyan's Hasan. - -Jahangir _Barlas_ was another.[1079] For a time he shared the Kabul -command with Muhammad Baranduq _Barlas_, later on [Sidenote: Fol. 172.] -went to Sl. Husain Mirza's presence and received very great favour. His -movements and poses (_harakat u sakanat_) were graceful and charming; he -was also a man of pleasant temper. As he knew the rules of hunting and -hawking, in those matters the Mirza gave him chief charge. He was a -favourite of Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and, bearing that Mirza's friendliness -in mind, used to praise him. - -Mirza Ahmad of 'Ali _Farsi Barlas_ was another. Though he wrote no -verse, he knew what was poetry. He was a gay-hearted, elegant person, -one by himself. - -'Abdu'l-khaliq Beg was another. Firuz Shah, Shahrukh Mirza's greatly -favoured beg, was his grandfather;[1080] hence people called him Firuz -Shah's 'Abdu'l-khaliq. He held Khwarizm for a time. - -Ibrahim _Duldai_ was another. He had good knowledge of revenue matters -and the conduct of public business; his work was that of a second Muh. -Baranduq. - -Zu'n-nun _Arghun_ was another.[1081] He was a brave man, using his sword -well in Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza's presence and later on getting his hand -into the work whatever the fight. As to his courage there was no -question at all, but he was a bit of a fool. After he left our -(_Miran-shahi_) Mirzas to go to Sl. Husain Mirza, the Mirza gave him -Ghur and the Nikdiris. He did [Sidenote: Fol. 172b.] excellent work in -those parts with 70 to 80 men, with so few beating masses and masses of -Hazaras and Nikdiris; he had not his match for keeping those tribes in -order. After a while Zamin-dawar was given to him. His son Shah-i-shuja' -_Arghun_ used to move about with him and even in childhood used to chop -away with his sword. The Mirza favoured Shah-i-shuja' and, somewhat -against Zu'n-nun Beg's wishes, joined him with his father in the -government of Qandahar. Later on this father and son made dissension -between that father and that son,[1082] and stirred up much commotion. -After I had overcome Khusrau Shah and parted his retainers from him, and -after I had taken Kabul from Zu'n-nun _Arghun_'s son Muqim, Zu'n-nun Beg -and Khusrau Shah both went, in their helplessness, to see Sl. Husain -Mirza. Zu'n-nun _Arghun_ grew greater after the Mirza's death when they -gave him the districts of the Heri Koh-daman, such as Auba (Ubeh) and -Chachcharan.[1083] He was made Lord of Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's Gate[1084] -and Muhammad Baranduq _Barlas_ Lord of Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza's, when -the two Mirzas became joint-rulers in Heri. Brave though he was, he was -a little crazed and shallow-pated; if he had not been so, would he have -accepted flattery as he did? would he have made himself so contemptible? -Here are the details of the matter:--While he was so dominant and so -trusted in Heri, a few shaikhs and mullas went to him and said, "The -Spheres are holding commerce with us; you are to be styled -_Hizabru'l-lah_ (Lion of God); you will overcome the Auzbeg." Fully -accepting this flattery, he put his _futa_ (bathing-cloth) round his -neck[1085] and gave thanks. Then, after Shaibaq Khan, coming against the -Mirzas, had beaten them one [Sidenote: Fol. 173.] by one near Badghis, -Zu'n-nun _Arghun_ met him face to face near Qara-rabat and, relying on -that promise, stood up against him with 100 to 150 men. A mass of -Auzbegs came up, overcame them and hustled them off; he himself was -taken and put to death.[1086] He was orthodox and no neglecter of the -Prayers, indeed made the extra ones. He was mad for chess; he played it -according to his own fancy and, if others play with one hand, he played -with both.[1087] Avarice and stinginess ruled in his character. - -Darwish-i-'ali Beg was another,[1088] the younger full-brother of -'Ali-sher Beg. He had the Balkh Command for a time and there did good -beg-like things, but he was a muddle-head and somewhat wanting in merit. -He was dismissed from the Balkh Command because his muddle-headedness -had hampered the Mirza in his first campaign against Qunduz and Hisar. -He came to my presence when I went to Qunduz in 916 AH. (1510 AD.), -brutalized and stupefied, far from capable begship and out-side peaceful -home-life. Such favour as he had had, he appears to have had for -'Ali-sher Beg's sake. - -Mughul Beg was another. He was Governor of Heri for a time, later on was -given Astarabad, and from there fled to Ya'qub Beg in 'Iraq. He was of -amorous disposition[1089] and an incessant dicer. - -Sayyid Badr (Full-moon) was another, a very strong man, [Sidenote: Fol. -173b.] graceful in his movements and singularly well-mannered. He danced -wonderfully well, doing one dance quite unique and seeming to be his own -invention.[1090] His whole service was with the Mirza whose comrade he -was in wine and social pleasure. - -Islim _Barlas_ was another, a plain (_turk_) person who understood -hawking well and did some things to perfection. Drawing a bow of 30 to -40 _batmans_ strength,[1091] he would make his shaft pass right through -the target (_takhta_). In the gallop from the head of the -_qabaq-maidan_,[1092] he would loosen his bow, string it again, and then -hit the gourd (_qabaq_). He would tie his string-grip (_zih-gir_) to the -one end of a string from 1 to 1-1/2 yards long, fasten the other end to -a tree, let his shaft fly, and shoot through the string-grip while it -revolved.[1093] Many such remarkable feats he did. He served the Mirza -continuously and was at every social gathering. - -Sl. Junaid _Barlas_ was another;[1094] in his latter days he went to Sl. -Ahmad Mirza's presence.[1095] He is the father of the Sl. Junaid -_Barlas_ on whom at the present time[1096] the joint-government of -Jaunpur depends. - -Shaikh Abu-sa'id Khan _Dar-miyan_ (In-between) was another. It is not -known whether he got the name of Dar-miyan because he took a horse to -the Mirza _in the middle_ of a fight, or whether because he put himself -_in between_ the Mirza and some-one designing on his life.[1097] - -Bih-bud Beg was another. He had served in the pages' circle (_chuhra -jirgasi_) during the guerilla times and gave such [Sidenote: Fol. 174.] -satisfaction by his service that the Mirza did him the favour of putting -his name on the stamp (_tamgha_) and the coin (_sikka_).[1098] - -Shaikhim Beg was another.[1099] People used to call him Shaikhim -_Suhaili_ because Suhaili was his pen-name. He wrote all sorts of verse, -bringing in terrifying words and mental images. Here is a couplet of -his:-- - - In the anguish of my nights, the whirlpool of my sighs engulphs - the firmament; - Like a dragon, the torrent of my tears swallows the quarters of - the world. - -Well-known it is that when he once recited that couplet in Maulana -'Abdu'r-rahman _Jami's_ presence, the honoured Mulla asked him whether -he was reciting verse or frightening people. He put a _diwan_ together; -_masnawis_ of his are also in existence. - -Muhammad-i-wali Beg was another, the son of the Wali Beg already -mentioned. Latterly he became one of the Mirza's great begs but, great -beg though he was, he never neglected his service and used to recline -(_yastanib_) day and night in the Gate. Through doing this, his free -meals and open table were always set just outside the Gate. Quite -certainly a man who was so constantly in waiting, _would_ receive the -favour he received! It is an evil noticeable today that effort must be -made before the man, dubbed Beg because he has five or six of the bald -and blind at his back, can be got into the Gate at all! Where this sort -of service is, it must be to their own misfortune! Muhammad-i-wali Beg's -public table and free meals were good; he kept his servants neat and -well-dressed and with his own hands gave [Sidenote: Fol. 174b.] ample -portion to the poor and destitute, but he was foul-mouthed and -evil-spoken. He and also Darwish-i-'ali the librarian were in my service -when I took Samarkand in 917 AH. (Oct. 1511 AD.); he was palsied then; -his talk lacked salt; his former claim to favour was gone. His assiduous -waiting appears to have been the cause of his promotion. - -Baba 'Ali the Lord of the Gate was another. First, 'Ali-sher Beg showed -him favour; next, because of his courage, the Mirza took him into -service, made him Lord of the Gate, and promoted him to be a beg. One of -his sons is serving me now (_circa_ 934 AH.), that Yunas of 'Ali who is -a beg, a confidant, and of my household. He will often be -mentioned.[1100] - -Badru'd-din (Full-moon of the Faith) was another. He had been in the -service of Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza's Chief Justice Mirak 'Abdu'r-rahim; it -is said he was very nimble and sure-footed, a man who could leap over -seven horses at once. He and Baba 'Ali were close companions. - -Hasan of 'Ali _Jalair_ was another. His original name was Husain -_Jalair_ but he came to be called 'Ali's Hasan.[1101] His father 'Ali -_Jalair_ must have been favoured and made a beg by Babur Mirza; no man -was greater later on when Yadgar-i-muhammad M. took Heri. Hasan-i-'ali -was Sl. Husain Mirza's _Qush-begi_.[1102] He made Tufaili -(Uninvited-guest) his pen-name; wrote good odes and was the Master of -this art in his day. He wrote odes on my name when he came to my -presence at the time I took Samarkand in 917 AH. (1511 AD.). Impudent -(_bi bak_) and [Sidenote: Fol. 175.] prodigal he was, a keeper of -catamites, a constant dicer and draught-player. - -Khwaja 'Abdu'l-lah _Marwarid_ (Pearl)[1103] was another; he was at first -Chief Justice but later on became one of the Mirza's favourite -household-begs. He was full of accomplishments; on the dulcimer he had -no equal, and he invented the shake on the dulcimer; he wrote in several -scripts, most beautifully in the _ta'liq_; he composed admirable -letters, wrote good verse, with Bayani for his pen-name, and was a -pleasant companion. Compared with his other accomplishments, his verse -ranks low, but he knew what was poetry. Vicious and shameless, he became -the captive of a sinful disease through his vicious excesses, outlived -his hands and feet, tasted the agonies of varied torture for several -years, and departed from the world under that affliction.[1104] - -Sayyid Muhammad-i-aurus was another; he was the son of that Aurus -(Russian?) _Arghun_ who, when Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza took the throne, was -his beg in chief authority. At that time there were excellent -archer-braves; one of the most distinguished was Sayyid -Muhammad-i-aurus. His bow strong, his shaft long, he must have been a -bold (_yurak_) shot and a good one. He was Commandant in Andikhud for -some time. - -Mir (Qambar-i-)'ali the Master of the Horse was another. He it was who, -by sending a man to Sl. Husain Mirza, brought him down on the -defenceless Yadgar-i-muhammad Mirza. - -Sayyid Hasan _Aughlaqchi_ was another, a son of Sayyid _Aughlaqchi_ and -a younger brother of Sayyid Yusuf Beg.[1105] He was the father of a -capable and accomplished son, named Mirza Farrukh. He had come to my -presence before I took Samarkand [Sidenote: Fol. 175b.] in 917 AH. (1511 -AD.). Though he had written little verse, he wrote fairly; he understood -the astrolabe and astronomy well, was excellent company, his talk good -too, but he was rather a bad drinker (_bad shrab_). He died in the fight -at Ghaj-dawan.[1106] - -Tingri-birdi the storekeeper (_samanchi_) was another; he was a plain -(_turk_), bold, sword-slashing brave. As has been said, he charged out -of the Gate of Balkh on Khusrau Shah's great retainer Nazar Bahadur and -overcame him (903 AH.). - -There were a few Turkman braves also who were received with great favour -when they came to the Mirza's presence. One of the first to come was -'Ali Khan _Bayandar_.[1107] Asad Beg and Taham-tan (Strong-bodied) Beg -were others, an elder and younger brother these; Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza -took Taham-tan Beg's daughter and by her had Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza. Mir -'Umar Beg was another; later on he was in Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's -service; he was a brave, plain, excellent person. His son, Abu'l-fath -by name, came from 'Iraq to my presence, a very soft, unsteady and -feeble person; such a son from such a father! - -Of those who came into Khurasan after Shah Isma'il took 'Iraq and -Azarbaijan (_circa_ 906 AH.-1500 AD.), one was 'Abdu'l-baqi Mirza of -Timur Beg's line. He was a Miran-shahi[1108] whose ancestors will have -gone long before into those parts, put thought [Sidenote: Fol. 176.] of -sovereignty out of their heads, served those ruling there, and from them -have received favour. That Timur 'Usman who was the great, trusted beg -of Ya'qub Beg (_White-sheep Turkman_) and who had once even thought of -sending against Khurasan the mass of men he had gathered to himself, -must have been this 'Abdu'l-baqi Mirza's paternal-uncle. Sl. Husain -Mirza took 'Abdu'l-baqi Mirza at once into favour, making him a -son-in-law by giving him Sultanim Begim, the mother of Muhammad Sl. -Mirza.[1109] Another late-comer was Murad Beg _Bayandari_. - - -(_h. His Chief Justices_ (_sadur_).) - -One was Mir Sar-i-barahna (Bare-head)[1110]; he was from a village in -Andijan and appears to have made claim to be a sayyid (_mutasayyid_). He -was a very agreeable companion, pleasant of temper and speech. His were -the judgment and rulings that carried weight amongst men of letters and -poets of Khurasan. He wasted his time by composing, in imitation of the -story of Amir Hamza,[1111] a work which is one long, far-fetched lie, -opposed to sense and nature. - -Kamalu'd-din Husain _Gazur-gahi_[1112] was another. Though not a Sufi, -he was mystical.[1113] Such mystics as he will have gathered in -'Ali-sher Beg's presence and there have gone into their raptures and -ecstacies. Kamalu'd-din will have been better-born than most of them; -his promotion will have been due to his good birth, since he had no -other merit to speak of.[1114] A production of his exists, under the -name _Majalisu'l-'ushshaq_ (Assemblies of lovers), the authorship of -which he ascribes (in its preface) to Sl. Husain Mirza.[1115] It is -mostly a lie and a tasteless lie. He has written such irreverent things -in it that some [Sidenote: Fol. 176b.] of them cast doubt upon his -orthodoxy; for example, he represents the Prophets,--Peace be on -them,--and Saints as subject to earthly passion, and gives to each a -minion and a mistress. Another and singularly absurd thing is that, -although in his preface he says, "This is Sl. Husain Mirza's own written -word and literary composition," he, never-the-less, enters, in the body -of the book, "All by the sub-signed author", at the head of odes and -verses well-known to be his own. It was his flattery gave Zu'n-nun -_Arghun_ the title Lion of God. - - -(_i. His wazirs._) - -One was Majdu'd-din Muhammad, son of Khwaja Pir Ahmad of Khwaf, the one -man (_yak-qalam_) of Shahrukh Mirza's Finance-office.[1116] In Sl. -Husain Mirza's Finance-office there was not at first proper order or -method; waste and extravagance resulted; the peasant did not prosper, -and the soldier was not satisfied. Once while Majdu'd-din Muhammad was -still _parwanchi_[1117] and styled Mirak (Little Mir), it became a -matter of importance to the Mirza to have some money; when he asked the -Finance-officials for it, they said none had been collected and that -there was none. Majdu'd-din Muhammad must have heard this and have -smiled, for the Mirza asked him why he smiled; privacy was made and he -told Mirza what was in his mind. Said he, "If the honoured Mirza will -pledge himself to strengthen [Sidenote: Fol. 177.] my hands by not -opposing my orders, it shall so be before long that the country shall -prosper, the peasant be content, the soldier well-off, and the Treasury -full." The Mirza for his part gave the pledge desired, put Majdu'd-din -Muhammad in authority throughout Khurasan, and entrusted all public -business to him. He in his turn by using all possible diligence and -effort, before long had made soldier and peasant grateful and content, -filled the Treasury to abundance, and made the districts habitable and -cultivated. He did all this however in face of opposition from the begs -and men high in place, all being led by 'Ali-sher Beg, all out of temper -with what Majdu'd-din Muhammad had effected. By their effort and evil -suggestion he was arrested and dismissed.[1118] In succession to him -Nizamu'l-mulk of Khwaf was made Diwan but in a short time they got him -arrested also, and him they got put to death.[1119] They then brought -Khwaja Afzal out of 'Iraq and made him Diwan; he had just been made a -beg when I came to Kabul (910 AH.), and he also impressed the Seal in -Diwan. - -Khwaja 'Ata[1120] was another; although, unlike those already mentioned, -he was not in high office or Finance-minister (_diwan_), nothing was -settled without his concurrence the whole Khura-sanat over. He was a -pious, praying, upright (_mutadaiyin_) person; he must have been -diligent in business also. - - -(_j. Others of the Court._) - -Those enumerated were Sl. Husain Mirza's retainers and followers.[1121] -His was a wonderful Age; in it Khurasan, and [Sidenote: Fol. 177b.] Heri -above all, was full of learned and matchless men. Whatever the work a -man took up, he aimed and aspired at bringing that work to perfection. -One such man was Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman _Jami_, who was unrivalled in -his day for esoteric and exoteric knowledge. Famous indeed are his -poems! The Mulla's dignity it is out of my power to describe; it has -occurred to me merely to mention his honoured name and one atom of his -excellence, as a benediction and good omen for this part of my humble -book. - -Shaikhu'l-islam Saifu'd-din Ahmad was another. He was of the line of -that Mulla Sa'du'd-din (Mas'ud) _Taftazani_[1122] whose descendants from -his time downwards have given the Shaikhu'l-islam to Khurasan. He was a -very learned man, admirably versed in the Arabian sciences[1123] and the -Traditions, most God-fearing and orthodox. Himself a Shafi'i,[1124] he -was tolerant of all the sects. People say he never once in 70 years -omitted the Congregational Prayer. He was martyred when Shah Isma'il -took Heri (916 AH.); there now remains no man of his honoured -line.[1125] - -Maulana Shaikh Husain was another; he is mentioned here, although his -first appearance and his promotion were under Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza, -because he was living still under Sl. Husain [Sidenote: Fol. 178.] -Mirza. Being well-versed in the sciences of philosophy, logic and -rhetoric, he was able to find much meaning in a few words and to bring -it out opportunely in conversation. Being very intimate and influential -with Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza, he took part in all momentous affairs of the -Mirza's dominions; there was no better _muhtasib_[1126]; this will have -been why he was so much trusted. Because he had been an intimate of that -Mirza, the incomparable man was treated with insult in Sl. Husain -Mirza's time. - -Mulla-zada Mulla 'Usman was another. He was a native of Chirkh, in the -Luhugur _tuman_ of the _tuman_ of Kabul[1127] and was called the Born -Mulla (_Mulla-zada_) because in Aulugh Beg Mirza's time he used to give -lessons when 14 years old. He went to Heri on his way from Samarkand to -make the circuit of the _ka'ba_, was there stopped, and made to remain -by Sl. Husain Mirza. He was very learned, the most so of his time. -People say he was nearing the rank of Ijtihad[1128] but he did not reach -it. It is said of him that he once asked, "How should a person forget a -thing heard?" A strong memory he must have had! - -Mir Jamalu'd-din the Traditionalist[1129] was another. He had no equal -in Khurasan for knowledge of the Muhammadan Traditions. He was advanced -in years and is still alive (934 to 937 AH.). - -Mir Murtaz was another. He was well-versed in the sciences [Sidenote: -Fol. 178b.] of philosophy and metaphysics; he was called _murtaz_ -(ascetic) because he fasted a great deal. He was madly fond of chess, so -much so that if he had met two players, he would hold one by the skirt -while he played his game out with the other, as much as to say, "Don't -go!" - -Mir Mas'ud of Sherwan was another.[1130] - -Mir 'Abdu'l-ghafur of Lar was another. Disciple and pupil both of -Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman _Jami_, he had read aloud most of the Mulla's -poems (_masnawi_) in his presence, and wrote a plain exposition of the -_Nafahat_.[1131] He had good acquaintance with the exoteric sciences, -and in the esoteric ones also was very successful. He was a curiously -casual and unceremonious person; no person styled Mulla by any-one -soever was debarred from submitting a (Qoran) chapter to him for -exposition; moreover whatever the place in which he heard there was a -darwish, he had no rest till he had reached that darwish's presence. He -was ill when I was in Khurasan (912 AH.); I went to enquire for him -where he lay in the Mulla's College,[1132] after I had made the circuit -of the Mulla's tomb. He died a few days later, of that same illness. - -Mir 'Ata'u'l-lah of Mashhad was another.[1133] He knew the Arabian -sciences well and also wrote a Persian treatise on rhyme. That treatise -is well-done but it has the defect that he brings into it, as his -examples, couplets of his own and, assuming them [Sidenote: Fol. 179.] -to be correct, prefixes to each, "As must be observed in the following -couplet by your slave" (_banda_). Several rivals of his find deserved -comment in this treatise. He wrote another on the curiosities of verse, -entitled _Badai'u's-sanai_; a very well-written treatise. He may have -swerved from the Faith. - -Qazi Ikhtiyar was another. He was an excellent Qazi and wrote a treatise -in Persian on Jurisprudence, an admirable treatise; he also, in order to -give elucidation (_iqtibas_), made a collection of homonymous verses -from the Qoran. He came with Muhammad-i-yusuf to see me at the time I -met the Mirzas on the Murgh-ab (912 AH.). Talk turning on the Baburi -script,[1134] he asked me about it, letter by letter; I wrote it out, -letter by letter; he went through it, letter by letter, and having -learned its plan, wrote something in it there and then. - -Mir Muhammad-i-yusuf was another; he was a pupil of the -Shaikhu'l-islam[1135] and afterwards was advanced to his place. In some -assemblies he, in others, Qazi Ikhtiyar took the higher place. Towards -the end of his life he was so infatuated with soldiering and military -command, that except of those two tasks, what could be learned from his -conversation? what known from his pen? Though he failed in both, those -two ambitions ended by giving to the winds his goods and his life, his -house and his home. He may have been a Shi'a. - - -(_k. The Poets._) - -[Sidenote: Fol. 179b.] The all-surpassing head of the poet-band was -Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman _Jami_. Others were Shaikhim Suhaili and Hasan of -'Ali _Jalair_[1136] whose names have been mentioned already as in the -circle of the Mirza's begs and household. - -Asafi was another,[1137] he taking Asafi for his pen-name because he was -a wazir's son. His verse does not want for grace or sentiment, but has -no merit through passion and ecstacy. He himself made the claim, "I have -never packed up (_bulmadi_) my odes to make the oasis (_wadi_) of a -collection."[1138] This was affectation, his younger brothers and his -intimates having collected his odes. He wrote little else but odes. He -waited on me when I went into Khurasan (912 AH.). - -Bana'i was another; he was a native of Heri and took such a pen-name -(Bana'i) on account of his father Ustad Muhammad _Sabz-bana_.[1139] His -odes have grace and ecstacy. One poem (_masnawi_) of his on the topic -of fruits, is in the _mutaqarib_ measure;[1140] it is random and not -worked up. Another short poem is in the _khafif_ measure, so also is a -longer one finished towards the end of his life. He will have known -nothing of music in his young days and 'Ali-sher Beg seems to have -taunted him about it, so one winter when the Mirza, taking 'Ali-sher Beg -with him, went to winter in Merv, Bana'i stayed behind in Heri and so -applied himself to study music that before the heats he had composed -several works. These he played and sang, airs with variations, when the -Mirza came back to Heri in the heats. [Sidenote: Fol. 180.] All amazed, -'Ali-sher Beg praised him. His musical compositions are perfect; one was -an air known as _Nuh-rang_ (Nine modulations), and having both the theme -(_tukanash_) and the variation (_yila_) on the note called _rast_(?). -Bana'i was 'Ali-sher Beg's rival; it will have been on this account he -was so much ill-treated. When at last he could bear it no longer, he -went into Azarbaijan and 'Iraq to the presence of Ya'qub Beg; he did not -remain however in those parts after Ya'qub Beg's death (896 AH.-1491 -AD.) but went back to Heri, just the same with his jokes and retorts. -Here is one of them:--'Ali-sher at a chess-party in stretching his leg -touched Bana'i on the hinder-parts and said jestingly, "It is the sad -nuisance of Heri that a man can't stretch his leg without its touching a -poet's backside." "Nor draw it up again," retorted Bana'i.[1141] In the -end the upshot of his jesting was that he had to leave Heri again; he -went then to Samarkand.[1142] A great many good new things used to be -made for 'Ali-sher Beg, so whenever any-one produced a novelty, he -called it 'Ali-sher's in order to give it credit and vogue.[1143] Some -things were called after him in compliment _e.g._ because when he had -ear-ache, he wrapped his head up in one of the blue triangular kerchiefs -women tie over their heads in winter, that kerchief was called -'Ali-sher's comforter. Then again, Bana'i when he had decided to leave -Heri, ordered a quite new kind of pad for his ass and [Sidenote: Fol. -180b.] dubbed it 'Ali-sher's. - -Maulana Saifi of Bukhara was another;[1144] he was a Mulla -complete[1145] who in proof of his mulla-ship used to give a list of the -books he had read. He put two _diwans_ together, one being for the use -of tradesmen (_harfa-kar_), and he also wrote many fables. That he wrote -no _masnawi_ is shewn by the following quatrain:-- - - Though the _masnawi_ be the orthodox verse, - _I_ know the ode has Divine command; - Five couplets that charm the heart - _I_ know to outmatch the Two Quintets.[1146] - -A Persian prosody he wrote is at once brief and prolix, brief in the -sense of omitting things that should be included, and prolix in the -sense that plain and simple matters are detailed down to the diacritical -points, down even to their Arabic points.[1147] He is said to have been -a great drinker, a bad drinker, and a mightily strong-fisted man. - -'Abdu'l-lah the _masnawi_-writer was another.[1148] He was from Jam and -was the Mulla's sister's son. Hatifi was his pen-name. He wrote poems -(_masnawi_) in emulation of the Two Quintets,[1149] and called them -_Haft-manzar_ (Seven-faces) in imitation of the _Haft-paikar_ -(Seven-faces). In emulation of the _Sikandar-nama_ he composed the -_Timur-nama_. His most renowned _masnawi_ is _Laila and Majnun_, but -its reputation is greater than its charm. - -Mir Husain the Enigmatist[1150] was another. He seems to have had no -equal in making riddles, to have given his whole time to it, and to have -been a curiously humble, disconsolate (_na-murad_) [Sidenote: Fol. 181.] -and harmless (_bi-bad_) person. - -Mir Muhammad _Badakhshi_ of Ishkimish was another. As Ishkimish is not -in Badakhshan, it is odd he should have made it his pen-name. His verse -does not rank with that of the poets previously mentioned,[1151] and -though he wrote a treatise on riddles, his riddles are not first-rate. -He was a very pleasant companion; he waited on me in Samarkand (917 -AH.). - -Yusuf the wonderful (_badi_)[1152] was another. He was from the Farghana -country; his odes are said not to be bad. - -Ahi was another, a good ode-writer, latterly in Ibn-i-husain Mirza's -service, and _sahib-i-diwan_.[1153] - -Muhammad _Salih_ was another.[1154] His odes are tasty but -better-flavoured than correct. There is Turki verse of his also, not -badly written. He went to Shaibaq Khan later on and found complete -favour. He wrote a Turki poem (_masnawi_), named from Shaibaq Khan, in -the _raml masaddas majnun_ measure, that is to say the metre of the -_Subhat_.[1155] It is feeble and flat; Muhammad _Salih_'s reader soon -ceases to believe in him.[1156] Here is one of his good couplets:-- - - A fat man (Tambal) has gained the land of Farghana, - Making Farghana the house of the fat-man (Tambal-khana). - -Farghana is known also as Tambal-khana.[1157] I do not know whether the -above couplet is found in the _masnawi_ mentioned. - -Muhammad _Salih_ was a very wicked, tyrannical and heartless -person.[1158] - -Maulana Shah Husain _Kami_[1159] was another. There are not-bad verses -of his; he wrote odes, and also seems to have put a _diwan_ together. - -Hilali (New-moon) was another; he is still alive.[1160] Correct and -graceful though his odes are, they make little impression. There is a -_diwan_ of his;[1161] and there is also the poem (_masnawi_) in the -[Sidenote: Fol. 181b.] _khafif_ measure, entitled _Shah and Darwish_ of -which, fair though many couplets are, the basis and purport are hollow -and bad. Ancient poets when writing of love and the lover, have -represented the lover as a man and the beloved as a woman; but Hilali -has made the lover a darwish, the beloved a king, with the result that -the couplets containing the king's acts and words, set him forth as -shameless and abominable. It is an extreme effrontery in Hilali that for -a poem's sake he should describe a young man and that young man a king, -as resembling the shameless and immoral.[1162] It is heard-said that -Hilali had a very retentive memory, and that he had by heart 30 or -40,000 couplets, and the greater part of the Two Quintets,--all most -useful for the minutiae of prosody and the art of verse. - -Ahli[1163] was another; he was of the common people (_'ami_), wrote -verse not bad, even produced a _diwan_. - - -(_l. Artists._) - -Of fine pen-men there were many; the one standing-out in _nakhsh ta'liq_ -was Sl. 'Ali of Mashhad[1164] who copied many books for the Mirza and -for 'Ali-sher Beg, writing daily 30 couplets for the first, 20 for the -second. - -Of the painters, one was Bih-zad.[1165] His work was very dainty but he -did not draw beardless faces well; he used greatly to lengthen the -double chin (_ghab-ghab_); bearded faces he drew admirably. - -Shah Muzaffar was another; he painted dainty portraits, [Sidenote: Fol. -182.] representing the hair very daintily.[1166] Short life was granted -him; he left the world when on his upward way to fame. - -Of musicians, as has been said, no-one played the dulcimer so well as -Khwaja 'Abdu'l-lah _Marwarid_. - -Qul-i-muhammad the lutanist (_'audi_) was another; he also played the -guitar (_ghichak_) beautifully and added three strings to it. For many -and good preludes (_peshrau_) he had not his equal amongst composers or -performers, but this is only true of his preludes. - -Shaikhi the flautist (_nayi_) was another; it is said he played also the -lute and the guitar, and that he had played the flute from his 12th or -13th year. He once produced a wonderful air on the flute, at one of -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's assemblies; Qul-i-muhammad could not reproduce it -on the guitar, so declared this a worthless instrument; Shaikhi _Nayi_ -at once took the guitar from Qul-i-muhammad's hands and played the air -on it, well and in perfect tune. They say he was so expert in music that -having once heard an air, he was able to say, "This or that is the tune -of so-and-so's or so-and-so's flute."[1167] He composed few works; one -or two airs are heard of. - -Shah Quli the guitar-player was another; he was of 'Iraq, came into -Khurasan, practised playing, and succeeded. He composed many airs, -preludes and works (_nakhsh, peshrau u aishlar_). - -Husain the lutanist was another; he composed and played with taste; he -would twist the strings of his lute into one and play on that. His fault -was affectation about playing. He [Sidenote: Fol. 182b.] made a fuss -once when Shaibaq Khan ordered him to play, and not only played badly -but on a worthless instrument he had brought in place of his own. The -Khan saw through him at once and ordered him to be well beaten on the -neck, there and then. This was the one good action Shaibaq Khan did in -the world; it was well-done truly! a worse chastisement is the due of -such affected mannikins! - -Ghulam-i-shadi (Slave of Festivity), the son of Shadi the reciter, was -another of the musicians. Though he performed, he did it less well than -those of the circle just described. There are excellent themes (_sut_) -and beautiful airs (_nakhsh_) of his; no-one in his day composed such -airs and themes. In the end Shaibaq Khan sent him to the Qazan Khan, -Muhammad Amin; no further news has been heard of him. - -Mir Azu was another composer, not a performer; he produced few works but -those few were in good taste. - -Bana'i was also a musical composer; there are excellent airs and themes -of his. - -An unrivalled man was the wrestler Muhammad Bu-sa'id; he was foremost -amongst the wrestlers, wrote verse too, composed themes and airs, one -excellent air of his being in _char-gah_ (four-time),--and he was -pleasant company. It is extraordinary that such accomplishments as his -should be combined with wrestling.[1168] - - -HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED. - -(_a. Burial of Sl. Husain Mirza._) - - -At the time Sl. Husain Mirza took his departure from the world, there -were present of the Mirzas only Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and -Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza. The latter had been his father's favourite -son; his leading beg was Muhammad Baranduq _Barlas_; his mother Khadija -Begim had been the Mirza's most influential wife; and to him the -Mirza's people had gathered. [Sidenote: Fol. 183.] For these reasons -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza had anxieties and thought of not coming,[1169] but -Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza and Muhammad Baranduq Beg themselves rode out, -dispelled his fears and brought him in. - -Sl. Husain Mirza was carried into Heri and there buried in his own -College with royal rites and ceremonies. - - -(_b. A dual succession._) - -At this crisis Zu'n-nun Beg was also present. He, Muh. Baranduq Beg, the -late Mirza's begs and those of the two (young) Mirzas having assembled, -decided to make the two Mirzas joint-rulers in Heri. Zu'n-nun Beg was to -have control in Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's Gate, Muh. Baranduq Beg, in -Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza's. Shaikh 'Ali Taghai was to be _darogha_ in -Heri for the first, Yusuf-i-'ali for the second. Theirs was a strange -plan! Partnership in rule is a thing unheard of; against it stand Shaikh -Sa'di's words in the Gulistan:--"Ten darwishes sleep under a blanket -(_gilim_); two kings find no room in a clime" (_aqlim_).[1170] - - - - -912 AH.-MAY 24TH 1506 TO MAY 13TH 1507 AD.[1171] - -(_a. Babur starts to join Sl. Husain Mirza._) - - -In the month of Muharram we set out by way of Ghur-bund [Sidenote: Fol. -183b.] and Shibr-tu to oppose the Auzbeg. - -As Jahangir Mirza had gone out of the country in some sort of -displeasure, we said, "There might come much mischief and trouble if he -drew the clans (_aimaq_) to himself;" and "What trouble might come of -it!" and, "First let's get the clans in hand!" So said, we hurried -forward, riding light and leaving the baggage (_auruq_) at Ushtur-shahr -in charge of Wali the treasurer and Daulat-qadam of the scouts. That day -we reached Fort [Z.]ahaq; from there we crossed the pass of the -Little-dome (Gumbazak-kutal), trampled through Saighan, went over the -Dandan-shikan pass and dismounted in the meadow of Kahmard. From Kahmard -we sent Sayyid Afzal the Seer-of-dreams (_Khwab-bin_) and Sl. Muhammad -_Duldai_ to Sl. Husain Mirza with a letter giving the particulars of our -start from Kabul.[1172] - -Jahangir Mirza must have lagged on the road, for when he got opposite -Bamian and went with 20 or 30 persons to visit it, he saw near it the -tents of our people left with the baggage. Thinking we were there, he -and his party hurried back to their camp and, without an eye to -anything, without regard for their own people marching in the rear, made -off for Yaka-aulang.[1173] - - -(_b. Action of Shaibaq Khan._) - -When Shaibaq Khan had laid siege to Balkh, in which was Sl. -Qul-i-nachaq,[1174] he sent two or three sultans with 3 or 4000 men to -overrun Badakhshan. At the time Mubarak Shah and Zubair had again -joined Nasir Mirza, spite of former resentments and bickerings, and they -all were lying at Shakdan, below Kishm [Sidenote: Fol. 184.] and east of -the Kishm-water. Moving through the night, one body of Auzbegs crossed -that water at the top of the morning and advanced on the Mirza; he at -once drew off to rising-ground, mustered his force, sounded trumpets, -met and overcame them. Behind the Auzbegs was the Kishm-water in flood, -many were drowned in it, a mass of them died by arrow and sword, more -were made prisoner. Another body of Auzbegs, sent against Mubarak Shah -and Zubair where they lay, higher up the water and nearer Kishm, made -them retire to the rising-ground. Of this the Mirza heard; when he had -beaten off his own assailants, he moved against theirs. So did the -Kohistan begs, gathered with horse and foot, still higher up the river. -Unable to make stand against this attack, the Auzbegs fled, but of this -body also a mass died by sword, arrow, and water. In all some 1000 to -1500 may have died. This was Nasir Mirza's one good success; a man of -his brought us news about it while we were in the dale of Kahmard. - - -(_c. Babur moves on into Khurasan._) - -While we were in Kahmard, our army fetched corn from Ghuri and Dahana. -There too we had letters from Sayyid [Sidenote: Fol. 184b.] Afzal and -Sl. Muhammad _Duldai_ whom we had sent into Khurasan; their news was of -Sl. Husain Mirza's death. - -This news notwithstanding, we set forward for Khurasan; though there -were other grounds for doing this, what decided us was anxious thought -for the reputation of this (Timurid) dynasty. We went up the trough -(_aichi_) of the Ajar-valley, on over Tup and Mandaghan, crossed the -Balkh-water and came out on Saf-hill. Hearing there that Auzbegs were -overrunning San and Char-yak,[1175] we sent a force under Qasim Beg -against them; he got up with them, beat them well, cut many heads off, -and returned. - -We lay a few days in the meadow of Saf-hill, waiting for news of -Jahangir Mirza and the clans (_aimaq_) to whom persons had been sent. -We hunted once, those hills being very full of wild sheep and goats -(_kiyik_). All the clans came in and waited on me within a few days; it -was to me they came; they had not gone to Jahangir Mirza though he had -sent men often enough to them, once sending even 'Imadu'd-din Mas'ud. He -himself was forced to come at last; he saw me at the foot of the valley -when I came down off Saf-hill. Being anxious about Khurasan, we neither -paid him attention nor took thought for the clans, but went right on -through Gurzwan, Almar, Qaisar, Chichik-tu, and Fakhru'd-din's-death -(_aulum_) into the Bam-valley, [Sidenote: Fol. 185.] one of the -dependencies of Badghis. - -The world being full of divisions,[1176] things were being taken from -country and people with the long arm; we ourselves began to take -something, by laying an impost on the Turks and clans of those parts, in -two or three months taking perhaps 300 _tumans_ of _kipki_.[1177] - - -(_d. Coalition of the Khurasan Mirzas._) - -A few days before our arrival (in Bam-valley?) some of the Khurasan -light troops and of Zu'n-nun Beg's men had well beaten Auzbeg raiders in -Pand-dih (Panj-dih?) and Maruchaq, killing a mass of men.[1178] - -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza with Muhammad Baranduq -_Barlas_, Zu'n-nun _Arghun_ and his son Shah Beg resolved to move on -Shaibaq Khan, then besieging Sl. Qul-i-nachaq (?) in Balkh. Accordingly -they summoned all Sl. Husain Mirza's sons, and got out of Heri to effect -their purpose. At Chihil-dukhtaran Abu'l-muhsin M. joined them from -Marv; Ibn-i-husain M. followed, coming up from Tun and Qain. Kupuk -(Kipik) M. was in Mashhad; often though they sent to him, he behaved -unmanly, spoke senseless words, and did not come. Between him and -Muzaffar Mirza, there was jealousy; when Muzaffar M. was made -(joint-)ruler, he said, "How should _I_ go to _his_ presence?" Through -this disgusting jealousy he did not come now, even at this crisis when -all his brethren, older and younger, were assembling in concord, -resolute against such a foe [Sidenote: Fol. 185b.] as Shaibaq Khan. -Kupuk M. laid his own absence to rivalry, but everybody else laid it to -his cowardice. One word! In this world acts such as his outlive the man; -if a man have any share of intelligence, why try to be ill-spoken of -after death? if he be ambitious, why not try so to act that, he gone, -men will praise him? In the honourable mention of their names, wise men -find a second life! - -Envoys from the Mirzas came to me also, Muh. Baranduq _Barlas_ himself -following them. As for me, what was to hinder my going? It was for that -very purpose I had travelled one or two hundred _yighach_ (500-600 -miles)! I at once started with Muh. Baranduq Beg for Murgh-ab[1179] -where the Mirzas were lying. - - -(_e. Babur meets the Mirzas._) - -The meeting with the Mirzas was on Monday the 8th of the latter Jumada -(Oct. 26th 1506 AH.). Abu'l-muhsin Mirza came out a mile to meet me; we -approached one another; on my side, I dismounted, on his side, he; we -advanced, saw one another and remounted. Near the camp Muzaffar Mirza -and Ibn-i-husain Mirza met us; they, being younger than Abu'l-muhsin -Mirza ought to have come out further than he to meet me.[1180] Their -dilatoriness may not have been due to pride, but to heaviness [Sidenote: -Fol. 186.] after wine; their negligence may have been no slight on me, -but due to their own social pleasures. On this Muzaffar Mirza laid -stress;[1181] we two saw one another without dismounting, so did -Ibn-i-husain Mirza and I. We rode on together and, in an amazing crowd -and press, dismounted at Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's Gate. Such was the -throng that some were lifted off the ground for three or four steps -together, while others, wishing for some reason to get out, were -carried, willy-nilly, four or five steps the other way. - -We reached Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's Audience-tent. It had been agreed that -I, on entering, should bend the knee (_yukunghai_) once, that the Mirza -should rise and advance to the edge of the estrade,[1182] and that we -should see one another there. I went in, bent the knee once, and was -going right forward; the Mirza rose rather languidly and advanced rather -slowly; Qasim Beg, as he was my well-wisher and held my reputation as -his own, gave my girdle a tug; I understood, moved more slowly, and so -the meeting was on the appointed spot. - -Four divans (_tushuk_) had been placed in the tent. Always in the -Mirza's tents one side was like a gate-way[1183] and at the edge of this -gate-way he always sat. A divan was set there now [Sidenote: Fol. 186b.] -on which he and Muzaffar Mirza sat together. Abu'l-muhsin, Mirza and I -sat on another, set in the right-hand place of honour (_tur_). On -another, to Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's left, sat Ibn-i-husain Mirza with -Qasim Sl. _Auzbeg_, a son-in-law of the late Mirza and father of -Qasim-i-husain Sultan. To my right and below my divan was one on which -sat Jahangir Mirza and 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza. To the left of Qasim Sl. -and Ibn-i-husain Mirza, but a good deal lower, were Muh. Baranduq Beg, -Zu'n-nun Beg and Qasim Beg. - -Although this was not a social gathering, cooked viands were brought in, -drinkables[1184] were set with the food, and near them gold and silver -cups. Our forefathers through a long space of time, had respected the -Chingiz-tura (ordinance), doing nothing opposed to it, whether in -assembly or Court, in sittings-down or risings-up. Though it has not -Divine authority so that a man obeys it of necessity, still good rules -of conduct must be obeyed by whom-soever they are left; just in the same -way that, if a forefather have done ill, his ill must be changed for -good. - -After the meal I rode from the Mirza's camp some 2 miles to [Sidenote: -Fol. 187.] our own dismounting-place. - - -(_f. Babur claims due respect._) - -At my second visit Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza shewed me less respect than at -my first. I therefore had it said to Muh. Baranduq Beg and to Zu'n-nun -Beg that, small though my age was (_aet._ 24), my place of honour was -large; that I had seated myself twice on the throne of our forefathers -in Samarkand by blow straight-dealt; and that to be laggard in shewing -me respect was unreasonable, since it was for this (Timurid) dynasty's -sake I had thus fought and striven with that alien foe. This said, and -as it was reasonable, they admitted their mistake at once and shewed the -respect claimed. - - -(_g. Babur's temperance._) - -There was a wine-party (_chaghir-majlisi_) once when I went after the -Mid-day Prayer to Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's presence. At that time I drank -no wine. The party was altogether elegant; every sort of relish to wine -(_gazak_) was set out on the napery, with brochettes of fowl and goose, -and all sorts of viands. The Mirza's entertainments were much renowned; -truly was this one free from the pang of thirst (_bi ghall_), reposeful -and tranquil. I was at two or three of his wine-parties while we were on -the bank of the Murgh-ab; once it was known I did not drink, no pressure -to do so was put on me. - -I went to one wine-party of Muzaffar Mirza's. Husain of 'Ali _Jalair_ -and Mir Badr were both there, they being in his service. When Mir Badr -had had enough (_kaifiyat_), he danced, [Sidenote: Fol. 187b.] and -danced well what seemed to be his own invention. - - -(_h. Comments on the Mirzas._) - -Three months it took the Mirzas to get out of Heri, agree amongst -themselves, collect troops, and reach Murgh-ab. Meantime Sl. -Qul-i-nachaq (?), reduced to extremity, had surrendered Balkh to the -Auzbeg but that Auzbeg, hearing of our alliance against him, had hurried -back to Samarkand. The Mirzas were good enough as company and in social -matters, in conversation and parties, but they were strangers to war, -strategy, equipment, bold fight and encounter. - - -(_i. Winter plans._) - -While we were on the Murgh-ab, news came that Haq-nazir _Chapa_ (var. -Hian) was over-running the neighbourhood of Chichik-tu with 4 or 500 -men. All the Mirzas there present, do what they would, could not manage -to send a light troop against those raiders! It is 10 _yighach_ (50-55 -m.) from Murgh-ab to Chichik-tu. I asked the work; they, with a thought -for their own reputation, would not give it to me. - -The year being almost at an end when Shaibaq Khan retired, the Mirzas -decided to winter where it was convenient and to reassemble next summer -in order to repel their foe. - -They pressed me to winter in Khurasan, but this not one of my -well-wishers saw it good for me to do because, while Kabul and Ghazni -were full of a turbulent and ill-conducted medley of [Sidenote: Fol. -188.] people and hordes, Turks, Mughuls, clans and nomads (_aimaq u -ahsham_), Afghans and Hazara, the roads between us and that not yet -desirably subjected country of Kabul were, one, the mountain-road, a -month's journey even without delay through snow or other cause,--the -other, the low-country road, a journey of 40 or 50 days. - -Consequently we excused ourselves to the Mirzas, but they would accept -no excuse and, for all our pleas, only urged the more. In the end -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza, Abu'l-muhsin Mirza and Muzaffar Mirza themselves -rode to my tent and urged me to stay the winter. It was impossible to -refuse men of such ruling position, come in person to press us to stay -on. Besides this, the whole habitable world has not such a town as Heri -had become under Sl. Husain Mirza, whose orders and efforts had -increased its splendour and beauty as ten to one, rather, as twenty to -one. As I greatly wished to stay, I consented to do so. - -Abu'l-muhsin M. went to Marv, his own district; Ibn-i-husain M. went to -his, Tun and Qain; Badi'u'z-zaman M. and Muzaffar M. set off for Heri; -I followed them a few days later, taking the road by Chihil-dukhtaran -and Tash-rabat.[1185] - - -(_j. Babur visits the Begims in Heri._) - -All the Begims, _i.e._ my paternal-aunt Payanda-sultan Begim, Khadija -Begim, Apaq Begim, and my other paternal-aunt Begims, daughters of Sl. -Abu-sa'id Mirza,[1186] were gathered together, at the time I went to see -them, in Sl. Husain Mirza's College at his [Sidenote: Fol. 188b.] -Mausoleum. Having bent the knee with (_yukunub bila_) Payanda-sultan -Begim first of all, I had an interview with her; next, not bending the -knee,[1187] I had an interview with Apaq Begim; next, having bent the -knee with Khadija Begim, I had an interview with her. After sitting -there for some time during recitation of the Qoran,[1188] we went to the -South College where Khadija Begim's tents had been set up and where food -was placed before us. After partaking of this, we went to Payanda-sultan -Begim's tents and there spent the night. - -The New-year's Garden was given us first for a camping-ground; there our -camp was arranged; and there I spent the night of the day following my -visit to the Begims, but as I did not find it a convenient place, -'Ali-sher Beg's residence was assigned to me, where I was as long as I -stayed in Heri, every few days shewing myself in Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's -presence in the World-adorning Garden. - - -(_k. The Mirzas entertain Babur in Heri._) - -A few days after Muzaffar Mirza had settled down in the White-garden, -he invited me to his quarters; Khadija Begim was also there, and with me -went Jahangir Mirza. When we had eaten a meal in the Begim's -presence,[1189] Muzaffar Mirza took me to where there was a wine-party, -in the Tarab-khana (Joy-house) built by Babur Mirza, a sweet little -abode, a smallish, two-storeyed house in the middle of a smallish -garden. Great pains have been taken with its upper storey; this has a -retreat (_hujra_) in each of its four corners, the space between each -two retreats being like a _shah-nishin_[1190]; in between these retreats -and [Sidenote: Fol. 189.] _shah-nishins_ is one large room on all sides -of which are pictures which, although Babur Mirza built the house, were -commanded by Abu-sa'id Mirza and depict his own wars and encounters. - -Two divans had been set in the north _shah-nishin_, facing each other, -and with their sides turned to the north. On one Muzaffar Mirza and I -sat, on the other Sl. Mas'ud Mirza[1191] and Jahangir Mirza. We being -guests, Muzaffar Mirza gave me place above himself. The social cups -were filled, the cup-bearers ordered to carry them to the guests; the -guests drank down the mere wine as if it were water-of-life; when it -mounted to their heads, the party waxed warm. - -They thought to make me also drink and to draw me into their own circle. -Though up till then I had not committed the sin of wine-drinking[1192] -and known the cheering sensation of comfortable drunkenness, I was -inclined to drink wine and my heart was drawn to cross that stream -(_wada_). I had had no inclination for wine in my childhood; I knew -nothing of its cheer and pleasure. If, as sometimes, my father pressed -wine on me, I excused myself; I did not commit the sin. After he -[Sidenote: Fol. 189b.] died, Khwaja Qazi's right guidance kept me -guiltless; as at that time I abstained from forbidden viands, what room -was there for the sin of wine? Later on when, with the young man's lusts -and at the prompting of sensual passion, desire for wine arose, there -was no-one to press it on me, no-one indeed aware of my leaning towards -it; so that, inclined for it though my heart was, it was difficult of -myself to do such a thing, one thitherto undone. It crossed my mind now, -when the Mirzas were so pressing and when too we were in a town so -refined as Heri, "Where should I drink if not here? here where all the -chattels and utensils of luxury and comfort are gathered and in use." So -saying to myself, I resolved to drink wine; I determined to cross that -stream; but it occurred to me that as I had not taken wine in -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's house or from his hand, who was to me as an elder -brother, things might find way into his mind if I took wine in his -younger brother's house and from his hand. Having so said to myself, I -mentioned my doubt and difficulty. Said they, "Both the excuse and the -obstacle are reasonable," pressed me no more to drink then but settled -that when I was in company with both Mirzas, I should drink under the -insistance of both. - -Amongst the musicians present at this party were Hafiz Haji, [Sidenote: -Fol. 190.] Jalalu'd-din Mahmud the flautist, and Ghulam _shadi_'s -younger brother, Ghulam _bacha_ the Jews'-harpist. Hafiz Haji sang well, -as Heri people sing, quietly, delicately, and in tune. With Jahangir -Mirza was a Samarkandi singer Mir Jan whose singing was always loud, -harsh and out-of-tune. The Mirza, having had enough, ordered him to -sing; he did so, loudly, harshly and without taste. Khurasanis have -quite refined manners; if, under this singing, one did stop his ears, -the face of another put question, not one could stop the singer, out of -consideration for the Mirza. - -After the Evening Prayer we left the Tarab-khana for a new house in -Muzaffar Mirza's winter-quarters. There Yusuf-i-'ali danced in the -drunken time, and being, as he was, a master in music, danced well. The -party waxed very warm there. Muzaffar Mirza gave me a sword-belt, a -lambskin surtout, and a grey _tipuchaq_ (horse). Janak recited in -Turki. Two slaves of the Mirza's, known as Big-moon and Little-moon, did -offensive, drunken tricks in the drunken time. The party was warm till -night when those assembled scattered, I, however, staying the night in -that house. - -Qasim Beg getting to hear that I had been pressed to drink wine, sent -some-one to Zu'n-nun Beg with advice for him and for Muzaffar Mirza, -given in very plain words; the result was [Sidenote: Fol. 190b.] that -the Mirzas entirely ceased to press wine upon me. - -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza, hearing that Muzaffar M. had entertained me, -asked me to a party arranged in the Maqauwi-khana of the World-adorning -Garden. He asked also some of my close circle[1193] and some of our -braves. Those about me could never drink (openly) on my own account; if -they ever did drink, they did it perhaps once in 40 days, with doorstrap -fast and under a hundred fears. Such as these were now invited; here too -they drank with a hundred precautions, sometimes calling off my -attention, sometimes making a screen of their hands, notwithstanding -that I had given them permission to follow common custom, because this -party was given by one standing to me as a father or elder brother. -People brought in weeping-willows....[1194] - - -At this party they set a roast goose before me but as I was no carver or -disjointer of birds, I left it alone. "Do you not like it?" inquired the -Mirza. Said I, "I am a poor carver." On this he at once disjointed the -bird and set it again before [Sidenote: Fol. 191.] me. In such matters -he had no match. At the end of the party he gave me an enamelled -waist-dagger, a _char-qab_,[1195] and a _tipuchaq_. - - -(_l. Babur sees the sights of Heri._) - -Every day of the time I was in Heri I rode out to see a new sight; my -guide in these excursions was Yusuf-i-'ali Kukuldash; wherever we -dismounted, he set food before me. Except Sl. Husain Mirza's Almshouse, -not one famous spot, maybe, was left unseen in those 40 days. - -I saw the Gazur-gah,[1196] 'Ali-sher's Baghcha (Little-garden), the -Paper-mortars,[1197] Takht-astana (Royal-residence), Pul-i-gah, -Kahad-stan,[1198] Nazar-gah-garden, Ni'matabad (Pleasure-place), -Gazur-gah Avenue, Sl. Ahmad Mirza's Hazirat,[1199] Takht-i-safar,[1200] -Takht-i-nawa'i, Takht-i-barkar, Takht-i-Haji Beg, Takht-i-Baha'u'd-din -'Umar, Takht-i-Shaikh Zainu'd-din, Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman _Jami_'s -honoured shrine and tomb,[1201] Namaz-gah-i-mukhtar,[1202] the -Fish-pond,[1203] Saq-i-sulaiman,[1204] Buluri (Crystal) which -originally may have been Abu'l-walid,[1205] Imam Fakhr,[1206] -Avenue-garden, Mirza's Colleges and tomb, Guhar-shad Begim's College, -tomb,[1207] and Congregational Mosque, the Ravens'-garden, New-garden, -Zubaida-garden,[1208] Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza's White-house [Sidenote: Fol. -191b.] outside the 'Iraq-gate, Puran,[1209] the Archer's-seat, Chargh -(hawk)-meadow, Amir Wahid,[1210] Malan-bridge,[1211] Khwaja-taq,[1212] -White-garden, Tarab-khana, Bagh-i-jahan-ara, Kushk,[1213] -Maqauwi-khana, Lily-house, Twelve-towers, the great tank to the north of -Jahan-ara and the four dwellings on its four sides, the five Fort-gates, -_viz._ the Malik, 'Iraq, Firuzabad, Khush[1214] and Qibchaq Gates, -Charsu, Shaikhu'l-islam's College, Maliks' Congregational Mosque, -Town-garden, Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's College on the bank of the -Anjil-canal, 'Ali-sher Beg's dwellings where we resided and which people -call Unsiya (Ease), his tomb and mosque which they call Qudsiya (Holy), -his College and Almshouse which they call Khalasiya and Akhlasiya -(Freedom and Sincerity), his Hot-bath and Hospital which they call -Safa'iya and Shafa'iya. All these I visited in that space of time. - - -(_m. Babur engages Ma'suma-sultan in marriage._) - -It must have been before those throneless times[1215] that Habiba-sultan -Begim, the mother of Sl. Ahmad Mirza's youngest daughter Ma'suma-sultan -Begim, brought her daughter into Heri. One day when I was visiting my -Aka, Ma'suma-sultan Begim came there with her mother and at once felt -arise in her a great inclination towards me. Private messengers having -been sent, my Aka and my Yinka, as I used to call Payanda-sultan Begim -[Sidenote: Fol. 192.] and Habiba-sultan Begim, settled between them that -the latter should bring her daughter after me to Kabul.[1216] - - -(_n. Babur leaves Khurasan._) - -Very pressingly had Muh Baranduq Beg and Zu'n-nun _Arghun_ said, "Winter -here!" but they had given me no winter-quarters nor had they made any -winter-arrangements for me. Winter came on; snow fell on the mountains -between us and Kabul; anxiety grew about Kabul; no winter-quarters were -offered, no arrangements made! As we could not speak out, of necessity -we left Heri! - -On the pretext of finding winter-quarters, we got out of the town on the -7th day of the month of Sha'ban (Dec. 24th 1506 AD.), and went to near -Badghis. Such were our slowness and our tarryings that the Ramzan-moon -was seen a few marches only beyond the Langar of Mir Ghiyas.[1217] Of -our braves who were absent on various affairs, some joined us, some -followed us into Kabul 20 days or a month later, some stayed in Heri and -took service with the Mirzas. One of these last was Sayyidim 'Ali the -gate-ward, who became Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's retainer. To no servant of -Khusrau Shah had I shewn so much favour as to him; he had been given -Ghazni when Jahangir Mirza abandoned it, and in it when he came away -with the army, had left his younger brother Dost-i-anju (?) Shaikh. -There were in truth [Sidenote: Fol. 192b.] no better men amongst Khusrau -Shah's retainers than this man Sayyidim 'Ali the gate-ward and -Muhibb-i-'ali the armourer. Sayyidim was of excellent nature and -manners, a bold swordsman, a singularly competent and methodical man. -His house was never without company and assembly; he was greatly -generous, had wit and charm, a variety of talk and story, and was a -sweet-natured, good-humoured, ingenious, fun-loving person. His fault -was that he practised vice and pederasty. He may have swerved from the -Faith; may also have been a hypocrite in his dealings; some of what -seemed double-dealing people attributed to his jokes, but, still, there -must have been a something![1218] When Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza had let -Shaibaq Khan take Heri and had gone to Shah Beg (_Arghun_), he had -Sayyidim 'Ali thrown into the Harmand because of his double-dealing -words spoken between the Mirza and Shah Beg. Muhibb-i-'ali's story will -come into the narrative of events hereafter to be written. - - -(_o. A perilous mountain-journey._) - -From the Langar of Mir Ghiyas we had ourselves guided past the -border-villages of Gharjistan to Chach-charan.[1219] From the almshouse -to Gharjistan was an unbroken sheet of snow; it was deeper further on; -near Chach-charan itself it was above the horses' knees. Chach-charan -depended on Zu'n-nun _Arghun_; his retainer Mir Jan-airdi was in it now; -from him we took, on payment, the whole of Zu'n-nun Beg's store of -provisions. A march or two further on, the snow was very deep, being -above [Sidenote: Fol. 193.] the stirrup, indeed in many places the -horses' feet did not touch the ground. - -We had consulted at the Langar of Mir Ghiyas which road to take for -return to Kabul; most of us agreed in saying, "It is winter, the -mountain-road is difficult and dangerous; the Qandahar road, though a -little longer, is safe and easy." Qasim Beg said, "That road is long; -you will go by this one." As he made much dispute, we took the -mountain-road. - -Our guide was a Pashai named Pir Sultan (Old sultan?). Whether it was -through old age, whether from want of heart, whether because of the deep -snow, he lost the road and could not guide us. As we were on this route -under the insistance of Qasim Beg, he and his sons, for his name's sake, -dismounted, trampled the snow down, found the road again and took the -lead. One day the snow was so deep and the way so uncertain that we -could not go on; there being no help for it, back we turned, dismounted -where there was fuel, picked out 60 or 70 good men and sent them down -the valley in our tracks to fetch any one soever of the Hazara, -wintering in the valley-bottom, who might shew us the road. That place -could not be left till our men returned three or four days later. They -brought no [Sidenote: Fol. 193b.] guide; once more we sent Sultan -_Pashai_ ahead and, putting our trust in God, again took the road by -which we had come back from where it was lost. Much misery and hardship -were endured in those few days, more than at any time of my life. In -that stress I composed the following opening couplet:-- - - Is there one cruel turn of Fortune's wheel unseen of me? - Is there a pang, a grief my wounded heart has missed? - -We went on for nearly a week, trampling down the snow and not getting -forward more than two or three miles a day. I was one of the -snow-stampers, with 10 or 15 of my household, Qasim Beg, his sons -Tingri-birdi and Qambar-i-'ali and two or three of their retainers. -These mentioned used to go forward for 7 or 8 yards, stamping the snow -down and at each step sinking to the waist or the breast. After a few -steps the leading man would stand still, exhausted by the labour, and -another would go forward. By the time 10, 15, 20, men on foot had -stamped the snow down, it became so that a horse might be led over it. A -horse would be led, would sink to the stirrups, could do no more than 10 -or 12 steps, and would be drawn aside to let another go on. After we, -10, 15, 20, men had stamped down the snow and had led horses forward in -this fashion, very serviceable [Sidenote: Fol. 194.] braves and men of -renowned name would enter the beaten track, hanging their heads. It was -not a time to urge or compel! the man with will and hardihood for such -tasks does them by his own request! Stamping the snow down in this way, -we got out of that afflicting place (_anjukan yir_) in three or four -days to a cave known as the Khawal-i-quti (Blessed-cave), below the -Zirrin-pass. - -That night the snow fell in such an amazing blizzard of cutting wind -that every man feared for his life. The storm had become extremely -violent by the time we reached the _khawal_, as people in those parts -call a mountain-cave (_ghar_) or hollow (_khawak_). We dismounted at its -mouth. Deep snow! a one-man road! and even on that stamped-down and -trampled road, pitfalls for horses! the days at their shortest! The -first arrivals reached the cave by daylight; others kept coming in from -the Evening Prayer till the Bed-time one; later than that people -dismounted wherever they happened to be; dawn shot with many still in -the saddle. - -The cave seeming to be rather small, I took a shovel and shovelled out a -place near its mouth, the size of a sitting-mat [Sidenote: Fol. 194b.] -(_takiya-namad_), digging it out breast-high but even then not reaching -the ground. This made me a little shelter from the wind when I sat right -down in it. I did not go into the cave though people kept saying, "Come -inside," because this was in my mind, "Some of my men in snow and storm, -I in the comfort of a warm house! the whole horde (_aulus_) outside in -misery and pain, I inside sleeping at ease! That would be far from a -man's act, quite another matter than comradeship! Whatever hardship and -wretchedness there is, I will face; what strong men stand, I will stand; -for, as the Persian proverb says, to die with friends is a nuptial." -Till the Bed-time Prayer I sat through that blizzard of snow and wind in -the dug-out, the snow-fall being such that my head, back, and ears were -overlaid four hands thick. The cold of that night affected my ears. At -the Bed-time Prayer some-one, looking more carefully at the cave, -shouted out, "It is a very roomy cave with place for every-body." On -hearing this I shook off my roofing of snow and, asking the braves near -to come also, went inside. There was room for 50 or 60! People brought -out their rations, cold meat, parched grain, whatever they had. From -such cold and tumult to a place so warm, cosy and quiet![1220] - -Next day the snow and wind having ceased, we made an early start and we -got to the pass by again stamping down [Sidenote: Fol. 195.] a road in -the snow. The proper road seems to make a detour up the flank of the -mountain and to go over higher up, by what is understood to be called -the Zirrin-pass. Instead of taking that road, we went straight up the -valley-bottom (_qul_).[1221] It was night before we reached the further -side of the (Bakkak-)pass; we spent the night there in the mouth of the -valley, a night of mighty cold, got through with great distress and -suffering. Many a man had his hands and feet frost-bitten; that night's -cold took both Kipa's feet, both Siunduk _Turkman_'s hands, both Ahi's -feet. Early next morning we moved down the valley; putting our trust in -God, we went straight down, by bad slopes and sudden falls, knowing and -seeing it could not be the right way. It was the Evening Prayer when we -got out of that valley. No long-memoried old man knew that any-one had -been heard of as crossing that pass with the snow so deep, or indeed -that it had ever entered the heart of man to cross it at that time of -year. Though for a few days we had suffered greatly through the depth of -the snow, yet its depth, in the end, enabled us to reach our -destination. For why? How otherwise should we have traversed those -pathless slopes and sudden falls? [Sidenote: Fol. 195b.] - - All ill, all good in the count, is gain if looked at aright! - -The Yaka-aulang people at once heard of our arrival and our dismounting; -followed, warm houses, fat sheep, grass and horse-corn, water without -stint, ample wood and dried dung for fires! To escape from such snow and -cold to such a village, to such warm dwellings, was comfort those will -understand who have had our trials, relief known to those who have felt -our hardships. We tarried one day in Yaka-aulang, happy-of-heart and -easy-of-mind; marched 2 _yighach_ (10-12 m.) next day and dismounted. -The day following was the Ramzan Feast[1222]; we went on through Bamian, -crossed by Shibr-tu and dismounted before reaching Janglik. - - -(_p. Second raid on the Turkman Hazaras._) - -The Turkman Hazaras with their wives and little children must have made -their winter-quarters just upon our road[1223]; they had no word about -us; when we got in amongst their cattle-pens and tents (_alachuq_) two -or three groups of these went to ruin and plunder, the people themselves -drawing off with their little children and abandoning houses and goods. -News was [Sidenote: Fol. 196.] brought from ahead that, at a place where -there were narrows, a body of Hazaras was shooting arrows, holding up -part of the army, and letting no-one pass. We, hurrying on, arrived to -find no narrows at all; a few Hazaras were shooting from a naze, -standing in a body on the hill[1224] like very good soldiers.[1225] - - They saw the blackness of the foe; - Stood idle-handed and amazed; - I arriving, went swift that way, - Pressed on with shout, "Move on! move on!" - I wanted to hurry my men on, - To make them stand up to the foe. - With a "Hurry up!" to my men, - I went on to the front. - Not a man gave ear to my words. - I had no armour nor horse-mail nor arms, - I had but my arrows and quiver. - I went, the rest, maybe all of them, stood, - Stood still as if slain by the foe! - Your servant you take that you may have use - Of his arms, of his life, the whole time; - Not that the servant stand still - While the beg makes advance to the front; - Not that the servant take rest - While his beg is making the rounds. - From no such a servant will come - Speed, or use in your Gate, or zest for your food. - At last I charged forward myself, - [Sidenote: Fol. 196b.] Herding the foe up the hill; - Seeing me go, my men also moved, - Leaving their terrors behind. - With me they swift spread over the slope, - Moving on without heed to the shaft; - Sometimes on foot, mounted sometimes, - Boldly we ever moved on, - Still from the hill poured the shafts. - Our strength seen, the foe took to flight. - We got out on the hill; we drove the Hazaras, - Drove them like deer by valley and ridge; - We shot those wretches like deer; - We shared out the booty in goods and in sheep; - The Turkman Hazaras' kinsfolk we took; - We made captive their people of sorts (_qara_); - We laid hands on their men of renown; - Their wives and their children we took. - -I myself collected a few of the Hazaras' sheep, gave them into Yarak -Taghai's charge, and went to the front. By ridge and valley, driving -horses and sheep before us, we went to Timur Beg's Langar and there -dismounted. Fourteen or fifteen Hazara thieves had fallen into our -hands; I had thought of having them put to death when we next -dismounted, with various torture, as a warning to all highwaymen and -robbers, but Qasim Beg came across them on the road and, with mistimed -[Sidenote: Fol. 197.] compassion, set them free. - - To do good to the bad is one and the same - As the doing of ill to the good; - On brackish soil no spikenard grows, - Waste no seed of toil upon it.[1226] - -Out of compassion the rest of the prisoners were released also. - - -(_j. Disloyalty in Kabul._) - -News came while we were raiding the Turkman Hazaras, that Muhammad -Husain Mirza _Dughlat_ and Sl. Sanjar _Barlas_ had drawn over to -themselves the Mughuls left in Kabul, declared Mirza Khan (Wais) supreme -(_padshah_), laid siege to the fort and spread a _report_ that -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and Muzaffar Mirza had sent me, a prisoner, to -Fort Ikhtiyaru'd-din, now known as Ala-qurghan. - -In command of the Kabul-fort there had been left Mulla Baba of -Pashaghar, Khalifa, Muhibb-i-'ali the armourer, Ahmad-i-yusuf and -Ahmad-i-qasim. They did well, made the fort fast, strengthened it, and -kept watch. - - -(_k. Babur's advance to Kabul._) - -From Timur Beg's Langar we sent Qasim Beg's servant, Muh. of Andijan, a -_Tuqbai_, to the Kabul begs, with written details of our arrival and of -the following arrangements:--"When we are out of the Ghur-bund -narrows,[1227] we will fall on them suddenly; let our signal to you be -the fire we will light directly we have passed Minar-hill; do you in -reply light one in the citadel, on [Sidenote: Fol. 197b.] the old Kushk -(kiosk)," now the Treasury, "so that we may be sure you know of our -coming. We will come up from our side; you come out from yours; neglect -nothing your hands can find to do!" This having been put into writing, -Muhammad _Andijani_ was sent off. - -Riding next dawn from the Langar, we dismounted over against -Ushtur-shahr. Early next morning we passed the Ghur-bund narrows, -dismounted at Bridge-head, there watered and rested our horses, and at -the Mid-day Prayer set forward again. Till we reached the -_tutqawal_,[1228] there was no snow, beyond that, the further we went -the deeper the snow. The cold between Zamma-yakhshi and Minar was such -as we had rarely felt in our lives. - -We sent on Ahmad the messenger (_yasawal_) and Qara Ahmad -_yurunchi_[1229] to say to the begs, "Here we are at the time promised; -be ready! be bold! "After crossing Minar-hill[1230] and dismounting on -its skirt, helpless with cold, we lit fires to warm ourselves. It was -not time to light the signal-fire; we just lit these because we were -helpless in that mighty cold. Near shoot of dawn we rode on from -Minar-hill; between it and Kabul the snow was up to the horses' knees -and had hardened, so off the road to move was difficult. Riding -single-file the whole way, we got to Kabul [Sidenote: Fol. 198.] in good -time undiscovered.[1231] Before we were at Bibi Mah-rui (Lady -Moon-face), the blaze of fire on the citadel let us know that the begs -were looking out. - - -(_l. Attack made on the rebels._) - -On reaching Sayyid Qasim's bridge, Sherim Taghai and the men of the -right were sent towards Mulla Baba's bridge, while we of the left and -centre took the Baba Luli road. Where Khalifa's garden now is, there was -then a smallish garden made by Aulugh Beg Mirza for a Langar -(almshouse); none of its trees or shrubs were left but its enclosing -wall was there. In this garden Mirza Khan was seated, Muh. Husain Mirza -being in Aulugh Beg Mirza's great Bagh-i-bihisht. I had gone as far -along the lane of Mulla Baba's garden as the burial-ground when four men -met us who had hurried forward into Mirza Khan's quarters, been beaten, -and forced to turn back. One of the four was Sayyid Qasim Lord of the -Gate, another was Qasim Beg's son Qambar-i-'ali, another was Sher-quli -the scout, another was Sl. Ahmad _Mughul_ one of Sher-quli's band. These -four, without a "God forbid!" (_tahashi_) had gone right into Mirza -Khan's quarters; thereupon he, hearing an uproar, had mounted and got -away. Abu'l-hasan the armourer's younger brother even, Muh. Husain by -name, had taken service with Mirza Khan; he had slashed at Sher-quli, -[Sidenote: Fol. 198b.] one of those four, thrown him down, and was just -striking his head off, when Sher-quli freed himself. Those four, tasters -of the sword, tasters of the arrow, wounded one and all, came pelting -back on us to the place mentioned. - -Our horsemen, jammed in the narrow lane, were standing still, unable to -move forward or back. Said I to the braves near, "Get off and force a -road". Off got Nasir's Dost, Khwaja Muhammad 'Ali the librarian, Baba -Sher-zad (Tiger-whelp), Shah Mahmud and others, pushed forward and at -once cleared the way. The enemy took to flight. - -We had looked for the begs to come out from the Fort but they could not -come in time for the work; they only dropped in, by ones and twos, after -we had made the enemy scurry off. Ahmad-i-yusuf had come from them -before I went into the Char-bagh where Mirza Khan had been; he went in -with me, but we both turned back when we saw the Mirza had gone off. -Coming in at the garden-gate was Dost of Sar-i-pul, a foot-soldier I had -promoted for his boldness to be Kotwal and had left in Kabul; he made -straight for me, sword in hand. I had my cuirass on but had not fastened -the _gharicha_[1232] nor had I put on [Sidenote: Fol. 199.] my helm. -Whether he did not recognize me because of change wrought by cold and -snow, or whether because of the flurry of the fight, though I shouted -"Hai Dost! hai Dost!" and though Ahmad-i-yusuf also shouted, he, without -a "God forbid!" brought down his sword on my unprotected arm. Only by -God's grace can it have been that not a hairbreadth of harm was done to -me. - - If a sword shook the Earth from her place, - Not a vein would it cut till God wills. - -It was through the virtue of a prayer I had repeated that the Great God -averted this danger and turned this evil aside. That prayer was as -follows:-- - - "O my God! Thou art my Creator; except Thee there is no God. - On Thee do I repose my trust; Thou art the Lord of the mighty - throne. What God wills comes to pass; and what he does not - will comes not to pass; and there is no power or strength but - through the high and exalted God; and, of a truth, in all - things God is almighty; and verily He comprehends all things - by his knowledge, and has taken account of everything. O my - Creator! as I sincerely trust in Thee, do Thou seize by the - forelock all evil proceeding from within myself, and all evil - coming from without, and all evil proceeding from every man - who can be the occasion of evil, and all such evil as can - proceed from any living thing, and remove them far from me; - since, of a truth, Thou art the Lord of the exalted - throne!"[1233] - -On leaving that garden we went to Muh. Husain Mirza's quarters in the -Bagh-i-bihisht, but he had fled and gone off to hide himself. Seven or -eight men stood in a breach of the [Sidenote: Fol. 199b.] garden-wall; I -spurred at them; they could not stand; they fled; I got up with them and -cut at one with my sword; he rolled over in such a way that I fancied -his head was off, passed on and went away; it seems he was Mirza Khan's -foster-brother, Tulik Kukuldash and that my sword fell on his shoulder. - -At the gate of Muh. Husain Mirza's quarters, a Mughul I recognized for -one of my own servants, drew his bow and aimed at my face from a place -on the roof as near me as a gate-ward stands to a Gate. People on all -sides shouted, "Hai! hai! it is the Padshah." He changed his aim, shot -off his arrow and ran away. The affair was beyond the shooting of -arrows! His Mirza, his leaders, had run away or been taken; why was he -shooting? - -There they brought Sl. Sanjar _Barlas_, led in by a rope round his neck; -he even, to whom I had given the Ningnahar _tuman_, had had his part in -the mutiny! Greatly agitated, he kept crying out, "Hai! what fault is in -me?" Said I, "Can there be one clearer than that you are higher than the -purpose and counsels of this crew?"[1234] But as he was the sister's son -of my Khan _dada's_ mother, Shah Begim, I gave the order, "Do not lead -him with such dishonour; it is not death." - -On leaving that place, I sent Ahmad-i-qasim _Kohbur_, one of the begs of -the Fort, with a few braves, in pursuit of [Sidenote: Fol. 200.] Mirza -Khan. - - -(_m. Babur's dealings with disloyal women._) - -When I left the Bagh-i-bihisht, I went to visit Shah Begim and -(Mihr-nigar) Khanim who had settled themselves in tents by the side of -the garden. - -As townspeople and black-bludgeoners had raised a riot, and were putting -hands out to pillage property and to catch persons in corners and -outside places, I sent men, to beat the rabble off, and had it herded -right away.[1235] - -Shah Begim and Khanim were seated in one tent. I dismounted at the usual -distance, approached with my former deference and courtesy, and had an -interview with them. They were extremely agitated, upset, and ashamed; -could neither excuse themselves reasonably[1236] nor make the enquiries -of affection. I had not expected this (disloyalty) of them; it was not -as though that party, evil as was the position it had taken up, -consisted of persons who would not give ear to the words of Shah Begim -and Khanim; Mirza Khan was the begim's grandson, in her presence night -and day; if she had not fallen in with the affair, she could have kept -him with her. - -Twice over when fickle Fortune and discordant Fate had parted -[Sidenote: Fol. 200b.] me from throne and country, retainer and -following, I, and my mother with me, had taken refuge with them and had -had no kindness soever from them. At that time my younger brother -(_i.e._ cousin) Mirza Khan and his mother Sultan-nigar Khanim held -valuable cultivated districts; yet my mother and I,--to leave all -question of a district aside,--were not made possessors of a single -village or a few yoke of plough-oxen.[1237] Was my mother not Yunas -Khan's daughter? was I not his grandson? - -In my days of plenty I have given from my hand what matched the -blood-relationship and the position of whatsoever member of that -(Chaghatai) dynasty chanced down upon me. For example, when the honoured -Shah Begim came to me, I gave her Pamghan, one of the best places in -Kabul, and failed in no sort of filial duty and service towards her. -Again, when Sl. Sa'id Khan, Khan in Kashghar, came [914 _AH._] with five -or six naked followers on foot, I looked upon him as an honoured guest -and gave him Mandrawar of the Lamghan _tumans_. Beyond this also, when -Shah Isma'il had killed Shaibaq Khan in Marv and I crossed over to -Qunduz (916 _AH._-1511 _AD._), the Andijanis, some driving their -(Auzbeg) _daroghas_ out, some making their places fast, turned their -eyes to me and sent me a man; at that time I trusted those old family -servants to that same Sl. Sa'id Khan, gave him a force, made him Khan -and sped him forth. Again, down to the present time (_circa_ 934 _AH._) -I have not looked upon any member of that family who has come to me, in -any other light than as a blood-relation. For example, there [Sidenote: -Fol. 201.] are now in my service Chin-timur Sultan; Aisan-timur Sultan, -Tukhta-bugha Sultan, and Baba Sultan;[1238] on one and all of these I -have looked with more favour than on blood-relations of my own. - -I do not write this in order to make complaint; I have written the plain -truth. I do not set these matters down in order to make known my own -deserts; I have set down exactly what has happened. In this History I -have held firmly to it that the truth should be reached in every matter, -and that every act should be recorded precisely as it occurred. From -this it follows of necessity that I have set down of good and bad -whatever is known, concerning father and elder brother, kinsman and -stranger; of them all I have set down carefully the known virtues and -defects. Let the reader accept my excuse; let the reader pass on from -the place of severity! - - -(_n. Letters of victory._) - -Rising from that place and going to the Char-bagh where Mirza Khan had -been, we sent letters of victory to all the countries, clans, and -retainers. This done, I rode to the citadel. - - -(_o. Arrest of rebel leaders._) - -Muhammad Husain Mirza in his terror having run away into Khanim's -bedding-room and got himself fastened up in a bundle of bedding, we -appointed Mirim _Diwan_ with other begs of the fort, to take control in -those dwellings, capture, and bring him in. Mirim _Diwan_ said some -plain rough words at Khanim's [Sidenote: Fol. 201b.] gate, by some means -or other found the Mirza, and brought him before me in the citadel. I -rose at once to receive the Mirza with my usual deference, not even -shewing too harsh a face. If I had had that Muh. Husain M. cut in -pieces, there was the ground for it that he had had part in base and -shameful action, started and spurred on mutiny and treason. Death he -deserved with one after another of varied pain and torture, but because -there had come to be various connexion between us, his very sons and -daughters being by my own mother's sister Khub-nigar Khanim, I kept this -just claim in mind, let him go free, and permitted him to set out -towards Khurasan. The cowardly ingrate then forgot altogether the good I -did him by the gift of his life; he blamed and slandered me to Shaibaq -Khan. Little time passed, however, before the Khan gave him his deserts -by death. - - Leave thou to Fate the man who does thee wrong, - For Fate is an avenging servitor.[1239] - -Ahmad-i-qasim _Kohbur_ and the party of braves sent in pursuit of Mirza -Khan, overtook him in the low hills of Qargha-yilaq, not able even to -run away, without heart or force to stir a finger! [Sidenote: Fol. 202.] -They took him, and brought him to where I sat in the northeast porch of -the old Court-house. Said I to him, "Come! let's have a look at one -another" (_kurushaling_), but twice before he could bend the knee and -come forward, he fell down through agitation. When we had looked at one -another, I placed him by my side to give him heart, and I drank first of -the sherbet brought in, in order to remove his fears.[1240] - -As those who had joined him, soldiers, peasants, Mughuls and -Chaghatais,[1241] were in suspense, we simply ordered him to remain for -a few days in his elder sister's house; but a few days later he was -allowed to set out for Khurasan[1242] because those mentioned above were -somewhat uncertain and it did not seem well for him to stay in Kabul. - - -(_p. Excursion to Koh-daman._) - -After letting those two go, we made an excursion to Baran, Chash-tupa, -and the skirt of Gul-i-bahar.[1243] More beautiful in Spring than any -part even of Kabul are the open-lands of Baran, the plain of Chash-tupa, -and the skirt of Gul-i-bahar. Many sorts of tulip bloom there; when I -had them counted once, it came out at 34 different kinds as [has been -said].[1244] This couplet has been written in praise of these places,-- - - Kabul in Spring is an Eden of verdure and blossom; - Matchless in Kabul the Spring of Gul-i-bahar and Baran. - -On this excursion I finished the ode,-- - - _My heart, like the bud of the red, red rose, - Lies fold within fold aflame; [Sidenote: Fol. 202b.] - Would the breath of even a myriad Springs - Blow my heart's bud to a rose?_ - -In truth, few places are quite equal to these for spring-excursions, for -hawking (_qush salmaq_) or bird-shooting (_qush atmaq_), as has been -briefly mentioned in the praise and description of the Kabul and Ghazni -country. - - -(_q. Nasir Mirza expelled from Badakhshan._) - -This year the begs of Badakhshan _i.e._ Muhammad the armourer, Mubarak -Shah, Zubair and Jahangir, grew angry and mutinous because of the -misconduct of Nasir Mirza and some of those he cherished. Coming to an -agreement together, they drew out an army of horse and foot, arrayed it -on the level lands by the Kukcha-water, and moved towards Yaftal and -Ragh, to near Khamchan, by way of the lower hills. The Mirza and his -inexperienced begs, in their thoughtless and unobservant fashion, came -out to fight them just in those lower hills. The battle-field was uneven -ground; the Badakhshis had a dense mass of men on foot who stood firm -under repeated charges by the Mirza's horse, and returned such attack -that the horsemen fled, unable to keep their ground. Having beaten the -Mirza, the Badakhshis plundered his dependants and connexions. - -Beaten and stripped bare, he and his close circle took the road through -Ishkimish and Narin to Kila-gahi, from there followed the Qizil-su up, -got out on the Ab-dara road, crossed at Shibr-tu, and so came to Kabul, -he with 70 or 80 followers, worn-out, naked and famished. - -That was a marvellous sign of the Divine might! Two or three years -earlier the Mirza had left the Kabul country like a [Sidenote: Fol. -203.] foe, driving tribes and hordes like sheep before him, reached -Badakhshan and made fast its forts and valley-strongholds. With what -fancy in his mind had he marched out?[1245] Now he was back, hanging the -head of shame for those earlier misdeeds, humbled and distraught about -that breach with me! - -My face shewed him no sort of displeasure; I made kind enquiry about -himself, and brought him out of his confusion. - - - - -913 AH.-MAY 13TH 1507 TO MAY 2ND 1508 AD.[1246] - -(_a. Raid on the Ghilji Afghans._) - - -We had ridden out of Kabul with the intention of over-running the -Ghilji;[1247] when we dismounted at Sar-i-dih news was brought that a -mass of Mahmands (Afghans) was lying in Masht and Sih-kana one _yighach_ -(_circa_ 5 m.) away from us.[1248] Our begs and braves agreed in saying, -"The Mahmands must be over-run", but I said, "Would it be right to turn -aside and raid our own peasants instead of doing what we set out to do? -It cannot be." - -Riding at night from Sar-i-dih, we crossed the plain of Kattawaz in the -dark, a quite black night, one level stretch of land, no mountain or -rising-ground in sight, no known road or track, not a man able to lead -us! In the end I took the lead. I had been in those parts several times -before; drawing inferences from those times, I took the Pole-star on my -right shoulder-blade[1249] and, with some anxiety, moved on. God brought -it right! We went straight to the Qiaq-tu and the Aulaba-tu torrent, -that is to say, straight for Khwaja Isma'il _Siriti_ where the Ghiljis -were lying, the road to which crosses the torrent named. Dismounting -near the torrent, we let ourselves and our horses sleep a little, -[Sidenote: Fol. 203b.] took breath, and bestirred ourselves at shoot of -dawn. The Sun was up before we got out of those low hills and -valley-bottoms to the plain on which the Ghilji lay with a good -_yighach_[1250] of road between them and us; once out on the plain we -could see their blackness, either their own or from the smoke of their -fires. - -Whether bitten by their own whim,[1251] or whether wanting to hurry, the -whole army streamed off at the gallop (_chapqun quidilar_); off galloped -I after them and, by shooting an arrow now at a man, now at a horse, -checked them after a _kuroh_ or two (3 m.?). It is very difficult indeed -to check 5 or 6000 braves galloping loose-rein! God brought it right! -They were checked! When we had gone about one _shar'i_ (2 m.) further, -always with the Afghan blackness in sight, the raid[1252] was allowed. -Masses of sheep fell to us, more than in any other raid. - -After we had dismounted and made the spoils turn back,[1253] one body of -Afghans after another came down into the plain, provoking a fight. Some -of the begs and of the household went against one body and killed every -man; Nasir Mirza did the same with another, and a pillar of Afghan heads -was set up. An arrow pierced the foot of that foot-soldier Dost the -Kotwal who has been mentioned already;[1254] when we reached Kabul, he -died. - -Marching from Khwaja Isma'il, we dismounted once more at Aulaba-tu. Some -of the begs and of my own household were ordered to go forward and -carefully separate off the Fifth (_Khums_) of the enemy's spoils. By way -of favour, we did not [Sidenote: Fol. 204.] take the Fifth from Qasim -Beg and some others.[1255] From what was written down,[1256] the Fifth -came out at 16,000, that is to say, this 16,000 was the fifth of 80,000 -sheep; no question however but that with those lost and those not asked -for, a _lak_ (100,000) of sheep had been taken. - - -(_b. A hunting-circle._) - -Next day when we had ridden from that camp, a hunting-circle was formed -on the plain of Kattawaz where deer (_kiyik_)[1257] and wild-ass are -always plentiful and always fat. Masses went into the ring; masses were -killed. During the hunt I galloped after a wild-ass, on getting near -shot one arrow, shot another, but did not bring it down, it only running -more slowly for the two wounds. Spurring forwards and getting into -position[1258] quite close to it, I chopped at the nape of its neck -behind the ears, and cut through the wind-pipe; it stopped, turned over -and died. My sword cut well! The wild-ass was surprisingly fat. Its rib -may have been a little under one yard in length. Sherim Taghai and -other observers of _kiyik_ in Mughulistan said with surprise, "Even in -Mughulistan we have seen few _kiyik_ so fat!" I shot another wild-ass; -most of the wild-asses and deer brought down in that hunt were fat, but -not one of them was so fat as the one I first killed. - -Turning back from that raid, we went to Kabul and there dismounted. - - -(_c. Shaibaq Khan moves against Khurasan._) - -Shaibaq Khan had got an army to horse at the end of last year, meaning -to go from Samarkand against Khurasan, his [Sidenote: Fol. 204b.] march -out being somewhat hastened by the coming to him of a servant of that -vile traitor to his salt, Shah Mansur the Paymaster, then in Andikhud. -When the Khan was approaching Andikhud, that vile wretch said, "I have -sent a man to the Auzbeg," relied on this, adorned himself, stuck up an -aigrette on his head, and went out, bearing gift and tribute. On this -the leaderless[1259] Auzbegs poured down on him from all sides, and -turned upside down (_tart-part_) the blockhead, his offering and his -people of all sorts. - - -(_d. Irresolution of the Khurasan Mirzas._) - -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza, Muzaffar Mirza, Muh. Baranduq _Barlas_ and -Zu'n-nun _Arghun_ were all lying with their army in Baba Khaki,[1260] -not decided to fight, not settled to make (Heri) fort fast, there they -sat, confounded, vague, uncertain what to do. Muhammad Baranduq _Barlas_ -was a knowledgeable man; he kept saying, "You let Muzaffar Mirza and me -make the fort fast; let Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza and Zu'n-nun Beg go into -the mountains near Heri and gather in Sl. 'Ali _Arghun_ from Sistan and -Zamin-dawar, Shah Beg and Muqim from Qandahar with all their armies, and -let them collect also what there is of Nikdiri and Hazara force; this -done, let them make a swift and telling move. The enemy would find it -difficult to go into the mountains, and could not come against the -(Heri) fort because [Sidenote: Fol. 205.] he would be afraid of the army -outside." He said well, his plan was practical. - -Brave though Zu'n-nun _Arghun_ was, he was mean, a lover-of-goods, far -from businesslike or judicious, rather shallow-pated, and a bit of a -fool. As has been mentioned,[1261] when that elder and that younger -brother became joint-rulers in Heri, he had chief authority in -Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza's presence. He was not willing now for Muh. -Baranduq Beg to remain inside Heri town; being the lover-of-goods he -was, he wanted to be there himself. But he could not make this seem one -and the same thing![1262] Is there a better sign of his shallow-pate and -craze than that he degraded himself and became contemptible by accepting -the lies and flattery of rogues and sycophants? Here are the -particulars[1263]:--While he was so dominant and trusted in Heri, certain -Shaikhs and Mullas went to him and said, "The Spheres are holding -commerce with us; you are styled _Hizabru'l-lah_ (Lion of God); you will -overcome the Auzbeg." Believing these words, he put his bathing-cloth -round his neck and gave thanks. It was through this he did not accept -Muhammad Baranduq Beg's sensible counsel, did not strengthen the works -(_aish_) of the fort, get ready fighting equipment, set scout or -rearward to warn of the foe's approach, or plan out such method of array -that, should the foe appear, his men would fight with ready heart. - - -(_e. Shaibaq Khan takes Heri._) - -Shaibaq Khan passed through Murgh-ab to near Sir-kai[1264] in [Sidenote: -Fol. 205b.] the month of Muharram (913 AH. May-June 1507 AD.). When the -Mirzas heard of it, they were altogether upset, could not act, collect -troops, array those they had. Dreamers, they moved through a -dream![1265] Zu'n-nun _Arghun_, made glorious by that flattery, went out -to Qara-rabat, with 100 to 150 men, to face 40,000 to 50,000 Auzbegs: a -mass of these coming up, hustled his off, took him, killed him and cut -off his head.[1266] - -In Fort Ikhtiyaru'd-din, it is known as Ala-qurghan,[1267] were the -Mirzas' mothers, elder and younger sisters, wives and treasure. The -Mirzas reached the town at night, let their horses rest till midnight, -slept, and at dawn flung forth again. They could not think about -strengthening the fort; in the respite and crack of time there was, they -just ran away,[1268] leaving mother, sister, wife and little child to -Auzbeg captivity. - -What there was of Sl. Husain Mirza's _haram_, Payanda-sultan Begim and -Khadija Begim at the head of it, was inside Ala-qurghan; there too were -the _harams_ of Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza[1269] and Muzaffar Mirza with -their little children, treasure, and households (_biyutat_). What was -desirable for making the fort fast had not been done; even braves to -reinforce it had not arrived. 'Ashiq-i-muhammad _Arghun_, the younger -brother of Mazid Beg, had fled from the army on foot and gone into it; -[Sidenote: Fol. 206.] in it was also Amir 'Umar Beg's son 'Ali Khan -(_Turkman_); Shaikh 'Abdu'l-lah the taster was there; Mirza Beg -_Kai-khusraui_ was there; and Mirak _Gur_ (or _Kur_) the Diwan was -there. - -When Shaibaq Khan arrived two or three days later; the Shaikhu'l-islam -and notables went out to him with the keys of the outer-fort. That same -'Ashiq-i-muhammad held Ala-qurghan for 16 or 17 days; then a mine, run -from the horse-market outside, was fired and brought a tower down; the -garrison lost heart, could hold out no longer, so let the fort be taken. - - -(_f. Shaibaq Khan in Heri._) - -Shaibaq Khan, after taking Heri,[1270] behaved badly not only to the -wives and children of its rulers but to every person soever. For the -sake of this five-days' fleeting world, he earned himself a bad name. -His first improper act and deed in Heri was that, for the sake of this -rotten world (_chirk dunya_), he caused Khadija Begim various miseries, -through letting the vile wretch Pay-master Shah Mansur get hold of her -to loot. Then he let 'Abdu'l-wahhab _Mughul_ take to loot a person so -saintly and so revered as Shaikh Puran, and each one of Shaikh Puran's -children be taken by a separate person. He let the band of poets be -seized by Mulla Bana'i, a matter about which this verse is well-known in -Khurasan:-- - - Except 'Abdu'l-lah the stupid fool (_kir-khar_), - Not a poet to-day sees the colour of gold; - From the poets' band Bana'i would get gold, - All he will get is _kir-khar_.[1271] [Sidenote: Fol. 206b.] - -Directly he had possession of Heri, Shaibaq Khan married and took -Muzaffar Mirza's wife, Khan-zada Khanim, without regard to the -running-out of the legal term.[1272] His own illiteracy not forbidding, -he instructed in the exposition of the Qoran, Qazi Ikhtiyar and Muhammad -Mir Yusuf, two of the celebrated and highly-skilled mullas of Heri; he -took a pen and corrected the hand-writing of Mulla Sl. 'Ali of Mashhad -and the drawing of Bih-zad; and every few days, when he had composed -some tasteless couplet, he would have it read from the pulpit, hung in -the Char-su [Square], and for it accept the offerings of the -towns-people![1273] Spite of his early-rising, his not neglecting the -Five Prayers, and his fair knowledge of the art of reciting the Qoran, -there issued from him many an act and deed as absurd, as impudent, and -as heathenish as those just named. - - -(_g. Death of two Mirzas._) - -Ten or fifteen days after he had possession of Heri, Shaibaq Khan came -from Kahd-stan[1274] to Pul-i-salar. From that place he sent Timur Sl. -and 'Ubaid Sl. with the army there present, against Abu'l-muhsin Mirza -and Kupuk (Kipik) Mirza then seated carelessly in Mashhad. The two -Mirzas had thought at one time of making Qalat[1275] fast; at another, -this after they had had news of the approach of the Auzbeg, they were -for moving on Shaibaq Khan himself, by forced marches and along a -different road,[1276]--which might have turned out an amazingly good -idea! But while they sit still there in Mashhad with nothing decided, -the Sultans arrive by forced marches. The Mirzas for their part -[Sidenote: Fol. 207.] array and go out; Abu'l-muhsin Mirza is quickly -overcome and routed; Kupuk Mirza charges his brother's assailants with -somewhat few men; him too they carry off; both brothers are dismounted -and seated in one place; after an embrace (_quchush_), they kiss -farewell; Abu'l-muhsin shews some want of courage; in Kupuk Mirza it all -makes no change at all. The heads of both are sent to Shaibaq Khan in -Pul-i-salar. - - -(_h. Babur marches for Qandahar._) - -In those days Shah Beg and his younger brother Muhammad Muqim, being -afraid of Shaibaq Khan, sent one envoy after another to me with dutiful -letters (_'arz-dasht_), giving sign of amity and good-wishes. Muqim, in -a letter of his own, explicitly invited me. For us to look on at the -Auzbeg over-running the whole country, was not seemly; and as by letters -and envoys, Shah Beg and Muqim had given me invitation, there remained -little doubt they would wait upon me.[1277] When all begs and -counsellors had been consulted, the matter was left at this:--We were to -get an army to horse, join the Arghun begs and decide in accord and -agreement with them, whether to move into Khurasan or elsewhere as might -seem good. - - -(_i. In Ghasni and Qalat-i-ghilzai._) - -Habiba-sultan Begim, my aunt (_yinka_) as I used to call her, met us in -Ghazni, having come from Heri, according to arrangement, in order to -bring her daughter Mas'uma-sultan Begim. [Sidenote: Fol. 207b.] With the -honoured Begim came Khusrau Kukuldash, Sl. Quli _Chunaq_ (One-eared) and -Gadai _Balal_ who had returned to me after flight from Heri, first to -Ibn-i-husain Mirza then to Abu'l-muhsin Mirza,[1278] with neither of -whom they could remain. - -In Qalat the army came upon a mass of Hindustan traders, come there to -traffic and, as it seemed, unable to go on. The general opinion about -them was that people who, at a time of such hostilities, are coming into -an enemy's country[1279] must be plundered. With this however I did not -agree; said I, "What is the traders' offence? If we, looking to God's -pleasure, leave such scrapings of gain aside, the Most High God will -apportion our reward. It is now just as it was a short time back when we -rode out to raid the Ghilji; many of you then were of one mind to raid -the Mahmand Afghans, their sheep and goods, their wives and families, -just because they were within five miles of you! Then as now I did not -agree with you. On the very next day the Most High God apportioned you -more sheep belonging to Afghan enemies, than had ever before fallen to -the share of the army." Something by way of _peshkash_ (offering) was -taken from each trader when we dismounted on the other side of Qalat. - - -(_j. Further march south._) - -Beyond Qalat two Mirzas joined us, fleeing from Qandahar. One was Mirza -Khan (Wais) who had been allowed to go into Khurasan after his defeat at -Kabul. The other was 'Abdu'r-razzaq [Sidenote: Fol. 208.] Mirza who had -stayed on in Khurasan when I left. With them came and waited on me the -mother of Jahangir Mirza's son Pir-i-muhammad, a grandson of Pahar -Mirza.[1280] - - -(_k. Behaviour of the Arghun chiefs._) - -When we sent persons and letters to Shah Beg and Muqim, saying, "Here we -are at your word; a stranger-foe like the Auzbeg has taken Khurasan; -come! let us settle, in concert and amity, what will be for the general -good," they returned a rude and ill-mannered answer, going back from the -dutiful letters they had written and from the invitations they had -given. One of their incivilities was that Shah Beg stamped his letter to -me in the middle of its reverse, where begs seal if writing to begs, -where indeed a great beg seals if writing to one of the lower -circle.[1281] But for such ill-manners and his rude answers, his affair -would never have gone so far as it did, for, as they say,-- - - A strife-stirring word will accomplish the downfall of - an ancient line. - -By these their headstrong acts they gave to the winds house, family, and -the hoards of 30 to 40 years. - -One day while we were near Shahr-i-safa[1282] a false alarm being given -in the very heart of the camp, the whole army was made to arm and mount. -At the time I was occupied with a bath [Sidenote: Fol. 208b.] and -purification; the begs were much flurried; I mounted when I was ready; -as the alarm was false, it died away after a time. - -March by march we moved on to Guzar.[1283] There we tried again to -discuss with the Arghuns but, paying no attention to us, they maintained -the same obstinate and perverse attitude. Certain well-wishers who knew -the local land and water, represented to me, that the head of the -torrents (_rudlar_) which come down to Qandahar, being towards Baba -Hasan Abdal and Khalishak,[1284] a move ought to be made in that -direction, in order to cut off (_yiqmaq_) all those torrents.[1285] -Leaving the matter there, we next day made our men put on their mail, -arrayed in right and left, and marched for Qandahar. - - -(_l. Battle of Qandahar._) - -Shah Beg and Muqim had seated themselves under an awning which was set -in front of the naze of the Qandahar-hill where I am now having a -rock-residence cut out.[1286] Muqim's men pushed forward amongst the -trees to rather near us. Tufan _Arghun_ had fled to us when we were -near Shahr-i-safa; he now betook himself alone close up to the Arghun -array to where one named 'Ashaqu'l-lah was advancing rather fast leading -7 or 8 men. Alone, Tufan _Arghun_ faced him, slashed swords with him, -unhorsed him, cut off his head and brought it to me as we were passing -Sang-i-lakhshak;[1287] an omen we accepted! Not thinking it well to -fight where we were, amongst suburbs and trees, we went on along the -skirt of the hill. Just as we had settled on ground for the camp, in a -meadow on the Qandahar side of the [Sidenote: Fol. 209.] torrent,[1288] -opposite Khalishak, and were dismounting, Sher Quli the scout hurried up -and represented that the enemy was arrayed to fight and on the move -towards us. - -As on our march from Qalat the army had suffered much from hunger and -thirst, most of the soldiers on getting near Khalishak scattered up and -down for sheep and cattle, grain and eatables. Without looking to -collect them, we galloped off. Our force may have been 2000 in all, but -perhaps not over 1000 were in the battle because those mentioned as -scattering up and down could not rejoin in time to fight. - -Though our men were few I had them organized and posted on a first-rate -plan and method; I had never arrayed them before by such a good one. For -my immediate command (_khasa tabin_) I had selected braves from whose -hands comes work[1289] and had inscribed them by tens and fifties, each -ten and each fifty under a leader who knew the post in the right or left -of the centre for his ten or his fifty, knew the work of each in the -battle, and was there on the observant watch; so that, after mounting, -the right and left, right and left hands, right and left sides, charged -right and left without the trouble of arraying them or the need of a -_tawachi_.[1290] - - (_Author's note on his terminology._) [Sidenote: Fol. 209b.] - Although _baranghar_, _aung qul_, _aung yan_ and _aung_ (right - wing, right hand, right side and right) all have the same - meaning, I have applied them in different senses in order to - vary terms and mark distinctions. As, in the battle-array, the - (Ar.) _maimana_ and _maisara_ _i.e._ what people call (Turki) - _baranghar_ and _jawanghar_ (r. and l. wings) are not included - in the (Ar.) _qalb_, _i.e._ what people call (T.) _ghul_ - (centre), so it is in arraying the centre itself. Taking the - array of the centre only, its (Ar.) _yamin_ and _yasar_ (r. - and l.) are called (by me) _aung qul_ and _sul qul_ (r. and l. - hands). Again,--the (Ar.) _khasa tabin_ (royal troop) in the - centre has its _yamin_ and _yasar_ which are called (by me) - _aung yan_ and _sul yan_ (r. and l. sides, T. _yan_). - Again,--in the _khasa tabin_ there is the (T.) _bui_ (_ning_) - _tikini_ (close circle); its _yamin_ and _yasar_ are called - _sung_ and _sul_. In the Turki tongue they call one single - thing a _bui_,[1291] but that is not the _bui_ meant here; - what is meant here is close (_yaqin_). - -The right wing (_baranghar_) was Mirza Khan (Wais), Sherim Taghai, -Yarak Taghai with his elder and younger brethren, Chilma _Mughul_, Ayub -Beg, Muhammad Beg, Ibrahim Beg, 'Ali Sayyid _Mughul_ with his Mughuls, -Sl. Quli _chuhra_, Khuda-bakhsh and Abu'l-hasan with his elder and -younger brethren. - -The left (_jawanghar_) was 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza, Qasim Beg, -Tingri-birdi, Qambar-i-'ali, Ahmad _Ailchi-bugha_, Ghuri _Barlas_, -Sayyid Husain Akbar, and Mir Shah _Quchin_. - -The advance (_airawal_) was Nasir Mirza, Sayyid Qasim Lord of the Gate, -Muhibb-i-'ali the armourer, Papa Aughuli (Papa's son?), Allah-wairan -_Turkman_, Sher Quli _Mughul_ the scout with his elder and younger -brethren, and Muhammad 'Ali. - -In the centre (_ghul_), on my right hand, were Qasim Kukuldash, Khusrau -Kukuldash, Sl. Muhammad _Duldai_, Shah Mahmud the secretary, -Qul-i-bayazid the taster, and Kamal the sherbet-server [Sidenote: Fol. -210.] server; on my left were Khwaja Muhammad 'Ali, Nasir's Dost, -Nasir's Mirim, Baba Sher-zad, Khan-quli, Wali the treasurer, -Qutluq-qadam the scout, Maqsud the water-bearer (_su-chi_), and Baba -Shaikh. Those in the centre were all of my household; there were no -great begs; not one of those enumerated had reached the rank of beg. -Those inscribed in this _bui_[1292] were Sher Beg, Hatim the -Armoury-master, Kupuk, Quli Baba, Abu'l-hasan the armourer;--of the -Mughuls, Aurus (Russian) 'Ali Sayyid,[1293] Darwish-i-'ali Sayyid, -Khush-kildi, Chilma, Dost-kildi, Chilma _Taghchi_, Damachi, Mindi;--of -the Turkmans, Mansur, Rustam-i-'ali with his elder and younger brother, -and Shah Nazir and Siunduk. - -The enemy was in two divisions, one under Shah Shuja' _Arghun_, known as -Shah Beg and hereafter to be written of simply as Shah Beg, the other -under his younger brother Muqim. - -Some estimated the dark mass of Arghuns[1294] at 6 or 7000 men; no -question whatever but that Shah Beg's own men in mail were 4 or 5000. He -faced our right, Muqim with a force smaller may-be than his brother's, -faced our left. Muqim made a mightily strong attack on our left, that is -on Qasim Beg from whom two or three persons came before fighting began, -to ask for reinforcement; we however could not detach a man because in -front of us also the enemy was very strong. We made our onset without -any delay; the enemy fell suddenly on our van, [Sidenote: Fol. 210b.] -turned it back and rammed it on our centre. When we, after a discharge -of arrows, advanced, they, who also had been shooting for a time, -seemed likely to make a stand (_tukhtaghandik_). Some-one, shouting to -his men, came forward towards me, dismounted and was for adjusting his -arrow, but he could do nothing because we moved on without stay. He -remounted and rode off; it may have been Shah Beg himself. During the -fight Piri Beg _Turkman_ and 4 or 5 of his brethren turned their faces -from the foe and, turban in hand,[1295] came over to us. - - (_Author's note on Piri Beg._) This Piri Beg was one of those - Turkmans who came [into Heri] with the Turkman Begs led by - 'Abdu'l-baqi Mirza and Murad Beg, after Shah Isma'il - vanquished the Bayandar sultans and seized the 'Iraq - countries.[1296] - -Our right was the first to overcome the foe; it made him hurry off. Its -extreme point had gone pricking (_sanjilib_)[1297] as far as where I -have now laid out a garden. Our left extended as far as the great -tree-tangled[1298] irrigation-channels, a good way below Baba Hasan -Abdal. Muqim was opposite it, its numbers very small compared with his. -God brought it right! Between it and Muqim were three or four of the -tree-tangled water-channels going on to Qandahar;[1299] it held the -crossing-place and allowed no passage; small body though it was, it made -splendid stand [Sidenote: Fol. 211.] and kept its ground. Halwachi -Tarkhan[1300] slashed away in the water with Tingri-birdi and -Qambar-i-'ali. Qambar-i-'ali was wounded; an arrow stuck in Qasim Beg's -forehead; another struck Ghuri _Barlas_ above the eyebrow and came out -above his cheek.[1301] - -We meantime, after putting our adversary to flight, had crossed those -same channels towards the naze of Murghan-koh (Birds'-hill). Some-one on -a grey _tipuchaq_ was going backwards and forwards irresolutely along -the hill-skirt, while we were getting across; I likened him to Shah -Beg; seemingly it was he. - -Our men having beaten their opponents, all went off to pursue and -unhorse them. Remained with me eleven to count, 'Abdu'l-lah the -librarian being one. Muqim was still keeping his ground and fighting. -Without a glance at the fewness of our men, we had the nagarets sounded -and, putting our trust in God, moved with face set for Muqim. - - (Turki) For few or for many God is full strength; - No man has might in His Court. - - (Arabic) How often, God willing it, a small force has vanquished - a large one! - -Learning from the nagarets that we were approaching, Muqim forgot his -fixed plan and took the road of flight. God brought it right! - -After putting our foe to flight, we moved for Qandahar and dismounted in -Farrukh-zad Beg's Char-bagh, of which at this time not a trace remains! - - -(_m. Babur enters Qandahar._) [Sidenote: Fol. 211b.] - -Shah Beg and Muqim could not get into Qandahar when they took to flight; -Shah Beg went towards Shal and Mastung (Quetta), Muqim towards -Zamin-dawar. They left no-one able to make the fort fast. Ahmad 'Ali -Tarkhan was in it together with other elder and younger brethren of Quli -Beg _Arghun_ whose attachment and good-feeling for me were known. After -parley they asked protection for the families of their elder and younger -brethren; their request was granted and all mentioned were encompassed -with favour. They then opened the Mashur-gate of the town; with -leaderless men in mind, no other was opened. At that gate were posted -Sherim Taghai and Yarim Beg. I went in with a few of the household, -charged the leaderless men and had two or three put to death by way of -example.[1302] - - -(_n. The spoils of Qandahar._) - -I got to Muqim's treasury first, that being in the outer-fort; -'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza must have been quicker than I, for he was just -dismounting there when I arrived; I gave him a few things from it. I put -Dost-i-nasir Beg, Qul-i-bayazid the taster and, of pay-masters, Muhammad -_bakhshi_ in charge of it, then passed on into the citadel and posted -Khwaja Muhammad 'Ali, Shah Mahmud and, of the pay-masters, Taghai Shah -_bakhshi_ in charge of Shah Beg's treasury. - -Nasir's Mirim and Maqsud the sherbet-server were sent to keep the house -of Zu'n-nun's _Diwan_ Mir Jan for Nasir Mirza; for Mirza Khan was kept -Shaikh Abu-sa'id _Tarkhani's_; for 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza ... 's.[1303] - -[Sidenote: Fol. 212.] Such masses of white money had never been seen in -those countries; no-one indeed was to be heard of who had seen so much. -That night, when we ourselves stayed in the citadel, Shah Beg's slave -Sambhal was captured and brought in. Though he was then Shah Beg's -intimate, he had not yet received his later favour.[1304] I had him -given into someone's charge but as good watch was not kept, he was -allowed to escape. Next day I went back to my camp in Farrukh-zad Beg's -Char-bagh. - -I gave the Qandahar country to Nasir Mirza. After the treasure had been -got into order, loaded up and started off, he took the loads of white -_tankas_ off a string of camels (_i.e._ _7_ beasts) at the -citadel-treasury, and kept them. I did not demand them back; I just gave -them to him. - -On leaving Qandahar, we dismounted in the Qush-khana meadow. After -setting the army forward, I had gone for an excursion, so I got into -camp rather late. It was another camp! not to be recognized! Excellent -_tipuchaqs_, strings and strings of he-camels, she-camels, and mules, -bearing saddle-bags (_khurzin_) of silken stuffs and cloth,--tents of -scarlet (cloth) and velvet, all sorts of awnings, every kind of -work-shop, ass-load after ass-load of chests! The goods of the elder and -younger (Arghun) brethren had been kept in separate treasuries; out of -each had come chest upon chest, bale upon bale of stuffs and -clothes-in-wear (_artmaq artmaq_), sack upon sack of white _tankas_. In -_autagh_ and _chadar_ (lattice-tent and pole-tent) was much spoil for -every man soever; many sheep also had been taken but sheep were less -cared about! - -I made over to Qasim Beg Muqim's retainers in Qalat, under [Sidenote: -Fol. 212b.] Quj _Arghun_ and Taju'd-din Mahmud, with their goods and -effects. Qasim Beg was a knowing person; he saw it unadvisable for us to -stay long near Qandahar, so, by talking and talking, worrying and -worrying, he got us to march off. As has been said, I had bestowed -Qandahar on Nasir Mirza; he was given leave to go there; we started for -Kabul. - -There had been no chance of portioning out the spoils while we were near -Qandahar; it was done at Qara-bagh where we delayed two or three days. -To count the coins being difficult, they were apportioned by weighing -them in scales. Begs of all ranks, retainers and household (_tabin_) -loaded up ass-load after ass-load of sacks full of white _tankas_, and -took them away for their own subsistence and the pay of their soldiers. - -We went back to Kabul with masses of goods and treasure, great honour -and reputation. - - -(_o. Babur's marriage with Ma'suma-sultan._) - -After this return to Kabul I concluded alliance (_'aqd qildim_) with Sl. -Ahmad Mirza's daughter Ma'suma-sultan Begim whom I had asked in marriage -at Khurasan, and had had brought from there. - - -(_p. Shaibaq Khan before Qandahar._) - -A few days later a servant of Nasir Mirza brought the news that Shaibaq -Khan had come and laid siege to Qandahar. That Muqim had fled to -Zamin-dawar has been said already; from there he went on and saw Shaibaq -Khan. From Shah Beg also one person after another had gone to Shaibaq -Khan. At the instigation and petition of these two, the Khan came -[Sidenote: Fol. 213.] swiftly down on Qandahar by the mountain -road,[1305] thinking to find me there. This was the very thing that -experienced person Qasim Beg had in his mind when he worried us into -marching off from near Qandahar. - - (Persian) What a mirror shews to the young man, - A baked brick shews to the old one! - -Shaibaq Khan arriving, besieged Nasir Mirza in Qandahar. - - -(_q. Alarm in Kabul._) - -When this news came, the begs were summoned for counsel. The matters for -discussion were these:--Strangers and ancient foes, such as are Shaibaq -Khan and the Auzbegs, are in possession of all the countries once held -by Timur Beg's descendants; even where Turks and Chaghatais[1306] -survive in corners and border-lands, they have all joined the Auzbeg, -willingly or with aversion; one remains, I myself, in Kabul, the foe -mightily strong, I very weak, with no means of making terms, no strength -to oppose; that, in the presence of such power and potency, we had to -think of some place for ourselves and, at this crisis and in the crack -of time there was, to put a wider space between us and the strong -foeman; that choice lay between Badakhshan and Hindustan and that -decision must now be made. - -Qasim Beg and Sherim Taghai were agreed for Badakhshan; - - (_Author's note on Badakhshan._) Those holding their heads up - in Badakhshan at this crisis were, of Badakhshis, Mubarak Shah - and Zubair, Jahangir _Turkman_ and Muhammad the armourer. They - had driven Nasir Mirza out but had not joined the Auzbeg. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 213b.] I and several household-begs preferred going -towards Hindustan and were for making a start to Lamghan.[1307] - - -(_r. Movements of some Mirzas._) - -After taking Qandahar, I had bestowed Qalat and the Turnuk (Tarnak) -country on 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza and had left him in Qalat, but with the -Auzbeg besieging Qandahar, he could not stay in Qalat, so left it and -came to Kabul. He arriving just as we were marching out, was there left -in charge.[1308] - -There being in Badakhshan no ruler or ruler's son, Mirza Khan inclined -to go in that direction, both because of his relationship to Shah -Begim[1309] and with her approval. He was allowed to go and the honoured -Begim herself started off with him. My honoured maternal-aunt Mihr-nigar -Khanim also wished to go to Badakhshan, notwithstanding that it was more -seemly for her to be with me, a blood-relation; but whatever objection -was made, she was not to be dissuaded; she also betook[1310] herself to -Badakhshan. - - -(_s. Babur's second start for Hindustan._) - -Under our plan of going to Hindustan, we marched out of Kabul in the -month of the first Jumada (September 1507 AD.), taking the road through -Little Kabul and going down by Surkh-rabat to Quruq-sai. - -The Afghans belonging between Kabul and Lamghan (Ningnahar) are thieves -and abettors of thieves even in quiet times; for just such a happening -as this they had prayed in vain. Said they, "He has abandoned Kabul", -and multiplied their misdeeds by ten, changing their very merits for -faults. To such [Sidenote: Fol. 214.] lengths did things go that on the -morning we marched from Jagdalik, the Afghans located between it and -Lamghan, such as the Khizr-khail, Shimu-khail, Khirilchi and Khugiani, -thought of blocking the pass, arrayed on the mountain to the north, and -advancing with sound of tambour and flourish of sword, began to shew -themselves off. On our mounting I ordered our men to move along the -mountain-side, each man from where he had dismounted;[1311] off they set -at the gallop up every ridge and every valley of the saddle.[1312] The -Afghans stood awhile, but could not let even one arrow fly,[1313] and -betook themselves to flight. While I was on the mountain during the -pursuit, I shot one in the hand as he was running back below me. That -arrow-stricken man and a few others were brought in; some were put to -death by impalement, as an example. - -We dismounted over against the Adinapur-fort in the Ningnahar _tuman_. - - -(_t. A raid for winter stores._) - -Up till then we had taken no thought where to camp, where to go, where -to stay; we had just marched up and down, camping in fresh places, while -waiting for news.[1314] It was late in the autumn; most lowlanders had -carried in their rice. People knowing the local land and water -represented that the Mil Kafirs up the water of the 'Alishang _tuman_ -grow great quantities of rice, so that we might be able to collect -winter supplies from them for the army. Accordingly we rode out of the -Ningnahar dale (_julga_), crossed (the Baran-water) at Saikal, and went -swiftly as far as the Pur-amin (easeful) valley. [Sidenote: Fol. 214b.] -There the soldiers took a mass of rice. The rice-fields were all at the -bottom of the hills. The people fled but some Kafirs went to their -death. A few of our braves had been sent to a look-out (_sar-kub_)[1315] -on a naze of the Pur-anim valley; when they were returning to us, the -Kafirs rushed from the hill above, shooting at them. They overtook Qasim -Beg's son-in-law Puran, chopped at him with an axe, and were just taking -him when some of the braves went back, brought strength to bear, drove -them off and got Puran away. After one night spent in the Kafirs' -rice-fields, we returned to camp with a mass of provisions collected. - - -(_u. Marriage of Muqim's daughter._) - -While we were near Mandrawar in those days, an alliance was concluded -between Muqim's daughter Mah-chuchuk, now married to Shah Hasan -_Arghun_, and Qasim Kukuldash.[1316] - - -(_v. Abandonment of the Hindustan project._) - -As it was not found desirable to go on into Hindustan, I sent Mulla Baba -of Pashaghar back to Kabul with a few braves. Meantime I marched from -near Mandrawar to Atar and Shiwa and lay there for a few days. From Atar -I visited Kunar and Nur-gal; from Kunar I went back to camp on a raft; -it was the first time I had sat on one; it pleased me much, and the raft -came into common use thereafter. - - -(_w. Shaibaq Khan retires from Qandahar._) - -In those same days Mulla Baba of Farkat came from Nasir Mirza with news -in detail that Shaibaq Khan, after taking the outer-fort of Qandahar, -had not been able to take the citadel but had retired; also that the -Mirza, on various accounts, had left Qandahar and gone to Ghazni. - -Shaibaq Khan's arrival before Qandahar, within a few days [Sidenote: -Fol. 215.] of our own departure, had taken the garrison by surprise, and -they had not been able to make fast the outer-fort. He ran mines several -times round about the citadel and made several assaults. The place was -about to be lost. At that anxious time Khwaja Muh. Amin, Khwaja Dost -Khawand, Muh. 'Ali, a foot-soldier, and Shami (Syrian?) let themselves -down from the walls and got away. Just as those in the citadel were -about to surrender in despair, Shaibaq Khan interposed words of peace -and uprose from before the place. Why he rose was this:--It appears that -before he went there, he had sent his _haram_ to Nirah-tu,[1317] and -that in Nirah-tu some-one lifted up his head and got command in the -fort; the Khan therefore made a sort of peace and retired from Qandahar. - - -(_x. Babur returns to Kabul._) - -Mid-winter though it was we went back to Kabul by the Bad-i-pich road. I -ordered the date of that transit and that crossing of the pass to be cut -on a stone above Bad-i-pich;[1318] Hafiz Mirak wrote the inscription, -Ustad Shah Muhammad did the cutting, not well though, through haste. - -I bestowed Ghazni on Nasir Mirza and gave 'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza the -Ningnahar _tuman_ with Mandrawar, Nur-valley, Kunar and Nur-gal.[1319] - - -(_y. Babur styles himself Padshah._) - -Up to that date people had styled Timur Beg's descendants _Mirza_, even -when they were ruling; now I ordered that people should style me -_Padshah_.[1320] - - -(_z. Birth of Babur's first son._) - -At the end of this year, on Tuesday the 4th day of the month of -Zu'l-qa'da (March 6th 1506 AD.), the Sun being in Pisces [Sidenote: Fol. -215b.] (_Hut_), Humayun was born in the citadel of Kabul. The date of -his birth was found by the poet Maulana Masnadi in the words _Sultan -Humayun Khan_,[1321] and a minor poet of Kabul found it in -_Shah-i-firus-qadr_ (Shah of victorious might). A few days later he -received the name Humayun; when he was five or six days old, I went out -to the Char-bagh where was had the feast of his nativity. All the begs, -small and great, brought gifts; such a mass of white _tankas_ was heaped -up as had never been seen before. It was a first-rate feast! - - - - -914 AH.--MAY 2ND 1508 TO APRIL 21ST 1509 AD.[1322] - - -This spring a body of Mahmand Afghans was over-run near Muqur.[1323] - - -(_a. A Mughul rebellion._) - -A few days after our return from that raid, Quj Beg, Faqir-i-'ali, -Karim-dad and Baba _chuhra_ were thinking about deserting, but their -design becoming known, people were sent who took them below Astar-ghach. -As good-for-nothing words of theirs had been reported to me, even during -Jahangir M.'s life-time,[1324] I ordered that they should be put to -death at the top of the _bazar_. They had been taken to the place; the -ropes had been fixed; and they were about to be hanged when Qasim Beg -sent Khalifa to me with an urgent entreaty that I would pardon their -offences. To please him I gave them their lives, but I ordered them kept -in custody. - -What there was of Khusrau Shah's retainers from Hisar and Qunduz, -together with the head-men of the Mughuls, Chilma, [Sidenote: Fol. 216.] -'Ali Sayyid,[1325] Sakma (?), Sher-quli and Aiku-salam (?), and also -Khusrau Shah's favourite Chaghatai retainers under Sl. 'Ali _chuhra_ and -Khudabakhsh, with also 2 or 3000 serviceable Turkman braves led by -Siunduk and Shah Nazar,[1326] the whole of these, after consultation, -took up a bad position towards me. They were all seated in front of -Khwaja Riwaj, from the Sung-qurghan meadow to the Chalak; 'Abdu'r-razzaq -Mirza, come in from Ning-nahar, being in Dih-i-afghan.[1327] - -Earlier on Muhibb-i-'ali the armourer had told Khalifa and Mulla Baba -once or twice of their assemblies, and both had given me a hint, but the -thing seeming incredible, it had had no attention. One night, towards -the Bed-time Prayer, when I was sitting in the Audience-hall of the -Char-bagh, Musa Khwaja, coming swiftly up with another man, said in my -ear, "The Mughuls are really rebelling! We do not know for certain -whether they have got 'Abdu'r-razzaq M. to join them. They have -not settled to rise to-night." I feigned disregard and a little -later went towards the _harams_ which at the time were in the -Yurunchqa-garden[1328] and the Bagh-i-khilwat, but after page, servitor -and messenger (_yasawal_) had turned back on getting [Sidenote: Fol. -216b.] near them, I went with the chief-slave towards the town, and on -along the ditch. I had gone as far as the Iron-gate when Khwaja Muh. -'Ali[1329] met me, he coming by the _bazar_ road from the opposite -direction. He joined me ... of the porch of the Hot-bath -(_hammam_)....[1330] - - -TRANSLATOR'S NOTE ON 914 TO 925 AH.--1508 TO 1519 AD. - -From several references made in the _Babur-nama_ and from a passage in -Gul-badan's _Humayun-nama_ (f. 15), it is inferrible that Babur was -composing the annals of 914 AH. not long before his last illness and -death.[1331] - -Before the diary of 925 AH. (1519 AD.) takes up the broken thread of his -autobiography, there is a _lacuna_ of narrative extending over nearly -eleven years. The break was not intended, several references in the -_Babur-nama_ shewing Babur's purpose to describe events of the -unchronicled years.[1332] Mr. Erskine, in the Leyden and Erskine -_Memoirs_, carried Babur's biography through the major _lacunae_, but -without firsthand help from the best sources, the _Habibu's-siyar_ and -_Tarikh-i-rashidi_. He had not the help of the first even in his -_History of India_. M. de Courteille working as a translator only, made -no attempt to fill the gaps. - -Babur's biography has yet to be completed; much time is demanded by the -task, not only in order to exhaust known sources and seek others further -afield, but to weigh and balance the contradictory statements of writers -deep-sundered in sympathy and outlook. To strike such a balance is -essential when dealing with the events of 914 to 920 AH. because in -those years Babur had part in an embittered conflict between Sunni and -Shi'a. What I offer below, as a stop-gap, is a mere summary of events, -mainly based on material not used by Mr. Erskine, with a few comments -prompted by acquaintance with Baburiana. - - -_USEFUL SOURCES_ - -Compared with what Babur could have told of this most interesting period -of his life, the yield of the sources is scant, a natural sequel from -the fact that no one of them had his biography for its main theme, still -less had his own action in crises of enforced ambiguity. - -Of all known sources the best are Khwand-amir's _Habibu's-siyar_ and -Haidar Mirza _Dughlat's Tarikh-i-rashidi_. The first was finished -nominally in 930 AH. (1524-5 AD.), seven years therefore before Babur's -death, but it received much addition of matter concerning Babur after -its author went to Hindustan in 934 AH. (f. 339). Its fourth part, a -life of Shah Isma'il _Safawi_ is especially valuable for the years of -this _lacuna_. Haidar's book was finished under Humayun in 953 AH. (1547 -AD.), when its author had reigned five years in Kashmir. It is the most -valuable of all the sources for those interested in Babur himself, both -because of Haidar's excellence as a biographer, and through his close -acquaintance with Babur's family. From his eleventh to his thirteenth -year he lived under Babur's protection, followed this by 19 years -service under Sa'id Khan, the cousin of both, in Kashghar, and after -that Khan's death, went to Babur's sons Kamran and Humayun in Hindustan. - -A work issuing from a Sunni Auzbeg centre, Fazl bin Ruzbahan _Isfahani's -Suluku'l-muluk_, has a Preface of special value, as shewing one view of -what it writes of as the spread of heresy in Mawara'u'n-nahr through -Babur's invasions. The book itself is a Treatise on Musalman Law, and -was prepared by order of 'Ubaidu'l-lah Khan _Auzbeg_ for his help in -fulfilling a vow he had made, before attacking Babur in 918 AH., at the -shrine of Khwaja Ahmad _Yasawi_ [in Hazrat Turkistan], that, if he were -victorious, he would conform exactly with the divine Law and uphold it -in Mawara'u'n-nahr (Rieu's Pers. Cat. ii, 448). - -The _Tarikh-i Haji Muhammad 'Arif Qandahari_ appears, from the frequent -use Firishta made of it, to be a useful source, both because its author -was a native of Qandahar, a place much occupying Babur's activities, and -because he was a servant of Bairam Khan-i-khanan, whose assassination -under Akbar he witnessed.[1333] Unfortunately, though his life of Akbar -survives no copy is now known of the section of his General History -which deals with Babur's. - -An early source is Yahya _Kazwini's Lubbu't-tawarikh_, written in 948 -AH. (1541 AD.), but brief only in the Babur period. It issued from a -Shi'a source, being commanded by Shah Isma'il _Safawi_'s son Bahram. - -Another work issuing also from a _Safawi_ centre is Mir Sikandar's -_Tarikh-i-'alam-arai_, a history of Shah 'Abbas I, with an introduction -treating of his predecessors which was completed in 1025 AH. (1616 AD.). -Its interest lies in its outlook on Babur's dealings with Shah Isma'il. - -A later source, brief only, is Firishta's _Tarikh-i-firishta_, finished -under Jahangir in the first quarter of the 17th century. - -Mr. Erskine makes frequent reference to Kh(w)afi Khan's _Tarikh_, a -secondary authority however, written under Aurangzib, mainly based on -Firishta's work, and merely summarizing Babur's period. References to -detached incidents of the period are found in Shaikh 'Abdu'l-qadir's -_Tarikh-i-badayuni_ and Mir Ma'sum's _Tarikh-i-sind_. - - -_EVENTS OF THE UNCHRONICLED YEARS_ - -914 AH.-MAY 2ND 1508 TO APRIL 21ST 1509 AD. - -The mutiny, of which an account begins in the text, was crushed by the -victory of 500 loyalists over 3,000 rebels, one factor of success being -Babur's defeat in single combat of five champions of his -adversaries.[1334] The disturbance was not of long duration; Kabul was -tranquil in Sha'ban (November) when Sl. Sa'id Khan _Chaghatai_, then 21, -arrived there seeking his cousin's protection, after defeat by his -brother Mansur at Almatu, escape from death, commanded by Shaibani, in -Farghana, a winter journey through Qara-tigin to Mirza Khan in -Qila'-i-zafar, refusal of an offer to put him in that feeble Mirza's -place, and so on to Kabul, where he came a destitute fugitive and -enjoyed a freedom from care never known by him before (f. 200_b_; T.R. -p. 226). The year was fatal to his family and to Haidar's; in it -Shaibani murdered Sl. Mahmud Khan and his six sons, Muhammad Husain -Mirza and other Dughlat sultans. - - -915 AH.-APRIL 21ST 1509 TO APRIL 11TH 1510 AD. - -In this year hostilities began between Shah Isma'il _Safawi_ and Muh. -Shaibani Khan _Auzbeg_, news of which must have excited keen interest in -Kabul. - -In it occurred also what was in itself a minor matter of a child's -safety, but became of historical importance, namely, the beginning of -personal acquaintance between Babur and his sympathetic biographer -Haidar Mirza _Dughlat_. Haidar, like Sa'id, came a fugitive to the -protection of a kinsman; he was then eleven, had been saved by servants -from the death commanded by Shaibani, conveyed to Mirza Khan in -Badakhshan, thence sent for by Babur to the greater security of Kabul -(f. 11; Index _s.n._; T.R. p. 227). - - -916 AH.-APRIL 11TH 1510 TO MARCH 31ST 1510 AD. - -_a. News of the battle of Merv._ - -Over half of this year passed quietly in Kabul; Ramzan (December) -brought from Mirza Khan (Wais) the stirring news that Isma'il had -defeated Shaibani near Merv.[1335] "It is not known," wrote the Mirza, -"whether Shahi Beg Khan has been killed or not. All the Auzbegs have -crossed the Amu. Amir Aurus, who was in Qunduz, has fled. About 20,000 -Mughuls, who left the Auzbeg at Merv, have come to Qunduz. I have come -there." He then invited Babur to join him and with him to try for the -recovery of their ancestral territories (T.R. p. 237). - - -_b. Babur's campaign in Transoxiana begun._ - -The Mirza's letter was brought over passes blocked by snow; Babur, with -all possible speed, took the one winter-route through Ab-dara, kept the -Ramzan Feast in Bamian, and reached Qunduz in Shawwal (Jan. 1511 AD.). -Haidar's detail about the Feast seems likely to have been recorded -because he had read Babur's own remark, made in Ramzan 933 AH. (June -1527) that up to that date, when he kept it in Sikri, he had not since -his eleventh year kept it twice in the same place (f. 330). - - -_c. Mughul affairs._ - -Outside Qunduz lay the Mughuls mentioned by Mirza Khan as come from Merv -and so mentioned, presumably, as a possible reinforcement. They had been -servants of Babur's uncles Mahmud and Ahmad, and when Shaibani defeated -those Khans at Akhsi in 908 AH., had been compelled by him to migrate -into Khurasan to places remote from Mughulistan. Many of them had served -in Kashghar; none had served a Timurid Mirza. Set free by Shaibani's -death, they had come east, a Khan-less 20,000 of armed and fully -equipped men and they were there, as Haidar says, in their strength -while of Chaghatais there were not more than 5,000. They now, and with -them the Mughuls from Kabul, used the opportunity offering for return to -a more congenial location and leadership, by the presence in Qunduz of a -legitimate Khaqan and the clearance in Andijan, a threshold of -Mughulistan, of its Auzbeg governors (f. 200_b_). The chiefs of both -bodies of Mughuls, Sherim Taghai at the head of one, Ayub _Begchik_ of -the other, proffered the Mughul Khanship to Sa'id with offer to set -Babur aside, perhaps to kill him. It is improbable that in making their -offer they contemplated locating themselves in the confined country of -Kabul; what they seem to have wished was what Babur gave, Sa'id for -their Khaqan and permission to go north with him. - -Sa'id, in words worth reading, rejected their offer to injure Babur, -doing so on the grounds of right and gratitude, but, the two men -agreeing that it was now expedient for them to part, asked to be sent to -act for Babur where their friendship could be maintained for their -common welfare. The matter was settled by Babur's sending him into -Andijan in response to an urgent petition for help there just arrived -from Haidar's uncle. He "was made Khan" and started forth in the -following year, on Safar 14th 917 AH. (May 13th 1511 AD.); with him went -most of the Mughuls but not all, since even of those from Merv, Ayub -_Begchik_ and others are found mentioned on several later occasions as -being with Babur. - -Babur's phrase "I made him Khan" (f. 200_b_) recalls his earlier mention -of what seems to be the same appointment (f. 10_b_), made by Abu-sa'id -of Yunas as Khan of the Mughuls; in each case the meaning seems to be -that the Timurid Mirza made the Chaghatai Khan Khaqan of the Mughuls. - - -_d. First attempt on Hisar._ - -After spending a short time in Qunduz, Babur moved for Hisar in which -were the Auzbeg sultans Mahdi and Hamza. They came out into Wakhsh to -meet him but, owing to an imbroglio, there was no encounter and each -side retired (T.R. p. 238). - - -_e. Intercourse between Babur and Isma'il Safawi._ - -While Babur was now in Qunduz his sister Khan-zada arrived there, -safe-returned under escort of the Shah's troops, after the death in the -battle of Merv of her successive husbands Shaibani and Sayyid Hadi, and -with her came an envoy from Isma'il proffering friendship, civilities -calculated to arouse a hope of Persian help in Babur. To acknowledge his -courtesies, Babur sent Mirza Khan with thanks and gifts; Haidar says -that the Mirza also conveyed protestations of good faith and a request -for military assistance. He was well received and his request for help -was granted; that it was granted under hard conditions then stated later -occurrences shew. - - -917 AH.-MARCH 31ST 1511 TO MARCH 19TH 1512 AD. - -_a. Second attempt on Hisar._ - -In this year Babur moved again on Hisar. He took post, where once his -forbear Timur had wrought out success against great odds, at the -Pul-i-sangin (Stone-bridge) on the Surkh-ab, and lay there a month -awaiting reinforcement. The Auzbeg sultans faced him on the other side -of the river, they too, presumably, awaiting reinforcement. They moved -when they felt themselves strong enough to attack, whether by addition -to their own numbers, whether by learning that Babur had not largely -increased his own. Concerning the second alternative it is open to -surmise that he hoped for larger reinforcement than he obtained; he -appears to have left Qunduz before the return of Mirza Khan from his -embassy to Isma'il, to have expected Persian reinforcement with the -Mirza, and at Pul-i-sangin, where the Mirza joined him in time to fight, -to have been strengthened by the Mirza's own following, and few, if any, -foreign auxiliaries. These surmises are supported by what Khwand-amir -relates of the conditions [specified later] on which the Shah's main -contingent was despatched and by his shewing that it did not start until -after the Shah had had news of the battle at Pul-i-sangin. - -At the end of the month of waiting, the Auzbegs one morning swam the -Surkh-ab below the bridge; in the afternoon of the same day, Babur -retired to better ground amongst the mountain fastnesses of a local -Ab-dara. In the desperate encounter which followed the Auzbegs were -utterly routed with great loss in men; they were pursued to -Darband-i-ahanin (Iron-gate) on the Hisar border, on their way to join a -great force assembled at Qarshi under Kuchum Khan, Shaibani's successor -as Auzbeg Khaqan. The battle is admirably described by Haidar, who was -then a boy of 12 with keen eye watching his own first fight, and that -fight with foes who had made him the last male survivor of his line. In -the evening of the victory Mahdi, Hamza and Hamza's son Mamak were -brought before Babur who, says Haidar, did to them what they had done to -the Mughul Khaqans and Chaghatai Sultans, that is, he retaliated in -blood for the blood of many kinsmen. - - -_b. Persian reinforcement._ - -After the battle Babur went to near Hisar, was there joined by many -local tribesmen, and, some time later, by a large body of Isma'il's -troops under Ahmad Beg _Safawi_, 'Ali Khan _Istilju_ and Shahrukh Sl. -_Afshar_, Isma'il's seal-keeper. The following particulars, given by -Khwand-amir, about the despatch of this contingent help to fix the order -of occurrences, and throw light on the price paid by Babur for his -auxiliaries. He announced his victory over Mahdi and Hamza to the Shah, -and at the same time promised that if he reconquered the rest of -Transoxiana by the Shah's help, he would read his name in the _khutba_, -stamp it on coins together with those of the Twelve Imams, and work to -destroy the power of the Auzbegs. These undertakings look like a -response to a demand; such conditions cannot have been proffered; their -acceptance must have been compelled. Khwand-amir says that when Isma'il -fully understood the purport of Babur's letter, [by which would seem to -be meant, when he knew that his conditions of help were accepted,] he -despatched the troops under the three Commanders named above. - -The Persian chiefs advised a move direct on Bukhara and Samarkand; and -with this Babur's councillors concurred, they saying, according to -Haidar, that Bukhara was then empty of troops and full of fools. 'Ubaid -Khan had thrown himself into Qarshi; it was settled not to attack him -but to pass on and encamp a stage beyond the town. This was done; then -scout followed scout, bringing news that he had come out of Qarshi and -was hurrying to Bukhara, his own fief. Instant and swift pursuit -followed him up the 100 miles of caravan-road, into Bukhara, and on -beyond, sweeping him and his garrison, plundered as they fled, into the -open land of Turkistan. Many sultans had collected in Samarkand, some no -doubt being, like Timur its governor, fugitives escaped from -Pul-i-sangin. Dismayed by Babur's second success, they scattered into -Turkistan, thus leaving him an open road. - - -_c. Samarkand re-occupied and relations with Isma'il Safawi._ - -He must now have hoped to be able to dispense with his dangerous -colleagues, for he dismissed them when he reached Bukhara, with gifts -and thanks for their services. It is Haidar, himself present, who fixes -Bukhara as the place of the dismissal (T.R. p. 246). - -From Bukhara Babur went to Samarkand. It was mid-Rajab 917 AH. (October -1511 AD.), some ten months after leaving Kabul, and after 9 years of -absence, that he re-entered the town, itself gay with decoration for his -welcome, amidst the acclaim of its people.[1336] - -Eight months were to prove his impotence to keep it against the forces -ranged against him,--Auzbeg strength in arms compacted by Sunni zeal, -Sunni hatred of a Shi'a's suzerainty intensified by dread lest that -potent Shi'a should resolve to perpetuate his dominance. Both as a Sunni -and as one who had not owned a suzerain, the position was unpleasant for -Babur. That his alliance with Isma'il was dangerous he will have known, -as also that his risks grew as Transoxiana was over-spread by news of -Isma'il's fanatical barbarism to pious and learned Sunnis, notably in -Heri. He manifested desire for release both now and later,--now when he -not only dismissed his Persian helpers but so behaved to the Shah's -envoy Muhammad Jan,--he was Najm Sani's Lord of the Gate,--that the envoy -felt neglect and made report of Babur as arrogant, in opposition, and -unwilling to fulfil his compact,--later when he eagerly attempted success -unaided against 'Ubaid Khan, and was then worsted. It illustrates the -Shah's view of his suzerain relation to Babur that on hearing Muhammad -Jan's report, he ordered Najm Sani to bring the offender to order. - -Meantime the Shah's conditions seem to have been carried out in -Samarkand and Babur's subservience clearly shewn.[1337] Of this there -are the indications,--that Babur had promised and was a man of his word; -that Sunni irritation against him waxed and did not wane as it might -have done without food to nourish it; that Babur knew himself impotent -against the Auzbegs unless he had foreign aid, expected attack, knew it -was preparing; that he would hear of Muhammad Jan's report and of Najm -Sani's commission against himself. Honesty, policy and necessity -combined to enforce the fulfilment of his agreement. What were the -precise terms of that agreement beyond the two as to the _khutba_ and -the coins, it needs close study of the wording of the sources to decide, -lest metaphor be taken for fact. Great passions,--ambition, religious -fervour, sectarian bigotry and fear confronted him. His problem was -greater than that of Henry of Navarre and of Napoleon in Egypt; they had -but to seem what secured their acceptance; he had to put on a guise that -brought him hate. - -Khan-zada was not the only member of Babur's family who now rejoined him -after marriage with an Auzbeg. His half-sister Yadgar-sultan had fallen -to the share of Hamza Sultan's son 'Abdu'l-latif in 908 AH. when -Shaibani defeated the Khans near Akhsi. Now that her half-brother had -defeated her husband's family, she returned to her own people (f. 9). - - -918 AH.-MARCH 19TH 1512 TO MARCH 9TH 1513 AD. - -_a. Return of the Auzbegs._ - -Emboldened by the departure of the Persian troops, the Auzbegs, in the -spring of the year, came out of Turkistan, their main attack being -directed on Tashkint, then held for Babur.[1338] 'Ubaid Khan moved for -Bukhara. He had prefaced his march by vowing that, if successful, he -would thenceforth strictly observe Musalman Law. The vow was made in -Hazrat Turkistan at the shrine of Khwaja Ahmad _Yasawi_, a saint revered -in Central Asia through many centuries; he had died about 1120 AD.; -Timur had made pilgrimage to his tomb, in 1397 AD., and then had founded -the mosque still dominating the town, still the pilgrim's -land-mark.[1339] 'Ubaid's vow, like Babur's of 933 AH., was one of -return to obedience. Both men took oath in the Ghazi's mood, Babur's set -against the Hindu whom he saw as a heathen, 'Ubaid's set against Babur -whom he saw as a heretic. - - -_b. Babur's defeat at Kul-i-malik._ - -In Safar (April-May) 'Ubaid moved swiftly down and attacked the Bukhara -neighbourhood. Babur went from Samarkand to meet him. Several details of -what followed, not given by Haidar and, in one particular, contradicting -him, are given by Khwand-amir. The statement in which the two historians -contradict one another is Haidar's that 'Ubaid had 3000 men only, Babur -40,000. Several considerations give to Khwand-amir's opposed statement -that Babur's force was small, the semblance of being nearer the fact. -Haidar, it may be said, did not go out on this campaign; he was ill in -Samarkand and continued ill there for some time; Khwand-amir's details -have the well-informed air of things learned at first-hand, perhaps from -some-one in Hindustan after 934 AH. - -Matters which make against Babur's having a large effective force at -Kul-i-malik, and favour Khwand-amir's statement about the affair are -these:--'Ubaid must have formed some estimate of what he had to meet, and -he brought 3000 men. Where could Babur have obtained 40,000 men worth -reckoning in a fight? In several times of crisis his own immediate and -ever-faithful troop is put at 500; as his cause was now unpopular, local -accretions may have been few. Some Mughuls from Merv and from Kabul were -near Samarkand (T.R. pp. 263, 265); most were with Sa'id in Andijan; but -however many Mughuls may have been in his neighbourhood, none could be -counted on as resolute for his success. If too, he had had more than a -small effective force, would he not have tried to hold Samarkand with -the remnant of defeat until Persian help arrived? All things considered, -there is ground for accepting Khwand-amir's statement that Babur met -'Ubaid with a small force. - -Following his account therefore:--Babur in his excess of daring, marched -to put the Auzbeg down with a small force only, against the advice of -the prudent, of whom Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan was one, who all said it was -wrong to go out unprepared and without reinforcement. Paying them no -attention, Babur marched for Bukhara, was rendered still more daring by -news had when he neared it, that the enemy had retired some stages, and -followed him up almost to his camp. 'Ubaid was in great force; many -Auzbegs perished but, in the end, they were victors and Babur was -compelled to take refuge in Bukhara. The encounter took place near -Kul-i-malik (King's-lake) in Safar 918 AH. (April-May 1512 AD.). - - -_c. Babur leaves Samarkand._ - -It was not possible to maintain a footing in Samarkand; Babur therefore -collected his family and train[1340] and betook himself to Hisar. There -went with him on this expedition Mahim and her children Humayun, -Mihr-jahan and Barbul,--the motherless Ma'suma,--Gul-rukh with her son -Kamran (Gulbadan f. 7). I have not found any account of his route; -Haidar gives no details about the journey; he did not travel with Babur, -being still invalided in Samarkand. Perhaps the absence of information -is a sign that the Auzbegs had not yet appeared on the direct road for -Hisar. A local tradition however would make Babur go round through -Farghana. He certainly might have gone into Farghana hoping to -co-operate with Sa'id Khan; Tashkint was still holding out under -Ahmad-i-qasim _Kohbur_ and it is clear that all activity in Babur's -force had not been quenched because during the Tashkint siege, Dost Beg -broke through the enemy's ranks and made his way into the town. Sairam -held out longer than Tashkint. Of any such move by Babur into Andijan -the only hint received is given by what may be a mere legend.[1341] - - -_d. Babur in Hisar._ - -After experiencing such gains and such losses, Babur was still under 30 -years of age. - -The Auzbegs, after his departure, re-occupied Bukhara and Samarkand -without harm done to the towns-people, and a few weeks later, in Jumada -I (July-August) followed him to Hisar. Meantime he with Mirza Khan's -help, had so closed the streets of the town by massive earth-works that -the sultans were convinced its defenders were ready to spend the last -drop of their blood in holding it, and therefore retired without -attack.[1342] Some sources give as their reason for retirement that -Babur had been reinforced from Balkh; Bairam Beg, it is true, had sent a -force but one of 300 men only; so few cannot have alarmed except as the -harbinger of more. Greater precision as to dates would shew whether they -can have heard of Najm Sani's army advancing by way of Balkh. - - -_e. Qarshi and Ghaj-davan._ - -Meantime Najm Sani, having with him some 11,000 men, had started on his -corrective mission against Babur. When he reached the Khurasan frontier, -he heard of the defeat at Kul-i-malik and the flight to Hisar, gathered -other troops from Harat and elsewhere, and advanced to Balkh. He stayed -there for 20 days with Bairam Beg, perhaps occupied, in part, by -communications with the Shah and Babur. From the latter repeated request -for help is said to have come; help was given, some sources say without -the Shah's permission. A rendezvous was fixed, Najm Sani marched to -Tirmiz, there crossed the Amu and in Rajab (Sep.-Oct.) encamped near the -Darband-i-ahanin. On Babur's approach through the Chak-chaq pass, he -paid him the civility of going several miles out from his camp to give -him honouring reception. - -Advancing thence for Bukhara, the combined armies took Khuzar and moved -on to Qarshi. This town Babur wished to pass by, as it had been passed -by on his previous march for Bukhara; each time perhaps he wished to -spare its people, formerly his subjects, whom he desired to rule again, -and who are reputed to have been mostly his fellow Turks. Najm Sani -refused to pass on; he said Qarshi must be taken because it was -'Ubaidu'l-lah Khan's nest; in it was 'Ubaid's uncle Shaikhim Mirza; it -was captured; the Auzbeg garrison was put to the sword and, spite of -Babur's earnest entreaties, all the towns-people, 15,000 persons it is -said, down to the "suckling and decrepit", were massacred. Amongst the -victims was Bana'i who happened to be within it. This action roused the -utmost anger against Najm Sani; it disgusted Babur, not only through -its merciless slaughter but because it made clear the disregard in which -he was held by his magnificent fellow-general. - -From murdered Qarshi Najm Sani advanced for Bukhara. On getting within -a few miles of it, he heard that an Auzbeg force was approaching under -Timur and Abu-sa'id, presumably from Samarkand therefore. He sent Bairam -Beg to attack them; they drew off to the north and threw themselves into -Ghaj-davan, the combined armies following them. This move placed Najm -Sani across the Zar-afshan, on the border of the desert with which the -Auzbegs were familiar, and with 'Ubaid on his flank in Bukhara. - -As to what followed the sources vary; they are brief; they differ less -in statement of the same occurrence than in their choice of details to -record; as Mr. Erskine observes their varying stories are not -incompatible. Their widest difference is a statement of time but the two -periods named, one a few days, the other four months, may not be meant -to apply to the same event. Four months the siege is said to have -lasted; this could not have been said if it had been a few days only. -The siege seems to have been of some duration. - -At first there were minor engagements, ending with varying success; -provisions and provender became scarce; Najm Sani's officers urged -retirement, so too did Babur. He would listen to none of them. At length -'Ubaid Khan rode out from Bukhara at the head of excellent troops; he -joined the Ghaj-davan garrison and the united Auzbegs posted themselves -in the suburbs where walled lanes and gardens narrowed the field and -lessened Najm Sani's advantage in numbers. On Tuesday Ramzan 3rd (Nov. -12th)[1343] a battle was fought in which his army was routed and he -himself slain. - - -_f. Babur and Yar-i-ahmad Najm Sani._ - -Some writers say that Najm Sani's men did not fight well; it must be -remembered that they may have been weakened by privation and that they -had wished to retire. Of Babur it is said that he, who was the reserve, -did not fight at all; it is difficult to see good cause why, under all -the circumstances, he should risk the loss of his men. It seems likely -that Haidar's strong language about this defeat would suit Babur's -temper also. "The victorious breezes of Islam overturned the banners of -the schismatics.... Most of them perished on the field; the rents made -by the sword at Qarshi were sewn up at Ghaj-davan by the arrow-stitches -of vengeance. Najm Sani and all the Turkman amirs were sent to hell." - -The belief that Babur had failed Najm Sani persisted at the Persian -Court, for his inaction was made a reproach to his son Humayun in 951 -AH. (1544 AD.), when Humayun was a refugee with Isma'il's son Tahmasp. -Badayuni tells a story which, with great inaccuracy of name and place, -represents the view taken at that time. The part of the anecdote -pertinent here is that Babur on the eve of the battle at Ghaj-davan, -shot an arrow into the Auzbeg camp which carried the following couplet, -expressive of his ill-will to the Shah and perhaps also of his rejection -of the Shi'a guise he himself had worn. - - I made the Shah's Najm road-stuff for the Auzbegs; - If fault has been mine, I have now cleansed the road.[1344] - - -_g. The Mughuls attack Babur._ - -On his second return to Hisar Babur was subjected to great danger by a -sudden attack made upon him by the Mughuls where he lay at night in his -camp outside the town. Firishta says, but without particulars of their -offence, that Babur had reproached them for their misconduct; the -absence of detail connecting the affair with the defeat just sustained, -leads to the supposition that their misdeeds were a part of the tyranny -over the country-people punished later by 'Ubaidu'l-lah Khan. Roused -from his sleep by the noise of his guards' resistance to the Mughul -attack, Babur escaped with difficulty and without a single -attendant[1345] into the fort. The conspirators plundered his camp and -withdrew to Qara-tigin. He was in no position to oppose them, left a few -men in Hisar and went to Mirza Khan in Qunduz. - -After he left, Hisar endured a desolating famine, a phenomenal snowfall -and the ravages of the Mughuls. 'Ubaid Khan avenged Babur on the horde; -hearing of their excesses, he encamped outside the position they had -taken up in Wakhsh defended by river, hills and snow, waited till a road -thawed, then fell upon them and avenged the year's misery they had -inflicted on the Hisaris. Haidar says of them that it was their villainy -lost Hisar to Babur and gained it for the Auzbeg.[1346] - -These Mughuls had for chiefs men who when Sa'id went to Andijan, elected -to stay with Babur. One of the three named by Haidar was Ayub _Begchik_. -He repented his disloyalty; when he lay dying some two years later (920 -AH.) in Yangi-hisar, he told Sa'id Khan who visited him, that what was -"lacerating his bowels and killing him with remorse", was his -faithlessness to Babur in Hisar, the oath he had broken at the -instigation of those "hogs and bears", the Mughul chiefs (T.R. p. 315). - -In this year but before the Mughul treachery to Babur, Haidar left him, -starting in Rajab (Sep.-Oct.) to Sa'id in Andijan and thus making a -beginning of his 19 years spell of service. - - -919 AH.-MARCH 9TH 1513 TO FEB. 26TH 1514 AD. - -Babur may have spent this year in Khishm (H.S. iii, 372). During two or -three months of it, he had one of the Shah's retainers in his service, -Khwaja Kamalu'd-din Mahmud, who had fled from Ghaj-davan to Balkh, heard -there that the Balkhis favoured an Auzbeg chief whose coming was -announced, and therefore went to Babur. In Jumada 11 (August), hearing -that the Auzbeg sultan had left Balkh, he returned there but was not -admitted because the Balkhis feared reprisals for their welcome to the -Auzbeg, a fear which may indicate that he had taken some considerable -reinforcement to Babur. He went on into Khurasan and was there killed; -Balkh was recaptured for the Shah by Deo Sultan, a removal from Auzbeg -possession which helps to explain how Babur came to be there in 923 AH. - - -920 AH.--FEB. 26TH 1514 TO FEB. 15TH 1515 AD. - -Haidar writes of Babur as though he were in Qunduz this year (TR. p. -263), says that he suffered the greatest misery and want, bore it with -his accustomed courtesy and patience but, at last, despairing of success -in recovering Hisar, went back to Kabul. Now it seems to be that he made -the stay in Khwast to which he refers later (f. 241_b_) and during which -his daughter Gul-rang was born, as Gul-badan's chronicle allows known. - -It was at the end of the year, after the privation of winter therefore, -that he reached Kabul. When he re-occupied Samarkand in 917 AH., he had -given Kabul to his half-brother Nasir Mirza; the Mirza received him now -with warm welcome and protestations of devotion and respect, spoke of -having guarded Kabul for him and asked permission to return to his own -old fief Ghazni. His behaviour made a deep impression on Babur; it would -be felt as a humane touch on the sore of failure. - - -921 AH.--FEB. 15TH 1515 TO FEB. 5TH 1516 AD. - -_a. Rebellion of chiefs in Ghazni._ - -Nasir Mirza died shortly after (_dar haman ayyam_) his return to Ghazni. -Disputes then arose amongst the various commanders who were in Ghazni; -Sherim Taghai was one of them and the main strength of the tumult was -given by the Mughuls. Many others were however involved in it, even such -an old servant as Baba of Pashaghar taking part (f. 234_b_; T.R. p. -356). Haidar did not know precisely the cause of the dispute, or shew -why it should have turned against Babur, since he attributes it to -possession taken by Satan of the brains of the chiefs and a consequent -access of vain-glory and wickedness. Possibly some question of -succession to Nasir arose. Dost Beg distinguished himself in the regular -battle which ensued; Qasim Beg's son Qambar-i-'ali hurried down from -Qunduz and also did his good part to win it for Babur. Many of the -rioters were killed, others fled to Kashghar. Sherim Taghai was one of -the latter; as Sa'id Khan gave him no welcome, he could not stay there; -he fell back on the much injured Babur who, says Haidar, showed him his -usual benevolence, turned his eyes from his offences and looked only at -his past services until he died shortly afterwards (T.R. p. 357).[1347] - - -922 AH.--FEB. 5TH 1516 TO JAN. 24TH 1517 AD. - -This year may have been spent in and near Kabul in the quiet promoted by -the dispersion of the Mughuls. - -In this year was born Babur's son Muhammad known as _'Askari_from his -being born in camp. He was the son of Gulrukh _Begchik_ and full-brother -of Kamran. - - -923 AH.--JAN. 24TH 1517 TO JAN. 13TH 1518 AD. - -_a. Babur visits Balkh._ - -Khwand-amir is the authority for the little that is known of Babur's -action in this year (H.S. iii, 367 _et seq._). It is connected with the -doings of Badi'u'z-zaman _Bai-qara's_ son Muhammad-i-zaman. This Mirza -had had great wanderings, during a part of which Khwand-amir was with -him. In 920 AH. he was in Shah Isma'il's service and in Balkh, but was -not able to keep it. Babur invited him to Kabul,--the date of invitation -will have been later therefore than Babur's return there at the end of -920 AH. The Mirza was on his way but was dissuaded from going into Kabul -by Mahdi Khwaja and went instead into Ghurjistan. Babur was angered by -his non-arrival and pursued him in order to punish him but did not -succeed in reaching Ghurjistan and went back to Kabul by way of -Firuz-koh and Ghur. The Mirza was captured eventually and sent to Kabul. -Babur treated him with kindness, after a few months gave him his -daughter Ma'suma in marriage, and sent him to Balkh. He appears to have -been still in Balkh when Khwand-amir was writing of the above -occurrences in 929 AH. The marriage took place either at the end of 923 -or beginning of 924 AH. The Mirza was then 21, Ma'suma 9; she almost -certainly did not then go to Balkh. At some time in 923 AH. Babur is -said by Khwand-amir to have visited that town.[1348] - - -_b. Attempt on Qandahar._ - -In this year Babur marched for Qandahar but the move ended peacefully, -because a way was opened for gifts and terms by an illness which befell -him when he was near the town. - -The _Tarikh-i-sind_ gives what purports to be Shah Beg's explanation of -Babur's repeated attempts on Qandahar. He said these had been made and -would be made because Babur had not forgiven Muqim for taking Kabul 14 -years earlier from the Timurid 'Abdu'r-razzaq; that this had brought him -to Qandahar in 913 AH., this had made him then take away Mahchuchak, -Muqim's daughter; that there were now (923 AH.) many unemployed Mirzas -in Kabul for whom posts could not be found in regions where the Persians -and Auzbegs were dominant; that an outlet for their ambitions and for -Babur's own would be sought against the weaker opponent he himself was. - -Babur's decision to attack in this year is said to have been taken while -Shah Beg was still a prisoner of Shah Isma'il in the Harat country; he -must have been released meantime by the admirable patience of his slave -Sambhal. - - -924 AH.--JAN. 13TH 1518 TO JAN. 3RD 1519 AD. - -In this year Shah Beg's son Shah Hasan came to Babur after quarrel with -his father. He stayed some two years, and during that time was married -to Khalifa's daughter Gul-barg (Rose-leaf). His return to Qandahar will -have taken place shortly before Babur's campaign of 926 A.H. against it, -a renewed effort which resulted in possession on Shawwal 13th 928 AH. -(Sep. 6th 1522 AD.).[1349] - -In this year began the campaign in the north-east territories of Kabul, -an account of which is carried on in the diary of 925 AH. It would seem -that in the present year Chaghan-sarai was captured, and also the -fortress at the head of the valley of Baba-qara, belonging to -Haidar-i-'ali _Bajauri_ (f. 216_b_).[1350] - -[Illustration: View from above Babur's Grave and Shah-jahan's -Mosque.] - - - - -925 AH.-JAN. 3RD TO DEC. 23RD 1519 AD.[1351] - - -(_a. Babur takes the fort of Bajaur._) - -(_Jan. 3rd_) On Monday[1352] the first day of the month of Muharram, -there was a violent earthquake in the lower part of the dale (_julga_) -of Chandawal,[1353] which lasted nearly half an astronomical hour. - -(_Jan. 4th_) Marching at dawn from that camp with the intention of -attacking the fort of Bajaur,[1354] we dismounted near it and sent a -trusty man of the Dilazak[1355] Afghans to advise its sultan[1356] and -people to take up a position of service (_qulluq_) and surrender the -fort. Not accepting this counsel, that stupid and ill-fated band sent -back a wild answer, where-upon the army was ordered to make ready -mantelets, ladders and other appliances for taking a fort. For this -purpose a day's (_Jan. 5th_) halt was made on that same ground. - -(_Jan. 6th_) On Thursday the 4th of Muharram, orders were given that the -army should put on mail, arm and get to horse;[1357] that the left wing -should move swiftly to the upper side of the fort, cross the water at -the water-entry,[1358] and dismount on the [Sidenote: Fol. 217.] north -side of the fort; that the centre, not taking the way across the water, -should dismount in the rough, up-and-down land to the north-west of the -fort; and that the right should dismount to the west of the lower gate. -While the begs of the left under Dost Beg were dismounting, after -crossing the water, a hundred to a hundred and fifty men on foot came -out of the fort, shooting arrows. The begs, shooting in their turn, -advanced till they had forced those men back to the foot of the -ramparts, Mulla 'Abdu'l-maluk of Khwast, like a madman,[1359] going up -right under them on his horse. There and then the fort would have been -taken if the ladders and mantelets had been ready, and if it had not -been so late in the day. Mulla Tirik-i-'ali[1360] and a servant of -Tingri-birdi crossed swords with the enemy; each overcame his man, cut -off and brought in his head; for this each was promised a reward. - -As the Bajauris had never before seen matchlocks (_tufang_) they at -first took no care about them, indeed they made fun when they heard the -report and answered it by unseemly gestures. On that day[1361] Ustad -'Ali-quli shot at and brought down five men with his matchlock; Wali the -Treasurer, for his part, brought down two; other matchlockmen were also -very active in firing and did well, shooting through shield, through -cuirass, through _kusaru_,[1362] and bringing down one man after -another. Perhaps 7, 8, or 10 Bajauris had fallen to the matchlock-fire -(_zarb_) before night. After that it so became that not a head could be -put out because of the fire. The order [Sidenote: Fol. 217b.] was given, -"It is night; let the army retire, and at dawn, if the appliances are -ready, let them swarm up into the fort." - -(_Jan. 7th_) At the first dawn of light (_farz waqt_) on Friday the 5th -of Muharram, orders were given that, when the battle-nagarets had -sounded, the army should advance, each man from his place to his -appointed post (_yirlik yirdin_) and should swarm up. The left and -centre advanced from their ground with mantelets in place all along -their lines, fixed their ladders, and swarmed up them. The whole left -hand of the centre, under Khalifa, Shah Hasan _Arghun_ and Yusuf's -Ahmad, was ordered to reinforce the left wing. Dost Beg's men went -forward to the foot of the north-eastern tower of the fort, and busied -themselves in undermining and bringing it down. Ustad 'Ali-quli was -there also; he shot very well on that day with his matchlock, and he -twice fired off the _firingi_.[1363] Wali the Treasurer also brought -down a man with his matchlock. Malik 'Ali _qutni_[1364] was first up a -ladder of all the men from the left hand of the centre, and there was -busy with fight and blow. At the post of the centre, Muh. 'Ali -_Jang-jang_[1365] and his younger brother Nau-roz got up, each by a -different ladder, and made lance and sword to touch. Baba the waiting -man (_yasawal_), getting up by another ladder, occupied himself in -breaking down the fort-wall with his [Sidenote: Fol. 218.] axe. Most of -our braves went well forward, shooting off dense flights of arrows and -not letting the enemy put out a head; others made themselves desperately -busy in breaching and pulling down the fort, caring naught for the -enemy's fight and blow, giving no eye to his arrows and stones. By -breakfast-time Dost Beg's men had undermined and breached the -north-eastern tower, got in and put the foe to flight. The men of the -centre got in up the ladders by the same time, but those (_aul_) others -were first (_awwal_?) in.[1366] By the favour and pleasure of the High -God, this strong and mighty fort was taken in two or three astronomical -hours! Matching the fort were the utter struggle and effort of our -braves; distinguish themselves they did, and won the name and fame of -heroes. - -As the Bajauris were rebels and at enmity with the people of Islam, and -as, by reason of the heathenish and hostile customs prevailing in their -midst, the very name of Islam was rooted out from their tribe, they were -put to general massacre and their wives and children were made captive. -At a guess more than 3000 men went to their death; as the fight did not -reach to the eastern side of the fort, a few got away there. - -The fort taken, we entered and inspected it. On the walls, in houses, -streets and alleys, the dead lay, in what numbers! Comers and goers to -and fro were passing over the bodies. [Sidenote: Fol. 218b.] Returning -from our inspection, we sat down in the Bajaur sultan's residence. The -country of Bajaur we bestowed on Khwaja Kalan,[1367] assigning a large -number of braves to reinforce him. At the Evening Prayer we went back to -camp. - - -(_b. Movements in Bajaur._) - -(_Jan. 8th_) Marching at dawn (Muh. 6th), we dismounted by the -spring[1368] of Baba Qara in the dale of Bajaur. At Khwaja Kalan's -request the prisoners remaining were pardoned their offences, reunited -to their wives and children, and given leave to go, but several sultans -and of the most stubborn were made to reach their doom of death. Some -heads of sultans and of others were sent to Kabul with the news of -success; some also to Badakhshan, Qunduz and Balkh with the -letters-of-victory. - -Shah Mansur _Yusuf-zai_,--he was with us as an envoy from his -tribe,--[1369] was an eye-witness of the victory and general massacre. We -allowed him to leave after putting a coat (_tun_) on him and after -writing orders with threats to the Yusuf-zai. - -(_Jan. 11th_) With mind easy about the important affairs of the Bajaur -fort, we marched, on Tuesday the 9th of Muharram, one _kuroh_ (2 m.) -down the dale of Bajaur and ordered that a tower of heads should be set -up on the rising-ground. - -(_Jan. 12th_) On Wednesday the 10th of Muharram, we rode out to visit -the Bajaur fort. There was a wine-party in Khwaja Kalan's house,[1370] -several goat-skins of wine having been brought down by Kafirs -neighbouring on Bajaur. All wine and fruit [Sidenote: Fol. 219.] had in -Bajaur comes from adjacent parts of Kafiristan. - -(_Jan. 13th_) We spent the night there and after inspecting the towers -and ramparts of the fort early in the morning (Muh. 11th), I mounted and -went back to camp. - -(_Jan. 14th_) Marching at dawn (Muh. 12th), we dismounted on the bank of -the Khwaja Khizr torrent.[1371] - -(_Jan. 15th_) Marching thence, we dismounted (Muh. 13th) on the bank of -the Chandawal torrent. Here all those inscribed in the Bajaur -reinforcement, were ordered to leave. - -(_Jan. 16th_) On Sunday the 14th of Muharram, a standard was bestowed on -Khwaja Kalan and leave given him for Bajaur. A few days after I had let -him go, the following little verse having come into my head, it was -written down and sent to him:--[1372] - - Not such the pact and bargain betwixt my friend and me, - At length the tooth of parting, unpacted grief for me! - Against caprice of Fortune, what weapons (_chara_) arm the man? - At length by force of arms (_ba jaur_) my friend is snatched from me! - -(_Jan. 19th_) On Wednesday the 17th of Muharram, Sl. 'Ala'u'd-din of -Sawad, the rival (_mu'ariz_) of Sl. Wais of Sawad,[1373] came and waited -on me. - -(_Jan. 20th_) On Thursday the 18th of the month, we hunted the hill -between Bajaur and Chandawal.[1374] There the _bughu-maral_[1375] have -become quite black, except for the tail which is of another colour; -lower down, in Hindustan, they seem to become black all over.[1376] -Today a _sariq-qush_[1377] was taken; that was black all over, its very -eyes being black! Today an eagle (_burkut_)[1378] took a deer (_kiyik_). - -Corn being somewhat scarce in the army, we went into the Kahraj-valley, -and took some. [Sidenote: Fol. 219b.] - -(_Jan. 21st_) On Friday (Muh. 19th) we marched for Sawad, with the -intention of attacking the Yusuf-zai Afghans, and dismounted in -between[1379] the water of Panj-kura and the united waters of Chandawal -and Bajaur. Shah Mansur _Yusuf-zai_ had brought a few well-flavoured and -quite intoxicating confections (_kamali_); making one of them into -three, I ate one portion, Gadai Taghai another, 'Abdu'l-lah the -librarian another. It produced remarkable intoxication; so much so that -at the Evening Prayer when the begs gathered for counsel, I was not able -to go out. A strange thing it was! If in these days[1380] I ate the -whole of such a confection, I doubt if it would produce half as much -intoxication. - - -(_c. An impost laid on Kahraj._) - -(_Jan. 22nd_) Marching from that ground, (Muh. 20th), we dismounted over -against Kahraj, at the mouth of the valleys of Kahraj and -Peshgram.[1381] Snow fell ankle-deep while we were on that ground; it -would seem to be rare for snow to fall thereabouts, for people were much -surprised. In agreement with Sl. Wais of Sawad there was laid on the -Kahraj people an impost of 4000 ass-loads of rice for the use of the -army, and he himself was sent to collect it. Never before had those rude -mountaineers borne such a burden; they could not give (all) the grain -and were brought to ruin. - - -(_cc. Raid on Panj-kura._) - -(_Jan. 25th_) On Tuesday the 23rd of Muharram an army was [Sidenote: -Fol. 220.] sent under Hindu Beg to raid Panj-kura. Panj-kura lies more -than half-way up the mountain;[1382] to reach its villages a person must -go for nearly a _kuroh_ (2 m.) through a pass. The people had fled and -got away; our men brought a few beasts of sorts, and masses of corn from -their houses. - -(_Jan. 26th_) Next day (Muh. 24th) Quj Beg was put at the head of a -force and sent out to raid. - -(_Jan. 27th_) On Thursday the 25th of the month, we dismounted at the -village of Mandish, in the trough of the Kahraj-valley, for the purpose -of getting corn for the army. - -(_d. Mahim's adoption of Dil-dar's unborn child._) - -(_Jan. 28th_) Several children born of Humayun's mother had not lived. -Hind-al was not yet born.[1383] While we were in those parts, came a -letter from Mahim in which she wrote, "Whether it be a boy, whether it -be a girl, is my luck and chance; give it to me; I will declare it my -child and will take charge of it." On Friday the 26th of the month, we -being still on that ground, Yusuf-i-'ali the stirrup-holder was sent off -to Kabul with letters[1384] bestowing Hind-al, not yet born, on Mahim. - - -(_dd. Construction of a stone platform._) - -While we were still on that same ground in the Mandish-country, I had a -platform made with stones (_tash bila_) on a height in the middle of the -valley, so large that it held the tents of the advance-camp. All the -household and soldiers carried the stones for it, one by one like ants. - - -(_e. Babur's marriage with his Afghan wife, Bibi Mubaraka._) - -In order to conciliate the Yusuf-zai horde, I had asked for a daughter -of one of my well-wishers, Malik Sulaiman Shah's son Malik Shah Mansur, -at the time he came to me as envoy [Sidenote: Fol. 220b.] from the -Yusuf-zai Afghans.[1385] - -While we were on this ground news came that his daughter[1386] was on -her way with the Yusuf-zai tribute. At the Evening Prayer there was a -wine-party to which Sl. 'Ala'u'd-din (of Sawad) was invited and at which -he was given a seat and special dress of honour (_khilcat-i-khasa_). - -(_Jan. 30th_) On Sunday the 28th, we marched from that valley. Shah -Mansur's younger brother Taus (Handsome) Khan brought the -above-mentioned daughter of his brother to our ground after we had -dismounted. - - -(_f. Repopulation of the fort of Bajaur._) - -For the convenience of having the Bi-sut people in Bajaur-fort,[1387] -Yusuf'i-'ali the taster was sent from this camp to get them on the march -and take them to that fort. Also, written orders were despatched to -Kabul that the army there left should join us. - -(_Feb. 4th_) On Friday the 3rd of the month of Safar, we dismounted at -the confluence of the waters of Bajaur and Panj-kura. - -(_Feb. 6th_) On Sunday the 5th of the month, we went from that ground to -Bajaur where there was a drinking-party in Khwaja Kalan's house. - - -(_g. Expedition against the Afghan clans._) - -(_Feb. 8th_) On Tuesday the 7th of the month the begs and the Dilazak -Afghan headmen were summoned, and, after consultation, matters were left -at this:--"The year is at its end,[1388] only a few days of the Fish are -left; the plainsmen have carried in all their corn; if we went now into -Sawad, the army would [Sidenote: Fol. 221.] dwindle through getting no -corn. The thing to do is to march along the Ambahar and Pani-mani road, -cross the Sawad-water above Hash-nagar, and surprise the Yusuf-zai and -Muhammadi Afghans who are located in the plain over against the -Yusuf-zai _sangur_ of Mahura. Another year, coming earlier in the -harvest-time, the Afghans of this place must be our first thought." So -the matter was left. - -(_Feb. 9th_) Next day, Wednesday, we bestowed horses and robes on Sl. -Wais and Sl. 'Ala'u'u-din of Sawad, gave them leave to go, marched off -ourselves and dismounted over against Bajaur. - -(_Feb. 10th_) We marched next day, leaving Shah Mansur's daughter in -Bajaur-fort until the return of the army. We dismounted after passing -Khwaja Khizr, and from that camp leave was given to Khwaja Kalan; and -the heavy baggage, the worn-out horses and superfluous effects of the -army were started off into Lamghan by the Kunar road. - -(_Feb. 11th_) Next morning Khwaja Mir-i-miran was put in charge of the -camel baggage-train and started off by the Qurgha-tu and Darwaza road, -through the Qara-kupa-pass. Riding light for the raid, we ourselves -crossed the Ambahar-pass, and yet another great pass, and dismounted at -Pani-mali nearer[1389] the Afternoon Prayer. Aughan-birdi was sent -forward with a few others to learn[1390] how things were. - -(_Feb. 12th_) The distance between us and the Afghans being -short, we did not make an early start. Aughan-birdi came back at -breakfast-time.[1391] He had got the better of an Afghan and had cut -his head off, but had dropped it on the road. He [Sidenote: Fol. 221b.] -brought no news so sure as the heart asks (_kunkul-tiladik_). Midday -come, we marched on, crossed the Sawad-water, and dismounted -nearer[1392] the Afternoon Prayer. At the Bed-time Prayer, we remounted -and rode swiftly on. - -(_Feb. 13th_) Rustam _Turkman_ had been sent scouting; when the Sun was -spear-high he brought word that the Afghans had heard about us and were -shifting about, one body of them making off by the mountain-road. On -this we moved the faster, sending raiders on ahead who killed a few, cut -off their heads and brought a band of prisoners, some cattle and flocks. -The Dilazak Afghans also cut off and brought in a few heads. Turning -back, we dismounted near Katlang and from there sent a guide to meet the -baggage-train under Khwaja Mir-i-miran and bring it to join us in -Maqam.[1393] - -(_Feb. 14th_) Marching on next day, we dismounted between Katlang and -Maqam. A man of Shah Mansur's arrived. Khusrau Kukuldash and Ahmadi the -secretary were sent with a few more to meet the baggage-train. - -(_Feb. 15th_) On Wednesday the 14th of the month, the baggage-train -rejoined us while we were dismounting at Maqam. - -It will have been within the previous 30 or 40 years that a heretic -qalandar named Shahbaz perverted a body of Yusuf-zai and another of -Dilazak. His tomb was on a free and dominating height of the lower hill -at the bill (_tumshuq_) of the [Sidenote: Fol. 222.] Maqam mountain. -Thought I, "What is there to recommend the tomb of a heretic qalandar -for a place in air so free?" and ordered the tomb destroyed and levelled -with the ground. The place was so charming and open that we elected to -sit there some time and to eat a confection (_ma'jun_). - - -(_h. Babur crosses the Indus for the first time._) - -We had turned off from Bajaur with Bhira in our thoughts.[1394] Ever -since we came into Kabul it had been in my mind to move on Hindustan, -but this had not been done for a variety of reasons. Nothing to count -had fallen into the soldiers' hands during the three or four months we -had been leading this army. Now that Bhira, the borderland of Hindustan, -was so near, I thought a something might fall into our men's hands if, -riding light, we went suddenly into it. To this thought I clung, but -some of my well-wishers, after we had raided the Afghans and dismounted -at Maqam, set the matter in this way before me:--"If we are to go into -Hindustan, it should be on a proper basis; one part of the army stayed -behind in Kabul; a body of effective braves was left behind in Bajaur; a -good part of this army has gone into Lamghan because its horses were -worn-out; and the horses of those who have come this far, are so poor -that they have not a day's hard riding in them." Reasonable as these -considerations were, yet, having made the start, we paid no [Sidenote: -Fol. 222b.] attention to them but set off next day for the ford through -the water of Sind.[1395] Mir Muhammad the raftsman and his elder and -younger brethren were sent with a few braves to examine the Sind-river -(_darya_), above and below the ford. - -(_Feb. 16th_) After starting off the camp for the river, I went to hunt -rhinoceros on the Sawati side which place people call also Karg-khana -(Rhino-home).[1396] A few were discovered but the jungle was dense and -they did not come out of it. When one with a calf came into the open and -betook itself to flight, many arrows were shot at it and it rushed into -the near jungle; the jungle was fired but that same rhino was not had. -Another calf was killed as it lay, scorched by the fire, writhing and -palpitating. Each person took a share of the spoil. After leaving -Sawati, we wandered about a good deal; it was the Bed-time Prayer when -we got to camp. - -Those sent to examine the ford came back after doing it. - -(_Feb. 17th_) Next day, Thursday the 16th,[1397] the horses and -baggage-camels crossed through the ford and the camp-bazar and -foot-soldiers were put over on rafts. Some Nil-abis came and saw me at -the ford-head (_guzar-bashi_), bringing a horse in mail and 300 -_shahrukhis_ as an offering. At the Mid-day Prayer of this same day, -when every-one had crossed the river, we marched on; we went on until -one watch of the night had passed (_circa_ 9 p.m.) when we dismounted -near the water of Kacha-kot.[1398] - -(_Feb. 18th_) Marching on next day, we crossed the Kacha-kot-water; noon -returning, went through the Sangdaki-pass and dismounted. While Sayyid -Qasim Lord of the Gate was [Sidenote: Fol. 223.] in charge of the rear -(_chaghdawal_) he overcame a few Gujurs who had got up with the rear -march, cut off and brought in 4 or 5 of their heads. - -(_Feb. 19th_) Marching thence at dawn and crossing the Suhan-water, we -dismounted at the Mid-day Prayer. Those behind kept coming in till -midnight; the march had been mightily long, and, as many horses were -weak and out-of-condition, a great number were left on the road. - - -(_i. The Salt-range._) - -Fourteen miles (_7 kos_) north of Bhira lies the mountain-range written -of in the _Zafar-nama_ and other books as the Koh-i-jud.[1399] I had -not known why it was called this; I now knew. On it dwell two tribes, -descendants from one parent-source, one is called Jud, the other -Janjuha. These two from of old have been the rulers and lawful -commanders of the peoples and hordes (_aulus_) of the range and of the -country between Bhira and Nil-ab. Their rule is friendly and brotherly -however; they cannot take what their hearts might desire; the portion -ancient custom has fixed is given and taken, no less and no more. The -agreement is to give one _shahrukhi_[1400] for each yoke of oxen and -seven for headship in a household; there is also service in the army. -The Jud and Janjuha both are divided into several clans. The Koh-i-jud -runs for 14 miles along the Bhira country, taking off from those Kashmir -mountains that are one with [Sidenote: Fol. 223b.] Hindu-kush, and it -draws out to the south-west as far as the foot of Din-kot on the -Sind-river.[1401] On one half of it are the Jud, the Janjuha on the -other. People call it Koh-i-jud through connecting it with the Jud -tribe.[1402] The principal headman gets the title of Rai; others, his -younger brothers and sons, are styled Malik. The Janjuha headmen are -maternal uncles of Langar Khan. The ruler of the people and horde near -the Suhan-water was named Malik Hast. The name originally was Asad but -as Hindustanis sometimes drop a vowel _e.g._ they say _khabr_ for -_khabar_ (news), they had said Asd for Asad, and this went on to Hast. - -Langar Khan was sent off to Malik Hast at once when we dismounted. He -galloped off, made Malik Hast hopeful of our favour and kindness, and at -the Bed-time Prayer, returned with him. Malik Hast brought an offering -of a horse in mail and waited on me. He may have been 22 or 23 years -old.[1403] - -The various flocks and herds belonging to the country-people were close -round our camp. As it was always in my heart to possess Hindustan, and -as these several countries, Bhira, Khush-ab, Chin-ab and Chiniut[1404] -had once been held by the Turk, I pictured them as my own and was -resolved to get them into my hands, whether peacefully or by force. For -these reasons it being imperative to treat these hillmen well, this -following [Sidenote: Fol. 224.] order was given:--"Do no hurt or harm to -the flocks and herds of these people, nor even to their cotton-ends and -broken needles!" - - -(_j. The Kalda-kahar lake_.) - -(_Feb. 20th_) Marching thence next day, we dismounted at the Mid-day -Prayer amongst fields of densely-growing corn in Kalda-kahar. - -Kalda-kahar is some 20 miles north of Bhira, a level land shut in[1405] -amongst the Jud mountains. In the middle of it is a lake some six miles -round, the in-gatherings of rain from all sides. On the north of this -lake lies an excellent meadow; on the hill-skirt to the west of it there -is a spring[1406] having its source in the heights overlooking the lake. -The place being suitable I have made a garden there, called the -Bagh-i-safa,[1407] as will be told later; it is a very charming place -with good air. - -(_Feb. 21st_) We rode from Kalda-kahar at dawn next day. When we reached -the top of the Hamtatu-pass a few local people waited on me, bringing a -humble gift. They were joined with 'Abdu'r-rahim the chief-scribe -(_shaghawal_) and sent with him to speak the Bhira people fair and say, -"The possession of this country by a Turk has come down from of old; -beware not to bring ruin on its people by giving way to fear and -anxiety; our eye is on this land and on this people; raid and rapine -shall not be." - -We dismounted near the foot of the pass at breakfast-time, [Sidenote: -Fol. 224b.] and thence sent seven or eight men ahead, under Qurban of -Chirkh and 'Abdu'l-maluk of Khwast. Of those sent one Mir Muhammad (a -servant ?) of Mahdi Khwaja[1408] brought in a man. A few Afghan headmen, -who had come meantime with offerings and done obeisance, were joined -with Langar Khan to go and speak the Bhira people fair. - -After crossing the pass and getting out of the jungle, we arrayed in -right and left and centre, and moved forward for Bhira. As we got near -it there came in, of the servants of Daulat Khan _Yusuf-khail's_ son -'Ali Khan, Siktu's son Diwa _Hindu_; with them came several of the -notables of Bhira who brought a horse and camel as an offering and did -me obeisance. At the Mid-day Prayer we dismounted on the east of Bhira, -on the bank of the Bahat (Jehlam), in a sown-field, without hurt or harm -being allowed to touch the people of Bhira. - - -(_k. History of Bhira._) - -Timur Beg had gone into Hindustan; from the time he went out again these -several countries _viz._ Bhira, Khush-ab, Chin-ab and Chiniut, had been -held by his descendants and the dependants and adherents of those -descendants. After the death of Sl. Mas'ud Mirza and his son 'Ali -_Asghar_ Mirza, the sons of Mir 'Ali Beg [Sidenote: Fol. 225.] _viz._ -Baba-i-kabuli, Darya Khan and Apaq Khan, known later as Ghazi Khan, all -of whom Sl. Mas'ud M. had cherished, through their dominant position, -got possession of Kabul, Zabul and the afore-named countries and -_parganas_ of Hindustan. In Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza's time, Kabul and Zabul -went from their hands, the Hindustan countries remaining. In 910 AH. -(1504 AD.) the year I first came into Kabul, the government of Bhira, -Khush-ab and Chin-ab depended on Sayyid 'Ali Khan, son of Ghazi Khan and -grandson of Mir 'Ali Beg, who read the _khutba_ for Sikandar son of -Buhlul (_Ludi Afghan_) and was subject to him. When I led that army out -(910 AH.) Sayyid 'Ali Khan left Bhira in terror, crossed the -Bahat-water, and seated himself in Sher-kot, one of the villages of -Bhira. A few years later the Afghans became suspicious about him on my -account; he, giving way to his own fears and anxieties, made these -countries over to the then governor [Sidenote: Fol. 225b.] in Lahur, -Daulat Khan, son of Tatar Khan _Yusuf-khail_, who gave them to his own -eldest son 'Ali Khan, and in 'Ali Khan's possession they now were. - - (_Author's note on Sl. Mas'ud Mirza._) He was the son of - Suyurghatmish Mirza, son of Shahrukh Mirza, (son of Timur), - and was known as Sl. Mas'ud _Kabuli_ because the government - and administration of Kabul and Zabul were then dependent on - him (deposed 843 AH.-1440 AD.) - - (_Author's note to 910 AH._) That year, with the wish to enter - Hindustan, Khaibar had been crossed and Parashawur (_sic_) had - been reached, when Baqi _Chaghaniani_ insisted on a move - against Lower Bangash _i.e._ Kohat, a mass of Afghans were - raided and scraped clean (_qirib_), the Bannu plain was raided - and plundered, and return was made through Duki (Dugi). - - (_Author's note on Daulat Khan Yusuf-khail._) This Tatar Khan, - the father of Daulat Khan, was one of six or seven _sardars_ - who, sallying out and becoming dominant in Hindustan, made - Buhlul Padshah. He held the country north of the Satluj - (_sic_) and Sahrind,[1409] the revenues of which exceeded 3 - _krurs_.[1410] On Tatar Khan's death, Sl. Sikandar (_Ludi_), - as over-lord, took those countries from Tatar Khan's sons and - gave Lahur only to Daulat Khan. That happened a year or two - before I came into the country of Kabul (910 AH.). - - -(_l. Babur's journey resumed._) - -(_Feb. 22nd_) Next morning foragers were sent to several convenient -places; on the same day I visited Bhira; and on the same day Sangur Khan -_Janjuha_ came, made offering of a horse, and did me obeisance. - -(_Feb. 23rd_) On Wednesday the 22nd of the month, the headmen and -_chauderis_[1411] of Bhira were summoned, a sum of 400,000 -_shahrukhis_[1412] was agreed on as the price of peace _(mal-i-aman)_, -and collectors were appointed. We also made an excursion, going in a -boat and there eating a confection. - -(_Feb. 24th_) Haidar the standard-bearer had been sent to the Biluchis -located in Bhira and Khush-ab; on Thursday morning they made an offering -of an almond-coloured _tipuchaq_ [horse], and did obeisance. As it was -represented to me that some of the soldiery were behaving without sense -and were laying-hands on Bhira people, persons were sent who caused some -of those [Sidenote: Fol. 226.] senseless people to meet their -death-doom, of others slit the noses and so led them round the camp. - -(_Feb. 25th_) On Friday came a dutiful letter from the Khushabis; on -this Shah Shuja' _Arghun's_ son Shah Hasan was appointed to go to -Khush-ab. - -(_Feb. 26th_) On Saturday the 25th of the month,[1413] Shah Hasan was -started for Khush-ab. - -(_Feb. 27th_) On Sunday so much rain fell[1414] that water covered all -the plain. A small brackish stream[1415] flowing between Bhira and the -gardens in which the army lay, had become like a great river before the -Mid-day Prayer; while at the ford near Bhira there was no footing for -more than an arrow's flight; people crossing had to swim. In the -afternoon I rode out to watch the water coming down (_kirkan su_); the -rain and storm were such that on the way back there was some fear about -getting in to camp. I crossed that same water (_kirkan su_) with my -horse swimming. The army-people were much alarmed; most of them -abandoned tents and heavy baggage, shouldered armour, horse-mail and -arms, made their horses swim and crossed bare-back. Most streams flooded -the plain. - -(_Feb. 28th_) Next day boats were brought from the river (Jehlam), and -in these most of the army brought their tents and baggage over. Towards -mid-day, Quj Beg's men went 2 miles up the water and there found a ford -by which the rest crossed. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 226b.] (_March 1st_) After a night spent in Bhira-fort, -Jahan-numa they call it, we marched early on the Tuesday morning out of -the worry of the rain-flood to the higher ground north of Bhira. - -As there was some delay about the moneys asked for and agreed to -(_taqabbul_), the country was divided into four districts and the begs -were ordered to try to make an end of the matter. Khalifa was appointed -to one district, Quj Beg to another, Nasir's Dost to another, Sayyid -Qasim and Muhibb-i-'ali to another. Picturing as our own the countries -once occupied by the Turk, there was to be no over-running or -plundering. - - -(_m. Envoys sent to the court in Dihli._) - -(_March 3rd_) People were always saying, "It could do no harm to send an -envoy, for peace' sake, to countries that once depended on the Turk." -Accordingly on Thursday the 1st of Rabi'u'l-awwal, Mulla Murshid was -appointed to go to Sl. Ibrahim who through the death of his father Sl. -Iskandar had attained to rule in Hindustan some 5 or 6 months -earlier(?). I sent him a goshawk (_qarchigha_) and asked for the -countries which from of old had depended on the Turk. Mulla Murshid was -given charge of writings (_khattlar_) for Daulat Khan (_Yusuf-khail_) -and writings for Sl. Ibrahim; matters were sent also by word-of-mouth; -and he was given leave to go. Far from sense and wisdom, shut off from -judgment and counsel must people in Hindustan be, the Afghans above all; -for they could not move and make stand like a foe, nor did they know -ways and rules of friendliness. [Sidenote: Fol. 227.] Daulat Khan kept -my man several days in Lahur without seeing him himself or speeding him -on to Sl. Ibrahim; and he came back to Kabul a few months later without -bringing a reply. - - -(_n. Birth of Hind-al._) - -(_March 4th_) On Friday the 2nd of the month, the foot-soldiers Shaibak -and Darwesh-i-'ali,--he is now a matchlockman,--bringing dutiful letters -from Kabul, brought news also of Hind-al's birth. As the news came -during the expedition into Hindustan, I took it as an omen, and gave the -name Hind-al (Taking of Hind). Dutiful letters came also from -Muhammad-i-zaman M. in Balkh, by the hand of Qambar Beg. - -(_March 5th_) Next morning when the Court rose, we rode out for an -excursion, entered a boat and there drank _'araq_.[1416] The people of -the party were Khwaja Dost-khawand, Khusrau, Mirim, Mirza Quli, -Muhammadi, Ahmadi, Gadai, Na'man, Langar Khan, Rauh-dam,[1417] -Qasim-i-'ali the opium-eater (_tariyaki_), Yusuf-i-'ali and Tingri-quli. -Towards the head of the boat there was a _talar_[1418] on the flat top -of which I sat with a few people, a few others sitting below. There was -a sitting-place also at the tail of the boat; there Muhammadi, Gadai and -Na'man sat. _'Araq_ was drunk till the Other Prayer when, disgusted by -its bad flavour, by consent of those at the head of the boat, _ma'jun_ -was preferred. [Sidenote: Fol. 227b.] Those at the other end, knowing -nothing about our _ma'jun_ drank _'araq_ right through. At the Bed-time -Prayer we rode from the boat and got into camp late. Thinking I had been -drinking _'araq_ Muhammadi and Gadai had said to one another, "Let's do -befitting service," lifted a pitcher of _'araq_ up to one another in -turn on their horses, and came in saying with wonderful joviality and -heartiness and speaking together, "Through this dark night have we come -carrying this pitcher in turns!" Later on when they knew that the party -was (now) meant to be otherwise and the hilarity to differ, that is to -say, that [there would be that] of the _ma'jun_ band and that of the -drinkers, they were much disturbed because never does a _ma'jun_ party -go well with a drinking-party. Said I, "Don't upset the party! Let those -who wish to drink _'araq_, drink _'araq_; let those who wish to eat -_ma'jun_, eat _ma'jun_. Let no-one on either side make talk or allusion -to the other." Some drank _'araq_, some ate _ma'jun_, and for a time the -party went on quite politely. Baba Jan the _qabuz_-player had not been -of our party (in the boat); we invited him when we reached the tents. He -asked to drink _'araq_. We invited Tardi Muhammad _Qibchaq_ also and -made him a comrade of the drinkers. A _ma'jun_ party never goes well -with an _'araq_ or a wine-party; the drinkers began to make wild talk -and chatter from all sides, mostly in allusion to _ma'jun_ and -_ma'junis_. Baba Jan even, when drunk, said many wild things. The -drinkers soon made Tardi Khan mad-drunk, by giving him one full bowl -after another. Try as we did [Sidenote: Fol. 228.] to keep things -straight, nothing went well; there was much disgusting uproar; the party -became intolerable and was broken up. - -(_March 7th_) On Monday the 5th of the month, the country of Bhira was -given to Hindu Beg. - -(_March 8th_) On Tuesday the Chin-ab country was bestowed on Husain -_Aikrak_(?) and leave was given to him and the Chin-ab people to set -out. At this time Sayyid 'Ali Khan's son Minuchihr Khan, having let us -know (his intention), came and waited on me. He had started from -Hindustan by the upper road, had met in with Tatar Khan _Kakar_;[1419] -Tatar Khan had not let him pass on, but had kept him, made him a -son-in-law by giving him his own daughter, and had detained him for some -time. - - -(_o. The Kakars._) - -In amongst the mountains of Nil-ab and Bhira which connect with those of -Kashmir, there are, besides the Jud and Janjuha tribes, many Jats, -Gujurs, and others akin to them, seated in villages everywhere on every -rising-ground. These are governed by headmen of the Kakar tribes, a -headship like that over the Jud and Janjuha. At this time (925 AH.) the -headmen of the people of those hill-skirts were Tatar _Kakar_ and Hati -_Kakar_, two descendants of one forefather; being paternal-uncles' -sons.[1420] Torrent-beds and ravines are their strongholds. Tatar's -place, named Parhala,[1421] is a good deal below the snow-mountains; -Hati's country connects with the mountains and also he had made Babu -Khan's fief Kalanjar,[1422] look towards himself. Tatar [Sidenote: Fol. -228b.] _Kakar_ had seen Daulat Khan (_Yusuf-khail_) and looked to him -with complete obedience. Hati had not seen Daulat Khan; his attitude -towards him was bad and turbulent. At the word of the Hindustan begs and -in agreement with them, Tatar had so posted himself as to blockade Hati -from a distance. Just when we were in Bhira, Hati moved on pretext of -hunting, fell unexpectedly on Tatar, killed him, and took his country, -his wives and his having (_bulghani_).[1423] - - -(_p. Babur's journey resumed._) - -Having ridden out at the Mid-day Prayer for an excursion, we got on a -boat and _'araq_ was drunk. The people of the party were Dost Beg, Mirza -Quli, Ahmadi, Gadai, Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_, 'Asas,[1424] and -Aughan-birdi _Mughul_. The musicians were Rauh-dam, Baba Jan, -Qasim-i-'ali, Yusuf-i-'ali, Tingri-quli, Abu'l-qasim, Ramzan _Luli_. We -drank in the boat till the Bed-time Prayer; then getting off it, full of -drink, we mounted, took torches in our hands, and went to camp from the -river's bank, leaning over from our horses on this side, leaning over -from that, at one loose-rein gallop! Very drunk I must have been for, -when they told me next day that we had galloped loose-rein into camp, -carrying torches, I could not recall it in the very least. After -reaching my quarters, I vomited a good deal. - -(_March 11th_) On Friday we rode out on an excursion, crossed the water -(Jehlam) by boat and went about amongst the orchards (_baghat_) of -blossoming trees and the lands of the sugar-cultivation. We saw the -wheel with buckets, had water drawn, and asked [Sidenote: Fol. 229.] -particulars about getting it out; indeed we made them draw it again and -again. During this excursion a confection was preferred. In returning we -went on board a boat. A confection (_ma'jun_) was given also to -Minuchihr Khan, such a one that, to keep him standing, two people had to -give him their arms. For a time the boat remained at anchor in -mid-stream; we then went down-stream; after a while had it drawn -up-stream again, slept in it that night and went back to camp near dawn. - -(_March 12th_) On Saturday the 10th of the first Rabi', the Sun entered -the Ram. Today we rode out before mid-day and got into a boat where -_'araq_ was drunk. The people of the party were Khwaja Dost-khawand, -Dost Beg, Mirim, Mirza Quli, Muhammadi, Ahmadi, Yunas-i-'ali, Muh. 'Ali -_Jang-jang_, Gadai Taghai, Mir Khurd (and ?) 'Asas. The musicians were -Rauhdam, Baba Jan, Qasim, Yusuf-i-'ali, Tingri-quli and Ramzan. We got -into a branch-water (_shakh-i-ab_), for some time went down-stream, -landed a good deal below Bhira and on its opposite bank, and went late -into camp. - -This same day Shah Hasan returned from Khush-ab whither he had been sent -as envoy to demand the countries which from of old had depended on the -Turk; he had settled peaceably with them and had in his hands a part of -the money assessed on them. - -The heats were near at hand. To reinforce Hindu Beg (in Bhira) were -appointed Shah Muhammad Keeper of the Seal and his younger brother Dost -Beg Keeper of the Seal, together with several suitable braves; an -accepted (_yarasha_) stipend [Sidenote: Fol. 229b.] was fixed and -settled in accordance with each man's position. Khush-ab was bestowed, -with a standard, on Langar Khan, the prime cause and mover of this -expedition; we settled also that he was to help Hindu Beg. We appointed -also to help Hindu Beg, the Turk and local soldiery of Bhira, increasing -the allowances and pay of both. Amongst them was the afore-named -Minuchihr Khan whose name has been mentioned; there was also -Nazar-i-'ali _Turk_, one of Minuchihr Khan's relations; there were also -Sangar Khan _Janjuha_ and Malik Hast _Janjuha_. - - -(_pp. Return for Kabul._) - -(_March 13th_) Having settled the country in every way making for hope -of peace, we marched for Kabul from Bhira on Sunday the 11th of the -first Rabi'. We dismounted in Kaldah-kahar. That day too it rained -amazingly; people with rain-cloaks[1425] were in the same case as those -who had none! The rear of the camp kept coming in till the Bed-time -Prayer. - - -(_q. Action taken against Hati Kakar._) - -(_March 14th_) People acquainted with the honour and glory (_ab u tab_) -of this land and government, especially the Janjuhas, old foes of these -Kakars, represented, "Hati is the bad man round-about; he it is robs on -the roads; he it is brings men to ruin; he ought either to be driven out -from these parts, or to be severely punished." Agreeing with this, we -left Khwaja Mir-i-miran and Nasir's Mirim next day with the camp, -parting from them at big breakfast,[1426] and moved on Hati _Kakar_. As -has been said, he had killed Tatar a few days earlier, and having taken -possession of Parhala, was in it now. Dismounting at the Other -[Sidenote: Fol. 230.] Prayer, we gave the horses corn; at the Bed-time -Prayer we rode on again, our guide being a Gujur servant of Malik Hast, -named Sar-u-pa. We rode the night through and dismounted at dawn, when -Beg Muhammad _Mughul_ was sent back to the camp, and we remounted when -it was growing light. At breakfast-time (9 a.m.) we put our mail on and -moved forward faster. The blackness of Parhala shewed itself from 2 -miles off; the gallop was then allowed (_chapqun quiuldi_); the right -went east of Parhala, Quj Beg, who was also of the right, following as -its reserve; the men of the left and centre went straight for the fort, -Dost Beg being their rear-reserve. - -Parhala stands amongst ravines. It has two roads; one, by which we came, -leads to it from the south-east, goes along the top of ravines and on -either hand has hollows worn out by the torrents. A mile from Parhala -this road, in four or five places before it reaches the Gate, becomes a -one-man road with a ravine falling from its either side; there for more -than an arrow's flight men must ride in single file. The other road -comes from the north-west; it gets up to Parhala by the trough of a -valley and it also is a one-man road. There is no other road on any -side. Parhala though without breast-work or battlement, has no -assailable place, its sides shooting perpendicularly [Sidenote: Fol. -230b.] down for 7, 8, 10 yards. - -When the van of our left, having passed the narrow place, went in a body -to the Gate, Hati, with whom were 30 to 40 men in armour, their horses -in mail, and a mass of foot-soldiers, forced his assailants to retire. -Dost Beg led his reserve forward, made a strong attack, dismounted a -number of Hati's men, and beat him. All the country-round, Hati was -celebrated for his daring, but try as he did, he could effect nothing; -he took to flight; he could not make a stand in those narrow places; he -could not make the fort fast when he got back into it. His assailants -went in just behind him and ran on through the ravine and narrows of the -north-west side of the fort, but he rode light and made his flight good. -Here again, Dost Beg did very well and recompense was added to -renown.[1427] - -Meantime I had gone into the fort and dismounted at Tatar _Kakar's_ -dwelling. Several men had joined in the attack for whom to stay with me -had been arranged; amongst them were Amin-i-muhammad Tarkhan _Argkun_ -and Qaracha.[1428] For this fault they were sent to meet the camp, -without _sar-u-pa_, into the wilds and open country with Sar-u-pa[1429] -for their guide, the Gujur mentioned already. - -(_March 16th_) Next day we went out by the north-west ravine and -dismounted in a sown field. A few serviceable braves under Wali the -treasurer were sent out to meet the camp.[1430] - -(_March 17th_) Marching on Thursday the 15th, we dismounted at Andaraba -on the Suhan, a fort said to have depended from [Sidenote: Fol. 231.] of -old on ancestors of Malik Hast. Hati _Kakar_ had killed Malik Hast's -father and destroyed the fort; there it now lay in ruins. - -At the Bed-time Prayer of this same day, those left at Kalda-kahar with -the camp rejoined us. - - -(_r. Submissions to Babur._) - -It must have been after Hati overcame Tatar that he started his kinsman -Parbat to me with tribute and an accoutred horse. Parbat did not light -upon us but, meeting in with the camp we had left behind, came on in the -company of the train. With it came also Langar Khan up from Bhira on -matters of business. His affairs were put right and he, together with -several local people, was allowed to leave. - -(_March 18th_) Marching on and crossing the Suhan-water, we dismounted -on the rising-ground. Here Hati's kinsman (Parbat) was robed in an -honorary dress (_khil'at_), given letters of encouragement for Hati, and -despatched with a servant of Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_. Nil-ab and the -Qarluq (Himalayan?) Hazara had been given to Humayun (_aet._ 12); some -of his servants under Baba Dost and Halahil came now for their -darogha-ship.[1431] - -(_March 19th_) Marching early next morning, we dismounted after riding 2 -miles, went to view the camp from a height and ordered that the -camp-camels should be counted; it came out at 570. [Sidenote: Fol. -231b.] - -We had heard of the qualities of the sambhal plant[1432]; we saw it on -this ground; along this hill-skirt it grows sparsely, a plant here, a -plant there; it grows abundantly and to a large size further along the -skirt-hills of Hindustan. It will be described when an account is given -of the animals and plants of Hindustan.[1433] - -(_March 20th_) Marching from that camp at beat of drum (_i.e._ one hour -before day), we dismounted at breakfast-time (9 a.m.) below the -Sangdaki-pass, at mid-day marched on, crossed the pass, crossed the -torrent, and dismounted on the rising-ground. - -(_March 21st_) Marching thence at midnight, we made an excursion to the -ford[1434] we had crossed when on our way to Bhira. A great raft of -grain had stuck in the mud of that same ford and, do what its owners -would, could not be made to move. The corn was seized and shared out to -those with us. Timely indeed was that corn! - -Near noon we were a little below the meeting of the waters of Kabul and -Sind, rather above old Nil-ab; we dismounted there between two -waters.[1435] From Nil-ab six boats were brought, and were apportioned -to the right, left and centre, who busied themselves energetically in -crossing the river (Indus). We got there on a Monday; they kept on -crossing the water through the night preceding Tuesday (_March 22nd_), -through Tuesday and up to Wednesday (_March 23rd_) and on Thursday -(_24th_) also a few crossed. - -Hatl's kinsman Parbat, he who from Andaraba was sent to [Sidenote: Fol. -232.] Hati with a servant of Muh. 'Ali _Jang-jang_, came to the bank of -the river with Hati's offering of an accoutred horse. Nilabis also came, -brought an accoutred horse and did obeisance. - - -(_s. Various postings._) - -Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_ had wished to stay in Bhira but Bhira being -bestowed on Hindu Beg, he was given the countries between it and the -Sind-river, such as the Qarluq Hazara, Hati, Ghiyas-wal and Kib -(Kitib):-- - - Where one is who submits like a _ra'iyat_, so treat him; - But him who submits not, strike, strip, crush and force to obey. - -He also received a special head-wear in black velvet, a special Qilmaq -corselet, and a standard. When Hati's kinsman was given leave to go he -took for Hati a sword and head-to-foot (_bash-ayaq_) with a royal letter -of encouragement. - -(_March 24th_) On Thursday at sunrise we marched from the river's bank. -That day confection was eaten. While under its influence[1436] wonderful -fields of flowers were enjoyed. In some places sheets of yellow flowers -bloomed in plots; in others sheets of red (_arghwani_) flowers in plots, -in some red and yellow bloomed together. We sat on a mound near the camp -to enjoy the sight. There were flowers on all sides of the mound, yellow -[Sidenote: Fol. 232b.] here, red there, as if arranged regularly to form -a sextuple. On two sides there were fewer flowers but as far as the eye -reached, flowers were in bloom. In spring near Parashawar the fields of -flowers are very beautiful indeed. - -(_March 25th_) We marched from that ground at dawn. At one place on the -road a tiger came out and roared. On hearing it, the horses, -willy-nilly, flung off in terror, carrying their riders in all -directions, and dashing into ravines and hollows. The tiger went again -into the jungle. To bring it out, we ordered a buffalo brought and put -on the edge of the jungle. The tiger again came out roaring. Arrows were -shot at it from all sides[1437]; I shot with the rest. Khalwi (var. -Khalwa) a foot-soldier, pricked it with a spear; it bit the spear and -broke off the spearhead. After tasting of those arrows, it went into the -bushes (_buta_) and stayed there. Baba the waiting-man [_yasawal_] went -with drawn sword close up to it; it sprang; he chopped at its head; 'Ali -_Sistani_[1438] chopped at its loins; it plunged into the river and was -killed right in the water. It was got out and ordered to be skinned. - -(_March 26th_) Marching on next day, we reached Bigram and went to see -Gur-khattri. This is a smallish abode, after the fashion of a hermitage -(_sauma'at_), rather confined and dark. After entering at the door and -going down a few steps, one must lie full length to get beyond. There is -no getting in without a lamp. All round near the building there is let -lie an enormous quantity of hair of the head and beard which men have -shaved off there. There are a great many retreats (_hujra_) near -Gur-khattri [Sidenote: Fol. 233.] like those of a rest-house or a -college. In the year we came into Kabul (910 AH.) and over-ran Kohat, -Bannu and the plain, we made an excursion to Bigram, saw its great tree -and were consumed with regret at not seeing Gur-khattri, but it does not -seem a place to regret not-seeing.[1439] - -On this same day an excellent hawk of mine went astray out of Shaikhim -the head-falconer's charge; it had taken many cranes and storks and had -moulted (_tulab_) two or three times. So many things did it take that it -made a fowler of a person so little keen as I! - -At this place were bestowed 100 misqals of silver, clothing (_tunluq_), -three bullocks and one buffalo, out of the offerings of Hindustan, on -each of six persons, the chiefs of the Dilazak Afghans under Malik Bu -Khan and Malik Musa; to others, in their degree, were given money, -pieces of cloth, a bullock and a buffalo. - -(_March 27th_) When we dismounted at 'Ali-masjid, a Dilazak Afghan of -the Yaq'ub-khail, named Ma'ruf, brought an offering of 10 sheep, two -ass-loads of rice and eight large cheeses. - -(_March 28th_) Marching on from 'Ali-masjid, we dismounted at Yada-bir; -from Yada-bir Jui-shahi was reached by the Midday Prayer and we there -dismounted. Today Dost Beg was attacked by burning fever. - -(_March 29th_) Marching from Jui-shahi at dawn, we ate our mid-day meal -in the Bagh-i-wafa. At the Mid-day Prayer we betook ourselves out of the -garden, close to the Evening Prayer forded the Siyah-ab at Gandamak, -satisfied our horses' hunger in a field of green corn, and rode on in a -_gari_ or two (24-48 min.). - -After crossing the Surkh-ab, we dismounted at Kark and took [Sidenote: -Fol. 233b.] a sleep. - -(_March 30th_) Riding before shoot of day from Kark, I went with 5 or 6 -others by the road taking off for Qara-tu in order to enjoy the sight of -a garden there made. Khalifa and Shah Hasan Beg and the rest went by the -other road to await me at Quruq-sai. - -When we reached Qara-tu, Shah Beg _Arghun's_ commissary (_tawachi_) -Qizil (Rufus) brought word that Shah Beg had taken Kahan, plundered it -and retired. - -An order had been given that no-one soever should take news of us ahead. -We reached Kabul at the Mid-day Prayer, no person in it knowing about us -till we got to Qutluq-qadam's bridge. As Humayun and Kamran heard about -us only after that, there was not time to put them on horseback; they -made their pages carry them, came, and did obeisance between the gates -of the town and the citadel.[1440] At the Other Prayer there waited on -me Qasim Beg, the town Qazi, the retainers left in Kabul and the -notables of the place. - -(_April 2nd_) At the Other Prayer of Friday the 1st of the second Rabi' -there was a wine-party at which a special head-to-foot (_bash-ayaq_) was -bestowed on Shah Hasan. - -(_April 3rd_) At dawn on Saturday we went on board a boat and took our -morning.[1441] Nur Beg, then not obedient (_ta'ib_), played the lute at -this gathering. At the Mid-day Prayer we left the boat to visit the -garden made between Kul-kina[1442] and the mountain (Shah-i-kabul). At -the Evening Prayer we went to the Violet-garden where there was drinking -again. From Kul-kina I got in by the rampart and went into the citadel. - - -(_u. Dost Beg's death._) - -(_April 6th_) On the night of Tuesday the 5th of the month,[1443] Dost -Beg, who on the road had had fever, went to God's mercy. [Sidenote: Fol. -234.] - -Sad and grieved enough we were! His bier and corpse were carried to -Ghazni where they laid him in front of the gate of the Sultan's garden -(_rauza_). - -Dost Beg had been a very good brave (_yikit_) and he was still rising in -rank as a beg. Before he was made a beg, he did excellent things several -times as one of the household. One time was at Rabat-i-zauraq,[1444] one -_yighach_ from Andijan when Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_ attacked me at night (908 -AH.). I, with 10 to 15 men, by making a stand, had forced his gallopers -back; when we reached his centre, he made a stand with as many as 100 -men; there were then three men with me, _i.e._ there were four counting -myself. Nasir's Dost (_i.e._ Dost Beg) was one of the three; another was -Mirza Quli _Kukuldash_; Karim-dad _Turkman_ was the other. I was just in -my _jiba_[1445]; Tambal and another were standing like gate-wards in -front of his array; I came face to face with Tambal, shot an arrow -striking his helm; shot another aiming at the attachment of his -shield;[1446] they shot one through my leg (_butum_); Tambal chopped at -my head. It was wonderful! The (under)-cap of my helm was on my head; -not a thread of it was cut, but on the head itself was a very bad wound. -Of other help came none; no-one was left with me; of necessity I brought -myself to gallop back. Dost Beg had been a little in my rear; (Tambal) -on leaving me alone, chopped at him.[1447] - -[Sidenote: Fol. 234b.] Again, when we were getting out of Akhsi [908 -AH.],[1448] Dost Beg chopped away at Baqi _Hiz_[1449] who, although -people called him _Hiz_, was a mighty master of the sword. Dost Beg was -one of the eight left with me after we were out of Akhsi; he was the -third they unhorsed. - -Again, after he had become a beg, when Siunjuk Khan (_Auzbeg_), arriving -with the (Auzbeg) sultans before Tashkint, besieged Ahmad-i-qasim -[_Kohbur_] in it [918 AH.],[1450] Dost Beg passed through them and -entered the town. During the siege he risked his honoured life -splendidly, but Ahmad-i-qasim, without a word to this honoured -man,[1451] flung out of the town and got away. Dost Beg for his own part -got the better of the Khan and sultans and made his way well out of -Tashkint. - -Later on when Sherim Taghai, Mazid and their adherents were in -rebellion,[1452] he came swiftly up from Ghazni with two or three -hundred men, met three or four hundred effective braves sent out by -those same Mughuls to meet him, unhorsed a mass of them near -Sherukan(?), cut off and brought in a number of heads. - -Again, his men were first over the ramparts at the fort of Bajaur (925 -AH.). At Parhala, again, he advanced, beat Hati, put him to flight, and -won Parhala. - -After Dost Beg's death, I bestowed his district on his younger brother -Nasir's Mirim.[1453] - - -(_v. Various incidents._) - -(_April 9th_) On Friday the 8th of the second Rabi', the walled-town was -left for the Char-bagh. - -(_April 13th_) On Tuesday the 12th there arrived in Kabul the honoured -Sultanim Begim, Sl. Husain Mirza's eldest daughter, the mother of -Muhammad Sultan Mirza. During those throneless times,[1454] she had -settled down in Khwarizm where Yili-pars [Sidenote: Fol. 235.] Sultan's -younger brother Aisan-quli Sl. took her daughter. The Bagh-i-khilwat was -assigned her for her seat. When she had settled down and I went to see -her in that garden, out of respect and courtesy to her, she being as my -honoured elder sister, I bent the knee. She also bent the knee. We both -advancing, saw one another mid-way. We always observed the same ceremony -afterwards. - -(_April 18th_) On Sunday the 17th, that traitor to his salt, Baba -Shaikh[1455] was released from his long imprisonment, forgiven his -offences and given an honorary dress. - - -(_w. Visit to the Koh-daman._) - -(_April 20th_) On Tuesday the 19th of the month, we rode out at the -return of noon for Khwaja Sih-yaran. This day I was fasting. All -astonished, Yunas-i-'ali and the rest said, "A Tuesday! a journey! and a -fast! This is amazing!" At Bihzadi we dismounted at the Qazi's house. In -the evening when a stir was made for a social gathering, the Qazi set -this before me, "In my house such things never are; it is for the -honoured Padshah to command!" For his heart's content, drink was left -out, though all the material for a party was ready. - -(_April 21st_) On Wednesday we went to Khwaja Sih-yaran. - -(_April 22nd_) On Thursday the 22nd of the month, we had a large round -seat made in the garden under construction on the mountain-naze.[1456] - -(_April 23rd_) On Friday we got on a raft from the bridge. On our coming -opposite the fowlers' houses, they brought a _dang_ [Sidenote: Fol. -235b.] (or _ding_)[1457] they had caught. I had never seen one before; -it is an odd-looking bird. It will come into the account of the birds of -Hindustan.[1458] - -(_April 24th_) On Saturday the 23rd of the month cuttings were planted, -partly of plane, partly of _tal_,[1459] above the round seat. At the -Mid-day Prayer there was a wine-party at the place. - -(_April 25th_) At dawn we took our morning on the new seat. At noon we -mounted and started for Kabul, reached Khwaja Hasan quite drunk and -slept awhile, rode on and by midnight got to the Char-bagh. At Khwaja -Hasan, 'Abdu'l-lah, in his drunkenness, threw himself into water just as -he was in his _tun aufraghi_.[1460] He was frozen with cold and could -not go on with us when we mounted after a little of the night had -passed. He stayed on Qutluq Khwaja's estate that night. Next day, -awakened to his past intemperance, he came on repentant. Said I, "At -once! will this sort of repentance answer or not? Would to God you would -repent now at once in such a way that you would drink nowhere except at -my parties!" He agreed to this and kept the rule for a few months, but -could not keep it longer. - - -(_x. Hindu Beg abandons Bhira._) - -(_April 26th_) On Monday the 25th came Hindu Beg. There having been hope -of peace, he had been left in those countries with somewhat scant -support. No sooner was our back turned than a mass of Hindustanis and -Afghans gathered, disregarded us and, not listening to our words, moved -against Hindu Beg in Bhira. The local peoples also went over to the -Afghans. Hindu Beg could make no stand in Bhira, came to Khush-ab, came -through the Din-kot country, came to Nil-ab, came on to Kabul. -[Sidenote: Fol. 236.] Siktu's son Diwa _Hindu_ and another Hindu had -been brought prisoner from Bhira. Each now giving a considerable ransom, -they were released. Horses and head-to-foot dresses having been given -them, leave to go was granted. - -(_April 30th_) On Friday the 29th of the month, burning fever appeared -in my body. I got myself let blood. I had fever with sometimes two, -sometimes three days between the attacks. In no attack did it cease till -there had been sweat after sweat. After 10 or 12 days of illness, Mulla -Khwaja gave me narcissus mixed with wine; I drank it once or twice; even -that did no good. - -(_May 15th_) On Sunday the 15th of the first Jumada[1461] Khwaja -Muhammad 'Ali came from Khwast, bringing a saddled horse as an offering -and also _tasadduq_ money.[1462] Muh. Sharif the astrologer and the -Mir-zadas of Khwast came with him and waited on me. - -(_May 16th_) Next day, Monday, Mulla Kabir came from Kashghar; he had -gone round by Kashghar on his way from Andijan to Kabul. - -(_May 23rd_) On Monday the 23rd of the month, Malik Shah Mansur -_Yusuf-zai_ arrived from Sawad with 6 or 7 Yusuf-zai chiefs, and did -obeisance. - -(_May 31st_) On Monday the 1st of the second Jumada, the chiefs of the -Yusuf-zai Afghans led by Malik Shah Mansur were dressed in robes of -honour (_khil'at_). To Malik Shah Mansur was given a long silk coat and -an under-coat (? _jiba_) with its buttons; to one of the other chiefs -was given a coat with silk sleeves, and to six others silk coats. To all -leave to go was granted. Agreement was made with them that they were not -[Sidenote: Fol. 236b.] to reckon as in the country of Sawad what was -above Abuha (?), that they should make all the peasants belonging to it -go out from amongst themselves, and also that the Afghan cultivators of -Bajaur and Sawad should cast into the revenue 6000 ass-loads of rice. - -(_June 2nd_) On Wednesday the 3rd, I drank _jul-ab_.[1463] - -(_June 5th_) On Saturday the 6th, I drank a working-draught -(_daru-i-kar_). - -(_June 7th_) On Monday the 8th, arrived the wedding-gift for the -marriage of Qasim Beg's youngest son Hamza with Khalifa's eldest -daughter. It was of 1000 _shahrukhi_; they offered also a saddled horse. - -(_June 8th_) On Tuesday Shah Beg's Shah Hasan asked for permission to go -away for a wine-party. He carried off to his house Khwaja Muh. 'Ali and -some of the household-begs. In my presence were Yunas-i-'ali and Gadai -Taghai. I was still abstaining from wine. Said I, "Not at all in this -way is it (_hech andaq bulmai dur_) that I will sit sober and the party -drink wine, I stay sane, full of water, and that set (_bulak_) of people -get drunk; come you and drink in my presence! I will amuse myself a -little by watching what intercourse between the sober and the drunk is -like."[1464] The party was held in a smallish tent in which I sometimes -sat, in the Plane-tree garden south-east of the Picture-hall. Later on -Ghiyas the house-buffoon (_kidi_) arrived; several times for fun he was -ordered kept out, but at last he made a great disturbance and his -buffooneries found him a way in. We invited Tardi Muhammad _Qibchaq_ -also and Mulla _kitab-dar_ (librarian). The following quatrain, written -impromptu, was sent to Shah Hasan and those gathered in his [Sidenote: -Fol. 237.] house:-- - - In your beautiful flower-bed of banquetting friends, - Our fashion it is not to be; - If there be ease (_huzur_) in that gathering of yours, - Thank God! there is here no un-ease [_bi huzur_].[1465] - -It was sent by Ibrahim _chuhra_. Between the two Prayers (_i.e._ -afternoon) the party broke up drunk. - -I used to go about in a litter while I was ill. The wine-mixture was -drunk on several of the earlier days, then, as it did no good I left it -off, but I drank it again at the end of my convalescence, at a party had -under an apple-tree on the south-west side of the Talar-garden. - -(_June 11th_) On Friday the 12th came Ahmad Beg and Sl. Muhammad -_Duldai_ who had been left to help in Bajaur. - -(_June 16th_) On Wednesday the 17th of the month, Tingri-birdi and other -braves gave a party in Haidar _Taqi's_ garden; I also went and there -drank. We rose from it at the Bed-time Prayer when a move was made to -the great tent where again there was drinking. - -(_June 23rd_) On Thursday the 25th of the month, Mulla Mahmud was -appointed to read extracts from the Qoran[1466] in my presence. - -(_June 28th_) On Tuesday the last day of the month, Abu'l-muslim -Kukuldash arrived as envoy from Shah Shuja' _Arghun_ bringing a -_tipuchaq_. After bargain made about swimming the reservoir in the -Plane-tree garden, Yusuf-i-'ali the stirrup-holder swam round it today -100 times and received a gift of a head-to-foot (dress), a saddled horse -and some money. - -(_July 6th_) On Wednesday the 8th of Rajab, I went to Shah Hasan's house -and drank there; most of the household and of [Sidenote: Fol. 237b.] the -begs were present. - -(_July 9th_) On Saturday the 11th, there was drinking on the -terrace-roof of the pigeon-house between the Afternoon and Evening -Prayers. Rather late a few horsemen were observed, going from -Dih-i-afghan towards the town. It was made out to be Darwish-i-muhammad -_Sarban_, on his way to me as the envoy of Mirza Khan (Wais). We shouted -to him from the roof, "Drop the envoy's forms and ceremonies! Come! come -without formality!" He came and sat down in the company. He was then -obedient and did not drink. Drinking went on till the end of the -evening. Next day he came into the Court Session with due form and -ceremony, and presented Mirza Khan's gifts. - - -(_y. Various incidents._) - -Last year[1467] with 100 efforts, much promise and threats, we had got -the clans to march into Kabul from the other side (of Hindu-kush). Kabul -is a confined country, not easily giving summer and winter quarters to -the various flocks and herds of the Turks and (Mughul?) clans. If the -dwellers in the wilds follow their own hearts, they do not wish for -Kabul! They now waited (_khidmat qilib_) on Qasim Beg and made him their -mediator with me for permission to re-cross to that other side. He tried -very hard, so in the end, they were allowed to cross over to the Qunduz -and Baghlan side. - -Hafiz the news-writer's elder brother had come from Samarkand; when I -now gave him leave to return, I sent my _Diwan_ by him to Pulad -Sultan.[1468] On the back of it I wrote the following [Sidenote: Fol. -238.] verse:-- - - O breeze! if thou enter that cypress' chamber (_harim_) - Remind her of me, my heart reft by absence; - She yearns not for Babur; he fosters a hope - That her heart of steel God one day may melt.[1469] - -(_July 15th_) On Friday the 17th of the month, Shaikh Mazid Kukuldash -waited on me from Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza, bringing _tasadduq_ tribute -and a horse.[1470] Today Shah Beg's envoy Abu'l-muslim Kukuldash was -robed in an honorary dress and given leave to go. Today also leave was -given for their own districts of Khwast and Andar-ab to Khwaja Muhammad -'Ali and Tingri-birdi. - -(_July 21st_) On Thursday the 23rd came Muh. 'Ali _Jang-jang_ who had -been left in charge of the countries near Kacha-kot and the Qarluq. With -him came one of Hati's people and Mirza-i-malu-i-qarluq's son Shah -Hasan. Today Mulla 'Ali-jan waited on me, returned from fetching his -wife from Samarkand. - - -(_z. The 'Abdu'r-rahman Afghans and Rustam-maidan._) - -(_July 27th_) The 'Abdu'r-rahman Afghans on the Girdiz border were -satisfactory neither in their tribute nor their behaviour; they were -hurtful also to the caravans which came and went. On Wednesday the 29th -of Rajab we rode out to over-run them. We dismounted and ate food near -Tang-i-waghchan,[1471] and rode on again at the Mid-day Prayer. In the -night we lost the road and got much bewildered in the ups and downs of -the land to the south-east of Patakh-i-ab-i-shakna.[1472] After a time -we lit on [Sidenote: Fol. 238b.] a road and by it crossed the -Chashma-i-tura[1473] pass. - -(_July 28th_) At the first prayer (_farz-waqt_) we got out from the -valley-bottom adjacent[1474] to the level land, and the raid was -allowed. One detachment galloped towards the Kar-mash[1475] mountain, -south-east of Girdiz, the left-hand of the centre led by Khusrau, Mirza -Quli and Sayyid 'Ali in their rear. Most of the army galloped up the -dale to the east of Girdiz, having in their rear men under Sayyid Qasim -Lord of the Gate, Mir Shah _Quchin_, Qayyam (Aurdu-shah Beg?), Hindu -Beg, Qutluq-qadam and Husain [Hasan?]. Most of the army having gone up -the dale, I followed at some distance. The dalesmen must have been a -good way up; those who went after them wore their horses out and nothing -to make up for this fell into their hands. - -Some Afghans on foot, some 40 or 50 of them, having appeared on the -plain, the rear-reserve went towards them. A courier was sent to me and -I hastened on at once. Before I got up with them, Husain Hasan, all -alone, foolishly and thoughtlessly, put his horse at those Afghans, got -in amongst them and began to lay on with his sword. They shot his horse, -thus made him fall, slashed at him as he was getting up, flung him down, -knifed him from all sides and cut him to pieces, while the other braves -looked on, standing still and reaching him no helping hand! On hearing -news of it, I hurried still faster forward, and sent some of the -household and braves galloping loose-rein ahead [Sidenote: Fol. 239.] -under Gadai Taghai, Payanda-i-muhammad _Qiplan_, Abu'l-hasan the -armourer and Mumin Ataka. Mumin Ataka was the first of them to bring an -Afghan down; he speared one, cut off his head and brought it in. -Abu'l-hasan the armourer, without mail as he was, went admirably -forward, stopped in front of the Afghans, laid his horse at them, -chopped at one, got him down, cut off and brought in his head. Known -though both were for bravelike deeds done earlier, their action in this -affair added to their fame. Every one of those 40 or 50 Afghans, falling -to the arrow, falling to the sword, was cut in pieces. After making a -clean sweep of them, we dismounted in a field of growing corn and -ordered a tower of their heads to be set up. As we went along the road I -said, with anger and scorn, to the begs who had been with Husain, "You! -what men! there you stood on quite flat ground, and looked on while a -few Afghans on foot overcame such a brave in the way they did! Your rank -and station must be taken from you; you must lose _pargana_ and country; -your beards must be shaved off and you must be exhibited in towns; for -there shall be punishment assuredly for him who looks on while such a -brave is beaten by such a foe [Sidenote: Fol. 239b.] on dead-level land, -and reaches out no hand to help!" The troop which went to Kar-mash -brought back sheep and other spoil. One of them was Baba Qashqa[1476] -_Mughul_; an Afghan had made at him with a sword; he had stood still to -adjust an arrow, shot it off and brought his man down. - -(_July 29th_) Next day at dawn we marched for Kabul. Pay-aster Muhammad, -'Abdu'l-'aziz Master of the Horse, and Mir Khurd the taster were ordered -to stop at Chashma-tura, and get pheasants from the people there. - -As I had never been along the Rustam-maidan road,[1477] I went with a -few men to see it. Rustam-plain (_maidan_) lies amongst mountains and -towards their head is not a very charming place. The dale spreads rather -broad between its two ranges. To the south, on the skirt of the -rising-ground is a smallish spring, having very large poplars near it. -There are many trees also, but not so large, at the source on the way -out of Rustam-maidan for Girdiz. This is a narrower dale, but still -there is a plot of green meadow below the smaller trees mentioned, and -the little dale is charming. From the summit of the range, looking -south, the Karmash and Bangash mountains are seen at one's feet; and -beyond the Karmash show pile upon pile of the rain-clouds of Hindustan. -Towards those other lands where no rain falls, not [Sidenote: Fol. 240.] -a cloud is seen. - -We reached Huni at the Mid-day Prayer and there dismounted. - -(_July 30th_) Dismounting next day at Muhammad Agha's village,[1478] we -perpetrated (_irtqab_) a _ma'jun_. There we had a drug thrown into water -for the fish; a few were taken.[1479] - -(_July 31st_) On Sunday the 3rd of Sha'ban, we reached Kabul. - -(_August 2nd_) On Tuesday the 5th of the month, Darwish-i-muhammad -_Fazli_ and Khusrau's servants were summoned and, after enquiry made -into what short-comings of theirs there may have been when Husain was -overcome, they were deprived of place and rank. At the Mid-day Prayer -there was a wine-party under a plane-tree, at which an honorary dress -was given to Baba Qashqa _Mughul_. - -(_August 5th_) On Friday the 8th Kipa returned from the presence of -Mirza Khan. - - -(_aa. Excursion to the Koh-daman._) - -(_August 11th_) On Thursday at the Other Prayer, I mounted for an -excursion to the Koh-daman, Baran and Khwaja Sih-yaran.[1480] At the -Bed-time Prayer, we dismounted at Mama Khatun.[1481] - -(_August 12th_) Next day we dismounted at Istalif; a confection was -eaten on that day. - -(_August 13th_) On Saturday there was a wine-party at Istalif. - -(_August 14th_) Riding at dawn from Istalif, we crossed the space -between it and the Sinjid-valley. Near Khwaja Sih-yaran a great snake -was killed as thick, it may be, as the fore-arm and as long as a -_qulach_.[1482] From its inside came out a slenderer snake, that seemed -to have been just swallowed, every part of it being [Sidenote: Fol. -240b.] whole; it may have been a little shorter than the larger one. -From inside this slenderer snake came out a little mouse; it too was -whole, broken nowhere.[1483] - -On reaching Khwaja Sih-yaran there was a wine-party. Today orders were -written and despatched by Kich-kina the night-watch (_tunqtar_) to the -begs on that side (_i.e._ north of Hindu-kush), giving them a rendezvous -and saying, "An army is being got to horse, take thought, and come to -the rendezvous fixed." - -(_August 15th_) We rode out at dawn and ate a confection. At the infall -of the Parwan-water many fish were taken in the local way of casting a -fish-drug into the water.[1484] Mir Shah Beg set food and water (_ash u -ab_) before us; we then rode on to Gul-bahar. At a wine-party held after -the Evening Prayer, Darwish-i-muhammad (_Sarban_) was present. Though a -young man and a soldier, he had not yet committed the sin (_irtqab_) of -wine, but was in obedience (_ta'ib_). Qutluq Khwaja _Kukuldash_ had long -before abandoned soldiering to become a darwish; moreover he was very -old, his very beard was quite white; nevertheless he took his share of -wine at these parties. Said I to Darwish-i-muhammad, "Qutluq Khwaja's -beard shames you! He, a darwish and an old man, always drinks wine; you, -a soldier, a young man, your beard quite black, never drink! What does -it mean?" My custom being not to press wine on a non-drinker, with so -much said, it all passed off as a joke; he was not pressed to drink. - -(_August 16th_) At dawn we made our morning (_subahi subuhi qilduk_). - -(_August 17th_) Riding on Wednesday from Gul-i-bahar, we [Sidenote: Fol. -241.] dismounted in Abun-village[1485], ate food, remounted, went to a -summer-house in the orchards (_baghat-i-kham_) and there dismounted. -There was a wine-party after the Mid-day Prayer. - -(_August 18th_) Riding on next day, we made the circuit of Khwaja -Khawand Sa'id's tomb, went to China-fort and there got on a raft. Just -where the Panjhir-water comes in, the raft struck the naze of a hill and -began to sink. Rauh-dam, Tingri-quli and Mir Muhammad the raftsman were -thrown into the water by the shock; Rauh-dam and Tingri-quli were got on -the raft again; a China cup and a spoon and a tambour went into the -water. Lower down, the raft struck again opposite the Sang-i-barida (the -cut-stone), either on a branch in mid-stream or on a stake stuck in as a -stop-water (_qaqghan qazuq_). Right over on his back went Shah Beg's -Shah Hasan, clutching at Mirza Quli Kukuldash and making him fall too. -Darwish-i-muhammad _Sarban_ was also thrown into the water. Mirza Quli -went over in his own fashion! Just when he fell, he was cutting a melon -which he had in his hand; as he went over, he stuck his knife into the -mat of the raft. He swam in his _tun aufraghi_[1486] and got out of the -water without coming on the raft again. Leaving it that night, we slept -at raftsmen's houses. Darwish-i-muhammad _Sarban_ presented me with a -seven-coloured cup exactly like the one lost in the water. - -(_August 19th_) On Friday we rode away from the river's bank and -dismounted below Aindiki on the skirt of Koh-i-bacha where, with our own -hands, we gathered plenty of tooth-picks.[1487] [Sidenote: Fol. 241b.] -Passing on, food was eaten at the houses of the Khwaja Khizr people. We -rode on and at the Mid-day Prayer, dismounted in a village of Qutluq -Khwaja's fief in Lamghan where he made ready a hasty meal (_ma haziri_); -after partaking of this, we mounted and went to Kabul. - - -(_bb. Various incidents._) - -(_August 22nd_) On Monday the 25th, a special honorary dress and a -saddled horse were bestowed on Darwish-i-muhammad _Sarban_ and he was -made to kneel as a retainer (_naukar_). - -(_August 24th_) For 4 or 5 months I had not had my head shaved; on -Wednesday the 27th, I had it done. Today there was a wine-party. - -(_August 26th_) On Friday the 29th, Mir Khurd was made to kneel as -Hind-al's guardian.[1488] He made an offering of 1000 _shahrukhis_ -(_circa_ L50). - -(_August 31st_) On Wednesday the 5th of Ramzan, a dutiful letter was -brought by Tulik Kukuldash's servant Barlas Juki(?). Auzbeg raiders had -gone into those parts (Badakhshan); Tulik had gone out, fought and -beaten them. Barlas Juki brought one live Auzbeg and one head. - -(_Sep. 2nd_) In the night of Saturday the 8th, we broke our fast[1489] -in Qasim Beg's house; he led out a saddled horse for me. - -(_Sep. 3rd_) On Sunday night the fast was broken in Khalifa's house; he -offered me a saddled horse. - -(_Sep. 4th_) Next day came Khwaja Muh. 'Ali and Jan-i-nasir who had been -summoned from their districts for the good of the army.[1490] - -(_Sep. 7th_) On Wednesday the 12th, Kamran's maternal uncle [Sidenote: -Fol. 242.] Sl. 'Ali Mirza arrived.[1491] As has been mentioned,[1492] he -had gone to Kashghar in the year I came from Khwast into Kabul. - - -(_cc. A Yusuf-zai campaign._) - -(_Sep. 8th_) We rode out on Thursday the 13th of the month of Ramzan, -resolved and determined to check and ward off the Yusuf-zai, and we -dismounted in the meadow on the Dih-i-yaq'ub side of Kabul. When we were -mounting, the equerry Baba Jan led forward a rather good-for-nothing -horse; in my anger I struck him in the face a blow which dislocated my -fist below the ring-finger.[1493] The pain was not much at the time, but -was rather bad when we reached our encampment-ground. For some time I -suffered a good deal and could not write. It got well at last. - -To this same assembly-ground were brought letters and presents (_bilak_) -from my maternal-aunt Daulat-sultan Khanim[1494] in Kashghar, by her -foster-brother Daulat-i-muhammad. On the same day Bu Khan and Musa, -chiefs of the Dilazak, came, bringing tribute, and did obeisance. - -(_Sep. 11th_) On Sunday the 16th Quj Beg came. - -(_Sep. 14th_) Marching on Wednesday the 19th we passed through But-khak -and, as usual, dismounted on the But-khak water.[1495] - -As Quj Beg's districts, Bamian, Kah-mard and Ghuri, are close to the -Auzbeg, he was excused from going with this army and given leave to -return to them from this ground. I bestowed on him a turban twisted for -myself, and also a head-to-foot (_bash-ayaq_). - -(_Sep. 16th_) On Friday the 21st, we dismounted at Badam-chashma. -[Sidenote: Fol. 242b.] - -(_Sep. 17th_) Next day we dismounted on the Barik-ab, I reaching the -camp after a visit to Qara-tu. On this ground honey was obtained from a -tree. - -(_Sep. 20th_) We went on march by march till Wednesday the 26th, and -dismounted in the Bagh-i-wafa. - -(_Sep. 21st_) Thursday we just stayed in the garden. - -(_Sep. 22nd_) On Friday we marched out and dismounted beyond Sultanpur. -Today Shah Mir Husain came from his country. Today came also Dilazak -chiefs under Bu Khan and Musa. My plan had been to put down the -Yusuf-zai in Sawad, but these chiefs set forth to me that there was a -large horde (_aulus_) in Hash-naghar and that much corn was to be had -there. They were very urgent for us to go to Hash-naghar. After -consultation the matter was left in this way:--As it is said there is -much corn in Hash-naghar, the Afghans there shall be overrun; the forts -of Hash-naghar and Parashawar shall be put into order; part of the corn -shall be stored in them and they be left in charge of Shah Mir Husain -and a body of braves. To suit Shah Mir Husain's convenience in this, he -was given 15 days leave, with a rendezvous named for him to come to -after going to his country and preparing his equipment. - -(_Sep. 23rd_) Marching on next day, we reached Jui-shahi and there -dismounted. On this ground Tingri-birdi and Sl. Muhammad _Duldai_ -overtook us. Today came also Hamza from Qunduz.[1496] - -(_Sep. 25th_) On Sunday the last day of the month (Ramzan), we marched -from Jui-shahi and dismounted at Qiriq-ariq (forty-conduits), [Sidenote: -Fol. 243.] I going by raft, with a special few. The new moon of the -Feast was seen at that station.[1497] People had brought a few -beast-loads of wine from Nur-valley;[1498] after the Evening Prayer -there was a wine-party, those present being Muhibb-i-'ali the armourer, -Khwaja Muh. 'Ali the librarian, Shah Beg's Shah Hasan, Sl. Muh. _Duldai_ -and Darwish-i-muh. _Sarban,_ then obedient (_ta'ib_). From my childhood -up it had been my rule not to press wine on a non-drinker; -Darwish-i-muhammad was at every party and no pressure was put on him (by -me), but Khwaja Muh. 'Ali left him no choice; he pressed him and pressed -him till he made him drink. - -(_Sep. 26th_) On Monday we marched with the dawn of the Feast-day,[1499] -eating a confection on the road to dispel crop-sickness. While under its -composing influence (_naklik_), we were brought a colocynth-apple -(_khuntul_). Darwish-i-muhammad had never seen one; said I, "It is a -melon of Hindustan," sliced it and gave him a piece. He bit into it at -once; it was night before the bitter taste went out of his mouth. At -Garm-chashma we dismounted on rising-ground where cold meat was being -set out for us when Langar Khan arrived to wait on me after being for a -time at his own place (Koh-i-jud). He brought an offering of a horse and -a few confections. Passing on, we dismounted at Yada-bir, at the Other -Prayer got on a raft there, went for as much as two miles on it, then -left it. - -(_Sep. 27th_) Riding on next morning, we dismounted below the -Khaibar-pass. Today arrived Sl. Bayazid, come up by the [Sidenote: Fol. -243b.] Bara-road after hearing of us; he set forth that the Afridi -Afghans were seated in Bara with their goods and families and that they -had grown a mass of corn which was still standing (lit. on foot). Our -plan being for the Yusuf-zai Afghans of Hash-naghar, we paid him no -attention. At the Mid-day Prayer there was a wine-party in Khwaja -Muhammad 'Ali's tent. During the party details about our coming in this -direction were written and sent off by the hand of a sultan of Tirah to -Khwaja Kalan in Bajaur. I wrote this couplet on the margin of the letter -(_farman_):-- - - Say sweetly o breeze, to that beautiful fawn, - Thou hast given my head to the hills and the wild.[1500] - -(_Sep. 28th_) Marching on at dawn across the pass, we got through the -Khaibar-narrows and dismounted at 'Ali-masjid. At the Mid-day Prayer we -rode on, leaving the baggage behind, reached the Kabul-water at the -second watch (midnight) and there slept awhile. - -(_Sep. 29th_) A ford[1501] was found at daylight; we had forded the -water (_su-din kichildi_), when news came from our scout that the -Afghans had heard of us and were in flight. We went on, passed through -the Sawad-water and dismounted amongst the Afghan corn-fields. Not a -half, not a fourth indeed of the promised corn was had. The plan of -fitting-up Hash-naghar, made under the hope of getting corn here, came -to nothing. [Sidenote: Fol. 244.] The Dilazak Afghans, who had urged it -on us, were ashamed. We next dismounted after fording the water of Sawad -to its Kabul side. - -(_Sep. 30th_) Marching next morning from the Sawad-water, we crossed the -Kabul-water and dismounted. The Begs admitted to counsel were summoned -and a consultation having been had, the matter was left at this:--that -the Afridi Afghans spoken of by Sl. Bayazid should be over-run, -Purshawur-fort be fitted up on the strength of their goods and corn, and -some-one left there in charge. - -At this station Hindu Beg _Quchin_ and the Mir-zadas of Khwast overtook -us. Today _ma'jun_ was eaten, the party being Darwesh-i-muhammad -_Sarban_, Muhammad Kukuldash, Gadai Taghai and 'Asas; later on we -invited Shah Hasan also. After food had been placed before us, we went -on a raft, at the Other Prayer. We called Langar Khan _Nia-zai_ on also. -At the Evening Prayer we got off the raft and went to camp. - -(_Oct. 1st_) Marching at dawn, in accordance with the arrangement made -on the Kabul-water, we passed Jam and dismounted at the outfall of the -'Ali-masjid water.[1502] - - -(_dd. Badakhshan affairs._) - -Sl. 'Ali (Taghai's servant ?) Abu'l-hashim overtaking us, said, "On the -night of 'Arafa,[1503] I was in Jui-shahi with a person from Badakhshan; -he told me that Sl. Sa'id Khan had come with designs on Badakhshan, so I -came on from Jui-shahi along the Jam-rud, to give the news to the -Padshah." On this the begs were summoned and advice was taken. In -consequence of this [Sidenote: Fol. 244b.] news, it seemed inadvisable -to victual the fort (Purshawur), and we started back intending to go to -Badakhshan.[1504] Langar Khan was appointed to help Muh. 'Ali -_Jang-jang_; he was given an honorary dress and allowed to go. - -That night a wine-party was held in Khwaja Muh. 'Ali's tent. We marched -on next day, crossed Khaibar and dismounted below the pass. - - -(_ee. The Khizr-khail Afghans._) - -(_Oct. 3rd_) Many improper things the Khizr-khail had done! When the -army went to and fro, they used to shoot at the laggards and at those -dismounted apart, in order to get their horses. It seemed lawful -therefore and right to punish them. With this plan we marched from below -the pass at daybreak, ate our mid-day meal in Dih-i-ghulaman -(Basaul),[1505] and after feeding our horses, rode on again at the -Mid-day Prayer. - -Muh Husain the armourer was made to gallop off to Kabul with orders to -keep prisoner all Khizr-khailis there, and to submit to me an account of -their possessions; also, to write a detailed account of whatever news -there was from Badakhshan and to send a man off with it quickly from -Kabul to me. - -That night we moved on till the second watch (midnight), got a little -beyond Sultanpur, there slept awhile, then rode on again. The -Khizr-khail were understood to have their seat from Bahar (Vihara?) and -Mich-gram to Kara-su (_sic_). Arriving before dawn, (_Oct. 4th_) the -raid was allowed. Most of the goods of the Khizr-khailis and their small -children fell into the army's hands; a few tribesmen, being near the -mountains, drew off to [Sidenote: Fol. 245.] them and were left. - -(_Oct. 5th_) We dismounted next day at Qilaghu where pheasants were -taken on our ground. Today the baggage came up from the rear and was -unloaded here. Owing to this punitive raid, the Waziri Afghans who never -had given in their tribute well, brought 300 sheep. - -(_Oct. 9th_) I had written nothing since my hand was dislocated; here I -wrote a little, on Sunday the 14th of the month.[1506] - -(_Oct. 10th_) Next day came Afghan chiefs leading the Khirilchi [and] -Samu-khail. The Dilazak Afghans entreated pardon for them; we gave it -and set the captured free, fixed their tribute at 4000 sheep, gave coats -(_tun_) to their chiefs, appointed and sent out collectors. - -(_Oct. 13th_) These matters settled, we marched on Thursday the 18th, -and dismounted at Bahar (Vihara?) and Mich-gram. - -(_Oct. 14th_) Next day I went to the Bagh-i-wafa. Those were the days of -the garden's beauty; its lawns were one sheet of trefoil; its -pomegranate-trees yellowed to autumn splendour,[1507] their fruit full -red; fruit on the orange-trees green and glad (_khurram_), countless -oranges but not yet as yellow as our hearts desired! The pomegranates -were excellent, not equal, however, to the best ones of Wilayat.[1508] -The one excellent and blessed content we have had from the Bagh-i-wafa -was had at this time. [Sidenote: Fol. 245b.] We were there three or four -days; during the time the whole camp had pomegranates in abundance. - -(_Oct. 17th_) We marched from the garden on Monday. I stayed in it till -the first watch (9 a.m.) and gave away oranges; I bestowed the fruit of -two trees on Shah Hasan; to several begs I gave the fruit of one tree -each; to some gave one tree for two persons. As we were thinking of -visiting Lamghan in the winter, I ordered that they should reserve -(_qurughlailar_) at least 20 of the trees growing round the reservoir. -That day we dismounted at Gandamak. - -(_Oct. 18th_) Next day we dismounted at Jagdalik. Near the Evening -Prayer there was a wine-party at which most of the household were -present. After a time Qasim Beg's sister's son Gadai _bihjat_[1509] used -very disturbing words and, being drunk, slid down on the cushion by my -side, so Gadai Taghai picked him up and carried him out from the party. - -(_Oct. 19th_) Marching next day from that ground, I made an excursion up -the valley-bottom of the Barik-ab towards Quruq-sai. A few purslain -trees were in the utmost autumn beauty. On dismounting, seasonable[1510] -food was set out. The vintage was the cause! wine was drunk! A sheep -was ordered brought from the road and made into _kababs_ (_brochettes_). -We amused ourselves by setting fire to branches of holm-oak.[1511] - -Mulla 'Abdu'l-malik _diwana_[1512] having begged to take the news of our -coming into Kabul, was sent ahead. To this place came Hasan Nabira from -Mirza Khan's presence; he must have come after letting me know [his -intention of coming].[1513] There was [Sidenote: Fol. 246.] drinking -till the Sun's decline; we then rode off. People in our party had become -very drunk, Sayyid Qasim so much so, that two of his servants mounted -him and got him into camp with difficulty. Muh. Baqir's Dost was so -drunk that people, headed by Amin-i-muhammad Tarkhan and Masti _chuhra_, -could not get him on his horse; even when they poured water on his head, -nothing was effected. At that moment a body of Afghans appeared. -Amin-i-muhammad, who had had enough himself, had this idea, "Rather than -leave him here, as he is, to be taken, let us cut his head off and carry -it with us." At last after 100 efforts, they mounted him and brought him -with them. We reached Kabul at midnight. - - -(_ff. Incidents in Kabul._) - -In Court next morning Quli Beg waited on me. He had been to Sl. Sa'id -Khan's presence in Kashghar as my envoy. To him as envoy to me had been -added Bishka Mirza _Itarchi_[1514] who brought me gifts of the goods of -that country. - -(_Oct. 25th_) On Wednesday the 1st of Zu'l-qa'da, I went by myself to -Qabil's tomb[1515] and there took my morning. The people of the party -came later by ones and twos. When the Sun waxed hot, we went to the -Violet-garden and drank there, by the side of the reservoir. Mid-day -coming on, we slept. At the Mid-day Prayer we drank again. At this -mid-day party I gave wine to Tingri-quli Beg and to Mahndi (?) to whom -at any earlier party, wine had not been given. At the Bed-time -[Sidenote: Fol. 246b.] Prayer, I went to the Hot-bath where I stayed the -night. - -(_Oct. 26th_) On Thursday honorary dresses were bestowed on the -Hindustani traders, headed by Yahya _Nuhani_, and they were allowed to -go. - -(_Oct. 28th_) On Saturday the 4th, a dress and gifts were bestowed on -Bishka Mirza, who had come from Kashghar, and he was given leave to go. - -(_Oct. 29th_) On Sunday there was a party in the little Picture-hall -over the (Char-bagh) gate; small retreat though it is, 16 persons were -present. - - -(_gg. Excursion to the Koh-daman._) - -(_Oct. 30th_) Today we went to Istalif to see the harvest (_khizan_). -Today was done the sin (? _irtikab qilib aidi_) of _ma'jun_. Much rain -fell; most of the begs and the household came into my tent, outside the -Bagh-i-kalan. - -(_Oct. 31st_) Next day there was a wine-party in the same garden, -lasting till night. - -(_November 1st_) At dawn we took our morning (_subahi subuhi qilduk_) -and got drunk, took a sleep, and at the Mid-day Prayer rode from -Istalif. On the road a confection was eaten. We reached Bih-zadi at the -Other Prayer. The harvest-crops were very beautiful; while we were -viewing them those disposed for wine began to agitate about it. The -harvest-colour was extremely beautiful; wine was drunk, though _ma'jun_ -had been eaten, sitting under autumnal trees. The party lasted till the -Bed-time Prayer. Khalifa's Mulla Mahmud arriving, we had him summoned to -join the party. 'Abdu'l-lah was very drunk [Sidenote: Fol. 247.] indeed; -a word affecting Khalifa (_tarfidin_) being said, 'Abdu'l-lah forgot -Mulla Mahmud and recited this line:-- - - Regard whom thou wilt, he suffers from the same wound.[1516] - -Mulla Mahmud was sober; he blamed 'Abdu'l-lah for repeating that line in -jest; 'Abdu'l-lah came to his senses, was troubled in mind, and after -this talked and chatted very sweetly. - -Our excursion to view the harvest was over; we dismounted, close to the -Evening Prayer, in the Char-bagh. - -(_Nov. 12th_) On Friday the 16th, after eating a confection - -with a few special people in the Violet-garden, we went on a boat. -Humayun and Kamran were with us later; Humayun made a very good shot at -a duck. - - -(_hh. A Bohemian episode._) - -(_Nov. 14th_) On Saturday the 18th, I rode out of the Char-bagh at -midnight, sent night-watch and groom back, crossed Mulla Baba's bridge, -got out by the Diurin-narrows, round by the bazars and _karez_ of -Qush-nadur (var.), along the back of the Bear-house (_khirs-khana_), and -near sunrise reached Tardi Beg _Khak-sar's[1517] karez_. He ran out -quickly on hearing of me. His shortness (_qalashlighi_) was known; I had -taken 100 _shahrukhis_ (L5) with me; I gave him these and told him to -get wine and other things ready as I had a fancy for a private and -unrestrained party. He went for wine towards Bih-zadi[1518]; I sent my -horse by his slave to the valley-bottom and sat down on the slope behind -the _karez_. At the first watch (9 a.m.) Tardi Beg brought [Sidenote: -Fol. 247b.] a pitcher of wine which we drank by turns. After him came -Muhammad-i-qasim _Barlas_ and Shah-zada who had got to know of his -fetching the wine, and had followed him, their minds quite empty of any -thought about me. We invited them to the party. Said Tardi Beg, "Hul-hul -Aniga wishes to drink wine with you." Said I, "For my part, I never saw -a woman drink wine; invite her." We also invited Shahi a qalandar, and -one of the _karez_-men who played the rebeck. There was drinking till -the Evening Prayer on the rising-ground behind the _karez_; we then went -into Tardi Beg's house and drank by lamp-light almost till the Bed-time -Prayer. The party was quite free and unpretending. I lay down, the -others went to another house and drank there till beat of drum -(midnight). Hul-hul Aniga came in and made me much disturbance; I got -rid of her at last by flinging myself down as if drunk. It was in my -mind to put people off their guard, and ride off alone to Astar-ghach, -but it did not come off because they got to know. In the end, I rode -away at beat of drum, after letting Tardi Beg and Shah-zada know. We -three mounted and made for Astar-ghach. - -(_Nov. 15th_) We reached Khwaja Hasan below Istalif by the first prayer -(_farz waqt_); dismounted for a while, ate a confection, [Sidenote: Fol. -248.] and went to view the harvest. When the Sun was up, we dismounted -at a garden in Istalif and ate grapes. We slept at Khwaja Shahab, a -dependency of Astar-ghach. Ata, the Master of the Horse, must have had a -house somewhere near, for before we were awake he had brought food and a -pitcher of wine. The vintage was very fine. After drinking a few cups, -we rode on. We next dismounted in a garden beautiful with autumn; there -a party was held at which Khwaja Muhammad Amin joined us. Drinking went -on till the Bed-time Prayer. During that day and night 'Abdu'l-lah, -'Asas, Nur Beg and Yusuf-i-'ali all arrived from Kabul. - -(_Nov. 16th_) After food at dawn, we rode out and visited the -Bagh-i-padshahi below Astar-ghach. One young apple-tree in it had turned -an admirable autumn-colour; on each branch were left 5 or 6 leaves in -regular array; it was such that no painter trying to depict it could -have equalled. After riding from Astar-ghach we ate at Khwaja Hasan, and -reached Bih-zadi at the Evening Prayer. There we drank in the house of -Khwaja Muh. Amin's servant Imam-i-muhammad. - -(_Nov. 17th_) Next day, Tuesday, we went into the Char-bagh of Kabul. - -(_Nov. 18th_) On Thursday the 23rd, having marched (_kuchub_), the fort -was entered. - -(_Nov. 19th_) On Friday Muhammad 'Ali (son of ?) Haidar the -stirrup-holder brought, as an offering, a _tuigun_[1519] he had caught. - -(_Nov. 20th_) On Saturday the 25th, there was a party in the Plane-tree -garden from which I rose and mounted at the Bed-time Prayer. Sayyid -Qasim being in shame at past occurrences,[1520] we dismounted at his -house and drank a few cups. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 248b.] (_Nov. 24th_) On Thursday the 1st of Zu'l-hijja, -Taju'd-din Mahmud, come from Qandahar, waited on me. - -(_Dec. 12th_) On Monday the 19th, Muh. 'Ali _Jang-jang_ came from -Nil-ab. - -(_Dec. 13th_) On Tuesday the ... of the month, Sangar Khan _Janjuha_, -come from Bhira, waited on me. - -(_Dec. 16th_) On Friday the 23rd, I finished (copying?) the odes and -couplets selected according to their measure from 'Ali-sher Beg's four -Diwans.[1521] - -(_Dec. 20th_) On Tuesday the 27th there was a social-gathering in the -citadel, at which it was ordered that if any-one went out from it drunk, -that person should not be invited to a party again. - -(_Dec. 23rd_) On Friday the 30th of Zu'l-hijja it was ridden out with -the intention of making an excursion to Lamghan. - - - - -926 AH.-DEC. 23RD 1519 TO DEC. 12TH 1520 AD.[1522] - - -(_a. Excursion to the Koh-daman and Kohistan._) - -(_Dec. 23rd_) On Saturday Muharram 1st Khwaja Sih-yaran was reached. A -wine-party was had on the bank of the conduit, where this comes out on -the hill.[1523] - -(_Dec. 24th_) Riding on next morning (2nd), we visited the moving sands -(_reg-i-rawan_). A party was held in Sayyid Qasim's _Bulbul's_ -house.[1524] - -(_Dec. 25th_) Riding on from there, we ate a confection (_ma'jun_), went -further and dismounted at Bilkir (?). - -(_Dec. 26th_) At dawn (4th) we made our morning [_subahi subuhi -qilduk_], although there might be drinking at night. We rode on at the -Mid-day Prayer, dismounted at Dur-nama[1525] and there had a wine party. - -(_Dec. 27th_) We took our morning early. Haq-dad, the headman of -Dur-nama made me an offering (_pesh-kash_) of his garden. - -(_Dec. 28th_) Riding thence on Thursday (6th), we dismounted at the -villages of the Tajiks in Nijr-au. - -(_Dec. 29th_) On Friday (7th) we hunted the hill between Forty-ploughs -(_Chihil-qulba_) and the water of Baran; many deer fell. [Sidenote: Fol. -249.] I had not shot an arrow since my hand was hurt; now, with an -easy[1526] bow, I shot a deer in the shoulder, the arrow going in to -half up the feather. Returning from hunting, we went on at the Other -Prayer in Nijr-au. - -(_Dec. 30th_) Next day (Saturday 8th) the tribute of the Nijr-au people -was fixed at 60 gold misqals.[1527] - -(_Jan. 1st_) On Monday (10th) we rode on intending to visit -Lamghan.[1528] I had expected Humayun to go with us, but as he inclined -to stay behind, leave was given him from Kura-pass. We went on and -dismounted in Badr-au (Tag-au). - - -(_b. Excursions in Lamghan._) - -(_Jan. ..._) Riding on, we dismounted at Aulugh-nur.[1529] The fishermen -there took fish at one draught[1530] from the water of Baran. At the -Other Prayer (afternoon) there was drinking on the raft; and there was -drinking in a tent after we left the raft at the Evening Prayer. - -Haidar the standard-bearer had been sent from Dawar[1531] to the Kafirs; -several Kafir headmen came now to the foot of Bad-i-pich (pass), brought -a few goat-skins of wine, and did obeisance. In descending that pass a -surprising number of ...[1532] was seen. - -(_Jan. ..._) Next day getting on a raft, we ate a confection, got off -below Bulan and went to camp. There were two rafts. - -(_Jan. 5th_) Marching on Friday (14th), we dismounted below Mandrawar on -the hill-skirt. There was a late wine-party. - -(_Jan. 6th_) On Saturday (15th), we passed through the Daruta narrows by -raft, got off a little above Jahan-nama'i (Jalalabad) and went to the -Bagh-i-wafa in front of Adinapur. When we were leaving the raft the -governor of Ningnahar Qayyam Aurdu Shah came and did obeisance. Langar -Khan _Nia-zai_,--he had [Sidenote: Fol. 249b.] been in Nil-ab for a -time,--waited upon me on the road. We dismounted in the Bagh-i-wafa; its -oranges had yellowed beautifully; its spring-bloom was well-advanced, -and it was very charming. We stayed in it five or six days. - -As it was my wish and inclination (_ju dagh-dagha_)to return to -obedience (_ta'ib_) in my 40th year, I was drinking to excess now that -less than a year was left. - -(_Jan. 7th_) On Sunday the 16th, having made my morning (_subuhi_) and -became sober. Mulla Yarak played an air he had composed in five-time and -in the five-line measure (_makhammas_), while I chose to eat a -confection (_ma'jun_). He had composed an excellent air. I had not -occupied myself with such things for some time; a wish to compose came -over me now, so I composed an air in four-time, as will be mentioned in -time.[1533] - -(_Jan. 10th_) On Wednesday (19th) it was said for fun, while we -were making our morning (_subuhi_), "Let whoever speaks like a -Sart (_i.e._ in Persian) drink a cup." Through this many drank. At -_sunnat-waqt_[1534] again, when we were sitting under the willows in the -middle of the meadow, it was said, "Let whoever speaks like a Turk, -drink a cup!" Through this also numbers drank. After the sun got up, we -drank under the orange-trees on the reservoir-bank. - -(_Jan. 11th_) Next day (20th) we got on a raft from Daruta; got off -again below Jui-shahi and went to Atar. - -(_Jan...._) We rode from there to visit Nur-valley, went as far as Susan -(lily)-village, then turned back and dismounted in Amla. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 250.] (_Jan. 14th_) As Khwaja Kalan had brought Bajaur -into good order, and as he was a friend of mine, I had sent for him and -had made Bajaur over to Shah Mir Husain's charge. On Saturday the 22nd -of the month (Muharram), Shah Mir Husain was given leave to go. That day -in Amla we drank. - -(_Jan. 15th_) It rained (_yamghur yaghdurub_) next day (23rd). - -When we reached Kula-gram in Kunar[1535] where Malik 'Ali's house is, -we dismounted at his middle son's house, overlooking an orange-orchard. -We did not go into the orchard because of the rain but just drank where -we were. The rain was very heavy. I taught Mulla 'Ali Khan a talisman I -knew; he wrote it on four pieces of paper and hung them on four sides; -as he did it, the rain stopped and the air began to clear. - -(_Jan. 16th_) At dawn (24th) we got on a raft; on another several braves -went. People in Bajaur, Sawad, Kunar and thereabouts make a beer (_bir -buza_)[1536] the ferment of which is a thing they call _kim_.[1537] This -_kim_ they make of the roots of herbs and several simples, shaped like a -loaf, dried and kept by them. Some sorts of beer are surprisingly -exhilarating, but bitter and distasteful. We had thought of drinking -beer but, because of its bitter taste, preferred a confection. 'Asas, -Hasan _Aikirik_,[1538] and Masti, on the other raft, were ordered to -drink some; they did so and became quite drunk. Hasan _Aikirik_ set up a -disgusting disturbance; 'Asas, very drunk, did such [Sidenote: Fol. -250b.] unpleasant things that we were most uncomfortable (_ba tang_). I -thought of having them put off on the far side of the water, but some of -the others begged them off. - -I had sent for Khwaja Kalan at this time and had bestowed Bajaur on Shah -Mir Husain. For why? Khwaja Kalan was a friend; his stay in Bajaur had -been long; moreover the Bajaur appointment appeared an easy one. - -At the ford of the Kunar-water Shah Mir Husain met me on his way to -Bajaur. I sent for him and said a few trenchant words, gave him some -special armour, and let him go. - -Opposite Nur-gal (Rock-village) an old man begged from those on the -rafts; every-one gave him something, coat (_tun_), turban, bathing-cloth -and so on, so he took a good deal away. - -At a bad place in mid-stream the raft struck with a great shock; there -was much alarm; it did not sink but Mir Muhammad the raftsman was thrown -into the water. We were near Atar that night. - -(_Jan. 17th_) On Tuesday (25th) we reached Mandrawar.[1539] Qutluq-qadam -and his father had arranged a party inside the fort; though the place -had no charm, a few cups were drunk there to please them. We went to -camp at the Other Prayer. - -(_Jan. 18th_) On Wednesday (26th) an excursion was made to -Kind-kir[1540] spring. Kind-kir is a dependent village of the Mandrawar -_tuman_, the one and only village of the Lamghanat [Sidenote: Fol. 251.] -where dates are grown. It lies rather high on the mountain-skirt, its -date lands on its east side. At one edge of the date lands is the -spring, in a place aside (_yan yir_). Six or seven yards below the -spring-head people have heaped up stones to make a shelter[1541] for -bathing and by so-doing have raised the water in the reservoir high -enough for it to pour over the heads of the bathers. The water is very -soft; it is felt a little cold in wintry days but is pleasant if one -stays in it. - -(_Jan. 19th_) On Thursday (27th) Sher Khan _Tarkalani_ got us to -dismount at his house and there gave us a feast (_ziyafat_). Having -ridden on at the Mid-day Prayer, fish were taken out of the fish-ponds -of which particulars have been given.[1542] - -(_Jan. 20th_) On Friday (28th) we dismounted near Khwaja Mir-i-miran's -village. A party was held there at the Evening Prayer. - -(_Jan. 21st_) On Saturday (29th) we hunted the hill between 'Ali-shang -and Alangar. One hunting-circle having been made on the 'Ali-shang side, -another on the Alangar, the deer were driven down off the hill and many -were killed. Returning from hunting, we dismounted in a garden belonging -to the Maliks of Alangar and there had a party. - -Half of one of my front-teeth had broken off, the other half remaining; -this half broke off today while I was eating food. - -(_Jan. 22nd_) At dawn (Safar 1st) we rode out and had a fishing-net -cast, at mid-day went into 'Ali-shang and drank in a garden. - -(_Jan. 23rd_) Next day (Safar 2nd) Hamza Khan, Malik of 'Ali-shang was -made over to the avengers-of-blood[1543] for his evil deeds in shedding -innocent blood, and retaliation was made. - -(_Jan. 24th_) On Tuesday, after reading a chapter of the Qoran -[Sidenote: Fol. 251b.] (_wird_), we turned for Kabul by the Yan-bulagh -road. At the Other Prayer, we passed the [Baran]-water from Aulugh-nur -(Great-rock); reached Qara-tu by the Evening Prayer, there gave our -horses corn and had a hasty meal prepared, rode on again as soon as they -had finished their barley.[1544] - - -TRANSLATOR'S NOTE ON 926 TO 932 AH.-1520 TO 1525 AD. - -Babur's diary breaks off here for five years and ten months.[1545] His -activities during the unrecorded period may well have left no time in -which to keep one up, for in it he went thrice to Qandahar, thrice into -India, once to Badakhshan, once to Balkh; twice at least he punished -refractory tribesmen; he received embassies from Hindustan, and must -have had much to oversee in muster and equipment for his numerous -expeditions. Over and above this, he produced the _Mubin_, a Turki poem -of 2000 lines. - -That the gap in his autobiography is not intentional several passages in -his writings show;[1546] he meant to fill it; there is no evidence that -he ever did so; the reasonable explanation of his failure is that he -died before he had reached this part of his book. - -The events of these unrecorded years are less interesting than those of -the preceding gap, inasmuch as their drama of human passion is simpler; -it is one mainly of cross-currents of ambition, nothing in it matching -the maelstrom of sectarian hate, tribal antipathy, and racial struggle -which engulphed Babur's fortunes beyond the Oxus. - -None-the-less the period has its distinctive mark, the biographical one -set by his personality as his long-sustained effort works out towards -rule in Hindustan. He becomes felt; his surroundings bend to his -purpose; his composite following accepts his goal; he gains the southern -key of Kabul and Hindustan and presses the Arghuns out from his rear; in -the Panj-ab he becomes a power; the Rajput Rana of Chitor proffers him -alliance against Ibrahim; and his intervention is sought in those -warrings of the Afghans which were the matrix of his own success. - - -_a. Dramatis personae._ - -The following men played principal parts in the events of the -unchronicled years:-- - -Babur in Kabul, Badakhshan and Balkh,[1547] his earlier following purged -of Mughul rebellion, and augmented by the various Mirzas-in-exile in -whose need of employment Shah Beg saw Babur's need of wider -territory.[1548] - -Sultan Ibrahim _Ludi_ who had succeeded after his father Sikandar's -death (Sunday Zu'l-qa'da 7th 923 _AH._-Nov. 21st 1517 AD.)[1549], was -now embroiled in civil war, and hated for his tyranny and cruelty. - -Shah Isma'il _Safawi_, ruling down to Rajab 19th 930 AH. (May 24th 1524 -AD.) and then succeeded by his son Tahmasp _aet._ 10. - -Kuchum (Kuchkunji) Khan, Khaqan of the Auzbegs, Shaibani's successor, -now in possession of Transoxiana. - -Sultan Sa'id Khan _Chaghatai_, with head-quarters in Kashghar, a ruler -amongst the Mughuls but not their Khaqan, the supreme Khanship being his -elder brother Mansur's. - -Shah Shuja' Beg _Arghun_, who, during the period, at various times held -Qandahar, Shal, Mustang, Siwistan, and part of Sind. He died in 930 AH. -(1524 AD.) and was succeeded by his son Hasan who read the _khutba_ for -Babur. - -Khan Mirza _Miranshahi_, who held Badakhshan from Babur, with -head-quarters in Qunduz; he died in 927 AH. (1520 AD.) and was succeeded -in his appointment by Humayun _aet._ 13. - -Muhammad-i-zaman _Bai-qara_ who held Balkh perhaps direct from Babur, -perhaps from Isma'il through Babur. - -'Ala'u'd-din 'Alam Khan _Ludi_, brother of the late Sultan Sikandar -_Ludi_ and now desiring to supersede his nephew Ibrahim. - -Daulat Khan _Yusuf-khail_ (as Babur uniformly describes him), or _Ludi_ -(as other writers do), holding Lahor for Ibrahim _Ludi_ at the beginning -of the period. - - -_SOURCES FOR THE EVENTS OF THIS GAP_ - -A complete history of the events the _Babur-nama_ leaves unrecorded has -yet to be written. The best existing one, whether Oriental or European, -is Erskine's _History of India_, but this does not exhaust the -sources--notably not using the _Habibu's-siyar_--and could be revised here -and there with advantage. - -Most of the sources enumerated as useful for filling the previous gap -are so here; to them must be added, for the affairs of Qandahar, -Khwand-amir's _Habibu's-siyar_. This Mir Ma'sum's _Tarikh-i-sind_ -supplements usefully, but its brevity and its discrepant dates make it -demand adjustment; in some details it is expanded by Sayyid Jamal's -_Tarkhan-_ or _Arghun-nama_. - -For the affairs of Hindustan the main sources are enumerated in Elliot -and Dowson's _History of India_ and in Nassau Lees' _Materials for the -history of India_. Doubtless all will be exhausted for the coming -_Cambridge History of India_. - - -_EVENTS OF THE UNCHRONICLED YEARS_ - -926 AH.-DEC. 23RD 1519 TO DEC. 12TH 1520 AD. - -The question of which were Babur's "Five expeditions" into Hindustan has -been often discussed; it is useful therefore to establish the dates of -those known as made. I have entered one as made in this year for the -following reasons;--it broke short because Shah Beg made incursion into -Babur's territories, and that incursion was followed by a siege of -Qandahar which several matters mentioned below show to have taken place -in 926 AH. - -_a. Expedition into Hindustan._ - -The march out from Kabul may have been as soon as muster and equipment -allowed after the return from Lamghan chronicled in the diary. It was -made through Bajaur where refractory tribesmen were brought to order. -The Indus will have been forded at the usual place where, until the last -one of 932 AH. (1525 AD.), all expeditions crossed on the outward march. -Bhira was traversed in which were Babur's own Commanders, and advance -was made, beyond lands yet occupied, to Sialkot, 72 miles north of Lahor -and in the Rechna _du-ab_. It was occupied without resistance; and a -further move made to what the MSS. call Sayyidpur; this attempted -defence, was taken by assault and put to the sword. No place named -Sayyidpur is given in the Gazetteer of India, but the _Ayin-i-akbari_ -mentions a Sidhpur which from its neighbourhood to Sialkot may be what -Babur took. - -Nothing indicates an intention in Babur to join battle with Ibrahim at -this time; Lahor may have been his objective, after he had made a -demonstration in force to strengthen his footing in Bhira. Whatever he -may have planned to do beyond Sidhpur(?) was frustrated by the news -which took him back to Kabul and thence to Qandahar, that an incursion -into his territory had been made by Shah Beg. - - -_b. Shah Shuja' Beg's position._ - -Shah Beg was now holding Qandahar, Shal, Mustang and Siwistan.[1550] He -knew that he held Qandahar by uncertain tenure, in face of its -desirability for Babur and his own lesser power. His ground was further -weakened by its usefulness for operations on Harat and the presence with -Babur of Bai-qara refugees, ready to seize a chance, if offered by -Isma'il's waning fortunes, for recovery of their former seat. Knowing -his weakness, he for several years had been pushing his way out into -Sind by way of the Bolan-pass. - -His relations with Babur were ostensibly good; he had sent him envoys -twice last year, the first time to announce a success at Kahan had in -the end of 924 AH. (Nov. 1519 AD.). His son Hasan however, with whom he -was unreconciled, had been for more than a year in Babur's company,--a -matter not unlikely to stir under-currents of unfriendliness on either -side. - -His relations with Shah Isma'il were deferential, in appearance even -vassal-like, as is shewn by Khwand-amir's account of his appeal for -intervention against Babur to the Shah's officers in Harat. Whether he -read the _khutba_ for any suzerain is doubtful; his son Hasan, it may be -said, read it later on for Babur. - - -_c. The impelling cause of this siege of Qandahar._ - -Precisely what Shah Beg did to bring Babur back from the Panj-ab and -down upon Qandahar is not found mentioned by any source. It seems likely -to have been an affair of subordinates instigated by or for him. Its -immediate agents may have been the Nikdiri (Nukdiri) and Hazara tribes -Babur punished on his way south. Their location was the western -border-land; they may have descended on the Great North Road or have -raided for food in that famine year. It seems certain that Shah Beg made -no serious attempt on Kabul; he was too much occupied in Sind to allow -him to do so. Some unused source may throw light on the matter -incidentally; the offence may have been small in itself and yet -sufficient to determine Babur to remove risk from his rear.[1551] - - -_d. Qandahar._ - -The Qandahar of Babur's sieges was difficult of capture; he had not -taken it in 913 AH. (f. 208_b_) by siege or assault, but by default -after one day's fight in the open. The strength of its position can be -judged from the following account of its ruins as they were seen in 1879 -AD., the military details of which supplement Bellew's description -quoted in Appendix J. - -The fortifications are of great extent with a treble line of bastioned -walls and a high citadel in the centre. The place is in complete ruin -and its locality now useful only as a grazing ground.... "The town is in -three parts, each on a separate eminence, and capable of mutual -defence. The mountain had been covered with towers united by curtains, -and the one on the culminating point may be called impregnable. It -commanded the citadel which stood lower down on the second eminence, and -this in turn commanded the town which was on a table-land elevated above -the plain. The triple walls surrounding the city were at a considerable -distance from it. After exploring the citadel and ruins, we mounted by -the gorge to the summit of the hill with the impregnable fort. In this -gorge are the ruins of two tanks, some 80 feet square, all destroyed, -with the pillars fallen; the work is _pukka_ in brick and _chunam_ -(cement) and each tank had been domed in; they would have held about -400,000 gallons each." (Le Messurier's _Kandahar in 1879 AD._ pp. 223, -245.) - - -_e. Babur's sieges of Qandahar._ - -The term of five years is found associated with Babur's sieges of -Qandahar, sometimes suggesting a single attempt of five years' duration. -This it is easy to show incorrect; its root may be Mir Ma'sum's -erroneous chronology. - -The day on which the keys of Qandahar were made over to Babur is known, -from the famous inscription which commemorates the event (Appendix J), -as Shawwal 13th 928 AH. Working backwards from this, it is known that in -927 AH. terms of surrender were made and that Babur went back to Kabul; -he is besieging it in 926 AH.--the year under description; his annals of -925 AH. are complete and contain no siege; the year 924 AH. appears to -have had no siege, Shah Beg was on the Indus and his son was for at -least part of it with Babur; 923 AH. was a year of intended siege, -frustrated by Babur's own illness; of any siege in 922 AH. there is as -yet no record known. So that it is certain there was no unremitted -beleaguerment through five years. - - -_f. The siege of 926 AH. (1520 AD.)._ - -When Babur sat down to lay regular siege to Qandahar, with mining and -battering of the walls,[1552] famine was desolating the country round. -The garrison was reduced to great distress; "pestilence," ever an ally -of Qandahar, broke out within the walls, spread to Babur's camp, and in -the month of Tir (June) led him to return to Kabul. - -In the succeeding months of respite, Shah Beg pushed on in Sind and his -former slave, now commander, Mehtar Sambhal revictualled the town. - - -927 AH.--DEC. 12TH 1520 TO DEC. 1ST 1521 AD. - -_a. The manuscript sources._ - -Two accounts of the sieges of Qandahar in this and next year are -available, one in Khwand-amir's _Habibu's-siyar_, the other in Ma'sum -_Bhakkari's Tarikh-i-sind_. As they have important differences, it is -necessary to consider the opportunities of their authors for -information. - -Khwand-amir finished his history in 1524-29 AD. His account of these -affairs of Qandahar is contemporary; he was in close touch with several -of the actors in them and may have been in Harat through their course; -one of his patrons, Amir Ghiyasu'd-din, was put to death in this year in -Harat because of suspicion that he was an ally of Babur; his nephew, -another Ghiyasu'd-din was in Qandahar, the bearer next year of its keys -to Babur; moreover he was with Babur himself a few years later in -Hindustan. - -Mir Ma'sum wrote in 1600 AD. 70 to 75 years after Khwand-amir. Of these -sieges he tells what may have been traditional and mentions no -manuscript authorities. Blochmann's biography of him (_Ayin-i-akbari_ p. -514) shews his ample opportunity of learning orally what had happened in -the Arghun invasion of Sind, but does not mention the opportunity for -hearing traditions about Qandahar which his term of office there allowed -him. During that term it was that he added an inscription, commemorative -of Akbar's dominion, to Babur's own at Chihil-zina, which records the -date of the capture of Qandahar (928 AH.-1522 AD.). - - -_b. The Habibu's-siyar account_ (lith. ed. iii, part 4, p. 97). - -Khwand-amir's contemporary narrative allows Ma'sum's to dovetail into it -as to some matters, but contradicts it in the important ones of date, -and mode of surrender by Shah Beg to Babur. It states that Babur was -resolved in 926 AH. (1520 AD.) to uproot Shah Shuja' Beg from Qandahar, -led an army against the place, and "opened the Gates of war". It gives -no account of the siege of 926 AH. but passes on to the occurrences of -927 AH. (1521 AD.) when Shah Beg, unable to meet Babur in the field, -shut himself up in the town and strengthened the defences. Babur put his -utmost pressure on the besieged, "often riding his piebald horse close -to the moat and urging his men to fiery onset." The garrison resisted -manfully, breaching the "life-fortresses" of the Kabulis with sword, -arrow, spear and death-dealing stone, but Babur's heroes were most often -victorious, and drove their assailants back through the Gates. - - -_c. Death of Khan Mirza reported to Babur._ - -Meantime, continues Khwand-amir, Khan Mirza had died in Badakhshan; the -news was brought to Babur and caused him great grief; he appointed -Humayun to succeed the Mirza while he himself prosecuted the siege of -Qandahar and the conquest of the Garm-sir.[1553] - - -_d. Negociations with Babur._ - -The Governor of Harat at this time was Shah Isma'il's son Tahmasp, -between six and seven years old. His guardian Amir Khan took chief part -in the diplomatic intervention with Babur, but associated with him was -Amir Ghiyasu'd-din--the patron of Khwand-amir already mentioned--until put -to death as an ally of Babur. The discussion had with Babur reveals a -complexity of motives demanding attention. Nominally undertaken though -intervention was on behalf of Shah Beg, and certainly so at his request, -the Persian officers seem to have been less anxious on his account than -for their own position in Khurasan, their master's position at the time -being weakened by ill-success against the Sultan of Rum. To Babur, Shah -Beg is written of as though he were an insubordinate vassal whom Babur -was reducing to order for the Shah, but when Amir Khan heard that Shah -Beg was hard pressed, he was much distressed because he feared a -victorious Babur might move on Khurasan. Nothing indicates however that -Babur had Khurasan in his thoughts; Hindustan was his objective, and -Qandahar a help on the way; but as Amir Khan had this fear about him, a -probable ground for it is provided by the presence with Babur of -Bai-qara exiles whose ambition it must have been to recover their former -seat. Whether for Harat, Kabul, or Hindustan, Qandahar was strength. -Another matter not fitting the avowed purpose of the diplomatic -intervention is the death of Ghiyasu'd-din because an ally of Babur; -this makes Amir Khan seem to count Babur as Isma'il's enemy. - -Shah Beg's requests for intervention began in 926 AH. (1520 AD.), as -also did the remonstrance of the Persian officers with Babur; his -couriers followed one another with entreaty that the Amirs would -contrive for Babur to retire, with promise of obeisance and of yearly -tribute. The Amirs set forth to Babur that though Shah Shuja' Beg had -offended and had been deserving of wrath and chastisement, yet, as he -was penitent and had promised loyalty and tribute, it was now proper for -Babur to raise the siege (of 926 AH.) and go back to Kabul. To this -Babur answered that Shah Beg's promise was a vain thing, on which no -reliance could be placed; please God!, said he, he himself would take -Qandahar and send Shah Beg a prisoner to Harat; and that he should be -ready then to give the keys of the town and the possession of the -Garm-sir to any-one appointed to receive them. - -This correspondence suits an assumption that Babur acted for Shah -Isma'il, a diplomatic assumption merely, the verbal veil, on one side, -for anxiety lest Babur or those with him should attack Harat,--on the -other, for Babur's resolve to hold Qandahar himself. - -Amir Khan was not satisfied with Babur's answer, but had his attention -distracted by another matter, presumably 'Ubaidu'l-lah Khan's attack on -Harat in the spring of the year (March-April 1521 AD.). Negociations -appear to have been resumed later, since Khwand-amir claims it as their -result that Babur left Qandahar this year. - - -_e. The Tarikh-i-sind account._ - -Mir Ma'sum is very brief; he says that in this year (his 922 AH.), Babur -went down to Qandahar before the year's tribute in grain had been -collected, destroyed the standing crops, encompassed the town, and -reduced it to extremity; that Shah Beg, wearied under reiterated attack -and pre-occupied by operations in Sind, proposed terms, and that these -were made with stipulation for the town to be his during one year more -and then to be given over to Babur. These terms settled, Babur went to -Kabul, Shah Beg to Siwi. - -The Arghun families were removed to Shal and Siwi, so that the year's -delay may have been an accommodation allowed for this purpose. - - -_f. Concerning dates._ - -There is much discrepancy between the dates of the two historians. -Khwand-amir's agree with the few fixed ones of the period and with the -course of events; several of Ma'sum's, on the contrary, are _seriatim_ -five (lunar) years earlier. For instance, events Khwand-amir places -under 927 AH. Ma'sum places under 922 AH. Again, while Ma'sum correctly -gives 913 AH. (1507 AD.) as the year of Babur's first capture of -Qandahar, he sets up a discrepant series later, from the success Shah -Beg had at Kahan; this he allots to 921 AH. (1515 AD.) whereas Babur -received news of it (f. 233_b_) in the beginning of 925 AH. (1519 AD.). -Again, Ma'sum makes Shah Hasan go to Babur in 921 AH. and stay two -years; but Hasan spent the whole of 925 AH. with Babur and is not -mentioned as having left before the second month of 926 AH. Again, -Ma'sum makes Shah Beg surrender the keys of Qandahar in 923 AH. (1517 -AD.), but 928 AH. (1522 AD.) is shewn by Khwand-amir's dates and -narrative, and is inscribed at Chihil-zina.[1554] - - -928 AH.-DEC. 1ST 1521 TO NOV. 20TH 1522 AD. - -_a. Babur visits Badakhshan._ - -Either early in this year or late in the previous one, Babur and Mahim -went to visit Humayun in his government, probably to Faizabad, and -stayed with him what Gul-badan calls a few days. - - -_b. Expedition to Qandahar._ - -This year saw the end of the duel for possession of Qandahar. -Khwand-amir's account of its surrender differs widely from Ma'sum's. It -claims that Babur's retirement in 927 AH. was due to the remonstrances -from Harat, and that Shah Beg, worn out by the siege, relied on the -arrangement the Amirs had made with Babur and went to Siwi, leaving one -'Abdu'l-baqi in charge of the place. This man, says Khwand-amir, drew -the line of obliteration over his duty to his master, sent to Babur, -brought him down to Qandahar, and gave him the keys of the town--by the -hand of Khwand-amir's nephew Ghiyasu'd-din, specifies the -_Tarkhan-nama_. In this year messengers had come and gone between Babur -and Harat; two men employed by Amir Khan are mentioned by name; of them -the last had not returned to Harat when a courier of Babur's, bringing a -tributary gift, announced there that the town was in his master's hands. -Khwand-amir thus fixes the year 928 AH. as that in which the town passed -into Babur's hands; this date is confirmed by the one inscribed in the -monument of victory at Chihil-zina which Babur ordered excavated on the -naze of the limestone ridge behind the town. The date there given is -Shawwal 13th 928 AH. (Sep. 6th 1522 AD.). - -Ma'sum's account, dated 923 AH. (1517 AD.), is of the briefest:--Shah Beg -fulfilled his promise, much to Babur's approval, by sending him the keys -of the town and royal residence. - -Although Khwand-amir's account has good claim to be accepted, it must be -admitted that several circumstances can be taken to show that Shah Beg -had abandoned Qandahar, _e.g._ the removal of the families after Babur's -retirement last year, and his own absence in a remote part of Sind this -year. - - -_c. The year of Shah Beg's death._ - -Of several variant years assigned for the death of Shah Beg in the -sources, two only need consideration.[1555] There is consensus of -opinion about the month and close agreement about the day, Sha'ban 22nd -or 23rd. Ma'sum gives a chronogram, _Shahr-Sha'ban_, (month of Sha'ban) -which yields 928, but he does not mention where he obtained it, nor does -anything in his narrative shew what has fixed the day of the month. - -Two objections to 928 are patent: (1) the doubt engendered by Ma'sum's -earlier ante-dating; (2) that if 928 be right, Shah Beg was already dead -over two months when Qandahar was surrendered. This he might have been -according to Khwand-amir's narrative, but if he died on Sha'ban 22nd 928 -(July 26th 1522), there was time for the news to have reached Qandahar, -and to have gone on to Harat before the surrender. Shah Beg's death at -that time could not have failed to be associated in Khwand-amir's -narrative with the fate of Qandahar; it might have pleaded some excuse -with him for 'Abdu'l-baqi, who might even have had orders from Shah -Hasan to make the town over to Babur whose suzerainty he had -acknowledged at once on succession by reading the _khutba_ in his name. -Khwand-amir however does not mention what would have been a salient -point in the events of the siege; his silence cannot but weigh against -the 928 AH. - -The year 930 AH. is given by Nizamu'd-din Ahmad's _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ -(lith. ed. p. 637), and this year has been adopted by Erskine, Beale, -and Ney Elias, perhaps by others. Some light on the matter may be -obtained incidentally as the sources are examined for a complete history -of India, perhaps coming from the affairs of Multan, which was attacked -by Shah Hasan after communication with Babur. - - -_d. Babur's literary work in 928 AH. and earlier._ - -1. The _Mubin_. This year, as is known from a chronogram within the -work, Babur wrote the Turki poem of 2000 lines to which Abu'l-fazl and -Badayuni give the name _Mubin_ (The Exposition), but of which the true -title is said by the _Nafa'isu'l-ma'asir_ to be _Dar fiqa mubaiyan_ (The -Law expounded). Sprenger found it called also _Fiqa-i-baburi_ (Babur's -Law). It is a versified and highly orthodox treatise on Muhammadan Law, -written for the instruction of Kamran. A Commentary on it, called also -_Mubin_, was written by Shaikh Zain. Babur quotes from it (f. 351_b_) -when writing of linear measures. Berezine found and published a large -portion of it as part of his _Chrestomathie Turque_ (Kazan 1857); the -same fragment may be what was published by Ilminsky. Teufel remarks that -the MS. used by Berezine may have descended direct from one sent by -Babur to a distinguished legist of Transoxiana, because the last words -of Berezine's imprint are Babur's _Begleitschreiben_ (_envoi_); he adds -the expectation that the legist's name might be learned. Perhaps this -recipient was the Khwaja Kalan, son of Khwaja Yahya, a Samarkandi to -whom Babur sent a copy of his Memoirs on March 7th 1520 (935 AH. f. -363).[1556] - -2. The _Babur-nama_ diary of 925-6 AH. (1519-20 AD.). This is almost -contemporary with the _Mubin_ and is the earliest part of the -_Babur-nama_ writings now known. It was written about a decade earlier -than the narrative of 899 to 914 AH. (1494 to 1507 AD.), carries later -annotations, and has now the character of a draft awaiting revision. - -3. A _Diwan_ (Collection of poems). By dovetailing a few fragments of -information, it becomes clear that by 925 AH. (1519 AD.) Babur had made -a Collection of poetical compositions distinct from the Rampur _Diwan_; -it is what he sent to Pulad Sultan in 925 AH. (f. 238). Its date -excludes the greater part of the Rampur one. It may have contained those -verses to which my husband drew attention in the Asiatic Quarterly -Review of 1911, as quoted in the _Abushqa_; and it may have contained, -in agreement with its earlier date, the verses Babur quotes as written -in his earlier years. None of the quatrains found in the _Abushqa_ and -there attributed to "Babur Mirza", are in the Rampur _Diwan_; nor are -several of those early ones of the _Babur-nama_. So that the Diwan sent -to Pulad Sultan may be the source from which the _Abushqa_ drew its -examples. - -On first examining these verses, doubt arose as to whether they were -really by Babur _Miranshahi_; or whether they were by "Babur Mirza" -_Shahrukhi_. Fortunately my husband lighted on one of them quoted in the -_Sanglakh_ and there attributed to Babur Padshah. The _Abushqa_ -quatrains are used as examples in de Courteille's _Dictionary_, but -without an author's name; they can be traced there through my husband's -articles.[1557] - - -929 AH.--NOV. 20TH 1522 TO NOV. 10TH 1523 AD. - -_a. Affairs of Hindustan._ - -The centre of interest in Babur's affairs now moves from Qandahar to a -Hindustan torn by faction, of which faction one result was an appeal -made at this time to Babur by Daulat Khan _Ludi_ (_Yusuf-khail_) and -'Alau'd-din 'Alam Khan _Ludi_ for help against Ibrahim.[1558] - -The following details are taken mostly from Ahmad Yadgar's -_Tarikh-i-salatin-i-afaghana_[1559]:--Daulat Khan had been summoned to -Ibrahim's presence; he had been afraid to go and had sent his son -Dilawar in his place; his disobedience angering Ibrahim, Dilawar had a -bad reception and was shewn a ghastly exhibit of disobedient commanders. -Fearing a like fate for himself, he made escape and hastened to report -matters to his father in Lahor. His information strengthening Daulat -Khan's previous apprehensions, decided the latter to proffer allegiance -to Babur and to ask his help against Ibrahim. Apparently 'Alam Khan's -interests were a part of this request. Accordingly Dilawar (or Apaq) -Khan went to Kabul, charged with his father's message, and with intent -to make known to Babur Ibrahim's evil disposition, his cruelty and -tyranny, with their fruit of discontent amongst his Commanders and -soldiery. - - -_b. Reception of Dilawar Khan in Kabul._ - -Wedding festivities were in progress[1560] when Dilawar Khan reached -Kabul. He presented himself, at the Char-bagh may be inferred, and had -word taken to Babur that an Afghan was at his Gate with a petition. When -admitted, he demeaned himself as a suppliant and proceeded to set forth -the distress of Hindustan. Babur asked why he, whose family had so long -eaten the salt of the Ludis, had so suddenly deserted them for himself. -Dilawar answered that his family through 40 years had upheld the Ludi -throne, but that Ibrahim maltreated Sikandar's amirs, had killed 25 of -them without cause, some by hanging some burned alive, and that there -was no hope of safety in him. Therefore, he said, he had been sent by -many amirs to Babur whom they were ready to obey and for whose coming -they were on the anxious watch. - - -_c. Babur asks a sign._ - -At the dawn of the day following the feast, Babur prayed in the garden -for a sign of victory in Hindustan, asking that it should be a gift to -himself of mango or betel, fruits of that land. It so happened that -Daulat Khan had sent him, as a present, half-ripened mangoes preserved -in honey; when these were set before him, he accepted them as the sign, -and from that time forth, says the chronicler, made preparation for a -move on Hindustan. - - -_d. 'Alam Khan._ - -Although 'Alam Khan seems to have had some amount of support for his -attempt against his nephew, events show he had none valid for his -purpose. That he had not Daulat Khan's, later occurrences make clear. -Moreover he seems not to have been a man to win adherence or to be -accepted as a trustworthy and sensible leader.[1561] Dates are uncertain -in the absence of Babur's narrative, but it may have been in this year -that 'Alam Khan went in person to Kabul and there was promised help -against Ibrahim. - - -_e. Birth of Gul-badan._ - -Either in this year or the next was born Dil-dar's third daughter -Gul-badan, the later author of an _Humayun-nama_ written at her nephew -Akbar's command in order to provide information for the _Akbar-nama_. - - -930 AH.--NOV. 10TH 1523 TO OCT. 29TH 1524 AD. - -_a. Babur's fourth expedition to Hindustan._ - -This expedition differs from all earlier ones by its co-operation with -Afghan malcontents against Ibrahim _Ludi_, and by having for its -declared purpose direct attack on him through reinforcement of 'Alam -Khan. - -Exactly when the start from Kabul was made is not found stated; the -route taken after fording the Indus, was by the sub-montane road through -the Kakar country; the Jihlam and Chin-ab were crossed and a move was -made to within 10 miles of Lahor. - -Lahor was Daulat Khan's head-quarters but he was not in it now; he had -fled for refuge to a colony of Biluchis, perhaps towards Multan, on the -approach against him of an army of Ibrahim's under Bihar Khan _Ludi_. A -battle ensued between Babur and Bihar Khan; the latter was defeated with -great slaughter; Babur's troops followed his fugitive men into Lahor, -plundered the town and burned some of the _bazars_. - -Four days were spent near Lahor, then move south was made to Dibalpur -which was stormed, plundered and put to the sword. The date of this -capture is known from an incidental remark of Babur about chronograms -(f. 325), to be mid-Rabi'u'l-awwal 930 AH. (_circa_ Jan. 22nd 1524 -AD.).[1562] From Dibalpur a start was made for Sihrind but before this -could be reached news arrived which dictated return to Lahor. - - -_b. The cause of return._ - -Daulat Khan's action is the obvious cause of the retirement. He and his -sons had not joined Babur until the latter was at Dibalpur; he was not -restored to his former place in charge of the important Lahor, but was -given Jalandhar and Sultanpur, a town of his own foundation. This -angered him extremely but he seems to have concealed his feelings for -the time and to have given Babur counsel as if he were content. His son -Dilawar, however, represented to Babur that his father's advice was -treacherous; it concerned a move to Multan, from which place Daulat Khan -may have come up to Dibalpur and connected with which at this time, -something is recorded of co-operation by Babur and Shah Hasan _Arghun_. -But the incident is not yet found clearly described by a source. Dilawar -Khan told Babur that his father's object was to divide and thus weaken -the invading force, and as this would have been the result of taking -Daulat Khan's advice, Babur arrested him and Apaq on suspicion of -treacherous intent. They were soon released, and Sultanpur was given -them, but they fled to the hills, there to await a chance to swoop on -the Panj-ab. Daulat Khan's hostility and his non-fulfilment of his -engagement with Babur placing danger in the rear of an eastward advance, -the Panj-ab was garrisoned by Babur's own followers and he himself went -back to Kabul. - -It is evident from what followed that Daulat Khan commanded much -strength in the Panj-ab; evident also that something counselled delay in -the attack on Ibrahim, perhaps closer cohesion in favour of 'Alam Khan, -certainly removal of the menace of Daulat Khan in the rear; there may -have been news already of the approach of the Auzbegs on Balkh which -took Babur next year across Hindu-kush. - - -_c. The Panj-ab garrison._ - -The expedition had extended Babur's command considerably, notably by -obtaining possession of Lahor. He now posted in it Mir 'Abdu'l-'aziz his -Master of the Horse; in Dibalpur he posted, with 'Alam Khan, Baba Qashqa -_Mughul_; in Sialkot, Khusrau Kukuldash, in Kalanur, Muhammad 'Ali -_Tajik_. - - -_d. Two deaths._ - -This year, on Rajab 19th (May 23rd) died Isma'il _Safawi_ at the age of -38, broken by defeat from Sultan Salim of Rum.[1563] He was succeeded by -his son Tahmasp, a child of ten. - -This year may be that of the death of Shah Shuja' _Arghun_,[1564] on -Sha'ban 22nd (July 18th), the last grief of his burden being the death -of his foster-brother Fazil concerning which, as well as Shah Beg's own -death, Mir Ma'sum's account is worthy of full reproduction. Shah Beg was -succeeded in Sind by his son Hasan, who read the _khutba_ for Babur and -drew closer links with Babur's circle by marrying, either this year or -the next, Khalifa's daughter Gul-barg, with whom betrothal had been made -during Hasan's visit to Babur in Kabul. Moreover Khalifa's son -Muhibb-i-'ali married Nahid the daughter of Qasim Kukuldash and -Mah-chuchuk _Arghun_ (f. 214_b_). These alliances were made, says -Ma'sum, to strengthen Hasan's position at Babur's Court. - - -_e. A garden detail._ - -In this year and presumably on his return from the Panj-ab, Babur, as he -himself chronicles (f. 132), had plantains (bananas) brought from -Hindustan for the Bagh-i-wafa at Adinapur. - - -931 AH.--OCT. 29TH 1524 TO OCT. 18TH 1525 AD. - -_a. Daulat Khan._ - -Daulat Khan's power in the Panj-ab is shewn by what he effected after -dispossessed of Lahor. On Babur's return to Kabul, he came down from the -hills with a small body of his immediate followers, seized his son -Dilawar, took Sultanpur, gathered a large force and defeated 'Alam Khan -in Dibalpur. He detached 5000 men against Sialkot but Babur's begs of -Lahor attacked and overcame them. Ibrahim sent an army to reconquer the -Panj-ab; Daulat Khan, profiting by its dissensions and discontents, won -over a part to himself and saw the rest break up. - - -_b. 'Alam Khan._ - -From his reverse at Dibalpur, 'Alam Khan fled straight to Kabul. The -further help he asked was promised under the condition that while he -should take Ibrahim's place on the throne of Dihli, Babur in full -suzerainty should hold Lahor and all to the west of it. This arranged, -'Alam Khan was furnished with a body of troops, given a royal letter to -the Lahor begs ordering them to assist him, and started off, Babur -promising to follow swiftly. - -'Alam Khan's subsequent proceedings are told by Babur in the annals of -932 AH. (1525 AD.) at the time he received details about them (f. -255_b_). - - -_c. Babur called to Balkh._ - -All we have yet found about this affair is what Babur says in -explanation of his failure to follow 'Alam Khan as promised (f. 256), -namely, that he had to go to Balkh because all the Auzbeg Sultans and -Khans had laid siege to it. Light on the affair may come from some -Persian or Auzbeg chronicle; Babur's arrival raised the siege; and risk -must have been removed, for Babur returned to Kabul in time to set out -for his fifth and last expedition to Hindustan on the first day of the -second month of next year (932 AH. 1525). A considerable body of troops -was in Badakhshan with Humayun; their non-arrival next year delaying his -father's progress, brought blame on himself. - -[Illustration: Babur's Grave. - - _To face p. 445._] - - - - -THE MEMOIRS OF BABUR - - -SECTION III. HINDUSTAN - - -932 AH.-OCT. 18TH 1525 TO OCT. 8TH 1526 AD.[1565] - - -(_a. Fifth expedition into Hindustan._) - -(_Nov. 17th_) On Friday the 1st of the month of Safar at the [Sidenote: -Haidarabad MS. Fol. 251b.] date 932, the Sun being in the Sign of the -Archer, we set out for Hindustan, crossed the small rise of Yak-langa, -and dismounted in the meadow to the west of the water of -Dih-i-ya'qub.[1566] 'Abdu'l-maluk the armourer came into this camp; he -had gone seven or eight months earlier as my envoy to Sultan Sa'id Khan -(in Kashghar), and now brought one of the Khan's men, styled Yangi Beg -(new beg) Kukuldash who conveyed letters, and small presents, and -verbal messages[1567] from the Khanims and the Khan.[1568] - -(_Nov. 18th to 21st_) After staying two days in that camp for the -convenience of the army,[1569] we marched on, halted one night,[1570] -and next dismounted at Badam-chashma. There we ate a confection -(_ma'jun_). - -(_Nov. 22nd_) On Wednesday (Safar 6th), when we had dismounted at -Barik-ab, the younger brethren of Nur Beg--he himself remaining in -Hindustan--brought gold _ashrafis_ and _tankas_[1571] to the value of -20,000 _shahrukhis_, sent from the Lahor revenues by Khwaja Husain. The -greater part of these moneys was despatched by Mulla Ahmad, one of the -chief men of Balkh, for the benefit of Balkh.[1572] - -(_Nov. 24th_) On Friday the 8th of the month (Safar), after [Sidenote: -Fol. 252.] dismounting at Gandamak, I had a violent discharge;[1573] by -God's mercy, it passed off easily. - -(_Nov. 25th_) On Saturday we dismounted in the Bagh-i-wafa. We delayed -there a few days, waiting for Humayun and the army from that side.[1574] -More than once in this history the bounds and extent, charm and delight -of that garden have been described; it is most beautifully placed; who -sees it with the buyer's eye will know the sort of place it is. During -the short time we were there, most people drank on drinking-days[1575] -and took their morning; on non-drinking days there were parties for -_ma'jun_. - -I wrote harsh letters to Humayun, lecturing him severely because of his -long delay beyond the time fixed for him to join me.[1576] - -(_Dec. 3rd_) On Sunday the 17th of Safar, after the morning had been -taken, Humayun arrived. I spoke very severely to him at once. Khwaja -Kalan also arrived to-day, coming up from Ghazni. We marched in the -evening of that same Sunday, and dismounted in a new garden between -Sultanpur and Khwaja Rustam. - -(_Dec. 6th_) Marching on Wednesday (Safar 20th), we got on a raft, and, -drinking as we went reached Qush-gumbaz,[1577] there landed and joined -the camp. - -(_Dec. 7th_) Starting off the camp at dawn, we ourselves went on a raft, -and there ate confection (_ma'jun_). Our encamping-ground was always -Qiriq-ariq, but not a sign or trace of the camp could [Sidenote: Fol. -252b.] be seen when we got opposite it, nor any appearance of our -horses. Thought I, "Garm-chashma (Hot-spring) is close by; they may have -dismounted there." So saying, we went on from Qiriq-ariq. By the time we -reached Garm-chashma, the very day was late;[1578] we did not stop -there, but going on in its lateness (_kichisi_), had the raft tied up -somewhere, and slept awhile. - -(_Dec. 8th_) At day-break we landed at Yada-bir where, as the day wore -on, the army-folks began to come in. The camp must have been at -Qiriq-ariq, but out of our sight. - -There were several verse-makers on the raft, such as Shaikh -Abu'l-wajd,[1579] Shaikh Zain, Mulla 'Ali-jan, Tardi Beg _Khaksar_ and -others. In this company was quoted the following couplet of Muhammad -Salih:--[1580] - - (Persian) With thee, arch coquette, for a sweetheart, what can man do? - With another than thou where thou art, what can man do? - -Said I, "Compose on these lines";[1581] whereupon those given to -versifying, did so. As jokes were always being made at the expense of -Mulla 'Ali-jan, this couplet came off-hand into my head:-- - - (Persian) With one all bewildered as thou, what can man do? - . . . . . . , what can man do?[1582] - - -(_b. Mention of the Mubin._[1583]) - -From time to time before it,[1584] whatever came into my head, of good -or bad, grave or jest, used to be strung into verse and written down, -however empty and harsh the verse might be, but while I was composing -the _Mubin_, this thought pierced through my dull wits and made way into -my troubled heart, "A pity it [Sidenote: Fol. 253.] will be if the -tongue which has treasure of utterances so lofty as these are, waste -itself again on low words; sad will it be if again vile imaginings find -way into the mind that has made exposition of these sublime -realities."[1585] Since that time I had refrained from satirical and -jesting verse; I was repentant (_ta'ib_); but these matters were totally -out of mind and remembrance when I made that couplet (on Mulla -'Ali-jan).[1586] A few days later in Bigram when I had fever and -discharge, followed by cough, and I began to spit blood each time I -coughed, I knew whence my reproof came; I knew what act of mine had -brought this affliction on me. - -"Whoever shall violate his oath, will violate it to the hurt of his own -soul; but whoever shall perform that which he hath covenanted with God, -to that man surely will He give great reward" (_Qoran_ cap. 48 v. 10). - - (_Turki_) What is it I do with thee, ah! my tongue? - My entrails bleed as a reckoning for thee. - Good once[1587] as thy words were, has followed - this verse - Jesting, empty,[1588] obscene, has followed a lie. - If thou say, "Burn will I not!" by keeping this vow - Thou turnest thy rein from this field of strife.[1589] - -"O Lord! we have dealt unjustly with our own souls; if Thou forgive us -not, and be not merciful unto us, we shall surely be of those that -perish"[1590] (_Qoran_ cap. 7 v. 22). - -Taking anew the place of the penitent pleading for pardon, I gave my -mind rest[1591] from such empty thinking and such unlawful occupation. I -broke my pen. Made by that Court, such reproof of sinful slaves is for -their felicity; happy are the highest and the slave when such reproof -brings warning and its profitable fruit. - - -(_c. Narrative resumed._) - -(_Dec. 8th continued_) Marching on that evening, we dismounted at -'Ali-masjid. The ground here being very confined, I always [Sidenote: -Fol. 253b.] used to dismount on a rise overlooking the camp in the -valley-bottom.[1592] The camp-fires made a wonderful illumination there -at night; assuredly it was because of this that there had always been -drinking there, and was so now. - -(_Dec. 9th and 10th_) To-day I rode out before dawn; I preferred a -confection (_ma'jun_)[1593] and also kept this day a fast. We dismounted -near Bigram (Peshawar); and next morning, the camp remaining on that -same ground, rode to Karg-awi.[1594] We crossed the Siyah-ab in front of -Bigram, and formed our hunting-circle looking down-stream. After a -little, a person brought word that there was a rhino in a bit of jungle -near Bigram, and that people had been stationed near-about it. We betook -ourselves, loose rein, to the place, formed a ring round the jungle, -made a noise, and brought the rhino out, when it took its way across the -plain. Humayun and those come with him from that side (Tramontana), who -had never seen one before, were much entertained. It was pursued for two -miles; many arrows were shot at it; it was brought down without having -made a good set at man or horse. Two others were killed. I had often -wondered how a rhino and an elephant would behave if brought face to -face; this time one came out right in front of some elephants the -mahauts were bringing along; it did not face them [Sidenote: Fol. 254.] -when the mahauts drove them towards it, but got off in another -direction. - - -(_d. Preparations for ferrying the Indus._[1595]) - -On the day we were in Bigram, several of the begs and household were -appointed, with pay-masters and diwans, six or seven being put in -command, to take charge of the boats at the Nil-ab crossing, to make a -list of all who were with the army, name by name, and to count them up. - -That evening I had fever and discharge[1596] which led on to cough and -every time I coughed, I spat blood. Anxiety was great but, by God's -mercy, it passed off in two or three days. - -(_Dec. 11th_) It rained when we left Bigram; we dismounted on the -Kabul-water. - - -(_e. News from Lahor._) - -News came that Daulat Khan[1597] and (Apaq) Ghazi Khan, having collected -an army of from 20 to 30,000, had taken Kilanur, and intended to move on -Lahor. At once Mumin-i-'ali the commissary was sent galloping off to -say, "We are advancing march by march;[1598] do not fight till we -arrive." - -(_Dec. 14th_) With two night-halts on the way, we reached the water of -Sind (Indus), and there dismounted on Thursday the 28th (of Safar). - - -(_f. Ferrying the Indus._) - -(_Dec. 16th_) On Saturday the 1st of the first Rabi', we crossed the -Sind-water, crossed the water of Kacha-kot (Haru), and dismounted on the -bank of the river.[1599] The begs, pay-masters and diwans who had been -put in charge of the boats, reported that the number of those come with -the army, great and small, good and bad, retainer and non-retainer, was -written down as 12,000. - - -(_g. The eastward march._) - -The rainfall had been somewhat scant in the plains, but [Sidenote: Fol. -254b.] seemed to have been good in the cultivated lands along the -hill-skirts; for these reasons we took the road for Sialkot along the -skirt-hills. Opposite Hati _Kakar's_ country[1600] we came upon a -torrent[1601] the waters of which were standing in pools. Those pools -were all frozen over. The ice was not very thick, as thick as the hand -may-be. Such ice is unusual in Hindustan; not a sign or trace of any was -seen in the years we were (_aiduk_) in the country.[1602] - -We had made five marches from the Sind-water; after the sixth (_Dec. -22nd_--Rabi' I. 7th) we dismounted on a torrent in the camping-ground -(_yurt_) of the Bugials[1603] below Balnath Jogi's hill which connects -with the Hill of Jud. - -(_Dec. 23rd_) In order to let people get provisions, we stayed the next -day in that camp. _'Araq_ was drunk on that day. Mulla Muh. _Parghari_ -told many stories; never had he been so talkative. Mulla Shams himself -was very riotous; once he began, he did not finish till night. - -The slaves and servants, good and bad, who had gone out after -provisions, went further than this[1604] and heedlessly scattered over -jungle and plain, hill and broken ground. Owing to this, a few were -overcome; Kichkina _tunqitar_ died there. - -(_Dec. 24th_) Marching on, we crossed the Bihat-water at a ford below -Jilam (Jihlam) and there dismounted. Wali _Qizil_ (Rufus) came there to -see me. He was the Sialkot reserve, and held the parganas of Bimruki and -Akriada. Thinking about Sialkot, [Sidenote: Fol. 255.] I took towards -him the position of censure and reproach. He excused himself, saying "I -had come to my _pargana_ before Khusrau Kukuldash left Sialkot; he did -not even send me word." After listening to his excuse, I said, "Since -thou hast paid no attention to Sialkot, why didst thou not join the begs -in Lahor?" He was convicted, but as work was at hand, I did not trouble -about his fault. - - -(_h. Scouts sent with orders to Lahor._) - -(_Dec. 25th_) Sayyid Tufan and Sayyid Lachin were sent galloping off, -each with a pair-horse,[1605] to say in Lahor, "Do not join battle; meet -us at Sialkot or Parsrur" (mod. Pasrur). It was in everyone's mouth that -Ghazi Khan had collected 30 to 40,000 men, that Daulat Khan, old as he -was, had girt two swords to his waist, and that they were resolved to -fight. Thought I, "The proverb says that ten friends are better than -nine; do you not make a mistake: when the Lahor begs have joined you, -fight there and then!" - -(_Dec. 26th and 27th_) After starting off the two men to the begs, we -moved forward, halted one night, and next dismounted on the bank of the -Chin-ab (Chan-ab). - -As Buhlulpur was _khalsa_,[1606] we left the road to visit it. Its fort -is situated above a deep ravine, on the bank of the Chin-ab. It pleased -us much. We thought of bringing Sialkot to it. Please God! the chance -coming, it shall be done straightway! [Sidenote: Fol. 255b.] From -Buhlulpur we went to camp by boat. - - -(_i. Jats and Gujurs._[1607]) - -(_Dec. 29th_) On Friday the 14th of the first Rabi' we dismounted at -Sialkot. If one go into Hindustan the Jats and Gujurs always pour down -in countless hordes from hill and plain for loot in bullock and buffalo. -These ill-omened peoples are just senseless oppressors! Formerly their -doings did not concern us much because the country was an enemy's, but -they began the same senseless work after we had taken it. When we -reached Sialkot, they fell in tumult on poor and needy folks who were -coming out of the town to our camp, and stripped them bare. I had the -silly thieves sought for, and ordered two or three of them cut to -pieces. - -From Sialkot Nur Beg's brother Shaham also was made to gallop off to the -begs in Lahor to say, "Make sure where the enemy is; find out from some -well-informed person where he may be met, and send us word." - -A trader, coming into this camp, represented that 'Alam Khan had let Sl. -Ibrahim defeat him. - - -(_j. 'Alam Khan's action and failure._[1608]) - -Here are the particulars:--'Alam Khan, after taking leave of me (in -Kabul, 931 AH.), went off in that heat by double marches, regardless of -those with him.[1609] As at the time I gave him leave to go, all the -Auzbeg khans and sultans had laid siege to Balkh, [Sidenote: Fol. 256.] -I rode for Balkh as soon as I had given him his leave. On his reaching -Lahor, he insisted to the begs, "You reinforce me; the Padshah said so; -march along with me; let us get (Apaq) Ghazi Khan to join us; let us -move on Dihli and Agra." Said they, "Trusting to what, will you join -Ghazi Khan? Moreover the royal orders to us were, 'If at any time Ghazi -Khan has sent his younger brother Haji Khan with his son to Court, join -him; or do so, if he has sent them, by way of pledge, to Lahor; if he -has done neither, do not join him.' You yourself only yesterday fought -him and let him beat you! Trusting to what, will you join him now? -Besides all this, it is not for your advantage to join him!" Having said -what-not of this sort, they refused 'Alam Khan. He did not fall in with -their views, but sent his son Sher Khan to speak with Daulat Khan and -with Ghazi Khan, and afterwards all saw one another. - -'Alam Khan took with him Dilawar Khan, who had come into Lahor two or -three months earlier after his escape from prison; he took also Mahmud -Khan (son of) Khan-i-jahan,[1610] to whom a _pargana_ in the Lahor -district had been given. They seem to have left matters at this:--Daulat -Khan with Ghazi Khan was to take all the begs posted in Hindustan to -himself, indeed he was to take everything on that side;[1611] while -'Alam [Sidenote: Fol. 256b.] Khan was to take Dilawar Khan and Haji Khan -and, reinforced by them, was to capture Dihli and Agra. Isma'il -_Jilwani_ and other amirs came and saw 'Alam Khan; all then betook -themselves, march by march, straight for Dihli. Near Indri came also -Sulaiman Shaikh-zada.[1612] Their total touched 30 to 40,000 men. - -They laid siege to Dihli but could neither take it by assault nor do -hurt to the garrison.[1613] When Sl. Ibrahim heard of their assembly, he -got an army to horse against them; when they heard of his approach, they -rose from before the place and moved to meet him. They had left matters -at this:--"If we attack by day-light, the Afghans will not desert (to -us), for the sake of their reputations with one another; but if we -attack at night when one man cannot see another, each man will obey his -own orders." Twice over they started at fall of day from a distance of -12 miles (6 _kurohs_), and, unable to bring matters to a point, neither -advanced nor retired; but just sat on horseback for two or three -watches. On a third occasion they delivered an attack when one watch of -night remained--their purpose seeming to be the burning of tents and -huts! They went; they set fire from every end; they made a disturbance. -Jalal Khan _Jig-hat_[1614] came with other amirs and saw 'Alam Khan. - -Sl. Ibrahim did not bestir himself till shoot of dawn from where he was -with a few of his own family[1615] within his own enclosure (_saracha_). -Meantime 'Alam Khan's people were busy [Sidenote: Fol. 257.] with -plunder and booty. Seeing the smallness of their number, Sl. Ibrahim's -people moved out against them in rather small force with one elephant. -'Alam Khan's party, not able to make stand against the elephant, ran -away. He in his flight crossed over into the Mian-du-ab and crossed back -again when he reached the Panipat neighbourhood. In Indri he contrived -on some pretext to get 4 _laks_ from Mian Sulaiman.[1616] He was -deserted by Isma'il _Jilwani_, by Biban[1617] and by his own oldest son -Jalal, who all withdrew into the Mian-du-ab; and he had been deserted -just before the fighting, by part of his troops, namely, by Darya Khan -(_Nuhani_)'s son Saif Khan, by Khan-i-jahan (_Nuhani_)'s son Mahmud -Khan, and by Shaikh Jamal _Farmuli_. When he was passing through Sihrind -with Dilawar Khan, he heard of our advance and of our capture of Milwat -(Malot).[1618] On this Dilawar Khan--who always had been my well-wisher -and on my account had dragged out three or four months in prison,--left -'Alam Khan and the rest and went to his family in Sultanpur. He waited -on me three or four days after we took Milwat. 'Alam Khan and Haji Khan -crossed the Shatlut (_sic_)-water and went into Ginguta,[1619] one of -the strongholds in the range that lies between the valley and the -plain.[1620] There our Afghan and Hazara[1621] troops besieged them, and -had [Sidenote: Fol. 257b] almost taken that strong fort when night came -on. Those inside were thinking of escape but could not get out because -of the press of horses in the Gate. There must have been elephants also; -when these were urged forward, they trod down and killed many horses. -'Alam Khan, unable to escape mounted, got out on foot in the darkness. -After a _lak_ of difficulties, he joined Ghazi Khan, who had not gone -into Milwat but had fled into the hills. Not being received with even a -little friendliness by Ghazi Khan; needs must! he came and waited on me -at the foot of the dale[1622] near Pehlur. - - -(_k. Diary resumed._) - -A person came to Sialkot from the Lahor begs to say they would arrive -early next morning to wait on me. - -(_Dec. 30th_) Marching early next day (Rabi' I. 15th), we dismounted at -Parsrur. There Muh. 'Ali _Jang-jang_, Khwaja Husain and several braves -waited on me. As the enemy's camp seemed to be on the Lahor side of the -Ravi, we sent men out under Bujka for news. Near the third watch of the -night they brought word that the enemy, on hearing of us, had fled, no -man looking to another. - -(_Dec. 31st_) Getting early to horse and leaving baggage and train in -the charge of Shah Mir Husain and Jan Beg, we bestirred ourselves. We -reached Kalanur in the afternoon, and there dismounted. Muhammad Sl. -Mirza and 'Adil Sl.[1623] came [Sidenote: Fol. 258.] to wait on me -there, together with some of the begs. - -(_Jan. 1st 1526 AD._) We marched early from Kalanur. On the road people -gave us almost certain news of Ghazi Khan and other fugitives. -Accordingly we sent, flying after those fliers, the commanders -Muhammadi, Ahmadi, Qutluq-qadam, Treasurer Wali and most of those begs -who, in Kabul, had recently bent the knee for their begship. So far it -was settled:--That it would be good indeed if they could overtake and -capture the fugitives; and that, if they were not able to do this, they -were to keep careful watch round Milwat (Malot), so as to prevent those -inside from getting out and away. Ghazi Khan was the object of this -watch. - - -(_l. Capture of Milwat._) - -(_Jan. 2nd and 3rd_) After starting those begs ahead, we crossed the -Biah-water (Beas) opposite Kanwahin[1624] and dismounted. From there we -marched to the foot of the valley of Fort Milwat, making two night-halts -on the way. The begs who had arrived before us, and also those of -Hindustan were ordered to dismount in such a way as to besiege the place -closely. - -A grandson of Daulat Khan, son of his eldest son 'Ali Khan, Isma'il Khan -by name, came out of Milwat to see me; he took back promise mingled with -threat, kindness with menace. - -(_Jan. 5th_) On Friday (Rabi' I. 21st) I moved camp forward to within a -mile of the fort, went myself to examine the place, posted right, left -and centre, then returned to camp. - -Daulat Khan sent to represent to me that Ghazi Khan had [Sidenote: Fol. -258b.] fled into the hills, and that, if his own faults were pardoned, -he would take service with me and surrender Milwat. Khwaja Mir-i-miran -was sent to chase fear from his heart and to escort him out; he came, -and with him his son 'Ali Khan. I had ordered that the two swords he had -girt to his waist to fight me with, should be hung from his neck. Was -such a rustic blockhead possible! With things as they were, he still -made pretensions! When he was brought a little forward, I ordered the -swords to be removed from his neck. At the time of our seeing one -another[1625] he hesitated to kneel; I ordered them to pull his leg and -make him do so. I had him seated quite in front, and ordered a person -well acquainted with Hindustani to interpret my words to him, one after -another. Said I, "Thus speak:--I called thee Father. I shewed thee more -honour and respect than thou couldst have asked. Thee and thy sons I -saved from door-to-door life amongst the Baluchis.[1626] Thy family and -thy _haram_ I freed from Ibrahim's prison-house.[1627] Three _krors_ I -gave thee on Tatar Khan's lands.[1628] What ill sayest thou I have done -thee, that thus thou shouldst hang a sword on thy either side,[1629] -lead an army out, fall on lands of ours,[1630] and stir strife and -trouble?" Dumbfounded, the old man [Sidenote: Fol. 259.] stuttered a -few words, but, he gave no answer, nor indeed could answer be given to -words so silencing. He was ordered to remain with Khwaja Mir-i-miran. - -(_Jan. 6th_) On Saturday the 22nd of the first Rabi', I went myself to -safeguard the exit of the families and _harams_[1631] from the fort, -dismounting on a rise opposite the Gate. To me there came 'Ali Khan and -made offering of a few _ashrafis_. People began to bring out the -families just before the Other Prayer. Though Ghazi Khan was reported to -have got away, there were some who said they had seen him in the fort. -For this reason several of the household and braves[1632] were posted at -the Gate, in order to prevent his escape by a ruse, for to get away was -his full intention.[1633] Moreover if jewels and other valuables were -being taken away by stealth, they were to be confiscated. I spent that -night in a tent pitched on the rise in front of the Gate. - -(_Jan. 7th_) Early next morning, Muhammadi, Ahmadi, Sl. Junaid, -'Abdu'l-'aziz, Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_ and Qutluq-qadam were ordered -to enter the fort and take possession of all [Sidenote: Fol. 259b.] -effects. As there was much disturbance at the Gate, I shot off a few -arrows by way of chastisement. Humayun's story-teller (_qissa-khwan_) -was struck by the arrow of his destiny and at once surrendered his life. - -(_Jan. 7th and 8th_) After spending two nights[1634] on the rise, I -inspected the fort. I went into Ghazi Khan's book-room;[1635] some of -the precious things found in it, I gave to Humayun, some sent to Kamran -(in Qandahar). There were many books of learned contents,[1636] but not -so many valuable ones as had at first appeared. I passed that night in -the fort; next morning I went back to camp. - -(_Jan. 9th_) It had been in our minds that Ghazi Khan was in the fort, -but he, a man devoid of nice sense of honour, had escaped to the hills, -abandoning father, brethren and sisters in Milwat. - - See that man without honour who never - The face of good luck shall behold; - Bodily ease he chose for himself, - In hardship he left wife and child (_Gulistan_ cap. i, story 17). - -(_Jan. 10th_) Leaving that camp on Wednesday, we moved towards the hills -to which Ghazi Khan had fled. When we dismounted in the valley-bottom -two miles from the camp in the mouth of Milwat,[1637] Dilawar Khan came -and waited on me. Daulat Khan, 'Ali Khan and Isma'il Khan, with other -chiefs, were given into Kitta Beg's charge who was to convey them to the -Bhira fort of Milwat (Malot),[1638] and there keep guard over [Sidenote: -Fol. 260.] them. In agreement with Dilawar Khan, blood-ransom was fixed -for some who had been made over each to one man; some gave security, -some were kept prisoner. Daulat Khan died when Kitta Beg reached -Sultanpur with the prisoners.[1639] - -Milwat was given into the charge of Muh. 'Ali _Jang-jang_ who, pledging -his own life for it, left his elder brother Arghun and a party of braves -in it. A body of from 200 to 250 Afghans were told off to reinforce him. - -Khwaja Kalan had loaded several camels with Ghazni wines. A party was -held in his quarters overlooking the fort and the whole camp, some -drinking _'araq_, some wine. It was a varied party. - - -(_m. Jaswan-valley._) - -Marching on, we crossed a low hill of the grazing-grounds -(_argha-dal-liq_) of Milwat and went into the _dun_, as Hindustanis -are understood to call a dale (_julga_).[1640] In this dale is a -running-water[1641] of Hindustan; along its sides are many villages; and -it is said to be the pargana of the Jaswal, that is to say, of Dilawar -Khan's maternal uncles. It lies there shut-in, with meadows along its -torrent, rice cultivated here and there, a three or four mill-stream -flowing in its trough, its width from two to [Sidenote: Fol. 260b.] four -miles, six even in places, villages on the skirts of its hills--hillocks -they are rather--where there are no villages, peacocks, monkeys, and many -fowls which, except that they are mostly of one colour, are exactly like -house-fowls. - -As no reliable news was had of Ghazi Khan, we arranged for Tardika to go -with Birim Deo _Malinhas_ and capture him wherever he might be found. - -In the hills of this dale stand thoroughly strong forts; one on the -north-east, named Kutila, has sides 70 to 80 yards (_qari_) of straight -fall, the side where the great gate is being perhaps 7 or 8 yards.[1642] -The width of the place where the draw-bridge is made, may be 10 to 12 -yards. Across this they have made a bridge of two tall trees[1643] by -which horses and herds are taken over. This was one of the local forts -Ghazi Khan had strengthened; his man will have been in it now. Our -raiders (_chapqunchi_) assaulted it and had almost taken it when night -came on. The garrison abandoned this difficult place and went off. Near -this dale is also the stronghold of Ginguta; it is girt round by -precipices as Kutila is, but is not so strong as Kutila. As has been -mentioned 'Alam Khan went into it.[1644] [Sidenote: Fol. 261.] - - -(_n. Babur advances against Ibrahim._) - -After despatching the light troop against Ghazi Khan, I put my foot in -the stirrup of resolution, set my hand on the rein of trust in God, and -moved forward against Sultan Ibrahim, son of Sultan Sikandar, son of -Buhlul _Ludi Afghan_, in possession of whose throne at that time were -the Dihli capital and the dominions of Hindustan, whose standing-army -was called a _lak_ (100,000), whose elephants and whose begs' elephants -were about 1,000. - -At the end of our first stage, I bestowed Dibalpur on Baqi -_shaghawal_[1645] and sent him to help Balkh[1646]; sent also gifts, -taken in the success of Milwat, for (my) younger children and various -train in Kabul. - -When we had made one or two marches down the (Jaswan) _dun_, Shah 'Imad -_Shirazi_ arrived from Araish Khan and Mulla Muhammad _Mazhab_,[1647] -bringing letters that conveyed their good wishes for the complete -success of our campaign and indicated their effort and endeavour towards -this. In response, we sent, by a foot-man, royal letters expressing our -favour. We then marched on. - - -(_o. 'Alam Khan takes refuge with Babur._) - -The light troop we had sent out from Milwat (Malot), took Hurur, Kahlur -and all the hill-forts of the neighbourhood--places to which because of -their strength, no-one seemed to have gone for a long time--and came back -to me after plundering a little. Came also 'Alam Khan, on foot, ruined, -stripped bare. We sent some of the begs to give him honourable meeting, -sent horses too, and he waited (_malazamat qildi_) in that [Sidenote: -Fol. 261b.] neighbourhood.[1648] - -Raiders of ours went into the hills and valleys round-about, but after a -few nights' absence, came back without anything to count. Shah Mir -Husain, Jan Beg and a few of the braves asked leave and went off for a -raid. - - -(_p. Incidents of the march for Pani-pat._) - -While we were in the (Jaswan) _dun_, dutiful letters had come more than -once from Isma'il _Jilwani_ and Biban; we replied to them from this -place by royal letters such as their hearts desired. After we got out of -the dale to Rupar, it rained very much and became so cold that a mass of -starved and naked Hindustanis died. - -When we had left Rupar and were dismounted at Karal,[1649] opposite -Sihrind, a Hindustani coming said, "I am Sl. Ibrahim's envoy," and -though he had no letter or credentials, asked for an envoy from us. We -responded at once by sending one or two Sawadi night-guards -(_tunqitar_).[1650] These humble persons Ibrahim put in prison; they -made their escape and came back to us on the very day we beat him. - -After having halted one night on the way, we dismounted on the bank of -the torrent[1651] of Banur and Sanur. Great rivers apart, one running -water there is in Hindustan, is this[1652]; they call it the water of -Kakar (Ghaggar). Chitr also is on its bank. We rode up it for an -excursion. The rising-place (_zih_) of the water of this torrent (_rud_) -is 3 or 4 _kurohs_ (6-8 m.) above Chitr. Going up the (Kakar) torrent, -we came to where a 4 or 5 millstream issues from a broad (side-)valley -(_dara_), up which there [Sidenote: Fol. 262.] are very pleasant places, -healthy and convenient. I ordered a Char-bagh to be made at the mouth of -the broad valley of this (tributary) water, which falls into the -(Kakar-) torrent after flowing for one or two _kurohs_ through level -ground. From its infall to the springs of the Kakar the distance may be -3 to 4 _kurohs_ (6-8 m.). When it comes down in flood during the rains -and joins the Kakar, they go together to Samana and Sanam.[1653] - -In this camp we heard that Sl. Ibrahim had been on our side of -Dihli and had moved on from that station, also that Hamid Khan -_khasa-khail_,[1654] the military-collector (_shiqdar_) of Hisar-firuza, -had left that place with its army and with the army of its -neighbourhood, and had advanced 10 or 15 _kurohs_ (20-30 m.). Kitta Beg -was sent for news to Ibrahim's camp, and Mumin Ataka to the Hisar-firuza -camp. - - -(_q. Humayun moves against Hamid Khan._) - -(_Feb. 25th_) Marching from Ambala, we dismounted by the side of a lake. -There Mumin Ataka and Kitta Beg rejoined us, both on the same day, -Sunday the 13th of the first Jumada. - -We appointed Humayun to act against Hamid Khan, and joined the whole of -the right (wing) to him, that is to say, Khwaja Kalan, Sl. Muhammad -_Duldai_, Treasurer Wali, and also some of the begs whose posts were in -Hindustan, namely, Khusrau, Hindu Beg,'Abdu'l-'aziz and Muhammad 'Ali -_Jang-jang_, with also, from the household and braves of the centre, -Shah Mansur _Barlas_, Kitta Beg and Muhibb-i 'ali. [Sidenote: Fol. -262b.] - -Biban waited on me in this camp. These Afghans remain very rustic and -tactless! This person asked to sit although Dilawar Khan, his superior -in following and in rank, did not sit, and although the sons of 'Alam -Khan, who are of royal birth, did not sit. Little ear was lent to his -unreason! - -(_Feb. 26th_) At dawn on Monday the 14th Humayun moved out against Hamid -Khan. After advancing for some distance, he sent between 100 and 150 -braves scouting ahead, who went close up to the enemy and at once got to -grips. But when after a few encounters, the dark mass of Humayun's -troops shewed in the rear, the enemy ran right away. Humayun's men -unhorsed from 100 to 200, struck the heads off one half and brought the -other half in, together with 7 or 8 elephants. - -(_March 2nd_) On Friday the 18th of the month, Beg Mirak _Mughul_ -brought news of Humayun's victory to the camp. He (Humayun?) was there -and then given a special head-to-foot and a special horse from the royal -stable, besides promise of guerdon (_juldu_). - -(_March 5th_) On Monday the 25th of the month, Humayun arrived to wait -on me, bringing with him as many as 100 prisoners and 7 or 8 elephants. -Ustad 'Ali-quli and the [Sidenote: Fol. 263.] matchlockmen were ordered -to shoot all the prisoners, by way of example. This had been Humayun's -first affair, his first experience of battle; it was an excellent omen! - -Our men who had gone in pursuit of the fugitives, took Hisar-firuza at -once on arrival, plundered it, and returned to us. It was given in -guerdon to Humayun, with all its dependencies and appurtenances, with it -also a _kror_ of money. - -We marched from that camp to Shahabad. After we had despatched a -news-gatherer (_til-tutar kishi_) to Sl. Ibrahim's camp, we stayed a few -days on that ground. Rahmat the foot-man was sent with the letters of -victory to Kabul. - - -(_r. News of Ibrahim._) - -(_March 13th_) On Monday the 28th of the first Jumada,[1655] we being in -that same camp, the Sun entered the Sign of the Ram. News had come -again and again from Ibrahim's camp, "He is coming, marching two miles" -or "four miles", "stopping in each camp two days," or "three days". We -for our part advanced from Shahabad and after halting on two nights, -reached the bank of the Jun-river (Jumna) and encamped opposite Sarsawa. -From that ground Khwaja Kalan's servant Haidar-quli was sent to get news -(_til tuta_). - -Having crossed the Jun-river at a ford, I visited Sarsawa. That day also -we ate _ma'jun_. Sarsawa[1656] has a source (_chashma_) from which a -smallish stream issues, not a bad place! Tardi Beg _khaksar_ praising -it, I said, "Let it be thine!" so just [Sidenote: Fol. 263b.] because he -praised it, Sarsawa was given to him! - -I had a platform fixed in a boat and used to go for excursions on the -river, sometimes too made the marches down it. Two marches along its -bank had been made when, of those sent to gather news, Haidar-quli -brought word that Ibrahim had sent Daud Khan (_Ludi_) and Hatim Khan -(_Ludi_) across the river into the Mian-du-ab (Tween-waters) with 5 or -6000 men, and that these lay encamped some 6 or 7 miles from his own. - - -(_s. A successful encounter._) - -(_April 1st_) On Sunday the 18th of the second Jumada, we sent, to ride -light against this force, Chin-timur Sultan,[1657] Mahdi Khwaja, -Muhammad Sl. Mirza, 'Adil Sultan, and the whole of the left, namely, Sl. -Junaid, Shah Mir Husain, Qutluq-qadam, and with them also sent -'Abdu'l-lah and Kitta Beg (of the centre). They crossed from our side of -the water at the Mid-day Prayer, and between the Afternoon and the -Evening Prayers bestirred themselves from the other bank. Biban having -crossed the water on pretext of this movement, ran away. - -(_April 2nd_) At day-break they came upon the enemy;[1658] he made as if -coming out in a sort of array, but our men closed with his at once, -overcame them, hustled them off, pursued and unhorsed them till they -were opposite Ibrahim's own camp. Hatim Khan was one of those unhorsed, -who was Daud Khan (_Ludi_)'s elder brother and one of his commanders. -Our men brought him in when they waited on me. They brought also -[Sidenote: Fol. 264.] 60-70 prisoners and 6 or 7 elephants. Most of the -prisoners, by way of warning, were made to reach their death-doom. - - -(_t. Preparations for battle._) - -While we were marching on in array of right, left and centre, the army -was numbered;[1659] it did not count up to what had been estimated. - -At our next camp it was ordered that every man in the army should -collect carts, each one according to his circumstances. Seven hundred -carts (_araba_) were brought[1660] in. The order given to Ustad -'Ali-quli was that these carts should be joined together in -Ottoman[1661] fashion, but using ropes of raw hide instead of chains, -and that between every two carts 5 or 6 mantelets should be fixed, -behind which the matchlockmen were to stand to fire. To allow of -collecting all appliances, we delayed 5 or 6 days in that camp. When -everything was ready, all the begs with such braves as had had -experience in military affairs were summoned to a General Council where -opinion found decision at this:--Pani-pat[1662] is there with its crowded -houses and suburbs. It would be on one side of us; our other sides must -be protected by carts and mantelets behind which our foot and -matchlockmen would stand. With so much settled we marched forward, -halted one night on the way, and reached Pani-pat on Thursday the last -day (29th) of the second Jumada (April 12th). - - -(_u. The opposed forces._) - -On our right was the town of Pani-pat with its suburbs; in front of us -were the carts and mantelets we had prepared; on our left and elsewhere -were ditch and branch. At distances of [Sidenote: Fol. 264b.] an arrow's -flight[1663] sally-places were left for from 100 to 200 horsemen. - -Some in the army were very anxious and full of fear. Nothing recommends -anxiety and fear. For why? Because what God has fixed in eternity cannot -be changed. But though this is so, it was no reproach to be afraid and -anxious. For why? Because those thus anxious and afraid were there with -a two or three months' journey between them and their homes; our affair -was with a foreign tribe and people; none knew their tongue, nor did -they know ours:-- - - A wandering band, with mind awander; - In the grip of a tribe, a tribe unfamiliar.[1664] - -People estimated the army opposing us at 100,000 men; Ibrahim's -elephants and those of his amirs were said to be about 1000. In his -hands was the treasure of two forbears.[1665] In Hindustan, when work -such as this has to be done, it is customary to pay out money to hired -retainers who are known as _b:d-hindi_.[1666] If it had occurred to -Ibrahim to do this, he might have had another _lak_ or two of troops. -God brought it right! Ibrahim could neither content his braves, nor -share out his treasure. How should he content his braves when he was -ruled by avarice and had a craving insatiable to pile coin on coin? He -was an unproved brave[1667]; he provided nothing for his [Sidenote: Fol. -265.] military operations, he perfected nothing, nor stand, nor move, -nor fight. - -In the interval at Pani-pat during which the army was preparing defence -on our every side with cart, ditch and branch, Darwish-i-muhammad -_Sarban_ had once said to me, "With such precautions taken, how is it -possible for him to come?" Said I, "Are you likening him to the Auzbeg -khans and sultans? In what of movement under arms or of planned -operations is he to be compared with them?" God brought it right! Things -fell out just as I said! - - (_Author's note on the Auzbeg chiefs._) When I reached Hisar - in the year I left Samarkand (918 AH.-1512 AD.), and all the - Auzbeg khans and sultans gathered and came against us, we - brought the families and the goods of the Mughuls and soldiers - into the Hisar suburbs and fortified these by closing the - lanes. As those khans and sultans were experienced in - equipment, in planned operations, and in resolute resistance, - they saw from our fortification of Hisar that we were - determined on life or death within it, saw they could not - count on taking it by assault and, therefore, retired at once - from near Nundak of Chaghanian. - - -(_v. Preliminary encounters._) - -During the 7 or 8 days we lay in Pani-pat, our men used to go, a few -together, close up to Ibrahim's camp, rain arrows down on his massed -troops, cut off and bring in heads. Still he made [Sidenote: Fol. 265b.] -no move; nor did his troops sally out. At length, we acted on the advice -of several Hindustani well-wishers and sent out 4 or 5000 men to deliver -a night-attack on his camp, the leaders of it being Mahdi Khwaja, -Muhammad Sl. Mirza, 'Adil Sultan, Khusrau, Shah Mir Husain, Sl. Junaid -_Barlas_, 'Abdu'l-'aziz the Master of the Horse, Muh. 'Ali _Jang-jang_, -Qutluq-qadam, Treasurer Wali, Khalifa's Muhibb-i-'ali, Pay-master -Muhammad, Jan Beg and Qara-quzi. It being dark, they were not able to -act together well, and, having scattered, could effect nothing on -arrival. They stayed near Ibrahim's camp till dawn, when the nagarets -sounded and troops of his came out in array with elephants. Though our -men did not do their work, they got off safe and sound; not a man of -them was killed, though they were in touch with such a mass of foes. One -arrow pierced Muh. 'Ali _Jang-jang_'s leg; though the wound was not -mortal, he was good-for-nothing on the day of battle. - -On hearing of this affair, I sent off Humayun and his troops to go 2 or -3 miles to meet them, and followed him myself with the rest of the army -in battle-array. The party of the night-attack joined him and came back -with him. The enemy making no further advance, we returned to camp and -dismounted. That night a false alarm fell on the camp; for some 20 -minutes (one _gari_) there were uproar and call-to-arms; the disturbance -died down after a time. [Sidenote: Fol. 266.] - - -(_w. Battle of Pani-pat._[1668]) - -(_April 20th_) On Friday the 8th of Rajab,[1669] news came, when it was -light enough to distinguish one thing from another (_farz-waqti_) that -the enemy was advancing in fighting-array. We at once put on mail,[1670] -armed and mounted.[1671] Our right was Humayun, Khwaja Kalan, Sultan -Muhammad _Duldai_, Hindu Beg, Treasurer Wali and Pir-quli _Sistani_; our -left was Muhammad Sl. Mirza, Mahdi Khwaja, 'Adil Sultan, Shah Mir -Husain, Sl. Junaid _Barlas_, Qutluq-qadam, Jan Beg, Pay-master Muhammad, -and Shah Husain (of) Yaragi _Mughul Ghanchi_(?).[1672] The right hand of -the centre[1673] was Chin-timur Sultan, Sulaiman Mirza,[1674] Muhammadi -Kukuldash, Shah Mansur _Barlas_, Yunas-i-'ali, Darwish-i-muhammad -_Sarban_ and 'Abdu'l-lah the librarian. The left of the centre was -Khalifa, Khwaja Mir-i-miran, Secretary Ahmadi, Tardi Beg (brother) of -Quj Beg, Khalifa's Muhibb-i-'ali and Mirza Beg Tarkhan. The advance was -Khusrau Kukuldash and Muh. 'Ali _Jang-jang_. 'Abdu'l-'aziz the Master -of the Horse was posted as the reserve. For the turning-party -(_tulghuma_) at the point of the right wing,[1675] we fixed on Red Wali -and Malik Qasim (brother) of Baba _Qashqa_, with their Mughuls; for the -turning-party at the point of the left wing, we arrayed Qara-quzi, -Abu'l-muhammad the lance-player, Shaikh Jamal _Barin's_ Shaikh 'Ali, -Mahndi(?) and Tingri-birdi _Bashaghi_(?) _Mughul_; these two parties, -directly the enemy got near, were to turn his rear, one from the right, -the other from the left. [Sidenote: Fol. 266b.] - -When the dark mass of the enemy first came in sight, he seemed to -incline towards our right; 'Abdu'l-'aziz, who was the right-reserve, was -sent therefore to reinforce the right. From the time that Sl. Ibrahim's -blackness first appeared, he moved swiftly, straight for us, without a -check, until he saw the dark mass of our men, when his pulled up and, -observing our formation and array,[1676] made as if asking, "To stand or -not? To advance or not?" They could not stand; nor could they make their -former swift advance. - -Our orders were for the turning-parties to wheel from right and left to -the enemy's rear, to discharge arrows and to engage in the fight; and -for the right and left (wings) to advance and join battle with him. The -turning-parties wheeled round and began to rain arrows down. Mahdi -Khwaja was the first of the left to engage; he was faced by a troop -having an elephant with it; his men's flights of arrows forced it to -retire. To reinforce the left I sent Secretary Ahmadi and also Quj Beg's -Tardi Beg and Khalifa's Muhibb-i-'ali. On the right also there was some -stubborn fighting. Orders were given for Muhammadi Kukuldash, Shah -Mansur _Barlas_, Yunas-i-'ali and 'Abdu'l-lah to engage those facing -them in front of the centre. From that same position Ustad 'Ali-quli -made good discharge of _firingi_ shots;[1677] - -Mustafa the commissary for his part made excellent discharge [Sidenote: -Fol. 267.] of _zarb-zan_ shots from the left hand of the centre. Our -right, left, centre and turning-parties having surrounded the enemy, -rained arrows down on him and fought ungrudgingly. He made one or two -small charges on our right and left but under our men's arrows, fell -back on his own centre. His right and left hands (_qul_) were massed in -such a crowd that they could neither move forward against us nor force a -way for flight. - -When the incitement to battle had come, the Sun was spear-high; till -mid-day fighting had been in full force; noon passed, the foe was -crushed in defeat, our friends rejoicing and gay. By God's mercy and -kindness, this difficult affair was made easy for us! In one half-day, -that armed mass was laid upon the earth. Five or six thousand men were -killed in one place close to Ibrahim. Our estimate of the other dead, -lying all over the field, was 15 to 16,000, but it came to be known, -later in Agra from the statements of Hindustanis, that 40 or 50,000 may -have died in that battle.[1678] - -The foe defeated, pursuit and unhorsing of fugitives began. Our men -brought in amirs of all ranks and the chiefs they captured; _mahauts_ -made offering of herd after herd of elephants. - -Ibrahim was thought to have fled; therefore, while pursuing [Sidenote: -Fol. 267b.] the enemy, we told off Qismatai Mirza, Baba _chuhra_ and -Bujka of the _khasa-tabin_[1679] to lead swift pursuit to Agra and try -to take him. We passed through his camp, looked into his own enclosure -(_saracha_) and quarters, and dismounted on the bank of standing-water -(_qara-su_). - -It was the Afternoon Prayer when Khalifa's younger brother-in-law Tahir -Tibri[1680] who had found Ibrahim's body in a heap of dead, brought in -his head. - - -(_x. Detachments sent to occupy Dihli and Agra._) - -On that very same day we appointed Humayun Mirza[1681] to ride fast and -light to Agra with Khwaja Kalan, Muhammadi, Shah Mansur _Barlas_, -Yunas-i-'ali, 'Abdu'l-lah and Treasurer Wali, to get the place into -their hands and to mount guard over the treasure. We fixed on Mahdi -Khwaja, with Muhammad Sl. Mirza, 'Adil Sultan, Sl. Junaid _Barlas_ and -Qutluq-qadam to leave their baggage, make sudden incursion on Dihli, and -keep watch on the treasuries.[1682] - -(_April 21st_) We marched on next day and when we had gone 2 miles, -dismounted, for the sake of the horses, on the bank of the Jun (Jumna). - -(_April 24th_) On Tuesday (Rajab 12th), after we had halted on two -nights and had made the circuit of Shaikh Nizamu'd-din _Auliya_'s -tomb[1683] we dismounted on the bank of the Jun over against -Dihli.[1684] That same night, being Wednesday-eve, we made an excursion -into the fort of Dihli and there spent the night. - -(_April 25th_) Next day (Wednesday Rajab 13th) I made the circuit of -Khwaja Qutbu'd-din's[1685] tomb and visited the tombs and residences of -Sl. Ghiyasu'd-din _Balban_[1686] and Sl. 'Alau'u'd-din [Sidenote: Fol. -268.] _Khilji_,[1687] his Minar, and the Hauz-shamsi, Hauz-i-khas and -the tombs and gardens of Sl. Buhlul and Sl. Sikandar (_Ludi_). Having -done this, we dismounted at the camp, went on a boat, and there _'araq_ -was drunk. - -We bestowed the Military Collectorate (_shiqdarlighi_) of Dihli on Red -Wali, made Dost Diwan in the Dihli district, sealed the treasuries, and -made them over to their charge. - -(_April 26th_) On Thursday we dismounted on the bank of the Jun, over -against Tughluqabad.[1688] - - -(_y. The khutba read for Babur in Dihli._) - -(_April 27th_) On Friday (Rajab 15th) while we remained on the same -ground, Maulana Mahmud and Shaikh Zain went with a few others into Dihli -for the Congregational Prayer, read the _khutba_ in my name, distributed -a portion of money to the poor and needy,[1689] and returned to camp. - -(_April 28th_) Leaving that ground on Saturday (Rajab 16th), we advanced -march by march for Agra. I made an excursion to Tughluqabad and rejoined -the camp. - -(_May 4th_) On Friday (Rajab 22nd), we dismounted at the mansion -(_manzil_) of Sulaiman _Farmuli_ in a suburb of Agra, but as the place -was far from the fort, moved on the following day to Jalal Khan -_Jig:hat's_ house. - -On Humayun's arrival at Agra, ahead of us, the garrison had made excuses -and false pretexts (about surrender). He and his noticing the want of -discipline there was, said, "The long hand may be laid on the Treasury"! -and so sat down to watch the roads out of Agra till we should come. - - -(_z. The great diamond._) - -In Sultan Ibrahim's defeat the Raja of Gualiar Bikramajit the Hindu had -gone to hell.[1690] [Sidenote: Fol. 268b.] - - (_Author's note on Bikramajit._) The ancestors of Bikramajit - had ruled in Gualiar for more than a hundred years.[1691] - Sikandar (_Ludi_) had sat down in Agra for several years in - order to take the fort; later on, in Ibrahim's time, 'Azim - Humayun _Sarwani_[1692] had completely invested it for some - while; following this, it was taken on terms under which - Shamsabad was given in exchange for it.[1693] - -Bikramajit's children and family were in Agra at the time of Ibrahim's -defeat. When Humayun reached Agra, they must have been planning to flee, -but his postings of men (to watch the roads) prevented this and guard -was kept over them. Humayun himself did not let them go (_barghali -quimas_). They made him a voluntary offering of a mass of jewels and -valuables amongst which was the famous diamond which 'Alau'u'd-din must -have brought.[1694] Its reputation is that every appraiser has estimated -its value at two and a half days' food for the whole world. Apparently -it weighs 8 _misqals_.[1695] Humayun offered it to me when I arrived at -Agra; I just gave it him back. - - -(_aa. Ibrahim's mother and entourage._) - -Amongst men of mark who were in the fort, there were Malik Dad _Karani_, -Milli _Surduk_ and Firuz Khan _Miwati_. They, being convicted of false -dealing, were ordered out for capital punishment. Several persons -interceded for Malik Dad _Karani_ and four or five days passed in -comings and goings before the matter was arranged. We then shewed to -them (all?) kindness and favour in agreement with the petition made for -them, and we restored them all their goods.[1696] A _pargana_ worth 7 -_laks_[1697] was bestowed on Ibrahim's mother; _parganas_ were given -also to these begs of his.[1698] She was sent out of the fort with her -old servants and given encamping-ground (_yurt_) two miles below -[Sidenote: Fol. 269.] Agra. - -(_May 10th_) I entered Agra at the Afternoon Prayer of Thursday (Rajab -28th) and dismounted at the mansion (_manzil_) of Sl. Ibrahim. - - -EXPEDITIONS OF TRAMONTANE MUHAMMADANS INTO HIND. - -(_a. Babur's five attempts on Hindustan._) - -From the date 910 at which the country of Kabul was conquered, down to -now (932 AH.) (my) desire for Hindustan had been constant, but owing -sometimes to the feeble counsels of begs, sometimes to the -non-accompaniment of elder and younger brethren,[1699] a move on -Hindustan had not been practicable and its territories had remained -unsubdued. At length no such obstacles were left; no beg, great or small -(_beg begat_) of lower birth,[1700] could speak an opposing word. In 925 -AH. (1519 AD.) we led an army out and, after taking Bajaur by storm in -2-3 _gari_ (44-66 minutes), and making a general massacre of its people, -went on into Bhira. Bhira we neither over-ran nor plundered; we imposed -a ransom on its people, taking from them in money and goods to the value -of 4 _laks_ of _shahrukhis_ and having shared this out to the army and -auxiliaries, returned to Kabul. From then till now we laboriously held -tight[1701] to Hindustan, five times leading an army into it.[1702] The -fifth time, God the Most High, by his own mercy and favour, made such a -foe as Sl. Ibrahim the vanquished and loser, such a realm as Hindustan -our conquest and possession. - - -(_b. Three invaders from Tramontana._) - -From the time of the revered Prophet down till now[1703] three men from -that side[1704] have conquered and ruled Hindustan. Sl. Mahmud -_Ghazi_[1705] was the first, who and whose descendants sat long on the -seat of government in Hindustan. Sl. Shihabu'd-din [Sidenote: Fol. -269b.] of Ghur was the second,[1706] whose slaves and dependants royally -shepherded[1707] this realm for many years. I am the third. - -But my task was not like the task of those other rulers. For why? -Because Sl. Mahmud, when he conquered Hindustan, had the throne of -Khurasan subject to his rule, vassal and obedient to him were the -sultans of Khwarizm and the Marches (_Daru'l-marz_), and under his hand -was the ruler of Samarkand. Though his army may not have numbered 2 -_laks_, what question is there that it[1708] was one. Then again, rajas -were his opponents; all Hindustan was not under one supreme head -(_padshah_), but each raja ruled independently in his own country. Sl. -Shihabu'd-din again,--though he himself had no rule in Khurasan, his -elder brother Ghiyasu'd-din had it. The _Tabaqat-i-nasiri_[1709] -brings it forward that he once led into Hindustan an army of 120,000 -men and horse in mail.[1710] His opponents also were rais and rajas; one -man did not hold all Hindustan. - -That time we came to Bhira, we had at most some 1500 to 2000 men. We had -made no previous move on Hindustan with an army equal to that which came -the fifth time, when we beat Sl. Ibrahim and conquered the realm of -Hindustan, the total written down for which, taking one retainer with -another, and [Sidenote: Fol. 270.] with traders and servants, was -12,000. Dependent on me were the countries of Badakhshan, Qunduz, Kabul -and Qandahar, but no reckonable profit came from them, rather it was -necessary to reinforce them fully because several lie close to an enemy. -Then again, all Mawara'u'n-nahr was in the power of the Auzbeg khans and -sultans, an ancient foe whose armies counted up to 100,000. Moreover -Hindustan, from Bhira to Bihar, was in the power of the Afghans and in -it Sl. Ibrahim was supreme. In proportion to his territory his army -ought to have been 5 _laks_, but at that time the Eastern amirs were in -hostility to him. His army was estimated at 100,000 and people said his -elephants and those of his amirs were 1000. - -Under such conditions, in this strength, and having in my rear 100,000 -old enemies such as are the Auzbegs, we put trust in God and faced the -ruler of such a dense army and of domains so wide. As our trust was in -Him, the most high God did not make our labour and hardships vain, but -defeated that powerful foe and conquered that broad realm. Not as due to -strength and effort of our own do we look upon this good fortune, but as -had solely through God's pleasure and kindness. We know that this -happiness was not the fruit of our own ambition and resolve, but that it -was purely from His mercy and favour. - - -DESCRIPTION OF HINDUSTAN. - - -(_a. Hindustan._) - -The country of Hindustan is extensive, full of men, and full [Sidenote: -Fol. 270b.] of produce. On the east, south, and even on the west, it -ends at its great enclosing ocean (_muhit darya-si-gha_). On the north -it has mountains which connect with those of Hindu-kush, Kafiristan and -Kashmir. North-west of it lie Kabul, Ghazni and Qandahar. Dihli is held -(_airimish_) to be the capital of the whole of Hindustan. From the death -of Shihabu'd-din _Ghuri_ (d. 602 AH.-1206 AD.) to the latter part of the -reign of Sl. Firuz Shah (_Tughluq Turk_ d. 790 AH.-1388 AD.), the -greater part of Hindustan must have been under the rule of the sultans -of Dihli. - - -(_b. Rulers contemporary with Babur's conquest._) - -At the date of my conquest of Hindustan it was governed by five Musalman -rulers (_padshah_)[1711] and two Pagans (_kafir_). These were the -respected and independent rulers, but there were also, in the hills and -jungles, many rais and rajas, held in little esteem (_kichik karim_). - -First, there were the Afghans who had possession of Dihli, the capital, -and held the country from Bhira to Bihar. Junpur, before their time, had -been in possession of Sl. Husain _Sharqi_ (Eastern)[1712] whose dynasty -Hindustanis call Purabi (Eastern). His ancestors will have been -cup-bearers in the presence of Sl. Firuz Shah and those (Tughluq) -sultans; they became supreme in Junpur after his death.[1713] At that -time Dihli was in the hands of Sl. 'Alau'u'd-din ('Alam Khan) of the -Sayyid dynasty to whose ancestor Timur Beg had given it when, after -having captured it, he went away.[1714] Sl. Buhlul _Ludi_ and his son -(Sikandar) got possession of the capital Junpur and the capital Dihli, -and brought both under one government (881 AH.-1476 AD.). - -Secondly, there was Sl. Muhammad Muzaffer in Gujrat; he departed from -the world a few days before the defeat of Sl. Ibrahim. He was skilled in -the Law, a ruler (_padshah_) seeking [Sidenote: Fol. 271.] after -knowledge, and a constant copyist of the Holy Book. His dynasty people -call Tank.[1715] His ancestors also will have been wine-servers to Sl. -Firuz Shah and those (Tughluq) sultans; they became possessed of Gujrat -after his death. - -Thirdly, there were the Bahmanis of the Dakkan (Deccan, _i.e._ South), -but at the present time no independent authority is left them; their -great begs have laid hands on the whole country, and must be asked for -whatever is needed.[1716] - -Fourthly, there was Sl. Mahmud in the country of Malwa, which people -call also Mandau.[1717] His dynasty they call Khilij (_Turk_). Rana -Sanga had defeated Sl. Mahmud and taken possession of most of his -country. This dynasty also has become feeble. Sl. Mahmud's ancestors -also must have been cherished by Sl. Firuz Shah; they became possessed -of the Malwa country after his death.[1718] - -Fifthly, there was Nasrat Shah[1719] in the country of Bengal. His -father (Husain Shah), a sayyid styled 'Alau'u'd-din, had ruled in Bengal -and Nasrat Shah attained to rule by inheritance. A surprising custom in -Bengal is that hereditary succession is rare. The royal office is -permanent and there are permanent offices of amirs, wazirs and -mansab-dars (officials). It is the office that Bengalis regard with -respect. Attached to each office is a body of obedient, subordinate -retainers and servants. If the royal heart demand that a person should -be dismissed [Sidenote: Fol. 271b.] and another be appointed to sit in -his place, the whole body of subordinates attached to that office become -the (new) office-holder's. There is indeed this peculiarity of the royal -office itself that any person who kills the ruler (_padshah_) and seats -himself on the throne, becomes ruler himself; amirs, wazirs, soldiers -and peasants submit to him at once, obey him, and recognize him for the -rightful ruler his predecessor in office had been.[1720] Bengalis say, -"We are faithful to the throne; we loyally obey whoever occupies it." -As for instance, before the reign of Nasrat Shah's father 'Alau'u'd-din, -an Abyssinian (_Habshi_, named Muzaffar Shah) had killed his sovereign -(Mahmud Shah _Ilyas_), mounted the throne and ruled for some time. -'Alau'u'd-din killed that Abyssinian, seated himself on the throne and -became ruler. When he died, his son (Nasrat) became ruler by -inheritance. Another Bengali custom is to regard it as a disgraceful -fault in a new ruler if he expend and consume the treasure of his -predecessors. On coming to rule he must gather treasure of his own. To -amass treasure Bengalis regard as a glorious distinction. Another custom -in Bengal is that from ancient times _parganas_ have been assigned to -meet the charges of the treasury, stables, and all royal expenditure and -to defray these charges no impost is laid on other lands. - -These five, mentioned above, were the great Musalman rulers, honoured in -Hindustan, many-legioned, and broad-landed. Of the Pagans the greater -both in territory and army, is the Raja of Bijanagar.[1721] [Sidenote: -Fol. 272.] - -The second is Rana Sanga who in these latter days had grown great by his -own valour and sword. His original country was Chitur; in the downfall -from power of the Mandau sultans, he became possessed of many of their -dependencies such as Rantanbur, Sarangpur, Bhilsan and Chandiri. -Chandiri I stormed in 934 AH. (1528 A.D.)[1722] and, by God's pleasure, -took it in a few hours; in it was Rana Sanga's great and trusted man -Midni Rao; we made general massacre of the Pagans in it and, as will be -narrated, converted what for many years had been a mansion of hostility, -into a mansion of Islam. - -There are very many rais and rajas on all sides and quarters of -Hindustan, some obedient to Islam, some, because of their remoteness or -because their places are fastnesses, not subject to Musalman rule. - - -(_c. Of Hindustan._) - -Hindustan is of the first climate, the second climate, and the third -climate; of the fourth climate it has none. It is a wonderful country. -Compared with our countries it is a different world; its mountains, -rivers, jungles and deserts, its towns, its cultivated lands, its -animals and plants, its peoples and their tongues, its rains, and its -winds, are all different. In some respects the hot-country (_garm-sil_) -that depends on Kabul, is like Hindustan, but in others, it is -different. Once the water of Sind is crossed, everything is in the -Hindustan way (_tariq_) [Sidenote: Fol. 272b.] land, water, tree, rock, -people and horde, opinion and custom. - - -(_d. Of the northern mountains._) - -After crossing the Sind-river (eastwards), there are countries, in the -northern mountains mentioned above, appertaining to Kashmir and once -included in it, although most of them, as for example, Pakli and -Shahmang (?), do not now obey it. Beyond Kashmir there are countless -peoples and hordes, _parganas_ and cultivated lands, in the mountains. -As far as Bengal, as far indeed as the shore of the great ocean, the -peoples are without break. About this procession of men no-one has been -able to give authentic information in reply to our enquiries and -investigations. So far people have been saying that they call these -hill-men Kas.[1723] It has struck me that as a Hindustani pronounces -_shin_ as _sin_ (_i.e._ _sh_ as _s_), and as Kashmir is the one -respectable town in these mountains, no other indeed being heard of, -Hindustanis might pronounce it Kasmir.[1724] These people trade in -musk-bags, _b:hri-qutas_,[1725] saffron, lead and copper. - -Hindis call these mountains Sawalak-parbat. In the Hindi tongue -_sawai-lak_ means one lak and a quarter, that is, 125,000, and _parbat_ -means a hill, which makes 125,000 hills.[1726] The snow on these -mountains never lessens; it is seen white from many districts of Hind, -as, for example, Lahor, Sihrind and Sambal. The range, which in Kabul is -known as Hindu-kush, comes from Kabul eastwards into Hindustan, with -slight inclination to the south. The Hindustanat[1727] are to the south -of it. Tibet lies to the north of it and of that unknown horde called -Kas. [Sidenote: Fol. 273.] - - -(_e. Of rivers._) - -Many rivers rise in these mountains and flow through Hindustan. Six rise -north of Sihrind, namely Sind, Bahat (Jilam), Chan-ab [_sic_], Rawi, -Biah, and Sutluj[1728]; all meet near Multan, flow westwards under the -name of Sind, pass through the Tatta country and fall into the -'Uman(-sea). - -Besides these six there are others, such as Jun (Jumna), Gang (Ganges), -Rahap (Rapti?), Gumti, Gagar (Ghaggar), Siru, Gandak, and many more; all -unite with the Gang-darya, flow east under its name, pass through the -Bengal country, and are poured into the great ocean. They all rise in -the Sawalak-parbat. - -Many rivers rise in the Hindustan hills, as, for instance, Chambal, -Banas, Bitwi, and Sun (Son). There is no snow whatever on these -mountains. Their waters also join the Gang-darya. - - -(_f. Of the Aravalli._) - -Another Hindustan range runs north and south. It begins in the Dihli -country at a small rocky hill on which is Firuz Shah's residence, called -Jahan-nama,[1729] and, going on from there, appears near Dihli in -detached, very low, scattered here and there, rocky [Sidenote: Fol. -273b.] little hills.[1730] Beyond Miwat, it enters the Biana country. -The hills of Sikri, Bari and Dulpur are also part of this same including -(tuta) range. The hills of Gualiar--they write it Galiur--although they do -not connect with it, are off-sets of this range; so are the hills of -Rantanbur, Chitur, Chandiri, and Mandau. They are cut off from it in -some places by 7 to 8 _kurohs_ (14 to 16 m.). These hills are very low, -rough, rocky and jungly. No snow whatever falls on them. They are the -makers, in Hindustan, of several rivers. - - -(_g. Irrigation._) - -The greater part of the Hindustan country is situated on level land. -Many though its towns and cultivated lands are, it nowhere has running -waters.[1731] Rivers and, in some places, standing-waters are its -"running-waters" (_aqar-sular_). Even where, as for some towns, it is -practicable to convey water by digging channels (_ariq_), this is not -done. For not doing it there may be several reasons, one being that -water is not at all a necessity in cultivating crops and orchards. -Autumn crops grow by the downpour of the rains themselves; and strange -it is that spring crops grow even when no rain falls. To young trees -water is made to flow by means of buckets or a wheel. They are given -water constantly during two or three years; after which they need no -more. Some vegetables are watered constantly. - -In Lahor, Dibalpur and those parts, people water by means of a wheel. -They make two circles of ropes long enough to suit the depth of the -well, fix strips of wood between them, and on these fasten pitchers. The -ropes with the wood and attached [Sidenote: Fol. 274.] pitchers are put -over the well-wheel. At one end of the wheel-axle a second wheel is -fixed, and close (_qash_) to it another on an upright axle. This last -wheel the bullock turns; its teeth catch in the teeth of the second, and -thus the wheel with the pitchers is turned. A trough is set where the -water empties from the pitchers and from this the water is conveyed -everywhere. - -In Agra, Chandwar, Biana and those parts, again, people water with a -bucket; this is a laborious and filthy way. At the well-edge they set up -a fork of wood, having a roller adjusted between the forks, tie a rope -to a large bucket, put the rope over the roller, and tie its other end -to the bullock. One person must drive the bullock, another empty the -bucket. Every time the bullock turns after having drawn the bucket out -of the well, that rope lies on the bullock-track, in pollution of urine -and dung, before it descends again into the well. To some crops needing -water, men and women carry it by repeated efforts in pitchers.[1732] - - -(_h. Other particulars about Hindustan._) - -The towns and country of Hindustan are greatly wanting in charm. Its -towns and lands are all of one sort; there are no walls to the orchards -(_baghat_), and most places are on the dead level plain. Under the -monsoon-rains the banks of some of its rivers and torrents are worn into -deep channels, difficult and [Sidenote: Fol. 274b.] troublesome to pass -through anywhere. In many parts of the plains thorny jungle grows, -behind the good defence of which the people of the _pargana_ become -stubbornly rebellious and pay no taxes. - -Except for the rivers and here and there standing-waters, there is -little "running-water". So much so is this that towns and countries -subsist on the water of wells or on such as collects in tanks during the -rains. - -In Hindustan hamlets and villages, towns indeed, are depopulated and set -up in a moment! If the people of a large town, one inhabited for years -even, flee from it, they do it in such a way that not a sign or trace of -them remains in a day or a day and a half.[1733] On the other hand, if -they fix their eyes on a place in which to settle, they need not dig -water-courses or construct dams because their crops are all -rain-grown,[1734] and as the population of Hindustan is unlimited, it -swarms in. They make a tank or dig a well; they need not build houses or -set up walls--_khas_-grass (_Andropogon muricatum_) abounds, wood is -unlimited, huts are made, and straightway there is a village or a town! - - -(_i. Fauna of Hindustan:--Mammals._) - -The elephant, which Hindustanis call _hat(h)i_, is one of the wild -animals peculiar to Hindustan. It inhabits the (western?) borders of the -Kalpi country, and becomes more numerous in its wild state the further -east one goes (in Kalpi?). From this tract it is that captured elephants -are brought; in Karrah and [Sidenote: Fol. 275.] Manikpur -elephant-catching is the work of 30 or 40 villages.[1735] People answer -(_jawab birurlar_) for them direct to the exchequer.[1736] The elephant -is an immense animal and very sagacious. If people speak to it, it -understands; if they command anything from it, it does it. Its value is -according to its size; it is sold by measure (_qarilab_); the larger it -is, the higher its price. People rumour that it is heard of in some -islands as 10 _qari_[1737] high, but in this tract it[1738] is not seen -above 4 or 5. It eats and drinks entirely with its trunk; if it lose the -trunk, it cannot live. It has two great teeth (tusks) in its upper jaw, -one on each side of its trunk; by setting these against walls and trees, -it brings them down; with these it fights and does whatever hard tasks -fall to it. People call these ivory (_'aj_, var. _ghaj_); they are -highly valued by Hindustanis. The elephant has no hair.[1739] It is much -relied on by Hindustanis, accompanying every troop of their armies. It -has some useful qualities:--it crosses great rivers with ease, carrying a -mass of baggage, and three or four have gone dragging without trouble -the cart of the mortar (_qazan_) it takes four or five hundred men to -haul.[1740] But its stomach is large; one elephant eats the corn -(_bughuz_) of two strings (_qitar_) of camels.[1741] - -The rhinoceros is another. This also is a large animal, equal [Sidenote: -Fol. 275b.] in bulk to perhaps three buffaloes. The opinion current in -those countries (Tramontana) that it can lift an elephant on its horn, -seems mistaken. It has a single horn on its nose, more than nine inches -(_qarish_) long; one of two _qarish_ is not seen.[1742] Out of one large -horn were made a drinking-vessel[1743] and a dice-box, leaving over [the -thickness of] 3 or 4 hands.[1744] The rhinoceros' hide is very thick; -an arrow shot from a stiff bow, drawn with full strength right up to the -arm-pit, if it pierce at all, might penetrate 4 inches (_ailik_, hands). -From the sides (_qash_) of its fore and hind legs,[1745] folds hang -which from a distance look like housings thrown over it. It resembles -the horse more than it does any other animal.[1746] As the horse has a -small stomach (appetite?), so has the rhinoceros; as in the horse a -piece of bone (pastern?) grows in place of small bones (T. _ashuq_, Fr. -_osselets_ (Zenker), knuckles), so one grows in the rhinoceros; as in -the horse's hand (_ailik_, Pers. _dast_) there is _kumuk_ (or _gumuk_, a -_tibia_, or marrow), so there is in the rhinoceros.[1747] It is more -ferocious than the elephant and cannot be made obedient and submissive. -There are masses of it in the Parashawar and Hashnagar jungles, so too -between the Sind-river and the jungles of the Bhira country. Masses -there are also on the banks of [Sidenote: Fol. 276.] the Saru-river in -Hindustan. Some were killed in the Parashawar and Hashnagar jungles in -our moves on Hindustan. It strikes powerfully with its horn; men and -horses enough have been horned in those hunts.[1748] In one of them the -horse of a _chuhra_ (brave) named Maqsud was tossed a spear's-length, -for which reason the man was nick-named the rhino's aim -(_maqsud-i-karg_). - -The wild-buffalo[1749] is another. It is much larger than the (domestic) -buffalo and its horns do not turn back in the same way.[1750] It is a -mightily destructive and ferocious animal. - -The _nila-gau_ (blue-bull)[1751] is another. It may stand as high as a -horse but is somewhat lighter in build. The male is bluish-gray, hence, -seemingly, people call it nila-gau. It has two rather small horns. On -its throat is a tuft of hair, nine inches long; (in this) it resembles -the yak.[1752] Its hoof is cleft (_airi_) like the hoof of cattle. The -doe is of the colour of the _bughu-maral_[1753]; she, for her part, has -no horns and is plumper than the male. - -The hog-deer (_kotah-paicha_) is another.[1754] It may be of the size of -the white deer (_aq kiyik_). It has short legs, hence its name, -little-legged. Its horns are like a _bughu_'s but smaller; like the -_bughu_ it casts them every year. Being rather a poor runner, it does -not leave the jungle. - -Another is a deer (_kiyik_) after the fashion of the male deer (_airkaki -huna_) of the _jiran_.[1755] Its back is black, its belly white, its -horns longer than the _huna's_, but more crooked. A Hindustani -[Sidenote: Fol. 276b.] calls it _kalahara_,[1756] a word which may have -been originally _kala-haran_, black-buck, and which has been softened in -pronunciation to _kalahara_. The doe is light-coloured. By means of this -_kalahara_ people catch deer; they fasten a noose (_halqa_) on its -horns, hang a stone as large as a ball[1757] on one of its feet, so as -to keep it from getting far away after it has brought about the capture -of a deer, and set it opposite wild deer when these are seen. As these -(_kalahara_) deer are singularly combative, advance to fight is made at -once. The two deer strike with their horns and push one another -backwards and forwards, during which the wild one's horns become -entangled in the net that is fast to the tame one's. If the wild one -would run away, the tame one does not go; it is impeded also by the -stone on its foot. People take many deer in this way; after capture they -tame them and use them in their turn to take others;[1758] they also set -them to fight at home; the deer fight very well. - -There is a smaller deer (_kiyik_) on the Hindustan hill-skirts, as large -may-be as the one year's lamb of the _arqarghalcha_ (_Ovis poli_). - -The _gini-cow_[1759] is another, a very small one, perhaps as large as -the _quchqar_ (ram) of those countries (Tramontana). Its flesh is very -tender and savoury. - -The monkey (_maimun_) is another--a Hindustani calls it _bandar_. Of this -too there are many kinds, one being what people [Sidenote: Fol. 277.] -take to those countries. The jugglers (_luli_) teach them tricks. This -kind is in the mountains of Nur-dara, in the skirt-hills of Safid-koh -neighbouring on Khaibar, and from there downwards all through Hindustan. -It is not found higher up. Its hair is yellow, its face white, its tail -not very long.--Another kind, not found in Bajaur, Sawad and those parts, -is much larger than the one taken to those countries (Tramontana). Its -tail is very long, its hair whitish, its face quite black. It is in the -mountains and jungles of Hindustan.[1760]--Yet another kind is -distinguished (_bula dur_), quite black in hair, face and limbs.[1761] - -The _nawal_ (_nul_)[1762] is another. It may be somewhat smaller than -the _kish_. It climbs trees. Some call it the _mush-i-khurma_ -(palm-rat). It is thought lucky. - -A mouse (T. _sichqan_) people call _galahri_ (squirrel) is another. It -is just always in trees, running up and down with amazing alertness and -speed.[1763] - - -(_j. Fauna of Hindustan:--Birds._)[1764] - -The peacock (Ar. _taus_) is one. It is a beautifully coloured and -splendid animal. Its form (_andam_) is not equal to its colouring and -beauty. Its body may be as large as the crane's (_turna_) but it is not -so tall. On the head of both cock and hen are 20 to 30 feathers rising -some 2 or 3 inches high. The hen has neither colour nor beauty. The head -of the cock has an iridescent collar (_tauq susani_); its neck is of a -beautiful blue; [Sidenote: Fol. 277b.] below the neck, its back is -painted in yellow, parrot-green, blue and violet colours. The -flowers[1765] on its back are much the smaller; below the back as far as -the tail-tips are [larger] flowers painted in the same colours. The tail -of some peacocks grows to the length of a man's extended arms.[1766] It -has a small tail under its flowered feathers, like the tail of other -birds; this ordinary tail and its primaries[1767] are red. It is in -Bajaur and Sawad and below them; it is not in Kunur [Kunur] and the -Lamghanat or any place above them. Its flight is feebler than the -pheasant's (_qirghawal_); it cannot do more than make one or two short -flights.[1768] On account of its feeble flight, it frequents the hills -or jungles, which is curious, since jackals abound in the jungles it -frequents. What damage might these jackals not do to birds that trail -from jungle to jungle, tails as long as a man's stretch (_qulach_)! -Hindustanis call the peacock _mor_. Its flesh is lawful food, according -to the doctrine of Imam Abu Hanifa; it is like that of the partridge and -not unsavoury, but is eaten with instinctive aversion, in the way -camel-flesh is. - -The parrot (H. _tuti_) is another. This also is in Bajaur and countries -lower down. It comes into Ningnahar and the Lamghanat in the heats when -mulberries ripen; it is not there at other times. It is of many, many -kinds. One sort is that which people carry into those (Tramontane) -countries. They [Sidenote: Fol. 278.] make it speak words.--Another sort -is smaller; this also they make speak words. They call it the -jungle-parrot. It is numerous in Bajaur, Sawad and that neighbourhood, -so much so that 5 or 6000 fly in one flock (_khail_). Between it and the -one first-named the difference is in bulk; in colouring they are just -one and the same.--Another sort is still smaller than the jungle-parrot. -Its head is quite red, the top of its wings (_i.e._ the primaries) is -red also; the tip of its tail for two hands'-thickness is -lustrous.[1769] The head of some parrots of this kind is iridescent -(_susani_). It does not become a talker. People call it the Kashmir -parrot.--Another sort is rather smaller than the jungle-parrot; its beak -is black; round its neck is a wide black collar; its primaries are red. -It is an excellent learner of words.--We used to think that whatever a -parrot or a _sharak_ (_mina_) might say of words people had taught it, -it could not speak of any matter out of its own head. At this -juncture[1770] one of my immediate servants Abu'l-qasim _Jalair_, -reported a singular thing to me. A parrot of this sort whose cage must -have been covered up, said, "Uncover my face; I am stifling." And -another time when palki bearers sat down to take breath, this parrot, -presumably on hearing wayfarers pass by, said, "Men are going past, are -you not going on?" Let credit rest with the narrator,[1771] but -never-the-less, so long as a person has not heard with his own ears, he -may not believe!--Another kind is of a beautiful [Sidenote: Fol. 278b.] -full red; it has other colours also, but, as nothing is distinctly -remembered about them, no description is made. It is a very beautiful -bird, both in colour and form. People are understood to make this also -speak words.[1772] Its defect is a most unpleasant, sharp voice, like -the drawing of broken china on a copper plate.[1773] - -The (P.) _sharak_[1774] is another. It is numerous in the Lamghanat and -abounds lower down, all over Hindustan. Like the parrot, it is of many -kinds.--The kind that is numerous in the Lamghanat has a black head; its -primaries (_qanat_) are spotted, its body rather larger and -thicker[1775] than that of the (T.) _chughur-chuq_.[1776] People teach -it to speak words.--Another kind they call _p:ndawali_[1777]; they bring -it from Bengal; it is black all over and of much greater bulk than the -_sharak_ (here, house-_mina_). Its bill and foot are yellow and on each -ear are yellow wattles which hang down and have a bad appearance.[1778] -It learns to speak well and clearly.--Another kind of _sharak_ is -slenderer than the last and is red round the eyes. It does not learn to -speak. People call it the wood-_sharak_.[1779] Again, at the time when -(934 AH.) I had made a bridge over Gang (Ganges), crossed it, and put my -adversaries to flight, a kind of _sharak_ was seen, in the neighbourhood -of Laknau and Aud (Oude), for the first time, which had a white breast, -piebald head, and black back. This kind does not learn to speak.[1780] - -The _luja_[1781] is another. This bird they call (Ar.) _bu-qalamun_ -(chameleon) because, between head and tail, it has five or six changing -colours, resplendent (_barraq_) like a pigeon's throat. [Sidenote: Fol. -279.] It is about as large as the _kabg-i-dari_[1782] and seems to be -the _kabg-i-dari_ of Hindustan. As the _kabg-i-dari_ moves (_yurur_) on -the heads (_kulah_) of mountains, so does this. It is in the Nijr-au -mountains of the countries of Kabul, and in the mountains lower down but -it is not found higher up. People tell this wonderful thing about -it:--When the birds, at the onset of winter, descend to the hill-skirts, -if they come over a vineyard, they can fly no further and are taken. God -knows the truth! The flesh of this bird is very savoury. - -The partridge (_durraj_)[1783] is another. This is not peculiar to -Hindustan but is also in the _Garm-sir_ countries[1784]; as however some -kinds are only in Hindustan, particulars of them are given here. The -_durraj_ (_Francolinus vulgaris_) may be of the same bulk as the -_kiklik_[1785]; the cock's back is the colour of the hen-pheasant -(_qirghawal-ning mada-si_); its throat and breast are black, with quite -white spots.[1786] A red line comes down on both sides of both -eyes.[1787] It is named from its cry[1788] which is something like _Shir -daram shakrak_.[1789] It pronounces _shir_ short; _daram shakrak_ it -says distinctly. Astarabad partridges are said to cry _Bat mini tutilar_ -(Quick! they have caught me). The partridge of Arabia and those parts is -understood to cry, _Bi'l_ _shakar tadawm al ni'am_ (with sugar pleasure -endures)! The hen-bird has the colour of the young pheasant. These birds -are found below Nijr-au.--Another kind is called _kanjal_. Its bulk may -be that of the one already described. Its voice is very like that of the -_kiklik_ but much shriller. There is little [Sidenote: Fol. 279b.] -difference in colour between the cock and hen. It is found in -Parashawar, Hashnagar and countries lower down, but not higher up. - -The _p(h)ul-paikar_[1790] is another. Its size may be that of the -_kabg-i-dari_; its shape is that of the house-cock, its colour that of -the hen. From forehead (_tumagh_) to throat it is of a beautiful colour, -quite red. It is in the Hindustan mountains. - -The wild-fowl (_sahrai-taugh_)[1791] is another. It flies like a -pheasant, and is not of all colours as house-fowl are. It is in the -mountains of Bajaur and lower down, but not higher up. - -The _chilsi_ (or _jilsi_)[1792] is another. In bulk it equals the -_p(h)ul-paikar_ but the latter has the finer colouring. It is in the -mountains of Bajaur. - -The _sham_[1793] is another. It is about as large as a house-fowl; its -colour is unique (_ghair mukarrar_).[1794] It also is in the mountains -of Bajaur. - -The quail (P. _budana_) is another. It is not peculiar to Hindustan but -four or five kinds are so.--One is that which goes to our countries -(Tramontana), larger and more spreading than the (Hindustan) -quail.[1795]--Another kind[1796] is smaller than the one first named. Its -primaries and tail are reddish. It flies in flocks like the _chir_ -(_Phasianus Wallichii_).--Another kind is smaller than that which goes to -our countries and is darker on throat [Sidenote: Fol. 280.] and -breast.[1797]--Another kind goes in small numbers to Kabul; it is very -small, perhaps a little larger than the yellow wag-tail -(_qarcha_)[1798]; they call it _quratu_ in Kabul. - -The Indian bustard (P. _kharchal_)[1799] is another. It is about as -large as the (T.) _tughdaq_ (_Otis tarda_, the great bustard), and seems -to be the _tughdaq_ of Hindustan.[1800] Its flesh is delicious; of some -birds the leg is good, of others, the wing; of the bustard all the meat -is delicious and excellent. - -The florican (P. _charz_)[1801] is another. It is rather less than the -_tughdiri_ (_houbara_)[1802]; the cock's back is like the _tughdiri's_, -and its breast is black. The hen is of one colour. - -The Hindustan sand-grouse (T. _baghri-qara_)[1803] is another. It is -smaller and slenderer than the _baghri-qara_ [_Pterocles arenarius_] of -those countries (Tramontana). Also its cry is sharper. - -Of the birds that frequent water and the banks of rivers, one is the -_ding_,[1804] an animal of great bulk, each wing measuring a _qulach_ -(fathom). It has no plumage (_tuqi_) on head or neck; a thing like a bag -hangs from its neck; its back is black; its breast is white. It goes -sometimes to Kabul; one year people brought one they had caught. It -became very tame; if meat were thrown to it, it never failed to catch -it in its bill. Once it swallowed a six-nailed shoe, another time a -whole fowl, wings [Sidenote: Fol. 280b.] and feathers, all right down. - -The _saras_ (_Grus antigone_) is another. Turks in Hindustan call it -_tiwa-turna_ (camel-crane). It may be smaller than the _ding_ but its -neck is rather longer. Its head is quite red.[1805] People keep this -bird at their houses; it becomes very tame. - -The _manek_[1806] is another. In stature it approaches the _saras_, but -its bulk is less. It resembles the _lag-lag_ (_Ciconia alba_, the white -stork) but is much larger; its bill is larger and is black. Its head is -iridescent, its neck white, its wings partly-coloured; the tips and -border-feathers and under parts of the wings are white, their middle -black. - -Another stork (_lag-lag_) has a white neck and all other parts black. It -goes to those countries (Tramontana). It is rather smaller than the -_lag-lag_ (_Ciconia alba_). A Hindustani calls it _yak-rang_ (one -colour?). - -Another stork in colour and shape is exactly like the storks that go to -those countries. Its bill is blacker and its bulk much less than the -_lag-lag_'s (_Ciconia alba_).[1807] - -Another bird resembles the grey heron (_auqar_) and the _lag-lag_; but -its bill is longer than the heron's and its body smaller than the white -stork's (_lag-lag_). - -Another is the large _buzak_[1808] (black ibis). In bulk it may equal -the buzzard (Turki, _sar_). The back of its wings is white. It has a -loud cry. - -The white _buzak_[1809] is another. Its head and bill are black. -[Sidenote: Fol. 281.] It is much larger than the one that goes to those -countries,[1810] but smaller than the Hindustan _buzak_.[1811] - -The _gharm-pai_[1812] (spotted-billed duck) is another. It is larger -than the _suna burchin_[1813] (mallard). The drake and duck are of one -colour. It is in Hashnagar at all seasons, sometimes it goes into the -Lamghanat. Its flesh is very savoury. - -The _shah-murgh_ (_Sarcidiornis melanonotus_, comb duck or _nukta_) is -another. It may be a little smaller than a goose. It has a swelling on -its bill; its back is black; its flesh is excellent eating. - -The _zummaj_ is another. It is about as large as the _burgut_ (_Aquila -chrysaetus_, the golden eagle). - -The (T.) _ala-qargha_ of Hindustan is another (_Corvus cornix_, the pied -crow). This is slenderer and smaller than the _ala-qargha_ of those -countries (Tramontana). Its neck is partly white. - -Another Hindustan bird resembles the crow (T. _qarcha_, _C. splendens_) -and the magpie (Ar. _'aqqa_). In the Lamghanat people call it the -jungle-bird (P. _murgh-i-jangal_).[1814] Its head and breast are black; -its wings and tail reddish; its eye quite red. Having a feeble flight, -it does not come out of the jungle, whence its name. - -The great bat (P. _shapara_)[1815] is another. People call it (Hindi) -_chumgadur_. It is about as large as the owl (T. _yapalaq_, _Otus -brachyotus_), and has a head like a puppy's. When it is thinking of -lodging for the night on a tree, it takes hold of a branch, turns -head-downwards, and so remains. It has much singularity. - -The magpie (Ar. _'aqqa_) is another. People call it (H.?) _mata_ -(_Dendrocitta rufa_, the Indian tree-pie). It may be somewhat less than -the _'aqqa_ (_Pica rustica_), which moreover is pied black and white, -while the _mata_ is pied brown and black.[1816] - -Another is a small bird, perhaps of the size of the (T.) -_sandulach_.[1817] [Sidenote: Fol. 281b.] It is of a beautiful red with -a little black on its wings. - -The _karcha_[1818] is another; it is after the fashion of a swallow (T. -_qarlughach_), but much larger and quite black. - -The _kuil_[1819] (_Eudynamys orientalis_, the koel) is another. It may -be as large as the crow (P. _zag_) but is much slenderer. It has a kind -of song and is understood to be the bulbul of Hindustan. Its honour with -Hindustanis is as great as is the bulbul's. It always stays in -closely-wooded gardens. - -Another bird is after the fashion of the (Ar.) _shiqarrak_ (_Cissa -chinensis_, the green-magpie). It clings to trees, is perhaps as large -as the green-magpie, and is parrot-green (_Gecinus striolatus_, the -little green-woodpecker?). - - -(_k. Fauna of Hindustan:--Aquatic animals._) - -One is the water-tiger (P. _shir-abi_, _Crocodilus palustris_).[1820] -This is in the standing-waters. It is like a lizard (T. _gilas_).[1821] -People say it carries off men and even buffaloes. - -The (P.) _siyah-sar_ (black-head) is another. This also is like a -lizard. It is in all rivers of Hindustan. One that was taken and brought -in was about 4-5 _qari_ (_cir._ 13 feet) long and as thick perhaps as a -sheep. It is said to grow still larger. Its snout is over half a yard -long. It has rows of small teeth in its upper and lower jaws. It comes -out of the water and sinks into the mud (_bata_). - -The (Sans.) _g[h]arial_ (_Gavialus gangeticus_) is another.[1822] It is -said to grow large; many in the army saw it in the Saru (Gogra) river. -It is said to take people; while we were on that river's banks (934-935 -A.H.), it took one or two slave-women (_daduk_), and it took three or -four camp-followers between Ghazipur and Banaras. In that neighbourhood -I saw one but from a distance only and not quite clearly. - -The water-hog (P. _khuk-abi_, _Platanista gangetica_, the porpoise) is -another. This also is in all Hindustan rivers. It comes up suddenly out -of the water; its head appears and disappears; it [Sidenote: Fol. 282.] -dives again and stays below, shewing its tail. Its snout is as long as -the _siyah-sar's_ and it has the same rows of small teeth. Its head and -the rest of its body are fish-like. When at play in the water, it looks -like a water-carrier's bag (_mashak_). Water-hogs, playing in the Saru, -leap right out of the water; like fish, they never leave it. - -Again there is the _kalah_ (or _galah_)-fish [_baligh_].[1823] Two bones -each about 3 inches (_ailik_) long, come out in a line with its ears; -these it shakes when taken, producing an extraordinary noise, whence, -seemingly, people have called it _kalah_ [or _galah_]. - -The flesh of Hindustan fishes is very savoury; they have no odour -(_aid_) or tiresomeness.[1824] They are surprisingly active. On one -occasion when people coming, had flung a net across a stream, leaving -its two edges half a yard above the water, most fish passed by leaping a -yard above it. In many rivers are little fish which fling themselves a -yard or more out of the water if there be harsh [Sidenote: Fol. 282b.] -noise or sound of feet. - -The frogs of Hindustan, though otherwise like those others (Tramontane), -run 6 or 7 yards on the face of the water.[1825] - - -(_l. Vegetable products of Hindustan: Fruits._) - -The mango (P. _anbah_) is one of the fruits peculiar to Hindustan. -Hindustanis pronounce the _b_ in its name as though no vowel followed it -(_i.e._ Sans. _anb_);[1826] this being awkward to utter, some people -call the fruit [P.] _naghzak_[1827] as Khwaja Khusrau does:-- - - _Naghzak-i ma_ [var. _khwash_] _naghz-kun-i bustan, - Naghztarin mewa_ [var. _na'mat_]_-i-Hindustan_.[1828] - -Mangoes when good, are very good, but, many as are eaten, few are -first-rate. They are usually plucked unripe and ripened in the house. -Unripe, they make excellent condiments (_qatiq_), are good also -preserved in syrup.[1829] Taking it altogether, the mango is the best -fruit of Hindustan. Some so praise it as to give it preference over all -fruits except the musk-melon (T. _qawun_), but such praise outmatches -it. It resembles the _kardi_ peach.[1830] It ripens in the rains. It is -eaten in two ways: one is to squeeze it to a pulp, make a hole in it, -and suck out the juice,--the other, to peel and eat it like the _kardi_ -peach. Its tree grows very large[1831] and has a leaf somewhat -resembling the peach-tree's. The trunk is ill-looking and ill-shaped, -but in Bengal and Gujrat is heard of as growing handsome (_khub_).[1832] - -The plantain (Sans. _kela_, _Musa sapientum_) is another.[1833] An -[Sidenote: Fol. 283.] 'Arab calls it _mauz_.[1834] Its tree is not very -tall, indeed is not to be called a tree, since it is something between a -grass and a tree. Its leaf is a little like that of the -_aman-qara_[1835] but grows about 2 yards (_qari_) long and nearly -one broad. Out of the middle of its leaves rises, heart-like, a bud -which resembles a sheep's heart. As each leaf (petal) of this bud -expands, there grows at its base a row of 6 or 7 flowers which become -the plantains. These flowers become visible with the lengthening of the -heart-like shoot and the opening of the petals of the bud. The tree is -understood to flower once only.[1836] The fruit has two pleasant -qualities, one that it peels easily, the other that it has neither stone -nor fibre.[1837] It is rather longer and thinner than the egg-plant (P. -_badanjan_; _Solanum melongena_). It is not very sweet; the Bengal -plantain (_i.e._ _chini-champa_) is, however, said to be very sweet. -The plantain is a very good-looking tree, its broad, broad, leaves of -beautiful green having an excellent appearance. - -The _anbli_ (H. _imli_, _Tamarindus indica_, the tamarind) is another. -By this name (_anbli_) people call the _khurma-i-hind_ (Indian -date-tree).[1838] It has finely-cut leaves (leaflets), precisely like -those of the (T.) _buia_, except that they are not so finely-cut.[1839] -It is a very good-looking tree, giving dense shade. It grows wild in -masses too. - -The (Beng.) _mahuwa_ (_Bassia latifolia_) is another.[1840] People call -it also (P.) _gul-chikan_ (or _chigan_, distilling-flower). This also is -a very large tree. Most of the wood in the houses of Hindustanis -[Sidenote: Fol. 283b.] is from it. Spirit (_'araq_) is distilled from -its flowers,[1841] not only so, but they are dried and eaten like -raisins, and from them thus dried, spirit is also extracted. The dried -flowers taste just like _kishmish_;[1842] they have an ill-flavour. The -flowers are not bad in their natural state[1843]; they are eatable. The -_mahuwa_ grows wild also. Its fruit is tasteless, has rather a large -seed with a thin husk, and from this seed, again,[1844] oil is -extracted. - -The mimusops (Sans. _khirni_, _Mimusops kauki_) is another. Its tree, -though not very large, is not small. The fruit is yellow and thinner -than the red jujube (T. _chikda_, _Elaeagnus angustifolia_). It has just -the grape's flavour, but a rather bad after-taste; it is not bad, -however, and is eatable. The husk of its stone is thin. - -The (Sans.) _jaman_ (_Eugenia jambolana_)[1845] is another. Its leaf, -except for being thicker and greener, is quite like the willow's (T. -_tal_). The tree does not want for beauty. Its fruit is like a black -grape, is sourish, and not very good. - -The (H.) _kamrak_ (Beng. _kamrunga_, _Averrhoa carambola_) is another. -Its fruit is five-sided, about as large as the _'ain-alu_[1846] and some -3 inches long. It ripens to yellow; gathered unripe, it is very bitter; -gathered ripe, its bitterness has become sub-acid, not bad, not wanting -in pleasantness.[1847] - -The jack-fruit (H. _kadhil_, B. _kanthal_, _Artocarpus integrifolia_) is -another.[1848] This is a fruit of singular form and flavour; it looks -[Sidenote: Fol. 284.] like a sheep's stomach stuffed and made into a -haggis (_gipa_);[1849] and it is sickeningly-sweet. Inside it are -filbert-like stones[1850] which, on the whole, resemble dates, but are -round, not long, and have softer substance; these are eaten. The -jack-fruit is very adhesive; for this reason people are said to oil -mouth and hands before eating of it. It is heard of also as growing, not -only on the branches of its tree, but on trunk and root too.[1851] One -would say that the tree was all hung round with haggises.[1852] - -The monkey-jack (H. _badhal_, B. _burhul_, _Artocarpus lacoocha_) is -another. The fruit may be of the size of a quince (var. apple). Its -smell is not bad.[1853] Unripe it is a singularly tasteless and -empty[1854] thing; when ripe, it is not so bad. It ripens soft, can be -pulled to pieces and eaten anywhere, tastes very much like a rotten -quince, and has an excellent little austere flavour. - -The lote-fruit (Sans. _ber_, _Zizyphus jujuba_) is another. Its Persian -name is understood to be _kanar_.[1855] It is of several kinds: of one -the fruit is larger than the plum (_alucha_)[1856]; another is shaped -like the Husaini grape. Most of them are not very good; we saw one in -Bandir (Gualiar) that was really good. The lote-tree sheds its leaves -under the Signs _Saur_ and _Jauza_ (Bull and Twins), burgeons under -_Saratan_ and _Asad_ (Crab and Lion) which are the true -rainy-season,--then becoming fresh and green, and it ripens its fruit -under _Dalu_ and _Haut_ (Bucket _i.e._ Aquarius, and Fish). - -The (Sans.) _karaunda_ (_Carissa carandas_, the corinda) is another. It -grows in bushes after the fashion of the (T.) _chika_ of our -country.[1857] but the _chika_ grows on mountains, the _karaunda_ on the -[Sidenote: Fol. 284b.] plains. In flavour it is like the rhubarb -itself,[1858] but is sweeter and less juicy. - -The (Sans.) _paniyala_ (_Flacourtia cataphracta_)[1859] is another. It -is larger than the plum (_alucha_) and like the red-apple unripe.[1860] -It is a little austere and is good. The tree is taller than the -pomegranate's; its leaf is like that of the almond-tree but smaller. - -The (H.) _gular_ (_Ficus glomerata_, the clustered fig)[1861] is -another. The fruit grows out of the tree-trunk, resembles the fig (P. -_anjir_), but is singularly tasteless. - -The (Sans.) _amla_ (_Phyllanthus emblica_, the myrobalan-tree) is -another. This also is a five-sided fruit.[1862] It looks like the -unblown cotton-pod. It is an astringent and ill-flavoured thing, but -confiture made of it is not bad. It is a wholesome fruit. Its tree is of -excellent form and has very minute leaves. - -The (H.) _chirunji_ (_Buchanania latifolia_)[1863] is another. This tree -had been understood to grow in the hills, but I knew later about it, -because there were three or four clumps of it in our gardens. It is much -like the _mahuwa_. Its kernel is not bad, a thing between the walnut and -the almond, not bad! rather smaller than the pistachio and round; people -put it in custards (P. _paluda_) and sweetmeats (Ar. _halwa_). - -The date-palm (P. _khurma_, _Phoenix dactylifera_) is another. This is -not peculiar to Hindustan, but is here described because it is not in -those countries (Tramontana). It grows in Lamghan also.[1864] Its -branches (_i.e._ leaves) grow from just one place at its top; its leaves -(_i.e._ leaflets) grow on both sides of the branches (midribs) from neck -(_buin_) to tip; its trunk is rough and ill-coloured; [Sidenote: Fol. -285.] its fruit is like a bunch of grapes, but much larger. People say -that the date-palm amongst vegetables resembles an animal in two -respects: one is that, as, if an animal's head be cut off, its life is -taken, so it is with the date-palm, if its head is cut off, it dries -off; the other is that, as the offspring of animals is not produced -without the male, so too with the date-palm, it gives no good fruit -unless a branch of the male-tree be brought into touch with the -female-tree. The truth of this last matter is not known (to me). The -above-mentioned head of the date-palm is called its cheese. The tree so -grows that where its leaves come out is cheese-white, the leaves -becoming green as they lengthen. This white part, the so-called cheese, -is tolerable eating, not bad, much like the walnut. People make a wound -in the cheese, and into this wound insert a leaf(let), in such a way -that all liquid flowing from the wound runs down it.[1865] The tip of -the leaflet is set over the mouth of a pot suspended to the tree in such -a way that it collects whatever liquor is yielded by the wound. This -liquor is rather pleasant if drunk at once; if drunk after two or three -days, people say it is quite exhilarating (_kaifiyat_). Once when I had -gone to visit Bari,[1866] and made an [Sidenote: Fol. 285b.] excursion -to the villages on the bank of the Chambal-river, we met in with people -collecting this date-liquor in the valley-bottom. A good deal was drunk; -no hilarity was felt; much must be drunk, seemingly, to produce a little -cheer. - -The coco-nut palm (P. _nargil_, _Cocos nucifera_) is another. An 'Arab -gives it Arabic form[1867] and says _narjil_; Hindustan people say -_nalir_, seemingly by popular error.[1868] Its fruit is the Hindi-nut -from which black spoons (_qara qashuq_) are made and the larger ones of -which serve for guitar-bodies. The coco-palm has general resemblance to -the date-palm, but has more, and more glistening leaves. Like the -walnut, the coco-nut has a green outer husk; but its husk is of fibre on -fibre. All ropes for ships and boats and also cord for sewing boat-seams -are heard of as made from these husks. The nut, when stripped of its -husk, near one end shews a triangle of hollows, two of which are solid, -the third a nothing (_bush_), easily pierced. Before the kernel forms, -there is fluid inside; people pierce the soft hollow and drink this; it -tastes like date-palm cheese in solution, and is not bad. - -The (Sans.) _tar_ (_Borassus flabelliformis_, the Palmyra-palm) is -another. Its branches (_i.e._ leaves) also are quite at its top. Just as -[Sidenote: Fol. 286.] with the date-palm, people hang a pot on it, take -its juice and drink it. They call this liquor _tari_;[1869] it is said -to be more exhilarating than date liquor. For about a yard along its -branches (_i.e._ leaf-stems)[1870] there are no leaves; above this, at -the tip of the branch (stem), 30 or 40 open out like the spread palm of -the hand, all from one place. These leaves approach a yard in length. -People often write Hindi characters on them after the fashion of account -rolls (_daftar yusunluq_). - -The orange (Ar. _naranj_, _Citrus aurantium_) and orange-like fruits are -others of Hindustan.[1871] Oranges grow well in the Lamghanat, Bajaur -and Sawad. The Lamghanat one is smallish, has a navel,[1872] is very -agreeable, fragile and juicy. It is not at all like the orange of -Khurasan and those parts, being so fragile that many spoil before -reaching Kabul from the Lamghanat which may be 13-14 _yighach_ (65-70 -miles), while the Astarabad orange, by reason of its thick skin and -scant juice, carries with [Sidenote: Fol. 286b.] less damage from there -to Samarkand, some 270-280 _yighach_.[1873] The Bajaur orange is about -as large as a quince, very juicy and more acid than other oranges. -Khwaja Kalan once said to me, "We counted the oranges gathered from a -single tree of this sort in Bajaur and it mounted up to 7,000." It had -been always in my mind that the word _naranj_ was an Arabic form;[1874] -it would seem to be really so, since every-one in Bajaur and Sawad says -(P.) _narang_.[1875] - -The lime (B. _limu_, _C. acida_) is another. It is very plentiful, about -the size of a hen's egg, and of the same shape. If a person poisoned -drink the water in which its fibres have been boiled, danger is -averted.[1876] - -The citron (P. _turunj_,[1877] _C. medica_) is another of the fruits -resembling the orange. Bajauris and Sawadis call it _balang_ and hence -give the name _balang-marabba_ to its marmalade (_marabba_) confiture. -In Hindustan people call the _turunj bajauri_.[1878] There are two kinds -of _turunj_: one is sweet, flavourless and nauseating, of no use for -eating but with peel that may be good for marmalade; it has the same -sickening sweetness as the Lamghanat _turunj_; the other, that of -Hindustan and Bajaur, is acid, quite deliciously acid, and makes -excellent sherbet, well-flavoured, and wholesome drinking. Its size may -be that of the Khusrawi melon; it has a thick skin, wrinkled and uneven, -with one end thinner and beaked. It is of a deeper yellow than the -orange (_naranj_). Its tree has no trunk, is rather low, grows in -bushes, and has a larger [Sidenote: Fol. 287.] leaf than the orange. - -The _sangtara_[1879] is another fruit resembling the orange (_naranj_). -It is like the citron (_turunj_) in colour and form, but has both ends -of its skin level;[1880] also it is not rough and is somewhat the -smaller fruit. Its tree is large, as large as the apricot (_auruq_), -with a leaf like the orange's. It is a deliciously acid fruit, making a -very pleasant and wholesome sherbet. Like the lime it is a powerful -stomachic, but not weakening like the orange (_naranj_). - -The large lime which they call (H.) _gal-gal_[1881] in Hindustan is -another fruit resembling the orange. It has the shape of a goose's egg, -but unlike that egg, does not taper to the ends. Its skin is smooth like -the _sangtara's_; it is remarkably juicy. - -The (H.) _janbiri_ lime[1882] is another orange-like fruit. It is -orange-shaped and, though yellow, not orange-yellow. It smells like the -citron (_turunj_); it too is deliciously acid. - -The (Sans.) _sada-fal_ (_phal_)[1883] is another orange-like fruit. This -is pear-shaped, colours like the quince, ripens sweet, but not to the -sickly-sweetness of the orange (_naranj_). - -The _amrd-fal_ (sic. Hai. MS.--Sans. _amrit-phal_)[1884] is another -orange-like fruit. - -The lemon (H. _karna_, _C. limonum_) is another fruit resembling the -orange (_naranj_); it may be as large as the _gal-gal_ and is also acid. - -The (Sans.) _amal-bid_[1885] is another fruit resembling the orange. -After three years (in Hindustan), it was first seen to-day.[1886] They -say a needle melts away if put inside it,[1887] either from its acidity -[Sidenote: Fol. 287b.] or some other property. It is as acid, perhaps, -as the citron and lemon (_turunj_ and _limu_).[1888] - - -(_m. Vegetable products of Hindustan:--Flowers._) - -In Hindustan there is great variety of flowers. One is the (D.) _jasun_ -(_Hibiscus rosa sinensis_), which some Hindustanis call (Hindi) -_gazhal_.[1889] *It is not a grass (_giyah_); its tree (is in stems like -the bush of the red-rose; it) is rather taller than the bush of the -red-rose.[1890]* The flower of the _jasun_ is fuller in colour than that -of the pomegranate, and may be of the size of the red-rose, but, the -red-rose, when its bud has grown, opens simply, whereas, when the -_jasun_-bud opens, a stem on which other petals grow, is seen like a -heart amongst its expanded petals. Though the two are parts of the one -flower, yet the outcome of the lengthening and thinning of that -stem-like heart of the first-opened petals gives the semblance of two -flowers.[1891] It is not a common matter. The beautifully coloured -flowers look very well on the tree, but they do not last long; they -fade in just one day. The _jasun_ blossoms very well through the four -months of the rains; it seems indeed to flower all through the year; -with this profusion, however, it gives no perfume. - -The (H.) _kanir_ (_Nerium odorum_, the oleander)[1892] is another. It -grows both red and white. Like the peach-flower, it is five petalled. It -is like the peach-bloom (in colour?), but opens 14 or 15 flowers from -one place, so that seen from a distance, they look like one great -flower. The oleander-bush is taller than the rose-bush. The red oleander -has a sort of scent, faint and agreeable. (Like the _jasun_,) it also -blooms well and profusely in the [Sidenote: Fol. 288.] rains, and it -also is had through most of the year. - -The (H.) (_kiura_) (_Pandanus odoratissimus_, the screw-pine) is -another.[1893] It has a very agreeable perfume.[1894] Musk has the -defect of being dry; this may be called moist musk--a very agreeable -perfume. The tree's singular appearance notwithstanding, it has flowers -perhaps 1-1/2 to 2 _qarish_ (13-1/2 to 18 inches) long. It has long -leaves having the character of the reed (P.) _gharau_[1895] and having -spines. Of these leaves, while pressed together bud-like, the outer ones -are the greener and more spiny; the inner ones are soft and white. In -amongst these inner leaves grow things like what belongs to the middle -of a flower, and from these things comes the excellent perfume. When the -tree first comes up not yet shewing any trunk, it is like the bush -(_buta_) of the male-reed,[1896] but with wider and more spiny leaves. -What serves it for a trunk is very shapeless, its roots remaining shewn. - -The (P.) _yasman_ (jasmine) is another; the white they call (B.) -_champa_.[1897] It is larger and more strongly scented than our -_yasman_-flower. - - -(_n. Seasons of the year._) - -Again:--whereas there are four seasons in those countries,[1898] there -are three in Hindustan, namely, four months are summer; four are the -rains; four are winter. The beginning of their months is from the -welcome of the crescent-moons.[1899] Every three years they add a month -to the year; if one had been added to the rainy season, the next is -added, three years later, to the winter months, the next, in the same -way, to the hot months. This is their mode of intercalation.[1900] -(_Chait_, _Baisakh_, _Jeth_ and [Sidenote: Fol. 288b.] _Asarh_) are the -hot months, corresponding with the Fish, (Ram, Bull and Twins; _Sawan_, -_Bhadon_, _Ku,ar_ and _Katik_) are the rainy months, corresponding with -the Crab, (Lion, Virgin and Balance; _Aghan_, _Pus_, _Magh_ and -_Phalgun_) are the cold months, corresponding with the Scorpion, -(Archer, Capricorn, and Bucket or Aquarius). - -The people of Hind, having thus divided the year into three seasons of -four months each, divide each of those seasons by taking from each, the -two months of the force of the heat, rain,[1901] and cold. Of the hot -months the last two, _i.e. Jeth_ and _Asarh_ are the force of the heat; -of the rainy months, the first two, _i.e. Sawan_ and _Bhadon_ are the -force of the rains; of the cold season, the middle two, _i.e. Pus_ and -_Magh_ are the force of the cold. By this classification there are six -seasons in Hindustan. - - -(_o. Days of the week._) - -To the days also they have given names:--[1902] (_Sanichar_ is Saturday; -_Rabi-bar_ is Sunday; _Som-war_ is Monday; _Mangal-war_ is Tuesday; -_Budh-bar_ is Wednesday; _Brihaspat-bar_ is Thursday; _Shukr-bar_ is -Friday). - - -(_p. Divisions of time._) - - [Sidenote: Fol. 289.] (_Author's note on the daqiqa._) The - _daqiqa_ is about as long as six repetitions of the _Fatiha_ - with the _Bismillah_, so that a day-and-night is as long as - 8640 repetitions of the _Fatiha_ with the _Bismillah._ - -As in our countries what is known by the (Turki) term _kicha-gunduz_ (a -day-and-night, nycthemeron) is divided into 24 parts, each called an -hour (Ar. _sa'at_), and the hour is divided into 60 parts, each called a -minute (Ar. _daqiqa_), so that a day-and-night consists of 1440 -minutes,--so the people of Hind divide the night-and-day into 60 parts, -each called a (S.) _g'hari_.[1903] They also divide the night into four -and the day into four, calling each part a (S.) _pahr_ (watch) which in -Persian is a _pas_. A watch and watchman (_pas u pasban_) had been heard -about (by us) in those countries (Transoxania), but without these -particulars. Agreeing with the division into watches, a body of -_g'harialis_[1904] is chosen and appointed in all considerable towns of -Hindustan. They cast a broad brass (plate-) thing,[1905] perhaps as -large as a tray (_tabaq_) and about two hands'-thickness; this they call -a _g'harial_ and hang up in a high place (_bir buland yir-da_). Also -they have a vessel perforated at the bottom like an hour-cup[1906] and -filling in one _g'hari_ (_i.e._ 24 minutes). The _g'harialis_ put this -into water and wait till it fills. For example, they will put the -perforated [Sidenote: Fol. 289b.] cup into water at day-birth; when it -fills the first time, they strike the gong once with their mallets; when -a second time, twice, and so on till the end of the watch. They announce -the end of a watch by several rapid blows of their mallets. After these -they pause; then strike once more, if the first day-watch has ended, -twice if the second, three times if the third, and four times if the -fourth. After the fourth day-watch, when the night-watches begin, these -are gone through in the same way. It used to be the rule to beat the -sign of a watch only when the watch ended; so that sleepers chancing to -wake in the night and hear the sound of a third or fourth _g'hari_, -would not know whether it was of the second or third night-watch. I -therefore ordered that at night or on a cloudy day the sign of the watch -should be struck after that of the _g'hari_, for example, that after -striking the third _g'hari_ of the first night-watch, the _g'harialis_ -were to pause and then strike the sign of the watch, in order to make it -known that this third _g'hari_ was of the first night-watch,--and that -after striking four _g'haris_ of the third night-watch, they should -pause and then strike the sign of the third watch, in order to make it -known that this fourth _g'hari_ was of the third night-watch. It did -very well; anyone happening to wake in the night and hear the gong, -would know what _g'hari_ of what watch of night it was. - -Again, they divide the _g'hari_ into 60 parts, each part being called a -_pal_;[1907] by this each night-and-day will consist of 3,500 _pals_. -[Sidenote: Fol. 290.] - - (_Author's note on the pal._) They say the length of a _pal_ - is the shutting and opening of the eyelids 60 times, which in - a night-and-day would be 216,000 shuttings and openings of the - eyes. Experiment shews that a _pal_ is about equal to 8 - repetitions of the _Qul-huwa-allah_[1908] and _Bismillah_; - this would be 28,000 repetitions in a night-and-day. - - -(_q. Measures._) - -The people of Hind have also well-arranged measures:--[1909] 8 _ratis_ = -1 _masha_; 4 _masha_ = 1 _tank_ = 32 _ratis_; 5 _masha_ = 1 _misqal_ = -40 _ratis_; 12 _masha_ = 1 _tula_ = 96 _ratis_; 14 _tula_ = 1 _ser_. - -This is everywhere fixed:--40 _ser_ = 1 _manban_; 12 _manban_ = 1 -_mani_; 100 _mani_ they call a _minasa_.[1910] - -Pearls and jewels they weigh by the _tank_. - - -(_r. Modes of reckoning._) - -The people of Hind have also an excellent mode of reckoning: 100,000 -they call a _lak_; 100 _laks_, a _krur_; 100 _krurs_, an _arb_; 100 -_arbs_, 1 _karb_; 100 _karb's_, 1 _nil_; 100 _nils_, 1 _padam_; 100 -_padams_, 1 _sang_. The fixing of such high reckonings as these is proof -of the great amount of wealth in Hindustan. - - -(_s. Hindu inhabitants of Hindustan._) - -Most of the inhabitants of Hindustan are pagans; they call a pagan a -Hindu. Most Hindus believe in the transmigration of souls. All artisans, -wage-earners, and officials are Hindus. In our countries dwellers in the -wilds (_i.e._ nomads) get tribal names; [Sidenote: Fol. 290b.] here the -settled people of the cultivated lands and villages get tribal -names.[1911] Again:--every artisan there is follows the trade that has -come down to him from forefather to forefather. - - -(_t. Defects of Hindustan._) - -Hindustan is a country of few charms. Its people have no good looks; of -social intercourse, paying and receiving visits there is none; of genius -and capacity none; of manners none; in handicraft and work there is no -form or symmetry, method or quality; there are no good horses, no good -dogs, no grapes, musk-melons or first-rate fruits, no ice or cold water, -no good bread or cooked food in the _bazars_, no Hot-baths, no Colleges, -no candles, torches or candlesticks. - -In place of candle and torch they have a great dirty gang they call -lamp-men (_diwati_), who in the left hand hold a smallish wooden tripod -to one corner of which a thing like the top of a candlestick is fixed, -having a wick in it about as thick as the thumb. In the right hand they -hold a gourd, through a narrow slit made in which, oil is let trickle in -a thin thread when the wick needs it. Great people keep a hundred or two -of these lamp-men. This is the Hindustan substitute for lamps and -candlesticks! If their rulers and begs have work at night needing -candles, these dirty lamp-men bring these lamps, go close up and -[Sidenote: Fol. 291.] there stand. - -Except their large rivers and their standing-waters which flow in -ravines or hollows (there are no waters). There are no running-waters in -their gardens or residences (_'imaratlar_).[1912] These residences have -no charm, air (_hawa_), regularity or symmetry. - -Peasants and people of low standing go about naked. They tie on a thing -called _lunguta_,[1913] a decency-clout which hangs two spans below the -navel. From the tie of this pendant decency-clout, another clout is -passed between the thighs and made fast behind. Women also tie on a -cloth (_lung_), one-half of which goes round the waist, the other is -thrown over the head. - - -(_u. Advantages of Hindustan._) - -Pleasant things of Hindustan are that it is a large country and has -masses of gold and silver. Its air in the Rains is very fine. Sometimes -it rains 10, 15 or 20 times a day; torrents pour down all at once and -rivers flow where no water had been. While it rains and through the -Rains, the air is remarkably fine, not to be surpassed for healthiness -and charm. The fault is that the air becomes very soft and damp. A bow -of those (Transoxanian) countries after going through the Rains in -Hindustan, may not be drawn even; it is ruined; not only the bow, -everything is [Sidenote: Fol. 291b.] affected, armour, book, cloth, and -utensils all; a house even does not last long. Not only in the Rains -but also in the cold and the hot seasons, the airs are excellent; at -these times, however, the north-west wind constantly gets up laden with -dust and earth. It gets up in great strength every year in the heats, -under the Bull and Twins when the Rains are near; so strong and carrying -so much dust and earth that there is no seeing one another. People call -this wind Darkener of the Sky (H. _andhi_). The weather is hot under the -Bull and Twins, but not intolerably so, not so hot as in Balkh and -Qandahar and not for half so long. - -Another good thing in Hindustan is that it has unnumbered and endless -workmen of every kind. There is a fixed caste (_jam'i_) for every sort -of work and for every thing, which has done that work or that thing from -father to son till now. Mulla Sharaf, writing in the _Zafar-nama_ about -the building of Timur Beg's Stone Mosque, lays stress on the fact that -on it 200 stone-cutters worked, from Azarbaijan, Fars, Hindustan and -other countries. But 680 men worked daily on my buildings in Agra and of -Agra stone-cutters only; while 1491 stone-cutters worked daily on my -buildings in Agra, Sikri, Biana, Dulpur, Gualiar and Kuil. In [Sidenote: -Fol. 292.] the same way there are numberless artisans and workmen of -every sort in Hindustan. - - -(_v. Revenues of Hindustan._) - -The revenue of the countries now held by me (935 AH.-1528 AD.) from -Bhira to Bihar is 52 _krurs_,[1914] as will be known in detail from the -following summary.[1915] Eight or nine _krurs_ of this are from -parganas of rais and rajas who, as obedient from of old, receive -allowance and maintenance. - -REVENUES OF HINDUSTAN FROM WHAT HAS SO FAR COME UNDER THE VICTORIOUS -STANDARDS - - --------------------------------+---------+-----+---------- - Sarkars. | Krurs. |Laks.| Tankas. - --------------------------------+---------+-----+---------- - Trans-sutluj:--Bhira, | | | - Lahur, Sialkut, | | | - Dibalpur, etc. | 3 | 33 |15,989 - Sihrind | 1 | 29 |31,985 - Hisar-firuza | 1 | 30 |75,174 - The capital Dihli and | | | - Mian-du-ab | 3 | 69 |50,254 - Miwat, not included in | | | - Sikandar's time | 1 | 69 |81,000 - Biana | 1 | 44 |14,930 [Sidenote: - Agra | | 29 |76,919 Fol. 292b.] - Mian-wilayat (Midlands) | 2 | 91 | 19 - Gualiar | 2 | 23 |57,450 - Kalpi and Seho[n.]da | | | - (Seondha) | 4 | 28 |55,950 - Qanauj | 1 | 36 |63,358 - Sambhal | 1 | 38 |44,000 - Laknur and Baksar | 1 | 39 |82,433 - Khairabad | | 12 |65,000 - Aud (Oude) and Bahraj | | | - (Baraich) | 1 | 17 | 1,369 [Sidenote: - Junpur | 4 | .0 |88,333 Fol. 293.] - Karra and Manikpur | 1 | 63 |27,282 - Bihar | 4 | 5 |60,000 - Sarwar | 1 | 55 |17,506-1/2 - Saran | 1 | 10 |18,373 - Champaran | 1 | 90 |86,060 - Kandla | | 43 |30,300 - Tirhut from Raja | | | - Rup-narain's tribute, | | | - silver | | 2 |55,000 - black (i.e. copper) | | 27 |50,000 - Rantanbhur from Buli, | | | - Chatsu, and Malarna | | 20 |?00,000 - Nagur | -- | -- | -- - Raja Bikramajit in | | | - Rantanbhur | -- | -- | -- - Kalanjari | -- | -- | -- - Raja Bir-sang-deo (or, | | | - Sang only) | -- | -- | -- - Raja Bikam-deo | -- | -- | -- - Raja Bikam-chand | -- | -- | -- - --------------------------------+---------+-----+---------- - -[1916] So far as particulars and details about the land and people of -the country of Hindustan have become definitely known, they have been -narrated and described; whatever matters worthy of record may come to -view hereafter, I shall write down. - - -HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED. - - -(_a. Distribution of treasure in Agra._)[1917] - -(_May 12th_) On Saturday the 29th[1918] of Rajab the examination and -distribution of the treasure were begun. To Humayun were given 70 laks -from the Treasury, and, over and above this, a treasure house was -bestowed on him just as it was, without ascertaining and writing down -its contents. To some begs 10 laks were given, 8, 7, or 6 to -others.[1919] Suitable money-gifts were bestowed from the Treasury on -the whole army, to every tribe there was, Afghan, Hazara, 'Arab, Biluch -_etc._ to each according to its position. Every trader and student, -indeed every man who had come with the army, took ample portion and -share of bounteous gift and largess. To those not with the army went a -mass of treasure in gift and largess, as for instance, 17 laks to -Kamran, 15 laks to Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza, while to 'Askari, Hindal and -indeed to the whole various train of relations and younger -children[1920] went masses of red and white (gold and silver), of -plenishing, jewels and slaves.[1921] Many gifts went to the begs and -soldiery on that side (Tramontana). Valuable gifts (_saughat_) -[Sidenote: Fol. 294.] were sent for the various relations in Samarkand, -Khurasan, Kashghar and 'Iraq. To holy men belonging to Samarkand and -Khurasan went offerings vowed to God (_nuzur_); so too to Makka and -Madina. We gave one _shahrukhi_ for every soul in the country of Kabul -and the valley-side[1922] of Varsak, man and woman, bond and free, of -age or non-age.[1923] - - -(_b. Disaffection to Babur._) - -On our first coming to Agra, there was remarkable dislike and hostility -between its people and mine, the peasantry and soldiers running away in -fear of our men. Dilhi and Agra excepted, not a fortified town but -strengthened its defences and neither was in obedience nor submitted. -Qasim Sambhali was in Sambhal; Nizam Khan was in Biana; in Miwat was -Hasan Khan Miwati himself, impious mannikin! who was the sole leader of -the trouble and mischief.[1924] Muhammad _Zaitun_ was in Dulpur; Tatar -Khan _Sarang-khani_[1925] was in Gualiar; Husain Khan _Nuhani_ was in -Rapri; Qutb Khan was in Itawa (Etawa); 'Alam Khan (_Kalpi_) was in -Kalpi. Qanauj and the other side of Gang (Ganges) was all held by -Afghans in independent hostility,[1926] such as Nasir Khan _Nuhani_, -Ma'ruf _Farmuli_ and a crowd of other amirs. These had been in rebellion -for three or four years before Ibrahim's death and when I defeated him, -were holding Qanauj and the whole country beyond it. At the present time -they were lying two or three marches on our side of Qanauj and had made -Bihar Khan the son of Darya Khan _Nuhani_ their _padshah_, under the -style Sultan Muhammad. [Sidenote: Fol. 294b.] Marghub the slave was in -Mahawin (_Muttra_?); he remained there, thus close, for some time but -came no nearer. - - -(_c. Discontent in Babur's army._) - -It was the hot-season when we came to Agra. All the inhabitants -(_khalaiq_) had run away in terror. Neither grain for ourselves nor corn -for our horses was to be had. The villages, out of hostility and hatred -to us had taken to thieving and highway-robbery; there was no moving on -the roads. There had been no chance since the treasure was distributed -to send men in strength into the parganas and elsewhere. Moreover the -year was a very hot one; violent pestilential winds struck people down -in heaps together; masses began to die off. - -On these accounts the greater part of the begs and best braves became -unwilling to stay in Hindustan, indeed set their faces for leaving it. -It is no reproach to old and experienced begs if they speak of such -matters; even if they do so, this man (Babur) has enough sense and -reason to get at what is honest or what is mutinous in their -representations, to distinguish between loss and gain. But as this man -had seen his task whole, for himself, when he resolved on it, what taste -was there in their reiterating that things should be done differently? -What recommends the expression of distasteful opinions by men of little -standing [Sidenote: Fol. 295.] (_kichik karim_)? Here is a curious -thing:--This last time of our riding out from Kabul, a few men of little -standing had just been made begs; what I looked for from them was that -if I went through fire and water and came out again, they would have -gone in with me unhesitatingly, and with me have come out, that wherever -I went, there at my side would they be,--not that they would speak -against my fixed purpose, not that they would turn back from any task or -great affair on which, all counselling, all consenting, we had resolved, -so long as that counsel was not abandoned. Badly as these new begs -behaved, Secretary Ahmadi and Treasurer Wali behaved still worse. Khwaja -Kalan had done well in the march out from Kabul, in Ibrahim's defeat and -until Agra was occupied; he had spoken bold words and shewn ambitious -views. But a few days after the capture of Agra, all his views -changed,--the one zealous for departure at any price was Khwaja -Kalan.[1927] - - -(_d. Babur calls a council._) - -When I knew of this unsteadiness amongst (my) people, I summoned all the -begs and took counsel. Said I, "There is no supremacy and grip on the -world without means and resources; without lands and retainers -sovereignty and command (_padshahliq u amirliq_) are impossible. By the -labours of several years, by encountering hardship, by long travel, by -flinging myself and the army into battle, and by deadly slaughter, we, -through God's [Sidenote: Fol. 295b.] grace, beat these masses of enemies -in order that we might take their broad lands. And now what force -compels us, what necessity has arisen that we should, without cause, -abandon countries taken at such risk of life? Was it for us to remain in -Kabul, the sport of harsh poverty? Henceforth, let no well-wisher of -mine speak of such things! But let not those turn back from going who, -weak in strong persistence, have set their faces to depart!" By these -words, which recalled just and reasonable views to their minds, I made -them, willy-nilly, quit their fears. - - -(_e. Khwaja Kalan decides to leave Hindustan._) - -As Khwaja Kalan had no heart to stay in Hindustan, matters were settled -in this way:--As he had many retainers, he was to convoy the gifts, and, -as there were few men in Kabul and Ghazni, was to keep these places -guarded and victualled. I bestowed on him Ghazni, Girdiz and the Sultan -Mas'udi Hazara, gave also the Hindustan _pargana_ of G'huram,[1928] -worth 3 or 4 _laks_. It was settled for Khwaja Mir-i-miran also to go to -Kabul; the gifts were put into his immediate charge, under the custody -of Mulla Hasan the banker (_sarraf_) and Tuka[1929] _Hindu_. - -Loathing Hindustan, Khwaja Kalan, when on his way, had the following -couplet inscribed on the wall of his residence [Sidenote: Fol. 296.] -(_'imarati_) in Dihli:-- - - If safe and sound I cross the Sind, - Blacken my face ere I wish for Hind! - -It was ill-mannered in him to compose and write up this partly-jesting -verse while I still stayed in Hind. If his departure - -caused me one vexation, such a jest doubled it.[1930] I composed the -following off-hand verse, wrote it down and sent it to him:-- - - Give a hundred thanks, Babur, that the generous Pardoner - Has given thee Sind and Hind and many a kingdom. - If thou (_i.e._ the Khwaja) have not the strength for their heats, - If thou say, "Let me see the cold side (_yuz_)," Ghazni is there.[1931] - - -(_f. Accretions to Babur's force._) - -At this juncture, Mulla Apaq was sent into Kul with royal letters of -favour for the soldiers and quiver-wearers (_tarkash-band_) of that -neighbourhood. Shaikh Guran (G'huran)[1932] came trustfully and loyally -to do obeisance, bringing with him from 2 to 3,000 soldiers and -quiver-wearers from Between-two-waters (_Mian-du-ab_). - - (_Author's note on Mulla Apaq._) Formerly he had been in a - very low position indeed, but two or three years before this - time, had gathered his elder and younger brethren into a - compact body and had brought them in (to me), together with - the Auruq-zai and other Afghans of the banks of the Sind. - -Yunas-i-'ali when on his way from Dihli to Agra[1933] had lost his way a -little and got separated from Humayun; he then met in with 'Ali Khan -_Farmuli's_ sons and train,[1934] had a small affair with them, took -them prisoners and brought them in. Taking advantage of this, one of the -sons thus captured was sent to his [Sidenote: Fol. 296b.] father in -company with Daulat-qadam _Turk's_ son Mirza _Mughul_ who conveyed royal -letters of favour to 'Ali Khan. At this time of break-up, 'Ali Khan had -gone to Miwat; he came to me when Mirza _Mughul_ returned, was -promoted, and given valid(?) _parganas_[1935] worth 25 laks. - - -(_g. Action against the rebels of the East._) - -Sl. Ibrahim had appointed several amirs under Mustafa _Farmuli_ and -Firuz Khan _Sarang-khani_, to act against the rebel amirs of the East -(_Purab_). Mustafa had fought them and thoroughly drubbed them, giving -them more than one good beating. He dying before Ibrahim's defeat, his -younger brother Shaikh Bayazid--Ibrahim being occupied with a momentous -matter[1936]--had led and watched over his elder brother's men. He now -came to serve me, together with Firuz Khan, Mahmud Khan _Nuhani_ and -Qazi Jia. I shewed them greater kindness and favour than was their -claim; giving to Firuz Khan 1 _krur_, 46 _laks_ and 5000 _tankas_ from -Junpur, to Shaikh Bayazid 1 _krur_, 48 _laks_ and 50,000 _tankas_ from -Aud (Oude), to Mahmud Khan 90 _laks_ and 35,000 _tankas_ from Ghazipur, -and to Qazi Jia 20 _laks_.[1937] - - -(_h. Gifts made to various officers._) - -It was a few days after the 'Id of Shawwal[1938] that a large party was -held in the pillared-porch of the domed building standing in the middle -of Sl. Ibrahim's private apartments. At this party there were bestowed -on Humayun a _char-qab_,[1939] a sword-belt,[1940] a _tipuchaq_ horse -with saddle mounted in gold; on Chin-timur Sultan, Mahdi Khwaja and -Muhammad Sl. Mirza _char-qabs_, sword-belts and dagger-belts; and to the -begs and [Sidenote: Fol. 297.] braves, to each according to his rank, -were given sword-belts, dagger-belts, and dresses of honour, in all to -the number specified below:-- - - 2 items (_ra's_) of _tipuchaq_ horses with saddles. - 16 items (_qabza_) of poinards, set with jewels, etc. - 8 items (_qabza_) of purpet over-garments. - 2 items (_tob_) of jewelled sword-belts. - ---- items (_qabza_) of broad daggers (_jamd'kar_) set with jewels. - 25 items of jewelled hangers (_khanjar_). - ---- items of gold-hilted Hindi knives (_kard_). - 51 pieces of purpet. - -On the day of this party it rained amazingly, rain falling thirteen -times. As outside places had been assigned to a good many people, they -were drowned out (_gharaq_). - - -(_i. Of various forts and postings._) - -Samana (in Patiala) had been given to Muhammadi Kukuldash and it had -been arranged for him to make swift descent on Sambal (Sambhal), but -Sambal was now bestowed on Humayun, in addition to his guerdon of -Hisar-firuza, and in his service was Hindu Beg. To suit this, therefore, -Hindu Beg was sent to make the incursion in Muhammadi's place, and with -him Kitta Beg, Baba _Qashqa's_ (brother) Malik Qasim and his elder and -younger brethren, Mulla Apaq and Shaikh Guran (G'huran) with the -quiver-wearers from Between-two-waters (_Mian-du-ab_). [Sidenote: Fol. -297b.] Three or four times a person had come from Qasim _Sambali_, -saying, "The renegade Biban is besieging Sambal and has brought it to -extremity; come quickly." Biban, with the array and the preparation -(_hayat_) with which he had deserted us,[1941] had gone skirting the -hills and gathering up Afghan and Hindustani deserters, until, finding -Sambal at this juncture ill-garrisoned, he laid siege to it. Hindu Beg -and Kitta Beg and the rest of those appointed to make the incursion, got -to the Ahar-passage[1942] and from there sent ahead Baba _Qashqa's_ -Malik Qasim with his elder and younger brethren, while they themselves -were getting over the water. Malik Qasim crossed, advanced swiftly with -from 100 to 150 men--his own and his brethren's--and reached Sambal by the -Mid-day Prayer. Biban for his part came out of his camp in array. Malik -Qasim and his troop moved rapidly forward, got the fort in their rear, -and came to grips. Biban could make no stand; he fled. Malik Qasim cut -off the heads of part of his force, took many horses, a few elephants -and a mass of booty. Next day when the other begs arrived, Qasim -_Sambali_ came out and saw them, but not liking to surrender the fort, -made them false pretences. One day Shaikh Guran (G'huran) and Hindu Beg -having talked the matter over with them, got Qasim _Sambali_ out to the -presence of the begs, and took men of ours into the fort. They brought -Qasim's wife and dependents safely out, and sent Qasim (to Court).[1943] - -Qalandar the foot-man was sent to Nizam Khan in Biana with royal letters -of promise and threat; with these was sent [Sidenote: Fol. 298.] also -the following little off-hand (Persian) verse:--[1944] - - Strive not with the Turk, o Mir of Biana! - His skill and his courage are obvious. - If thou come not soon, nor give ear to counsel,-- - What need to detail (_bayan_) what is obvious? - -Biana being one of the famous forts of Hindustan, the senseless -mannikin, relying on its strength, demanded what not even its strength -could enforce. Not giving him a good answer, we ordered siege apparatus -to be looked to. - -Baba Quli Beg was sent with royal letters of promise and threat to -Muhammad _Zaitun_ (in Dulpur); Muhammad _Zaitun_ also made false -excuses. - -While we were still in Kabul, Rana Sanga had sent an envoy to testify to -his good wishes and to propose this plan: "If the honoured Padshah will -come to near Dihli from that side, I from this will move on Agra." But I -beat Ibrahim, I took Dihli and Agra, and up to now that Pagan has given -no sign soever of moving. After a while he went and laid siege to -Kandar[1945] a fort in which was Makan's son, Hasan by name. This -Hasan-of-Makan had sent a person to me several times, but had not shewn -himself. We had not been able to detach [Sidenote: Fol. 298b.] -reinforcement for him because, as the forts round-about--Atawa (Etawa), -Dulpur, and Biana--had not yet surrendered, and the Eastern Afghans were -seated with their army in obstinate rebellion two or three marches on -the Agra side of Qanuj, my mind was not quite free from the whirl and -strain of things close at hand. Makan's Hasan therefore, becoming -helpless, had surrendered Kandar two or three months ago. - -Husain Khan (_Nuhani_) became afraid in Rapri, and he abandoning it, it -was given to Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_. - -To Qutb Khan in Etawa royal letters of promise and threat had been sent -several times, but as he neither came and saw me, nor abandoned Etawa -and got away, it was given to Mahdi Khwaja and he was sent against it -with a strong reinforcement of begs and household troops under the -command of Muhammad Sl. Mirza, Sl. Muhammad _Duldai_, Muhammad 'Ali -_Jang-jang_ and 'Abdu'l-'aziz the Master of the Horse. Qanuj was given -to Sl. Muhammad _Duldai_; he was also (as mentioned) appointed against -Etawa; so too were Firuz Khan, Mahmud Khan, Shaikh Bayazid and Qazi Jia, -highly favoured commanders to whom Eastern _parganas_ had been given. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 299.] Muhammad _Zaitun_, who was seated in Dulpur, -deceived us and did not come. We gave Dulpur to Sl. Junaid _Barlas_ and -reinforced him by appointing 'Adil Sultan, Muhammadi Kukuldash, Shah -Mansur _Barlas_, Qutluq-qadam, Treasurer Wali, Jan Beg, 'Abdu'l-lah, -Pir-quli, and Shah Hasan _Yaragi_ (or _Baragi_), who were to attack -Dulpur, take it, make it over to Sl. Junaid _Barlas_ and advance on -Biana. - - -(_j. Plan of operations adopted._) - -These armies appointed, we summoned the Turk amirs[1946] and the -Hindustan amirs, and tossed the following matters in amongst them:--The -various rebel amirs of the East, that is to say, those under Nasir Khan -_Nuhani_ and Ma'ruf _Farmuli_, have crossed Gang (Ganges) with 40 to -50,000 men, taken Qanuj, and now lie some three miles on our side of the -river. The Pagan Rana Sanga has captured Kandar and is in a hostile and -mischievous attitude. The end of the Rains is near. It seems expedient -to move either against the rebels or the Pagan, since the task of the -forts near-by is easy; when the great foes are got rid of, what road -will remain open for the rest? Rana Sanga is thought not to be the equal -of the rebels. - -To this all replied unanimously, "Rana Sanga is the most distant, and it -is not known that he will come nearer; the enemy who is closest at hand -must first be got rid of. We are for riding against the rebels." Humayun -then represented, [Sidenote: Fol. 299b.] "What need is there for the -Padshah to ride out? This service I will do." This came as a pleasure to -every-one; the Turk and Hind amirs gladly accepted his views; he was -appointed for the East. A Kabuli of Ahmad-i-qasim's was sent galloping -off to tell the armies that had been despatched against Dulpur to join -Humayun at Chandwar;[1947] also those sent against Etawa under Mahdi -Khwaja and Muhammad Sl. M. were ordered to join him. - -(_August 21st_) Humayun set out on Thursday the 13th of Zu'l-qa'da, -dismounted at a little village called Jilisir (Jalesar) some 3 _kurohs_ -from Agra, there stayed one night, then moved forward march by march. - - -(_k. Khwaja Kalan's departure._) - -(_August 28th_) On Thursday the 20th of this same month, Khwaja Kalan -started for Kabul. - - -(_l. Of gardens and pleasaunces._) - -One of the great defects of Hindustan being its lack of -running-waters,[1948] it kept coming to my mind that waters should be -made to flow by means of wheels erected wherever I might settle down, -also that grounds should be laid out in an orderly and symmetrical way. -With this object in view, we crossed the Jun-water to look at -garden-grounds a few days after entering Agra. Those grounds were so bad -and unattractive that we traversed them with a hundred disgusts and -repulsions. So ugly and displeasing were they, that the idea of making a -[Sidenote: Fol. 300.] Char-bagh in them passed from my mind, but needs -must! as there was no other land near Agra, that same ground was taken -in hand a few days later. - -The beginning was made with the large well from which water comes for -the Hot-bath, and also with the piece of ground where the -tamarind-trees and the octagonal tank now are. After that came the large -tank with its enclosure; after that the tank and _talar_[1949] in front -of the outer(?) residence[1950]; after that the private-house -(_khilwat-khana_) with its garden and various dwellings; after that the -Hot-bath. Then in that charmless and disorderly Hind, plots of -garden[1951] were seen laid out with order and symmetry, with suitable -borders and parterres in every corner, and in every border rose and -narcissus in perfect arrangement. - - -(_m. Construction of a chambered-well._) - -Three things oppressed us in Hindustan, its heat, its violent winds, its -dust. Against all three the Bath is a protection, for in it, what is -known of dust and wind? and in the heats it is so chilly that one is -almost cold. The bath-room in which the heated tank is, is altogether of -stone, the whole, except for the _izara_ (dado?) of white stone, being, -pavement and roofing, of red Biana stone. - -Khalifa also and Shaikh Zain, Yunas-i-'ali and whoever got [Sidenote: -Fol. 300b.] land on that other bank of the river laid out regular and -orderly gardens with tanks, made running-waters also by setting up -wheels like those in Dipalpur and Lahor. The people of Hind who had -never seen grounds planned so symmetrically and thus laid out, called -the side of the Jun where (our) residences were, Kabul. - -In an empty space inside the fort, which was between Ibrahim's residence -and the ramparts, I ordered a large chambered-well (_wain_) to be made, -measuring 10 by 10,[1952] a large well with a flight of steps, which in -Hindustan is called a _wain_.[1953] This well was begun before the -Char-bagh[1954]; they were busy digging it in the true Rains (_'ain -bishkal_, Sawan and Bhadon); it fell in several times and buried the -hired workmen; it was finished after the Holy Battle with Rana Sanga, as -is stated in the inscription on the stone that bears the chronogram of -its completion. It is a complete _wain_, having a three-storeyed house -in it. The lowest storey consists of three rooms, each of which opens on -the descending steps, at intervals of three steps from one another. When -the water is at its lowest, it is one step below the bottom chamber; -when it rises in the Rains, it sometimes goes into the top storey. In -the middle storey an inner chamber has been excavated which connects -with the domed building in which the bullock turns the well-wheel. The -[Sidenote: Fol. 301.] top storey is a single room, reached from two -sides by 5 or 6 steps which lead down to it from the enclosure -overlooked from the well-head. Facing the right-hand way down, is the -stone inscribed with the date of completion. At the side of this well is -another the bottom of which may be at half the depth of the first, and -into which water comes from that first one when the bullock turns the -wheel in the domed building afore-mentioned. This second well also is -fitted with a wheel, by means of which water is carried along the -ramparts to the high-garden. A stone building (_tashdin 'imarat_) stands -at the mouth of the well and there is an outer(?) mosque[1955] outside -(_tashqari_) the enclosure in which the well is. The mosque is not well -done; it is in the Hindustani fashion. - - -(_n. Humayun's campaign._) - -At the time Humayun got to horse, the rebel amirs under Nasir Khan -_Nuhani_ and Ma'ruf _Farmuli_ were assembled at Jajmau.[1956] Arrived -within 20 to 30 miles of them, he sent out Mumin Ataka for news; it -became a raid for loot; Mumin Ataka was not able to bring even the least -useful information. The rebels heard about him however, made no stay but -fled and got away. After Mumin Ataka, Qusm-nai(?) was sent for news, -with Baba Chuhra[1957] and Bujka; they brought it of the breaking-up and -flight of the rebels. Humayun advancing, took Jajmau [Sidenote: Fol. -301b.] and passed on. Near Dilmau[1958] Fath Khan _Sarwani_ came and saw -him, and was sent to me with Mahdi Khwaja and Muhammad Sl. Mirza. - - -(_o. News of the Auzbegs._) - -This year 'Ubaidu'l-lah Khan (_Auzbeg_) led an army out of Bukhara -against Marv. In the citadel of Marv were perhaps 10 to 15 peasants whom -he overcame and killed; then having taken the revenues of Marv in 40 or -50 days,[1959] he went on to Sarakhs. In Sarakhs were some 30 to 40 -Red-heads (_Qizil-bash_) who did not surrender, but shut the Gate; the -peasantry however scattered them and opened the Gate to the Auzbeg who -entering, killed the Red-heads. Sarakhs taken, he went against Tus and -Mashhad. The inhabitants of Mashhad being helpless, let him in. Tus he -besieged for 8 months, took possession of on terms, did not keep those -terms, but killed every man of name and made their women captive. - - -(_p. Affairs of Gujrat._) - -In this year Bahadur Khan,--he who now rules in Gujrat in the place of -his father Sl. Muzaffar _Gujrati_--having gone to Sl. Ibrahim after -quarrel with his father, had been received without honour. He had sent -dutiful letters to me while I was near Pani-pat; I had replied by royal -letters of favour and kindness summoning him to me. He had thought of -coming, but changing his mind, drew off from Ibrahim's army towards -Gujrat. Meantime his father Sl. Muzaffar had died (Friday Jumada II. -2nd AH.-March 16th 1526 AD.); his elder brother Sikandar Shah who was -Sl. Muzaffar's eldest son, had become ruler in their father's place -and, owing to his evil disposition, [Sidenote: Fol. 302.] had been -strangled by his slave 'Imadu'l-mulk, acting with others (Sha'ban -14th--May 25th). Bahadur Khan, while he was on his road for Gujrat, was -invited and escorted to sit in his father's place under the style -Bahadur Shah (Ramzan 26th--July 6th). He for his part did well; he -retaliated by death on 'Imadu'l-mulk for his treachery to his salt, and -killed some others of his father's begs.[1960] People point at him as a -dreadnaught (_bi bak_) youth and a shedder of much blood. - - - - -933 AH.-OCT. 8TH 1526 TO SEP. 27TH 1527 AD.[1961] - - -(_a. Announcement of the birth of a son._) - -In Muharram Beg Wais brought the news of Faruq's birth; though a -foot-man had brought it already, he came this month for the gift to the -messenger of good tidings.[1962] The birth must have been on Friday eve, -Shawwal 23rd (932 AH.-August 2nd 1526 AD.); the name given was Faruq. - - -(_b. Casting of a mortar._) - -(_October 22nd-Muharram 15th_) Ustad 'Ali-quli had been ordered to cast -a large mortar for use against Biana and other forts which had not yet -submitted. When all the furnaces and materials were ready, he sent a -person to me and, on Monday the 15th of the month, we went to see the -mortar cast. Round the mortar-mould he had had eight furnaces made in -which [Sidenote: Fol. 302b.] were the molten materials. From below each -furnace a channel went direct to the mould. When he opened the -furnace-holes on our arrival, the molten metal poured like water through -all these channels into the mould. After awhile and before the mould was -full, the flow stopped from one furnace after another. Ustad 'Ali-quli -must have made some miscalculation either as to the furnaces or the -materials. In his great distress, he was for throwing himself into the -mould of molten metal, but we comforted him, put a robe of honour on -him, and so brought him out of his shame. The mould was left a day or -two to cool; when it was opened, Ustad 'Ali-quli with great delight sent -to say, "The stone-chamber (_tash-awi_) is without defect; to cast the -powder-compartment (_daru-khana_) is easy." He got the stone-chamber -out and told off a body of men to accoutre[1963] it, while he busied -himself with casting the powder-compartment. - - -(_c. Varia._) - -Mahdi Khwaja arrived bringing Fath Khan _Sarwani_ from Humayun's -presence, they having parted from him in Dilmau. I looked with favour on -Fath Khan, gave him the _parganas_ that had been his father -'Azam-humayun's, and other lands also, one _pargana_ given being worth a -_krur_ and 60 _laks_.[1964] - -In Hindustan they give permanent titles [_muqarrari khitablar_] to -highly-favoured amirs, one such being 'Azam-humayun (_August Might_), -one Khan-i-jahan (Khan-of-the-world), another [Sidenote: Fol. 303.] -Khan-i-khanan (Khan-of-khans). Fath Khan's father's title was -'Azam-humayun but I set this aside because on account of Humayun it was -not seemly for any person to bear it, and I gave Fath Khan _Sarwani_ the -title of Khan-i-jahan. - -(_November 14th_) On Wednesday the 8th of Safar[1965] awnings were set -up (in the Char-bagh) at the edge of the large tank beyond the -tamarind-trees, and an entertainment was prepared there. We invited Fath -Khan _Sarwani_ to a wine-party, gave him wine, bestowed on him a turban -and head-to-foot of my own wearing, uplifted his head with kindness and -favour[1966] and allowed him to go to his own districts. It was arranged -for his son Mahmud to remain always in waiting. - - -(_d. Various military matters._) - -(_November 30th_) On Wednesday the 24th of Muharram[1967] Muhammad 'Ali -(son of Mihtar) Haidar the stirrup-holder was sent (to Humayun) with -this injunction, "As--thanks be to God!--the rebels have fled, do you, as -soon as this messenger arrives, appoint a few suitable begs to Junpur, -and come quickly to us yourself, for Rana Sanga the Pagan is -conveniently close; let us think first of him!" - -After (Humayun's) army had gone to the East, we appointed, to make a -plundering excursion into the Biana neighbourhood, Tardi Beg (brother) -of Quj Beg with his elder brother Sher-afgan, Muhammad Khalil the -master-gelder (_akhta-begi_) with his brethren and the gelders -(_akhtachilar_),[1968] Rustam _Turkman_ with his brethren, and also, of -the Hindustani people, Daud _Sarwani_. [Sidenote: Fol. 303b.] If they, -by promise and persuasion, could make the Biana garrison look towards -us, they were to do so; if not, they were to weaken the enemy by raid -and plunder. - -In the fort of Tahangar[1969] was 'Alam Khan the elder brother of that -same Nizam Khan of Biana. People of his had come again and again to set -forth his obedience and well-wishing; he now took it on himself to say, -"If the Padshah appoint an army, it will be my part by promise and -persuasion to bring in the quiver-weavers of Biana and to effect the -capture of that fort." This being so, the following orders were given to -the braves of Tardi Beg's expedition, "As 'Alam Khan, a local man, has -taken it on himself to serve and submit in this manner, act you with him -and in the way he approves in this matter of Biana." Swordsmen though -some Hindustanis may be, most of them are ignorant and unskilled in -military move and stand (_yurush u turush_), in soldierly counsel and -procedure. When our expedition joined 'Alam Khan, he paid no attention -to what any-one else said, did not consider whether his action was good -or bad, but went close up to Biana, taking our men with him. Our -expedition numbered from 250 to 300 Turks with somewhat over 2000 -Hindustanis and local people, while Nizam Khan of Biana's Afghans and -_sipahis[1970]_ were an army of over 4000 horse and of [Sidenote: Fol. -304.] foot-men themselves again, more than 10,000. Nizam Khan looked -his opponents over, sallied suddenly out and, his massed horse charging -down, put our expeditionary force to flight. His men unhorsed his elder -brother 'Alam Khan, took 5 or 6 others prisoner and contrived to capture -part of the baggage. As we had already made encouraging promises to -Nizam Khan, we now, spite of this last impropriety, pardoned all earlier -and this later fault, and sent him royal letters. As he heard of Rana -Sanga's rapid advance, he had no resource but to call on Sayyid -Rafi'[1971] for mediation, surrender the fort to our men, and come in -with Sayyid Rafi', when he was exalted to the felicity of an -interview.[1972] I bestowed on him a pargana in Mian-du-ab worth 20 -_laks_.[1973] Dost, Lord-of-the-gate was sent for a time to Biana, but a -few days later it was bestowed on Madhi Khwaja with a fixed allowance of -70 _laks_,[1974] and he was given leave to go there. - -Tatar Khan _Sarang-khani_, who was in Gualiar, had been sending -constantly to assure us of his obedience and good-wishes. After the -pagan took Kandar and was close to Biana, Dharmankat, one of the Gualiar -rajas, and another pagan styled Khan-i-jahan, went into the Gualiar -neighbourhood and, coveting the fort, began to stir trouble and tumult. -Tatar Khan, thus placed in difficulty, was for surrendering Gualiar (to -us). Most of our begs, household and best braves being away with -(Humayun's) army or on various raids, we joined to Rahim-dad [Sidenote: -Fol. 304b.] a few Bhira men and Lahoris with Hastachi[1975] _tunqitar_ -and his brethren. We assigned _parganas_ in Gualiar itself to all those -mentioned above. Mulla Apaq and Shaikh Guran (G'huran) went also with -them, they to return after Rahim-dad was established in Gualiar. By the -time they were near Gualiar however, Tatar Khan's views had changed, and -he did not invite them into the fort. Meantime Shaikh Muhammad _Ghaus_ -(Helper), a darwish-like man, not only very learned but with a large -following of students and disciples, sent from inside the fort to say to -Rahim-dad, "Get yourselves into the fort somehow, for the views of this -person (Tatar Khan) have changed, and he has evil in his mind." Hearing -this, Rahim-dad sent to say to Tatar Khan, "There is danger from the -Pagan to those outside; let me bring a few men into the fort and let the -rest stay outside." Under insistence, Tatar Khan agreed to this, and -Rahim-dad went in with rather few men. Said he, "Let our people stay -near this Gate," posted them near the Hati-pul (Elephant-gate) and -through that Gate during that same night brought in the whole of his -troop. Next day, Tatar Khan, reduced to helplessness, willy-nilly, made -over the fort, and set out to come and wait on me in Agra. A subsistence -allowance of 20 _laks_ was assigned to him on Bianwan _pargana_.[1976] - -[Sidenote: Fol. 305.] Muhammad _Zaitun_ also took the only course open -to him by surrendering Dulpur and coming to wait on me. A _pargana_ -worth a few _laks_ was bestowed on him. Dulpur was made a royal domain -(_khalsa_) with Abu'l-fath _Turkman_[1977] as its military-collector -(_shiqdar_). - -In the Hisar-firuza neighbourhood Hamid Khan _Sarang-khani_ with a body -of his own Afghans and of the Pani Afghans he had collected--from 3 to -4,000 in all--was in a hostile and troublesome attitude. On Wednesday the -15th Safar (Nov. 21st) we appointed against him Chin-timur Sl. -(_Chaghatai_) with the commanders Secretary Ahmadi, Abu'l-fath -_Turkman_, Malik Dad _Kararani_[1978] and Mujahid Khan of Multan. These -going, fell suddenly on him from a distance, beat his Afghans well, -killed a mass of them and sent in many heads. - - -(_e. Embassy from Persia._) - -In the last days of Safar, Khwajagi Asad who had been sent to Shah-zada -Tahmasp[1979] in 'Iraq, returned with a Turkman named Sulaiman who -amongst other gifts brought two Circassian girls (_qizlar_). - - -(_f. Attempt to poison Babur._) - -(_Dec. 21st_) On Friday the 16th of the first Rabi' a strange event -occurred which was detailed in a letter written to Kabul. That letter is -inserted here just as it was written, without addition or taking-away, -and is as follows:--[1980] - -"The details of the momentous event of Friday the 16th of the first -Rabi' in the date 933 [Dec. 21st 1526 AD.] are as follows:--The -ill-omened old woman[1981] Ibrahim's mother heard [Sidenote: Fol. 305b.] -that I ate things from the hands of Hindustanis--the thing being that -three or four months earlier, as I had not seen Hindustani dishes, I had -ordered Ibrahim's cooks to be brought and out of 50 or 60 had kept four. -Of this she heard, sent to Atawa (Etawa) for Ahmad the _chashnigir_--in -Hindustan they call a taster (_bakawal_) a _chashnigir_--and, having got -him,[1982] gave a _tula_ of poison, wrapped in a square of paper,--as has -been mentioned a _tula_ is rather more than 2 _misqals_[1983]--into the -hand of a slave-woman who was to give it to him. That poison Ahmad gave -to the Hindustani cooks in our kitchen, promising them four _parganas_ -if they would get it somehow into the food. Following the first -slave-woman that ill-omened old woman sent a second to see if the first -did or did not give the poison she had received to Ahmad. Well was it -that Ahmad put the poison not into the cooking-pot but on a dish! He did -not put it into the pot because I had strictly ordered the tasters to -compel any Hindustanis who were present while food was cooking in the -pots, to taste that food.[1984] Our graceless tasters were neglectful -when the food _(ash_) was being dished up. Thin slices of bread were put -on a porcelain dish; on these less than half of the paper packet of -poison was sprinkled, and over this buttered [Sidenote: Fol. 306.] -fritters were laid. It would have been bad if the poison had been strewn -on the fritters or thrown into the pot. In his confusion, the man threw -the larger half into the fire-place." - -"On Friday, late after the Afternoon Prayer, when the cooked meats were -set out, I ate a good deal of a dish of hare and also much fried carrot, -took a few mouthfuls of the poisoned Hindustani food without noticing -any unpleasant flavour, took also a mouthful or two of dried-meat -(_qaq_). Then I felt sick. As some dried meat eaten on the previous day -had had an unpleasant taste, I thought my nausea due to the dried-meat. -Again and again my heart rose; after retching two or three times I was -near vomiting on the table-cloth. At last I saw it would not do, got up, -went retching every moment of the way to the water-closet (_ab-khana_) -and on reaching it vomited much. Never had I vomited after food, used -not to do so indeed while drinking. I became suspicious; I had the cooks -put in ward and ordered some of the vomit given to a dog and the dog to -be watched. It was somewhat out-of-sorts near the first watch of the -next day; its belly was swollen and however much people threw stones at -it and turned it over, it did not get up. In that state it remained till -mid-day; it then got up; it did not die. [Sidenote: Fol. 306b.] One or -two of the braves who also had eaten of that dish, vomited a good deal -next day; one was in a very bad state. In the end all escaped. -(_Persian_) 'An evil arrived but happily passed on!' God gave me -new-birth! I am coming from that other world; I am born today of my -mother; I was sick; I live; through God, I know today the worth of -life!"[1985] - -"I ordered Pay-master Sl. Muhammad to watch the cook; when he was taken -for torture (_qin_), he related the above particulars one after -another." - -"Monday being Court-day, I ordered the grandees and notables, amirs and -wazirs to be present and that those two men and two women should be -brought and questioned. They there related the particulars of the -affair. That taster I had cut in pieces, that cook skinned alive; one of -those women I had thrown under an elephant, the other shot with a -match-lock. The old woman (_bua_) I had kept under guard; she will meet -her doom, the captive of her own act."[1986] - -"On Saturday I drank a bowl of milk, on Sunday _'araq_ in which -stamped-clay was dissolved.[1987] On Monday I drank milk in which were -dissolved stamped-clay and the best theriac,[1988] a strong purge. As on -the first day, Saturday, something very dark like parched bile was -voided." - -"Thanks be to God! no harm has been done. Till now I had not known so -well how sweet a thing life can seem! As the line has it, 'He who has -been near to death knows the worth of life.' Spite of myself, I am all -upset whenever the dreadful [Sidenote: Fol. 307.] occurrence comes back -to my mind. It must have been God's favour gave me life anew; with what -words can I thank him?" - -"Although the terror of the occurrence was too great for words, I have -written all that happened, with detail and circumstance, because I said -to myself, 'Don't let their hearts be kept in anxiety!' Thanks be to -God! there may be other days yet to see! All has passed off well and for -good; have no fear or anxiety in your minds." - -"This was written on Tuesday the 20th of the first Rabi', I being then -in the Char-bagh." - -When we were free from the anxiety of these occurrences, the above -letter was written and sent to Kabul. - - -(_g. Dealings with Ibrahim's family._) - -As this great crime had raised its head through that ill-omened old -woman (_bua-i-bad-bakht_), she was given over to Yunas-i-'ali and -Khwajagi Asad who after taking her money and goods, slaves and -slave-women (_daduk_), made her over for careful watch to 'Abdu'r-rahim -_shaghawal_.[1989] Her grandson, Ibrahim's son had been cared for with -much respect and delicacy, but as the attempt on my life had been made, -clearly, by that family, it did not seem advisable to keep him in Agra; -he was joined therefore to Mulla Sarsan--who had come from Kamran on -important business--and was started off with the Mulla to Kamran on -Thursday Rabi' I. 29th (Jan. 3rd 1527 AD.).[1990] - - -(_h. Humayun's campaign._) - -[Sidenote: Fol. 307b.] Humayun, acting against the Eastern rebels[1991] -took Juna-pur (_sic_), went swiftly against Nasir Khan (_Nuhani_) in -Ghazi-pur and found that he had gone across the Gang-river, presumably -on news* of Humayun's approach. From Ghazi-pur Humayun went against -Kharid[1992] but the Afghans of the place had crossed the Saru-water -(Gogra) presumably on the news* of his coming. Kharid was plundered and -the army turned back. - -Humayun, in accordance with my arrangements, left Shah Mir Husain and -Sl. Junaid with a body of effective braves in Juna-pur, posted Qazi Jia -with them, and placed Shaikh Bayazid [_Farmuli_] in Aude (Oude). These -important matters settled, he crossed Gang from near Karrah-Manikpur and -took the Kalpi road. When he came opposite Kalpi, in which was Jalal -Khan _Jik-hat's_ (son) 'Alam Khan who had sent me dutiful letters but -had not waited on me himself, he sent some-one to chase fear from 'Alam -Khan's heart and so brought him along (to Agra). - -Humayun arrived and waited on me in the Garden of Eight-paradises[1993] -on Sunday the 3rd of the 2nd Rabi' (Jan. 6th 1527 AD.). On the same day -Khwaja Dost-i-khawand arrived from Kabul. - - -(_i. Rana Sanga's approach._)[1994] - -Meantime Mahdi Khwaja's people began to come in, treading on one -another's heels and saying, "The Rana's advance is certain. Hasan Khan -_Miwati_ is heard of also as likely to join him. They must be thought -about above all else. It would favour our fortune, if a troop came ahead -of the army to reinforce Biana." [Sidenote: Fol. 308.] - -Deciding to get to horse, we sent on, to ride light to Biana, the -commanders Muhammad Sl. Mirza, Yunas-i-'ali, Shah Mansur _Barlas_, Kitta -Beg, Qismati[1995] and Bujka. - -In the fight with Ibrahim, Hasan Khan _Miwati's_ son Nahar Khan had -fallen into our hands; we had kept him as an hostage and, ostensibly on -his account, his father had been making comings-and-goings with us, -constantly asking for him. It now occurred to several people that if -Hasan Khan were conciliated by sending him his son, he would thereby be -the more favourably disposed and his waiting on me might be the better -brought about. Accordingly Nahar Khan was dressed in a robe of honour; -promises were made to him for his father, and he was given leave to go. -That hypocritical mannikin [Hasan Khan] must have waited just till his -son had leave from me to go, for on hearing of this and while his son as -yet had not joined him, he came out of Alur (Alwar) and at once joined -Rana Sanga in Toda(bhim, Agra District). It must have been ill-judged to -let his son go just then. - -Meantime much rain was falling; parties were frequent; even Humayun was -present at them and, abhorrent though it was to him, sinned[1996] every -few days. - - -(_j. Tramontane affairs._) - -One of the strange events in these days of respite[1997] was this:--When -Humayun was coming from Fort Victory. (Qila'-i-zafar) to join the -Hindustan army, (Muh. 932 AH.-Oct. 1525 AD.) [Sidenote: Fol. 308b.] -Mulla Baba of Pashaghar (_Chaghatai_) and his younger brother Baba -Shaikh deserted on the way, and went to Kitin-qara Sl. (_Auzbeg_), into -whose hands Balkh had fallen through the enfeeblement of its -garrison.[1998] This hollow mannikin and his younger brother having -taken the labours of this side (Cis-Balkh?) on their own necks, come -into the neighbourhood of Aibak, Khurram and Sar-bagh.[1999] - -Shah Sikandar--his footing in Ghuri lost through the surrender of -Balkh--is about to make over that fort to the Auzbeg, when Mulla Baba and -Baba Shaikh, coming with a few Auzbegs, take possession of it. Mir -Hamah, as his fort is close by, has no help for it; he is for submitting -to the Auzbeg, but a few days later Mulla Baba and Baba Shaikh come with -a few Auzbegs to Mir Hamah's fort, purposing to make the Mir and his -troop march out and to take them towards Balkh. Mir Hamah makes Baba -Shaikh dismount inside the fort, and gives the rest felt huts (_autaq_) -here and there. He slashes at Baba Shaikh, puts him and some others in -bonds, and sends a man galloping off to Tingri-birdi (_Quchin_, in -Qunduz). Tingri-birdi sends off Yar-i-'ali and 'Abdu'l-latif with a few -effective braves, but before they reach Mir Hamah's fort, Mulla Baba has -arrived there with his Auzbegs; he had thought of a hand-to-hand fight -(_aurush-murush_), but he can do nothing. Mir Hamah and his men joined -Tingri-birdi's and came to Qunduz. Baba Shaikh's wound must have been -severe; they cut his head off and Mir Hamah brought [Sidenote: Fol. -309.] it (to Agra) in these same days of respite. I uplifted his head -with favour and kindness, distinguishing him amongst his fellows and -equals. When Baqi _shaghawal_ went [to Balkh][2000] I promised him a -_ser_ of gold for the head of each of the ill-conditioned old couple; -one _ser_ of gold was now given to Mir Hamah for Baba Shaikh's head, -over and above the favours referred to above.[2001] - - -(_k. Action of part of the Biana reinforcement._) - -Qismati who had ridden light for Biana, brought back several heads he -had cut off; when he and Bujka had gone with a few braves to get news, -they had beaten two of the Pagan's scouting-parties and had made 70 to -80 prisoners. Qismati brought news that Hasan Khan _Miwati_ really had -joined Rana Sanga. - - -(_l. Trial-test of the large mortar of f. 302._) - -(_Feb. 10th_) On Sunday the 8th of the month (Jumada I.), I went to see -Ustad 'Ali-quli discharge stones from that large mortar of his in -casting which the stone-chamber was without defect and which he had -completed afterwards by casting the powder-compartment. It was -discharged at the Afternoon Prayer; the throw of the stone was 1600 -paces. A gift was made to the Master of a sword-belt, robe of honour, -and _tipuchaq_ (horse). - - -(_m. Babur leaves Agra against Rana Sanga._) - -(_Feb. 11th_) On Monday the 9th of the first Jumada, we got out of the -suburbs of Agra, on our journey (_safar_) for the Holy War, and -dismounted in the open country, where we remained three or four days to -collect our army and be its rallying-point.[2002] As little confidence -was placed in Hindustani people, the Hindustan amirs were inscribed for -expeditions to this or to that side:--'Alam Khan (_Tahangari_) was sent -hastily to Gualiar to [Sidenote: Fol. 309b.] reinforce Rahim-dad; Makan, -Qasim Beg _Sanbali_ (_Sambhali_), Hamid with his elder and younger -brethren and Muhammad _Zaitun_ were inscribed to go swiftly to Sanbal. - - -(_n. Defeat of the advance-force._) - -Into this same camp came the news that owing to Rana Sanga's swift -advance with all his army,[2003] our scouts were able neither to get -into the fort (Biana) themselves nor to send news into it. The Biana -garrison made a rather incautious sally too far out; the enemy fell on -them in some force and put them to rout.[2004] There Sangur Khan -_Janjuha_ became a martyr. Kitta Beg had galloped into the pell-mell -without his cuirass; he got one pagan afoot (_yayaglatib_) and was -overcoming him, when the pagan snatched a sword from one of Kitta Beg's -own servants and slashed the Beg across the shoulder. Kitta Beg suffered -great pain; he could not come into the Holy-battle with Rana Sanga, was -long in recovering and always remained blemished. - -Whether because they were themselves afraid, or whether to frighten -others is not known but Qismati, Shah Mansur _Barlas_ and all from Biana -praised and lauded the fierceness and valour of the pagan army. - -Qasim Master-of-the-horse was sent from the starting-ground (_safar -qilghan yurt_) with his spadesmen, to dig many wells where the army was -next to dismount in the Madhakur _pargana_. - -(_Feb. 16th_) Marching out of Agra on Saturday the 14th of the first -Jumada, dismount was made where the wells had been [Sidenote: Fol. 310.] -dug. We marched on next day. It crossed my mind that the well-watered -ground for a large camp was at Sikri.[2005] It being possible that the -Pagan was encamped there and in possession of the water, we arrayed -precisely, in right, left and centre. As Qismati and Darwish-i-muhammad -_Sarban_ in their comings and goings had seen and got to know all sides -of Biana, they were sent ahead to look for camping-ground on the bank of -the Sikri-lake (_kul_). When we reached the (Madhakur) camp, persons -were sent galloping off to tell Mahdi Khwaja and the Biana garrison to -join me without delay. Humayun's servant Beg Mirak _Mughul_ was sent out -with a few braves to get news of the Pagan. They started that night, and -next morning brought word that he was heard of as having arrived and -dismounted at a place one _kuroh_ (2 miles) on our side (_ailkarak_) of -Basawar.[2006] On this same day Mahdi Khwaja and Muhammad Sl. Mirza -rejoined us with the troops that had ridden light to Biana. - - -(_o. Discomfiture of a reconnoitring party._) - -The begs were appointed in turns for scouting-duty. When it was -'Abdu'l-'aziz's turn, he went out of Sikri, looking neither before nor -behind, right out along the road to Kanwa which is 5 _kuroh_ (10 m.) -away. The Rana must have been marching forward; he heard of our men's -moving out in their reinless (_jalau-siz_) way, and made 4 or 5,000 of -his own fall suddenly on them. With 'Abdu'l-'aziz and Mulla Apaq may -have been 1000 to 1500 men; they took no stock of their opponents but -just [Sidenote: Fol. 310b.] got to grips; they were hurried off at once, -many of them being made prisoner. - -On news of this, we despatched Khalifa's Muhibb-i-'ali with Khalifa's -retainers. Mulla Husain and some others _aubruqsubruq_[2007]* were sent -to support them,[2008] and Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_ also. Presumably it -was before the arrival of this first, Muhibb-i-'ali's, reinforcement -that the Pagan had hurried off 'Abdu'l-'aziz and his men, taken his -standard, martyred Mulla Ni'mat, Mulla Daud and the younger brother -of Mulla Apaq, with several more. Directly the reinforcement -arrived the pagans overcame Tahir-tibri, the maternal uncle of -Khalifa's Muhibb-i-'ali, who had not got up with the hurrying -reinforcement[?].[2009] Meantime Muhibb-i-'ali even had been thrown -down, but Baltu getting in from the rear, brought him out. The enemy -pursued for over a _kuroh_ (2 m.), stopped however at the sight of the -black mass of Muh. 'Ali _Jang-jang's_ troops. - -Foot upon foot news came that the foe had come near and nearer. We put -on our armour and our horses' mail, took our arms and, ordering the -carts to be dragged after us, rode out at the gallop. We advanced one -_kuroh_. The foe must have turned aside. - - -(_p. Babur fortifies his camp._) - -For the sake of water, we dismounted with a large lake (_kul_) on one -side of us. Our front was defended by carts chained together*, the space -between each two, across which the chains stretched, being 7 or 8 _qari_ -(_circa_ yards). Mustafa _Rumi_ had [Sidenote: Fol. 311.] had the carts -made in the Rumi way, excellent carts, very strong and suitable.[2010] -As Ustad 'Ali-quli was jealous of him, Mustafa was posted to the right, -in front of Humayun. Where the carts did not reach to, Khurasani and -Hindustani spadesmen and miners were made to dig a ditch. - -Owing to the Pagan's rapid advance, to the fighting-work in Biana and to -the praise and laud of the pagans made by Shah Mansur, Qismati and the -rest from Biana, people in the army shewed sign of want of heart. On the -top of all this came the defeat of 'Abdu'l-'aziz. In order to hearten -our men, and give a look of strength to the army, the camp was defended -and shut in where there were no carts, by stretching ropes of raw hide -on wooden tripods, set 7 or 8 _qari_ apart. Time had drawn out to 20 or -25 days before these appliances and materials were fully ready.[2011] - - -(_q. A reinforcement from Kabul._) - -Just at this time there arrived from Kabul Qasim-i-husain Sl. (_Auzbeg -Shaiban_) who is the son of a daughter of Sl. Husain M. (_Bai-qara_), -and with him Ahmad-i-yusuf (_Aughlaqchi_), Qawwam-i-aurdu Shah and also -several single friends of mine, counting up in all to 500 men. Muhammad -Sharif, the astrologer of ill-augury, came with them too, so did Baba -Dost the water-bearer (_suchi_) who, having gone to Kabul for wine, had -there [Sidenote: Fol. 311b.] loaded three strings of camels with -acceptable Ghazni wines. - -At a time such as this, when, as has been mentioned, the army was -anxious and afraid by reason of past occurrences and vicissitudes, wild -words and opinions, this Muhammad Sharif, the ill-augurer, though he had -not a helpful word to say to me, kept insisting to all he met, "Mars is -in the west in these days;[2012] who comes into the fight from this -(east) side will be defeated." Timid people who questioned the -ill-augurer, became the more shattered in heart. We gave no ear to his -wild words, made no change in our operations, but got ready in earnest -for the fight. - -(_Feb. 24th_) On Sunday the 22nd (of Jumada 1.) Shaikh Jamal was sent to -collect all available quiver-wearers from between the two waters (Ganges -and Jumna) and from Dihli, so that with this force he might over-run and -plunder the Miwat villages, leaving nothing undone which could awaken -the enemy's anxiety for that side. Mulla Tark-i-'ali, then on his way -from Kabul, was ordered to join Shaikh Jamal and to neglect nothing of -ruin and plunder in Miwat; orders to the same purport were given also to -Maghfur the Diwan. They went; they over-ran and raided a few villages in -lonely corners (_bujqaq_); they took some prisoners; but their passage -through did not arouse much anxiety! - - -(_r. Babur renounces wine._) - -On Monday the 23rd of the first Jumada (Feb. 25th), when [Sidenote: Fol. -312.] I went out riding, I reflected, as I rode, that the wish to cease -from sin had been always in my mind, and that my forbidden acts had set -lasting stain upon my heart. Said I, "Oh! my soul!" - - (_Persian_) "How long wilt thou draw savour from sin? - Repentance is not without savour, taste it!"[2013] - - (_Turki_) Through years how many has sin defiled thee? - How much of peace has transgression given thee? - How much hast thou been thy passions' slave? - How much of thy life flung away? - - With the Ghazi's resolve since now thou hast marched, - Thou hast looked thine own death in the face! - Who resolves to hold stubbornly fast to the death, - Thou knowest what change he attains, - - That far he removes him from all things forbidden, - That from all his offences he cleanses himself. - With my own gain before me, I vowed to obey, - In this my transgression,[2014] the drinking - of wine.[2015] - - The flagons and cups of silver and gold, the vessels - of feasting, - I had them all brought; - I had them all broken up[2016] then and there. - Thus eased I my heart by renouncement of wine. - -The fragments of the gold and silver vessels were shared out to -deserving persons and to darwishes. The first to agree in renouncing -wine was 'Asas;[2017] he had already agreed also about leaving his beard -untrimmed.[2018] That night and next day some [Sidenote: Fol. 312b.] 300 -begs and persons of the household, soldiers and not soldiers, renounced -wine. What wine we had with us was poured on the ground; what Baba Dost -had brought was ordered salted to make vinegar. At the place where the -wine was poured upon the ground, a well was ordered to be dug, built up -with stone and having an almshouse beside it. It was already finished in -Muharram 935 (AH.-Sep. 1528 AD.) at the time I went to Sikri from Dulpur -on my way back from visiting Gualiar. - - -(_s. Remission of a due._) - -I had vowed already that, if I gained the victory over Sanga the pagan, -I would remit the _tamgha_[2019] to all Musalmans. Of this vow -Darwish-i-muhammad _Sarban_ and Shaikh Zain reminded me at the time I -renounced wine. Said I, "You do well to remind me." - -*_The tamgha_ was remitted to all Musalmans of the dominions I -held.[2020] I sent for the clerks (_munshilar_), and ordered them to -write for their news-letters (_akhbar_) the _farman_ concerning the two -important acts that had been done. Shaikh Zain wrote the _farman_ with -his own elegance (_inshasi bila_) and his fine letter (_insha_) was sent -to all my dominions. It is as follows:--[2021] - - -FARMAN ANNOUNCING BABUR'S RENUNCIATION OF WINE.[2022] - -[2023] _Let us praise the Long-suffering One who loveth the penitent and -who loveth the cleansers of themselves; and let thanks be rendered to -the Gracious One who absolveth His debtors, and forgiveth those who seek -forgiveness. Blessings be upon Muhammad the Crown of Creatures, on the -Holy family, on the pure Companions_, and on the mirrors of the glorious -congregation, to wit, the Masters of Wisdom who are treasure-houses of -the pearls of purity and who bear the impress of the sparkling jewels of -this purport:--that the nature of man is prone to evil, and that the -abandonment of sinful appetites is only feasible by Divine aid -[Sidenote: Fol. 313.] and the help that cometh from on high. "_Every -soul is prone unto evil_,"[2024] (and again) "_This is the bounty of -God_; _He will give the same unto whom He pleaseth_; _and God is endued -with great bounty_."[2025] - -Our motive for these remarks and for repeating these statements is that, -by reason of human frailty, of the customs of kings and of the great, -all of us, from the Shah to the sipahi, in the heyday of our youth, have -transgressed and done what we ought not to have done. After some days of -sorrow and repentance, we abandoned evil practices one by one, and the -gates of retrogression became closed. But the renunciation of wine, the -greatest and most indispensable of renunciations, remained under a veil -in the chamber of deeds _pledged to appear in due season_, and did not -show its countenance until the glorious hour when we had put on the garb -of the holy warrior and had encamped with the army of Islam over against -the infidels in order to slay them. On this occasion I received a secret -inspiration and heard an infallible voice say "_Is not the time yet come -unto those who believe, that their hearts should humbly submit to the -admonition of God, and that truth which hath been revealed?_"[2026] -Thereupon we set ourselves to extirpate the things of wickedness, and we -earnestly knocked at the gates of repentance. The Guide of Help assisted -us, according to the saying "_Whoever knocks and re-knocks, to him it -will be opened_", and an order was given that with the Holy War there -should [Sidenote: Fol. 313b.] begin the still greater war which has to -be waged against sensuality. In short, we declared with sincerity that -_we would subjugate our passions_, and I engraved on the tablet of my -heart "_I turn unto Thee with repentance, and I am the first of true -believers_".[2027] And I made public the resolution to abstain from -wine, which had been hidden in the treasury of my breast. The victorious -servants, in accordance with the illustrious order, dashed upon the -earth of contempt and destruction the flagons and the cups, and the -other utensils in gold and silver, which in their number and their -brilliance were like the stars of the firmament. They dashed them in -pieces, as, God willing! soon will be dashed the gods of the -idolaters,--and they distributed the fragments among the poor and needy. -By the blessing of this acceptable repentance, many of the courtiers, by -virtue of the saying that _men follow the religion of their kings_, -embraced abstinence at the same assemblage, and entirely renounced the -use of wine, and up till now crowds of our subjects hourly attain this -auspicious happiness. I hope that in accordance with the saying "_He who -incites to good deeds has the same reward as he who does them_" the -benefit of this action will react on the royal fortune and increase it -day by day by victories. - -After carrying out this design an universal decree was issued that in -the imperial dominions--May God protect them from [Sidenote: Fol. 314.] -every danger and calamity--no-one shall partake of strong drink, or -engage in its manufacture, nor sell it, nor buy it or possess it, nor -convey it or fetch it. "_Beware of touching it._" "_Perchance this will -give you prosperity._"[2028] - -In thanks for these great victories,[2029] and as a thank-offering for -God's acceptance of repentance and sorrow, the ocean of the royal -munificence became commoved, and those waves of kindness, which are the -cause of the civilization of the world and of the glory of the sons of -Adam, were displayed,--and throughout all the territories the tax -(_tamgha_) on Musalmans was abolished,--though its yield was more than -the dreams of avarice, and though it had been established and maintained -by former rulers,--for it is a practice outside of the edicts of the -Prince of Apostles (Muhammad). So a decree was passed that in no city, -town, road, ferry, pass, or port, should the tax be levied or exacted. -No alteration whatsoever of this order is to be permitted. "_Whoever -after hearing it makes any change therein, the sin of such change will -be upon him._"[2030] - -The proper course (_sabil_) for all who shelter under the shade of the -royal benevolence, whether they be Turk, Tajik, 'Arab, Hindi, or Farsi -(Persian), peasants or soldiers, of every nation or tribe of the sons -of Adam, is to strengthen themselves by the tenets of religion, and to -be full of hope and prayer for the dynasty which is linked with -eternity, and to adhere to these ordinances, and not in any way to -transgress them. It behoves all to act according to this _farman_; they -are to accept it as authentic when it comes attested by the Sign-Manual. - -Written by order of the Exalted one,--May his excellence endure for ever! -on the 24th of Jumada I. 933 (February 26th 1527). - - -(_t. Alarm in Babur's camp._) - -[Sidenote: Fol. 314b.] In these days, as has been mentioned, (our -people) great and small, had been made very anxious and timid by past -occurrences. No manly word or brave counsel was heard from any one -soever. What bold speech was there from the wazirs who are to speak out -(_diguchi_), or from the amirs who will devour the land -(_wilayat-yighuchi_)?[2031] None had advice to give, none a bold plan of -his own to expound. Khalifa (however) did well in this campaign, -neglecting nothing of control and supervision, painstaking and -diligence. - -At length after I had made enquiry concerning people's want of heart and -had seen their slackness for myself, a plan occurred to me; I summoned -all the begs and braves and said to them, "Begs and braves! - - (_Persian_) Who comes into the world will die; - What lasts and lives will be God. - - (_Turki_) He who hath entered the assembly of life, - Drinketh at last of the cup of death. - - He who hath come to the inn of life, - Passeth at last from Earth's house of woe. - -"Better than life with a bad name, is death with a good one. - - (_Persian_) Well is it with me, if I die with good name! - A good name must I have, since the body is death's.[2032] - -"God the Most High has allotted to us such happiness and has created for -us such good-fortune that we die as martyrs, we kill as avengers of His -cause. Therefore must each of you take oath [Sidenote: Fol. 315.] upon -His Holy Word that he will not think of turning his face from this foe, -or withdraw from this deadly encounter so long as life is not rent from -his body." All those present, beg and retainer, great and small, took -the Holy Book joyfully into their hands and made vow and compact to this -purport. The plan was perfect; it worked admirably for those near and -afar, for seers and hearers, for friend and foe. - - -(_u. Babur's perilous position._) - -In those same days trouble and disturbance arose on every side:--Husain -Khan _Nuhani_ went and took Rapri; Qutb Khan's man took Chandwar[2033]; -a mannikin called Rustam Khan who had collected quiver-wearers from -Between-the-two-waters (Ganges and Jamna), took Kul (Koel) and made -Kichik 'Ali prisoner; Khwaja Zahid abandoned Sambal and went off; Sl. -Muhammad _Duldai_ came from Qanuj to me; the Gualiar pagans laid siege -to that fort; 'Alam Khan when sent to reinforce it, did not go to -Gualiar but to his own district. Every day bad news came from every -side. Desertion of many Hindustanis set in; Haibat Khan -_Karg-andaz_[2034] deserted and went to Sambal; Hasan Khan of Bari -deserted and joined the Pagan. We gave attention to none of them but -went straight on with our own affair. - - -(_v. Babur advances to fight._) - -The apparatus and appliances, the carts and wheeled tripods being ready, -we arrayed in right, left and centre, and marched forward on New Year's -Day,[2035] Tuesday, the 9th of the second [Sidenote: Fol. 315b.] Jumada -(March 13th), having the carts[2036] and wheeled tripods moving in -front of us, with Ustad 'Ali-quli and all the matchlock-men ranged -behind them in order that these men, being on foot, should not be left -behind the array but should advance with it. - -When the various divisions, right, left and centre, had gone each to its -place, I galloped from one to another to give encouragement to begs, -braves, and _sipahis_. After each man had had assigned to him his post -and usual work with his company, we advanced, marshalled on the plan -determined, for as much as one _kuroh_ (2 m.)[2037] and then dismounted. - -The Pagan's men, for their part, were on the alert; they came from their -side, one company after another. - -The camp was laid out and strongly protected by ditch and carts. As we -did not intend to fight that day, we sent a few unmailed braves ahead, -who were to get to grips with the enemy and thus take an omen. They made -a few pagans prisoner, cut off and brought in their heads. Malik Qasim -also cut off and brought in a few heads; he did well. By these successes -the hearts of our men became very strong. - -When we marched on next day, I had it in my mind to fight, but Khalifa -and other well-wishers represented that the camping-ground previously -decided on was near and that it would favour our fortunes if we had a -ditch and defences made there and went there direct. Khalifa accordingly -rode off to get [Sidenote: Fol. 316.] the ditch dug; he settled its -position with the spades-men, appointed overseers of the work and -returned to us. (_w. The battle of Kanwa._)[2038] - -On Saturday the 13th of the second Jumada (March 17th, 1527 AD.) we had -the carts dragged in front of us (as before), made a _kuroh_ (2 m.) of -road, arrayed in right, left and centre, and dismounted on the ground -selected. - -A few tents had been set up; a few were in setting up when news of the -appearance of the enemy was brought. Mounting instantly, I ordered every -man to his post and that our array should be protected with the -carts.[2039] - -*As the following Letter-of-victory (_Fath-nama_) which is what Shaikh -Zain had indited, makes known particulars about the army of Islam, the -great host of the pagans with the position of their arrayed ranks, and -the encounters had between them and the army of Islam, it is inserted -here without addition or deduction.[2040] - - -SHAIKH ZAIN'S LETTER-OF-VICTORY. - - -(_a. Introduction._) - -_Praise be to God the Faithful Promiser, the Helper of His servants, the -Supporter of His armies, the Scatterer of hostile hosts, the One alone -without whom there is nothing._ [Sidenote: Fol. 316b.] - -_O Thou the Exalter of the pillars of Islam, Helper of thy faithful -minister, Overthrower of the pedestals of idols, Overcomer of rebellious -foes, Exterminator to the uttermost of the followers of darkness!_ - -_Lauds be to God the Lord of the worlds, and may the blessing of God be -upon the best of His creatures Muhammad, Lord of ghazis and champions of -the Faith, and upon his companions, the pointers of the way, until the -Day of judgment._ - -The successive gifts of the Almighty are the cause of frequent praises -and thanksgivings, and the number of these praises and thanksgivings is, -in its turn, the cause of the constant succession of God's mercies. For -every mercy a thanksgiving is due, and every thanksgiving is followed by -a mercy. To render full thanks is beyond men's power; the mightiest are -helpless to discharge their obligations. Above all, adequate thanks -cannot be rendered for a benefit than which none is greater in the world -and nothing is more blessed, in the world to come, to wit, victory over -most powerful infidels and dominion over wealthiest heretics, "_these -are the unbelievers_, _the wicked_."[2041] In the eyes of the judicious, -no blessing can be greater than this. Thanks be to God! that this great -blessing and mighty boon, which from the cradle until now has been the -real object of this right-thinking mind (Babur's), has now manifested -itself by the graciousness of the King of the worlds; the Opener who -dispenses his treasures without awaiting solicitation, hath opened them -with a master-key before our victorious Nawab (Babur),[2042] so that the -names of our[2043] conquering heroes have been emblazoned in the records -of glorious _ghazis_. By the help of our victorious soldiers the -[Sidenote: Fol. 317.] standards of Islam have been raised to the highest -pinnacles. The account of this auspicious fortune is as follows:-- - - -(_b. Rana Sanga and his forces._) - -When the flashing-swords of our Islam-guarded soldiers had illuminated -the land of Hindustan with rays of victory and conquest, as has been -recorded in former letters-of-victory,[2044] the Divine favour caused -our standards to be upreared in the territories of Dihli, Agra, Jun-pur, -Kharid,[2045] Bihar, _etc._, when many chiefs, both pagans and -Muhammadans submitted to our generals and shewed sincere obedience to -our fortunate Nawab. But Rana Sanga the pagan who in earlier times -breathed submissive to the Nawab,[2046] now _was puffed up with pride -and became of the number of unbelievers_.[2047] Satan-like he threw back -his head and collected an army of accursed heretics, thus gathering a -rabble-rout of whom some wore the accursed torque (_tauq_), the -_zinar_,[2048] on the neck, some had in the skirt the calamitous thorn -of apostacy.[2049] Previous to the rising in Hindustan of the Sun of -dominion and the emergence there of the light of the Shahanshah's -Khalifate [_i.e._ Babur's] the authority of that execrated pagan -(Sanga)--_at the Judgment Day he shall have no friend_,[2050] was such -that not one of all the exalted sovereigns of this wide realm, such as -the Sultan of Dihli, the [Sidenote: Fol. 317b.] Sultan of Gujrat and the -Sultan of Mandu, could cope with this evil-dispositioned one, without -the help of other pagans; one and all they cajoled him and temporized -with him; and he had this authority although the rajas and rais of high -degree, who obeyed him in this battle, and the governors and commanders -who were amongst his followers in this conflict, had not obeyed him in -any earlier fight or, out of regard to their own dignity, been friendly -with him. Infidel standards dominated some 200 towns in the territories -of Islam; in them mosques and shrines fell into ruin; from them the -wives and children of the Faithful were carried away captive. So greatly -had his forces grown that, according to the Hindu calculation by which -one _lak_ of revenue should yield 100 horsemen, and one _krur_ of -revenue, 10,000 horsemen, the territories subject to the Pagan (Sanga) -yielding 10 _krurs_, should yield him 100,000 horse. Many noted pagans -who hitherto had not helped him in battle, now swelled his ranks out of -hostility to the people of Islam. Ten powerful chiefs, each the leader -of a pagan host, uprose in rebellion, as smoke rises, and linked -themselves, as though [Sidenote: Fol. 318.] enchained, to that perverse -one (Sanga); and this infidel decade who, unlike the blessed ten,[2051] -uplifted misery-freighted standards which _denounce unto them -excruciating punishment_,[2052] had many dependants, and troops, and -wide-extended lands. As, for instance, Salahu'd-din[2053] had territory -yielding 30,000 horse, Rawal Udai Singh of Bagar had 12,000, Medini Rai -had 12,000, Hasan Khan of Miwat had 12,000, Bar-mal of Idr had 4,000, -Narpat Hara had 7,000, Satrvi of Kach (Cutch) had 6,000, Dharm-deo had -4,000, Bir-sing-deo had 4,000, and Mahmud Khan, son of Sl. Sikandar, to -whom, though he possessed neither district nor _pargana_, 10,000 horse -had gathered in hope of his attaining supremacy. Thus, according to the -calculation of Hind, 201,000 was the total of those sundered from -salvation. In brief, that haughty pagan, inwardly blind, and hardened of -heart, having joined with other pagans, dark-fated and doomed to -perdition, advanced to contend with the followers of Islam and to -destroy the foundations of the law of the Prince of Men (Muhammad), on -whom be God's blessing! The protagonists of the royal forces fell, like -divine destiny, on that one-eyed Dajjal[2054] who, to understanding men, -shewed the truth of the saying, _When Fate arrives, the eye becomes -blind_, and, setting before their eyes the scripture which saith, -_Whosoever striveth to promote the true religion, striveth for the good -of his own soul_,[2055] [Sidenote: Fol. 318b.] they acted on the precept -to which obedience is due, _Fight against infidels and hypocrites_. - - -(_c. Military movements._) - -(_March 17th, 1527_) On Saturday the 13th day of the second Jumada of -the date 933, a day blessed by the words, _God hath blessed your -Saturday_, the army of Islam was encamped near the village of Kanwa, a -dependency of Biana, hard by a hill which was 2 _kurohs_ (4 m.) from the -enemies of the Faith. When those accursed infidel foes of Muhammad's -religion heard the reverberation of the armies of Islam, they arrayed -their ill-starred forces and moved forward with one heart, relying on -their mountain-like, demon-shaped elephants, as had relied the Lords of -the Elephant[2056] who went to overthrow the sanctuary (_ka'ba_) of -Islam. - - "Having these elephants, the wretched Hindus - Became proud, like the Lords of the Elephant; - Yet were they odious and vile as is the evening of death, - Blacker[2057] than night, outnumbering the stars, - All such as fire is[2058] but their heads upraised - In hate, as rises its smoke in the azure sky, - Ant-like they come from right and from left, - Thousands and thousands of horse and foot." - -They advanced towards the victorious encampment, intending [Sidenote: -Fol. 319.] to give battle. The holy warriors of Islam, trees in the -garden of valour, moved forward in ranks straight as serried pines and, -like pines uplift their crests to heaven, uplifting their helmet-crests -which shone even as shine the hearts of those _that strive in the way of -the Lord_; their array was like Alexander's iron-wall,[2059] and, as is -the way of the Prophet's Law, straight and firm and strong, _as though -they were a well-compacted building_;[2060] and they became fortunate -and successful in accordance with the saying, _They are directed by -their Lord, and they shall prosper_.[2061] - - In that array no rent was frayed by timid souls; - Firm was it as the Shahanshah's resolve, strong as the Faith; - Their standards brushed against the sky; - _Verily we have granted thee certain victory_.[2062] - -Obeying the cautions of prudence, we imitated the _ghazis_ of Rum[2063] -by posting matchlockmen (_tufanchian_) and cannoneers (_ra'd-andazan_) -along the line of carts which were chained to one another in front of -us; in fact, Islam's army was so arrayed and so steadfast that primal -Intelligence[2064] and the firmament (_'aql-i-pir u charkh-i-asir_) -applauded the marshalling thereof. To effect this arrangement and -organization, Nizamu'd-din 'Ali Khalifa, the pillar of the Imperial -fortune, exerted himself strenuously; his efforts were in accord with -Destiny, and were approved by his sovereign's luminous judgment. - - -(_d. Commanders of the centre._) - -His Majesty's post was in the centre. In the right-hand of the centre -were stationed the illustrious and most upright [Sidenote: Fol. 319b.] -brother, the beloved friend of Destiny, the favoured of Him whose aid is -entreated (_i.e._ God), Chin-timur Sultan,[2065]--the illustrious son, -accepted in the sight of the revered Allah, Sulaiman Shah,[2066]--the -reservoir of sanctity, the way-shower, Khwaja Kamalu'd-din -(Perfect-in-the Faith) Dost-i-khawand,--the trusted of the sultanate, the -abider near the sublime threshold, the close companion, the cream of -associates, Kamalu'd-din Yunas-i-'ali,--the pillar of royal retainers, -the perfect in friendship, Jalalu'd-din (Glory-of-the-Faith) Shah Mansur -_Barlas_,--the pillar of royal retainers, most excellent of servants, -Nizamu'd-din (Upholder-of-the-Faith) Darwish-i-muhammad _Sarban_,--the -pillars of royal retainers, the sincere in fidelity, Shihabu'd-din -(Meteor-of-the-Faith) 'Abdu'l-lah the librarian and Nizamu'd-din Dost -Lord-of-the-Gate. - -In the left-hand of the centre took each his post, the reservoir of -sovereignty, ally of the Khalifate, object of royal favour, Sultan -'Ala'u'd-din 'Alam Khan son of Sl. Bahlul _Ludi_,--the intimate of -illustrious Majesty, the high priest (_dastur_) of _sadrs_ amongst men, -the refuge of all people, the pillar of Islam, Shaikh Zain of -Khawaf,[2067]--the pillar of the nobility, Kamalu'd-din Muhibb-i-'ali, -son of the intimate counsellor named above (_i.e._ Khalifa),--the pillar -of royal retainers, Nizamu'd-din Tardi Beg brother of Quj (son of) -Ahmad, whom God hath taken into His mercy,--Shirafgan [Sidenote: Fol. -320.] son of the above-named Quj Beg deceased,--the pillar of great ones, -the mighty khan, Araish Khan,[2068]--the wazir, greatest of wazirs -amongst men, Khwaja Kamalu'd-din Husain,--and a number of other -attendants at Court (_diwanian_). - - -(_e. Commanders of the right wing._) - -In the right wing was the exalted son, honourable and fortunate, the -befriended of Destiny, the Star of the Sign of sovereignty and success, -Sun of the sphere of the Khalifate, lauded of slave and free, Muhammad -Humayun Bahadur. On that exalted prince's right hand there were, one -whose rank approximates to royalty and who is distinguished by the -favour of the royal giver of gifts, Qasim-i-husain Sultan,--the pillar of -the nobility Nizamu'd-din Ahmad-i-yusuf _Aughlaqchi_,[2069]--the trusted -of royalty, most excellent of servants, Jalalu'd-din Hindu Beg -_quchin_,[2070]--the trusted of royalty, perfect in loyalty, Jalalu'd-din -Khusrau Kukuldash,--the trusted of royalty, Qawam (var. Qiyam) Beg -_Aurdu-shah_,--the pillar of royal retainers, of perfect sincerity, Wali -_Qara-quzi_ the treasurer,[2071]--the pillar of royal retainers, -Nizamu'd-din Pir-quli of Sistan,--the pillar of wazirs, Khwaja -Kamalu'd-din _pahlawan_ (champion) of Badakhshan,--the pillar of royal -retainers, 'Abdu'l-shakur,--the pillar of the nobility, most excellent of -servants, the envoy from 'Iraq Sulaiman Aqa,--and Husain Aqa the envoy -from Sistan. On [Sidenote: Fol. 320b.] the victory-crowned left of the -fortunate son already named there were, the sayyid of lofty birth, of -the family of Murtiza ('Ali), Mir Hama (or Hama),--the pillar of royal -retainers, the perfect in sincerity, Shamsu'd-din Muhammadi Kukuldash -and Nizamu'd-din Khwajagi Asad _jan-dar_.[2072] In the right wing there -were, of the amirs of Hind,--the pillar of the State, the Khan-of-Khans, -Dilawar Khan,[2073]--the pillar of the nobility, Malik Dad -_Kararani_,--and the pillar of the nobility, the Shaikh-of-shaikhs, -Shaikh Guran, each standing in his appointed place. - - -(_f. Commanders of the left wing._) - -In the left wing of the armies of Islam there extended their ranks,--the -lord of lofty lineage, the refuge of those in authority, the ornament of -the family of _Ta Ha_ and _Ya Sin_,[2074] the model for the descendants -of the prince of ambassadors (Muhammad), Sayyid Mahdi Khwaja,--the -exalted and fortunate brother, the well-regarded of his Majesty, -Muhammad Sl. Mirza,[2075]--the personage approximating to royalty, the -descended of monarchs, 'Adil Sultan son of Mahdi Sultan,[2076]--the -trusted in the State, perfect in attachment, 'Abdu'l-'aziz Master of the -Horse,--the trusted in the State, the pure in friendship, Shamsu'd-din -Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_,[2077]--the pillar of royal retainers, -Jalalu'd-din Qutluq-qadam _qarawal_ (scout),--the pillar of royal -retainers, the perfect in sincerity, Jalalu'd-din Shah Husain _yaragi -Mughul Ghanchi_(?),[2078]--and Nizamu'd-din Jan-i-muhammad _Beg Ataka_. - -Of amirs of Hind there were in this division, the scions of sultans, -Kamal Khan and Jamal Khan sons of the Sl. 'Ala'u'd-din [Sidenote: Fol. -321.] above-mentioned,--the most excellent officer 'Ali Khan Shaikh-zada -of Farmul,--and the pillar of the nobility, Nizam Khan of Biana. - - -(_g. The flanking parties._) - -For the flank-movement (_tulghama_) of the right wing there were posted -two of the most trusted of the household retainers, Tardika[2079] and -Malik Qasim the brother of Baba Qashqa, with a body of Mughuls; for the -flank-movement of the left wing were the two trusted chiefs Mumin Ataka -and Rustam _Turkman_, leading a body of special troops. - - -(_h. The Chief of the Staff._) - -The pillar of royal retainers, the perfect in loyalty, the cream of -privy-counsellors, Nizamu'd-din Sultan Muhammad _Bakhshi_, after posting -the _ghazis_ of Islam, came to receive the royal commands. He despatched -adjutants (_tawachi_) and messengers (_yasawal_) in various directions -to convey imperative orders concerning the marshalling of the troops to -the great sultans and amirs. And when the Commanders had taken up their -positions, an imperative order was given that none should quit his post -or, uncommanded, stretch forth his arm to fight. - - -(_i. The battle._) - -One watch[2080] of the afore-mentioned day had elapsed when the opposing -forces approached each other and the battle began. As Light opposes -Darkness, so did the centres of the two [Sidenote: Fol. 321b.] armies -oppose one another. Fighting began on the right and left wings, such -fighting as shook the Earth and filled highest Heaven with clangour. - -The left wing of the ill-fated pagans advanced against the right wing of -the Faith-garbed troops of Islam and charged down on Khusrau Kukuldash -and Baba Qashqa's brother Malik Qasim. The most glorious and most -upright brother Chin-timur Sultan, obeying orders, went to reinforce -them and, engaging in the conflict with bold attack, bore the pagans -back almost to the rear of their centre. Guerdon was made for the -brother's glorious fame.[2081] The marvel of the Age, Mustafa of Rum, -had his post in the centre (of the right wing) where was the exalted -son, upright and fortunate, the object of the favourable regard of -Creative Majesty (_i.e._ God), the one _distinguished by the particular -grace of the mighty Sovereign who commands to do and not to do_ (_i.e._ -Babur), Muhammad Humayun Bahadur. This Mustafa of Rum had the carts -(_arabaha_)[2082] brought forward and broke the ranks of pagans with -matchlock and culverin dark like their hearts(?).[2083] In the thick of -the fight, the most glorious brother Qasim-i-husain Sultan and the -pillars of royal retainers, Nizamu'd-din Ahmad-i-yusuf and Qawam Beg, -obeying orders, hastened to their help. And since band after band of -pagan troops followed each other to help their men, so we, in our turn, -sent the trusted in the State, the glory of the Faith, Hindu Beg, and, -after him, the pillars of the nobility, Muhammadi Kukuldash and Khwajagi -Asad _jan-dar_, and, after them, the trusted in [Sidenote: Fol. 322.] -the State, the trustworthy in the resplendent Court, the most -confided-in of nobles, the elect of confidential servants, Yunas-i-'ali, -together with the pillar of the nobility, the perfect in friendship, -Shah Mansur _Barlas_ and the pillar of the grandees, the pure in -fidelity, 'Abdu'l-lah the librarian, and after these, the pillar of the -nobles, Dost the Lord-of-the-Gate, and Muhammad Khalil the master-gelder -(_akhta-begi_).[2084] - -The pagan right wing made repeated and desperate attack on the left wing -of the army of Islam, falling furiously on the holy warriors, possessors -of salvation, but each time was made to turn back or, smitten with the -arrows of victory, was _made to descend into Hell, the house of -perdition; they shall be thrown to burn therein, and an unhappy dwelling -shall it be_.[2085] Then the trusty amongst the nobles, Mumin Ataka and -Rustam _Turkman_ betook themselves to the rear[2086] of the host of -darkened pagans; and to help them were sent the Commanders Khwaja Mahmud -and 'Ali Ataka, servants of him who amongst the royal retainers is near -the throne, the trusted of the Sultanate, Nizamu'd-din 'Ali Khalifa. - -Our high-born brother[2087] Muhammad Sl. Mirza, and the representative -of royal dignity, 'Adil Sultan, and the trusted in the State, the -strengthener of the Faith, 'Abdu'l-'aziz, the Master of the Horse, and -the glory of the Faith, Qutluq-qadam _qarawal_, and the meteor of the -Faith, Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_, and the pillar of royal retainers, -Shah Husain _yaragi Mughul Ghanchi_(?) stretched out the arm to fight -and stood firm. To support them we sent the _Dastur_, the highest of -wazirs, Khwaja [Sidenote: Fol. 322b.] Kamalu'd-din Husain with a body of -_diwanis_.[2088] Every holy warrior was eager to show his zeal, entering -the fight with desperate joy as if approving the verse, _Say, Do you -expect any other should befall us than one of the two most excellent -things, victory or martyrdom?_[2089] and, with display of life-devotion, -uplifted the standard of life-sacrifice. - -As the conflict and battle lasted long, an imperative order was issued -that the special royal corps (_tabinan-i-khasa-i-padshahi_)[2090] who, -heroes of one hue,[2091] were standing, like tigers enchained, behind -the carts,[2092] should go out on the right and the left of the -centre,[2093] leaving the matchlockmen's post in-between, and join -battle on both sides. As the True Dawn emerges from its cleft in the -horizon, so they emerged from behind the carts; they poured a ruddy -crepuscule of the blood of those ill-fated pagans on the nadir of the -Heavens, that battle-field; they made fall from the firmament of -existence many heads of the headstrong, as stars fall from the firmament -of heaven. The marvel of the Age, Ustad 'Ali-quli, who with his own -appurtenances stood in front of the centre, did deeds of valour, -discharging against the iron-mantled forts of the infidels[2094] stones -of such size that were (one) put into a scale of the Balance in which -actions are weighed, that _scale shall be heavy with good works and he_ -(_i.e._ its owner) _shall lead a pleasing life_[2095]; and were such -stones discharged against a hill, broad of base and high of summit, it -would _become like carded wool_.[2096] Such stones Ustad 'Ali-quli -discharged at the iron-clad fortress of the pagan ranks and by this -discharge of stones, and abundance of culverins and matchlocks(?)[2097] -destroyed many of the builded bodies of the [Sidenote: Fol. 323.] -pagans. The matchlockmen of the royal centre, in obedience to orders, -going from behind the carts into the midst of the battle, each one of -them made many a pagan taste of the poison of death. The foot-soldiers, -going into a most dangerous place, made their names to be blazoned -amongst those of the forest-tigers (_i.e._ heroes) of valour and the -champions in the field of manly deeds. Just at this time came an order -from his Majesty the Khaqan that the carts of the centre should be -advanced; and the gracious royal soul (_i.e._ Babur) moved towards the -pagan soldiers, Victory and Fortune on his right, Prestige and Conquest -on his left. On witnessing this event, the victorious troops followed -from all sides; the whole surging ocean of the army rose in mighty -waves; the courage of all the crocodiles[2098] of that ocean was -manifested by the strength of their deeds; an obscuring cloud of dust -o'erspread the sky(?). The dust that gathered over the battle-field was -traversed by the lightning-flashes of the sword; the Sun's face was -shorn of light as is a mirror's back; the striker and the struck, the -victor and the vanquished were commingled, all distinction between them -lost. The Wizard of Time produced such a night that its only planets -were arrows,[2099] its only constellations of fixed stars were the -steadfast squadrons. - - Upon that day of battle sank and rose - Blood to the Fish and dust-clouds to the Moon, - While through the horse-hoofs on that spacious plain, - [Sidenote: Fol. 323b.] - One Earth flew up to make another Heaven.[2100] - -At the moment when the holy warriors were heedlessly flinging away -their lives, they heard a secret voice say, _Be not dismayed, neither be -grieved, for, if ye believe, ye shall be exalted above the -unbelievers_,[2101] and from the infallible Informer heard the joyful -words, _Assistance is from God, and a speedy victory! And do thou bear -glad tidings to true believers._[2102] Then they fought with such -delight that the plaudits of the saints of the Holy Assembly reached -them and the angels from near the Throne, fluttered round their heads -like moths. Between the first and second Prayers, there was such blaze -of combat that the flames thereof raised standards above the heavens, -and the right and left of the army of Islam rolled back the left and -right of the doomed infidels in one mass upon their centre. - -When signs were manifest of the victory of the Strivers and of the -up-rearing of the standards of Islam, those accursed infidels and wicked -unbelievers remained for one hour confounded. At length, their hearts -abandoning life, they fell upon the right and left of our centre. Their -attack on the left was the more vigorous and there they approached -furthest, but the holy warriors, their minds set on the reward, planted -shoots (_nihal_) of arrows in the field of the breast of each one of -them, and, such being their gloomy fate, overthrew them. In this state -of affairs, the breezes of victory and fortune blew over the meadow of -our [Sidenote: Fol. 324.] happy Nawab, and brought the good news, -_Verily we have granted thee a manifest victory_.[2103] And Victory the -beautiful woman (_shahid_) whose world-adornment of waving tresses was -embellished by _God will aid you with a mighty aid_,[2104] bestowed on -us the good fortune that had been hidden behind a veil, and made it a -reality. The absurd (_batil_) Hindus, knowing their position perilous, -_dispersed like carded wool before the wind_, and _like moths scattered -abroad_.[2105] Many fell dead on the field of battle; others, desisting -from fighting, fled to the desert of exile and became the food of crows -and kites. Mounds were made of the bodies of the slain, pillars of their -heads. - - -(_j. Hindu chiefs killed in the battle._) - -Hasan Khan of Miwat was enrolled in the list of the dead by the force of -a matchlock (_zarb-i-tufak_); most of those headstrong chiefs of tribes -were slain likewise, and ended their days by arrow and matchlock (_tir u -tufak_). Of their number was Rawal Udi Singh of Bagar,[2106] ruler -(_wali_) of the Dungarpur country, who had 12,000 horse, Rai Chandraban -_Chuhan_ who had 4,000 horse, Bhupat Rao son of that Salahu'd-din -already mentioned, who was lord of Chandiri and had 6,000 horse, -Manik-chand _Chuhan_ and Dilpat Rao who had each 4,000 horse, Kanku (or -Gangu) and Karm Singh and Dankusi(?)[2107] who had each 3,000 horse, and -a number of others, each one of whom was leader of a great [Sidenote: -Fol. 324b.] command, a splendid and magnificent chieftain. All these -trod the road to Hell, removing from this house of clay to the pit of -perdition. The enemy's country (_daru'l-harb_) was full, as Hell is -full, of wounded who had died on the road. The lowest pit was gorged -with miscreants who had surrendered their souls to the lord of Hell. In -whatever direction one from the army of Islam hastened, he found -everywhere a self-willed one dead; whatever march the illustrious camp -made in the wake of the fugitives, it found no foot-space without its -prostrate foe. - - All the Hindus slain, abject (_khwar_, var. _zar_) and mean, - By matchlock-stones, like the Elephants' lords,[2108] - Many hills of their bodies were seen, - And from each hill a fount of running blood. - Dreading the arrows of (our) splendid ranks, - Passed[2109] they in flight to each waste and hill. - -They turn their backs. The command of God is to be performed. Now praise -be to God, All-hearing and All-wise, for victory is from God alone, the -Mighty, the Wise.[2110] Written Jumada II. 25th 933 (AH.-March 29th 1527 -A.D.).[2111] - - -MINOR SEQUELS OF VICTORY. - -(_a. Babur assumes the title of Ghazi._) - -After this success _Ghazi_ (Victor in a Holy-war) was written amongst -the royal titles. - -Below the titles (_tughra_)[2112] entered on the _Fath-nama_, I wrote -the following quatrain:--[2113] - - For Islam's sake, I wandered in the wilds, - Prepared for war with pagans and Hindus, - Resolved myself to meet the martyr's death. [Sidenote: Fol. 325.] - Thanks be to God! a _ghazi_ I became. - -(_b. Chronograms of the victory._) - -Shaikh Zain had found (_tapib aidi_) the words -_Fath-i-padshah-i-islam_[2114] (Victory of the Padshah of the Faith) to -be a chronogram of the victory. Mir Gesu, one of the people come from -Kabul, had also found these same words to be a chronogram, had composed -them in a quatrain and sent this to me. It was a coincidence that Shaikh -Zain and Mir Gesu should bring forward precisely the same words in the -quatrains they composed to embellish their discoveries.[2115] Once -before when Shaikh Zain found the date of the victory at Dibalpur in the -words _Wasat-i-shahr Rabi'u'l-awwal_[2116] (Middle of the month Rabi' -I.), Mir Gesu had found it in the very same words. - - -HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED. - -(_a. After the victory._) - -The foes beaten, we hurried them off, dismounting one after another. The -Pagan's encirclement[2117] may have been 2 _kurohs_ from our camp -(_aurdu_); when we reached his camp (_aurdu_), we sent Muhammadi, -'Abdu'l-'aziz, 'Ali Khan and some others in pursuit of him. There was a -little slackness;[2118] I ought to have gone myself, and not have left -the matter to what I expected from other people. When I had gone as much -as a _kuroh_ (2 m.) beyond the Pagan's camp, I turned back because it -was late in the day; I came to our camp at the Bed-time Prayer. - -With what ill-omened words Muhammad Sharif the astrologer had fretted -me! Yet he came at once to congratulate me! I emptied my inwards[2119] -in abuse of him, but, spite of his being heathenish, ill-omened of -speech, extremely self-satisfied, and a most disagreeable person, I -bestowed a _lak_ upon him because there had been deserving service from -him in former times, and, [Sidenote: Fol. 325b.] after saying he was not -to stay in my dominions, I gave him leave to go. - - -(_b. Suppression of a rebellion._) - -(_March 17th_) We remained next day (_Jumada II. 14th_) on that -same ground. Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_ and Shaikh Guran and -'Abdu'l-malik[2120] the armourer were sent off with a dense (_qalin_) -army against Ilias Khan who, having rebelled in Between-the-two-waters -(Ganges and Jumna), had taken Kul (Koel) and made Kichik 'Ali -prisoner.[2121] He could not fight when they came up; his force -scattered in all directions; he himself was taken a few days later and -brought into Agra where I had him flayed alive. - - -(_c. A trophy of victory._) - -An order was given to set up a pillar of pagan heads on the infant-hill -(_koh-bacha_) between which and our camp the battle had been fought. - - -(_d. Biana visited._) - -(_March 20th_) Marching on from that ground, and after halting on two -nights, we reached Biana (_Sunday_, _Jumada II. 17th_). Countless -numbers of the bodies of pagans and apostates[2122] who had fallen in -their flight, lay on the road as far as Biana, indeed as far as Alur and -Miwat.[2123] - - -(_e. Discussion of plans._) - -On our return to camp, I summoned the Turk amirs and the amirs of Hind -to a consultation about moving into the Pagan (Sanga)'s country; the -plan was given up because of the little water and much heat on the road. - - -(_f. Miwat._) - -Near Dihli lies the Miwat country which yields revenue of 3 or 4 -_krurs_.[2124] Hasan Khan _Miwati_[2125] and his ancestors one after -another had ruled it with absolute sway for a hundred years or two. They -must have made[2126] imperfect submission to the Dihli Sultans; the -Sultans of Hind,[2127] whether because their [Sidenote: Fol. 326.] own -dominions were wide, or because their opportunity was narrow, or because -of the Miwat hill-country,[2128] did not turn in the Miwat direction, -did not establish order in it, but just put up with this amount of -(imperfect) submission. For our own part, we did after the fashion of -earlier Sultans; having conquered Hind, we shewed favour to Hasan Khan, -but that thankless and heathenish apostate disregarded our kindness and -benefits, was not grateful for favour and promotion, but became the -mover of all disturbance and the cause of all misdoing. - -When, as has been mentioned, we abandoned the plan (against Rana Sanga), -we moved to subdue Miwat. Having made 4 night-halts on the way, we -dismounted on the bank of the Manas-ni[2129] 6 _kurohs_ (12 m.) from -Alur, the present seat of government in Miwat. Hasan Khan and his -forefathers must have had their seat[2130] in Tijara, but when I turned -towards Hindustan, beat Pahar (or Bihar) Khan and took Lahor and -Dibalpur (930 AH.-1524 AD.), he bethought himself betimes and busied -himself for a residence (_'imarat_) in Fort Alur (Alwar). - -His trusted man, Karm-chand by name, who had come from him to me in Agra -when his son (Nahar _i.e._ Tiger) was with me there,[2131] came now from -that son's presence in Alur and asked [Sidenote: Fol. 326b.] for peace. -'Abdu'r-rahim _shaghawal_ went with him to Alur, conveying letters of -royal favour, and returned bringing Nahar Khan who was restored to -favour and received _parganas_ worth several _laks_ for his support. - - -(_g. Rewards to officers._) - -Thinking, "What good work Khusrau did in the battle!" I named him for -Alur and gave him 50 _laks_ for his support, but unluckily for himself, -he put on airs and did not accept this. Later on it [_khwud_, itself] -came to be known that Chin-timur must have done[2132] that work; guerdon -was made him for his renown(?);[2133] Tijara-town, the seat of -government in Miwat, was bestowed on him together with an allowance of -50 _laks_ for his support. - -Alur and an allowance of 15 _laks_ was bestowed on Tardika (or, Tardi -_yakka_) who in the flanking-party of the right-hand (_qul_) had done -better than the rest. The contents of the Alur treasury were bestowed on -Humayun. - - -(_h. Alwar visited._) - -(_April 13th_) Marching from that camp on Wednesday the 1st of the month -of Rajab, we came to within 2 _kurohs_ (4 m.) of Alur. I went to see the -fort, there spent the night, and next day went back to camp. - - -(_i. Leave given to various followers._) - -When the oath before-mentioned[2134] was given to great and small before -the Holy-battle with Rana Sanga, it had been mentioned[2135] that there -would be nothing to hinder leave after [Sidenote: Fol. 327.] this -victory, and that leave would be given to anyone wishing to go away -(from Hindustan). Most of Humayun's men were from Badakhshan or -elsewhere on that side (of Hindu-kush); they had never before been of an -army led out for even a month or two; there had been weakness amongst -them before the fight; on these accounts and also because Kabul was -empty of troops, it was now decided to give Humayun leave for Kabul. - -(_April 11th_) Leaving the matter at this, we marched from Alur on -Thursday the 9th of Rajab, did 4 or 5 _kurohs_ (8-10 m.) and dismounted -on the bank of the Manas-water. - -Mahdi Khwaja also had many discomforts; he too was given leave for -Kabul. The military-collectorate of Biana [he held] was bestowed on Dost -Lord-of-the-gate, and, as previously Etawa had been named for Mahdi -Khwaja,[2136] Mahdi Khwaja's son Ja'far Khwaja was sent there in his -father's place when (later) Qutb Khan abandoned it and went off.[2137] - - -(_j. Despatch of the Letter-of-victory._) - -Because of the leave given to Humayun, two or three days were spent on -this ground. From it Mumin-i-'ali the messenger (_tawachi_) was sent off -for Kabul with the _Fath-nama_. - - -(_k. Excursions and return to Agra._) - -Praise had been heard of the Firuzpur-spring and of the great lake of -Kutila.[2138] Leaving the camp on that same ground, I rode out on Sunday -(_Rajab 12th-April 14th_) both to visit [Sidenote: Fol. 327b.] these -places and to set Humayun on his way. After visiting Firuzpur and its -spring on that same day, _ma'jun_ was eaten. In the valley where the -spring rises, oleanders (_kanir_) were in bloom; the place is not -without charm but is over-praised. I ordered a reservoir of hewn stone, -10 by 10[2139] to be made where the water widened, spent the night in -that valley, next day rode on and visited the Kutila lake. It is -surrounded by mountain-skirts. The Manas-ni is heard-say to go into -it.[2140] It is a very large lake, from its one side the other side is -not well seen. In the middle of it is rising ground. At its sides are -many small boats, by going off in which the villagers living near it are -said to escape from any tumult or disturbance. Even on our arrival a few -people went in them to the middle of the lake. - -On our way back from the lake, we dismounted in Humayun's camp. There we -rested and ate food, and after having put robes of honour on him and his -begs, bade him farewell at the Bed-time Prayer, and rode on. We slept -for a little at some place on the road, at shoot of day passed through -the _pargana_ of Khari, again slept a little, and at length got to our -camp which had dismounted at Toda-(bhim).[2141] After leaving Toda, we -dismounted at Sunkar; there Hasan Khan _Miwati's_ son [Sidenote: Fol. -328.] Nahar Khan escaped from 'Abdu'r-rahim's charge. - -Going on from that place, we halted one night, then dismounted at a -spring situated on the bill of a mountain between Busawar and -Chausa[2142] (or Jusa); there awnings were set up and we committed the -sin of _ma'jun_. When the army had passed by this spring, Tardi Beg -_khaksar_ had praised it; he (or we) had come and seen it from on -horse-back (_sar-asbgi_) and passed on. It is a perfect spring. In -Hindustan where there are never running-waters,[2143] people seek out -the springs themselves. The rare springs that are found, come oozing -drop by drop (_ab-zih_) out of the ground, not bubbling up like springs -of those lands.[2144] From this spring comes about a half-mill-water. It -bubbles up on the hill-skirt; meadows lie round it; it is very -beautiful. I ordered an octagonal reservoir of hewn stone made -above[2145] it. While we were at the border of the spring, under the -soothing influence of _ma'jun_, Tardi Beg, contending for its surpassing -beauty, said again and again, (_Persian_) "Since I am celebrating the -beauty of the place,[2146] a name ought to be settled for it". -'Abdu'l-lah said, "It must be called the Royal-spring approved of by -Tardi Beg." This saying caused much joke and laughter. - -Dost Lord-of-the-gate coming up from Biana, waited on me at this -spring-head. Leaving this place, we visited Biana again, [Sidenote: Fol. -328b.] went on to Sikri, dismounted there at the side of a garden which -had been ordered made, stayed two days supervising the garden, and on -Thursday the 23rd of Rajab (_April 25th_), reached Agra. - - -(_l. Chandwar and Rapri regained._) - -During recent disturbances, the enemy, as has been mentioned,[2147] had -possessed themselves of Chandwar[2148] and Rapri. Against those places -we now sent Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_, Quj Beg's (brother) Tardi Beg, -'Abdu'l-malik the armourer, and Hasan Khan with his Darya-khanis. When -they were near Chandwar, Qutb Khan's people in it got out and away. Our -men laid hands on it, and passed on to Rapri. Here Husain Khan -_Nuhani's_ people came to the lane-end[2149] thinking to fight a little, -could not stand the attack of our men, and took to flight. Husain Khan -himself with a few followers went into the Jun-river (Jumna) on an -elephant and was drowned. Qutb Khan, for his part, abandoned Etawa on -hearing these news, fled with a few and got away. Etawa having been -named for Mahdi Khwaja, his son Ja'far Khwaja was sent there in his -place.[2150] - - -(_m. Apportionment of fiefs._) - -When Rana Sanga sallied out against us, most Hindustanis and Afghans, as -has been mentioned,[2151] turned round against us and took possession of -their _parganas_ and districts.[2152] - -Sl. Muhammad _Duldai_ who had abandoned Qanuj and come [Sidenote: Fol. -329.] to me, would not agree to go there again, whether from fear or for -his reputation's sake; he therefore exchanged the 30 _laks_ of Qanuj for -the 15 of Sihrind, and Qanuj was bestowed with an allowance of 30 _laks_ -on Muhammad Sl. Mirza. Badaun[2153] was given to Qasim-i-husain Sultan -and he was sent against Biban who had laid siege to Luknur[2154] during -the disturbance with Rana Sanga, together with Muhammad Sl. Mirza, and, -of Turk amirs, Baba Qashqa's Malik Qasim with his elder and younger -brethren and his Mughuls, and Abu'l-muhammad the lance-player, and -Mu'yad with his father's Darya-khanis and those of Husain Khan -_Darya-khani_ and the retainers of Sl. Muhammad _Duldai_, and again, of -amirs of Hind, 'Ali Khan _Farmuli_ and Malik Dad _Kararani_ and Shaikh -Muhammad of Shaikh _Bhakhari_(?) and Tatar Khan Khan-i-jahan. - -At the time this army was crossing the Gang-river (Ganges), Biban, -hearing about it, fled, abandoning his baggage. Our army followed him to -Khairabad,[2155] stayed there a few days and then turned back. - - -(_n. Appointments and dispersion for the Rains._) - -After the treasure had been shared out,[2156] Rana Sanga's great affair -intervened before districts and _parganas_ were apportioned. During the -respite now from Holy-war against the Pagan (Sanga), this apportionment -was made. As the Rains were near, it was settled for every-one to go to -his _pargana_, get equipment [Sidenote: Fol. 329b.] ready, and be -present when the Rains were over. - - -(_o. Misconduct of Humayun._) - -Meantime news came that Humayun had gone into Dihli, there opened -several treasure-houses and, without permission, taken possession of -their contents. I had never looked for such a thing from him; it grieved -me very much; I wrote and sent off to him very severe reproaches.[2157] - - -(_p. An embassy to 'Iraq._) - -Khwajagi Asad who had already gone as envoy to 'Iraq and returned with -Sulaiman _Turkman_,[2158] was again joined with him and on the 15th of -Sha'ban (_May 17th_) sent with befitting gifts to Shah-zada Tahmasp. - - -(_q. Tardi Beg khaksar resigns service._) - -I had brought Tardi Beg out from the darwish-life and made a soldier of -him; for how many years had he served me! Now his desire for the -darwish-life was overmastering and he asked for leave. It was given and -he was sent as an envoy to Kamran conveying 3 _laks_ from the Treasury -for him.[2159] - - -(_r. Lines addressed to deserting friends._) - -A little fragment[2160] had been composed suiting the state of those who -had gone away during the past year; I now addressed it to Mulla 'Ali -Khan and sent it to him by Tardi Beg. It is as follows:--[2161] - - Ah you who have gone from this country of Hind, - [Sidenote: Fol. 330.] Aware for yourselves of its woe and its pain, - With longing desire for Kabul's fine air, - You went hot-foot forth out of Hind. - The pleasure you looked for you will have found there - With sociable ease and charm and delight; - As for us, God be thanked! we still are alive, - In spite of much pain and unending distress; - Pleasures of sense and bodily toil - Have been passed-by by you, passed-by too by us. - - -(_s. Of the Ramzan Feast._) - -Ramzan was spent this year with ablution and _tarawih_[2162] in the -Garden-of-eight-paradises. Since my 11th year I had not kept the Ramzan -Feast for two successive years in the same place; last year I had kept -it in Agra; this year, saying, "Don't break the rule!" I went on the -last day of the month to keep it in Sikri. Tents were set up on a stone -platform made on the n.e. side of the Garden-of-victory which is now -being laid out at Sikri, and in them the Feast was held.[2163] - - -(_t. Playing cards._) - -The night we left Agra Mir 'Ali the armourer was sent to Shah Hasan -(_Arghun_) in Tatta to take him playing-cards [_ganjifa_] he much liked -and had asked for.[2164] - - -(_u. Illness and a tour._) - -(_August 3rd_) On Sunday the 5th of Zu'l-qa'da I fell ill; the illness -lasted 17 days. - -(_August 24th_) On Friday the 24th of the same month we set out to visit -Dulpur. That night I slept at a place half-way; [Sidenote: Fol. 330b.] -reached Sikandar's dam[2165] at dawn, and dismounted there. - -At the end of the hill below the dam the rock is of building-stone. I -had Ustad Shah Muhammad the stone-cutter brought and gave him an order -that if a house could be cut all in one piece in that rock, it was to be -done, but that if the rock were too low for a residence (_'imarat_), it -was to be levelled and have a reservoir, all in one piece, cut out of -it. - -From Dulpur we went on to visit Bari. Next morning (_August 26th_) I -rode out from Bari through the hills between it and the Chambal-river in -order to view the river. This done I went back to Bari. In these hills -we saw the ebony-tree, the fruit of which people call _tindu_. It is -said that there are white ebony-trees also and that most ebony-trees in -these hills are of this kind.[2166] On leaving Bari we went to Sikri; we -reached Agra on the 29th of the same month (_August 28th_). - - -(_v. Doubts about Shaikh Bayazid Farmuli._) - -As in these days people were telling wild news about Shaikh Bayazid, Sl. -Quli _Turk_ was sent to him to give him tryst[2167] in 20 days. - - -(_w. Religious and metrical exercises._) - -(_August 28th_) On Friday the 2nd of Zu'l-hijja I began what one is made -to read 41 times.[2168] - -In these same days I cut up [_taqti'_] the following couplet of mine -into 504 measures[2169]:-- - - "Shall I tell of her eye or her brow, her fire or her speech? - Shall I tell of her stature or cheek, of her hair or her waist?" - -On this account a treatise[2170] was arranged. - - -(_x. Return of illness._) - -[Sidenote: Fol. 331.] On this day (_i.e._ 2nd Zu'l-hijja) I fell ill -again; the illness lasted nine days. - - -(_y. Start for Sambal._) - -(_Sep. 24th_) On Thursday the 29th of Zu'l-hijja we rode out for an -excursion to Kul and Sambal. - - -934 AH.-SEP. 27TH 1527 TO SEP. 15TH 1528 AD.[2171] - - -(_a. Visit to Kul (Aligarh) and Sambal._) - -(_Sep. 27th_) On Saturday the 1st of Muharram we dismounted in Kul -(Koel). Humayun had left Darwish(-i-'ali) and Yusuf-i-'ali[2172] in -Sambal; they crossed one river,[2173] fought Qutb _Sirwani_[2174] and a -party of rajas, beat them well and killed a mass of men. They sent a few -heads and an elephant into Kul while we were there. After we had gone -about Kul for two days, we dismounted at Shaikh Guran's house by his -invitation, where he entertained us hospitably and laid an offering -before us. - -(_Sep. 30th-Muh. 4th_) Riding on from that place, we dismounted at -Autruli (Atrauli).[2175] - -(_Oct. 1st-Muh. 5th_) On Wednesday we crossed the river Gang (Ganges) -and spent the night in villages of Sambal. - -(_Oct. 2nd-Muh. 6th_) On Thursday we dismounted in Sambal. After going -about in it for two days, we left on Saturday. - -(_Oct. 5th-Muh. 9th_) On Sunday we dismounted in Sikandara[2176] - -at the house of Rao _Sirwani_ who set food before us and served us. -When we rode out at dawn, I made some pretext to leave the rest, and -galloped on alone to within a _kuroh_ of Agra where they overtook me. At -the Mid-day Prayer we dismounted in Agra. - - -(_b. Illness of Babur._) - -(_Oct. 12th_) On Sunday the 16th of Muharram I had fever and ague. This -returned again and again during the next 25 or 26 days. I drank -operative medicine and at last relief came. I suffered much from thirst -and want of sleep. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 331b.] While I was ill, I composed a quatrain or two; -here is one of them:--[2177] - - Fever grows strong in my body by day, - Sleep quits my eyes as night comes on; - Like to my pain and my patience the pair, - For while that goes waxing, this wanes. - - -(_c. Arrival of kinswomen._) - -(_Nov. 23rd_) On Saturday the 28th of Safar there arrived two of the -paternal-aunt begims, Fakhr-i-jahan Begim and Khadija-sultan -Begim.[2178] I went to above Sikandarabad to wait on them.[2179] - - -(_d. Concerning a mortar._) - -(_Nov. 24th-Safar 29th_) On Sunday Ustad 'Ali-quli discharged a stone -from a large mortar; the stone went far but the mortar broke in pieces, -one of which, knocking down a party of men, killed eight. - - -(_e. Visit to Sikri._) - -(_Dec. 1st_) On Monday the 7th of the first Rabi' I rode out to visit -Sikri. The octagonal platform ordered made in the middle of the lake was -ready; we went over by boat, had an awning set up on it and elected for -_ma'jun_. - - -(_f. Holy-war against Chandiri._) - -(_Dec. 9th_) After returning from Sikri we started on Monday night the -14th of the first Rabi',[2180] with the intention of making Holy-war -against Chandiri, did as much as 3 _kurohs_ (6 m.) and dismounted in -Jalisir.[2181] After staying there two days for people to equip and -array, we marched on Thursday (_Dec. 12th-Rabi' I. 17th_) and dismounted -at Anwar. I left Anwar by boat, and disembarked beyond Chandwar.[2182] - -(_Dec. 23rd_) Advancing march by march, we dismounted at the -Kanar-passage[2183] on Monday the 28th. - -(_Dec. 26th_) On Thursday the 2nd of the latter Rabi' I crossed the -river; there was 4 or 5 days delay on one bank or the other before the -army got across. On those days we went more than [Sidenote: Fol. 332.] -once on board a boat and ate _ma'jun_. The junction of the river Chambal -is between one and two _kurohs_ (2-4 m.) above the Kanar-passage; on -Friday I went into a boat on the Chambal, passed the junction and so to -camp. - - -(_g. Troops sent against Shaikh Bayazid Farmuli._) - -Though there had been no clear proof of Shaikh Bayazid's hostility, yet -his misconduct and action made it certain that he had hostile -intentions. On account of this Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_ was detached -from the army and sent to bring together from Qanuj Muhammad Sl. Mirza -and the sultans and amirs of that neighbourhood, such as Qasim-i-husain -Sultan, Bi-khub (or, Ni-khub) Sultan, Malik Qasim, Kuki, Abu'l-muhammad -the lancer, and Minuchihr Khan with his elder and younger brethren and -Darya-khanis, so that they might move against the hostile Afghans. They -were to invite Shaikh Bayazid to go with them; if he came frankly, they -were to take him along; if not, were to drive him off. Muhammad 'Ali -asking for a few elephants, ten were given him. After he had leave to -set off, Baba Chuhra (the Brave) was sent to and ordered to join him. - - -(_h. Incidents of the journey to Chandiri._) - -From Kanar one _kuroh_ (2 m.) was done by boat. - -(_Jan. 1st 1528 AD._) On Wednesday the 8th of the latter Rabi' we -dismounted within a _kuroh_ of Kalpi. Baba Sl. came to wait on me in -this camp; he is a son of Khalil Sl. who is a younger brother of the -full-blood of Sl. Sa'id Khan. Last [Sidenote: Fol. 332b.] year he fled -from his elder brother[2184] but, repenting himself, went back from the -Andar-ab border; when he neared Kashghar, The Khan (Sa'id) sent Haidar -M. to meet him and take him back. - -(_Jan. 2nd-Rabi' II. 9th_) Next day we dismounted at 'Alam Khan's house -in Kalpi where he set Hindustani food before us and made an offering. - -(_Jan. 6th_) On Monday the 13th of the month we marched from Kalpi. - -(_Jan. 10th-Rabi' II. 17th_) On Friday we dismounted at Irij.[2185] - -(_Jan. 11th_) On Saturday we dismounted at Bandir.[2186] - -(_Jan. 12th_) On Sunday the 19th of the month Chin-timur Sl. was put at -the head of 6 or 7000 men and sent ahead against Chandiri. With him went -the begs Baqi _ming-bashi_ (head of a thousand), Quj Beg's (brother) -Tardi Beg, 'Ashiq the taster, Mulla Apaq, Muhsin[2187] _Duldai_ and, of -the Hindustani begs, Shaikh Guran. - -(_Jan 17th_) On Friday the 24th of the month we dismounted near Kachwa. -After encouraging its people, it was bestowed on the son of -Badru'd-din.[2188] - -Kachwa[2189] is a shut-in place, having lowish hills all round it. A -dam has been thrown across between hills on the south-east of it, and -thus a large lake made, perhaps 5 or 6 _kurohs_ (10-12 m.) round. This -lake encloses Kachwa on three sides; on the north-west a space of ground -is kept dry;[2190] here, therefore is its Gate. On the lake are a great -many very small boats, able to hold 3 or 4 persons; in these the -inhabitants go out on the lake, if they have to flee. There are two -other lakes before Kachwa is [Sidenote: Fol. 333.] reached, smaller than -its own and, like that, made by throwing a dam across between hills. - -(_Jan. 18th_) We waited a day in Kachwa in order to appoint active -overseers and a mass of spadesmen to level the road and cut jungle down, -so that the carts and mortar[2191] might pass along it easily. Between -Kachwa and Chandiri the country is jungly. - -(_Jan. 19th-Rabi' II. 26th_) After leaving Kachwa we halted one night, -passed the Burhanpur-water (Bhuranpur)[2192] and dismounted within 3 -_kurohs_ (6 m.) of Chandiri. - - -(_i. Chandiri and its capture._) - -The citadel of Chandiri stands on a hill; below it are the town -(_shahr_) and outer-fort (_tash-qurghan_), and below these is the level -road along which carts pass.[2193] When we left Burhanpur (_Jan. 10th_) -we marched for a _kuroh_ below Chandiri for the convenience of the -carts.[2194] - -(_Jan. 21st_) After one night's halt we dismounted beside Bahjat Khan's -tank[2195] on the top of its dam, on Tuesday the 28th of the month. - -(_Jan. 22nd-Rabi' II. 29th_) Riding out at dawn, we assigned post after -post (_buljar_, _buljar_),[2196] round the walled town (_qurghan_) to -centre, right, and left. Ustad 'Ali-quli chose, for his stone-discharge, -ground that had no fall[2197]; overseers and spadesmen were told off to -raise a place (_m:ljar_) for the mortar to rest on, and the whole army -was ordered to get ready appliances for taking a fort, mantelets, -ladders[2198] and ... -mantelets (_tura_).[2199] - -Formerly Chandiri will have belonged to the Sultans of Mandau (Mandu). -When Sl. Nasiru'd-din passed away,[2200] one [Sidenote: Fol. 333b.] of -his sons Sl. Mahmud who is now holding Mandu, took possession of it and -its neighbouring parts, and another son called Muhammad Shah laid hands -on Chandiri and put it under Sl. Sikandar _(Ludi)'s_ protection, who, in -his turn, took Muhammad Shah's side and sent him large forces. Muhammad -Shah survived Sl. Sikandar and died in Sl. Ibrahim's time, leaving a -very young son called Ahmad Shah whom Sl. Ibrahim drove out and replaced -by a man of his own. At the time Rana Sanga led out an army against Sl. -Ibrahim and Ibrahim's begs turned against him at Dulpur, Chandiri fell -into the Rana's hands and by him was given to Medini [Mindni] Rao[2201] -the greatly-trusted pagan who was now in it with 4 or 5000 other pagans. - -As it was understood there was friendship between Medini Rao and Araish -Khan, the latter was sent with Shaikh Guran to speak to Medini Rao with -favour and kindness, and promise Shamsabad[2202] in exchange for -Chandiri. One or two of his trusted men got out(?).[2203] No adjustment -of matters was reached, it is not known whether because Medini Rao did -not trust what was said, or whether because he was buoyed up by delusion -about the strength of the fort. - -(_Jan. 28th_) At dawn on Tuesday the 6th of the first Jumada we marched -from Bahjat Khan's tank intending to assault Chandiri. We dismounted at -the side of the middle-tank near [Sidenote: Fol. 334.] the fort. - - -(_j. Bad news._) - -On this same morning after reaching that ground, Khalifa brought a -letter or two of which the purport was that the troops appointed for the -East[2204] had fought without consideration, been beaten, abandoned -Laknau, and gone to Qanuj. Seeing that Khalifa was much perturbed and -alarmed by these news, I said,[2205] (_Persian_) "There is no ground for -perturbation or alarm; nothing comes to pass but what is predestined of -God. As this task (Chandiri) is ahead of us, not a breath must be drawn -about what has been told us. Tomorrow we will assault the fort; that -done, we shall see what comes." - - -(_k. Siege of Chandiri, resumed._) - -The enemy must have strengthened just the citadel, and have posted men -by twos and threes in the outer-fort for prudence' sake. That night our -men went up from all round; those few in the outer-fort did not fight; -they fled into the citadel. - -(_Jan. 29th_) At dawn on Wednesday the 7th of the first Jumada, we -ordered our men to arm, go to their posts, provoke to fight, and attack -each from his place when I rode out with drum and standard. - -I myself, dismissing drum and standard till the fighting should grow -hot, went to amuse myself by watching Ustad 'Ali-quli's -stone-discharge.[2206] Nothing was effected by it because his ground had -no fall (_yaghda_) and because the fort-walls, being entirely [Sidenote: -Fol. 334b.] of stone, were extremely strong. - -That the citadel of Chandiri stands on a hill has been said already. -Down one side of this hill runs a double-walled road (_du-tahi_) to -water.[2207] This is the one place for attack; it had been assigned as -the post of the right and left hands and royal corps of the -centre.[2208] Hurled though assault was from every side, the greatest -force was here brought to bear. Our braves did not turn back, however -much the pagans threw down stones and flung flaming fire upon them. At -length Shahim the centurion[2209] got up where the _du-tahi_ wall -touches the wall of the outer fort; braves swarmed up in other places; -the _du-tahi_ was taken. - -Not even as much as this did the pagans fight in the citadel; when a -number of our men swarmed up, they fled in haste.[2210] In a little -while they came out again, quite naked, and renewed the fight; they put -many of our men to flight; they made them fly (_auchurdilar_) over the -ramparts; some they cut down and killed. Why they had gone so suddenly -off the walls seems to have been that they had taken the resolve of -those who give up a place as lost; they put all their ladies and -beauties (_suratilar_) to death, then, looking themselves to die, came -naked out to fight. Our men attacking, each one from his post, drove -[Sidenote: Fol. 335.] them from the walls whereupon 2 or 300 of them -entered Medini Rao's house and there almost all killed one another in -this way:--one having taken stand with a sword, the rest eagerly -stretched out the neck for his blow.[2211] Thus went the greater number -to hell. - -By God's grace this renowned fort was captured in 2 or 3 _garis_[2212] -(_cir._ an hour), without drum and standard,[2213] with no hard fighting -done. A pillar of pagan-heads was ordered set up on a hill north-west of -Chandiri. A chronogram of this victory having been found in the words -_Fath-i-daru'l-harb_[2214] (Conquest of a hostile seat), I thus composed -them:-- - - Was for awhile the station Chandiri - Pagan-full, the seat of hostile force; - By fighting, I vanquished its fort, - The date was _Fath-i-daru'l-harb_. - - -(_l. Further description of Chandiri._) - -Chandiri is situated (in) rather good country,[2215] having much -running-water round about it. Its citadel is on a hill and inside it -has a tank cut out of the solid rock. There is another large tank[2216] -at the end of the _du-tahi_ by assaulting which the fort was taken. All -houses in Chandiri, whether of high or low, are built of stone, those of -chiefs being laboriously carved;[2217] those of the lower classes are -also of stone but are not carved. They are covered in [Sidenote: Fol. -335b.] with stone-slabs instead of with earthen tiles. In front of the -fort are three large tanks made by former governors who threw dams -across and made tanks round about it; their ground lies high.[2218] It -has a small river (_daryacha_), Betwa[2219] by name, which may be some 3 -_kurohs_ (6 m.) from Chandiri itself; its water is noted in Hindustan as -excellent and pleasant drinking. It is a perfect little river -(_darya-ghina_). In its bed lie piece after piece of sloping rock -(_qialar_)[2220] fit for making houses.[2221] Chandiri is 90 _kurohs_ -(180 m.) by road to the south of Agra. In Chandiri the altitude of the -Pole-star (?) is 25 degrees.[2222] - - -(_m. Enforced change of campaign._) - -(_Jan. 30th-Jumada I. 8th_) At dawn on Thursday we went round the fort -and dismounted beside Mallu Khan's tank.[2223] - -We had come to Chandiri meaning, after taking it, to move against -Raising, Bhilsan, and Sarangpur, pagan lands dependent on the pagan -Salahu'd-din, and, these taken, to move on Rana Sanga in Chitur. But as -that bad news had come, the begs were summoned, matters were discussed, -and decision made that the proper course was first to see to the -rebellion of those malignants. Chandiri was given to the Ahmad Shah -already mentioned, a grandson of Sl. Nasiru'd-din; 50 _laks_ from it -were made _khalsa_;[2224] Mulla Apaq was entrusted with its -military-collectorate, and left to reinforce Ahmad Shah with from 2 to -3000 Turks and Hindustanis. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 336.] (_Feb. 2nd_) This work finished, we marched from -Mallu Khan's tank on Sunday the 11th of the first Jumada, with the -intention of return (north), and dismounted on the bank of the -Burhanpur-water. - -(_Feb. 9th_) On Sunday again, Yakka Khwaja and Ja'far Khwaja were sent -from Bandir to fetch boats from Kalpi to the Kanar-passage. - -(_Feb. 22nd_) On Saturday the 24th of the month we dismounted at the -Kanar-passage, and ordered the army to begin to cross. - - -(_n. News of the rebels._) - -News came in these days that the expeditionary force[2225] had abandoned -Qanuj also and come to Rapri, and that a strong body of the enemy had -assaulted and taken Shamsabad although Abu'l-muhammad the lancer must -have strengthened it.[2226] There was delay of 3 or 4 days on one side -or other of the river before the army got across. Once over, we moved -march by march towards Qanuj, sending scouting braves (_qazaq yigitlar_) -ahead to get news of our opponents. Two or three marches from Qanuj, -news was brought that Ma'ruf's son had fled on seeing the dark mass of -the news-gatherers, and got away. Biban, Bayazid and Ma'ruf, on hearing -news of us, crossed Gang (Ganges) and seated themselves on its eastern -bank opposite Qanuj, thinking to prevent our passage. - - -(_o. A bridge made over the Ganges._) - -(_Feb. 27th_) On Thursday the 6th of the latter Jumada we passed Qanuj -and dismounted on the western bank of Gang. Some of the braves went up -and down the river and took boats [Sidenote: Fol. 336b.] by force,[2227] -bringing in 30 or 40, large or small. Mir Muhammad the raftsman was sent -to find a place convenient for making a bridge and to collect requisites -for making it. He came back approving of a place about a _kuroh_ (2 m.) -below the camp. Energetic overseers were told off for the work. Ustad -'Ali-quli placed the mortar for his stone-discharge near where the -bridge was to be and shewed himself active in discharging it. Mustafa -_Rumi_ had the culverin-carts crossed over to an island below the place -for the bridge, and from that island began a culverin-discharge. -Excellent matchlock fire was made from a post[2228] raised above the -bridge. Malik Qasim _Mughul_ and a very few men went across the river -once or twice and fought excellently (_yakhshilar aurushtilar_). With -equal boldness Baba Sl. and Darwish Sl. also crossed, but went with the -insufficient number of from 10 to 15 men; they went after the Evening -Prayer and came back without fighting, with nothing done; they were much -blamed for this crossing of theirs. At last Malik Qasim, grown bold, -attacked the enemy's camp and, by shooting arrows into it, drew him out -(?);[2229] he came with a mass of men and an elephant, fell on Malik -Qasim and hurried him off. Malik Qasim got into a boat, but before it -could put off, the elephant [Sidenote: Fol. 337.] came up and swamped -it. In that encounter Malik Qasim died. - -In the days before the bridge was finished Ustad 'Ali-quli did good -things in stone-discharge (_yakhshilar tash aiti_), on the first day -discharging 8 stones, on the second 16, and going on equally well for 3 -or 4 days. These stones he discharged from the Ghazi-mortar which is -so-called because it was used in the battle with Rana Sanga the pagan. -There had been another and larger mortar which burst after discharging -one stone.[2230] The matchlockmen made a mass (_qalin_) of discharges, -bringing down many men and horses; they shot also slave-workmen running -scared away (?) and men and horses passing-by.[2231] - -(_March 11th_) On Wednesday the 19th of the latter Jumada the bridge -being almost finished, we marched to its head. The Afghans must have -ridiculed the bridge-making as being far from completion.[2232] - -(_March 12th_) The bridge being ready on Thursday, a small body of -foot-soldiers and Lahoris went over. Fighting as small followed. - - -(_p. Encounter with the Afghans._) - -(_March 13th_) On Friday the royal corps, and the right and left hands -of the centre crossed on foot. The whole body of Afghans, armed, -mounted, and having elephants with them, attacked us. They hurried off -our men of the left hand, but our centre itself (_i.e._ the royal corps) -and the right hand stood [Sidenote: Fol. 337b.] firm, fought, and forced -the enemy to retire. Two men from these divisions had galloped ahead of -the rest; one was dismounted and taken; the horse of the other was -struck again and again, had had enough,[2233] turned round and when -amongst our men, fell down. On that day 7 or 8 heads were brought in; -many of the enemy had arrow or matchlock wounds. Fighting went on till -the Other Prayer. That night all who had gone across were made to -return; if (more) had gone over on that Saturday's eve,[2234] most of -the enemy would probably have fallen into our hands, but this was in my -mind:--Last year we marched out of Sikri to fight Rana Sanga on Tuesday, -New-year's-day, and crushed that rebel on Saturday; this year we had -marched to crush these rebels on Wednesday, New-year's-day,[2235] and it -would be one of singular things, if we beat them on Sunday. So thinking, -we did not make the rest of the army cross. The enemy did not come to -fight on Saturday, but stood arrayed a long way off. - -(_Sunday March 15th-Jumada II. 23rd_) On this day the carts were taken -over, and at this same dawn the army was ordered to cross. At beat of -drum news came from our scouts that the enemy had fled. Chin-timur Sl. -was ordered to lead his army in pursuit and the following leaders also -were made pursuers who should move with the Sultan and not go beyond his -word:--Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_, Husamu'd-din 'Ali (son) of Khalifa, -Muhibb-i-'ali (son) of Khalifa, Kuki (son) of Baba Qashqa, -Dost-i-muhammad (son) of Baba Qashqa, Baqi of [Sidenote: Fol. 338.] -Tashkint, and Red Wali. I crossed at the Sunnat Prayer. The camels were -ordered to be taken over at a passage seen lower down. That Sunday we -dismounted on the bank of standing-water within a _kuroh_ of -Bangarmawu.[2236] Those appointed to pursue the Afghans were not doing -it well; they had dismounted in Bangarmawu and were scurrying off at the -Mid-day Prayer of this same Sunday. - -(_March 16th-Jumada II. 24th_) At dawn we dismounted on the bank of a -lake belonging to Bangarmawu. - - -(_q. Arrival of a Chaghatai cousin._) - -On this same day (_March 16th_) Tukhta-bugha Sl. a son of my mother's -brother (_dada_) the Younger Khan (_Ahmad Chaghatai_) came and waited on -me. - -(_March 21st_) On Saturday the 29th of the latter Jumada I visited -Laknau, crossed the Gui-water[2237] and dismounted. This day I bathed in -the Gui-water. Whether it was from water getting into my ear, or whether -it was from the effect of the climate, is not known, but my right ear -was obstructed and for a few days there was much pain.[2238] - - -(_r. The campaign continued._) - -One or two marches from Aud (Oudh) some-one came from Chin-timur Sl. to -say, "The enemy is seated on the far side of the river Sird[a?];[2239] -let His Majesty send help." We detached a reinforcement of 1000 braves -under Qaracha. - -(_March 28th_) On Saturday the 7th of Rajab we dismounted [Sidenote: -Fol. 338b.] 2 or 3 _kurohs_ from Aud above the junction of the Gagar -(Gogra) and Sird[a]. Till today Shaikh Bayazid will have been on the -other side of the Sird[a] opposite Aud, sending letters to the Sultan -and discussing with him, but the Sultan getting to know his -deceitfulness, sent word to Qaracha at the Mid-day Prayer and made ready -to cross the river. On Qaracha's joining him, they crossed at once to -where were some 50 horsemen with 3 or 4 elephants. These men could make -no stand; they fled; a few having been dismounted, the heads cut off -were sent in. - -Following the Sultan there crossed over Bi-khub (var. Ni-khub) Sl. and -Tardi Beg (the brother) of Quj Beg, and Baba Chuhra (the Brave), and -Baqi _shaghawal_. Those who had crossed first and gone on, pursued -Shaikh Bayazid till the Evening Prayer, but he flung himself into the -jungle and escaped. Chin-timur dismounted late on the bank of -standing-water, rode on at midnight after the rebel, went as much as 40 -_kurohs_ (80 m.), and came to where Shaikh Bayazid's family and -relations (_nisba_?) had been; they however must have fled. He sent -gallopers off in all directions from that place; Baqi _shaghawal_ and a -few braves drove the enemy like sheep before them, overtook the family -and brought in some Afghan prisoners. - -We stayed a few days on that ground (near Aud) in order to settle the -affairs of Aud. People praised the land lying along the Sird[a] 7 or 8 -_kurohs_ (14-16 m.) above Aud, saying it was hunting-ground. Mir -Muhammad the raftsman was sent out and returned after looking at the -crossings over the Gagar-water (Gogra) and the Sird[a]-water (Chauka?). - -[Sidenote: Fol. 339.] (_April 2nd_) On Thursday the 12th of the month I -rode out intending to hunt.[2240] - - -TRANSLATOR'S NOTE. - -Here, in all known texts of the _Babur-nama_ there is a break of the -narrative between April 2nd and Sep. 18th 1528 AD.-Jumada II. 12th 934 -AH. and Muharram 3rd 935 AH., which, whether intentional or accidental, -is unexplained by Babur's personal circumstances. It is likely to be due -to a loss of pages from Babur's autograph manuscript, happening at some -time preceding the making of either of the Persian translations of his -writings and of the Elphinstone and Haidarabad transcripts. Though such -a loss might have occurred easily during the storm chronicled on f. -376_b_, it seems likely that Babur would then have become aware of it -and have made it good. A more probable explanation of the loss is the -danger run by Humayun's library during his exile from rule in Hindustan, -at which same time may well have occurred the seeming loss of the record -of 936 and 937 AH. - - -(_a. Transactions of the period of the lacuna._) - -Mr. Erskine notes (_Mems._ p. 381 n.) that he found the gap in all MSS. -he saw and that historians of Hindustan throw no light upon the -transactions of the period. Much can be gleaned however as to Babur's -occupations during the 5-1/2 months of the _lacuna_ from his chronicle -of 935 AH. which makes several references to occurrences of "last year" -and also allows several inferences to be drawn. From this source it -becomes known that the Afghan campaign the record of which is broken by -the gap, was carried on and that in its course Babur was at Jun-pur (f. -365), Chausa (f. 365_b_) and Baksara (f. 366-366_b_); that he swam the -Ganges (f. 366_b_), bestowed Sarun on a Farmuli Shaikh-zada (f. 374_b_ -and f. 377), negociated with Rana Sanga's son Bikramajit (f. 342_b_), -ordered a Char-bagh laid out (f. 340), and was ill for 40 days (f. -346_b_). It may be inferred too that he visited Dulpur (f. 353_b_) -recalled 'Askari (f. 339), sent Khwaja Dost-i-khawand on family affairs -to Kabul (f. 345_b_), and was much pre-occupied by the disturbed state -of Kabul (_see_ his letters to Humayun and Khwaja Kalan written in 935 -AH.).[2241] - -It is not easy to follow the dates of events in 935 AH. because in many -instances only the day of the week or a "next day" is entered. I am far -from sure that one passage at least now found _s.a._ 935 AH. does not -belong to 934 AH. It is not in the Hai. Codex (where its place would -have been on f. 363_b_), and, so far as I can see, does not fit with the -dates of 935 AH. It will be considered with least trouble with its -context and my notes (_q.v._ f. 363_b_ and ff. 366-366_b_). - - -(_b. Remarks on the lacuna._) - -One interesting biographical topic is likely to have found mention in -the missing record, _viz._ the family difficulties which led to -'Askari's supersession by Kamran in the government of Multan (f. 359). - -Another is the light an account of the second illness of 934 AH. might -have thrown on a considerable part of the Collection of verses already -written in Hindustan and now known to us as the _Rampur Diwan_. The -_Babur-nama_ allows the dates of much of its contents to be known, but -there remain poems which seem prompted by the self-examination of some -illness not found in the _B.N._ It contains the metrical version of -Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l-lah's _Walidiyyah_ of which Babur writes on f. 346 and -it is dated Monday Rabi' II. 15th 935 AH. (Dec. 29th 1528 AD.). I -surmise that the reflective verses following the _Walidiyyah_ belong to -the 40 days' illness of 934 AH. _i.e._ were composed in the period of -the _lacuna_. The Collection, as it is in the "Rampur Diwan", went to a -friend who was probably Khwaja Kalan; it may have been the only such -collection made by Babur. No other copy of it has so far been found. It -has the character of an individual gift with verses specially addressed -to its recipient. Any light upon it which may have vanished with pages -of 934 AH. is an appreciable loss. - - - - -935 AH.-SEP. 15TH 1528 TO SEP. 5TH 1529 AD.[2242] - -(_a. Arrivals at Court._) - -(_Sep. 18th_) On Friday the 3rd[2243] of Muharram, 'Askari whom I had -summoned for the good of Multan[2244] before I moved out for Chandiri, -waited on me in the private-house.[2245] - -(_Sep. 19th_) Next day waited on me the historian Khwand-amir, Maulana -Shihab[2246] the enigmatist, and Mir Ibrahim the harper a relation of -Yunas-i-'ali, who had all come out of Heri long before, wishing to wait -on me.[2247] - - -(_b. Babur starts for Gualiar._)[2248] - -(_Sep. 20th_) With the intention of visiting Gualiar which in books they -write Galiur,[2249] I crossed the Jun at the Other Prayer of Sunday the -5th of the month, went into the fort of Agra to bid farewell to -Fakhr-i-jahan Begim and Khadija-sultan Begim who were to start for Kabul -in a few days, and got to horse. Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza asked for leave -and stayed behind in Agra. That night we did 3 or 4 _kurohs_ (6-8 m.) of -the road, dismounted near a large lake (_kul_) and there slept. - -(_Sep. 21st_) We got through the Prayer somewhat before time -(_Muh. 6th_) and rode on, nooned[2250] on the bank of the -Gamb[h]ir-water[2251], and went on shortly after the Mid-day Prayer. On -the way we ate[2252] powders mixed with the flour of parched [Sidenote: -Fol. 339b.] grain,[2253] Mulla Rafi' having prepared them for raising -the spirits. They were found very distasteful and unsavoury. Near the -Other Prayer we dismounted a _kuroh_ (2 m.) west of Dulpur, at a place -where a garden and house had been ordered made.[2254] - - -(_c. Work in Dulpur (Dhulpur)._) - -That place is at the end of a beaked hill,[2255] its beak being of solid -red building-stone (_'imarat-tash_). I had ordered the (beak of the) -hill cut down (dressed down?) to the ground-level and that if there -remained a sufficient height, a house was to be cut out in it, if not, -it was to be levelled and a tank (_hauz_) cut out in its top. As it was -not found high enough for a house, Ustad Shah Muhammad the stone-cutter -was ordered to level it and cut out an octagonal, roofed tank. North of -this tank the ground is thick with trees, mangoes, _jaman_ (_Eugenia -jambolana_), all sorts of trees; amongst them I had ordered a well made, -10 by 10; it was almost ready; its water goes to the afore-named tank. -To the north of this tank Sl. Sikandar's dam is flung across (the -valley); on it houses have been built, and above it the waters of the -Rains gather into a great lake. On the east of this lake is a garden; I -ordered a seat and four-pillared platform (_talar_) to be cut out in -the solid rock on that same side, and a mosque [Sidenote: Fol. 340.] -built on the western one. - -(_Sept. 22nd and 23rd--Muh. 7th and 8th_) On account of these various -works, we stayed in Dulpur on Tuesday and Wednesday. - - -(_d. Journey to Gualiar resumed._) - -(_Sep. 24th_) On Thursday we rode on, crossed the Chambal-river and made -the Mid-day Prayer on its bank, between the two Prayers (the Mid-day and -the Afternoon) bestirred ourselves to leave that place, passed the -Kawari and dismounted. The Kawari-water being high through rain, we -crossed it by boat, making the horses swim over. - -(_Sep. 25th_) Next day, Friday which was 'Ashur (_Muh. 10th_), we rode -on, took our nooning at a village on the road, and at the Bed-time -Prayer dismounted a _kuroh_ north of Gualiar, in a Char-bagh ordered -made last year.[2256] - -(_Sep. 26th_) Riding on next day after the Mid-day Prayer, we visited -the low hills to the north of Gualiar, and the Praying-place, went into -the fort[2257] through the Gate called Hati-pul which joins Man-sing's -buildings (_'imarat_[2258]), and dismounted, close to the Other Prayer, -at those (_'imaratlar_)[2259] of Raja Bikramajit in which -Rahim-dad[2260] had settled himself. - -To-night I elected to take opium because of ear-ache; another reason was -the shining of the moon.[2261] - - -(_e. Visit to the Rajas' palaces._) - -(_Sep. 27th_) Opium sickness gave me much discomfort next day (_Muh. -12th_); I vomited a good deal. Sickness notwithstanding, I visited the -buildings (_'imaratlar_) of Man-sing and [Sidenote: Fol. 340b.] -Bikramajit thoroughly. They are wonderful buildings, entirely of hewn -stone, in heavy and unsymmetrical blocks however.[2262] Of all the -Rajas' buildings Man-sing's is the best and loftiest.[2263] It is more -elaborately worked on its eastern face than on the others. This face may -be 40 to 50 _qari_ (yards) high,[2264] and is entirely of hewn stone, -whitened with plaster.[2265] In parts it is four storeys high; the lower -two are very dark; we went through them with candles.[2266] On one (or, -every) side of this building are five cupolas[2267] having between each -two of them a smaller one, square after the fashion of Hindustan. On the -larger ones are fastened sheets of gilded copper. On the outside of the -walls is painted-tile work, the semblance of plantain-trees being shewn -all round with green tiles. In a bastion of the eastern front is the -Hati-pul,[2268] _hati_ being what these people call an elephant, _pul_, -a gate. A sculptured image of an elephant with two drivers -(_fil-ban_)[2269] stands at the out-going (_chiqish_) of this Gate; it -is exactly like an elephant; from it the gate is called Hati-pul. A -window in the [Sidenote: Fol. 341.] lowest storey where the building has -four, looks towards this elephant and gives a near view of it.[2270] The -cupolas which have been mentioned above are themselves the topmost stage -(_murtaba_) of the building;[2271] the sitting-rooms are on the second -storey (_tabaqat_), in a hollow even;[2272] they are rather airless -places although Hindustani pains have been taken with them.[2273] The -buildings of Man-sing's son Bikramajit are in a central position (_aurta -da_) on the north side of the fort.[2274] The son's buildings do not -match the father's. He has made a great dome, very dark but growing -lighter if one stays awhile in it.[2275] Under it is a smaller building -into which no light comes from any side. When Rahim-dad settled down in -Bikramajit's buildings, he made a rather small hall [_kichikraq -talarghina_] on the top of this dome.[2276] From Bikramajit's buildings -a road has been made to his father's, a road such that nothing is seen -of it from outside and nothing known of it inside, a quite enclosed -road.[2277] - -After visiting these buildings, we rode to a college Rahim-dad -[Sidenote: Fol. 341b.] had made by the side of a large tank, there -enjoyed a flower-garden[2278] he had laid out, and went late to where -the camp was in the Charbagh. - - -(_f. Rahim-dad's flower-garden._) - -Rahim-dad has planted a great numbers of flowers in his garden -(_baghcha_), many being beautiful red oleanders. In these places the -oleander-flower is peach,[2279] those of Gualiar are beautiful, deep -red. I took some of them to Agra and had them planted in gardens there. -On the south of the garden is a large lake[2280] where the waters of the -Rains gather; on the west of it is a lofty idol-house,[2281] side by -side with which Sl. Shihabu'd-din Ailtmish (Altamsh) made a Friday -mosque; this is a very lofty building (_'imarat_), the highest in the -fort; it is seen, with the fort, from the Dulpur-hill (_cir._ 30 m. -away). People say the stone for it was cut out and brought from the -large lake above-mentioned. Rahim-dad has made a wooden (_yighach_) -_talar_ in his garden, and porches at the gates, which, after the -Hindustani fashion, are somewhat low and shapeless. - - -(_g. The Urwah-valley._) - -(_Sep. 28th_) Next day (_Muh. 13th_) at the Mid-day Prayer we rode out -to visit places in Gualiar we had not yet seen. We saw the _'imarat_ -called Badalgar[2282] which is part of Man-sing's fort (_qila'_), went -through the Hati-pul and across the fort to a place called Urwa (Urwah), -which is a valley-bottom (_qul_) on its western side. Though Urwa is -outside the fort-wall running along the top of the hill, it has two -stages (_murtaba_) of high wall at its mouth. The higher of these walls -is some 30 or 40 _qari_ (yards) high; this is the longer one; at each -end it joins [Sidenote: Fol. 342.] the wall of the fort. The second wall -curves in and joins the middle part of the first; it is the lower and -shorter of the two. This curve of wall will have been made for a -water-thief;[2283] within it is a stepped well (_wa'in_) in which water -is reached by 10 or 15 steps. Above the Gate leading from the valley to -this walled-well the name of Sl. Shihabu'd-din Ailtmish (Altamsh) is -inscribed, with the date 630 (AH.-1233 AD.). Below this outer wall and -outside the fort there is a large lake which seems to dwindle (at times) -till no lake remains; from it water goes to the water-thief. There are -two other lakes inside Urwa the water of which those who live in the -fort prefer to all other. - -Three sides of Urwa are solid rock, not the red rock of Biana but one -paler in colour. On these sides people have cut out idol-statues, large -and small, one large statue on the south side being perhaps 20 _qari_ -(yds.) high.[2284] These idols are shewn quite naked without covering -for the privities. Along the sides of [Sidenote: Fol. 342b.] the two -Urwa lakes 20 or 30 wells have been dug, with water from which useful -vegetables (_sabzi karliklar_), flowers and trees are grown. Urwa is not -a bad place; it is shut in (T. _tur_); the idols are its defect; I, for -my part, ordered them destroyed.[2285] - -Going out of Urwa into the fort again, we enjoyed the window[2286] of -the Sultani-pul which must have been closed through the pagan time till -now, went to Rahim-dad's flower-garden at the Evening Prayer, there -dismounted and there slept. - - -(_h. A son of Rana Sanga negociates with Babur._) - -(_Sep. 29th_) On Tuesday the 14th of the month came people from Rana -Sanga's second son, Bikramajit by name, who with his mother Padmawati -was in the fort of Rantanbur. Before I rode out for Gualiar,[2287] -others had come from his great and trusted Hindu, Asuk by name, to -indicate Bikramajit's submission and obeisance and ask a -subsistence-allowance of 70 _laks_ for him; it had been settled at that -time that _parganas_ to the amount he asked should be bestowed on him, -his men were given leave to go, with tryst for Gualiar which we were -about to visit. They came into Gualiar somewhat after the trysting-day. -The Hindu Asuk[2288] is said to be a near relation of Bikramajit's -mother Padmawati; he, for his part, set these particulars forth -father-like [Sidenote: Fol. 343.] and son-like;[2289] they, for theirs, -concurring with him, agreed to wish me well and serve me. At the time -when Sl. Mahmud (_Khilji_) was beaten by Rana Sanga and fell into pagan -captivity (925 AH.-1519 AD.) he possessed a famous crown-cap -(_taj-kula_) and golden belt, accepting which Sanga let him go free. -That crown-cap and golden belt must have become Bikramajit's; his elder -brother Ratan-si, now Rana of Chitur in his father's place, had asked -for them but Bikramajit had not given them up,[2290] and now made the -men he sent to me, speak to me about them, and ask for Biana in place of -Rantanbur. We led them away from the Biana question and promised -Shamsabad in exchange for Rantanbur. To-day (_Muh. 14th_) they were -given a nine days' tryst for Biana, were dressed in robes of honour, and -allowed to go. - - -(_i. Hindu temples visited._) - -We rode from the flower-garden to visit the idol-houses of Gualiar. Some -are two, and some are three storeys high, each storey rather low, in the -ancient fashion. On their stone plinths (_izara_) are sculptured images. -Some idol-houses, College-fashion, have a portico, large high -cupolas[2291] and _madrasa_-like cells, each topped by a slender stone -cupola.[2292] In the lower cells are idols carved in the rock. -[Sidenote: Fol. 343b.] - -After enjoying the sight of these buildings (_'imaratlar_) we left the -fort by the south Gate,[2293] made an excursion to the south, and went -(north) to the Char-bagh Rahim-dad had made over-against the -Hati-pul.[2294] He had prepared a feast of cooked-meat (_ash_) for us -and, after setting excellent food before us, made offering of a mass of -goods and coin worth 4 _laks._ From his Char-bagh I rode to my own. - - -(_j. Excursion to a waterfall._) - -(_Sep. 30th._) On Wednesday the 15th of the month I went to see a -waterfall 6 _kurohs_ (12 m.) to the south-east of Gualiar. Less than -that must have been ridden;[2295] close to the Mid-day Prayer we reached -a fall where sufficient water for one mill was coming down a slope -(_qia_) an _arghamchi_[2296] high. Below the fall there is a large lake; -above it the water comes flowing through solid rock; there is solid rock -also below the fall. A lake forms wherever the water falls. On the banks -of the water lie piece after piece of rock as if for seats, but the -water is said not always to be there. We sat down above the fall and ate -_ma'jun_, went up-stream to visit its source (_badayat_), returned, got -out on higher ground, and stayed while musicians played and reciters -[Sidenote: Fol. 344.] repeated things (_nima aitilar_). The Ebony-tree -which Hindis call _tindu_, was pointed out to those who had not seen it -before. We went down the hill and, between the Evening and Bed-time -Prayers, rode away, slept at a place reached near the second watch -(midnight), and with the on-coming of the first watch of day (6 a.m. -_Muh. 16th-Oct. 1st_) reached the Char-bagh and dismounted. - - -(_k. Salahu'd-din's birth-place._)[2297] - -(_Oct. 2nd_) On Friday the 17th of the month, I visited the garden of -lemons and pumeloes (_sada-fal_) in a valley-bottom amongst the hills -above a village called Sukhjana (?)[2298] which is Salahu'd-din's -birth-place. Returning to the Char-bagh, I dismounted there in the first -watch.[2299] - - -(_l. Incidents of the march from Gualiar._) - -(_Oct. 4th_) On Sunday the 19th of the month, we rode before dawn from -the Char-bagh, crossed the Kawari-water and took our nooning -(_tushlanduk_). After the Mid-day Prayer we rode on, at sunset passed -the Chambal-water, between the Evening and Bed-time Prayers entered -Dulpur-fort, there, by lamp-light, visited a Hot-bath which Abu'l-fath -had made, rode on, and dismounted at the dam-head where the new -Char-bagh is in making. - -(_Oct. 5th_) Having stayed the night there, at dawn (_Monday 20th_) I -visited what places had been ordered made.[2300] The face (_yuz_) of the -roofed-tank, ordered cut in the solid rock, was not being got up quite -straight; more stone-cutters were sent for who were to make the -tank-bottom level, pour in water, and, by help of the water, to get the -sides to one height. They got the face up straight just before the Other -Prayer, were then ordered to fill the tank with water, by help of the -water made the sides [Sidenote: Fol. 344b.] match, then busied -themselves to smooth them. I ordered a water-chamber (_ab-khana_) made -at a place where it would be cut in the solid rock; inside it was to be -a small tank also cut in the solid rock. - - (_Here the record of 6 days is wanting._)[2301] - -(_Oct. 12th_?) To-day, Monday (_27th_?), there was a _ma'jun_ party. -(_Oct. 13th_) On Tuesday I was still in that same place. (_Oct. 14th_) -On the night of Wednesday,[2302] after opening the mouth and eating -something[2303] we rode for Sikri. Near the second watch (midnight), we -dismounted somewhere and slept; I myself could not sleep on account of -pain in my ear, whether caused by cold, as is likely, I do not know. At -the top of the dawn, we bestirred ourselves from that place, and in the -first watch dismounted at the garden now in making at Sikri. The -garden-wall and well-buildings were not getting on to my satisfaction; -the overseers therefore were threatened and punished. We rode on from -Sikri between the Other and Evening Prayers, passed through Marhakur, -dismounted somewhere and slept. - -(_Oct. 15th_) Riding on (_Thursday 30th_), we got into Agra during the -first watch (6-9 a.m.). In the fort I saw the honoured Khadija-sultan -Begim who had stayed behind for several reasons when Fakhr-i-jahan Begim -started for Kabul. Crossing Jun (Jumna), I went to the Garden-of-eight -paradises.[2304] - - -(_m. Arrival of kinswomen._) - -(_Oct. 17th_) On Saturday the 3rd of Safar, between the Other and -Evening Prayers, I went to see three of the great-aunt begims,[2305] -Gauhar-shad Begim, Badi'u'l-jamal Begim, and Aq Begim, with also, of -lesser begims,[2306] Sl. Mas'ud Mirza's daughter Khan-zada Begim, and -Sultan-bakht Begim's daughter, and my _yinka chicha's_ grand-daughter, -that is to say, Zainab-sultan Begim.[2307] They had come past Tuta and -dismounted at a small [Sidenote: Fol. 345.] standing-water (_qara su_) -on the edge of the suburbs. I came back direct by boat. - - -(_n. Despatch of an envoy to receive charge of Ranthambhor._) - -(_Oct. 19th_) On Monday the 5th of the month of Safar, Hamusi son of -Diwa, an old Hindu servant from Bhira, was joined with Bikramajit's -former[2308] and later envoys in order that pact and agreement for the -surrender of Ranthanbur and for the conditions of Bikramajit's service -might be made in their own (hindu) way and custom. Before our man -returned, he was to see, and learn, and make sure of matters; this done, -if that person (_i.e._ Bikramajit) stood fast to his spoken word, I, -for my part, promised that, God bringing it aright, I would set him in -his father's place as Rana of Chitur.[2309] - - (_Here the record of 3 days is wanting._) - - -(_o. A levy on stipendiaries._) - -(_Oct. 22nd_) By this time the treasure of Iskandar and Ibrahim in Dihli -and Agra was at an end. Royal orders were given therefore, on Thursday -the 8th of Safar, that each stipendiary (_wajhdar_) should drop into the -Diwan, 30 in every 100 of his allowance, to be used for war-material and -appliances, for equipment, for powder, and for the pay of gunners and -matchlockmen. - - -(_p. Royal letters sent into Khurasan._) - -(_Oct. 24th_) On Saturday the 10th of the month, Pay-master Sl. -Muhammad's foot-man Shah Qasim who once before had taken letters of -encouragement to kinsfolk in Khurasan,[2310] was sent to Heri with other -letters to the purport that, through God's grace, our hearts were at -ease in Hindustan about the rebels and [Sidenote: Fol. 345b.] pagans of -east and west; and that, God bringing it aright, we should use every -means and assuredly in the coming spring should touch the goal of our -desire.[2311] On the margin of a royal letter sent to Ahmad _Afshar_ -(_Turk_) a summons to Faridun the _qabuz_-player was written with my own -hand. - - (_Here the record of 11 days is wanting._) - -In today's forenoon (_Tuesday 20th_?) I made a beginning of eating -quicksilver.[2312] - - -(_q. News from Kabul and Khurasan._)[2313] - -(_Nov. 4th_) On Wednesday the 21st of the month (_Safar_) a Hindustani -foot-man (_piada_) brought dutiful letters (_'arz-dashtlar_) from Kamran -and Khwaja Dost-i-khawand. The Khwaja had reached Kabul on the 10th of -Zu'l-hijja[2314] and will have been anxious to go on[2315] to Humayun's -presence, but there comes to him a man from Kamran, saying, "Let the -honoured Khwaja come (to see me); let him deliver whatever royal orders -there may be; let him go on to Humayun when matters have been talked -over."[2316] Kamran will have gone into Kabul on the 17th of Zu'l-hijja -(_Sep. 2nd_), will have talked with the Khwaja and, on the 28th of the -same month, will have let him go on for Fort Victory (_Qila'-i-zafar_). - -There was this excellent news in the dutiful letters received:--that -Shah-zada Tahmasp, resolute to put down the Auzbeg,[2317] had overcome -and killed Rinish (var. Zinish) _Auzbeg_ in Damghan and made a general -massacre of his people; that 'Ubaid Khan, getting sure news about the -_Qizil-bash_ (Red-head) had risen from round Heri, gone to Merv, called -up to him there all the sultans of Samarkand and those parts, and that -all the sultans of Ma wara'u'n-nahr had gone to help him.[2318] - -[Sidenote: Fol. 346.] This same foot-man brought the further news that -Humayun was said to have had a son by the daughter of Yadgar Taghai, -and that Kamran was said to be marrying in Kabul, taking the daughter -of his mother's brother Sl. 'Ali Mirza (_Begchik_).[2319] - - -(_r. Honours for an artificer._)[2320] - -On this same day Sayyid Dakni of Shiraz the diviner (_ghaiba-gar_?) was -made to wear a dress of honour, given presents, and ordered to finish -the arched(?) well (_khwaraliq-chah_) as he best knew how. - - -(_s. The Walidiyyah-risala (Parental-tract)._) - -(_Nov. 6th_) On Friday the 23rd of the month[2321] such heat[2322] -appeared in my body that with difficulty I got through the -Congregational Prayer in the Mosque, and with much trouble through the -Mid-day Prayer, in the book-room, after due time, and little by little. -Thereafter[2323] having had fever, I trembled less on Sunday (_Nov. -28th_). During the night of Tuesday[2324] the 27th of the month Safar, -it occurred to me to versify (_nazm qilmaq_) - -the _Walidiyyah-risala_ of his Reverence Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l-lah.[2325] I -laid it to heart that if I, going to the soul of his Reverence[2326] for -protection, were freed from this disease, it would be a sign that my -poem was accepted, just as the author of the _Qasidatu'l-burda_[2327] -was freed from the affliction of paralysis when his poem [Sidenote: Fol. -346b.] had been accepted. To this end I began to versify the tract, -using the metre[2328] of Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahim _Jami's Subhatu'l-abrar_ -(Rosary of the Righteous). Thirteen couplets were made in that same -night. I tasked myself not to make fewer than 10 a day; in the end one -day had been omitted. While last year every time such illness had -happened, it had persisted at least a month or 40 days,[2329] this year, -by God's grace and his Reverence's favour, I was free, except for a -little depression (_afsurda_), on Thursday the 29th of the month (_Nov. -12th_). The end of versifying the contents of the tract was reached on -Saturday the 8th of the first Rabi' (_Nov. 20th_). One day 52 couplets -had been made.[2330] - - -(_t. Troops warned for service._) - -(_Nov. 11th_) On Wednesday the 28th of the month royal orders were sent -on all sides for the armies, saying, "God bringing it about, at an -early opportunity my army will be got to horse. Let all come soon, -equipped for service." - - (_Here the record of 9 days is wanting._)[2331] - - -(_u. Messengers from Humayun._) - -(_Nov. 21st_) On Sunday the 9th of the first Rabi', Beg Muhammad -_ta'alluqchi_[2332] came, who had been sent last year (934 AH.) at the -end of Muharram to take a dress of honour and a horse to Humayun.[2333] - -(_Nov. 22nd_) On Monday the 10th of the month there came from Humayun's -presence Wais _Laghari's_ (son) Beg-gina (Little Beg) and Bian Shaikh, -one of Humayun's servants who had come as the messenger of the good -tidings of the birth of Humayun's son whose name he gave as Al-aman. -Shaikh Abu'l-wajd found _Shah sa'adatmand_[2334] to be the date of his -birth. [Sidenote: Fol. 347.] - - -(_v. Rapid travel._) - -Bian Shaikh set out long after Beg-gina. He parted from Humayun on -Friday the 9th of Safar (_Oct. 23rd_) at a place below Kishm called -Du-shamba (Monday); he came into Agra on Monday the 10th of the first -Rabi' (_Nov. 23rd_). He came very quickly! Another time he actually came -from Qila'-i-zafar to Qandahar in 11 days.[2335] - - -(_w. News of Tahmasp's victory over the Auzbegs._) - -Bian Shaikh brought news about Shah-zada Tahmasp's advancing -out of 'Iraq and defeating the Auzbeg.[2336] Here are his -particulars:--Shah-zada Tahmasp, having come out of 'Iraq with 40,000 -men arrayed in Rumi fashion of matchlock and cart,[2337] advances with -great speed, takes Bastam, slaughters Rinish (var. Zinish) _Auzbeg_ and -his men in Damghan, and from there passes right swiftly on.[2338] Kipik -Bi's son Qambar-i-'ali Beg is beaten by one of the _Qizil-bash_ -(Red-head)'s men, and with his few followers goes to 'Ubaid Khan's -presence. 'Ubaid Khan finds it undesirable to stay near Heri, hurriedly -sends off gallopers to all the sultans of Balkh, Hisar, Samarkand, and -Tashkend (Tashkint) and goes himself to Merv. Siunjak Sl.'s younger son -Baraq Sl. from Tashkend, Kuchum Khan, with (his sons) Abu-sa'id Sl. and -Pulad Sl., and Jani Beg Sl. with his sons, from [Sidenote: Fol. 347b.] -Samarkand and Mian-kal, Mahdi Sl.'s and Hamza Sl.'s sons from Hisar, -Kitin-qara Sl. from Balkh, all these sultans assemble right swiftly in -Merv. To them their informers (_til-chi_) take news that Shah-zada, -after saying, "'Ubaid Khan is seated near Heri with few men only," had -been advancing swiftly with his 40,000 men, but that when he heard of -this assembly (_i.e._ in Merv), he made a ditch in the meadow of -Radagan[2339] and seated himself there.[2340] Here-upon the Auzbegs, -with entire disregard of their opponents,[2341] left their counsels at -this:--"Let all of us sultans and khans seat ourselves in Mashhad;[2342] -let a few of us be told off with 20,000 men to go close to the -Qizil-bash camp[2343] and not let them put head out; let us order -magicians[2344] to work their magic directly Scorpio appears;[2345] by -this stratagem the enemy will be enfeebled, and we shall overcome." So -said, they march from Merv. Shah-zada gets out of Mashhad.[2346] He -confronts them near Jam-and-Khirgird.[2347] There defeat befalls the -Auzbeg side.[2348] A mass of sultans are overcome and slaughtered. - -In one letter it (_khud_) was written, "It is not known for certain -[Sidenote: Fol. 348.] that any sultan except Kuchum Khan has escaped; -not a man who went with the army has come back up to now." The sultans -who were in Hisar abandoned it. Ibrahim _Jani's_ son Chalma, whose real -name is Isma'il, must be in the fort.[2349] - - -(_x. Letters written by Babur._) - -(_Nov. 27th and 28th_) This same Bian Shaikh was sent quite quickly back -with letters. for Humayun and Kamran. These and other writings being -ready by Friday the 14th of the month (_Nov. 27th_) were entrusted to -him, his leave was given, and on Saturday the 15th he got well out of -Agra. - - -COPY OF A LETTER TO HUMAYUN.[2350] - -"The first matter, after saying, 'Salutation' to Humayun whom I am -longing to see, is this:-- - -"Exact particulars of the state of affairs on that side and on this[2351] -have been made known by the letters and dutiful representations brought -on Monday the 10th of the first Rabi' by Beg-gina and Bian Shaikh. - - (_Turki_) Thank God! a son is born to thee! - A son to thee, to me a heart-enslaver (_dil-bandi_). - -"May the Most High ever allot to thee and to me tidings as joyful! So may -it be, O Lord of the two worlds!" - -"Thou sayest thou hast called him Al-aman; God bless and prosper this! -Thou writest it so thyself (_i.e._ Al-aman), but hast over-looked that -common people mostly say _alama_ or _ailaman_.[2352] [Sidenote: Fol. -348b.] Besides that, this _Al_ is rare in names.[2353] May God bless and -prosper him in name and person; may He grant us to keep Al-aman (peace) -for many years and many decades of years![2354] May He now order our -affairs by His own mercy and favour; not in many decades comes such a -chance as this!"[2355] - -"Again:--On Tuesday the 11th of the month (_Nov. 23rd_) came the false -rumour that the Balkhis had invited and were fetching Qurban[2356] into -Balkh." - -"Again:--Kamran and the Kabul begs have orders to join thee; this done, -move on Hisar, Samarkand, Heri or to whatever side favours fortune. -Mayst thou, by God's grace, crush foes and take lands to the joy of -friends and the down-casting of adversaries! Thank God! now is your time -to risk life and slash swords.[2357] Neglect not the work chance has -brought; slothful life in retirement befits not sovereign rule:-- - - (_Persian_) He grips the world who hastens; - Empire yokes not with delay; - All else, confronting marriage, stops, - Save only sovereignty.[2358] - -"If through God's grace, the Balkh and Hisar countries be won and held, -put men of thine in Hisar, Kamran's men in Balkh. Should Samarkand also -be won, there make thy seat. Hisar, [Sidenote: Fol. 349.] God willing, I -shall make a crown-domain. Should Kamran regard Balkh as small, -represent the matter to me; please God! I will make its defects good at -once out of those other countries." - -"Again:--As thou knowest, the rule has always been that when thou hadst -six parts, Kamran had five; this having been constant, make no change." - -"Again:--Live well with thy younger brother. Elders must bear the -burden![2359] I have the hope that thou, for thy part, wilt keep on good -terms with him; he, who has grown up an active and excellent youth, -should not fail, for his part, in loyal duty to thee."[2360] - -"Again:--Words from thee are somewhat few; no person has [Sidenote: Fol. -349b.] come from thee for two or three years past; the man I sent to -thee (Beg Muhammad _ta'alluqchi_) came back in something over a year; is -this not so?" - -"Again:--As for the "retirement", "retirement", spoken of in thy -letters,--retirement is a fault for sovereignty; as the honoured (Sa'di) -says:--[2361] - - (_Persian_) If thy foot be fettered, choose to be resigned; - If thou ride alone, take thou thine own head. - -"No bondage equals that of sovereignty; retirement matches not with -rule." - -"Again:--Thou hast written me a letter, as I ordered thee to do; but why -not have read it over? If thou hadst thought of reading it, thou couldst -not have done it, and, unable thyself to read it, wouldst certainly have -made alteration in it. Though by taking trouble it can be read, it is -very puzzling, and who ever saw an enigma in prose?[2362] Thy spelling, -though not bad, is not quite correct; thou writest _iltafat_ with _ta_ -(_iltafat_) and _qulinj_ with _ya_ (_qilinj_?).[2363] Although thy -letter can be read if every sort of pains be taken, yet it cannot be -quite understood because of that obscure wording of thine. Thy -remissness in letter-writing seems to be due to the thing which makes -thee obscure, that is to say, to elaboration. In future write without -elaboration; use plain, clear words. So will thy trouble and thy -reader's be less." - -"Again:--Thou art now to go on a great business;[2364] take counsel with -prudent and experienced begs, and act as they say. If thou seek to -pleasure me, give up sitting alone and avoiding society. Summon thy -younger brother and the begs twice daily to thy presence, not leaving -their coming to choice; be the business what it may, take counsel and -settle every word and act in agreement with those well-wishers." - -"Again:--Khwaja Kalan has long had with me the house-friend's intimacy; -have thou as much and even more with him. [Sidenote: Fol. 350.] If, God -willing, the work becomes less in those parts, so that thou wilt not -need Kamran, let him leave disciplined men in Balkh and come to my -presence." - -"Again:--Seeing that there have been such victories, and such conquests, -since Kabul has been held, I take it to be well-omened; I have made it a -crown-domain; let no one of you covet it." - -"Again:--Thou hast done well (_yakhshi qilib sin_); thou hast won the -heart of Sl. Wais;[2365] get him to thy presence; act by his counsel, -for he knows business." - -"Until there is a good muster of the army, do not move out." - -"Bian Shaikh is well-apprized of word-of-mouth matters, and will inform -thee of them. These things said, I salute thee and am longing to see -thee."-- - -The above was written on Thursday the 13th of the first Rabi' (_Nov. -26th_). To the same purport and with my own hand, I wrote also to Kamran -and Khwaja Kalan, and sent off the letters (by Bian Shaikh). - - (_Here the record fails from Rabi' 15th to 19th._) - - -(_y. Plans of campaign._) - -(_Dec. 2nd_) On Wednesday the 19th of the month (_Rabi' I._) the mirzas, -sultans, Turk and Hind amirs were summoned for counsel, and left the -matter at this:--That this year the army must move in some direction; -that 'Askari should go in advance towards the East, be joined by the -sultans and amirs from beyond Gang (Ganges), and march in whatever -direction favoured fortune. These particulars having been written down, -Ghiasu'd-din the [Sidenote: Fol. 350b.] armourer was given rendezvous -for 16 days,[2366] and sent galloping off, on Saturday the 22nd of the -month, to the amirs of the East headed by Sl. Junaid _Barlas_. His -word-of-mouth message was, that 'Askari was being sent on before the -fighting apparatus, culverin, cart and matchlock, was ready; that it was -the royal order for the sultans and amirs of the far side of Gang to -muster in 'Askari's presence, and, after consultation with well-wishers -on that side, to move in whatever direction, God willing! might favour -fortune; that if there should be work needing me, please God! I would -get to horse as soon as the person gone with the (16 days) tryst -(_mi'ad_) had returned; that explicit representation should be made as -to whether the Bengali (Nasrat Shah) were friendly and single-minded; -that, if nothing needed my presence in those parts, I should not make -stay, but should move elsewhere at once;[2367] and that after consulting -with well-wishers, they were to take 'Askari with them, and, God -willing! settle matters on that side. - - (_Here the record of 5 days is wanting._) - - -(_z. 'Askari receives the insignia and rank of a royal commander._) - -(_Dec. 12th_) On Saturday the 29th of the first Rabi', 'Askari was made -to put on a jewelled dagger and belt, and a royal dress of honour, was -presented with flag, horse-tail standard, [Sidenote: Fol. 351.] drum, a -set (6-8) of _tipuchaq_ (horses), 10 elephants, a string of camels, one -of mules, royal plenishing, and royal utensils. Moreover he was ordered -to take his seat at the head of a _Diwan_. On his mulla and two -guardians were bestowed jackets having buttons[2368]; on his other -servants, three sets of nine coats. - - -(_aa. Babur visits one of his officers._) - -(_Dec. 13th_) On Sunday the last day of the month (_Rabi' I. -30th_)[2369] I went to Sl. Muhammad _Bakhshi's_ house. After spreading a -carpet, he brought gifts. His offering in money and goods was more than -2 _laks_.[2370] When food and offering had been set out, we went into -another room where sitting, we ate _ma'jun_. We came away at the 3rd -watch (midnight?), crossed the water, and went to the private house. - - -(_bb. The Agra-Kabul road measured._) - -(_Dec. 17th_) On Thursday the 4th of the latter Rabi', it was settled -that Chiqmaq Beg with Shahi _tamghachi's_[2371] clerkship, should -measure the road between Agra and Kabul. At every 9th _kuroh_ (_cir._ -18m.), a tower was to be erected 12 _qaris_ high[2372] and having a -_char-dara_[2373] on the top; at every 18th _kuroh_ (_cir._ 36m.),[2374] -6 post-horses were to be kept fastened; and arrangement was to be made -for the payment of post-masters and grooms, and for horse-corn. The -order was, "If the place where the horses are fastened up,[2375] be near -a crown-domain, let those there provide for the matters mentioned; if -not, let the cost be charged on the beg in whose _pargana_ the -post-house may be." Chiqmaq Beg got out of Agra with Shahi on that same -day. - - [Sidenote: Fol. 351b.] (_Author's note on the kuroh._) These - _kurohs_ were established in relation to the _mil_, in the way - mentioned in the _Mubin_:--[2376] - - (_Turki_) Four thousand paces (_qadam_) are one _mil_; - Know that Hind people call this a _kuroh_; - The pace (_qadam_) they say is a _qari_ and a half (36 in.); - Know that each _qari_ (24 in.) is six hand-breadths - (_tutam_) - That each _tutam_ is four fingers (_ailik_), - Each _ailik_, six barley-corns. Know this - knowledge.[2377] - - - The measuring-cord (_tanab_)[2378] was fixed at 40 _qari_, - each being the one-and-a-half _qari_ mentioned above, that is - to say, each is 9 hand-breadths. - - -(_cc. A feast._) - -(_Dec. 18th_) On Saturday the 6th of the month (Rabi' II.) there was a -feast[2379] at which were present Qizil-bash (Red-head), and Auzbeg, and -Hindu envoys.[2380] The Qizil-bash envoys sat under an awning placed -some 70-80 _qaris_[2381] on my right, of the begs Yunas-i-'ali being -ordered to sit with them. On my left the Auzbeg envoys sat in the same -way, of the begs 'Abdu'l-lah being ordered to sit with them. I sat on -the north side of a newly-erected octagonal pavilion (_talar_) covered -in with _khas_[2382]. Five or six _qaris_ on my right sat Tukhta-bugha -Sl. and 'Askari, with Khwaja 'Abdu'sh-shahid and Khwaja Kalan, -descendants of his Reverence the Khwaja,[2383] and Khwaja Chishti (var. -Husaini), and Khalifa, together with the _hafizes_ and _mullas_ -dependent on the Khwajas who had come from Samarkand. Five or six -_qaris_ on my left sat Muhammad-i-zaman M. and Tang-atmish Sl.[2384] -[Sidenote: Fol. 352.] and Sayyid Rafi', Sayyid Rumi, Shaikh Abu'l-fath, -Shaikh Jamali, Shaikh Shihabu'd-din _'Arab_ and Sayyid Dakni (var.Zakni, -Rukni). Before food all the sultans, khans, grandees, and amirs brought -gifts[2385] of red, of white, of black,[2386] of cloth and various other -goods. They poured the red and white on a carpet I had ordered spread, -and side by side with the gold and silver piled plenishing, white cotton -piece-cloth and purses (_badra_) of money. While the gifts were being -brought and before food, fierce camels and fierce elephants[2387] were -set to fight on an island opposite,[2388] so too a few rams; thereafter -wrestlers grappled. After the chief of the food had been set out, -Khwaja 'Abdu'sh-shahid and Khwaja Kalan were made to put on surtouts -(_jabbah_) of fine muslin,[2389] spotted with gold-embroidery, and -suitable dresses of honour, and those headed by Mulla Farrukh and -_Hafiz_[2390] had jackets put on them. On Kuchum Khan's envoy[2391] and -on Hasan _Chalabi's_ younger brother[2392] were bestowed silken -head-wear (_bashliq_) and gold-embroidered surtouts of fine muslin, with -suitable dresses of honour. Gold-embroidered jackets and silk coats were -presented to the envoys of Abu-sa'id Sl. (_Auzbeg_), of Mihr-ban Khanim -and her son Pulad Sl., and of Shah Hasan [Sidenote: Fol. 352b.] -(_Arghun_). The two Khwajas and the two chief envoys, that is to say -Kuchum Khan's retainer and Hasan _Chalabi's_ younger brother, were -presented with a silver stone's weight of gold and a gold stone's weight -of silver. - - (_Author's note on the Turki stone-weight._) The gold stone - (_tash_) is 500 _misqals_, that is to say, one Kabul _sir_; - the silver stone is 250 _misqals_, that is to say, half a - Kabul _sir_.[2393] - -To Khwaja Mir Sultan and his sons, to Hafiz of Tashkint, to Mulla -Farrukh at the head of the Khwajas' servants, and also to other envoys, -silver and gold were given with a quiver.[2394] Yadgar-i-nasir[2395] was -presented with a dagger and belt. On Mir Muhammad the raftsman who was -deserving of reward for the excellent bridge he had made over the river -Gang (Ganges),[2396] a dagger was bestowed, so too on the matchlockmen -Champion [_pahlawan_] Haji Muhammad and Champion Buhlul and on Wali the -cheeta-keeper (_parschi_); one was given to Ustad 'Ali's son also. Gold -and silver were presented to Sayyid Daud _Garmsiri_. Jackets having -buttons,[2397] and silk dresses of honour were presented to the servants -of my daughter Ma'suma[2398] and my son Hind-al. Again:--presents of -jackets and silk dresses of honour, of gold and silver, of plenishing -and various goods were given to those from Andijan, and to those who had -come from Sukh and Hushiar, the places whither we had gone landless and -homeless.[2399] Gifts of the same kind were given to the servants of -Qurban and Shaikhi and the peasants of Kahmard.[2400] [Sidenote: Fol. -353.] - -After food had been sent out, Hindustani players were ordered to come -and show their tricks. Lulis came.[2401] Hindustani performers shew -several feats not shewn by (Tramontane) ones. One is this:--They arrange -seven rings, one on the forehead, two on the knees, two of the remaining -four on fingers, two on toes, and in an instant set them turning -rapidly. Another is this:--Imitating the port of the peacock, they place -one hand on the ground, raise up the other and both legs, and then in an -instant make rings on the uplifted hand and feet revolve rapidly. -Another is this:--In those (Tramontane) countries two people grip one -another and turn two somersaults, but Hindustani _lulis_, clinging -together, go turning over three or four times. Another is this:--a _luli_ -sets the end of a 12 or 14 foot pole on his middle and holds it upright -while another climbs up it and does his [Sidenote: Fol. 353b.] tricks up -there. Another is this:--A small _luli_ gets upon a big one's head, and -stands there upright while the big one moves quickly from side to side -shewing his tricks, the little one shewing his on the big one's head, -quite upright and without tottering. Many dancing-girls came also and -danced. - -A mass of red, white, and black was scattered (_sachildi_) on which -followed amazing noise and pushing. Between the Evening and Bed-time -Prayers I made five or six special people sit in my presence for over -one watch. At the second watch of the day (9 a.m., _Sunday, Rabi' II. -7th_) having sat in a boat, I went to the Eight-Paradises. - - -(_dd. 'Askari starts eastwards._) - -(_Dec. 20th_) On Monday (_8th_) 'Askari who had got (his army) out (of -Agra) for the expedition, came to the Hot-bath, took leave of me and -marched for the East. - - -(_ee. A visit to Dhulpur._) - -(_Dec. 21st_) On Tuesday (_Rabi' II. 9th_) I went to see the buildings -for a reservoir and well at Dulpur.[2402] I rode from the (Agra) garden -at one watch (_pahr_) and one _gari_ (9.22 a.m.), and I entered the -Dulpur garden when 5 _garis_ of the 1st night-watch (_pas_)[2403] had -gone (7.40 p.m.).[2404] - -(_Dec. 23rd_) On Thursday the 11th day of the month the stone-well -(_sangin-chah_), the 26 rock-spouts (_tash-tar-nau_) and rock-pillars -(_tash-situn_), and the water-courses (_ariqlar_) cut on the solid slope -(_yak para qia_) were all ready.[2405] At the 3rd watch (_pahr_) of this -same day preparation for drawing water from the well was made. On -account of a smell (_aid_) in the water, it was ordered, for prudence' -sake, that they should turn the well-wheel without rest for 15 -days-and-nights, and so draw off the water. Gifts were made to the -stone-cutters, and labourers, [Sidenote: Fol. 354.] and the whole body -of workmen in the way customary for master-workmen and wage-earners of -Agra. - -(_Dec. 24th_) We rode from Dulpur while one _gari_ of the 1st watch -(_pahr_) of Friday remained (_cir._ 8.40 a.m.), and we crossed the river -(Jumna) before the Sun had set. - - (_Here the record of 3 days is wanting._)[2406] - - -(_ff. A Persian account of the battle of Jam._) - -(_Dec. 28th_) On Tuesday the 16th of the month (_Rabi' II._) came one of -Div Sl.'s[2407] servants, a man who had been in the fight between the -Qizil-bash and Auzbeg, and who thus described it:--The battle between the -Auzbegs and Turkmans[2408] took place on 'Ashur-day (_Muh. 10th_) near -Jam-and-Khirgird.[2409] They fought from the first dawn till the Mid-day -Prayer. The Auzbegs were 300,000; the Turkmans may have been (as is -said?) 40 to 50,000; he said that he himself estimated their dark mass -at 100,000; on the other hand, the Auzbegs said they themselves were -100,000. The Qizil-bash leader (_adam_) fought after arraying cart, -culverin and matchlockmen in the Rumi fashion, and after protecting -himself.[2410] Shah-zada[2411] and Juha Sl. stood behind the carts with -20,000 good braves. The rest of the begs were posted right and left -beyond the carts. [Sidenote: Fol. 354b.] These the Auzbeg beat at once -on coming up, dismounted and overcame many, making all scurry off. He -then wheeled to the (Qizil-bash) rear and took loot in camel and -baggage. At length those behind the carts loosed the chains and came -out. Here also the fight was hard. Thrice they flung the Auzbeg back; by -God's grace they beat him. Nine sultans, with Kuchum Khan, 'Ubaid Khan -and Abu-sa'id Sl. at their head, were captured; one, Abu-sa'id Sl. is -said to be alive; the rest have gone to death.[2412] 'Ubaid Khan's body -was found, but not his head. Of Auzbegs 50,000, and of Turkmans 20,000 -were slain.[2413] - - (_Here matter seems to have been lost._)[2414] - - -(_gg. Plan of campaign._) - -(_Dec. 30th_) On this same day (Thursday _Rabi' II. 18th_) came -Ghiasu'd-din the armourer[2415] who had gone to Juna-pur (Junpur) with -tryst of 16 days,[2416] but, as Sl. Junaid and the rest had led out -their army for Kharid,[2417] he (Ghiasu'd-din) was not able to be back -at the time fixed.[2418] Sl. Junaid said, by word-of-mouth, "Thank God! -through His grace, no work worth the Padshah's attention has shewn -itself in these parts; if the honoured Mirza ('Askari) come, and if the -sultans, khans and amirs here-abouts be ordered to move in his steps, -there is hope that everything in these parts will be arranged with -ease." Though such was Sl. [Sidenote: Fol. 355.] Junaid's answer,yet, as -people were saying that Mulla Muhammad Mazhab, who had been sent as -envoy to Bengal after the Holy-battle with Sanga the Pagan,[2419] would -arrive today or tomorrow, his news also was awaited. - -(_Dec. 31st_) On Friday the 19th of the month I had eaten ma'jun and was -sitting with a special few in the private house, when Mulla Mazhab who -had arrived late, that is to say, in the night of Saturday,[2420] came -and waited on me. By asking one particular after another, we got to know -that the attitude of the Bengali[2421] was understood to be loyal and -single-minded. - -(_Jan. 2nd_) On Sunday (_Rabi' II. 21st_), I summoned the Turk and Hind -amirs to the private house, when counsel was taken and the following -matters were brought forward:--As the Bengali (Nasrat Shah) has sent us -an envoy[2422] and is said to be loyal and single-minded, to go to -Bengal itself would be improper; if the move be not on Bengal, no other -place on that side has treasure helpful for the army; several places to -the west are both rich and near, - - (_Turki_) Abounding wealth, a pagan people, a short road; - Far though the East lie, this is near. - -At length the matter found settlement at this:--As our westward road is -short, it will be all one if we delay a few days, so that our minds may -be at ease about the East. Again Ghiasu'd-din [Sidenote: Fol. 355b.] the -armourer was made to gallop off, with tryst of 20 days,[2423] to convey -written orders to the eastern amirs for all the sultans, khans, and -amirs who had assembled in 'Askari's presence, to move against those -rebels.[2424] The orders delivered, he was to return by the trysted day -with what ever news there might be. - - -(_hh. Baluchi incursions._) - -In these days Muhammadi Kukuldash made dutiful representation that again -Baluchis had come and overrun several places. Chin-timur Sl. was -appointed for the business; he was to gather to his presence the amirs -from beyond Sihrind and Samana and with them, equipped for 6 months, to -proceed against the Baluchis; namely, such amirs as 'Adil Sultan, Sl. -Muh. _Duldai_, Khusrau Kukuldash, Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_, -'Abdu'l-'aziz the Master-of-the-horse, Sayyid 'Ali, Wali Qizil, Qaracha, -Halahil, 'Ashiq the House-steward, Shaikh 'Ali, Kitta (_Beg Kuhbur_), -Gujur Khan, Hasan 'Ali _Siwadi_. These were to present themselves at the -Sultan's call and muster and not to transgress his word by road or in -halt.[2425] The messenger[2426] appointed to carry these orders was -'Abdu'l-ghaffar; he was to deliver them first to Chin-timur Sl., -[Sidenote: Fol. 356.] then to go on and shew them to the afore-named -begs who were to present themselves with their troops at whatever place -the Sultan gave rendezvous (_buljar_);[2427] 'Abdu'l-ghaffar himself was -to remain with the army and was to make dutiful representation of -slackness or carelessness if shewn by any person soever; this done, we -should remove the offender from the circle of the approved -(_muwajjah-jirgasi_) and from his country or _pargana_. These orders -having been entrusted to 'Abdu'l-ghaffar, words-of-mouth were made known -to him and he was given leave to go. - - (_The last explicit date is a week back._) - - -(_ii. News of the loss of Bihar reaches Dhulpur._) - -(_Jan. 9th_) On the eve of Sunday the 28th of the month (_Rabi' II._) we -crossed the Jun (Jumna) at the 6th _gari_ of the 3rd watch (2.15 a.m.) -and started for the Lotus-garden of Dulpur. The 3rd watch was near[2428] -(Sunday mid-day) when we reached it. Places were assigned on the border -of the garden, where begs and the household might build or make -camping-grounds for themselves. - -(_Jan. 13th_) On Thursday the 3rd of the first Jumada, a place was fixed -in the s.e. of the garden for a Hot-bath; the ground was to be levelled; -I ordered a plinth(?) (_kursi_) erected on the levelled ground, and a -Bath to be arranged, in one room of which was to be a reservoir 10 X 10. - -On this same day Khalifa sent from Agra dutiful letters of Qazi Jia and -Bir-sing Deo, saying it had been heard said that Iskandar's son Mahmud -(_Ludi_) had taken Bihar (town). This news decided for getting the army -to horse. - -(_Jan. 14th_) On Friday (_Jumada I. 4th_), we rode out from the -Lotus-garden at the 6th _gari_ (8.15 a.m.); at the Evening Prayer we -reached Agra. We met Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza on the road who would have -gone to Dulpur, Chin-timur also who must have been coming into -Agra.[2429] - -(_Jan. 15th_) On Saturday (_5th_) the counselling begs having been -summoned, it was settled to ride eastwards on Thursday the 10th of the -month (_Jan. 21st_). - - -(_jj. News of Badakhshan._) - -On this same Saturday letters came from Kabul with news [Sidenote: Fol. -356b.] that Humayun, having mustered the army on that side (Tramontana), -and joined Sl. Wais to himself, had set out with 40,000 men for -Samarkand;[2430] on this Sl. Wais' younger brother Shah-quli goes and -enters Hisar, Tarsun Muhammad leaves Tirmiz, takes Qabadian and asks for -help; Humayun sends Tulik Kukuldash and Mir Khwurd[2431] with many of -his men and what Mughuls there were, then follows himself.[2432] - - (_Here 4 days record is wanting._) - - -(_kk. Babur starts for the East._) - -(_Jan. 20th_) On Thursday the 10th of the first Jumada, I set [Sidenote: -Fol. 357.] out for the East after the 3rd _gari_ (_cir._ 7.10 a.m.), -crossed Jun by boat a little above Jalisir, and went to the -Gold-scattering-garden.[2433] It was ordered that the standard (_tugh_), -drum, stable and all the army-folk should remain on the other side of -the water, opposite to the garden, and that persons coming for an -interview[2434] should cross by boat. - - -(_ll. Arrivals._) - -(_Jan. 22nd_) On Saturday (_12th_) Isma'il Mita, the Bengal envoy -brought the Bengali's offering (Nasrat Shah's), and waited on me in -Hindustan fashion, advancing to within an arrow's flight, making his -reverence, and retiring. They then put on him the due dress of honour -(_khi'lat_) which people call * * * *[2435], and brought him before me. -He knelt thrice in our fashion, advanced, handed Nasrat Shah's letter, -set before me the offering he had brought, and retired. - -(_Jan. 24th_) On Monday (_14th_) the honoured Khwaja 'Abdu'l-haqq having -arrived, I crossed the water by boat, went to his tents and waited on -him.[2436] - -(_Jan. 25th_) On Tuesday (_15th_) Hasan _Chalabi_ arrived and waited on -me.[2437] - - -(_mm. Incidents of the eastward march._) - -On account of our aims (_chapduq_) for the army,[2438] some days were -spent in the Char-bagh. - -(_Jan. 27th_) On Thursday the 17th of the month, that ground was left -after the 3rd _gari_ (7.10 a.m.), I going by boat. It was dismounted 7 -_kurohs_ (14 m.) from Agra, at the village of Anwar.[2439] - -(_Jan. 30th_) On Sunday (_Jumada I. 20th_), the Auzbeg envoys were given -their leave. To Kuchum Khan's envoy Amin Mirza were presented a dagger -with belt, cloth of gold,[2440] and 70,000 _tankas_.[2441] Abu-sa'id's -servant Mulla Taghai and the servants of [Sidenote: Fol. 357b.] -Mihr-ban Khanim and her son Pulad Sl. were made to put on dresses of -honour with gold-embroidered jackets, and were presented also with money -in accordance with their station. - -(_Jan. 31st_?) Next morning[2442] (_Monday 21st_?) leave was given to -Khwaja 'Abdu'l-haqq for stay in Agra and to Khwaja Yahya's grandson -Khwaja Kalan for Samarkand, who had come by way of a mission from Auzbeg -khans and sultans.[2443] - -In congratulation on the birth of Humayun's son and Kamran's marriage, -Mulla Tabrizi and Mirza Beg Taghai[2444] were sent with gifts -(_sachaq_) to each Mirza of 10,000 _shahrukhis_, a coat I had worn, and -a belt with clasps. Through Mulla Bihishti were sent to Hind-al an -inlaid dagger with belt, an inlaid ink-stand, a stool worked in -mother-o'pearl, a tunic and a girdle,[2445] together with the alphabet -of the Baburi script and fragments (_qita'lar_) written in that script. -To Humayun were sent the translation (_tarjuma_) and verses made in -Hindustan.[2446] To Hind-al and Khwaja Kalan also the translation and -verses were sent. They were sent too to Kamran, through Mirza Beg -Taghai, together with head-lines (_sar-khat_) in the Baburi -script.[2447] - -(_Feb. 1st_) On Tuesday, after writing letters to be taken by those -going to Kabul, the buildings in hand at Agra and Dulpur [Sidenote: Fol. -358.] were recalled to mind, and entrusted to the charge of Mulla Qasim, -Ustad Shah Muhammad the stone-cutter, Mirak, Mir Ghias, Mir Sang-tarash -(stone-cutter) and Shah Baba the spadesman. Their leave was then given -them. - -(_Feb. 2nd_) The first watch (6 a.m.) was near[2448] when we rode out -from Anwar (_Wednesday, Jumada I. 23rd_); in the end,[2449] we -dismounted, at the Mid-day Prayer, in the village of Abapur, one _kuroh_ -(2 m.) from Chandawar.[2450] - -(_Feb. 3rd_) On the eve of Thursday (_24th_)[2451] 'Abdu'l-maluk the -armourer[2452] was joined with Hasan _Chalabi_ and sent as envoy to the -Shah[2453]; and Chapuq[2454] was joined with the Auzbeg envoys and sent -to the Auzbeg khans and sultans. - -We moved from Abapur while 4 _garis_ of the night remained (4.30 a.m.). -After passing Chandawar at the top of the dawn, I got into a boat. I -landed in front of Rapri and at the Bed-time Prayer got to the camp -which was at Fathpur.[2455] - -(_Feb. 4th and 5th_) Having stayed one day (_Friday_) at Fathpur, we got -to horse on Saturday (_26th_) after making ablution (_wazu_) at dawn. We -went through the Morning Prayer in assembly near Rapri, Maulana Muhammad -of Farab being the leader (_imam_). At sun-rise I got into a boat below -the great crook[2456] of Rapri. - -Today I put together a line-marker (_mistar_) of eleven lines[2457] in -order to write the mixed hands of the translation.[2458] Today the -words of the honoured man-of-God admonished my heart.[2459] - -(_Feb. 6th_) Opposite Jakin,[2460] one of the Rapri _parganas_, we -[Sidenote: Fol. 358b.] had the boats drawn to the bank and just spent -the night in them. We had them moved on from that place before the dawn -(_Sunday 27th_), after having gone through the Morning Prayer. When I -was again on board, Pay-master Sl. Muhammad came, bringing a servant of -Khwaja Kalan, Shamsu'd-din Muhammad, from whose letters and information -particulars about the affairs of Kabul became known.[2461] Mahdi Khwaja -also came when I was in the boat.[2462] At the Mid-day Prayer I landed -in a garden opposite Etawa, there bathed (_ghusl_) in the Jun, and -fulfilled the duty of prayer. Moving nearer towards Etawa, we sat down -in that same garden under trees on a height over-looking the river, and -there set the braves to amuse us.[2463] Food ordered by Mahdi Khwaja, -was set before us. At the Evening Prayer we crossed the river; at the -bed-time one we reached camp. - -There was a two or three days' delay on that ground both to collect the -army, and to write letters in answer to those brought by Shamsu'd-din -Muhammad. - - -(_nn. Letters various._) - -(_Feb. 9th_) On Wednesday the last day (_30th_) of the 1st Jumada, we -marched from Etawa, and after doing 8 _kurohs_ (16m.), dismounted at -Muri-and-Adusa.[2464] - -Several remaining letters for Kabul were written on this same ground. -One to Humayun was to this purport:--If the work have not yet been done -satisfactorily, stop the raiders and thieves thyself; do not let them -embroil the peace now descending amongst the peoples.[2465] Again, there -was this:--I have made [Sidenote: Fol. 359.] Kabul a crown-domain, let no -son of mine covet it. Again:--that I had summoned Hind-al. - -Kamran, for his part, was written to about taking the best of care in -intercourse with the Shah-zada,[2466] about my bestowal on himself of -Multan, making Kabul a crown-domain, and the coming of my family and -train.[2467] - -As my letter to Khwaja Kalan makes several particulars known, it is -copied in here without alteration:--[2468] - - -[COPY OF A LETTER TO KHWAJA KALAN.] - -"After saying 'Salutation to Khwaja Kalan', the first matter is that -Shamsu'd-din Muhammad has reached Etawa, and that the particulars about -Kabul are known." - -"Boundless and infinite is my desire to go to those parts.[2469] Matters -are coming to some sort of settlement in Hindustan; there is hope, -through the Most High, that the work here will soon be arranged. This -work brought to order, God willing! my start will be made at once." - -"How should a person forget the pleasant things of those countries, -especially one who has repented and vowed to sin no more? How should he -banish from his mind the permitted flavours of melons and grapes? Taking -this opportunity,[2470] a melon was brought to me; to cut and eat it -affected me strangely; I was all tears!" - -"The unsettled state[2471] of Kabul had already been written of -[Sidenote: Fol. 359b.] to me. After thinking matters over, my choice -fell on this:--How should a country hold together and be strong (_marbut -u mazbut_), if it have seven or eight Governors? Under this aspect of -the affair, I have summoned my elder sister (Khan-zada) and my wives to -Hindustan, have made Kabul and its neighbouring countries a -crown-domain, and have written in this sense to both Humayun and Kamran. -Let a capable person take those letters to the Mirzas. As you may know -already, I had written earlier to them with the same purport. About the -safe-guarding and prosperity of the country, there will now be no -excuse, and not a word to say. Henceforth, if the town-wall[2472] be not -solid or subjects not thriving, if provisions be not in store or the -Treasury not full, it will all be laid on the back of the inefficiency -of the Pillar-of-the State."[2473] - -"The things that must be done are specified below; for some of them -orders have gone already, one of these being, 'Let treasure accumulate.' -The things which must be done are these:--First, the repair of the fort; -again:--the provision of stores; again:--the daily allowance and -lodging[2474] of envoys going backwards and forwards[2475]; again:--let -money, taken legally from revenue,[2476] be spent for building the -Congregational Mosque; again:--the repairs of the Karwan-sara -(Caravan-sarai) and the Hot-baths; again:--the completion of the -unfinished building [Sidenote: Fol. 360.] made of burnt-brick which -Ustad Hasan 'Ali was constructing in the citadel. Let this work be -ordered after taking counsel with Ustad Sl. Muhammad; if a design exist, -drawn earlier by Ustad Hasan 'Ali, let Ustad Sl. Muhammad finish the -building precisely according to it; if not, let him do so, after making -a gracious and harmonious design, and in such a way that its floor shall -be level with that of the Audience-hall; again:--the Khwurd-Kabul dam -which is to hold up the But-khak-water at its exit from the Khwurd-Kabul -narrows; again:--the repair of the Ghazni dam[2477]; again:--the -Avenue-garden in which water is short and for which a one-mill stream -must be diverted[2478]; again:--I had water brought from Tutum-dara to -rising ground south-west of Khwaja Basta, there made a reservoir and -planted young trees. The place got the name of Belvedere,[2479] because -it faces the ford and gives a first-rate view. The best of young trees -must be planted there, lawns arranged, and borders set with sweet-herbs -and with flowers of beautiful colour and scent; again:--Sayyid Qasim has -been named to reinforce thee; again:--do not neglect the condition of -matchlockmen and of Ustad Muhammad Amin the armourer[2480]; -again:--directly this letter arrives, thou must get my elder sister -(Khan-zada Begim) and my wives right out of Kabul, and escort them to -Nil-ab. However averse they may still be, they most certainly must start -within a week of the arrival of [Sidenote: Fol. 360b.] this letter. For -why? Both because the armies which have gone from Hindustan to escort -them are suffering hardship in a cramped place (_tar yirda_), and also -because they[2481] are ruining the country." - -"Again:--I made it clear in a letter written to 'Abdu'l-lah (_'asas_), -that there had been very great confusion in my mind (_dughdugha_), to -counterbalance being in the oasis (_wadi_) of penitence. This quatrain -was somewhat dissuading (_mani'_):--[2482] - - Through renouncement of wine bewildered am I; - How to work know I not, so distracted am I; - While others repent and make vow to abstain, - I have vowed to abstain, and repentant am I. - -"A witticism of Banai's came back to my mind:--One day when he had been -joking in 'Ali-sher Beg's presence, who must have been wearing a jacket -with buttons,[2483] 'Ali-sher Beg said, 'Thou makest charming jokes; but -for the buttons, I would give thee the jacket; they are the hindrance -(_mani'_).' Said Banai, 'What hindrance are buttons? It is button-holes -(_madagi_) that hinder.'[2484] Let responsibility for this story lie on -the teller! hold me excused for it; for God's sake do not be offended by -it.[2485] Again:--that quatrain was made before last year, and in truth -the longing and craving for a wine-party has been infinite and endless -for two years past, so much so that sometimes the craving for wine -brought me to the verge of tears. Thank God! this year that trouble has -passed from my mind, perhaps by virtue of the [Sidenote: Fol. 361.] -blessing and sustainment of versifying the translation.[2486] Do thou -also renounce wine! If had with equal associates and boon-companions, -wine and company are pleasant things; but with whom canst thou now -associate? with whom drink wine? If thy boon-companions are Sher-i-ahmad -and Haidar-quli, it should not be hard for thee to forswear wine. So -much said, I salute thee and long to see thee."[2487] - -The above letter was written on Thursday the 1st of the latter Jumada -(_Feb. 10th_). It affected me greatly to write concerning those -matters, with their mingling of counsel. The letters were entrusted to -Shamsu'd-din Muhammad on Friday night,[2488] he was apprized of -word-of-mouth messages and given leave to go. - - -(_oo. Complaints from Balkh._) - -(_Feb. 11th_) On Friday (_Jumada II. 2nd_) we did 8 _kurohs_ (16m.) and -dismounted at Jumandna.[2489] Today a servant of Kitin-qara Sl. arrived -whom the Sultan had sent to his retainer and envoy Kamalu'd-din -_Qiaq_,[2490] with things written concerning the behaviour of the begs -of the (Balkh) border, their intercourse with himself, and complaints of -theft and raid. Leave to go was given to _Qiaq_, and orders were issued -to the begs of the border to put an end to raiding and thieving, to -behave well and to maintain intercourse with Balkh. These orders were -entrusted to Kitin-qara Sl.'s servant and he was dismissed from this -ground. - -A letter, accepting excuse for the belated arrival of Hasan -_Chalabi_,[2491] was sent to the Shah today by one Shah-quli who had -[Sidenote: Fol. 361b.] come to me from Hasan _Chalabi_ and reported the -details of the battle (of Jam).[2492] Shah-quli was given his leave on -this same day, the 2nd of the month. - - -(_pp. Incidents of the eastward march resumed._) - -(_Feb. 12th_) On Saturday (_3rd_) we did 8 _kurohs_ (16m.) and -dismounted in the Kakura and Chachawali[2493] _parganas_ of Kalpi. - -(_Feb. 13th_) On Sunday the 4th of the month, we did 9 _kurohs_ (18m.) -and dismounted in Dirapur[2494] a _pargana_ of Kalpi. Here I shaved my -head,[2495] which I had not done for the past two months, and bathed in -the Singar-water (Sengar). - -(_Feb. 14th_) On Monday (_5th_) we did 14 _kurohs_ (28m.), and -dismounted in Chaparkada[2496] one of the _parganas_ of Kalpi. - -(_Feb. 15th_) At the dawn of Tuesday (_6th_), a Hindustani servant of -Qaracha's arrived who had taken a command (_farman_) from Mahim to -Qaracha from which it was understood that she was on the road. She had -summoned escort from people in Lahor, Bhira and those parts in the -fashion I formerly wrote orders (_parwanas_) with my own hand. Her -command had been written in Kabul on the 7th of the 1st Jumada (_Jan. -17th_).[2497] - -(_Feb. 16th_) On Wednesday (_7th_) we did 7 _kurohs_ (14m.), and -dismounted in the Adampur _pargana_.[2498] Today I mounted before dawn, -took the road[2499] alone, reached the Jun (Jumna), and went on along -its bank. When I came opposite to Adampur, I had awnings set up on an -island (_aral_) near the camp and seated there, ate _ma'jun_. - -Today we set Sadiq to wrestle with Kalal who had come to [Sidenote: Fol. -362.] Agra with a challenge.[2500] In Agra he had asked respite for 20 -days on the plea of fatigue from his journey; as now 40-50 days had -passed since the end of his respite, he was obliged to wrestle. Sadiq -did very well, throwing him easily. Sadiq was given 10,000 _tankas_, a -saddled horse, a head-to-foot, and a jacket with buttons; while Kalal, -to save him from despair, was given 3000 _tankas_, spite of his fall. - -The carts and mortar were ordered landed from the boats, and we spent 3 -or 4 days on this same ground while the road was made ready, the ground -levelled and the landing effected. - -(_Feb. 21st_) On Monday the 12th of the month (_Jumada II._), we did 12 -_kurohs_ (24 m.) and dismounted at Kurarah.[2501] Today I travelled by -litter. - -(_Feb. 22nd-25th_) After marching 12 _kurohs_ (24 m.) from Kurarah -(_13th_), we dismounted in Kuria[2502] a _pargana_ of Karrah. From Kuria -we marched 8 _kurohs_ (16m.) and dismounted (_14th_) in -Fathpur-Aswa.[2503] After 8 _kurohs_ (16m.) done from Fathpur, we -dismounted (_15th_) at Sarai Munda.[2504]... Today at the Bedtime Prayer -(_Friday 16th_, _after dark_), Sl. Jalalu'd-din (_Sharqi_)[2505] came -with his two young sons to wait on me. - -(_Feb. 26th_) Next day, Saturday the 17th of the month, we did 8 -_kurohs_ (16m.), and dismounted at Dugdugi a Karrah _pargana_ on the -bank of the Gang.[2506] - -(_Feb. 27th_) On Sunday (_18th_) came to this ground Muhammad Sl. M., -Ni-khub (or, Bi-khub) Sl. and Tardika (or, Tardi _yakka_, [Sidenote: -Fol. 362b.] champion). - -(_Feb. 28th_) On Monday (_19th_) 'Askari also waited on me. They all -came from the other side of Gang (Ganges). 'Askari and his various -forces were ordered to march along the other bank of the river keeping -opposite the army on this side, and wherever our camp might be, to -dismount just opposite it. - - -(_qq. News of the Afghans._) - -While we were in these parts news came again and again that Sl. Mahmud -(_Ludi_) had collected 10,000 Afghans; that he had detached Shaikh -Bayazid and Biban with a mass of men towards Sarwar [Gorakhpur]; -that he himself with Fath Khan _Sarwani_ was on his way along the -river for Chunar; that Sher Khan _Sur_ whom I had favoured last year -with the gift of several _parganas_ and had left in charge of this -neighbourhood,[2507] had joined these Afghans who thereupon had made him -and a few other amirs cross the water; that Sl. Jalalu'd-din's man in -Benares had not been able to hold that place, had fled, and got away; -what he was understood to have said being, that he had left soldiers -(_sipahilar_) in Benares-fort and gone along the river to fight Sl. -Mahmud.[2508] - - -(_rr. Incidents of the march resumed._) - -(_March 1st_) Marching from Dugdugi (_Tuesday, Jumada II. 20th_) the -army did 6 _kurohs_ (12m.) and dismounted at Kusar,[2509] 3 or 4 -_kurohs_ from Karrah. I went by boat. We stayed here 3 or 4 [Sidenote: -Fol. 363.] days because of hospitality offered by Sl. Jalalu'd-din. - -(_March 4th_) On Friday (_23rd_), I dismounted at Sl. Jalalu'd-din's -house inside Karrah-fort where, host-like, he served me a portion of -cooked meat and other viands.[2510] After the meal, he and his sons were -dressed in unlined coats (_yaktai jamah_) and short tunics -(_nimcha_).[2511] At his request his elder son was given the style Sl. -Mahmud.[2512] On leaving Karrah, I rode about one _kuroh_ (2m.) and -dismounted on the bank of Gang. - -Here letters were written and leave was given to Shahrak Beg who had -come from Mahim to our first camp on Gang (_i.e._ Dugdugi). As Khwaja -Yahya's grandson Khwaja Kalan had been asking for the records I was -writing,[2513] I sent him by Shahrak a copy I had had made. - -(_March 5th_) On Saturday move was made at dawn (_24th_), I going by -boat direct, and after 4 _kurohs_ done (8m.), halt was made at -Koh.[2514] Our ground, being so near, was reached quite early. After -awhile, we seated ourselves inside[2515] a boat where we ate _ma'jun_. -We invited the honoured Khwaja 'Abdu'sh-shahid[2516] who was said to be -in Nur Beg's quarters (_awi_), invited also Mulla Mahmud (_Farabi_?), -bringing him from Mulla 'Ali Khan's. After staying for some time on that -spot, we crossed the river, and on the other side, set wrestlers to -wrestle. In opposition to the rule of gripping the strongest first, -Dost-i-yasin-khair [Sidenote: Fol. 363b.] was told not to grapple with -Champion Sadiq, but with others; he did so very well with eight. - - -(_ss. News of the Afghan enemy._) - -At the Afternoon Prayer, Sl. Muhammad the Pay-master came by boat from -the other side of the river, bringing news that the army of Sl. -Iskandar's son Mahmud Khan whom rebels style Sl. Mahmud,[2517] had -broken up. The same news was brought in by a spy who had gone out at the -Mid-day Prayer from where we were; and a dutiful letter, agreeing with -what the spy had reported, came from Taj Khan _Sarang-khani_ between the -Afternoon and Evening Prayers. Sl. Muhammad gave the following -particulars:--that the rebels on reaching Chunar seemed to have laid -siege to it and to have done a little fighting, but had risen in -disorderly fashion when they heard of our approach; that Afghans who had -crossed the river for Benares, had turned back in like disorder; that -two of their boats had sunk in crossing and a body of their men been -drowned. - - -(_tt. Incidents of the eastward march resumed._) - -(_March 6th_) After marching at Sunday's dawn (_25th_) and doing 6 -_kurohs_ (12m.), Sir-auliya,[2518] a _pargana_ of Piag*[2519] was -reached. I went direct by boat. - -Aisan-timur Sl. and Tukhta-bugha Sl. had dismounted half-way, and were -waiting to see me.[2520] I, for my part, invited them into the boat. -Tukhta-bugha Sl. must have wrought magic, for a bitter wind rose and -rain began to fall. It became quite windy(?)[2521] on which account I -ate _ma'jun_, although I had done so on the previous day. Having come to -the encamping-ground....[2522] - -(_March 7th_?) Next day (_Monday 26th_?) we remained on the same ground. - -(_March 8th_?) On Tuesday (_27th_?) we marched on. - -Opposite the camp was what may be an island,[2523] large and verdant. I -went over by boat to visit it, returning to the boat during the 1st -watch (6-9 a.m.). While I rode carelessly along the ravine (_jar_) of -the river, my horse got to where it was fissured and had begun to give -way. I leapt off at once and flung myself on the bank; even the horse -did not go down; probably, however, if I had stayed on its back, it and -I would have gone down together. - -On this same day, I swam the Gang-river (Ganges), counting every -stroke;[2524] I crossed with 33, then, without resting, swam back. I had -swum the other rivers, Gang had remained to do.[2525] - -We reached the meeting of the waters of Gang and Jun at the Evening -Prayer, had the boat drawn to the Piag side, and got to camp at 1 watch, -4 _garis_ (10.30 p.m.). - -(_March 9th_) On Wednesday (_Jumada II. 28th_) from the 1st watch -onwards, the army began to cross the river Jun; there were 420 -boats.[2526] - -(_March 11th_) On Friday, the 1st of the month of Rajab, I crossed the -river. - -(_March 14th_) On Monday, the 4th of the month, the march for Bihar -began along the bank of Jun. After 5 _kurohs_ (10m.) done, halt was made -at Lawain.[2527] I went by boat. The people of the army were crossing -the Jun up to today. They were ordered to put the culverin-carts[2528] -which had been landed at Adampur, into boats again and to bring them on -by water from Piag. - -On this ground we set wrestlers to wrestle. Dost-i-yasin-khair gripped -the boatman Champion of Lahor; the contest was stubborn; it was with -great difficulty that Dost gave the throw. A head-to-foot was bestowed -on each. - -(_March 15th and 16th_) People said that ahead of us was a swampy, -muddy, evil river called Tus.[2529] In order to examine the ford*[2530] -and repair the road, we waited two days (_Tuesday Ramzan 5th and -Wednesday 6th_) on this ground. For the horses and camels a ford was -found higher up, but people said laden carts could not get through it -because of its uneven, stony bottom. [Sidenote: Fol. 364.] They were -just ordered to get them through. - -(_March 17th_) On Thursday (_7th_) we marched on. I myself went by boat -down to where the Tus meets the Gang (Ganges), there landed, thence rode -up the Tus, and, at the Other Prayer, reached where the army had -encamped after crossing the ford. Today 6 _kurohs_ (12 m.) were done. - -(_March 18th_) Next day (_Friday 8th_), we stayed on that ground. - -(_March 19th_) On Saturday (_9th_), we marched 12 _kurohs_ and got to -the bank of Gang again at Nuliba.[2531] - -(_March 20th_) Marching on (_Sunday 10th_), we did 6 _kurohs_ of road, -and dismounted at Kintit.[2532] - -(_March 21st_) Marching on (_Monday 11th_), we dismounted at -Nanapur.[2533] Taj Khan _Sarang-khani_ came from Chunar to this ground -with his two young sons, and waited on me. - -In these days a dutiful letter came from Pay-master Sl. Muhammad, saying -that my family and train were understood to be really on their way from -Kabul.[2534] - -(_March 23rd_) On Wednesday (_13th_) we marched from that ground. I -visited the fort of Chunar, and dismounted about one _kuroh_ beyond it. - -During the days we were marching from Piag, painful boils had come out -on my body. While we were on this ground, an Ottoman Turk (Rumi) used a -remedy which had been recently discovered in Rum. He boiled pepper in a -pipkin; I held the sores in the steam and, after steaming ceased, laved -them with the hot water. The treatment lasted 2 sidereal hours. - -While we were on this ground, a person said he had seen tiger and -rhinoceros on an _aral_[2535] by the side of the camp. - -(_March 24th_?) In the morning (_14th_?), we made the -hunting-circle[2536] [Sidenote: Fol. 364b.] on that _aral_, elephants -also being brought. Neither tiger nor rhino appeared; one wild buffalo -came out at the end of the line. A bitter wind rising and the whirling -dust being very troublesome, I went back to the boat and in it to the -camp which was 2 _kurohs_ (4m.) above Banaras. - - -(_uu. News of the Afghans._) - -(_March 25th_ (?) _and 26th_) Having heard there were many elephants in -the Chunar jungles, I had left (Thursday's) ground thinking to hunt -them, but Taj Khan bringing the news (_Friday 15th_(?)) that Mahmud Khan -(_Ludi_) was near the Son-water, I summoned the begs and took counsel as -to whether to fall upon him suddenly. In the end it was settled to march -on continuously, fast[2537] and far. - -(_March 27th_) Marching on (_Sunday 17th_), we did 9 _kurohs_ (18m.), -and dismounted at the Bilwah-ferry.[2538] - -(_March 28th_) On Monday night[2539] the 18th of the month, Tahir was -started for Agra from this camp (Bilwah-ferry), taking money-drafts for -the customary gifts of allowance and lodging[2540] to those on their way -from Kabul. - -Before dawn next morning (Monday) I went on by boat. When we came to -where the Gui-water (Gumti) which is the water of Junpur, meets the -Gang-water (Ganges), I went a little [Sidenote: Fol. 365.] way up it and -back. Narrower[2541] though it is, it has no ford; the army-folk crossed -it (last year) by boat, by raft, or by swimming their horses. - -To look at our ground of a year ago,[2542] from which we had started for -Junpur,[2543] I went to about a _kuroh_ lower than the mouth of the -Junpur-water (Gumti). A favourable wind getting up behind, our larger -boat was tied to a smaller Bengali one which, spreading its sail, made -very quick going. Two _garis_ of day remained (5.15 p.m.) when we had -reached that ground (Sayyidpur?), we went on without waiting there, and -by the Bed-time Prayer had got to camp, which was a _kuroh_ above -Madan-Benares,[2544] long before the boats following us. Mughul Beg had -been ordered to measure all marches from Chunar on the direct road, -Lutfi Beg to measure the river's bank whenever I went by boat. The -direct road today was said to be 11 _kurohs_ (22m.), the distance along -the river, 18 (36m.). - -(_March 29th_) Next day (_Tuesday 19th_), we stayed on that ground. - -(_March 30th_) On Wednesday (_20th_), we dismounted a _kuroh_ (2m.) -below Ghazipur, I going by boat. - -(_March 31st_) On Thursday (_21st_) Mahmud Khan _Nuhani_[2545] waited -on me on that ground. On this same day dutiful letters[2546] came -from Bihar Khan _Bihari's_ son Jalal Khan (_Nuhani_),[2547] from -Nasir Khan (_Nuhani_)'s son Farid Khan,[2548] from Sher Khan _Sur_, -from 'Alaul Khan _Sur_ also, and from other Afghan amirs. Today -[Sidenote: Fol. 365b.] came also a dutiful letter from 'Abdu'l-'aziz -_Master-of-the-horse_, which had been written in Lahor on the 20th of -the latter Jumada (_Feb. 29th_), the very day on which Qaracha's -Hindustani servant whom we had started off from near Kalpi,[2549] -reached Lahor. 'Abdu'l-'aziz wrote that he had gone with the others -assigned to meet my family at Nil-ab, had met them there on the 9th of -the latter Jumada (_Feb. 18th_), had accompanied them to Chin-ab -(Chan-ab), left them there, and come ahead to Lahor where he was writing -his letter. - -(_April 1st_) We moved on, I going by boat, on Friday (_Rajab 22nd_). I -landed opposite Chausa to look at the ground of a year ago[2550] where -the Sun had been eclipsed and a fast kept.[2551] After I got back to the -boat, Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza, coming up behind by boat, overtook me; at -his suggestion _ma'jun_ was eaten. - -The army had dismounted on the bank of the Karma-na['s]a-river, about -the water of which Hindus are understood to be extremely scrupulous. -They do not cross it, but go past its mouth by boat along the Gang -(Ganges). They firmly believe that, if its water touch a person, the -merit of his works is destroyed; with this belief its name -accords.[2552] I went some way up it by [Sidenote: Fol. 366.] boat, -turned back, went over to the north bank of Gang, and tied up. There the -braves made a little fun, some wrestling. Muhsin the cup-bearer -challenged, saying, "I will grapple with four or five." The first he -gripped, he threw; the second, who was Shadman (Joyous), threw him, to -Muhsin's shame and vexation. The (professional) wrestlers came also and -set to. - -(_April 2nd_) Next morning, Saturday (_23rd_) we moved, close to the 1st -watch (6 a.m.), in order to get people off to look at the ford through -the Karma-na['s]a-water. I rode up it for not less than a _kuroh_ (2 -m.), but the ford being still far on,[2553] took boat and went to the -camp below Chausa. - -Today I used the pepper remedy again; it must have been somewhat hotter -than before, for it blistered (_qapardi_) my body, giving me much pain. - -(_April 3rd_) We waited a day for a road to be managed across a -smallish, swampy rivulet heard to be ahead.[2554] - -(_April 4th_) On the eve of Monday (_25th_),[2555] letters were written -and sent off in answer to those brought by the Hindustani footman of -'Abdu'l-'aziz. - -The boat I got into at Monday's dawn, had to be towed because of the -wind. On reaching the ground opposite Baksara (Buxar) [Sidenote: Fol. -366b.] where the army had been seated many days last year,[2556] we went -over to look at it. Between 40 and 50 landing-steps had been then made -on the bank; of them the upper two only were left, the river having -destroyed the rest. _Ma'jun_ was eaten after return to the boat. We tied -up at an _aral_[2557] above the camp, set the champions to wrestle, and -went on at the Bed-time Prayer. A year ago (_yil-tur_), an excursion had -been made to look at the ground on which the camp now was, I passing -through Gang swimming (? _dastak bila_),[2558] some coming mounted on -horses, some on camels. That day I had eaten opium. - - -(_vv. Incidents of the military operations._) - -(_April 5th_) At Tuesday's dawn (_26th_), we sent out for news not under -200 effective braves led by Karim-birdi and Haidar the stirrup-holder's -son Muhammad 'Ali and Baba Shaikh. - -While we were on this ground, the Bengal envoy was commanded to set -forth these three articles:--[2559] - -(_April 6th_) On Wednesday (_27th_) Yunas-i-'ali who had been sent to -gather Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza's objections to Bihar, brought back rather -a weak answer. - -Dutiful letters from the (Farmuli) Shaikh-zadas of Bihar gave news that -the enemy had abandoned the place and gone off. - -(_April 7th_) On Thursday (_28th_) as many as 2000 men of the Turk and -Hind amirs and quiver-wearers were joined to Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang's_ -son Tardi-muhammad, and he was [Sidenote: Fol. 367.] given leave to go, -taking letters of royal encouragement to people in Bihar. He was joined -also by Khwaja Murshid _'Iraqi_ who had been made Diwan of Bihar. - -(_April 8th_ (?)) Muhammad-i-zaman M. who had consented to go to Bihar, -made representation of several matters through Shaikh Zain and -Yunas-i-'ali. He asked for reinforcement; for this several braves were -inscribed and several others were made his own retainers. - -(_April 9th_)[2560] On Saturday the 1st of the month of Sha'ban, we left -that ground where we had been for 3 or 4 days. I rode to visit Bhujpur -and Bihiya,[2561] thence went to camp. - -Muhammad 'Ali and the others, who had been sent out for news, after -beating a body of pagans as they went along, reached the place where Sl. -Mahmud (_Ludi_) had been with perhaps 2000 men. He had heard of our -reconnaissance, had broken up, killed two elephants of his, and marched -off. He seemed to have left braves and an elephant[2562] scout-fashion; -they made no stand when our men came up but took to flight. Ours -unhorsed a few of his, cut one head off, brought in a few good men -alive. - - -(_ww. Incidents of the eastward march resumed._) - -(_April 10th_) We moved on next day (_Sunday 2nd_), I going by boat. -From our today's ground Muhammad-i-zaman M. crossed (his army) over the -river (Son), leaving none behind. We spent 2 or 3 days on this ground in -order to put his work through and [Sidenote: Fol. 367b.] get him off. - -(_April 13th_) On Wednesday the 4th[2563] of the month, Muhammad-i-zaman -M. was presented with a royal head-to-foot, a sword and belt, a -_tipuchaq_ horse and an umbrella.[2564] He also was made to kneel -(_yukunduruldi_) for the Bihar country. Of the Bihar revenues one _krur_ -and 25 _laks_ were reserved for the Royal Treasury; its Diwani was -entrusted to Murshid _'Iraqi_. - -(_April 14th_) I left that ground by boat on Thursday (_6th_). I had -already ordered the boats to wait, and on getting up with them, I had -them fastened together abreast in line.[2565] Though all were not -collected there, those there were greatly exceeded the breadth of the -river. They could not move on, however, so-arranged, because the water -was here shallow, there deep, here swift, there still. A crocodile -(_gharial_) shewing itself, a terrified fish leaped so high as to fall -into a boat; it was caught and brought to me. - -When we were nearing our ground, we gave the boats names:--a [Sidenote: -Fol. 368.] large[2566] one, formerly the Baburi,[2567] which had been -built in Agra before the Holy-battle with Sanga, was named Asaish -(Repose).[2568] Another, which Araish Khan had built and presented to me -this year before our army got to horse, one in which I had had a -platform set up on our way to this ground, was named Araish (Ornament). -Another, a good-sized one presented to me by Jalalu'd-din _Sharqi_, was -named the Gunjaish (Capacious); in it I had ordered a second platform -set up, on the top of the one already in it. To a little skiff, having a -_chaukandi_,[2569] one used for every task (_har aish_) and duty, was -given the name Farmaish (Commissioned). - -(_April 15th_) Next day, Friday (_7th_), no move was made. -Muhammad-i-zaman M. who, his preparations for Bihar complete, had -dismounted one or two _kurohs_ from the camp, came today to take leave -of me.[2570] - - -(_xx. News of the army of Bengal._) - -Two spies, returned from the Bengal army, said that Bengalis[2571] under -Makhdum-i-'alam were posted in 24 places on the Gandak and there raising -defences; that they had hindered the Afghans from carrying out their -intention to get their families across the river (Ganges?), and had -joined them to themselves.[2572] This news making fighting probable, we -detained Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza, and sent Shah Iskandar to Bihar with 3 -or 400 men. - - -(_yy. Incidents of the eastward march resumed._) - -[Sidenote: Fol. 368b.] (_April 16th_) On Saturday (_8th_) a person came -in from Dudu and her son Jalal Khan (son) of Bihar Khan[2573] whom the -Bengali (Nasrat Shah) must have held as if eye-bewitched.[2574] After -letting me know they were coming,[2575] they had done some straight -fighting to get away from the Bengalis, had crossed the river,[2576] -reached Bihar, and were said now to be on their way to me. - -This command was given today for the Bengal envoy Isma'il -Mita:--Concerning those three articles, about which letters have already -been written and despatched, let him write that an answer is long in -coming, and that if the honoured (Nasrat Shah) be loyal and of -single-mind towards us, it ought to come soon. - -(_April 17th_) In the night of Sunday (_9th_)[2577] a man came in from -Tardi-muhammad _Jang-jang_ to say that when, on Wednesday the 5th of the -month Sha'ban, his scouts reached Bihar from this side, the Shiqdar of -the place went off by a gate on the other side. - -On Sunday morning we marched on and dismounted in the _pargana_ of Ari -(Arrah).[2578] - - -(_zz. News and negotiations._) - -To this ground came the news that the Kharid[2579] army, with 100-150 -boats, was said to be on the far side of the Saru near the meeting of -Saru and Gang (Ghogra and Ganges). As a sort of peace existed between us -and the Bengali (Nasrat Shah _Afghan_), and as, for the sake of a -benediction, peace was our first endeavour whenever such work was toward -as we were now on, we kept to our rule, notwithstanding his unmannerly -conduct in setting himself on our road;[2580] we associated Mulla Mazhab -with his envoy Isma'il Mita, spoke once more about those three articles -[Sidenote: Fol. 369.] (_fasl soz_), and decided to let the envoy go. - -(_April 18th_) On Monday (_10th_) when the Bengal envoy came to wait on -me, he was let know that he had his leave, and what follows was -mentioned:[2581]--"We shall be going to this side and that side, in -pursuit of our foe, but no hurt or harm will be done to any dependency -of yours. As one of those three articles said,[2582] when you have told -the army of Kharid to rise off our road and to go back to Kharid, let a -few Turks be joined with it to reassure these Kharid people and to -escort them to their own place.[2583] If they quit not the ferry-head, -if they cease not their unbecoming words, they must regard as their own -act any ill that befalls them, must count any misfortune they confront -as the fruit of their own words." - -(_April 20th_) On Wednesday (_12th_) the usual dress of honour was put -on the Bengal envoy, gifts were bestowed on him and his leave to go was -given. - -(_April 21st_) On Thursday (_13th_) Shaikh Jamali was sent with royal -letters of encouragement to Dudu and her son Jalal Khan. - -Today a servant of Mahim's came, who will have parted from the -Wali(?)[2584] on the other side of the Bagh-i-safa. - -(_April 23rd_) On Saturday (_15th_) an envoy from 'Iraq, Murad -_Qajar_[2585] the life-guardsman, was seen. - -(_April 24th_) On Sunday (_16th_) Mulla Mazhab received his usual -keepsakes (_yadgarlar_) and was given leave to go. - -[Sidenote: Fol. 369b.] (_April 25th_) On Monday (_17th_) Khalifa was -sent, with several begs, to see where the river (Ganges) could be -crossed. - -(_April 27th_) On Wednesday, (_19th_) Khalifa again was sent out, to -look at the ground between the two rivers (Ganges and Ghogra). - -On this same day I rode southward in the Ari (Arrah) _pargana_ to visit -the sheets of lotus[2586] near Ari. During the excursion Shaikh Guran -brought me fresh-set lotus-seeds, first-rate little things just like -pistachios. The flower, that is to say, the _nilufar_ (lotus), -Hindustanis call _kuwul-kikri_ (lotus-pistachio), and its seed _dudah_ -(soot). - -As people said, "The Son is near," we went to refresh ourselves on it. -Masses of trees could be seen down-stream; "Munir is there," said they, -"where the tomb is of Shaikh Yahya the father of Shaikh Sharafu'd-din -_Muniri_."[2587] It being so close, I crossed the Son, went 2 or 3 -_kurohs_ down it, traversed the Munir orchards, made the circuit of the -tomb, returned to the Son-bank, made ablution, went through the Mid-day -Prayer before time, and made for camp. Some of our horses, being -fat,[2588] had fallen behind; some were worn out; a few people were left -to gather them together, water them, rest them, and bring them on -without pressure; but for this many would have been ruined. - -When we turned back from Munir, I ordered that some-one [Sidenote: Fol. -370.] should count a horse's steps between the Son-bank and the camp. -They amounted to 23,100, which is 46,200 paces, which is 11-1/2 -_kurohs_ (23m.).[2589] It is about half a _kuroh_ from Munir to the -Son; the return journey from Munir to the camp was therefore 12 _kurohs_ -(24m.). In addition to this were some 15-16 _kurohs_ done in visiting -this and that place; so that the whole excursion was one of some 30 -_kurohs_ (60m.). Six _garis_ of the 1st night-watch had passed [8.15 -p.m.] when we reached the camp. - -(_April 28th_) At the dawn of Thursday (_Sha'ban 19th_) Sl. Junaid -_Barlas_ came in with the Junpur braves from Junpur. I let him know my -blame and displeasure on account of his delay; I did not see him. Qazi -Jia I sent for and saw. - - -(_aaa. Plan of the approaching battle with the Bengal army._) - -On the same day the Turk and Hind amirs were summoned for a consultation -about crossing Gang (Ganges), and matters found settlement at -this[2590]:--that Ustad 'Ali-quli should collect mortar, _firingi_,[2591] -and culverin[2592] to the point of rising ground between the rivers Saru -and Gang, and, having many matchlockmen with him, should incite to -battle from that place;[2593] that Mustafa, he also having many -matchlockmen, should get his material and implements ready on the Bihar -side of Gang, a little below the meeting of the waters and opposite to -where on an island the Bengalis had an elephant and a mass of boats tied -up, and that he should engage battle from this place;[2594] that -Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza and the others inscribed for the work should take -post behind Mustafa as his reserve; that both for Ustad 'Ali-quli and -Mustafa shelters (_muljar_) for the culverin-firers should be raised by -a mass of spadesmen and coolies (_kahar_) [Sidenote: Fol. 370b.] under -appointed overseers; that as soon as these shelters were ready, 'Askari -and the sultans inscribed for the work should cross quickly at the -Haldi-passage[2595] and come down on the enemy; that meantime, as Sl. -Junaid and Qazi Jia had given information about a crossing-place[2596] 8 -_kurohs_ (16 m.) higher up,[2597] Zard-rui(Pale-face?) should go with a -few raftsmen and some of the people of the Sultan, Mahmud Khan _Nuhani_ -and Qazi Jia to look at that crossing; and that, if crossing there were, -they should go over at once, because it was rumoured that the Bengalis -were planning to post men at the Haldi-passage. - -A dutiful letter from Mahmud Khan the Military-collector (_shiqdar_) of -Sikandarpur now came, saying that he had collected as many as 50 boats -at the Haldi-passage and had given wages to the boatmen, but that these -were much alarmed at the rumoured approach of the Bengalis. - -(_April 30th_) As time pressed[2598] for crossing the Saru, I did not -wait for the return of those who had gone to look at the passage, but -on Saturday (_21st_) summoned the begs for consultation and said, "As it -has been reported that there are (no?) crossing-places (fords?) along -the whole of the ground from Chatur-muk in Sikandarpur to Baraich and -Aud,[2599] let us, while seated here, assign the large force to cross at -the Haldi-passage by boat and from there [Sidenote: Fol. 371.] to come -down on the enemy; let Ustad 'Ali-quli and Mustafa engage battle with -gun (_top_), matchlock, culverin and _firingi_, and by this draw the -enemy out before 'Askari comes up.[2600] Let us after crossing the river -(Ganges) and assigning reinforcement to Ustad 'Ali-quli, take our stand -ready for whatever comes; if 'Askari's troops get near, let us fling -attack from where we are, cross over and assault; let Muhammad-i-zaman -Mirza and those appointed to act with him, engage battle from near -Mustafa on the other side of Gang." - -The matter having been left at this, the force for the north of the Gang -was formed into four divisions to start under 'Askari's command for the -Haldi-passage. One division was of 'Askari and his retainers; another -was Sl. Jalalu'd-din _Sharqi_; another was of the Auzbeg sultans -Qasim-i-husain Sultan, Bi-khub Sultan and Tang-aitmish Sultan, together -with Mahmud Khan _Nuhani_ of Ghazipur, Baba Qashqa's Kuki, Tulmish -_Auzbeg_, Qurban of Chirkh, and the Darya-khanis led by Hasan Khan; -another was of Musa Sl. (_Farmuli_) and Sl. Junaid with what-not of the -Junpur army, some 20,000 men. Officers were appointed to oversee the -getting of the force to horse that very night, that is to say, the -[Sidenote: Fol. 371b.] night of Sunday.[2601] - -(_May 1st_) The army began to cross Gang at the dawn of Sunday (_Sha'ban -22nd_); I went over by boat at the 1st watch (6a.m.). Zard-rui and his -party came in at mid-day; the ford itself they had not found but they -brought news of boats and of having met on the road the army getting -near them.[2602] - -(_May 3rd_) On Tuesday (_Sha'ban 24th_) we marched from where the river -had been crossed, went on for nearly one _kuroh_ (2 m.) and dismounted -on the fighting-ground at the confluence.[2603] I myself went to enjoy -Ustad 'Ali-quli's firing of culverin and _firingi_; he hit two boats -today with _firingi_-stones, broke them and sank them. Mustafa did the -same from his side. I had the large mortar[2604] taken to the -fighting-ground, left Mulla Ghulam to superintend the making of its -position, appointed a body of _vasawals_[2605] and active braves to help -him, went to an island facing the camp and there ate _ma'jun_. - -Whilst still under the influence of the confection[2606] I had the boat -taken to near the tents and there slept. A strange thing happened in the -night, a noise and disturbance arising about the 3rd watch (midnight) -and the pages and others snatching up pieces of wood from the boat, and -shouting "Strike! strike!" [Sidenote: Fol. 372.] What was said to have -led to the disturbance was that a night-guard who was in the Farmaish -along-side the Asaish in which I was sleeping,[2607] opening his eyes -from slumber, sees a man with his hand on the Asaish as if meaning to -climb into her. They fall on him;[2608] he dives, comes up again, cuts -at the night-guard's head, wounding it a little, then runs off at once -towards the river.[2609] Once before, on the night we returned from -Munir, one or two night-guards had chased several Hindustanis from near -the boats, and had brought in two swords and a dagger of theirs. The -Most High had me in His Keeping! - - (_Persian_) Were the sword of the world to leap forth, - It would cut not a vein till God will.[2610] - -(_May 4th_) At the dawn of Wednesday (_25th_), I went in the boat -Gunjaish to near the stone-firing ground (_tash-atar-yir_) and there -posted each soever to his work. - - -(_bbb. Details of the engagement._) - -Aughan-birdi _Mughul_, leading not less than 1,000 men, had been sent to -get, in some way or other, across the river (Saru) one, two, three -_kurohs_ (2, 4, 6m.) higher up. A mass of foot-soldiers, crossing from -opposite 'Askari's camp,[2611] landed from 20-30 boats on his road, -presumably thinking to show their superiority, but Aughan-birdi and his -men charged them, put them to flight, took a few and cut their heads -off, shot many with arrows, and got possession of 7 or 8 boats. Today -also Bengalis crossed in a few boats to Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza's side, -there landed and [Sidenote: Fol. 372b.] provoked to fight. When attacked -they fled, and three boat-loads of them were drowned. One boat was -captured and brought to me. In this affair Baba the Brave went forward -and exerted himself excellently. - -Orders were given that in the darkness of night the boats Aughan-birdi -had captured should be drawn[2612] up-stream, and that in them there -should cross Muhammad Sl. Mirza, Yakka Khwaja, Yunas-i-'ali, -Aughan-birdi and those previously assigned to go with them. - -Today came a man from 'Askari to say that he had crossed the -[Saru]-water, leaving none behind, and that he would come down on the -enemy at next day's dawn, that is to say, on Thursday's. Here-upon those -already ordered to cross over were told to join 'Askari and to advance -upon the enemy with him. - -At the Mid-day Prayer a person came from Usta, saying "The stone is -ready; what is the order?" The order was, "Fire this stone off; keep the -next till I come." Going at the Other Prayer in a very small Bengali -skiff to where shelter (_muljar_) had been raised, I saw Usta fire off -one large stone and several small _firingi_ ones. Bengalis have a -reputation for fire-working;[2613] we tested it now; they do not fire -counting to hit a particular spot, but fire at random. - -At this same Other Prayer orders were given to draw a few boats -up-stream along the enemy's front. A few were got past without a "God -forbid!"[2614] from those who, all unprotected, drew [Sidenote: Fol. -373.] them up. Aisan-timur Sl. and Tukhta-bugha Sl. were ordered to stay -at the place those boats reached, and to keep watch over them. I got -back to camp in the 1st night-watch of Thursday.[2615] - -Near midnight came news from (Aughan-birdi's) boats which were being -drawn up-stream, "The force appointed had gone somewhat ahead; we were -following, drawing the boats, when the Bengalis got to know where we -were drawing them and attacked. A stone hit a boatman in the leg and -broke it, we could not pass on." - -(_May 5th_) At dawn on Thursday (_Sha'ban 26th_) came the news from -those at the shelter, "All the boats have come from above.[2616] The -enemy's horse has ridden to meet our approaching army." On this, I got -our men mounted quickly and rode out to above those boats[2617] that had -been drawn up in the night. A galloper was sent off with an order for -Muhammad Sl. M. and those appointed to cross with him, to do it at once -and join 'Askari. The order for Aisan-timur Sl. and Tukhta-bugha Sl. who -were above these boats,[2618] was that they should busy themselves to -cross. Baba Sl. was not at his post.[2619] - -Aisan-timur Sl. at once crosses, in one boat with 30-40 of his retainers -who hold their horses by the mane at the boat-side. [Sidenote: Fol. -373b.] A second boat follows. The Bengalis see them crossing and start -off a mass of foot-soldiers for them. To meet these go 7 or 8 of -Aisan-timur Sl.'s retainers, keeping together, shooting off arrows, -drawing those foot-soldiers towards the Sultan who meantime is getting -his men mounted; meantime also the second boat is moving (_rawan_). When -his 30-35 horsemen charge those foot-soldiers, they put them well to -flight. Aisan-timur did distinguished work, first in crossing before the -rest, swift, steady, and without a "God forbid!", secondly in his -excellent advance, with so few men, on such a mass of foot, and by -putting these to flight. Tukhta-bugha Sl. also crossed. Then boats -followed one after another. Lahoris and Hindustanis began to cross from -their usual posts[2620] by swimming or on bundles of reeds.[2621] Seeing -how matters were going, the Bengalis of the boats opposite the shelter -(Mustafa's), set their faces for flight down-stream. - -Darwish-i-muhammad _Sarban_, Dost Lord-of-the-gate, Nur Beg and several -braves also went across the river. I made a man gallop off to the -Sultans to say, "Gather well together those who [Sidenote: Fol. 374.] -cross, go close to the opposing army, take it in the flank, and get to -grips." Accordingly the Sultans collected those who crossed, formed up -into 3 or 4 divisions, and started for the foe. As they draw near, the -enemy-commander, without breaking his array, flings his foot-soldiers to -the front and so comes on. Kuki comes up with a troop from 'Askari's -force and gets to grips on his side; the Sultans get to grips on theirs; -they get the upper hand, unhorse man after man, and make the enemy -scurry off. Kuki's men bring down a Pagan of repute named Basant Rao -and cut off his head; 10 or 15 of his people fall on Kuki's, and are -instantly cut to pieces. Tukhta-bugha Sl. gallops along the enemy's -front and gets his sword well in. Mughul 'Abdu'l-wahhab and his younger -brother gets theirs in well too. Mughul though he did not know how to -swim, had crossed the river holding to his horse's mane. - -I sent for my own boats which were behind;[2622] the Farmaish coming up -first, I went over in it to visit the Bengalis' encamping-grounds. I -then went into the Gunjaish. "Is there a crossing-place higher up?" I -asked. Mir Muhammad the raftsman represented that the Saru was better to -cross higher up;[2623] accordingly the army-folk[2624] were ordered to -cross at the higher place he named. - -While those led by Muhammad Sl. Mirza were crossing the [Sidenote: Fol. -374b.] river,[2625] the boat in which Yakka Khwaja was, sank and he went -to God's mercy. His retainers and lands were bestowed on his younger -brother Qasim Khwaja. - -The Sultans arrived while I was making ablution for the Mid-day Prayer; -I praised and thanked them and led them to expect guerdon and kindness. -'Askari also came; this was the first affair he had seen; one -well-omened for him! - -As the camp had not yet crossed the river, I took my rest in the boat -Gunjaish, near an island. - - -(_ccc. Various incidents of the days following the battle._) - -(_May 6th_) During the day of Friday (_Sha'ban 27th_) we landed at a -village named Kundih[2626] in the Nirhun _pargana_ of Kharid on the -north side of the Saru.[2627] - -(_May 8th_) On Sunday (_29th_) Kuki was sent to Hajipur for news. - -Shah Muhammad (son) of Ma'ruf to whom in last year's campaign (934 AH.) -I had shown great favour and had given the Saran-country, had done well -on several occasions, twice fighting and overcoming his father -Ma'ruf.[2628] At the time when Sl. Mahmud _Ludi_ perfidiously took -possession of Bihar and was opposed by Shaikh Bayazid and Biban, Shah -Muhammad had no help for it, he had to join them; but even then, when -people were saying wild words about him, he had written dutifully to me. -When 'Askari crossed at the Haldi-passage, Shah [Sidenote: Fol. 375.] -Muhammad had come at once with a troop, seen him and with him gone -against the Bengalis. He now came to this ground and waited on me. - -During these days news came repeatedly that Biban and Shaikh Bayazid -were meaning to cross the Saru-river. - -In these days of respite came the surprising news from Sanbal (Sambhal) -where 'Ali-i-yusuf had stayed in order to bring the place into some sort -of order, that he and a physician who was by way of being a friend of -his, had gone to God's mercy on one and the same day. 'Abdu'l-lah -(_kitabdar_) was ordered to go and maintain order in Sanbal. - -(_May 13th_) On Friday the 5th of the month Ramzan, 'Abdu'l-lah was -given leave for Sanbal.[2629] - - -(_ddd. News from the westward._) - -In these same days came a dutiful letter from Chin-timur Sl. saying that -on account of the journey of the family from Kabul, several of the begs -who had been appointed to reinforce him, had not been able to join -him;[2630] also that he had gone out with Muhammadi and other begs and -braves, not less than 100 _kurohs_ (200m.), attacked the Baluchis and -given them a good beating.[2631] Orders were sent through 'Abdu'l-lah -(_kitabdar_) for the Sultan that he and Sl. Muhammad _Duldai_, -Muhammadi, and some of the begs and braves of that country-side should -assemble in Agra and there remain ready to move to wherever an enemy -appeared. - - -(_eee. Settlement with the Nuhani Afghans._) - -(_May 16th_) On Monday the 8th of the month, Darya Khan's [Sidenote: -Fol. 375b.] grandson Jalal Khan to whom Shaikh Jamali had gone, came in -with his chief amirs and waited on me.[2632] Yahya _Nuhani_ also came, -who had already sent his younger brother in sign of submission and had -received a royal letter accepting his service. Not to make vain the hope -with which some 7 or 8,000 _Nuhani_ Afghans had come in to me, I -bestowed 50 _laks_ from Bihar on Mahmud Khan _Nuhani_, after reserving -one _krur_ for Government uses (_khalsa_), and gave the remainder of the -Bihar revenues in trust for the above-mentioned Jalal Khan who for his -part agreed to pay one _krur_ of tribute. Mulla Ghulam _yasawal_ was -sent to collect this tribute.[2633] Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza received the -Junapur-country.[2634] - - -(_fff. Peace made with Nasrat Shah._) - -(_May 19th_) On the eve of Thursday (_11th_) that retainer of Khalifa's, -Ghulam-i-'ali by name, who in company with a retainer of the Shah-zada -of Mungir named Abu'l-fath,[2635] had gone earlier than Isma'il Mita, to -convey those three articles (_fasl soz_), now returned, again in company -with Abu'l-fath, bringing letters for Khalifa written by the Shah-zada -and by Husain Khan _Laskar_(?) _Wazir_, who, in these letters, gave -assent to those three conditions, took upon themselves to act for Nasrat -Shah and interjected a word for peace. As the object of this campaign -was to put down the rebel Afghans of whom some had taken their heads -and gone off, some had come in submissive and accepting my service, and -the remaining few were in the hands of the Bengali [Sidenote: Fol. 376.] -(Nasrat Shah) who had taken them in charge, and as, moreover, the Rains -were near, we in our turn wrote and despatched words for peace on the -conditions mentioned. - - -(_ggg_. _Submissions and guerdon._) - -(_May 21st_) On Saturday (_13th_) Isma'il _Jalwani_, 'Alaul Khan -_Nuhani_, Auliya Khan _Ashraqi_(?) and 5 and 6 amirs came in and waited -on me. - -Today guerdon was bestowed on Aisan-timur Sl. and Tukhta-bugha Sl., of -swords and daggers with belts, cuirasses, dresses of honour, and -_tipuchaq_ horses; also they were made to kneel, Aisan-timur Sl. for the -grant of 36 _laks_ from the Narnul _pargana_, Tukhta-bugha Sl. for 30 -_laks_ from that of Shamsabad. - - -(_hhh_. _Pursuit of Bayazid and Biban._) - -(_May 23rd_) On Monday the 15th of the month (_Ramzan_), we marched from -our ground belonging to Kundbah (or Kundih) on the Saru-river, with easy -mind about Bihar and Bengal, and resolute to crush the traitors Biban -and Shaikh Bayazid. - -(_May 25th_) On Wednesday (_17th_) after making two night-halts by the -way, we dismounted at a passage across the Saru, called -Chaupara-Chaturmuk of Sikandarpur.[2636] From today people were busy in -crossing the river. - -As news began to come again and again that the traitors, after crossing -Saru and Gogar,[2637] were going toward Luknu,[2638] the following -leaders were appointed to bar (their) crossing[2639]:--The Turk and Hind -amirs Jalalu'd-din _Sharqi_, 'Ali Khan _Farmuli_; Tardika (or, Tardi -_yakka_), Nizam Khan of Biana, together with Tulmish _Auzbeg_, Qurban of -Chirk and Darya Khan (of Bhira's [Sidenote: Fol. 376b.] son) Hasan Khan. -They were given leave to go on the night of Thursday.[2640] - - -(_iii. Damage done to the Babur-nama writings._) - -That same night when 1 watch (_pas_), 5 _garis_ had passed (_cir._ 10.55 -p.m.) and the _tarawih_-prayers were over,[2641] such a storm burst, in -the inside of a moment, from the up-piled clouds of the Rainy-season, -and such a stiff gale rose, that few tents were left standing. I was in -the Audience-tent, about to write (_kitabat qila dur aidim_); before I -could collect papers and sections,[2642] the tent came down, with its -porch, right on my head. The _tungluq_ went to pieces.[2643] God -preserved me! no harm befell me! Sections and book[2644] were drenched -under water and gathered together with much difficulty. We laid them in -the folds of a woollen throne-carpet,[2645] put this on the throne and -on it piled blankets. The storm quieted down in about 2 _garis_ (45m.); -the bedding-tent was set up, a lamp lighted, and, after much trouble, a -fire kindled. We, without sleep, were busy till shoot of day drying -folios and sections. - - -(_jjj. Pursuit of Biban and Bayazid resumed._) - -(_May 26th_) I crossed the water on Thursday morning (_Raman 18th_). - -(_May 27th_) On Friday (_19th_) I rode out to visit Sikandarpur and -Kharid.[2646] Today came matters written by 'Abdu'l-lah (_kitabdar_) and -Baqi about the taking of Luknur.[2647] - -(_May 28th_) On Saturday (_20th_) Kuki was sent ahead, with a troop, to -join Baqi.[2648] - -(_May 29th_) That nothing falling to be done before my arrival might be -neglected, leave to join Baqi was given on Sunday (_21st_) to Sl. Junaid -_Barlas_, Khalifa's (son) Hasan, Mulla Apaq's [Sidenote: Fol. 377.] -retainers, and the elder and younger brethren of Mumin Ataka. - -Today at the Other Prayer a special dress of honour and a _tipuchaq_ -horse were bestowed on Shah Muhammad (son) of Ma'ruf _Farmuli_, and -leave to go was given. As had been done last year (934 AH.), an -allowance from Saran and Kundla[2649] was bestowed on him for the -maintenance of quiver-wearers. Today too an allowance of 72 _laks_[2650] -from Sarwar and a _tipuchaq_ horse were bestowed on Isma'il _Jalwani_, -and his leave was given. - -About the boats Gunjaish and Araish it was settled with Bengalis that -they should take them to Ghazipur by way of Tir-muhani.[2651] The boats -Asaish and Farmaish were ordered taken up the Saru with the camp. - -(_May 30th_) On Monday (_Ramzan 22nd_) we marched from the -Chaupara-Chaturmuk passage along the Saru, with mind at ease about Bihar -and Sarwar,[2652] and after doing as much as 10 _kurohs_ -[Sidenote: Fol. 377b.] (20m.) dismounted on the Saru in a village -called Kilirah (?) dependent on Fathpur.[2653] - - -(_kkk. A surmised survival of the record of 934. A.H._[2654]) - -*After spending several days pleasantly in that place where there are -gardens, running-waters, well-designed buildings, trees, particularly -mango-trees, and various birds of coloured plumage, I ordered the march -to be towards Ghazipur. - -Isma'il Khan _Jalwani_ and 'Alaul Khan _Nuhani_ had it represented to me -that they would come to Agra after seeing their native land (_watn_). On -this the command was, "I will give an order in a month."*[2655] - - -(_lll. The westward march resumed._) - -(_May 31st_) Those who marched early (_Tuesday, Ramzan 23rd_), having -lost their way, went to the great lake of Fathpur (?).[2656] People were -sent galloping off to fetch back such as were near and Kichik Khwaja was -ordered to spend the night on the lakeshore and to bring the rest on -next morning to join the camp. We marched at dawn; I got into the Asaish -half-way and had it towed to our ground higher up. - - -(_mmm. Details of the capture of a fort by Biban and Bayazid._) - -On the way up, Khalifa brought Shah Muhammad _diwana's_ son who had come -from Baqi bringing this reliable news about Luknur[2657]:--They (_i.e._ -Biban and Bayazid) hurled their assault on Saturday the 13th of the -month Ramzan (_May 21st_) but could do nothing by fighting; while the -fighting was going on, a collection of wood-chips, hay, and thorns in -the fort took fire, so that inside the walls it became as hot as an oven -(_tanurdik tafsan_); the garrison could not move round the rampart; the -fort was lost. When the enemy heard, two or three days later, of our -return (westwards), he fled towards Dalmau.[2658] - -Today after doing as much as 10 _kurohs_ (20m.), we dismounted beside a -village called Jalisir,[2659] on the Saru-bank, in the Sagri _pargana_. - -(_June 1st_) We stayed on the same ground through Wednesday (_24th_), in -order to rest our cattle. - - -(_nnn. Dispositions against Biban and Bayazid._) - -Some said they had heard that Biban and Bayazid had crossed Gang, and -thought of withdrawing themselves to their kinsfolk [Sidenote: Fol. -378.] - -(_nisbahsilar_) by way of....[2660] Here-upon the begs were summoned -for a consultation and it was settled that Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza and -Sl. Junaid _Barlas_ who in place of Junpur had been given Chunar with -several _parganas_, Mahmud Khan _Nuhani_, Qazi Jia, and Taj Khan -_Sarang-khani_ should block the enemy's road at Chunar.[2661] - -(_June 2nd_) Marching early in the morning of Thursday (_25th_), we left -the Saru-river, did 11 _kurohs_ (22 m.), crossed the Parsaru (Sarju) and -dismounted on its bank. - -Here the begs were summoned, discussion was had, and the leaders named -below were appointed to go detached from the army, in rapid pursuit of -Biban and Bayazid towards Dalmut (Dalmau):--Aisan-timur Sl., Muhammad Sl. -M., Tukhta-bugha Sl., Qasim-i-husain Sl., Bi-khub (Ni-khub) Sl., -Muzaffar-i-husain Sl., Qasim Khwaja, Ja'far Khwaja, Zahid Khwaja, Jani -Beg, 'Askari's retainer Kichik Khwaja, and, of Hind amirs, 'Alam Khan of -Kalpi, Malik-dad _Kararani_, and Rao (Rawui) _Sarwani_. - - -(_ooo. The march continued._) - -When I went at night to make ablution in the Parsaru, people were -catching a mass of fish that had gathered round a lamp on the surface of -the water. I like others took fish in my hands.[2662] - -(_June 3rd_) On Friday (_26th_) we dismounted on a very slender stream, -the head-water of a branch of the Parsaru. In order not to be disturbed -by the comings and goings of the army-folk, [Sidenote: Fol. 378b.] I had -it dammed higher up and had a place, 10 by 10, made for ablution. The -night of the 27th[2663] was spent on this ground. - -(_June 4th_) At the dawn of the same day (_Saturday 27th_) we left that -water, crossed the Tus and dismounted on its bank.[2664] - -(_June 5th_) On Sunday (_28th_) we dismounted on the bank of the same -water. - -(_June 6th_) On Monday the 29th of the month (_Ramzan_), our station was -on the bank of the same Tus-water. Though tonight the sky was not quite -clear, a few people saw the Moon, and so testifying to the Qazi, fixed -the end of the month (_Ramzan_). - -(_June 7th_) On Tuesday (_Shawwal 1st_) we made the Prayer of the -Festival, at dawn rode on, did 10 _kurohs_ (20 m.), and dismounted on -the bank of the Gui (Gumti), a _kuroh_ (2 m.) from Maing.[2665] The sin -of _ma'jun_ was committed (_irtikab qilildi_) near the Mid-day Prayer; I -had sent this little couplet of invitation to Shaikh Zain, Mulla Shihab -and Khwand-amir:-- - - (_Turki_) Shaikh and Mulla Shihab and Khwand-amir, - Come all three, or two, or one. - -Darwish-i-muhammad (_Sarban_), Yunas-i-'ali and 'Abdu'l-lah -(_'asas_)[2666] were also there. At the Other Prayer the wrestlers set -to. - -(_June 8th_) On Wednesday (_2nd_) we stayed on the same ground. Near -breakfast-time _ma'jun_ was eaten. Today Malik Sharq came in who had -been to get Taj Khan out of Chunar.[2667] When the wrestlers set to -today, the Champion of Aud who had come earlier, grappled with and threw -a Hindustani wrestler who had [Sidenote: Fol. 379.] come in the -interval. - -Today Yahya _Nuhani_ was granted an allowance of 15 _laks_ from -Parsarur,[2668] made to put on a dress of honour, and given his leave. - -(_June 9th_) Next day (_Thursday 3rd_) we did 11 _kurohs_ (22 m.), -crossed the Gui-water (Gumti), and dismounted on its bank. - - -(_ppp. Concerning the pursuit of Biban and Bayazid._) - -News came in about the sultans and begs of the advance that they had -reached Dalmud (Dalmau), but were said not yet to have crossed the water -(Ganges). Angered by this (delay), I sent orders, "Cross the water at -once; follow the track of the rebels; cross Jun (Jumna) also; join 'Alam -Khan to yourselves; be energetic and get to grips with the adversary." - - -(_qqq. The march continued._) - -(_June 10th_) After leaving this water (_Gumti_, _Friday 4th_) we made -two night-halts and reached Dalmud (Dalmau), where most of the army-folk -crossed Gang, there and then, by a ford. While the camp was being got -over, _ma'jun_ was eaten on an island (_aral_) below the ford. - -(_June 13th_) After crossing, we waited one day (_Monday 7th_) for all -the army-folk to get across. Today Baqi _Tashkindi_ came in with the -army of Aud (Ajodhya) and waited on me. - -(_June 14th_) Leaving the Gang-water (Ganges, _Tuesday 8th_), we made -one night-halt, then dismounted (_June 15th-Shawwal 9th_) beside Kurarah -(Kura Khas) on the Arind-water. The distance from Dalmud (Dalmau) to -Kurarah came out at 22 _kurohs_ (44 m.).[2669] - -(_June 16th_) On Thursday (_10th_) we marched early from that ground and -dismounted opposite the Adampur _pargana_.[2670] - -To enable us to cross (Jun) in pursuit of our adversaries, a few -[Sidenote: Fol. 379b.] raftsmen had been sent forward to collect at -Kalpi what boats were to be had; some boats arrived the night we -dismounted, moreover a ford was found through the Jun-river. - -As the encamping-place was full of dust, we settled ourselves on an -island and there stayed the several days we were on that ground. - - -(_rrr. Concerning Biban and Bayazid._) - -Not getting reliable news about the enemy, we sent Baqi _shaghawal_ with -a few braves of the interior[2671] to get information about him. - -(_June 17th_) Next day (_Friday 11th_) at the Other Prayer, one of Baqi -Beg's retainers came in. Baqi had beaten scouts of Biban and Bayazid, -killed one of their good men, Mubarak Khan _Jalwani_, and some others, -sent in several heads, and one man alive. - -(_June 18th_) At dawn (_Saturday 12th_) Paymaster Shah Husain came in, -told the story of the beating of the scouts, and gave various news. - -Tonight, that is to say, the night of Sunday the 13th of the -month,[2672] the river Jun came down in flood, so that by the dawn, the -whole of the island on which I was settled, was under water. I moved to -another an arrow's-flight down-stream, there had a tent set up and -settled down. - -(_June 20th_) On Monday (_14th_) Jalal _Tashkindi_ came from the begs -and sultans of the advance. Shaikh Bayazid and Biban, on hearing of -their expedition, had fled to the _pargana_ of Mahuba.[2673] [Sidenote: -Fol. 380.] - -As the Rains had set in and as after 5 or 6 months of active service, -horses and cattle in the army were worn out, the sultans and begs of the -expedition were ordered to remain where they were till they received -fresh supplies from Agra and those parts. At the Other Prayer of the -same day, leave was given to Baqi and the army of Aud (Ajodhya). Also an -allowance of 30 _laks_[2674] from Amroha was assigned to Musa (son) of -Ma'ruf _Farmuli_, who had waited on me at the time the returning army -was crossing the Saru-water,[2675] a special head-to-foot and saddled -horse were bestowed on him, and he was given his leave. - - -(_sss. Babur returns to Agra._) - -(_June 21st_) With an easy mind about these parts, we set out for Agra, -raid-fashion,[2676] when 3 _pas_ 1 _gari_ of Tuesday night were -past.[2677] In the morning (_Tuesday 15th_) we did 16 _kurohs_ (32 m.), -near mid-day made our nooning in the _pargana_ of Baladar, one of the -dependencies of Kalpi, there gave our horses barley, at the Evening -Prayer rode on, did 13 _kurohs_ (26 m.) in the night, at the 3rd -night-watch (_mid-night_, _Shawwal 15-16th_) dismounted at Bahadur Khan -_Sarwani's_ tomb at Sugandpur, a _pargana_ of Kalpi, slept a little, -went through the Morning Prayer and hurried on. After doing 16 _kurohs_ -(32 m.), we reached Etawa at the fall of day, where Mahdi Khwaja came -out to meet us.[2678] Riding [Sidenote: Fol. 380b.] on after the 1st -night-watch (9 p.m.), we slept a little on the way, did 16 _kurohs_ (32 -m.), took our nooning at Fathpur of Rapri, rode on soon after the -Mid-day Prayer (_Thursday Shawwal 17th_), did 17 _kurohs_ (34 m.), and -in the 2nd night-watch[2679] dismounted in the Garden-of-eight-paradises -at Agra. - -(_June 24th_) At the dawn of Friday (_18th_) Pay-master Sl. Muhammad -came with several more to wait on me. Towards the Mid-day Prayer, having -crossed Jun, I waited on Khwaja 'Abdu'l-haqq, went into the Fort and saw -the begims my paternal-aunts. - - -(_ttt. Indian-grown fruits._) - -A Balkhi melon-grower had been set to raise melons; he now brought a few -first-rate small ones; on one or two bush-vines (_buta-tak_) I had had -planted in the Garden-of-eight-paradises very good grapes had grown; -Shaikh Guran sent me a basket of grapes which too were not bad. To have -grapes and melons grown in this way in Hindustan filled my measure of -content. - - -(_uuu. Arrival of Mahim Begim._) - -(_June 26th_) Mahim arrived while yet two watches of Sunday night -(_Shawwal 20th_)[2680] remained. By a singular agreement of things they -had left Kabul on the very day, the 10th of the 1st Jumada (_Jan. 21st -1529_) on which I rode out to the army.[2681] - - (_Here the record of 11 days is wanting._) - -(_July 7th_) On Thursday the 1st of Zu'l-qa'da the offerings made by -Humayun and Mahim were set out while I sat in the large Hall of -Audience. - -Today also wages were given to 150 porters (_kahar_) and they were -started off under a servant of Faghfur _Diwan_ to fetch melons, grapes, -and other fruits from Kabul. [Sidenote: Fol. 381.] - - -(_vvv. Concerning Sambhal._) - -(_July 9th_) On Saturday the 3rd of the month, Hindu Beg who had come as -escort from Kabul and must have been sent to Sambhal on account of the -death of 'Ali-i-yusuf, came and waited on me.[2682] Khalifa's (son) -Husamu'd-din came also today from Alwar and waited on me. - -(_July 10th_) On Sunday morning (_4th_) came 'Abdu'l-lah (_kitabdar_), -who from Tir-muhani[2683] had been sent to Sambhal on account of the -death of 'Ali-i-yusuf. - - (_Here the record of 7 days is wanting._) - -(_www. Sedition in Lahor._) - -People from Kabul were saying that Shaikh Sharaf of Qara-bagh, either -incited by 'Abdu'l-'aziz or out of liking for him, had written an -attestation which attributed to me oppression I had not done, and -outrage that had not happened; that he had extorted the signatures of -the Prayer-leaders (_imamlar_) of Lahor to this accusation, and had sent -copies of it to the various towns; that 'Abdu'l-'aziz himself had failed -to give ear to several royal orders, had spoken unseemly words, and done -acts which ought to have been left undone. On account of these matters -Qambar-i-'ali _Arghun_ was started off on Sunday the 11th of the month -(_Zu'l-qa'da_), to arrest Shaikh Sharaf, the Lahor _imams_ with their -associates, and 'Abdu'l-'aziz, and to bring them all to Court. - - -(_xxx. Varia._) - -(_July 22nd_) On Thursday the 15th of the month Chin-timur Sl. came in -from Tijara and waited on me. Today Champion [Sidenote: Fol. 381b.] -Sadiq and the great champion-wrestler of Aud wrestled. Sadiq gave a -half-throw[2684]; he was much vexed. - -(_July 28th_) On Monday the 19th of the month (_Zu'l-qa'da_) the -Qizil-bash envoy Murad the life-guardsman was made to put on an inlaid -dagger with belt, and a befitting dress of honour, was presented with 2 -_laks_ of _tankas_ and given leave to go. - - (_Here the record of 15 days is wanting._) - - -(_yyy. Sedition in Gualiar._) - -(_August 11th_) Sayyid Mashhadi who had come from Gualiar in these days, -represented that Rahim-dad was stirring up sedition.[2685] On account of -this, Khalifa's servant Shah Muhammad the seal-bearer was sent to convey -to Rahim-dad matters written with commingling of good counsel. He went; -and in a few days came back bringing Rahim-dad's son, but, though the -son came, Rahim-dad himself had no thought of coming. On Wednesday the -5th of _Zu'l-hijja_, Nur Beg was sent to Gualiar to allay Rahim-dad's -fears, came back in a few days, and laid requests from Rahim-dad before -us. Orders in accordance with those requests had been written and were -on the point of despatch when one of Rahim-dad's servants arriving, -represented that he had come to effect the escape of the son and that -Rahim-dad himself had no thought of coming in. I was for riding out at -once to Gualiar, but Khalifa set it forth to me, "Let me write one more -letter commingled with good counsel; he may even yet come peacefully." -On this mission Khusrau's (son?) Shihabu'd-din was despatched. - -(_August 12th_) On Thursday the 6th of the month mentioned -(_Zu'l-hijja_) Mahdi Khwaja came in from Etawa.[2686] [Sidenote: Fol. -382.] - -(_August 16th_) On the Festival-day[2687] (_Monday 10th_) Hindu Beg was -presented with a special head-to-foot, an inlaid dagger with belt; also -a _pargana_ worth 7 _laks_[2688] was bestowed on Hasan-i-'ali, -well-known among the Turkmans[2689] for a Chaghatai.[2690] - - - - -936 AH.-SEP. 5TH 1529 TO AUGUST 25TH 1530 AD. - - -(_a. Rahim-dad's affairs._) - -(_Sep. 7th_) On Wednesday the 3rd of Muharram, Shaikh Muhammad -_Ghaus_[2691] came in from Gualiar with Khusrau's (son) Shihabu'd-din -to plead for Rahim-dad. As Shaikh Muhammad _Ghaus_ was a pious and -excellent person, Rahim-dad's faults were forgiven for his sake. Shaikh -Guran and Nur Beg were sent off for Gualiar, so that the place having -been made over to their charge....[2692] - - -TRANSLATOR'S NOTE ON 936 TO 937 AH.-1529 TO 1530 AD. - -It is difficult to find material for filling the _lacuna_ of some 15 -months, which occurs in Babur's diary after the broken passage of -Muharram 3rd 936 AH. (Sept. 7th 1529 AD.) and down to the date of his -death on Jumada 1. 6th 937 AH. (Dec. 26th 153O AD.). The known original -sources are few, their historical matter scant, their contents mainly -biographical. Gleanings may yet be made, however, in unexpected places, -such gleanings as are provided by Ahmad-i-yadgar's interpolation of -Timurid history amongst his lives of Afghan Sultans. - -The earliest original source which helps to fill the gap of 936 AH. is -Haidar Mirza's _Tarikh-i-rashidi_, finished as to its Second Part which -contains Babur's biography, in 948 AH. (1541 AD.), 12 years therefore -after the year of the gap 936 AH. It gives valuable information about -the affairs of Badakhshan, based on its author's personal experience at -30 years of age, and was Abu'l-fazl's authority for the _Akbar-nama_. - -The next in date of the original sources is Gul-badan Begim's -_Humayun-nama_, a chronicle of family affairs, which she wrote in -obedience to her nephew Akbar's command, given in about 995 AH. (1587 -AD.), some 57 years after her Father's death, that whatever any person -knew of his father (Humayun) and grandfather (Babur) should be written -down for Abu'l-fazl's use. It embodies family memories and traditions, -and presumably gives the recollections of several ladies of the royal -circle.[2693] - -The _Akbar-nama_ derives much of its narrative for 936-937 AH. from -Haidar Mirza and Gul-badan Begim, but its accounts of Babur's -self-surrender and of his dying address to his chiefs presuppose the -help of information from a contemporary witness. It is noticeable that -the _Akbar-nama_ records no public events as occurring in Hindustan -during 936-937 AH., nothing of the sequel of rebellion by -Rahim-dad[2694] and 'Abdu'l-'aziz, nothing of the untiring Biban and -Bayazid. That something could have been told is shown by what -Ahmad-i-yadgar has preserved (_vide post_); but 50 years had passed -since Babur's death and, manifestly, interest in filling the _lacunae_ in -his diary was then less keen than it is over 300 years later. What in -the _Akbar-nama_ concerns Babur is likely to have been written somewhat -early in the _cir._ 15 years of its author's labours on it,[2695] but, -even so, the elder women of the royal circle had had rest after the -miseries Humayun had wrought, the forgiveness of family affection would -veil his past, and certainly has provided Abu'l-fazl with an -over-mellowed estimate of him, one ill-assorting with what is justified -by his Babur-nama record. - -The contribution made towards filling the gap of 936-937 AH. in the body -of Nizamu-'d-din Ahmad's _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ is limited to a curious and -doubtfully acceptable anecdote about a plan for the supersession of -Humayun as Padshah, and about the part played by Khwaja Muqim _Harawi_ -in its abandonment. A further contribution is made, however, in Book VII -which contains the history of the Muhammadan Kings of Kashmir, namely, -that Babur despatched an expedition into that country. As no such -expedition is recorded or referred to in surviving Babur-nama writings, -it is likely to have been sent in 936 AH. during Babur's tour to and -from Lahor. If it were made with the aim of extending Timurid authority -in the Himalayan borderlands, a hint of similar policy elsewhere may be -given by the ceremonious visit of the Raja of Kahlur to Babur, -mentioned by Ahmad-i-yadgar (_vide post_).[2696] The T.-i-A. was -written within the term of Abu'l-fazl's work on the _Akbar-nama_, being -begun later, and ended about 9 years earlier, in 1002 AH.-1593 AD. It -appears to have been Abu'-l-fazl's authority for his account of the -campaign carried on in Kashmir by Babur's chiefs (_Ayin-i-akbari_ vol. -ii, part i, Jarrett's trs. p. 389). - -An important contribution, seeming to be authentic, is found -interpolated in Ahmad-i-yadgar's _Tarikh-i-salatin-i-afaghana_, one -which outlines a journey made by Babur to Lahor in 936 AH. and gives -circumstantial details of a punitive expedition sent by him from Sihrind -at the complaint of the Qazi of Samana against a certain Mundahir -Rajput. The whole contribution dovetails into matters found elsewhere. -Its precision of detail bespeaks a closely-contemporary written -source.[2697] As its fullest passage concerns the Samana Qazi's affair, -its basis of record may have been found in Samana. Some considerations -about the date of Ahmad-i-yadgar's own book and what Niamatu'l-lah says -of Haibat Khan of Samana, his own generous helper in the -_Tarikhi-Khan-i-jahan Ludi_, point towards Haibat Khan as providing the -details of the Qazi's wrongs and avenging. The indication is -strengthened by the circumstance that what precedes and what follows the -account of the punitive expedition is outlined only.[2698] -Ahmad-i-yadgar interpolates an account of Humayun also, which is a frank -plagiarism from the _Tabaqat-i-akbari_. He tells too a story purporting -to explain why Babur "selected" Humayun to succeed him, one parallel -with Nizamu'd-din Ahmad's about what led Khalifa to abandon his plan of -setting the Mirza aside. Its sole value lies in its testimony to a -belief, held by its first narrator whoever he was, that choice was -exercised in the matter by Babur. Reasons for thinking Nizamu'd-din's -story, as it stands, highly improbable, will be found later in this -note. - -Muhammad Qasim Hindu Shah _Firishta's Tarikh-i-firishta_ contains an -interesting account of Babur but contributes towards filling the gap in -the events of 936-937 AH. little that is not in the earlier sources. In -M. Jules Mohl's opinion it was under revision as late as 1623 AD. -(1032-3 AH.). - - -(_a. Humayun and Badakhshan._) - -An occurrence which had important results, was the arrival of Humayun in -Agra, unsummoned by his Father, from the outpost station of Badakhshan. -It will have occurred early in 936 AH. (autumn 1529 AD.), because he was -in Kabul in the first ten days of the last month of 935 AH. (_vide -post_). Curiously enough his half-sister Gul-badan does not mention his -coming, whether through avoidance of the topic or from inadvertence; the -omission may be due however to the loss of a folio from the only known -MS. of her book (that now owned by the British Museum), and this is the -more likely that Abu'l-fazl writes, at some length, about the arrival -and its motive, what the Begim might have provided, this especially by -his attribution of filial affection as Humayun's reason for coming to -Agra. - -Haidar Mirza is the authority for the Akbar-nama account of Humayun's -departure from Qila'-i-zafar and its political and military sequel. He -explains the departure by saying that when Babur had subdued Hindustan, -his sons Humayun and Kamran were grown-up; and that wishing to have one -of them at hand in case of his own death, he summoned Humayun, leaving -Kamran in Qandahar. No doubt these were the contemporary impressions -conveyed to Haidar, and strengthened by the accomplished fact before he -wrote some 12 years later; nevertheless there are two clear indications -that there was no royal order for Humayun to leave Qila'-i-zafar, _viz._ -that no-one had been appointed to relieve him even when he reached Agra, -and that Abu'l-fazl mentions no summons but attributes the Mirza's -departure from his post to an overwhelming desire to see his Father. -What appears probable is that Mahim wrote to her son urging his coming -to Agra, and that this was represented as Babur's wish. However little -weight may be due to the rumour, preserved in anecdotes recorded long -after 935 AH., that any-one, Babur or Khalifa, inclined against -Humayun's succession, that rumour she would set herself to falsify by -reconciliation.[2699] - -When the Mirza's intention to leave Qila'-i-zafar became known there, -the chiefs represented that they should not be able to withstand the -Auzbeg on their frontier without him (his troops implied).[2700] With -this he agreed, said that still he must go, and that he would send a -Mirza in his place as soon as possible. He then rode, in one day, to -Kabul, an item of rapid travel preserved by Abu'l-fazl. - -Humayun's departure caused such anxiety in Qila'-i-zafar that some (if -not all) of the Badakhshi chiefs hurried off an invitation to Sa'id Khan -_Chaghatai_, the then ruler in Kashghar in whose service Haidar Mirza -was, to come at once and occupy the fort. They said that Faqir-i-'ali -who had been left in charge, was not strong enough to cope with the -Auzbeg, begged Sa'id to come, and strengthened their petition by -reminding him of his hereditary right to Badakhshan, derived from Shah -Begim _Badakhshi_. Their urgency convincing the Khan that risk -threatened the country, he started from Kashghar in Muharram 936 AH. -(Sept-Oct. 1529 AD.). On reaching Sarigh-chupan which by the annexation -of Aba-bakr Mirza _Dughlat_ was now his own most western territory[2701] -but which formerly was one of the upper districts of Badakhshan, he -waited while Haidar went on towards Qila'-i-zafar only to learn on his -road, that Hind-al (_aet._ 10) had been sent from Kabul by Humayun and -had entered the fort 12 days before. - -The Kashgharis were thus placed in the difficulty that the fort was -occupied by Babur's representative, and that the snows would prevent -their return home across the mountains till winter was past. -Winter-quarters were needed and asked for by Haidar, certain districts -being specified in which to await the re-opening of the Pamir routes. He -failed in his request, "They did not trust us," he writes, "indeed -suspected us of deceit." His own account of Sa'id's earlier invasion of -Badakhshan (925 AH.-1519 AD.) during Khan Mirza's rule, serves to -explain Badakhshi distrust of Kashgharis. Failing in his negotiations, -he scoured and pillaged the country round the fort, and when a few days -later the Khan arrived, his men took what Haidar's had left. - -Sa'id Khan is recorded to have besieged the fort for three months, but -nothing serious seems to have been attempted since no mention of -fighting is made, none of assault or sally, and towards the end of the -winter he was waited on by those who had invited his presence, with -apology for not having admitted him into the fort, which they said they -would have done but for the arrival of Hind-al Mirza. To this the Khan -replied that for him to oppose Babur Padshah was impossible; he reminded -the chiefs that he was there by request, that it would be as hurtful for -the Padshah as for himself to have the Auzbeg in Badakhshan and, -finally, he gave it as his opinion that, as matters stood, every man -should go home. His view of the general duty may include that of -Badakhshi auxiliaries such as Sultan Wais of Kul-ab who had reinforced -the garrison. So saying, he himself set out for Kashghar, and at the -beginning of Spring reached Yarkand. - - -_b. Humayun's further action._ - -Humayun will have reached Kabul before Zu'l-hijja 10th 935 AH. (Aug. -26th 1529 AD.) because it is on record that he met Kamran on the Kabul -'Id-gah, and both will have been there to keep the 'Idu'l-kabir, the -Great Festival of Gifts, which is held on that day. Kamran had come from -Qandahar, whether to keep the Feast, or because he had heard of -Humayun's intended movement from Badakhshan, or because changes were -foreseen and he coveted Kabul, as the _Babur-nama_ and later records -allow to be inferred. He asked Humayun, says Abu'l-fazl, why he was -there and was told of his brother's impending journey to Agra under -overwhelming desire to see their Father.[2702] Presumably the two Mirzas -discussed the position in which Badakhshan had been left; in the end -Hind-al was sent to Qila'-i-zafar, notwithstanding that he was under -orders for Hindustan. - -Humayun may have stayed some weeks in Kabul, how many those familiar -with the seasons and the routes between Yarkand and Qila'-i-zafar, -might be able to surmise if the date of Hind-al's start northward for -which Humayun is likely to have waited, were found by dovetailing the -Muharram of Sa'id's start, the approximate length of his journey to -Sarigh-chupan, and Haidar's reception of news that Hind-al had been 12 -days in the fort. - -Humayun's arrival in Agra is said by Abu'l-fazl to have been cheering to -the royal family in their sadness for the death of Alwar (end of 935 -AH.) and to have given pleasure to his Father. But the time is all too -near the date of Babur's letter (f.348) to Humayun, that of a -dissatisfied parent, to allow the supposition that his desertion of his -post would fail to displease. - -That it was a desertion and not an act of obedience seems clear from the -circumstance that the post had yet to be filled. Khalifa is said to have -been asked to take it and to have refused;[2703] Humayun to have been -sounded as to return and to have expressed unwillingness. Babur then did -what was an honourable sequel to his acceptance in 926 AH. of the charge -of the fatherless child Sulaiman, by sending him, now about 16, to take -charge where his father Khan Mirza had ruled, and by still keeping him -under his own protection. - -Sulaiman's start from Agra will not have been delayed, and (accepting -Ahmad-i-yadgar's record,) Babur himself will have gone as far as Lahor -either with him or shortly after him, an expedition supporting Sulaiman, -and menacing Sa'id in his winter leaguer round Qila'-i-zafar. Meantime -Humayun was ordered to his fief of Sambhal. - -After Sulaiman's appointment Babur wrote to Sa'id a letter of which -Haidar gives the gist:--It expresses surprise at Sa'id's doings in -Badakhshan, says that Hind-al has been recalled and Sulaiman sent, that -if Sa'id regard hereditary right, he will leave "Sulaiman Shah -Mirza"[2704] in possession, who is as a son to them both,[2705] that -this would be well, that otherwise he (Babur) will make over -responsibility to the heir (Sulaiman);[2706] and, "The rest you -know."[2707] - - -_c. Babur visits Lahor._ - -If Ahmad-i-yadgar's account of a journey made by Babur to Lahor and the -Panj-ab be accepted, the _lacuna_ of 936 AH. is appropriately filled. He -places the expedition in the 3rd year of Babur's rule in Hindustan, -which, counting from the first reading of the _khutba_ for Babur in -Dihli (f. 286), began on Rajab 15th 935 AH. (March 26th 1529 AD.). But -as Babur's diary-record for 935 AH. is complete down to end of the year, -(minor _lacunae_ excepted), the time of his leaving Agra for Lahor is -relegated to 936 AH. He must have left early in the year, (1) to allow -time, before the occurrence of the known events preceding his own death, -for the long expedition Ahmad-i-yadgar calls one of a year, and (2) -because an early start after Humayun's arrival and Sulaiman's departure -would suit the position of affairs and the dates mentioned or implied by -Haidar's and by Ahmad-i-yadgar's narratives. - -Two reasons of policy are discernible, in the known events of the time, -to recommend a journey in force towards the North-west; first, the -sedition of 'Abdu'l-'aziz in Lahor (f. 381), and secondly, the invasion -of Badakhshan by Sa'id Khan with its resulting need of supporting -Sulaiman by a menace of armed intervention.[2708] - -In Sihrind the Raja of Kahlur, a place which may be one of the Simla -hill-states, waited on Babur, made offering of 7 falcons and 3 -_mans_[2709] of gold, and was confirmed in his fief.[2710] - -In Lahor Kamran is said to have received his Father, in a garden of his -own creation, and to have introduced the local chiefs as though he were -the Governor of Lahor some writers describe him as then being. The best -sources, however, leave him still posted in Qandahar. He had been -appointed to Multan (f. 359) when 'Askari was summoned to Agra (f. 339), -but whether he actually went there is not assured; some months later -(Zu'l-hijja 10th 935 AH.) he is described by Abu'l-fazl as coming to -Kabul from Qandahar. He took both Multan[2711] and Lahor by force from -his (half-)brother Humayun in 935 AH. (1531 AD.) the year after their -Father's death. That he should wait upon his Father in Lahor would be -natural, Hind-al did so, coming from Kabul. Hind-al will have come to -Lahor after making over charge of Qila'-i-zafar to Sulaiman, and he went -back at the end of the cold season, going perhaps just before his Father -started from Lahor on his return journey, the gifts he received before -leaving being 2 elephants, 4 horses, belts and jewelled daggers.[2712] - -Babur is said to have left Lahor on Rajab 4th (936 AH.)-(March 4th, 1530 -AD.). From Ahmad-i-yadgar's outline of Babur's doings in Lahor, he, or -his original, must be taken as ill-informed or indifferent about them. -His interest becomes greater when he writes of Samana. - - -_d. Punishment of the Mundahirs._ - -When Babur, on his return journey, reached Sihrind, he received a -complaint from the Qazi of Samana against one Mohan _Mundahir_ (or -_Mundhar_)[2713] _Rajput_ who had attacked his estates, burning and -plundering, and killed his son. Here-upon 'Ali-quli of Hamadan[2714] was -sent with 3000 horse to avenge the Qazi's wrongs, and reached Mohan's -village, in the Kaithal _pargana_, early in the morning when the cold -was such that the archers "could not pull their bows."[2715] A marriage -had been celebrated over-night; the villagers, issuing from warm houses, -shot such flights of arrows that the royal troops could make no stand; -many were killed and nothing was effected; they retired into the jungle, -lit fires, warmed themselves(?), renewed the attack and were again -repulsed. On hearing of their failure, Babur sent off, perhaps again -from Sihrind, Tarsam Bahadur and Naurang Beg with 6000 horse and many -elephants. This force reached the village at night and when marriage -festivities were in progress. Towards morning it was formed into three -divisions,[2716] one of which was ordered to go to the west of the -village and show itself. This having been done, the villagers advanced -towards it, in the pride of their recent success. The royal troops, as -ordered beforehand, turned their backs and fled, the Mundahirs pursuing -them some two miles. Meantime Tarsam Bahadur had attacked and fired the -village, killing many of its inhabitants. The pursuers on the west saw -the flames of their burning homes, ran back and were intercepted on -their way. About 1000 men, women and children were made prisoner; there -was also great slaughter, and a pillar of heads was raised. Mohan was -captured and later on was buried to the waist and shot to death with -arrows.[2717] News of the affair was sent to the Padshah.[2718] - -As after being in Sihrind, Babur is said to have spent two months -hunting near Dihli, it may be that he followed up the punitive -expedition sent into the Kaithal _pargana_ of the Karnal District, by -hunting in Nardak, a favourite ground of the Timurids, which lies in -that district. - -Thus the gap of 936 AH. with also perhaps a month of 937 AH. is filled -by the "year's" travel west of Dihli. The record is a mere outline and -in it are periods of months without mention of where Babur was or what -affairs of government were brought before him. At some time, on his -return journey presumably, he will have despatched to Kashmir the -expedition referred to in the opening section of this appendix. -Something further may yet be gleaned from local chronicles, from -unwritten tradition, or from the witness of place-names commemorating -his visit. - - -_e. Babur's self-surrender to save Humayun._ - -The few months, perhaps 4 to 5, between Babur's return to Agra from his -expedition towards the North-west, and the time of his death are filled -by Gul-badan and Abu'l-fazl with matters concerning family interests -only. - -The first such matter these authors mention is an illness of Humayun -during which Babur devoted his own life to save his son's.[2719] Of this -the particulars are, briefly:--That Humayun, while still in Sambhal, had -had a violent attack of fever; that he was brought by water to Agra, his -mother meeting him in Muttra; and that when the disease baffled medical -skill, Babur resolved to practise the rite believed then and now in the -East to be valid, of intercession and devotion of a suppliant's most -valued possession in exchange for a sick man's life. Rejecting counsel -to offer the Koh-i-nur for pious uses, he resolved to supplicate for the -acceptance of his life. He made intercession through a saint his -daughter names, and moved thrice round Humayun's bed, praying, in -effect, "O God! if a life may be exchanged for a life, I, who am Babur, -give my life and my being for Humayun." During the rite fever surged -over him, and, convinced that his prayer and offering had prevailed, he -cried out, "I have borne it away! I have borne it away!"[2720] Gul-badan -says that he himself fell ill on that very day, while Humayun poured -water on his head, came out and gave audience; and that they carried her -Father within on account of his illness, where he kept his bed for 2 or -3 months. - -There can be no doubt as to Babur's faith in the rite he had practised, -or as to his belief that his offering of life was accepted; moreover -actual facts would sustain his faith and belief. Onlookers also must -have believed his prayer and offering to have prevailed, since Humayun -went back to Sambhal,[2721] while Babur fell ill at once and died in a -few weeks.[2722] - - -_f. A plan to set Babur's sons aside from the succession._ - -Reading the _Akbar-nama_ alone, there would seem to be no question about -whether Babur ever intended to give Hindustan, at any rate, to Humayun, -but, by piecing together various contributory matters, an opposite -opinion is reached, _viz._ that not Khalifa only whom Abu'l-fazl names -perhaps on Nizamu'd-din Ahmad's warrant, but Babur also, with some -considerable number of chiefs, wished another ruler for Hindustan. The -starting-point of this opinion is a story in the _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ -and, with less detail, in the _Akbar-nama_, of which the gist is that -Khalifa planned to supersede Humayun and his three brothers in their -Father's succession.[2723] - -[Illustration: BABUR IN PRAYER, DEVOTING HIMSELF FOR HIS SON. - - _To face p. 702._] - -The story, in brief, is as follows:--At the time of Babur's death -Nizamu'd-din Ahmad's father Khwaja Muhammad Muqim _Harawi_ was in the -service of the Office of Works.[2724] Amir Nizamu'd-din 'Ali Khalifa, -the Chief of the Administration, had dread and suspicion about Humayun -and did not favour his succession as Padshah. Nor did he favour that of -Babur's other sons. He promised "Babur Padshah's son-in-law (_damad_)" -Mahdi Khwaja who was a generous young man, very friendly to himself, -that he would make him Padshah. This promise becoming known, others made -their _salam_ to the Khwaja who put on airs and accepted the position. -One day when Khalifa, accompanied by Muqim, went to see Mahdi Khwaja in -his tent, no-one else being present, Babur, in the pangs of his disease, -sent for him[2725] when he had been seated a few minutes only. When -Khalifa had gone out, Mahdi Khwaja remained standing in such a way that -Muqim could not follow but, the Khwaja unaware, waited respectfully -behind him. The Khwaja, who was noted for the wildness of youth, said, -stroking his beard, "Please God! first, I will flay thee!" turned round -and saw Muqim, took him by the ear, repeated a proverb of menace, "The -red tongue gives the green head to the wind," and let him go. Muqim -hurried to Khalifa, repeated the Khwaja's threat against him, and -remonstrated about the plan to set all Babur's sons aside in favour of a -stranger-house.[2726] Here-upon Khalifa sent for Humayun,[2727] and -despatched an officer with orders to the Khwaja to retire to his house, -who found him about to dine and hurried him off without ceremony. -Khalifa also issued a proclamation forbidding intercourse with him, -excluded him from Court, and when Babur died, supported Humayun. - -As Nizamu'd-din Ahmad was not born till 20 years after Babur died, the -story will have been old before he could appreciate it, and it was some -60 years old when it found way into the _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ and, with -less detail, into the _Akbar-nama_. - -Taken as it stands, it is incredible, because it represents Khalifa, and -him alone, planning to subject the four sons of Babur to the suzerainty -of Mahdi Khwaja who was not a Timurid, who, so far as well-known sources -show, was not of a ruling dynasty or personally illustrious,[2728] and -who had been associated, so lately as the autumn of 1529 AD., with his -nephew Rahim-dad in seditious action which had so angered Babur that, -whatever the punishment actually ordered, rumour had it both men were to -die.[2729] In two particulars the only Mahdi Khwaja then of Babur's -following, does not suit the story; he was not a young man in 1530 -AD.,[2730] and was not a _damad_ of Babur, if that word be taken in its -usual sense of son-in-law, but he was a _yazna_, husband of a Padshah's -sister, in his case, of Khan-zada Begim.[2731] Some writers style him -Sayyid Mahdi Khwaja, a double title which may indicate descent on both -sides from religious houses; one is suggested to be that of Tirmiz by -the circumstance that in his and Khan-zada Begim's mausoleum was buried -a Tirmiz sayyid of later date, Shah Abu'l-ma'ali. But though he were of -Tirmiz, it is doubtful if that religious house would be described by the -word _khanwada_ which so frequently denotes a ruling dynasty. - -His name may have found its way into Nizamu'd-din Ahmad's story as a -gloss mistakenly amplifying the word _damad_, taken in its less usual -sense of brother-in-law. To Babur's contemporaries the expression "Babur -Padshah's _damad_" (son-in-law) would be explicit, because for some 11 -years before he lay on his death-bed, he had one son-in-law only, _viz._ -Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza _Bai-qara_,[2732] the husband of Ma'suma Sultan -Begim. If that Mirza's name were where Mahdi Khwaja's is entered, the -story of an exclusion of Babur's sons from rule might have a core of -truth. - -It is incredible however that Khalifa, with or without Babur's -concurrence, made the plan attributed to him of placing any man not a -Timurid in the position of Padshah over all Babur's territory. I suggest -that the plan concerned Hindustan only and was one considered in -connection with Babur's intended return to Kabul, when he must have left -that difficult country, hardly yet a possession, in charge of some man -giving promise of power to hold it. Such a man Humayun was not. My -suggestion rests on the following considerations:-- - -(1) Babur's outlook was not that of those in Agra in 1587 AD. who gave -Abu'l-fazl his Baburiana material, because at that date Dihli had become -the pivot of Timurid power, so that not to hold Hindustan would imply -not to be Padshah. Babur's outlook on his smaller Hindustan was -different; his position in it was precarious, Kabul, not Dihli, was his -chosen centre, and from Kabul his eyes looked northwards as well as to -the East. If he had lost the Hindustan which was approximately the -modern United Provinces, he might still have held what lay west of it to -the Indus, as well as Qandahar. - -(2) For several years before his death he had wished to return to Kabul. -Ample evidence of this wish is given by his diary, his letters, and some -poems in his second _Diwan_ (that found in the Rampur MS.). As he told -his sons more than once, he kept Kabul for himself.[2733] If, instead -of dying in Agra, he had returned to Kabul, had pushed his way on from -Badakhshan, whether as far as Samarkand or less, had given Humayun a -seat in those parts,--action foreshadowed by the records--a reasonable -interpretation of the story that Humayun and his brothers were not to -govern Hindustan, is that he had considered with Khalifa the -apportionment of his territories according to the example of his -ancestors Chingiz Khan, Timur and Abu-sa'id; that by his plan of -apportionment Humayun was not to have Hindustan but something -Tramontane; Kamran had already Qandahar; Sulaiman, if Humayun had moved -beyond the out-post of Badakhshan, would have replaced him there; and -Hindustan would have gone to "Babur Padshah's _damad_". - -(3) Muhammad-i-zaman had much to recommend him for -Hindustan:--Timurid-born, grandson and heir of Sl. Husain Mirza, husband -of Ma'suma who was a Timurid by double descent,[2734] protected by Babur -after the Bai-qara _debacle_ in Herat, a landless man leading such other -exiles as Muhammad Sultan Mirza,[2735] 'Adil Sultan, and Qasim-i-husain -Sultan, half-Timurids all, who with their Khurasani following, had been -Babur's guests in Kabul, had pressed on its poor resources, and thus had -helped in 932 AH. (1525 AD.) to drive him across the Indus. This -Bai-qara group needed a location; Muhammad-i-zaman's future had to be -cared for and with his, Ma'suma's. - -(4) It is significant of intention to give Muhammad-i-zaman ruling -status that in April 1529 AD. (Sha'ban 935 AH.) Babur bestowed on him -royal insignia, including the umbrella-symbol of sovereignty.[2736] This -was done after the Mirza had raised objections, unspecified now in the -_Babur-nama_ against Bihar; they were overcome, the insignia were given -and, though for military reasons he was withheld from taking up that -appointment, the recognition of his royal rank had been made. His next -appointment was to Junpur, the capital of the fallen Sharqi dynasty. No -other chief is mentioned by Babur as receiving the insignia of royalty. - -(5) It appears to have been within a Padshah's competence to select his -successor; and it may be inferred that choice was made between Humayun -and another from the wording of more than one writer that Khalifa -"supported" Humayun, and from the word "selected" used in -Ahmad-i-yadgar's anecdote.[2737] Much more would there be freedom of -choice in a division of territory such as there is a good deal to -suggest was the basis of Nizamu'd-din Ahmad's story. Whatever the extent -of power proposed for the _damad_, whether, as it is difficult to -believe, the Padshah's whole supremacy, or whether the limited -sovereignty of Hindustan, it must have been known to Babur as well as to -Khalifa. Whatever their earlier plan however, it was changed by the -sequel of Humayun's illness which led to his becoming Padshah. The -_damad_ was dropped, on grounds it is safe to believe more impressive -than his threat to flay Khalifa or than the remonstrance of that high -official's subordinate Muqim of Herat. - -Humayun's arrival and continued stay in Hindustan modified earlier -dispositions which included his remaining in Badakhshan. His actions may -explain why Babur, when in 936 AH. he went as far as Lahor, did not go -on to Kabul. Nothing in the sources excludes the surmise that Mahim knew -of the bestowal of royal insignia on the Bai-qara Mirza, that she -summoned her son to Agra and there kept him, that she would do this the -more resolutely if the _damad_ of the plan she must have heard of, were -that Bai-qara, and that but for Humayun's presence in Agra and its -attendant difficulties, Babur would have gone to Kabul, leaving his -_damad_ in charge of Hindustan. - -Babur, however, turned back from Lahor for Agra, and there he made the -self-surrender which, resulting in Humayun's "selection" as Padshah, -became a turning point in history. - -Humayun's recovery and Babur's immediate illness will have made the -son's life seem Divinely preserved, the father's as a debt to be paid. -Babur's impressive personal experience will have dignified Humayun as -one whom God willed should live. Such distinction would dictate the -bestowal on him of all that fatherly generosity had yet to give. The -imminence of death defeating all plans made for life, Humayun was -nominated to supreme power as Padshah. - - -_g. Babur's death._ - -Amongst other family matters mentioned by Gul-badan as occurring shortly -before her Father's death, was his arrangement of marriages for Gul-rang -with Aisan-timur and for Gul-chihra with Tukhta-bugha _Chaghatai_. She -also writes of his anxiety to see Hind-al who had been sent for from -Kabul but did not arrive till the day after the death. - -When no remedies availed, Humayun was summoned from Sambhal. He reached -Agra four days before the death; on the morrow Babur gathered his chiefs -together for the last of many times, addressed them, nominated Humayun -his successor and bespoke their allegiance for him. Abu'l-fazl thus -summarizes his words, "Lofty counsels and weighty mandates were -imparted. Advice was given (to Humayun) to be munificent and just, to -acquire God's favour, to cherish and protect subjects, to accept -apologies from such as had failed in duty, and to pardon transgressors. -And, he (Babur) exclaimed, the cream of my testamentary dispositions is -this, 'Do naught against your brothers, even though they may deserve -it.' In truth," continues the historian, "it was through obedience to -this mandate that his Majesty Jannat-ashiyani suffered so many injuries -from his brothers without avenging himself." Gul-badan's account of her -Father's last address is simple:--"He spoke in this wise, 'For years it -has been in my heart to make over the throne to Humayun and to retire to -the Gold-scattering Garden. By the Divine grace I have obtained in -health of body everything but the fulfilment of this wish. Now that -illness has laid me low, I charge you all to acknowledge Humayun in my -stead. Fail not in loyalty towards him. Be of one heart and mind towards -him. I hope to God that he, for his part, will bear himself well towards -men. Moreover, Humayun, I commit you and your brothers and all my -kinsfolk and your people and my people to God's keeping, and entrust -them all to you.'" - -It was on Monday Jumada 1. 5th 937 AH. (Dec. 26th 153O AD.) that Babur -made answer to his summons with the _Adsum_ of the Musalman, "Lord! I am -here for Thee." - -"Black fell the day for children and kinsfolk and all," writes his -daughter; - - "Alas! that time and the changeful heaven should exist without thee; - Alas! and Alas! that time should remain and thou shouldst be gone;" - -mourns Khwaja Kalan in the funeral ode from which Badayuni quoted these -lines.[2738] - -The body was laid in the Garden-of-rest (_Aram-bagh_) which is opposite -to where the Taj-i-mahall now stands. Khwaja Muhammad 'Ali _'asas_[2739] -was made the guardian of the tomb, and many well-voiced readers and -reciters were appointed to conduct the five daily Prayers and to offer -supplication for the soul of the dead. The revenues of Sikri and 5 -_laks_ from Biana were set aside for the endowment of the tomb, and -Mahim Begim, during the two and a half years of her remaining life, sent -twice daily from her own estate, an allowance of food towards the -support of its attendants. - -In accordance with the directions of his will, Babur's body was to be -conveyed to Kabul and there to be laid in the garden of his choice, in a -grave open to the sky, with no building over it, no need of a -door-keeper. - -Precisely when it was removed from Agra we have not found stated. It is -known from Gul-badan that Kamran visited his Father's tomb in Agra in -1539 AD. (946 AH.) after the battle of Chausa; and it is known from -Jauhar that the body had been brought to Kabul before 1544 AD. (952 -AH.), at which date Humayun, in Kabul, spoke with displeasure of -Kamran's incivility to "Bega Begim", the "Bibi" who had conveyed their -Father's body to that place.[2740] That the widow who performed this -duty was the Afghan Lady, Bibi Mubarika[2741] is made probable by -Gul-badan's details of the movements of the royal ladies. Babur's family -left Agra under Hind-al's escort, after the defeat at Chausa (June 7th, -1539 AD.); whoever took charge of the body on its journey to Kabul must -have returned at some later date to fetch it. It would be in harmony -with Sher Shah's generous character if he safe-guarded her in her task. - -The terraced garden Babur chose for his burial-place lies on the slope -of the hill Shah-i-Kabul, the Sher-darwaza of European writers.[2742] It -has been described as perhaps the most beautiful of the Kabul gardens, -and as looking towards an unsurpassable view over the Char-dih plain -towards the snows of Paghman and the barren, rocky hills which have been -the hunting-grounds of rulers in Kabul. Several of Babur's descendants -coming to Kabul from Agra have visited and embellished his -burial-garden. Shah-i-jahan built the beautiful mosque which stands near -the grave; Jahangir seems to have been, if not the author, at least the -prompter of the well-cut inscription adorning the upright slab of white -marble of Maidan, which now stands at the grave-head. The tomb-stone -itself is a low grave-covering, not less simple than those of relations -and kin whose remains have been placed near Babur's. In the thirties of -the last century [the later Sir] Alexander Burnes visited and admirably -described the garden and the tomb. With him was Munshi Mohan Lal who -added to his own account of the beauties of the spot, copies of the -inscriptions on the monumental slab and on the portal of the -Mosque.[2743] As is shown by the descriptions these two visitors give, -and by Daniel's drawings of the garden and the tomb, there were in their -time two upright slabs, one behind the other, near the head of the -grave. Mr. H. H. Hayden who visited the garden in the first decade of -the present century, shows in his photograph of the grave, one upright -stone only, the place of one of the former two having been taken by a -white-washed lamp holder (_chiraghdan_). - -The purport of the verses inscribed on the standing-slab is as follows:-- - - A ruler from whose brow shone the Light of God was that[2744] - Back-bone of the Faith (_zahiru'd-din_) Muhammad Babur - Padshah. Together with majesty, dominion, fortune, rectitude, - the open-hand and the firm Faith, he had share in prosperity, - abundance and the triumph of victorious arms. He won the - material world and became a moving light; for his every - conquest he looked, as for Light, towards the world of souls. - When Paradise became his dwelling and Ruzwan[2745] asked me - the date, I gave him for answer, "Paradise is forever Babur - Padshah's abode." - - -_h. Babur's wives and children._[2746] - -Babur himself mentions several of his wives by name, but Gul-badan is -the authority for complete lists of them and their children. - -1. 'Ayisha Sultan Begim, daughter of Sl. Ahmad Mirza _Miran-shahi_ was -betrothed, when Babur was _cir._ 5 years old, in 894 AH. (1488-89 AD.), -bore Fakhru'n-nisa' in 906 AH. [who died in about one month], left Babur -before 909 AH. (1503 AD.). - -2. Zainab Sl. Begim, daughter of Sl. Mahmud Mirza _Miran-shahi_, was -married in 910 AH. (1504-5 AD.), died childless two or three years -later. - -3. Mahim Begim, whose parentage is not found stated, was married in 912 -AH. (1506 AD.), bore Bar-bud, Mihr-jan, Aisan-daulat, Faruq [who all -died in infancy], and Humayun. - -4. Ma'suma Sl. Begim, daughter of Sl. Ahmad Mirza _Miran-shahi_, was -married in 913 AH. (1507 AD.), bore Ma'suma and died at her birth, -presumably early in the _lacuna_ of 914-925 AH. (1508-19 AD.). - -5. Gul-rukh Begim, whose parentage is not found stated, was perhaps a -Begchik Mughul, was married between 914 AH. and 925 AH. (1508-19 AD.), -probably early in the period, bore Shah-rukh, Ahmad [who both died -young], Gul'izar [who also may have died young], Kamran and 'Askari. - -6. Dil-dar Begim, whose parentage is not found stated, was married in -the same period as Gul-rukh, bore Gul-rang, Gul-chihra, Hind-al, -Gul-badan and Alwar, [who died in childhood]. - -7. The Afghan Lady (Afghani Aghacha), Bibi Mubarika _Yusufzai_, was -married in 925 AH. (1519 AD.), and died childless. - -The two Circassian slaves Gul-nar Aghacha and Nar-gul Aghacha of whom -Tahmasp made gift to Babur in 933 AH. (f. 305), became recognized -ladies of the royal household. They are mentioned several times by -Gul-badan as taking part in festivities and in family conferences under -Humayun. Gul-nar is said by Abu'l-fazl to have been one of Gul-badan's -pilgrim band in 983 AH. (1575 AD.). - -The above list contains the names of three wives whose parentage is not -given or is vaguely given by the well-known sources,--namely, Mahim, -Gul-rukh and Dil-dar. What would sufficiently explain the absence of -mention by Babur of the parentage of Gul-rukh and Dil-dar is that his -record of the years within which the two Begims were married is not now -with the _Babur-nama_. Presumably it has been lost, whether in diary or -narrative form, in the _lacuna_ of 914-25 AH. (1508-19 AD.). Gul-rukh -appears to have belonged to the family of Begchik Mughuls described by -Haidar Mirza[2747]; her brothers are styled Mirza; she was of good but -not royal birth. Dil-dar's case is less simple. Nothing in her daughter -Gul-badan's book suggests that she and her children were other than of -the highest rank; numerous details and shades of expression show their -ease of equality with royal personages. It is consistent with -Gul-badan's method of enumerating her father's wives that she should not -state her own mother's descent; she states it of none of her "mothers". -There is this interest in trying to trace Dil-dar's parentage, that she -may have been the third daughter of Sl. Mahmud Mirza and Pasha Begim, -and a daughter of hers may have been the mother of Salima Sultan Begim -who was given in marriage by Humayun to Bairam Khan, later was married -by Akbar, and was a woman of charm and literary accomplishments. Later -historians, Abu'l-fazl amongst their number, say that Salima's mother -was a daughter of Babur's wife Salha Sultan Begim, and vary that -daughter's name as Gul-rang-rukh-barg or -'izar (the last form being an -equivalent of _chihra_, face). As there cannot have been a wife with her -daughter growing up in Babur's household, who does not appear in some -way in Gul-badan's chronicle, and as Salima's descent from Babur need -not be questioned, the knot is most readily loosened by surmising that -"Salha" is the real name of Gul-badan's "Dildar". Instances of double -names are frequent, _e.g._ Mahim, Mah-chicham, Qara-guz, Aq, (My Moon, -My Moon sister, Black-eyed, Fair). "Heart-holding" (Dil-dar) sounds like -a home-name of affection. It is the _Ma'asir-i-rahimi_ which gives Salha -as the name of Babur's wife, Pasha's third daughter. Its author may be -wrong, writing so late as he did (1025 AH.-1616 AD.), or may have been -unaware that Salha was (if she were) known as Dil-dar. It would not war -against seeming facts to take Pasha's third daughter to be Babur's wife -Dil-dar, and Dil-dar's daughter Gul-chihra to be Salima's mother. -Gul-chihra was born in about 1516 AD., married to Tukhta-bugha in 1530 -AD., widowed in cir. 1533 AD., might have remarried with Nuru'd-din -_Chaqaniani_ (Sayyid Amir), and in 945 AH. might have borne him Salima; -she was married in 1547 AD. (954 AH.) to 'Abbas Sultan _Auzbeg_.[2748] -Two matters, neither having much weight, make against taking Dil-dar to -be a _Miran-shahi_; the first being that the anonymous annotator who -added to the archetype of Kehr's Codex what is entered in Appendix -L.--_On Mahim's adoption of Hind-al_, styles her Dil-dar Aghacha; he, -however, may have known no more than others knew of her descent; the -second, that Mahim forcibly took Dil-dar's child Hind-al to rear; she -was the older wife and the mother of the heir, but could she have taken -the upper hand over a Miran-shahi? A circumstance complicating the -question of Salima's maternal descent is, that historians searching the -_Babur-nama_ or its Persian translation the _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ for -information about the three daughters of Mahmud _Miran-shahi_ and Pasha -_Baharlu Turkman_, would find an incomplete record, one in which the -husbands of the first and second daughters are mentioned and nothing is -said about the third who was Babur's wife and the grandmother of Salima. -Babur himself appears to have left the record as it is, meaning to fill -it in later; presumably he waited for the names of the elder two sisters -to complete his details of the three. In the Haidarabad Codex, which -there is good ground for supposing a copy of his original manuscript, -about three lines are left blank (f. 27) as if awaiting information; in -most manuscripts, however, this indication of intention is destroyed by -running the defective passage on to join the next sentence. Some chance -remark of a less well-known writer, may clear up the obscurity and show -that Salha was Dil-dar. - -Mahim's case seems one having a different cause for silence about her -parentage. When she was married in Herat, shortly after the death of Sl. -Husain Mirza, Babur had neither wife nor child. What Abu'l-fazl tells -about her is vague; her father's name is not told; she is said to have -belonged to a noble Khurasan family, to have been related -(_nisbat-i-khwesh_) to Sl. Husain Mirza and to have traced her descent -to Shaikh Ahmad of Jam. If her birth had been high, even though not -royal, it is strange that it is not stated by Babur when he records the -birth of her son Humayun, incidentally by Gul-badan, or more precisely -by Abu'l-fazl. Her brothers belonged to Khost, and to judge from a -considerable number of small records, seem to have been quiet, unwarlike -Khwajas. Her marriage took place in a year of which a full record -survives; it is one in the composed narrative, not in the diary. In the -following year, this also being one included in the composed narrative, -Babur writes of his meeting with Ma'suma _Miran-shahi_ in Herat, of -their mutual attraction, and of their marriage. If the marriage with -Humayun's mother had been an equal alliance, it would agree with Babur's -custom to mention its occurrence, and to give particulars about Mahim's -descent.[2749] - - -_i. Mr. William Erskine's estimate of Babur._ - -"Zahiru'd-din Muhammad Babur was undoubtedly one of the most -illustrious men of his age, and one of the most eminent and accomplished -princes that ever adorned an Asiatic throne. He is represented as having -been above the middle size, of great vigour of body, fond of all field -and warlike sports, an excellent swordsman, and a skilful archer. As a -proof of his bodily strength, it is mentioned, that he used to leap from -one pinnacle to another of the pinnacled ramparts used in the East, in -his double-soled boots; and that he even frequently took a man under -each arm and went leaping along the rampart from one of the pointed -pinnacles to another. Having been early trained to the conduct of -business, and tutored in the school of adversity, the powers of his mind -received full development. He ascended the throne at the age of twelve, -and before he had attained his twentieth year, had shared every variety -of fortune; he had not only been the ruler of subject provinces but had -been in thraldom to his own ambitious nobles, and obliged to conceal -every sentiment of his heart; he had been alternately hailed and obeyed -as a conqueror and deliverer by rich and extensive kingdoms, and forced -to lurk in the deserts and mountains of Farghana as a houseless -wanderer. Down to the last dregs of life, we perceive in him strong -feelings of affection for his early friends and early enjoyments. * * * -He had been taught betimes, by the voice of events that cannot lie, that -he was a man dependent on the kindness and fidelity of other men; and, -in his dangers and escapes with his followers, had learned that he was -only one of an association. * * * The native benevolence and gaiety of -his disposition seems ever to overflow on all around him; * * * of his -companions in arms he speaks with the frank gaiety of a soldier. * * * -Ambitious he was and fond of conquest and glory in all its shapes; the -enterprise in which he was for a season engaged, seems to have absorbed -his whole soul, and all his faculties were exerted to bring it to a -fortunate issue. His elastic mind was not broken by discomfiture, and -few who have achieved such glorious conquests, have suffered more -numerous or more decisive defeats. His personal courage was conspicuous -during his whole life. Upon the whole, if we review with impartiality -the history of Asia, we find few princes entitled to rank higher than -Babur in genius and accomplishments. * * * In activity of mind, in the -gay equanimity and unbroken spirit with which he bore the extremes of -good and bad fortune, in the possession of the manly and social virtues, -in his love of letters and his success in the cultivation of them, we -shall probably find no other Asiatic prince who can justly be placed -beside him." - - -THE END. - - - - -APPENDICES. - - -A.--THE SITE AND DISAPPEARANCE OF OLD AKHSI. - -Some modern writers, amongst whom are Dr. Schuyler, General Nalivkine -and Mr. Pumpelly, have inferred from the Babur-nama account of Akhsi, -(in its translations?) that the landslip through which Babur's father -died and the disappearance of old Akhsi were brought about by erosion. -Seen by the light of modern information, this erosion theory does not -seem to cover the whole ground and some other cause seems necessary in -explanation of both events. - -For convenience of reference, the Babur-nama passages required, are -quoted here, with their translations. - - Hai. MS. f. 4b. _Saihun darya-si qurghani astidin aqar. - Qurghani baland jar austida waqi' bulub tur. Khandaqi-ning - aurunigha 'umiq jarlar dur. 'Umar Shaikh M. kim muni pay-takht - qildi, bir iki martaba tashraq-din yana jarlar saldi._ - - Of this the translations are as follows:-- - - (_a_) Pers. trans. (I.O. 217, f. 3_b_): _Darya-i Saihun az - payha qila'-i o mirezad u qila'-i o bar jar balandi waqi' - shuda ba jay khandaq jarha-i 'umiq uftada. 'U. Sh. M. kah anra - pay-takht sakhta, yak du martaba az birun ham baz jarha - andakht._ - - (_b_) Erskine (p. 5, translating from the Persian): 'The river - Saihun flows under the walls of the castle. The castle is - situated on a high precipice, and the steep ravines around - serve instead of a moat. When U. Sh. M. made it his capital - he, in one or two instances, scarped the ravines outside the - fort.' - - (_c_) De Courteille (i, 8, translating from Ilminsky's - imprint, p. 6): 'Le Seihoun coule au pied de la fortresse qui - se dresse sur le sommet d'un ravin, dont les profondeurs lui - tiennent lieu d'un fosse. 'U. Sh. M. a l'epoque ou il en avait - fait son capitale, avait augmente a une ou deux reprises, les - escarpements qui la ceignent naturellement.' - -Concerning 'Umar Shaikh's death, the words needed are (f. 6_b_);-- - - _Mazkur bulub aidi kim Akhsi qurghani buland jar austida waqi' - bulub tur. 'Imaratlar jar yaqasida airdi.... Mirza jardin - kabutar u kabutar-khana bila auchub shunqar buldi_;--'It has been - mentioned that the walled-town of Akhsi is situated above - ravine(s). The royal dwellings are along a ravine. The Mirza, - having flown with his pigeons and their house from the ravine, - became a falcon (_i.e._ died).' - -A few particulars about Akhsi will shew that, in the translations just -quoted, certain small changes of wording are dictated by what, amongst -other writers, Kostenko and von Schwarz have written about the oases of -Turkistan. - -The name Akhsi, as used by Ibn Haukal, Yaqut and Babur, describes an -oasis township, _i.e._ a walled-town with its adjacent cultivated lands. -In Yaqut's time Akhsi had a second circumvallation, presumably less for -defence than for the protection of crops against wild animals. The oasis -was created by the Kasan-water,[2750] upon the riverain loess of the -right and higher bank of the Saihun (Sir), on level ground west of the -junction of the Narin and the Qara-darya, west too of spurs from the -northern hills which now abut upon the river. Yaqut locates it in the -12th century, at one _farsakh_ (_circa_ 4 m.) north of the river.[2751] -Depending as it did solely on the Kasan-water, nothing dictated its -location close to the Sir, along which there is now, and there seems to -have been in the 12th century, a strip of waste land. Babur says of -Akhsi what Kostenko says (i, 321) of modern Tashkint, that it stood -above ravines (_jarlar_). These were natural or artificial channels of -the Kasan-water.[2752] - -To turn now to the translations;--Mr. Erskine imaged Akhsi as a castle, -high on a precipice in process of erosion by the Sir. But Babur's word, -_qurghan_ means the walled-town; his word for a castle is _ark_, -citadel; and his _jar_, a cleft, is not rendered by 'precipice.' -Again;--it is no more necessary to understand that the Sir flowed close -to the walls than it is to understand, when one says the Thames flows -past below Richmond, that it washes the houses on the hill. - -The key to the difficulties in the Turki passage is provided by a -special use of the word _jar_ for not only natural ravines but -artificial water-cuts for irrigation. This use of it makes clear that -what 'Umar Shaikh did at Akhsi was not to make escarpments but to cut -new water-channels. Presumably he joined those 'further out' on the -deltaic fan, on the east and west of the town, so as to secure a -continuous defensive cleft round the town[2753] or it may be, in order -to bring it more water. - -Concerning the historic pigeon-house (f. 6_b_), it can be said safely -that it did not fall into the Sir; it fell from a _jar_, and in this -part of its course, the river flows in a broad bed, with a low left -bank. Moreover the Mirza's residence was in the walled-town (f. 110_b_) -and there his son stayed 9 years after the accident. The slip did not -affect the safety of the residence therefore; it may have been local to -the birds' house. It will have been due to some ordinary circumstance -since no cause for it is mentioned by Babur, Haidar or Abu'l-fazl. If it -had marked the crisis of the Sir's approach, Akhsi could hardly have -been described, 25 years later, as a strong fort. - - -Something is known of Akhsi, in the 10th, the 12th, the 15th and the -19th centuries, which testifies to saecular decadence. Ibn Haukal and -Yaqut give the township an extent of 3 _farsakh_ (12 miles), which may -mean from one side to an opposite one. Yaqut's description of it -mentions four gates, each opening into well-watered lands extending a -whole _farsakh_, in other words it had a ring of garden-suburb four -miles wide. - -Two meanings have been given to Babur's words indicating the status of -the oasis in the 15th century. They are, _mahallati qurghan-din bir -shar'i yuraqraq tushub tur_. They have been understood as saying that -the suburbs were two miles from their _urbs_. This may be right but I -hesitate to accept it without pointing out that the words may mean, 'Its -suburbs extend two miles farther than the walled-town.' Whichever verbal -reading is correct, reveals a decayed oasis. - -In the 19th century, Nalivkine and Ujfalvy describe the place then -bearing the name Akhsi, as a small village, a mere winter-station, at -some distance from the river's bank, that bank then protected from -denudation by a sand-bank. - -Three distinctly-marked stages of decadence in the oasis township are -thus indicated by Yaqut, Babur and the two modern travellers. - - -It is necessary to say something further about the position of the -suburbs in the 15th century. Babur quotes as especially suitable to -Akhsi, the proverbial questions, 'Where is the village?'[2754] (qy. -Akhsi-kint.) 'Where are the trees?' and these might be asked by some-one -in the suburbs unable to see Akhsi or _vice versa_. But granting that -there were no suburbs within two miles of the town, why had the whole -inner circle, two miles of Yaqut's four, gone out of cultivation? -Erosion would have affected only land between the river and the town. - -Again;--if the Sir only were working in the 15th century to destroy a -town standing on the Kasan-water, how is it that this stream does not -yet reach the Sir? - - -Various ingatherings of information create the impression that failure -of Kasan-water has been the dominant factor in the loss of the Akhsi -township. Such failure might be due to the general desiccation of -Central Asia and also to increase of cultivation in the Kasan-valley -itself. There may have been erosion, and social and military change may -have had its part, but for the loss of the oasis lands and for, as a -sequel, the decay of the town, desiccation seems a sufficient cause. - -The Kasan-water still supports an oasis on its riverain slope, the large -Auzbeg town of Tupa-qurghan (Town-of-the-hill), from the modern castle -of which a superb view is had up the Kasan-valley, now thickly studded -with villages.[2755] - - -B.--THE BIRDS, QIL QUYIRUGH AND BAGHRI QARA. - -Describing a small bird (_qush-qina_), abundant in the Qarshi district -(f. 49_b_), Babur names it the _qil-quyirugh_, horse-tail, and says it -resembles the _baghri qara_. - -Later on he writes (f. 280) that the _baghri qara_ of India is smaller -and more slender than 'those' _i.e._ of Transoxiana (f. 49_b_, n. 1), -the blackness of its breast less deep, and its cry less piercing. - -We have had difficulty in identifying the birds but at length conclude -that the _baghri qara_ of Transoxiana is _Pterocles arenarius_, Pallas's -black-bellied sand-grouse and that the Indian one is a smaller -sand-grouse, perhaps a _Syrrhaptes_. As the _qil quyirugh_ resembles the -other two, it may be a yet smaller _Syrrhaptes_. - -Muh. Salih, writing of sport Shaibaq Khan had in Qarshi -(_Shaibani-nama_, Vambery, p. 192) mentions the 'Little bird (_murghak_) -of Qarshi,' as on all sides making lament. The Sang-lakh[2756] gives its -Persian name as _khar-pala_, ass-hair, says it flies in large flocks -and resembles the _baghri qara_. Of the latter he writes as abundant in -the open country and as making noise (_baghir_). - -The Sang-lakh (f. 119) gives the earliest and most informing account we -have found of the _baghri qara_. Its says the bird is larger than a -pigeon, marked with various colours, yellow especially, black-breasted -and a dweller in the stony and waterless desert. These details are -followed by a quotation from 'Ali-sher _Nawa'i_, in which he likens his -own heart to that of the bird of the desert, presumably referring to the -gloom of the bird's plumage. Three synonyms are then given; Ar. _qita_, -one due to its cry (Meninsky); Pers. _sang-shikan_, stone-eating, -(Steingass, _sang-khwara_, stone-eating); and Turki _baghir-tilaq_ which -refers, I think, to its cry. - -Morier (Haji Baba) in his _Second journey through Persia_ (Lond. 1818, -p. 181), mentions that a bird he calls the black-breasted partridge, -(_i.e._ _Francolinus vulgaris_) is known in Turkish as _bokara kara_ and -in Persian as _siyah-sina_, both names, (he says), meaning black-breast; -that it has a horse-shoe of black feathers round the forepart of the -trunk, more strongly marked in the female than in the male; that they -fly in flocks of which he saw immense numbers near Tabriz (p. 283), have -a soft note, inhabit the plains, and, once settled, do not run. Cock and -hen alike have a small spur,--a characteristic, it may be said, -identifying rather with _Francolinus vulgaris_ than with _Pterocles -arenarius_. Against this identification, however, is Mr. Blandford's -statement that _siyah-sina_ (Morier's _bokara kara_) is _Pterocles -arenarius_ (Report of the Persian Boundary Commission, ii, 271). - -In Afghanistan and Bikanir, the sand-grouse is called _tuturak_ and -_boora kurra_ (Jerdon, ii, 498). Scully explains _baghitaq_ as -_Pterocles arenarius_. - - -Perhaps I may mention something making me doubt whether it is correct to -translate _baghri qara_ by _black-liver_ and _gorge-noir_ or other names -in which the same meaning is expressed. To translate thus, is to -understand a Turki noun and adjective in Persian construction, and to -make exception to the rule, amply exemplified in lists of birds, that -Turki names of birds are commonly in Turki construction, _e.g._ _qara -bash_ (black-head), _aq-bash_ (white-head), _sarigh-sunduk_ -(yellow-headed wagtail). _Baghir_ may refer to the cry of the bird. We -learn from Mr. Ogilvie Grant that the Mongol name for the sand-grouse -_njupterjun_, is derived from its cry in flight, _truck_, _truck_, and -its Arabic name _qita_ is said by Meninsky to be derived from its cry -_kaetha_, _kaetha_. Though the dissimilarity of the two cries is against -taking the _njupterjun_ and the _qita_ to be of one class of -sand-grouse, the significance of the derivation of the names remains, -and shows that there are examples in support of thinking that when a -sand-grouse is known as _baghri qara_, it may be so known because of its -cry (_baghir_). - -The word _qara_ finds suggestive interpretation in a B. N. phrase (f. -72_b_) _Tambal-ning qara-si_, Tambal's blackness, _i.e._ the dark mass -of his moving men, seen at a distance. It is used also for an indefinite -number, _e.g._ 'family, servants, retainers, followers, _qara_,' and I -think it may imply a massed flock. - -Babur's words (f. 280) _baghri-ning qara-si ham kam dur_, [its belly -(lit. liver) also is less black], do not necessarily contradict the view -that the word _baghri_ in the bird's name means crying. The root _bagh_ -has many and pliable derivatives; I suspect both Babur (here) and Muh. -Salih (l. c.) of ringing changes on words. - - -We are indebted for kind reply to our questions to Mr. Douglas -Carruthers, Mr. Ogilvie Grant and to our friend, Mr. R. S. Whiteway. - - -C.--ON THE GOSHA-GIR. - -I am indebted to my husband's examination of two Persian MSS. on -archery for an explanation of the word _gosha-gir_, in its technical -sense in archery. The works consulted are the Cyclopaedia of -Archery (_Kulliyatu'r-rami_ I. O. 2771) and the Archer's Guide -(_Hidayatu'r-rami_ I. O. 2768). - -It should be premised that in archery, the word _gosha_ describes, in -the arrow, the notch by which it grips and can be carried on the string, -and, in the bow, both the tip (horn) and the notch near the tip in which -the string catches. It is explained by Vullers as _cornu et crena arcus -cui immititur nervus_. - -Two passages in the Cyclopaedia of Archery (f. 9 and f. 36_b_) shew -_gosha_ as the bow-tip. One says that to bend the bow, two men must -grasp the two _gosha_; the other reports a tradition that the Archangel -Gabriel brought a bow having its two _gosha_ (tips) made of ruby. The -same book directs that the _gosha_ be made of seasoned ivory, the -Archer's Guide prescribing seasoned mulberry wood. - -The C. of A. (f. 125_b_) says that a bowman should never be without two -things, his arrows and his _gosha-gir_. The _gosha-gir_ may be called an -item of the repairing kit; it is an implement (f. 53) for making good a -warped bow-tip and for holding the string into a displaced notch. It is -known also as the _chapras_, brooch or buckle, and the _kardang_; and is -said to bear these names because it fastens in the string. Its shape is -that of the upper part of the Ar. letter _jim_, two converging lines of -which the lower curves slightly outward. It serves to make good a warped -bow, without the use of fire and it should be kept upon the bow-tip till -this has reverted to its original state. Until the warp has been -straightened by the _gosha-gir_, the bow must be kept from the action of -fire because it, (composite of sinew and glutinous substance,) is of the -nature of wax. - -The same implement can be used to straighten the middle of the bow, the -_kaman khana_. It is then called _kar-dang_. It can be used there on -condition that there are not two _daur_ (curves) in the bow. If there -are two the bow cannot be repaired without fire. The _halal daur_ is -said to be characteristic of the Turkish bow. There are three _daur_. I -am indebted to Mr. Inigo Simon for the suggestions that _daur_ in this -connection means _warp_ and that the three twists (_daur_) may be those -of one horn (_gosha_), of the whole bow warped in one curve, and of the -two horns warped in opposite directions. - -Of repair to the _kaman-khana_ it is said further that if no _kardang_ -be available, its work can be done by means of a stick and string, and -if the damage be slight only, the bow and the string can be tightly tied -together till the bow comes straight. 'And the cure is with God!' - -Both manuscripts named contain much technical information. Some parts of -this are included in my husband's article, _Oriental Crossbows_ (A. Q. -R. 1911, p. 1). Sir Ralph Payne-Gallwey's interesting book on the -Cross-bow allows insight into the fine handicraft of Turkish bow-making. - - -D.--ON THE RESCUE PASSAGE. - -I have omitted from my translation an account of Babur's rescue from -expected death, although it is with the Haidarabad Codex, because closer -acquaintance with its details has led both my husband and myself to -judge it spurious. We had welcomed it because, being with the true -Babur-nama text, it accredited the same account found in the -Kehr-Ilminsky text, and also because, however inefficiently, it did -something towards filling the gap found elsewhere within 908 AH. - -It is in the Haidarabad MS. (f. 118_b_), in Kehr's MS. (p. 385), in -Ilminsky's imprint (p. 144), in _Les Memoires de Babour_ (i, 255) and -with the St. P. University Codex, which is a copy of Kehr's. - -On the other hand, it is not with the Elphinstone Codex (f. 89_b_); that -it was not with the archetype of that codex the scribe's note shews (f. -90); it is with neither of the _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ (Pers. translations) -nor with Leyden and Erskine's _Memoirs_ (p. 122).[2757] - -Before giving our grounds for rejecting what has been offered to fill -the gap of 908 AH. a few words must be said about the lacuna itself. -Nothing indicates that Babur left it and, since both in the Elphinstone -Codex and its archetype, the sentence preceding it lacks the terminal -verb, it seems due merely to loss of pages. That the loss, if any, was -of early date is clear,--the Elph. MS. itself being copied not later than -1567 AD. (JRAS. 1907, p. 137). - -Two known circumstances, both of earlier date than that of the -Elphinstone Codex, might have led to the loss,--the first is the storm -which in 935 AH. scattered Babur's papers (f. 376_b_), the second, the -vicissitudes to which Humayun's library was exposed in his exile.[2758] -Of the two the first seems the more probable cause. - -The rupture of a story at a point so critical as that of Babur's danger -in Karnan would tempt to its completion; so too would wish to make good -the composed part of the Babur-nama. Humayun annotated the archetype of -the Elphinstone Codex a good deal but he cannot have written the Rescue -passage if only because he was in a position to avoid some of its -inaccuracies. - - -CONTEXT AND TRANSLATION OF THE RESCUE PASSAGE. - -To facilitate reference, I quote the last words preceding the gap -purported to be filled by the Rescue passage, from several texts;-- - -(_a_) Elphinstone MS. f. 89_b_,--_Quptum. Bagh gosha-si-gha bardim. Auzum -bila andesha qildim. Didim kim kishi agar yuz u agar ming yashasa, akhir -hech...._ - -(_b_) The Hai. MS. (f. 118_b_) varies from the Elphinstone by omitting -the word _hech_ and adding _aulmak kirak_, he must die. - -(_c_) Payanda-hasan's _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ (I. O. 215, f. -96_b_),--_Barkhwastam u dar gosha-i bagh raftam. Ba khud andesha karda, -guftam kah agar kase sad sal ya hazar sal 'umr dashta bashad, akhir hech -ast._ (It will be seen that this text has the _hech_ of the Elph. MS.) - -(_d_) 'Abdu'r-rahim's _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ (I. O. 217, f. -79),--_Barkhwastam u ba gosha-i-bagh raftam. Ba khud andeshidam u guftam -kah agar kase sad sal u agar hazar sal 'umr bayabad akhir...._ - -(_e_) Muh. _Shirazi's_ lith. ed. (p. 75) finishes the sentence with -_akhir khud bayad murd_, at last one must die,--varying as it frequently -does, from both of the _Waqi'at_. - -(_f_) Kehr's MS. (p. 383-454), Ilminsky, p. 144,--_Qupub baghning bir -burji-gha barib, khatirim-gha kilturdim kim agar adam yuz yil u agar -ming yil tirik bulsa, akhir aulmak din auzka chara yuq tur._ (I rose. -Having gone to a tower of the garden, I brought it to my mind that if a -person be alive 100 years or a thousand years, at last he has no help -other than to die.) - - -The Rescue passage is introduced by a Persian couplet, identified by my -husband as from Nizami's _Khusrau u Shirin_, which is as follows;-- - - If you stay a hundred years, and if one year, - Forth you must go from this heart-delighting palace. - - I steadied myself for death (_qarar birdim_). In that garden a stream - came flowing;[2759] I made ablution; I recited the prayer of two - inclinations (_ra'kat_); having raised my head for silent prayer, I - was making earnest petition when my eyes closed in sleep.[2760] I am - seeing[2761] that Khwaja Yaq'ub, the son of Khwaja Yahya and - grandson of His Highness Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l-lah, came facing me, - mounted on a piebald horse, with a large company of piebald horsemen - (_sic_).[2762] He said: 'Lay sorrow aside! Khwaja _Ahrar_ (_i.e._ - 'Ubaidu'l-lah) has sent me to you; he said, "We, having asked help - for him (_i.e._ Babur), will seat him on the royal throne;[2763] - wherever difficulty befalls him, let him look towards us (lit. bring - us to sight) and call us to mind; there will we be present." Now, in - this hour, victory and success are on your side; lift up your head! - awake!' - - At that time I awoke happy, when Yusuf and those with him[2764] were - giving one another advice. 'We will make a pretext to deceive; to - seize and bind[2765] is necessary.' Hearing these words, I said, - 'Your words are of this sort, but I will see which of you will come - to my presence to take me.' I was saying this when outside the garden - wall[2766] came the noise of approaching horsemen. Yusuf _darogha_ - said, 'If we had taken you to Tambal our affairs would have gone - forward. Now he has sent again many persons to seize you.' He was - certain that this noise might be the footfall of the horses of those - sent by Tambal. On hearing those words anxiety grew upon me; what to - do I did not know. At this time those horsemen, not happening to find - the garden gate, broke down the wall where it was old (and) came in. - I saw (_kursam_, lit. might see) that Qutluq Muh. _Barlas_ and Baba-i - _Parghari_, my life-devoted servants, having arrived [with], it may - be, ten, fifteen, twenty persons, were approaching. Having flung - themselves from their horses,[2767] bent the knee from afar and - showed respect, they fell at my feet. In that state (_hal_) such - ecstasy (_hal_) came over me that you might say (_goya_) God gave me - life from a new source (_bash_). I said, 'Seize and bind that Yusuf - _darogha_ and these here (_turghan_) hireling mannikins.' These same - mannikins had taken to flight. They (_i.e._ the rescuers), having - taken them, one by one, here and there, brought them bound. I said, - 'Where do you come from? How did you get news?' Qutluq Muh. _Barlas_ - said: 'When, having fled from Akhsi, we were separated from you in - the flight, we went to Andijan when the Khans also came to Andijan. I - saw a vision that Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l-lah said, "Babur _padshah_[2768] - is in a village called Karnan; go and bring him, since the royal seat - (_masnad_) has become his possession (_ta'alluq_)." I having seen - this vision and become happy, represented (the matter) to the Elder - Khan (and) the Younger Khan. I said to the Khans, "I have five or six - younger brothers (and) sons; do you add a few soldiers. I will go - through the Karnan side and bring news." The Khans said, "It occurs - to our minds also that (he) may have gone that same road (?)." They - appointed ten persons; they said, "Having gone in that direction - (_sari_) and made very sure, bring news. Would to God you might get - true news!" We were saying this when Baba-i _Parghari_ said, "I too - will go and seek." He also having agreed with two young men, (his) - younger brothers, we rode out. It is three days to-day that we are - on the road. Thank God! we have found you.' They said (_didilar_, for - _dib_). They spoke (_aitilar_), 'Make a move! Ride off! Take these - bound ones with you! To stay here is not well; Tambal has had news of - your coming here; go, in whatever way, and join yourself to the - Khans!' At that time we having ridden out, moved towards Andijan. It - was two days that we had eaten no food; the evening prayer had come - when we found a sheep, went on, dismounted, killed, and roasted. Of - that same roast we ate as much as a feast. After that we rode on, - hurried forward, made a five days' journey in a day and two nights, - came and entered Andijan. I saluted my uncle the Elder Khan (and) my - uncle the Younger Khan, and made recital of past days. With the Khans - I spent four months. My servants, who had gone looking in every - place, gathered themselves together; there were more than 300 - persons. It came to my mind (_kim_), 'How long must I wander, a - vagabond (_sar-gardan_),[2769] in this Farghana country? I will make - search (_talab_) on every side (_dib_).' Having said, I rode out in - the month of Muharram to seek Khurasan, and I went out from the - country of Farghana.[2770] - - -REASONS AGAINST THE REJECTION OF THE RESCUE PASSAGE. - -Two circumstances have weight against rejecting the passage, its -presence with the Haidarabad Codex and its acceptance by Dr. Ilminsky -and M. de Courteille. - -That it is with the Codex is a matter needing consideration and this the -more that it is the only extra matter there found. Not being with the -Persian translations, it cannot be of early date. It seems likely to owe -its place of honour to distinguished authorship and may well be one of -the four portions (_juzwe_) mentioned by Jahangir in the -Tuzuk-i-jahangiri,[2771] as added by himself to his ancestor's book. If -so, it may be mentioned, it will have been with Babur's autograph MS. -[now not to be found], from which the Haidarabad Codex shews signs of -being a direct copy.[2772] - -[The incongruity of the Rescue passage with the true text has been -indicated by foot-notes to the translation of it already given. What -condemns it on historic and other grounds will follow.] - - -On linguistic grounds it is a strong argument in its favour that Dr. -Ilminsky and M. de Courteille should have accepted it but the argument -loses weight when some of the circumstances of their work are taken into -account. - -In the first place, it is not strictly accurate to regard Dr. Ilminsky -as accepting it unquestioned, because it is covered by his depreciatory -remarks, made in his preface, on Kehr's text. He, like M. de Courteille, -worked with a single Turki MS. and neither of the two ever saw a -complete true text. When their source (the Kehr-Ilminsky) was able to be -collated with the Elph. and Hai. MSS. much and singular divergence was -discovered. - - -I venture to suggest what appears to me to explain M. de Courteille's -acceptance of the Rescue passage. Down to its insertion, the -Kehr-Ilminsky text is so continuously and so curiously corrupt that it -seems necessary to regard it as being a re-translation into Turki from -one of the Persian translations of the _Babur-nama_. There being these -textual defects in it, it would create on the mind of a reader initiated -through it, only, in the book, an incorrect impression of Babur's style -and vocabulary, and such a reader would feel no transition when passing -on from it to the Rescue passage. - -In opposition to this explanation, it might be said that a wrong -standard set up by the corrupt text, would or could be changed by the -excellence of later parts of the Kehr-Ilminsky one. In words, this is -sound, no doubt, and such reflex criticism is now easy, but more than -the one defective MS. was wanted even to suggest the need of such reflex -criticism. The _Babur-nama_ is lengthy, ponderous to poise and grasp, -and work on it is still tentative, even with the literary gains since -the Seventies. - -Few of the grounds which weigh with us for the rejection of the Rescue -passage were known to Dr. Ilminsky or M. de Courteille;--the two good -Codices bring each its own and varied help; Teufel's critique on the -'Fragments,' though made without acquaintance with those adjuncts as -they stand in Kehr's own volume, is of much collateral value; several -useful oriental histories seem not to have been available for M. de -Courteille's use. I may add, for my own part, that I have the great -advantage of my husband's companionship and the guidance of his wide -acquaintance with related oriental books. In truth, looking at the -drawbacks now removed, an earlier acceptance of the passage appears as -natural as does today's rejection. - - -GROUNDS FOR REJECTING THE RESCUE PASSAGE. - -The grounds for rejecting the passage need here little more than -recapitulation from my husband's article in the JASB. 1910, p. 221, and -are as follows;-- - - i. The passage is in neither of the _Waqi'at-i-baburi_. - - ii. The dreams detailed are too a propos and marvellous for - credence. - - iii. Khwaja Yahya is not known to have had a son, named - Ya'qub. - - iv. The _Babur-nama_ does not contain the names assigned to - the rescuers. - - v. The Khans were not in Andijan and Babur did not go there. - - vi. He did not set out for Khurasan after spending 4 months - with The Khans but after Ahmad's death (end of 909 AH.), while - Mahmud was still in Eastern Turkistan and after about a year's - stay in Sukh. - - vii. The followers who gathered to him were not 'more than - 300' but between 2 and 300. - - viii. The '3 days,' and the 'day and two nights,' and the '5 - days' journey was one of some 70 miles, and one recorded as - made in far less time. - - ix. The passage is singularly inadequate to fill a gap of 14 - to 16 months, during which events of the first importance - occurred to Babur and to the Chaghatai dynasty. - - x. Khwaja _Ahrari's_ promises did nothing to fulfil Babur's - wishes for 908 AH. while those of Ya'qub for immediate victory - were closely followed by defeat and exile. Babur knew the - facts; the passage cannot be his. It looks as though the - writer saw Babur in Karnan across Timurid success in - Hindustan. - - xi. The style and wording of the passage are not in harmony - with those of the true text. - -Other reasons for rejection are marked change in choice of the details -chosen for commemoration, _e.g._ when Babur mentions prayer, he does so -simply; when he tells a dream, it seems a real one. The passage leaves -the impression that the writer did not think in Turki, composed in it -with difficulty, and looked at life from another view-point than -Babur's. - - -On these various grounds, we have come to the conclusion that it is no -part of the _Babur-nama_. - - -[APPENDICES TO THE KABUL SECTION.] - -E.--NAGARAHAR, AND NING-NAHAR - -Those who consult books and maps about the riverain tract between the -Safed-koh (Spin-ghur) and (Anglice) the Kabul-river find its name in -several forms, the most common being Nangrahar and Nangnahar (with -variant vowels). It would be useful to establish a European book-name -for the district. As European opinion differs about the origin and -meaning of the names now in use, and as a good deal of interesting -circumstance gathers round the small problem of a correct form (there -may be two), I offer about the matter what has come into the restricted -field of my own work, premising that I do this merely as one who drops a -casual pebble on the cairn of observation already long rising for -scholarly examination. - -_a. The origin and meaning of the names._ - -I have met with three opinions about the origin and meaning of the names -found now and earlier. To each one of them obvious objection can be -made. They are:-- - - 1. That all forms now in use are corruptions of the Sanscrit - word Nagarahara, the name of the Town-of-towns which in the - _du-ab_ of the Baran-su and Surkh-rud left the ruins Masson - describes in Wilson's _Ariana Antigua_. But if this is so, why - is the Town-of-towns multiplied into the nine of Na-nagrahar - (Nangrahar)?[2773] - - 2. That the names found represent Sanscrit _nawa vihara_, nine - monasteries, an opinion the Gazetteer of India of 1907 has - adopted from Bellew. But why precisely nine monasteries? Nine - appears an understatement. - - 3. That Nang (Ning or Nung) -nahar verbally means nine - streams, (Babur's Tuquz-rud,) an interpretation of long - standing (Section _b infra_). But whence _nang_, _ning_, - _nung_, for nine? Such forms are not in Persian, Turki or - Pushtu dictionaries, and, as Sir G. A. Grierson assures me, do - not come into the Linguistic Survey. - - -_b. On nang, ning, nung for nine._ - -Spite of their absence from the natural homes of words, however, the -above sounds have been heard and recorded as symbols of the number nine -by careful men through a long space of time. - -The following instances of the use of "Nangnahar" show this, and also -show that behind the variant forms there may be not a single word but -two of distinct origin and sense. - - 1. In Chinese annals two names appear as those of the district - and town (I am not able to allocate their application with - certainty). The first is Na-kie-lo-ho-lo, the second - Nang-g-lo-ho-lo and these, I understand to represent - Nagara-hara and Nang-nahar, due allowance being made for - Chinese idiosyncrasy.[2774] - - 2. Some 900 years later (1527-30 AD.) Babur also gives two - names, Nagarahar (as the book-name of his _tuman_) and - Ning-nahar.[2775] He says the first is found in several - histories (B.N. f. 131_b_); the second will have been what he - heard and also presumably what appeared in revenue accounts; - of it he says, "it is nine torrents" (_tuquz-rud_). - - 3. Some 300 years after Babur, Elphinstone gives two names - for the district, neither of them being Babur's book-name, - "Nangrahaur[2776] or Nungnahaur, from the nine streams which - issue from the Safed-koh, _nung_ in Pushtoo signifying _nine_, - and _nahaura_, a stream" (_Caubul_, i, 160). - - 4. In 1881 Colonel H. S. Tanner had heard, in Nur-valley on - the north side of the Kabul-water, that the name of the - opposite district was Ning-nahar and its meaning Nine-streams. - He did not get a list of the nine and all he heard named do - not flow from Safed-koh. - - 5. In 1884 Colonel H. G. McGregor gives two names with their - explanation, "Ningrahar and Nungnihar; the former is a - corruption of the latter word[2777] which in the Afghan - language signifies nine rivers or rivulets." He names nine, - but of them six only issue from Safed-koh. - - 6. I have come across the following instances in which the - number nine is represented by other words than _na_ (_ni_ or - _nu_); _viz._ the _nenhan_ of the Chitrali Kafir and the - _noun_ of the Panjabi, recorded by Leech,--the _nyon_ of the - Khowari and the _huncha_ of the Boorishki, recorded by Colonel - Biddulph. - -The above instances allow opinion that in the region concerned and -through a long period of time, nine has been expressed by _nang_ (_ning_ -or _nung_) and other nasal or high palatal sounds, side by side with -_na_ (_ni_ or _nu_). The whole matter may be one of nasal -utterance,[2778] but since a large number of tribesmen express nine by a -word containing a nasal sound, should that word not find place in lists -of recognized symbols of sounds? - - -_c. Are there two names of distinct origin?_ - -1. Certainly it makes a well-connected story of decay in the Sanscrit -word Nagarahara to suppose that tribesmen, prone by their organism to -nasal utterance, pronounced that word Nangrahar, and by force of their -numbers made this corruption current,--that this was recognized as the -name of the town while the Town-of-towns was great or in men's memory, -and that when through the decay of the town its name became a -meaningless husk, the wrong meaning of the Nine-streams should enter -into possession. - -But as another and better one can be put together, this fair-seeming -story may be baseless. Its substitute has the advantage of explaining -the double sequence of names shown in Section _b_. - -The second story makes all the variant names represent one or other of -two distinct originals. It leaves Nagrahar to represent Nagarahara, the -dead town; it makes the nine torrents of Safed-koh the primeval sponsors -of Ning-nahar, the name of the riverain tract. Both names, it makes -contemporary in the relatively brief interlude of the life of the town. -For the fertilizing streams will have been the dominant factors of -settlement and of revenue from the earliest times of population and -government. They arrest the eye where they and their ribbons of -cultivation space the riverain waste; they are obvious units for -grouping into a sub-government. Their name has a counterpart in adjacent -Panj-ab; the two may have been given by one dominant power, how long -ago, in what tongue matters not. The riverain tract, by virtue of its -place on a highway of transit, must have been inhabited long before the -town Nagarahara was built, and must have been known by a name. What -better one than Nine-streams can be thought of? - -2. Bellew is quoted by the Gazetteer of India (ed. 1907) as saying, in -his argument in favour of _nawa vihara_, that no nine streams are found -to stand sponsor, but modern maps shew nine outflows from Safed-koh to -the Kabul-river between the Surkh-rud and Daka, while if affluents to -the former stream be reckoned, more than nine issue from the -range.[2779] - -Against Bellew's view that there are not nine streams, is the long -persistence of the number nine in the popular name (Sect. _b_). - -It is also against his view that he supposes there were nine -monasteries, because each of the nine must have had its fertilizing -water. - -Babur says there were nine; there must have been nine of significance; -he knew his _tuman_ not only by frequent transit but by his revenue -accounts. A supporting point in those accounts is likely to have been -that the individual names of the villages on the nine streams would -appear, with each its payment of revenue. - -3. In this also is some weight of circumstance against taking Nagarahara -to be the parent of Ning-nahar:--An earlier name of the town is said to -be Udyanapura, Garden town.[2780] Of this Babur's Adinapur is held to be -a corruption; the same meaning of garden has survived on approximately -the same ground in Bala-bagh and Rozabad. - -Nagarahara is seen, therefore, to be a parenthetical name between others -which are all derived from gardens. It may shew the promotion of a -"Garden-town" to a "Chief-town". If it did this, there was relapse of -name when the Chief-town lost status. Was it ever applied beyond the -delta? If it were, would it, when dead in the delta, persist along the -riverain tract? If it were not, _cadit quaestio_; the suggestion of two -names distinct in origin, is upheld. - -Certainly the riverain tract would fall naturally under the government -of any town flourishing in the delta, the richest and most populous part -of the region. But for this very reason it must have had a name older -than parenthetical Nagarahara. That inevitable name would be -appropriately Ning-nahar (or Na-nahar) Nine-streams; and for a period -Nagarahara would be the Chief-town of the district of Na-nahar -(Nine-streams).[2781] - - -_d. Babur's statements about the name._ - -What the cautious Babur says of his _tuman_ of Ning-nahar has weight:-- - - 1. That some histories write it Nagarahar (Haidarabad Codex, - f. 131_b_); - - 2. That Ning-nahar is nine torrents, _i.e._ mountain streams, - _tuquz-rud_; - - 3. That (the) nine torrents issue from Safed-koh (f. 132_b_). - -Of his first statement can be said, that he will have seen the book-name -in histories he read, but will have heard Ning-nahar, probably also have -seen it in current letters and accounts. - -Of his second,--that it bears and may be meant to bear two senses, (_a_) -that the _tuman_ consisted of nine torrents,--their lands implied; just -as he says "Asfara is four _buluks_" (sub-divisions f. 3_b_)--(_b_) that -_tuquz rud_ translates _ning-nahar_. - -Of his third,--that in English its sense varies as it is read with or -without the definite article Turki rarely writes, but that either sense -helps out his first and second, to mean that verbally and by its -constituent units Ning-nahar is nine-torrents; as verbally and by its -constituents Panj-ab is five-waters. - - -_e. Last words._ - -Detailed work on the Kabul section of the _Babur-nama_ has stamped two -impressions so deeply on me, that they claim mention, not as novel or as -special to myself, but as set by the work. - -The first is of extreme risk in swift decision on any problem of words -arising in North Afghanistan, because of its local concourse of tongues, -the varied utterance of its unlettered tribes resident or nomad, and the -frequent translation of proper names in obedience to their verbal -meanings. Names lie there too in _strata_, relics of successive -occupation--Greek, Turki, Hindi, Pushtu and tribes _galore_. - -The second is that the region is an exceptionally fruitful field for -first-hand observation of speech, the movent ocean of the uttered word, -free of the desiccated symbolism of alphabets and books. - - -The following books, amongst others, have prompted the above note:-- - - Ghoswara Inscription, Kittoe, JASB., 1848, and Kielhorn, - _Indian Antiquary_, 1888, p. 311. - - H. Sastri's _Ramacarita_, Introduction, p. 7 (ASB. Memoirs). - - Cunningham's _Ancient India_, vol. i. - - Beal's _Buddhist Records_, i, xxxiv, and cii, 91. - - Leech's Vocabularies, JASB., 1838. - - The writings of Masson (_Travels_ and _Ariana Antiqua_), Wood, - Vigne, etc. - - Raverty's _Tabaqat-i-nasiri_. - - Jarrett's _Ayin-i-akbari_. - - P.R.G.S. for maps, 1879; Macnair on the Kafirs, 1884; Tanner's - _On the Chugani and neighbouring tribes of Kafiristan_, 1881. - - Simpson's _Nagarahara_, JASB., xiii. - - Biddulph's _Dialects of the Hindu-kush_, JRAS. - - Gazette of India, 1907, art. Jalalabad. - - Bellew's _Races of Afghanistan_. - - -F.--ON THE NAME DARA-I-NUR - -Some European writers have understood the name Dara-i-nur to mean Valley -of Light, but natural features and also the artificial one mentioned by -Colonel H. G. Tanner (_infra_), make it better to read the component -_nur_, not as Persian _nur_, light, but as Pushtu _nur_, rock. Hence it -translates as Valley of Rocks, or Rock-valley. The region in which the -valley lies is rocky and boulder-strewn; its own waters flow to the -Kabul-river east of the water of Chitral. It shews other names composed -with _nur_, in which _nur_ suits if it means rock, but is inexplicable -if it means light, _e.g._ Nur-lam (Nur-fort), the master-fort in the -mouth of Nur-valley, standing high on a rock between two streams, as -Babur and Tanner have both described it from eye-witness,--Nur-gal -(village), a little to the north-west of the valley,--Aulugh-nur (great -rock), at a crossing mentioned by Babur, higher up the Baran-water,--and -Koh-i-nur (Rocky-mountains), which there is ground for taking as the -correct form of the familiar "Kunar" of some European writers (Raverty's -_Notes_, p. 106). The dominant feature in these places dictates reading -_nur_ as rock; so too the work done in Nur-valley with boulders, of -which Colonel H. G. Tanner's interesting account is subjoined (P.R.G.S. -1881, p. 284). - -"Some 10 miles from the source of the main stream of the Nur-valley the -Dameneh stream enters, but the waters of the two never meet; they flow -side by side about three-quarters of a mile apart for about 12 miles and -empty themselves into the Kunar river by different mouths, each torrent -hugging closely the foot of the hills at its own side of the valley. -Now, except in countries where terracing has been practised continuously -for thousands of years, such unnatural topography as exists in the -valley of Nur is next to impossible. The forces which were sufficient to -scoop out the valley in the first instance, would have kept a water-way -at the lowest part, into which would have poured the drainage of the -surrounding mountains; but in the Nur-valley long-continued terracing -has gradually raised the centre of the valley high above the edges. The -population has increased to its maximum limit and every available inch -of ground is required for cultivation; the people, by means of -terrace-walls built of ponderous boulders in the bed of the original -single stream, have little by little pushed the waters out of their true -course, until they run, where now found, in deep rocky cuttings at the -foot of the hills on either side" (p. 280). - -"I should like to go on and say a good deal more about boulders; and -while I am about it I may as well mention one that lies back from a -hamlet in Shulut, which is so big that a house is built in a fault or -crack running across its face. Another pebble lies athwart the village -and covers the whole of the houses from that side." - - -G.--ON THE NAMES OF TWO DARA-I-NUR WINES. - -From the two names, Arat-tashi and Suhan (Suhar) -tashi, which Babur -gives as those of two wines of the Dara-i-nur, it can be inferred that -he read _nur_ to mean rock. For if in them Turki _tash_, rock, be -replaced by Pushtu _nur_, rock, two place-names emerge, Arat (-nuri) and -Suhan (-nuri), known in the Nur-valley. - -These may be villages where the wines were grown, but it would be quite -exceptional for Babur to say that wines are called from their villages, -or indeed by any name. He says here not where they grow but what they -are called. - -I surmise that he is repeating a joke, perhaps his own, perhaps a -standing local one, made on the quality of the wines. For whether with -_tash_ or with _nur_ (rock), the names can be translated as Rock-saw and -Rock-file, and may refer to the rough and acid quality of the wines, -rasping and setting the teeth on edge as does iron on stone. - -The villages themselves may owe their names to a serrated edge or -splintered pinnacle of weathered granite, in which local people, known -as good craftsmen, have seen resemblance to tools of their trade. - - -H.--ON THE COUNTERMARK BIH BUD ON COINS. - -As coins of Sl. Husain Mirza _Bai-qara_ and other rulers do actually -bear the words _Bih bud_, Babur's statement that the name of Bihbud Beg -was on the Mirza's coins acquires a numismatic interest which may make -serviceable the following particulars concerning the passage and the -beg.[2782] - - _a. The Turki passage_ (Elph. MS. f. 135_b_; Haidarabad Codex - f. 173_b_; Ilminsky p. 217). - -For ease of reference the Turki, Persian and English version are -subjoined:-- - -(1) _Yana Bihbud Beg aidi. Burunlar chuhra-jirga-si-da khidmat qilur -aidi. Mirza-ning qazaqliqlarida khidmati baqib Bihbud Beg-ka bu -'inayatni qilib aidi kim tamgha u sikka-da aning ati aidi._ - -(2) The Persian translation of 'Abdu'r-rahim (Muh. Shirazi's lith. ed. -p. 110):-- - -_Digar Bihbud Beg bud. Auwalha dar jirga-i-chuhraha khidmat mikard. Chun -dar qazaqiha Mirzara khidmat karda bud u anra mulahaza namuda, ainra -'inayat karda bud kah dar tamghanat sikka_[2783] _nam-i-au bud._ - -(3) A literal English translation of the Turki:-- - -Another was Bihbud Beg. He served formerly in the _chuhra-jirga-si_ -(corps of braves). Looking to his service in the Mirza's guerilla-times, -the favour had been done to Bihbud Beg that his name was on the stamp -and coin.[2784] - - -_b. Of Bihbud Beg._ - -We have found little so far to add to what Babur tells of Bihbud Beg and -what he tells we have not found elsewhere. The likely sources of his -information are Daulat Shah and Khwand-amir who have written at length -of Husain _Bai-qara_. Considerable search in the books of both men has -failed to discover mention of signal service or public honour connected -with the beg. Babur may have heard what he tells in Harat in 912 AH. -(1506 AD.) when he would see Husain's coins presumably; but later -opportunity to see them must have been frequent during his campaigns and -visits north of Hindu-kush, notably in Balkh. - -The sole mention we have found of Bihbud Beg in the _Habibu's-siyar_ is -that he was one of Husain's commanders at the battle of Chikman-sarai -which was fought with Sl. Mahmud Mirza _Miranshahi_ in Muharram 876 AH. -(June-July 1471 AD.).[2785] His place in the list shews him to have had -importance. "Amir Nizamu'd-din 'Ali-sher's brother Darwesh-i-'ali the -librarian (_q.v._ Hai. Codex Index), and Amir Bihbud, and Muh. 'Ali -_ataka_, and Bakhshika and Shah Wali _Qipchaq_, and Dost-i-muhammad -_chuhra_, and Amir Qul-i-'ali, and" (another). - -The total of our information about the man is therefore:-- - -(1) That when Husain[2786] from 861 to 873 AH. (1457 to 1469 AD.) was -fighting his way up to the throne of Harat, Bihbud served him well in -the corps of braves, (as many others will have done). - -(2) That he was a beg and one of Husain's commanders in 876 AH. (1471 -AD.). - -(3) That Babur includes him amongst Husain's begs and says of him what -has been quoted, doing this _circa_ 934 AH. (1528 AD.), some 56 years -after Khwand-amir's mention of him _s.a._ 876 AH. (1471 AD.). - - -_c. Of the term chuhra-jirga-si used by Babur._ - -Of this term Babur supplies an explicit explanation which I have not -found in European writings. His own book amply exemplifies his -explanation, as do also Khwand-amir's and Haidar's. - -He gives the explanation (f. 15_b_) when describing a retainer of his -father's who afterwards became one of his own begs. It is as follows:-- - -"'Ali-darwesh of Khurasan served in the Khurasan _chuhra-jirga-si_, one -of two special corps (_khasa tabin_) of serviceable braves (_yarar -yigitlar_) formed by Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza when he first began to arrange -the government of Khurasan and Samarkand and, presumably, called by him -the Khurasan corps and the Samarkand corps." - -This shews the circle to have consisted of fighting-men, such -serviceable braves as are frequently mentioned by Babur; and his words -"_yarar yigit_" make it safe to say that if instead of using a Persian -phrase, he had used a Turki one, _yigit_, brave would have replaced -_chuhra_, "young soldier" (Erskine). A considerable number of men on -active service are styled _chuhra_, one at least is styled _yigit_, in -the same way as others are styled _beg_.[2787] - -Three military circles are mentioned in the _Babur-nama_, consisting -respectively of braves, household begs (under Babur's own command), and -great begs. Some men are mentioned who never rose from the rank of brave -(_yigit_), some who became household-begs, some who went through the -three grades. - -Of the corps of braves Babur conveys the information that Abu-sa'id -founded it at a date which will have lain between 1451 and 1457 AD.; -that 'Umar Shaikh's man 'Ali-darwesh belonged to it; and that Husain's -man Bihbud did so also. Both men, 'Ali-darwesh and Bihbud, when in its -circle, would appropriately be styled _chuhra_ as men of the beg-circle -were styled beg; the Dost-i-muhammad _chuhra_ who was a commander, (he -will have had a brave's command,) at Chikman-sarai (_see_ list _supra_) -will also have been of this circle. Instances of the use by Babur of the -name _khasa-tabin_ and its equivalent _buitikini_ are shewn on f. 209 -and f. 210_b_. A considerable number of Babur's fighting men, the braves -he so frequently mentions as sent on service, are styled _chuhra_ and -inferentially belong to the same circle.[2788] - - -_d. Of Bih bud on Husain Bai-qara's coins._ - -So far it does not seem safe to accept Babur's statement literally. He -may tell a half-truth and obscure the rest by his brevity. - -Nothing in the sources shows ground for signal and public honour to -Bihbud Beg, but a good deal would allow surmise that jesting allusion to -his name might decide for _Bih bud_ as a coin mark when choice had to be -made of one, in the flush of success, in an assembly of the begs, and, -amongst those begs, lovers of word-play and enigma. - -The personal name is found written Bihbud, as one word and with medial -_h_; the mark is _Bih bud_ with the terminal _h_ in the _Bih_. There -have been discussions moreover as to whether to read on the coins _Bih -bud_, it was good, or _Bih buvad_, let it be, or become, good (valid for -currency?). - -The question presents itself; would the beg's name have appeared on the -coins, if it had not coincided in form with a suitable coin-mark? - -Against literal acceptance of Babur's statement there is also doubt of a -thing at once so _ben trovato_ and so unsupported by evidence. - -Another doubt arises from finding _Bih bud_ on coins of other rulers, -one of Iskandar Khan's being of a later date,[2789] others, of Timur, -Shahrukh and Abu-sa'id, with nothing to shew who counterstruck it on -them. - -On some of Husain's coins the sentence _Bih bud_ appears as part of the -legend and not as a counterstrike. This is a good basis for finding a -half-truth in Babur's statement. It does not allow of a whole-truth in -his statement because, as it is written, it is a coin-mark, not a name. - -An interesting matter as bearing on Husain's use of _Bih bud_ is that in -865 AH. (1461 AD.) he had an incomparable horse named Bihbud, one he -gave in return for a falcon on making peace with Mustapha Khan.[2790] - - -_e. Of Babur's vassal-coinage._ - -The following historical details narrow the field of numismatic -observation on coins believed struck by Babur as a vassal of Isma'il -_Safawi_. They are offered because not readily accessible. - -The length of Babur's second term of rule in Transoxiana was not the -three solar years of the B.M. Coin Catalogues but did not exceed eight -months. He entered Samarkand in the middle of Rajab 917 AH. (_c._ Oct. -1st, 1511 AD.). He returned to it defeated and fled at once, after the -battle of Kul-i-malik which was fought in Safar 918 AH. (mid-April to -mid-May 1512 AD.). Previous to the entry he was in the field, without a -fixed base; after his flight he was landless till at the end both of 920 -AH. and of 1514 AD. he had returned to Kabul. - -He would not find a full Treasury in Samarkand because the Auzbegs -evacuated the fort at their own time; eight months would not give him -large tribute in kind. He failed in Transoxiana because he was the ally -of a Shi'a; would coins bearing the Shi'a legend have passed current -from a Samarkand mint? These various circumstances suggest that he could -not have struck many coins of any kind in Samarkand. - -The coins classed in the B.M. Catalogues as of Babur's vassalage, offer -a point of difficulty to readers of his own writings, inasmuch as -neither the "Sultan Muhammad" of No. 652 (gold), nor the "Sultan Babur -Bahadur" of the silver coins enables confident acceptance of them as -names he himself would use. - - -I.--ON THE WEEPING-WILLOWS OF f. 190_b_. - -The passage omitted from f. 190_b_, which seems to describe something -decorative done with weeping willows, (_bed-i-mawallah_) has been -difficult to all translators. This may be due to inaccurate pointing in -Babur's original MS. or may be what a traveller seeing other willows at -another feast could explain. - -The first Persian translation omits the passage (I.O. 215 f. 154_b_); -the second varies from the Turki, notably by changing _sach_ and _saj_ -to _shakh_ throughout (I.O. 217 f. 150_b_). The English and French -translations differ much (_Memoirs_ p. 206, _Memoires_ i, 414), the -latter taking the _mawallah_ to be _mula_, a hut, against which much is -clear in the various MSS. - -Three Turki sources[2791] agree in reading as follows:-- - -_Mawallahlar-ni_ (or _muwallah_ Hai. MS.) _kilturdilar. Bilman -sachlari-ning ya 'amli sachlari-ning aralarigha k:msan-ni_ (Ilminsky, -_kaman_) _shakh-ning_ (Hai. MS. _sakh_) _auzunlughi bila ainjiga ainjiga -kisib, quiub turlar._ - -The English and French translations differ from the Turki and from one -another:-- - -(_Memoirs_, p. 206) They brought in branching willow-trees. I do not -know if they were in the natural state of the tree, or if the branches -were formed artificially, but they had small twigs cut the length of the -ears of a bow and inserted between them. - -(_Memoires_ i, 434) On faconna des huttes (_mouleh_). Ils les -etablissent en taillant des baguettes minces, de la longeur du bout -recourbe de l'arc, qu'on place entre des branches naturelles ou -faconnees artificiellement, je l'ignore. - -The construction of the sentence appears to be thus:--_Mawal-lahlar-ni -kilturdilar_, they brought weeping-willows; _k:msan-ni_ _quiubturlar_, -they had put _k:msan-ni_; _ainjiga ainjiga kisib_, cut very fine (or -slender); _shakh_ (or _sakh_)_-ning auzunlughi_, of the length of a -_shakh_, bow, or _sakh_ ...; _bilman sachlari-ning ya 'amli -sachlari-ning aralarigha_, to (or at) the spaces of the _sachlar_ -whether their (_i.e._ the willows') own or artificial _sachlar_. - -These translations clearly indicate felt difficulty. Mr. Erskine does -not seem to have understood that the trees were _Salix babylonica_. The -crux of the passage is the word _k:msan-ni_, which tells what was placed -in the spaces. It has been read as _kaman_, bow, by all but the scribes -of the two good Turki MSS. and as in a phrase _horn of a bow_. This -however is not allowed by the Turki, for the reason that _k:msan-ni_ is -not in the genitive but in the accusative case. (I may say that Babur -does not use _ni_ for _ning_; he keeps strictly to the prime uses of -each enclitic, _ni_ accusative, _ning_ genitive.) Moreover, if -_k:msan-ni_ be taken as a genitive, the verbs _quiub-turlar_ and _kisib_ -have no object, no other accusative appearing in the sentence than -_k:msan-ni_. - -A weighty reason against changing _sach_ into _shakh_ is that Dr. -Ilminsky has not done so. He must have attached meaning to _sach_ since -he uses it throughout the passage. He was nearer the region wherein the -original willows were seen at a feast. Unfortunately nothing shows how -he interpreted the word. - -_Sachmaq_ is a tassel; is it also a catkin and were there decorations, -_kimsan-ni_ (things _kimsa_, or flowers Ar. _kim_, or something shining, -_kimcha_, gold brocade) hung in between the catkins? - -Ilminsky writes _mu'lah_ (with _hamza_) and this de Courteille -translates by hut. The Hai. MS. writes _muwallah_ (marking the _zamma_). - -In favour of reading _mawallah_ (_mulah_) as a tree and that tree _Salix -babylonica_ the weeping-willow, there are annotations in the Second -Persian translation and, perhaps following it, in the Elphinstone MS. of -_nam-i-dirakht_, name of a tree, _didan-i-bed_, sight of the willow, -_bed-i-mawallah_, mournful-willow. Standing alone _mawallah_ means -weeping-willow, in this use answering to _majnun_ the name Panj-abis -give the tree, from Leila's lover the distracted _i.e._ Majnun -(Brandis). - -The whole question may be solved by a chance remark from a traveller -witnessing similar festive decoration at another feast in that -conservative region. - - -J.--ON BABUR'S EXCAVATED CHAMBER AT QANDAHAR (f. 208_b_). - -Since making my note (f. 208_b_) on the wording of the passage in which -Babur mentions excavation done by him at Qandahar, I have learned that -he must be speaking of the vaulted chamber containing the celebrated -inscriptions about which much has been written.[2792] - -The primary inscription, the one commemorating Babur's final possession -of Qandahar, gives the chamber the character of a Temple of Victory and -speaks of it as _Rawaq-i-jahan namai_, World-shewing-portal,[2793] -doubtless because of its conspicuous position and its extensive view, -probably also in allusion to its declaration of victory. Mir Ma'sum -writes of it as a Pesh-taq, frontal arch, which, coupled with Mohan -Lall's word arch (_taq_) suggests that the chamber was entered through -an arch pierced in a parallelogram smoothed on the rock and having -resemblance to the _pesh-taq_ of buildings, a suggestion seeming the -more probable that some inscriptions are on the "wings" of the arch. But -by neither of the above-mentioned names do Mohan Lall and later -travellers call the chamber or write of the place; all describe it by -its approach of forty steps, Chihil-zina.[3] - -The excavation has been chipped out of the white-veined limestone of the -bare ridge on and below which stood Old Qandahar.[2794] It does not -appear from the descriptions to have been on the summit of the ridge; -Bellew says that the forty steps start half-way up the height. I have -found no estimate of the height of the ridge, or statement that the -steps end at the chamber. The ridge however seems to have been of -noticeably dominating height. It rises steeply to the north and there -ends in the naze of which Babur writes. The foot of the steps is guarded -by two towers. Mohan Lall, unaccustomed to mountains, found their ascent -steep and dizzy. The excavated chamber of the inscriptions, which Bellew -describes as "bow-shaped and dome-roofed", he estimated as 12 feet at -the highest point, 12 feet deep and 8 feet wide. Two sculptured beasts -guard the entrance; Bellew calls them leopards but tigers would better -symbolize the watch and ward of the Tiger Babur. In truth the whole -work, weary steps of approach, tiger guardians, commemorative chamber, -laboriously incised words, are admirably symbolic of his long-sustained -resolve and action, taken always with Hindustan as the goal. - -There are several inscriptions of varying date, within and without the -chamber. Mohan Lall saw and copied them; Darmesteter worked on a copy; -the two English observers Lumsden and Bellew made no attempt at correct -interpretation. In the versions all give there are inaccuracies, arising -from obvious causes, especially from want of historical _data_. The last -word has not been said; revision awaits photography and the leisured -expert. A part of the needed revision has been done by Beames, who deals -with the geography of what Mir Ma'sum himself added under Akbar after he -had gone as Governor to Qandahar in 1007 AH. (1598 AD.). This -commemorates not Babur's but Akbar's century of cities. - -It is the primary inscription only which concerns this Appendix. This is -one in relief in the dome of the chamber, recording in florid Persian -that Abu'l-ghazi Babur took possession of Qandahar on Shawwal 13th 928 -AH. (Sep. 1st 1522 AD.), that in the same year he commanded the -construction of this _Rawaq-i-jahan-namai_, and that the work had been -completed by his son Kamran at the time he made over charge of Qandahar -to his brother 'Askari in 9 ... (mutilated). After this the gravure -changes in character. - -In the above, Babur's title Abu'l-ghazi fixes the date of the -inscription as later than the battle of Kanwaha (f. 324_b_), because it -was assumed in consequence of this victory over a Hindu, in March 1527 -(Jumada II 933 AH.). - -The mutilated date 9 ... is given by Mohan Lall as 952 AH. but this does -not suit several circumstances, _e.g._ it puts completion too far beyond -the time mentioned as consumed by the work, nine years,--and it was not -that at which Kamran made over charge to 'Askari, but followed the -expulsion of both full-brothers from Qandahar by their half-brother -Humayun. - -The mutilated date 9 ... is given by Darmesteter as 933 AH. but this -again does not fit the historical circumstance that Kamran was in -Qandahar after that date and till 937 AH. This date (937 AH.) we suggest -as fitting to replace the lost figures, (1) because in that year and -after his father's death, Kamran gave the town to 'Askari and went -himself to Hindustan, and (2) because work begun in 928 AH. and recorded -as occupying 70-80 men for nine years would be complete in 937 AH.[2795] -The inscription would be one of the last items of the work. - - -The following matters are added here because indirectly connected with -what has been said and because not readily accessible. - - -_a. Birth of Kamran._ - -Kamran's birth falling in a year of one of the _Babur-nama_ gaps, is -nowhere mentioned. It can be closely inferred as 914 or 915 AH. from the -circumstances that he was younger than Humayun born late in 913 AH., -that it is not mentioned in the fragment of the annals of 914 AH., and -that he was one of the children enumerated by Gul-badan as going with -her father to Samarkand in 916 AH. (Probably the children did not start -with their father in the depth of winter across the mountains.) Possibly -the joyful name Kamran is linked to the happy issue of the Mughul -rebellion of 914 AH. Kamran would thus be about 18 when left in charge -of Kabul and Qandahar by Babur in 932 AH. before the start for the fifth -expedition to Hindustan. - -A letter from Babur to Kamran in Qandahar is with Kehr's Latin version -of the _Babur-nama_, in Latin and entered on the lining of the cover. It -is shewn by its main topic _viz._ the despatch of Ibrahim _Ludi_'s son -to Kamran's charge, to date somewhere close to Jan. 3rd 1527 -(Rabi'u'l-awwal 29th 933 AH.) because on that day Babur writes of the -despatch (Hai. Codex f. 306_b_ foot). - -Presumably the letter was with Kamran's own copy of the _Babur-nama_. -That copy may have reached Humayun's hands (JRAS 1908 p. 828 _et -seq._). The next known indication of the letter is given in St. -Petersburg by Dr. Kehr. He will have seen it or a copy of it with the -B.N. Codex he copied (one of unequaled correctness), and he, no doubt, -copied it in its place on the fly-leaf or board of his own transcript, -but if so, it has disappeared. - -Fuller particulars of it and of other items accompanying it are given in -JRAS 1908 p. 828 _et seq._ - - -K.--AN AFGHAN LEGEND. - -My husband's article in the Asiatic Quarterly Review of April 1901 -begins with an account of the two MSS. from which it is drawn, _viz._ -I.O. 581 in Pushtu, I.O. 582 in Persian. Both are mainly occupied with -an account of the Yusuf-zai. The second opens by telling of the power of -the tribe in Afghanistan and of the kindness of Malik Shah Sulaiman, one -of their chiefs, to Aulugh Beg Mirza _Kabuli_, (Babur's paternal uncle,) -when he was young and in trouble, presumably as a boy ruler. - -It relates that one day a wise man of the tribe, Shaikh 'Usman saw -Sulaiman sitting with the young Mirza on his knee and warned him that -the boy had the eyes of Yazid and would destroy him and his family as -Yazid had destroyed that of the Prophet. Sulaiman paid him no attention -and gave the Mirza his daughter in marriage. Subsequently the Mirza -having invited the Yusuf-zai to Kabul, treacherously killed Sulaiman and -700 of his followers. They were killed at the place called Siyah-sang -near Kabul; it is still known, writes the chronicler in about 1770 AD. -(1184 AH.), as the Grave of the Martyrs. Their tombs are revered and -that of Shaikh 'Usman in particular. - -Shah Sulaiman was the eldest of the seven sons of Malik Taju'd-din; the -second was Sultan Shah, the father of Malik Ahmad. Before Sulaiman was -killed he made three requests of Aulugh Beg; one of them was that his -nephew Ahmad's life might be spared. This was granted. - -Aulugh Beg died (after ruling from 865 to 907 AH.), and Babur defeated -his son-in-law and successor M. Muqim (_Arghun_, 910 AH.). Meantime the -Yusuf-zai had migrated to Pashawar but later on took Sawad from Sl. Wais -(Hai. Codex ff. 219, 220_b_, 221). - -When Babur came to rule in Kabul, he at first professed friendship for -the Yusuf-zai but became prejudiced against them through their enemies -the Dilazak[2796] who gave force to their charges by a promised subsidy -of 70,000 _shahrukhi_. Babur therefore determined, says the Yusuf-zai -chronicler, to kill Malik[2797] Ahmad and so wrote him a friendly -invitation to Kabul. Ahmad agreed to go, and set out with four brothers -who were famous musicians. Meanwhile the Dilazak had persuaded Babur to -put Ahmad to death at once, for they said Ahmad was so clever and -eloquent that if allowed to speak, he would induce the Padshah to pardon -him. - -On Ahmad's arrival in Kabul, he is said to have learned that Babur's -real object was his death. His companions wanted to tie their turbans -together and let him down over the wall of the fort, but he rejected -their proposal as too dangerous for him and them, and resolved to await -his fate. He told his companions however, except one of the musicians, -to go into hiding in the town. - -Next morning there was a great assembly and Babur sat on the -dais-throne. Ahmad made his reverence on entering but Babur's only -acknowledgment was to make bow and arrow ready to shoot him. When Ahmad -saw that Babur's intention was to shoot him down without allowing him to -speak, he unbuttoned his jerkin and stood still before the Padshah. -Babur, astonished, relaxed the tension of his bow and asked Ahmad what -he meant. Ahmad's only reply was to tell the Padshah not to question him -but to do what he intended. Babur again asked his meaning and again got -the same reply. - -Babur put the same question a third time, adding that he could not -dispose of the matter without knowing more. Then Ahmad opened the mouth -of praise, expatiated on Babur's excellencies and said that in this -great assemblage many of his subjects were looking on to see the -shooting; that his jerkin being very thick, the arrow might not pierce -it; the shot might fail and the spectators blame the Padshah for missing -his mark; for these reasons he had thought it best to bare his breast. -Babur was so pleased by this reply that he resolved to pardon Ahmad at -once, and laid down his bow. - -Said he to Ahmad, "What sort of man is Buhlul _Ludi_?" "A giver of -horses," said Ahmad. - -"And of what sort his son Sikandar?" "A giver of robes." - -"And of what sort is Babur?" "He," said Ahmad, "is a giver of heads." - -"Then," rejoined Babur, "I give you yours." - -The Padshah now became quite friendly with Ahmad, came down from his -throne, took him by the hand and led him into another room where they -drank together. Three times did Babur have his cup filled, and after -drinking a portion, give the rest to Ahmad. At length the wine mounted -to Babur's head; he grew merry and began to dance. Meantime Ahmad's -musician played and Ahmad who knew Persian well, poured out an eloquent -harangue. When Babur had danced for some time, he held out his hands to -Ahmad for a reward (_bakhshish_), saying, "I am your performer." Three -times did he open his hands, and thrice did Ahmad, with a profound -reverence, drop a gold coin into them. Babur took the coins, each time -placing his hand on his head. He then took off his robe and gave it to -Ahmad; Ahmad took off his own coat, gave it to Adu the musician, and put -on what the Padshah had given. - -Ahmad returned safe to his tribe. He declined a second invitation to -Kabul, and sent in his stead his brother Shah Mansur. Mansur received -speedy dismissal as Babur was displeased at Ahmad's not coming. On his -return to his tribe Mansur advised them to retire to the mountains and -make a strong _sangur_. This they did; as foretold, Babur came into -their country with a large army. He devastated their lands but could -make no impression on their fort. In order the better to judge of its -character, he, as was his wont, disguised himself as a Qalandar, and -went with friends one dark night to the Mahura hill where the stronghold -was, a day's journey from the Padshah's camp at Diarun. - -It was the 'Id-i-qurban and there was a great assembly and feasting at -Shah Mansur's house, at the back of the Mahura-mountain, still known as -Shah Mansur's throne. Babur went in his disguise to the back of the -house and stood among the crowd in the courtyard. He asked servants as -they went to and fro about Shah Mansur's family and whether he had a -daughter. They gave him straightforward answers. - -At the time Musammat Bibi Mubaraka, Shah Mansur's daughter was sitting -with other women in a tent. Her eye fell on the qalandars and she sent a -servant to Babur with some cooked meat folded between two loaves. Babur -asked who had sent it; the servant said it was Shah Mansur's daughter -Bibi Mubaraka. "Where is she?" "That is she, sitting in front of you in -the tent." Babur Padshah became entranced with her beauty and asked the -woman-servant, what was her disposition and her age and whether she was -betrothed. The servant replied by extolling her mistress, saying that -her virtue equalled her beauty, that she was pious and brimful of -rectitude and placidity; also that she was not betrothed. Babur then -left with his friends, and behind the house hid between two stones the -food that had been sent to him. - -He returned to camp in perplexity as to what to do; he saw he could not -take the fort; he was ashamed to return to Kabul with nothing effected; -moreover he was in the fetters of love. He therefore wrote in friendly -fashion to Malik Ahmad and asked for the daughter of Shah Mansur, son of -Shah Sulaiman. Great objection was made and earlier misfortunes accruing -to Yusuf-zai chiefs who had given daughters to Aulugh Beg and Sl. Wais -(Khan Mirza?) were quoted. They even said they had no daughter to give. -Babur replied with a "beautiful" royal letter, told of his visit -disguised to Shah Mansur's house, of his seeing Bibi Mubaraka and as -token of the truth of his story, asked them to search for the food he -had hidden. They searched and found. Ahmad and Mansur were still -averse, but the tribesmen urged that as before they had always made -sacrifice for the tribe so should they do now, for by giving the -daughter in marriage, they would save the tribe from Babur's anger. The -Maliks then said that it should be done "for the good of the tribe". - -When their consent was made known to Babur, the drums of joy were beaten -and preparations were made for the marriage; presents were sent to the -bride, a sword of his also, and the two Maliks started out to escort -her. They are said to have come from Thana by M'amura (?), crossed the -river at Chakdara, taken a narrow road between two hills and past -Talash-village to the back of Tiri (?) where the Padshah's escort met -them. The Maliks returned, spent one night at Chakdara and next morning -reached their homes at the Mahura _sangur_. - -Meanwhile Runa the nurse who had control of Malik Mansur's household, -with two other nurses and many male and female servants, went on with -Bibi Mubaraka to the royal camp. The bride was set down with all honour -at a large tent in the middle of the camp. - -That night and on the following day the wives of the officers came to -visit her but she paid them no attention. So, they said to one another -as they were returning to their tents, "Her beauty is beyond question, -but she has shewn us no kindness, and has not spoken to us; we do not -know what mystery there is about her." - -Now Bibi Mubaraka had charged her servants to let her know when the -Padshah was approaching in order that she might receive him according to -Malik Ahmad's instructions. They said to her, "That was the pomp just -now of the Padshah's going to prayers at the general mosque." That same -day after the Mid-day Prayer, the Padshah went towards her tent. Her -servants informed her, she immediately left her divan and advancing, -lighted up the carpet by her presence, and stood respectfully with -folded hands. When the Padshah entered, she bowed herself before him. -But her face remained entirely covered. At length the Padshah seated -himself on the divan and said to her, "Come Afghaniya, be seated." Again -she bowed before him, and stood as before. A second time he said, -"Afghaniya, be seated." Again she prostrated herself before him and came -a little nearer, but still stood. Then the Padshah pulled the veil from -her face and beheld incomparable beauty. He was entranced, he said -again, "O, Afghaniya, sit down." Then she bowed herself again, and said, -"I have a petition to make. If an order be given, I will make it." The -Padshah said kindly, "Speak." Whereupon she with both hands took up her -dress and said, "Think that the whole Yusuf-zai tribe is enfolded in my -skirt, and pardon their offences for my sake." Said the Padshah, "I -forgive the Yusuf-zai all their offences in thy presence, and cast them -all into thy skirt. Hereafter I shall have no ill-feeling to the -Yusuf-zai." Again she bowed before him; the Padshah took her hand and -led her to the divan. - -When the Afternoon Prayer time came and the Padshah rose from the divan -to go to prayers, Bibi Mubaraka jumped up and fetched him his -shoes.[2798] He put them on and said very pleasantly, "I am extremely -pleased with you and your tribe and I have pardoned them all for your -sake." Then he said with a smile, "We know it was Malik Ahmad taught you -all these ways." He then went to prayers and the Bibi remained to say -hers in the tent. - -After some days the camp moved from Diarun and proceeded by Bajaur and -Tanki to Kabul.[2799]... - -Bibi Mubaraka, the Blessed Lady, is often mentioned by Gul-badan; she -had no children; and lived an honoured life, as her chronicler says, -until the beginning of Akbar's reign, when she died. Her brother Mir -Jamal rose to honour under Babur, Humayun and Akbar. - - -L.--ON MAHIM'S ADOPTION OF HIND-AL. - -The passage quoted below about Mahim's adoption of the unborn Hind-al we -have found so far only in Kehr's transcript of the _Babur-nama_ (_i.e._ -the St. Petersburg Foreign Office Codex). Ilminsky reproduced it (Kasan -imprint p. 281) and de Courteille translated it (ii, 45), both with -endeavour at emendation. It is interpolated in Kehr's MS. at the wrong -place, thus indicating that it was once marginal or apart from the text. - -I incline to suppose the whole a note made by Humayun, although part of -it might be an explanation made by Babur, at a later date, of an -over-brief passage in his diary. Of such passages there are several -instances. What is strongly against its being Babur's where otherwise it -might be his, is that Mahim, as he always calls her simply, is there -written of as Hazrat Walida, Royal Mother and with the honorific plural. -That plural Babur uses for his own mother (dead 14 years before 925 AH.) -and never for Mahim. The note is as follows:-- - -"The explanation is this:--As up to that time those of one birth -(_tuqqan_, womb) with him (Humayun), that is to say a son Bar-bul, who -was younger than he but older than the rest, and three daughters, -Mihr-jan and two others, died in childhood, he had a great wish for one -of the same birth with him.[2800] I had said 'What it would have been if -there had been one of the same birth with him!' (Humayun). Said the -Royal Mother, 'If Dil-dar Aghacha bear a son, how is it if I take him -and rear him?' 'It is very good' said I." - -So far doubtfully _might_ be Babur's but it may be Humayun's written as -a note for Babur. What follows appears to be by some-one who knew the -details of Mahim's household talk and was in Kabul when Dil-dar's child -was taken from her. - -"Seemingly women have the custom of taking omens in the following -way:--When they have said, 'Is it to be a boy? is it to be a girl?' they -write 'Ali or Hasan on one of two pieces of paper and Fatima on the -other, put each paper into a ball of clay and throw both into a bowl of -water. Whichever opens first is taken as an omen; if the man's, they say -a man-child will be born; if the woman's, a girl will be born. They took -the omen; it came out a man." - -"On this glad tidings we at once sent letters off.[2801] A few days -later God's mercy bestowed a son. Three days before the news[2802] and -three days after the birth, they[2803] took the child from its mother, -(she) willy-nilly, brought it to our house[2804] and took it in their -charge. When we sent the news of the birth, Bhira was being taken. They -named him Hind-al for a good omen and benediction."[2805] - -The whole may be Humayun's, and prompted by a wish to remove an -obscurity his father had left and by sentiment stirred through -reminiscence of a cherished childhood. - -Whether Humayun wrote the whole or not, how is it that the passage -appears only in the Russian group of Baburiana? - -An apparent answer to this lies in the following little mosaic of -circumstances:--The St. Petersburg group of Baburiana[2806] is linked to -Kamran's own copy of the _Babur-nama_ by having with it a letter of -Babur to Kamran and also what _may be_ a note indicating its passage -into Humayun's hands (JRAS 1908 p. 830). If it did so pass, a note by -Humayun may have become associated with it, in one of several obvious -ways. This would be at a date earlier than that of the Elphinstone MS. -and would explain why it is found in Russia and not in Indian MSS.[2807] - - - -[APPENDICES TO THE HINDUSTAN SECTION.] - -M.--ON THE TERM _BAHRI QUTAS_. - -That the term _bahri qutas_ is interpreted by Meninski, Erskine, and de -Courteille in senses so widely differing as _equus maritimus_, -mountain-cow, and _boeuf vert de mer_ is due, no doubt, to their writing -when the _qutas_, the yak, was less well known than it now is. - -The word _qutas_ represents both the yak itself and its neck-tassel and -tail. Hence Meninski explains it by _nodus fimbriatus ex cauda seu -crinibus equi maritimi_. His "sea-horse" appears to render _bahri -qutas_, and is explicable by the circumstance that the same purposes are -served by horse-tails and by yak-tails and tassels, namely, with both, -standards are fashioned, horse-equipage is ornamented or perhaps -furnished with fly-flappers, and the ordinary hand-fly-flappers are -made, _i.e._ the _chowries_ of Anglo-India. - -Erskine's "mountain-cow" (_Memoirs_ p. 317) may well be due to his -_munshi's_ giving the yak an alternative name, _viz._ _Kosh-gau_ (Vigne) -or _Khash-gau_ (Ney Elias), which appears to mean mountain-cow (cattle, -oxen).[2808] - -De Courteille's _Dictionary_ p. 422, explains _qutas_ (_qutas_) as _boeuf -marin_ (_bahri qutas_) and his _Memoires_ ii, 191, renders Babur's -_bahri qutas_ by _boeuf vert de mer_ (f. 276, p. 490 and n. 8). - -The term _bahri qutas_ could be interpreted with more confidence if one -knew where the seemingly Arabic-Turki compound originated.[2809] Babur -uses it in Hindustan where the neck-tassel and the tail of the domestic -yak are articles of commerce, and where, as also probably in Kabul, he -will have known of the same class of yak as a saddle-animal and as a -beast of burden into Kashmir and other border-lands of sufficient -altitude to allow its survival. A part of its wide Central Asian habitat -abutting on Kashmir is Little Tibet, through which flows the upper Indus -and in which tame yak are largely bred, Skardo being a place specially -mentioned by travellers as having them plentifully. This suggests that -the term _bahri qutas_ is due to the great river (_bahr_) and that those -of which Babur wrote in Hindustan were from Little Tibet and its great -river. But _bahri_ may apply to another region where also the domestic -yak abounds, that of the great lakes, inland seas such as Pangong, -whence the yak comes and goes between _e.g._ Yarkand and the Hindustan -border. - -The second suggestion, _viz._ that "_bahri qutas_" refers to the habitat -of the domestic yak in lake and marsh lands of high altitude (the wild -yak also but, as Tibetan, it is less likely to be concerned here) has -support in Dozy's account of the _bahri_ falcon, a bird mentioned also -by Abu'l-fazl amongst sporting birds (_Ayin-i-akbari_, Blochmann's trs. -p. 295):--"_Bahri, espece de faucon le meilleur pour les oiseaux de -marais. Ce renseignment explique peut-etre l'origine du mot. Marguerite -en donne la meme etymologie que Tashmend et le Pere Guagix. Selon lui ce -faucon aurait ete appele ainsi parce qu'il vient de l'autre cote de la -mer, mais peut-etre deriva-t-il de bahri dans le sens de marais, flaque, -etang._" - -Dr. E. Denison Ross' _Polyglot List of Birds_ (_Memoirs of the Asiatic -Society of Bengal_ ii, 289) gives to the _Qara Qirghawal_ (Black -pheasant) the synonym "Sea-pheasant", this being the literal translation -of its Chinese name, and quotes from the Manchu-Chinese "Mirror" the -remark that this is a black pheasant but called "sea-pheasant" to -distinguish it from other black ones. - -It may be observed that Babur writes of the yak once only and then of -the _bahri qutas_ so that there is no warrant from him for taking the -term to apply to the wild yak. His cousin and contemporary Haidar -Mirza, however, mentions the wild yak twice and simply as the wild -_qutas_. - -The following are random gleanings about "_bahri_" and the yak:-- - -(1) An instance of the use of the Persian equivalent _darya'i_ of -_bahri_, sea-borne or over-sea, is found in the _Akbar-nama_ (Bib. Ind. -ed. ii, 216) where the African elephant is described as _fil-i-darya'i_. - -(2) In Egypt the word _bahri_ has acquired the sense of northern, -presumably referring to what lies or is borne across its northern sea, -the Mediterranean. - -(3) Vigne (_Travels in Kashmir_ ii, 277-8) warns against confounding the -_quch-qar_ _i.e._ the gigantic _moufflon_, Pallas' _Ovis ammon_, with -the _Kosh-gau_, the cow of the Kaucasus, _i.e._ the yak. He says, -"Kaucasus (_hodie_ Hindu-kush) was originally from Kosh, and Kosh is -applied occasionally as a prefix, _e.g._ _Kosh-gau_, the yak or ox of -the mountain or Kaucasus." He wrote from Skardo in Little Tibet and on -the upper Indus. He gives the name of the female yak as _yak-mo_ and of -the half-breeds with common cows as _bzch_, which class he says is -common and of "all colours". - -(4) Mr. Ney Elias' notes (_Tarikh-i-rashidi_ trs. pp. 302 and 466) on -the _qutas_ are of great interest. He gives the following synonymous -names for the wild yak, _Bos Poephagus_, _Khash-gau_, the Tibetan yak or -Dong. - -(5) Hume and Henderson (_Lahor to Yarkand_ p. 59) write of the numerous -black yak-hair tents seen round the Pangong Lake, of fine saddle yaks, -and of the tame ones as being some white or brown but mostly black. - -(6) Olufsen's _Through the Unknown Pamirs_ (p. 118) speaks of the large -numbers of _Bos grunniens_ (yak) domesticated by the Kirghiz in the -Pamirs. - -(7) Cf. Gazetteer of India _s.n._ yak. - -(8) Shaikh Zain applies the word _bahri_ to the porpoise, when -paraphrasing the _Babur-nama_ f. 281_b_. - - -N.--NOTES ON A FEW BIRDS. - -In attempting to identify some of the birds of Babur's lists difficulty -arises from the variety of names provided by the different tongues of -the region concerned, and also in some cases by the application of one -name to differing birds. The following random gleanings enlarge and, in -part, revise some earlier notes and translations of Mr. Erskine's and my -own. They are offered as material for the use of those better acquainted -with bird-lore and with Himalayan dialects. - - -_a._ _Concerning the lukha_, _luja_, _lucha_, _kuja_ (f.135 and -f.278_b_). - -The nearest word I have found to _lukha_ and its similars is _likkh_, a -florican (Jerdon, ii, 615), but the florican has not the chameleon -colours of the _lukha_ (var.). As Babur when writing in Hindustan, uses -such "book-words" as Ar. _bahri_ (_qutas_) and Ar. _bu-qalamun_ -(chameleon), it would not be strange if his name for the "_lukha_" bird -represented Ar. _awja_, very beautiful, or connected with Ar. _loh_, -shining splendour. - -The form _kuja_ is found in Ilminsky's imprint p.361 (_Memoires_ ii, -198, _koudjeh_). - -What is confusing to translators is that (as it now seems to me) Babur -appears to use the name _kabg-i-dari_ in both passages (f.135 and -f.278_b_) to represent two birds; (1) he compares the _lukha_ as to size -with the _kabg-i-dari_ of the Kabul region, and (2) for size and colour -with that of Hindustan. But the bird, of the Western Himalayas known by -the name _kabg-i-dari_ is the Himalayan snow-cock, _Tetraogallus -himalayensis_, Turki, _aular_ and in the Kabul region, _chiurtika_ -(f.249, Jerdon, ii, 549-50); while the _kabg-i-dari_ (syn. _chikor_) of -Hindustan, whether of hill or plain, is one or more of much smaller -birds. - -The snow-cock being 28 inches in length, the _lukha_ bird must be of -this size. Such birds as to size and plumage of changing colour are the -_Lophophori_ and _Trapagons_, varieties of which are found in places -suiting Babur's account of the _lukha_. - -It may be noted that the Himalayan snow-cock is still called -_kabg-i-dari_ in Afghanistan (Jerdon, ii, 550) and in Kashmir (Vigne's -_Travels in Kashmir_ ii, 18). As its range is up to 18,000 feet, its -Persian name describes it correctly whether read as "of the mountains" -(_dari_), or as "royal" (_dari_) through its splendour. - - -I add here the following notes of Mr. Erskine's, which I have not quoted -already where they occur (cf. f. 135 and f. 278_b_):-- - - On f. 135, "_lokheh_" is said to mean _hill-chikor_. - - On f. 278_b_, to "_lujeh_", "The Persian has _lukheh_." - - " to "_kepki durri_", "The _kepki deri_, or _durri_ is - much larger than the common _kepk_ of Persia - and is peculiar to Khorasan. It is said to be - a beautiful bird. The common _kepk_ of Persia - and Khorasan is the _hill-chikor_ of India." - - " to "higher up", "The _lujeh_ may be the _chikor_ - of the plains which Hunter calls bartavelle or - Greek partridge." - -The following corrections are needed about my own notes:--(1) on f. 135 -(p. 213) n. 7 is wrongly referred; it belongs to the first word, _viz._ -_kabg-i-dari_, of p. 214; (2) on f. 279 (p. 496) n. 2 should refer to -the second _kabg-i-dari_. - - -_b. Birds called munal (var. monal and moonaul)._ - -Yule writing in _Hobson Jobson_ (p. 580) of the "_moonaul_" which he -identifies as _Lophophorus Impeyanus_, queries whether, on grounds he -gives, the word _moonaul_ is connected etymologically with Sanscrit -_muni_, an "eremite". In continuation of his topic, I give here the -names of other birds called _munal_, which I have noticed in various -ornithological works while turning their pages for other information. - -Besides _L. Impeyanus_ and _Trapagon Ceriornis satyra_ which Yule -mentions as called "_moonaul_", there are _L. refulgens_, _munal_ and -_Ghur_ (mountain)-_munal_; _Trapagon Ceriornis satyra_, called _munal_ -in Nipal; _T. C. melanocephalus_, called _sing_ (horned)-_munal_ in the -N.W. Himalayas; _T. himalayensis_, the _jer_- or _cher-munal_ of the -same region, known also as _chikor_; and _Lerwa nevicola_, the -snow-partridge known in Garhwal as _Quoir_- or _Qur-munal_. Do all these -birds behave in such a way as to suggest that _munal_ may imply the -individual isolation related by Jerdon of _L. Impeyanus_, "In the -autumnal and winter months numbers are generally collected in the same -quarter of the forest, though often so widely scattered that each bird -appears to be alone?" My own search amongst vocabularies of -hill-dialects for the meaning of the word has been unsuccessful, spite -of the long range _munals_ in the Himalayas. - - -_c. Concerning the word chiurtika, chourtka._ - -Jerdon's entry (ii, 549, 554) of the name _chourtka_ as a synonym of -_Tetraogallus himalayensis_ enables me to fill a gap I have left on f. -249 (p. 491 and n. 6),[2810] with the name Himalayan snow-cock, and to -allow Babur's statement to be that he, in January 1520 AD. when coming -down from the _Bad-i-pich_ pass, saw many snow-cocks. The _Memoirs_ -(p.282) has "_chikors_", which in India is a synonym for _kabg-i-dari_; -the _Memoires_ (ii, 122) has _sauterelles_, but this meaning of -_chiurtika_ does not suit wintry January. That month would suit for the -descent from higher altitudes of snow-cocks. Griffith, a botanist who -travelled in Afghanistan _cir._ 1838 AD., saw myriads of _cicadae_ -between Qilat-i-ghilzai and Ghazni, but the month was July. - -_d._ _On the qutan_ (f. 142, p. 224; _Memoirs_, p. 153; _Memoires_ ii, -313). - -Mr. Erskine for _qutan_ enters _khawasil_ [gold-finch] which he will -have seen interlined in the Elphinstone Codex (f. 109_b_) in explanation -of _qutan_. - -Shaikh Effendi (Kunos' ed., p. 139) explains _qutan_ to be the -gold-finch, _Steiglitz_. - -Ilminsky's _qutan_ (p. 175) is translated by M. de Courteille as -_pelicane_ and certainly some copies of the 2nd Persian translation -[Muh. _Shirazi's_ p. 90] have _hawasil_, pelican. - -The pelican would class better than the small finch with the - -herons and egrets of Babur's trio; it also would appear a more likely -bird to be caught "with the cord". - -That Babur's _qutan_ (_hawasil_) migrated in great numbers is however -against supposing it to be _Pelicanus onocrotatus_ which is seen in -India during the winter, because it appears there in moderate numbers -only, and Blanford with other ornithologists states that no western -pelican migrates largely into India. - -Perhaps the _qutan_ was Linnaeus' _Pelicanus carbo_ of which one synonym -is _Carbo comoranus_, the cormorant, a bird seen in India in large -numbers of both the large and small varieties. As cormorants are not -known to breed in that country, they will have migrated in the masses -Babur mentions. - -A translation matter falls to mention here:--After saying that the -_auqar_ (grey heron), _qarqara_ (egret), and _qutan_ (cormorant) are -taken with the cord, Babur says that this method of bird-catching is -unique (_bu nuh qush tutmaq ghair muqarrar dur_) and describes it. The -Persian text omits to translate the _tutmaq_ (by _P. giriftan_); hence -Erskine (_Mems._ p. 153) writes, "The last mentioned fowl" (_i.e._ the -_qutan_) "is rare," notwithstanding Babur's statement that all three of -the birds he names are caught in masses. De Courteille (p. 313) writes, -as though only of the _qutan_, "_ces derniers toutefois ne se prennent -qu'accidentelment_," perhaps led to do so by knowledge of the -circumstance that _Pelicanus onocrotatus_ is rare in India. - - -O.--NOTES BY HUMAYUN ON SOME HINDUSTAN FRUITS. - -The following notes, which may be accepted as made by Humayun and in the -margin of the archetype of the Elphinstone Codex, are composed in Turki -which differs in diction from his father's but is far closer to that -classic model than is that of the producer [Jahangir?] of the -"Fragments" (Index _s.n._). Various circumstances make the notes -difficult to decipher _verbatim_ and, unfortunately, when writing in -Jan. 1917, I am unable to collate with its original in the Advocates -Library, the copy I made of them in 1910. - - -_a._ _On the kadhil_, _jack-fruit_, _Artocarpus integrifolia_ (f. -283_b_, p. 506; Elphinstone MS. f. 235_b_).[2811] - -The contents of the note are that the strange-looking pumpkin (_qar'_, -which is also Ibn Batuta's word for the fruit), yields excellent white -juice, that the best fruit grows from the roots of the tree,[2812] that -many such grow in Bengal, and that in Bengal and Dihli there grows a -_kadhil_-tree covered with hairs (_Artocarpus hirsuta_?). - - -_b._ _On the amrit-phal_, _mandarin-orange_, _Citrus aurantium_ (f. 287, -p. 512; Elphinstone Codex, f. 238_b_, l. 12). - -The interest of this note lies in its reference to Babur. - -A Persian version of it is entered, without indication of what it is or -of who was its translator, in one of the volumes of Mr. Erskine's -manuscript remains, now in the British Museum (Add. 26,605, p. 88). -Presumably it was made by his Turkish _munshi_ for his note in the -Memoirs (p. 329). - -Various difficulties oppose the translation of the Turki note; it is -written into the text of the Elphinstone Codex in two instalments, -neither of them in place, the first being interpolated in the account of -the _amil-bid_ fruit, the second in that of the _jasun_ flower; and -there are verbal difficulties also. The Persian translation is not -literal and in some particulars Mr. Erskine's rendering of this differs -from what the Turki appears to state. - -The note is, tentatively, as follows:[2813]--"His honoured Majesty -Firdaus-makan[2814]--may God make his proof clear!--did not -favour the _amrit-phal_;[2815] as he considered it insipid,[2816] he -likened it to the mild-flavoured[2817] orange and did not make choice of -it. So much was the mild-flavoured orange despised that if any person -had disgusted (him) by insipid flattery(?) he used to say, 'He is like -orange-juice.'"[2818] - -"The _amrit-phal_ is one of the very good fruits. Though its juice is -not relishing (? _chuchuq_), it is extremely pleasant-drinking. Later -on, in my own time, its real merit became known. Its tartness may be -that of the orange (_naranj_)and _lemu_."[2819] - -The above passage is followed, in the text of the Elphinstone Codex, by -Babur's account of the _jasun_ flower, and into this a further -instalment of Humayun's notes is interpolated, having opposite its first -line the marginal remark, "This extra note, seemingly made by Humayun -Padshah, the scribe has mistakenly written into the text." Whether its -first sentence refer to the _amrit-phal_ or to the _amil-bid_ must be -left for decision to those well acquainted with the orange-tribe. It is -obscure in my copy and abbreviated in its Persian translation; -summarized it may state that when the fruit is unripe, its acidity is -harmful to the digestion, but that it is very good when ripe.--The note -then continues as below:-- - - -_c. The kamila, H. kaunla, the orange._[2820] - -"There are in Bengal two other fruits of the acid kind. Though the -_amrit-phal_ be not agreeable, they have resemblance to it (?)." - -"One is the _kamila_ which may be as large as an orange (_naranj_); some -took it to be a large _narangi_ (orange) but it is much pleasanter -eating than the _narangi_ and is understood not to have the skin of that -(fruit)." - - -_d. The samtara._[2821] - -"The other is the _samtara_ which is larger than the orange (_naranj_) -but is not tart; unlike the _amrit-phal_ it is not of poor flavour (_kam -maza_) or little relish (_chuchuk_). In short a better fruit is not -seen. It is good to see, good to eat, good to digest. One does not -forget it. If it be there, no other fruit is chosen. Its peel may be -taken off by the hand. However much of the fruit be eaten, the heart -craves for it again. Its juice does not soil the hand at all. Its skin -separates easily from its flesh. It may be taken during and after food. -In Bengal the _samtara_ is rare (_gharib_) (or excellent, _'asiz_). It -is understood to grow in one village Sanargam (Sonargaon) and even -therein a special quarter. There seems to be no fruit so entirely good -as the _samtara_ amongst fruits of its class or, rather, amongst fruits -of all kinds." - - -_Corrigendum_:--In my note on the _turunj bajauri_ (p. 511, n. 3) for -_bijaura_ read _bijaura_; and on p. 510, l. 2, for _palm_ read -_fingers_. - -_Addendum_:--p. 510, l. 5. After _yusunluk_ add:--"The natives of -Hindustan when not wearing their ear-rings, put into the large ear-ring -holes, slips of the palm-leaf bought in the bazars, ready for the -purpose. The trunk of this tree is handsomer and more stately than that -of the date." - - -P.--REMARKS ON BABUR'S REVENUE LIST (fol. 292). - -_a. Concerning the date of the List._ - -The Revenue List is the last item of Babur's account of Hindustan and, -with that account, is found _s.a._ 932 AH., manifestly too early, (1) -because it includes districts and their revenues which did not come -under Babur's authority until subdued in his Eastern campaigns of 934 -and 935 AH., (2) because Babur's statement is that the "countries" of -the List "are _now_ in my possession" (_in loco_ p. 520). - -The List appears to be one of revenues realized in 936 or 937 AH. and -not one of assessment or estimated revenue, (1) because Babur's wording -states as a fact that the revenue was 52 _krurs_; (2) because the -Persian heading of the (Persian) List is translatable as "Revenue -(_jama'_)[2822] of Hindustan from what has so far come under the -victorious standards". - - -_b. The entry of the List into European Literature._ - -Readers of the L. and E. _Memoirs of Babur_ are aware that it does not -contain the Revenue List (p. 334). The omission is due to the absence of -the List from the Elphinstone Codex and from the 'Abdu'r-rahim Persian -translation. Since the _Memoirs of Babur_ was published in 1826 AD., the -List has come from the _Babur-nama_ into European literature by three -channels. - -Of the three the one used earliest is Shaikh Zain's _Tabaqat-i-baburi_ -which is a Persian paraphrase of part of Babur's Hindustan section. This -work provided Mr. Erskine with what he placed in his _History of India_ -(London 1854, i, 540, Appendix D), but his manuscript, now B.M. Add. -26,202, is not the best copy of Shaikh Zain's book, being of far less -importance than B.M. Or. 1999, [as to which more will be said.][2823] - -The second channel is Dr. Ilminsky's imprint of the Turki text (Kasan -1857, p. 379), which is translated by the _Memoires de Baber_ (Paris -1871, ii, 230). - -The third channel is the Haidarabad Codex, in the English translation of -which [_in loco_] the List is on p. 521. - -Shaikh Zain may have used Babur's autograph manuscript for his -paraphrase and with it the Revenue List. His own autograph manuscript -was copied in 998 AH. (1589-90 AD.) by Khwand-amir's grandson -'Abdu'l-lah who may be the scribe "Mir 'Abdu'l-lah" of the -_Ayin-i-akbari_ (Blochmann's trs. p. 109). 'Abdu'l-lah's transcript -(from which a portion is now absent,) after having been in Sir Henry -Elliot's possession, has become B.M. Or. 1999. It is noticed briefly by -Professor Dowson (_l.c._ iv, 288), but he cannot have observed that the -"old, worm-eaten" little volume contains Babur's Revenue List, since he -does not refer to it. - - -_c. Agreement and variation in copies of the List._ - -The figures in the two copies (Or. 1999 and Add. 26,202) of the -_Tabaqat-i-baburi_ are in close agreement. They differ, however, from -those in the Haidarabad Codex, not only in a negligible unit and a ten -of _tankas_ but in having 20,000 more _tankas_ from Oudh and Baraich and -30 _laks_ of _tankas_ more from Trans-sutlej. - -The figures in the two copies of the _Babur-nama_, _viz._ the Haidarabad -Codex and the Kehr-Ilminsky imprint are not in agreement throughout, but -are identical in opposition to the variants (20,000 _t._ and 30 _l._) -mentioned above. As the two are independent, being collateral -descendants of Babur's original papers, the authority of the Haidarabad -Codex in the matter of the List is still further enhanced. - - -_d. Varia._ - -(1) The place-names of the List are all traceable, whatever their varied -forms. About the entry L:knu [or L:knur] and B:ks:r [or M:ks:r] a -difficulty has been created by its variation in manuscripts, not only in -the List but where the first name occurs _s.a._ 934 and 935 AH. In the -Haidarabad List and in that of Or. 1999 L:knur is clearly written and -may represent (approximately) modern Shahabad in Rampur. Erskine and de -Courteille, however, have taken it to be Lakhnau in Oudh. [The -distinction of Lakhnaur from Lakhnau in the historical narrative is -discussed in Appendix T.] - -(2) It may be noted, as of interest, that the name Sarwar is an -abbreviation of Sarjupar which means "other side of Sarju" (Saru, -Goghra; E. and D.'s H. of I. i, 56, n.4). - -(3) Rup-nara[:i]n (Deo or Dev) is mentioned in Ajodhya Prasad's short -history of Tirhut and Darbhanga, the _Gulzar-i-Bihar_ (Calcutta 1869, -Cap. v, 88) as the 9th of the Brahman rulers of Tirhut and as having -reigned for 25 years, from 917 to 942 _Fasli_(?). If the years were -Hijri, 917-42 AH. would be 1511-1535.[2824] - -(4) Concerning the _tanka_ the following modern description is quoted -from Mr. R. Shaw's _High Tartary_ (London 1871, p. 464) "The _tanga_" -(or _tanka_) "is a nominal coin, being composed of 25 little copper -cash, with holes pierced in them and called _dahcheen_. These are strung -together and the quantity of them required to make up the value of one -of these silver ingots" ("_kooroos_ or _yamboo_, value nearly _L_17") -"weighs a considerable amount. I once sent to get change for a -_kooroos_, and my servants were obliged to charter a donkey to bring it -home." - -(5) The following interesting feature of Shaikh Zain's -_Tabaqat-i-baburi_ has been mentioned to me by my husband:--Its author -occasionally reproduces Babur's Turki words instead of paraphrasing them -in Persian, and does this for the noticeable passage in which Babur -records his dissatisfied view of Hindustan (f. 290_b_, _in loco_ p. -518), prefacing his quotation with the remark that it is best and will -be nearest to accuracy not to attempt translation but to reproduce the -Padshah's own words. The main interest of the matter lies in the motive -for reproducing the _ipsissima verba_. Was that motive deferential? Did -the revelation of feeling and opinion made in the quoted passage clothe -it with privacy so that Shaikh Zain reserved its perusal from the larger -public of Hindustan who might read Persian but not Turki? Some such -motive would explain the insertion untranslated of Babur's letters to -Humayun and to Khwaja Kalan which are left in Turki by 'Abdu'r-rahim -Mirza.[2825] - - -Q.--CONCERNING THE "RAMPUR DIWAN". - -Pending the wide research work necessary to interpret Babur's Hindustan -poems which the Rampur manuscript preserves, the following comments, -some tentative and open to correction, may carry further in making the -poems publicly known, what Dr. E. Denison Ross has effected by -publishing his Facsimile of the manuscript.[2826] It is legitimate to -associate comment on the poems with the _Babur-nama_ because many of -them are in it with their context of narrative; most, if not all, -connect with it; some without it, would be dull and vapid. - - -_a. An authorized English title._ - -The contents of the Rampur MS. are precisely what Babur describes -sending to four persons some three weeks after the date attached to the -manuscript,[2827] _viz._ "the Translation and whatnot of poems made on -coming to Hindustan";[2828] and a similar description may be meant in -the curiously phrased first clause of the colophon, but without mention -of the Translation (of the _Walidiyyah-risala_).[2829] Hence, if the -poems, including the Translation, became known as the _Hindustan Poems_ -or _Poems made in Hindustan_, such title would be justified by their -author's words. Babur does not call the Hindustan poems a _diwan_ even -when, as in the above quotation, he speaks of them apart from his -versified translation of the Tract. In what has come down to us of his -autobiography, he applies the name _Diwan_ to poems of his own once -only, this in 925 AH. (f. 237_b_) when he records sending "my _diwan_" -to Pulad Sl. _Auzbeg_. - - -_b. The contents of the Rampur MS._ - -There are three separate items of composition in the manuscript, marked -as distinct from one another by having each its ornamented frontispiece, -each its scribe's sign (_mim_) of Finis, each its division from its -neighbour by a space without entry. The first and second sections bear -also the official sign [_sah[h.]_] that the copy has been inspected and -found correct. - -(1) The first section consists of Babur's metrical translation of Khwaja -'Ubaidu'l-lah _Ahrari's Parental Tract_ (_Walidiyyah-risala_), his -prologue in which are his reasons for versifying the Tract and his -epilogue which gives thanks for accomplishing the task. It ends with the -date 935 (Hai. MS. f. 346). Below this are _mim_ and _sah[h.]_, the -latter twice; they are in the scribe's handwriting, and thus make -against supposing that Babur wrote down this copy of the Tract or its -archetype from which the official _sah[h.]_ will have been copied. -Moreover, spite of bearing two vouchers of being a correct copy, the -Translation is emended, in a larger script which may be that of the -writer of the marginal quatrain on the last page of the [Rampur] MS. and -there attested by Shah-i-jahan as Babur's autograph entry. His also may -have been the now expunged writing on the half-page left empty of text -at the end of the Tract. Expunged though it be, fragments of words are -visible.[2830] - -(2) The second section has in its frontispiece an inscription illegible -(to me) in the Facsimile. It opens with a _masnawi_ of 41 couplets which -is followed by a _ghazel_ and numerous poems in several measures, down -to a triad of rhymed couplets (_matla'_?), the whole answering to -descriptions of a _Diwan_ without formal arrangement. After the last -couplet are _mim_ and _sah[h.]_ in the scribe's hand-writing, and a -blank quarter-page. Mistakes in this section have been left uncorrected, -which supports the view that its _sah[h.]_ avouches the accuracy of its -archetype and not its own.[2831] - -(3) The third section shows no inscription on its frontispiece. It opens -with the _masnawi_ of eight couplets, found also in the _Babur-nama_ (f. -312), one of earlier date than many of the poems in the second section. -It is followed by three _ruba'i_ which complete the collection of poems -made in Hindustan. A prose passage comes next, describing the -composition and transposition-in-metre of a couplet of 16 feet, with -examples in three measures, the last of which ends in l. 4 of the -photograph.--While fixing the date of this metrical game, Babur -incidentally allows that of his _Treatise on Prosody_ to be inferred -from the following allusive words:--"When going to Sambhal (f. 330_b_) in -the year (933 AH.) after the conquest of Hindustan (932 AH.), two years -after writing the _'Aruz_, I composed a couplet of 16 feet."--From this -the date of the Treatise is seen to be 931 AH., some two years later -than that of the _Mubin_. The above metrical exercise was done about the -same time as another concerning which a Treatise was written, viz. that -mentioned on f. 330_b_, when a couplet was transposed into 504 measures -(Section _f_, p. lxv).--The Facsimile, it will be noticed, shows -something unusual in the last line of the prose passage on Plate XVIII -B, where the scattering of the words suggests that the scribe was trying -to copy page _per_ page. - -The colophon (which begins on l. 5 of the photograph) is curiously -worded, as though the frequent fate of last pages had befallen its -archetype, that of being mutilated and difficult for a scribe to make -good; it suggests too that the archetype was verse.[2832] Its first -clause, even if read as _Hind-stan janibi 'azimat qilghani_ (i.e. not -_qilghali_, as it can be read), has an indirectness unlike Babur's -corresponding "after coming to Hindustan" (f. 357_b_), and is not -definite; (2) _bu airdi_ (these were) is not the complement suiting _aul -durur_ (those are); (3) Babur does not use the form _durur_ in prose; -(4) the undue space after _durur_ suggests connection with verse; (5) -there is no final verb such as prose needs. The meaning, however, may be -as follows:--The poems made after resolving on (the) - -[Illustration] - -Hindustan parts (_janibi_?) were these I have written down (_tahrir -qildim_), and past events are those I have narrated (_taqrir_) in the -way that (_ni-chuk kim_) (has been) written in these folios (_auraq_) -and recorded in those sections (_ajza'_).--From this it would appear that -sections of the _Babur-nama_ (f. 376_b_, p. 678) accompanied the -Hindustan poems to the recipient of the message conveyed by the -colophon. - -Close under the colophon stands _Harara-hu Babur_ and the date Monday, -Rabi' II. 15th 935 (Monday, December 27th 1528 AD.), the whole -presumably brought over from the archetype. To the question whether a -signature in the above form would be copied by a scribe, the Elphinstone -Codex gives an affirmative answer by providing several examples of -notes, made by Humayun in its archetype, so-signed and brought over -either into its margin or interpolated in its text. Some others of -Humayun's notes are not so-signed, the scribe merely saying they are -Humayun Padshah's.--It makes against taking the above entry of Babur's -name to be an autograph signature, (1) that it is enclosed in an -ornamented border, as indeed is the case wherever it occurs throughout -the manuscript; (2) that it is followed by the scribe's _mim_. [See end -of following section.] - - -_c. The marginal entries shown in the photograph._ - -The marginal note written length-wise by the side of the text is signed -by Shah-i-jahan and attests that the _ruba'i_ and the signature to which -it makes reference are in Babur's autograph hand-writing. His note -translates as follows:--This quatrain and blessed name are in the actual -hand-writing of that Majesty (_an hazrat_) _Firdaus-makani_ Babur -Padshah _Ghazi_--May God make his proof clear!--Signed (_Harara-hu_), -Shah-i-jahan son of Jahangir Padshah son of Akbar Padshah son of Humayun -Padshah son of Babur Padshah.[2833] - -The second marginal entry is the curiously placed _ruba'i_, which is now -the only one on the page, and now has no signature attaching to it. It -has the character of a personal message to the recipient of one of more -books having identical contents. That these two entries are there while -the text seems so clearly to be written by a scribe, is open to the -explanation that when (as said about the colophon, p. lx) the rectangle -of text was made good from a mutilated archetype, the original margin -was placed round the _rifacimento_? This superposition would explain the -entries and seal-like circles, discernible against a strong light, on -the reverse of the margin only, through the _rifacimento_ page. The -upper edge of the rectangle shows sign that the margin has been adjusted -to it [so far as one can judge from a photograph]. Nothing on the face -of the margin hints that the text itself is autograph; the words of the -colophon, _tahrir qildim_ (_i.e._ I have written down) cannot hold good -against the cumulative testimony that a scribe copied the whole -manuscript.--The position of the last syllable [_ni_] of the _ruba'i_ -shows that the signature below the colophon was on the margin before the -diagonal couplet of the _ruba'i_ was written,--therefore when the margin -was fitted, as it looks to have been fitted, to the _rifacimento_. If -this be the order of the two entries [_i.e._ the small-hand signature -and the diagonal couplet], Shah-i-jahan's "blessed name" may represent -the small-hand signature which certainly shows minute differences from -the writing of the text of the MS. in the name Babur (_q.v. passim_ in -the Rampur MS.). - - -_d. The Baburi-khatt_ (_Babur's script_). - -So early as 910 AH. the year of his conquest of Kabul, Babur devised -what was probably a variety of _nakhsh_, and called it the -_Baburi-khatt_ (f. 144_b_), a name used later by Haidar Mirza, -Nizamu'd-din Ahmad and 'Abdu'l-qadir _Badayuni_. He writes of it again -(f. 179) _s.a._ 911 AH. when describing an interview had in 912 AH. with -one of the Harat Qazis, at which the script was discussed, its -specialities (_mufradat_) exhibited to, and read by the Qazi who there -and then wrote in it.[2834] In what remains to us of the _Babur-nama_ -it is not mentioned again till 935 AH. (fol. 357_b_) but at some -intermediate date Babur made in it a copy of the Qoran which he sent to -Makka.[2835] In 935 AH. (f. 357_b_) it is mentioned in significant -association with the despatch to each of four persons of a copy of the -Translation (of the _Walidiyyah-risala_) and the Hindustan poems, the -significance of the association being that the simultaneous despatch -with these copies of specimens of the _Baburi-khatt_ points to its use -in the manuscripts, and at least in Hind-al's case, to help given for -reading novel forms in their text. The above are the only instances now -found in the _Babur-nama_ of mention of the script. - -The little we have met with--we have made no search--about the character -of the script comes from the _Abushqa_, _s.n._ _sighnaq_, in the -following entry:-- - -_Sighnaq ber nu'ah khatt der Chaghataida khatt Baburi u ghairi kibi -ki Babur Mirza ash'ar'nda kilur bait_ - - _Khublar khatti nasib'ng bulmasa Babur ni tang?_ - - _Baburi khatti aimas dur khatt sighnaqi mu dur?_[2836] - -The old Osmanli-Turkish prose part of this appears to mean:--"_Sighnaq_ -is a sort of hand-writing, in Chaghatai the _Baburi-khatt_ and others -resembling it, as appears in Babur Mirza's poems. Couplet":-- - -Without knowing the context of the couplet I make no attempt to -translate it because its words _khatt_ or _khat_ and _sighnaq_ -lend themselves to the kind of pun (_iham_) "which consists -in the employment of a word or phrase having more than one appropriate -meaning, whereby the reader is often left in doubt as to the real -significance of the passage."[2837] The rest of the _ruba'i_ may be -given [together with the six other quotations of Babur's verse now known -only through the _Abushqa_], in early _Tazkiratu 'sh-shu'ara_ of date -earlier than 967 AH. - -The root of the word _sighnaq_ will be _siq_, pressed together, crowded, -included, _etc._; taking with this notion of compression, the -explanations _feine Schrift_ of Shaikh Effendi (Kunos) and Vambery's -_petite ecriture_, the Sighnaqi and Baburi Scripts are allowed to have -been what that of the Rampur MS. is, a small, compact, elegant -hand-writing.--A town in the Caucasus named Sighnakh, "_situee a peu pres -a 800 metres d'altitude, commenca par etre une forteresse et un lieu de -refuge, car telle est la signification de son nom tartare_."[2838] -_Sighnaqi_ is given by de Courteille (Dict. p. 368) as meaning a place -of refuge or shelter. - -The _Baburi-khatt_ will be only one of the several hands Babur is -reputed to have practised; its description matches it with other -niceties he took pleasure in, fine distinctions of eye and ear in -measure and music. - - -_e. Is the Rampur MS. an example of the Baburi-khatt?_ - -Though only those well-acquainted with Oriental manuscripts dating -before 910 AH. (1504 AD.) can judge whether novelties appear in the -script of the Rampur MS. and this particularly in its head-lines, there -are certain grounds for thinking that though the manuscript be not -Babur's autograph, it may be in his script and the work of a specially -trained scribe. - -I set these grounds down because although the signs of a scribe's work -on the manuscript seem clear, it is "locally" held to be Babur's -autograph. Has a tradition of its being in the _Baburi-khatt_ glided -into its being in the _khatt-i-Babur_? Several circumstances suggest -that it may be written in the _Baburi-khatt:_--(1) the script is -specially associated with the four transcripts of the Hindustan poems -(f. 357_b_), for though many letters must have gone to his sons, some -indeed are mentioned in the _Babur-nama_, it is only with the poems that -specimens of it are recorded as sent; (2) another matter shows his -personal interest in the arrangement of manuscripts, namely, that as he -himself about a month after the four books had gone off, made a new -ruler, particularly on account of the head-lines of the Translation, it -may be inferred that he had made or had adopted the one he superseded, -and that his plan of arranging the poems was the model for copyists; the -Rampur MS. bearing, in the Translation section, corrections which may be -his own, bears also a date earlier than that at which the four gifts -started; it has its headlines ill-arranged and has throughout 13 lines -to the page; his new ruler had 11; (3) perhaps the words _tahrir qildim_ -used in the colophon of the Rampur MS. should be read with their full -connotation of careful and elegant writing, or, put modestly, as saying, -"I wrote down in my best manner," which for poems is likely to be in the -_Baburi-khatt_.[2839] - -Perhaps an example of Babur's script exists in the colophon, if not in -the whole of the _Mubin_ manuscript once owned by Berezine, by him used -for his _Chrestomathie Turque_, and described by him as "unique". If -this be the actual manuscript Babur sent into Ma wara'u'n-nahr -(presumably to Khwaja Ahrari's family), its colophon which is a personal -message addressed to the recipients, is likely to be autograph. - - -_f. Metrical amusements._ - -(1) Of two instances of metrical amusements belonging to the end of 933 -AH. and seeming to have been the distractions of illness, one is a -simple transposition "in the fashion of the circles" (_dawa'ir_) into -three measures (Rampur MS. Facsimile, Plate XVIII and p. 22); the other -is difficult because of the high number of 504 into which Babur says (f. -330_b_) he cut up the following couplet:-- - - _Guz u qash u soz u tilini mu di? - Qad u khadd u saj u bilini mu di?_ - -All manuscripts agree in having 504, and Babur wrote a tract (_risala_) -upon the transpositions.[2840] None of the modern treatises on Oriental -Prosody allow a number so high to be practicable, but Maulana Saifi of -Bukhara, of Babur's own time (f. 180_b_) makes 504 seem even moderate, -since after giving much detail about _ruba'i_ measures, he observes, -"Some say there are 10,000" (_Aruz-i-Saifi_, Ranking's trs. p. 122). -Presumably similar possibilities were open for the couplet in question. -It looks like one made for the game, asks two foolish questions and -gives no reply, lends itself to poetic license, and, if permutation of -words have part in such a game, allows much without change of sense. Was -Babur's cessation of effort at 504 capricious or enforced by the -exhaustion of possible changes? Is the arithmetical statement 9 x 8 x 7 -= 504 the formula of the practicable permutations? - -(2) To improvise verse having a given rhyme and topic must have demanded -quick wits and much practice. Babur gives at least one example of it (f. -252_b_) but Jahangir gives a fuller and more interesting one, not only -because a _ruba'i_ of Babur's was the model but from the circumstances -of the game:[2841]--It was in 1024 AH. (1615 AD.) that a letter reached -him from Mawara'u'n-nahr written by Khwaja Hashim _Naqsh-bandi_ [who by -the story is shown to have been of Ahrari's line], and recounting the -long devotion of his family to Jahangir's ancestors. He sent gifts and -enclosed in his letter a copy of one of Babur's quatrains which he said -Hazrat Firdaus-makani had written for Hazrat Khwajagi (Ahrari's eldest -son; f. 36_b_, p. 62 n. 2). Jahangir quotes a final hemistich only, -"_Khwajagira manda'im, Khwajagira banda'im_" and thereafter made an -impromptu verse upon the one sent to him. - -A curious thing is that the line he quotes is not part of the quatrain -he answered, but belongs to another not appropriate for a message -between _darwesh_ and _padshah_, though likely to have been sent by -Babur to Khwajagi. I will quote both because the matter will come up -again for who works on the Hindustan poems.[2842] - -(1) The quatrain from the _Hindustan Poems_ is:-- - - _Dar hawa'i nafs gumrah 'umr zai' karda'im_ [_kanda'im_?]; - _Pesh ahl-i-allah az af'al-i-khud sharmanda'im; - Yak nazr ba mukhlasan-i-khasta-dil farma ki ma - Khwajagira manda'im u Khwajagira banda'im._ - -(2) That from the _Akbar-nama_ is:-- - - _Darweshanra agarcha nah as khweshanim, - Lek az dil u jan mu'taqid eshanim; - Dur ast magu'i shahi az darweshi, - Shahim wali banda-i-darweshanim._ - -The greater suitability of the second is seen from Jahangir's answering -impromptu for which by sense and rhyme it sets the model; the meaning, -however, of the fourth line in each may be identical, namely, "I remain -the ruler but am the servant of the _darwesh_." Jahangir's impromptu is -as follows:-- - - _Ai anki mara mihr-i-tu besh az besh ast, - Az daulat yad-i-budat ai darwesh ast; - Chandanki'z muzh dahat dilam shad shavad - Shadim az anki latif az hadd besh ast._ - -He then called on those who had a turn for verse to "speak one" _i.e._ -to improvise on his own; it was done as follows:-- - - _Darim agarcha shaghal-i-shahi dar pesh, - Har lahza kunim yad-i-darweshan besh; - Gar shad shavad'z ma dil-i-yak darwesh, - Anra shumarim hasil-i-shahi khwesh._ - - -R.--CHANDIRI AND GUALIAR. - -The courtesy of the Government of India enables me to reproduce from the -_Archaeological Survey Reports_ of 1871, Sir Alexander Cunningham's plans -of Chandiri and Gualiar, which illustrate Babur's narrative on f. 333, -p. 592, and f. 340, p. 607. - - -[Illustration: MAP of the FORT and CITY of CHANDERI] - - -[Illustration: MAP of the FORT and CITY of CHANDERI] - - -[Illustration: FORTRESS OF GWALIOR] - - -S.--CONCERNING THE BABUR-NAMA DATING OF 935 AH. - -The dating of the diary of 935 AH. (f. 339 _et seq._) is several times -in opposition to what may be distinguished as the "book-rule" that the -12 lunar months of the Hijra year alternate in length between 30 and 29 -days (intercalary years excepted), and that Muharram starts the -alternation with 30 days. An early book stating the rule is Gladwin's -_Bengal Revenue Accounts_; a recent one, Ranking's ed. of Platts' -_Persian Grammar_. - -As to what day of the week was the initial day of some of the months in -935 AH. Babur's days differ from Wuestenfeld's who gives the full list of -twelve, and from Cunningham's single one of Muharram 1st. - -It seems worth while to draw attention to the flexibility, within -limits, of Babur's dating, [not with the object of adversely criticizing -a rigid and convenient rule for common use, but as supplementary to that -rule from a somewhat special source], because he was careful and -observant, his dating was contemporary, his record, as being _de die in -diem_, provides a check of consecutive narrative on his dates, which, -moreover, are all held together by the external fixtures of Feasts and -by the marked recurrence of Fridays observed. Few such writings as the -Babur-nama diaries appear to be available for showing variation within a -year's limit. - -In 935 AH. Babur enters few full dates, _i.e._ days of the week and -month. Often he gives only the day of the week, the safest, however, in -a diary. He is precise in saying at what time of the night or the day an -action was done; this is useful not only as helping to get over -difficulties caused by minor losses of text, but in the more general -matter of the transference of a Hijra night-and-day which begins after -sunset, to its Julian equivalent, of a day-and-night which begins at 12 -a.m. This sometimes difficult transference affords a probable -explanation of a good number of the discrepant dates found in -Oriental-Occidental books. - -Two matters of difference between the Babur-nama dating and that of some -European calendars are as follows:-- - - -_a. Discrepancy as to the day of the week on which Muh 935_ AH. _began._ - -This discrepancy is not a trivial matter when a year's diary is -concerned. The record of Muh. 1st and 2nd is missing from the -_Babur-nama_; Friday the 3rd day of Muharram is the first day specified; -the 1st was a Wednesday therefore. Erskine accepted this day; Cunningham -and Wuestenfeld give Tuesday. On three grounds Wednesday seems right--at -any rate at that period and place:--(1) The second Friday in Muharram was -'Ashur, the 10th (f. 240); (2) Wednesday is in serial order if reckoning -be made from the last surviving date of 934 AH. with due allowance of an -intercalary day to Zu'l-hijja (Gladwin), _i.e._ from Thursday Rajab 12th -(April 2nd 1528 AD. f. 339, p. 602); (3) Wednesday is supported by the -daily record of far into the year. - - -_b. Variation in the length of the months of 935_ AH. - -There is singular variation between the _Babur-nama_ and Wuestenfeld's -_Tables_, both as to the day of the week on which months began, and as -to the length of some months. This variation is shown in the following -table, where asterisks mark agreement as to the days of the week, and -the capital letters, quoted from W.'s _Tables_, denote A, Sunday; -B, Tuesday, _etc._ (the bracketed names being of my entry). - - _Babur-nama._ _Wuestenfeld_ - Days. Days. - Muharram 29 Wednesday 30 C (Tuesday) - Safar 30 Thursday* 29 E (Thursday)* - Rabi' I. 30 Saturday 30 F (Friday) - " II. 29 Monday 29 A (Sunday) - Jumada I. 30 Tuesday 30 B (Monday) - " II. 29 Thursday 29 D (Wednesday) - Rajab 29 Friday 30 E (Thursday) - Sha'ban 30 Saturday* 29 G (Saturday)* - Ramzan 29 Monday 30 A (Sunday) - Shawwal 30 Tuesday* 29 C (Tuesday)* - Zu'l-qa'da 29 Thursday 30 D (Wednesday) - Zu'l-hijja 30 Friday* 29 T (Friday)* - -The table shows that notwithstanding the discrepancy discussed in -section _a_, of Babur's making 935 AH. begin on a Wednesday, and -Wuestenfeld on a Tuesday, the two authorities agree as to the initial -week-day of four months out of twelve, _viz._ Safar, Sha'ban, Shawwal -and Zu'l-hijja. - -Again:--In eight of the months the _Babur-nama_ reverses the "book-rule" -of alternative Muharram 30 days, Safar 29 days _et seq._ by giving -Muharram 29, Safar 30. (This is seen readily by following the initial -days of the week.) Again:--these eight months are in pairs having -respectively 29 and 30 days, and the year's total is 364.--Four months -follow the fixed rule, _i.e._ as though the year had begun Muh. 30 days, -Safar 29 days--namely, the two months of Rabi' and the two of -Jumada.--Ramzan to which under "book-rule" 30 days are due, had 29 days, -because, as Babur records, the Moon was seen on the 29th.--In the other -three instances of the reversed 30 and 29, one thing is common, _viz._ -Muharram, Rajab, Zu'l-qa'da (as also Zu'l-hijja) are "honoured" -months.--It would be interesting if some expert in this Musalman matter -would give the reasons dictating the changes from rule noted above as -occurring in 935 AH. - - -_c. Varia._ - -(1) On f. 367 Saturday is entered as the 1st day of Sha'ban and -Wednesday as the 4th, but on f. 368_b_ stands Wednesday 5th, as suits -the serial dating. If the mistake be not a mere slip, it may be due to -confusion of hours, the ceremony chronicled being accomplished on the -eve of the 5th, Anglice, after sunset on the 4th. - -(2) A fragment only survives of the record of Zu'l-hijja 935 AH. It -contains a date, Thursday 7th, and mentions a Feast which will be that -of the _'Idu'l-kabir_ on the 10th (Sunday). Working on from this to the -first-mentioned day of 936 AH. _viz._ Tuesday, Muharram 3rd, the month -(which is the second of a pair having 29 and 30 days) is seen to have 30 -days and so to fit on to 936 AH. The series is Sunday 10th, 17th, 24th -(Sat. 30th) Sunday 1st, Tuesday 3rd. - -Two clerical errors of mine in dates connecting with this Appendix are -corrected here:--(1) On p. 614 n. 5, for Oct. 2nd read Oct. 3rd; (2) on -p. 619 penultimate line of the text, for Nov. 28th read Nov. 8th. - - -T.--ON L:KNU (LAKHNAU) AND L:KNUR (LAKHNUR, NOW SHAHABAD IN RAMPUR). - -One or other of the above-mentioned names occurs eight times in the -_Babur-nama_ (_s.a._ 932, 934, 935 AH.), some instances being shown by -their context to represent Lakhnau in Oudh, others inferentially and by -the verbal agreement of the Haidarabad Codex and Kehr's Codex to stand -for Lakhnur (now Shahabad in Rampur). It is necessary to reconsider the -identification of those not decided by their context, both because there -is so much variation in the copies of the 'Abdu'r-rahim Persian -translation that they give no verbal help, and because Mr. Erskine and -M. de Courteille are in agreement about them and took the whole eight to -represent Lakhnau. This they did on different grounds, but in each case -their agreement has behind it a defective textual basis.--Mr. Erskine, as -is well known, translated the 'Abdu'r-rahim Persian text without access -to the original Turki but, if he had had the Elphinstone Codex when -translating, it would have given him no help because all the eight -instances occur on folios not preserved by that codex. His only sources -were not-first-rate Persian MSS. in which he found casual variation from -terminal _nu_ to _nur_, which latter form may have been read by him as -_nuu_ (whence perhaps the old Anglo-Indian transliteration he uses, -Luknow).[2843]--M. de Courteille's position is different; his uniform -_Lakhnau_ obeyed the same uniformity in his source the Kasan Imprint, -and would appear to him the more assured for the concurrence of the -_Memoirs_. His textual basis, however, for these words is Dr. Ilminsky's -and not Kehr's. No doubt the uniform _Lakhnu_ of the Kasan Imprint is -the result of Dr. Ilminsky's uncertainty as to the accuracy of his -single Turki archetype [Kehr's MS.], and also of his acceptance of Mr. -Erskine's uniform _Luknow_.[2844]--Since the Haidarabad Codex became -available and its collation with Kehr's Codex has been made, a better -basis for distinguishing between the L:knu and L:knur of the Persian -MSS. has been obtained.[2845] The results of the collation are entered -in the following table, together with what is found in the Kasan Imprint -and the _Memoirs_. [N.B. The two sets of bracketed instances refer each -to one place; the asterisks show where Ilminsky varies from Kehr.] - - _Hai. MS._ _Kehr's MS._ _Kasan Imprint._ _Memoirs._ - 1. {f. 278_b_ L:knur L:knu L:knu, p. 361 Luknow. - 2. {f. 338 L:knu " " p. 437 " - - 3. f. 292_b_ L:knur L:knur " p. 379* not entered. - - 4. f. 329 L:knur L:knur " p. 362* Luknow. - 5. f. 334 L:knu L:knu " p. 432* " - - 6. {f. 376 L:knu L:knur " p. 486* " - 7. {f. 376_b_ L:knur " " p. 487* " - 8. {f. 377_b_ L:knu " " p. 488* " - -The following notes give some grounds for accepting the names as the two -Turki codices agree in giving them:-- - -The first and second instances of the above table, those of the Hai. -Codex f. 278_b_ and f. 338, are shown by their context to represent -Lakhnau. - -The third (f. 292_b_) is an item of Babur's Revenue List. The Turki -codices are supported by B.M. Or. 1999, which is a direct copy of Shaikh -Zain's autograph _Tabaqat-i-baburi_, all three having L:knur. Kehr's -MS. and Or. 1999 are descendants of the second degree from the original -List; that the Hai. Codex is a direct copy is suggested by its -pseudo-tabular arrangement of the various items.--An important -consideration supporting _L:knur_, is that the List is in Persian and -may reasonably be accepted as the one furnished officially for the -Padshah's information when he was writing his account of Hindustan (cf. -Appendix P, p. liv). This official character disassociates it from any -such doubtful spelling by the foreign Padshah as cannot but suggest -itself when the variants of _e.g._ Dalmau and Bangarmau are considered. -L:knur is what three persons copying independently read in the official -List, and so set down that careful scribes _i.e._ Kehr and 'Abdu'l-lah -(App. P) again wrote L:knur.[2846]--Another circumstance favouring L:knur -(Lakhnur) is that the place assigned to it in the List is its -geographical one between Sambhal and Khairabad.--Something for [or -perhaps against] accepting Lakhnur as the _sarkar_ of the List may be -known in local records or traditions. It had been an important place, -and later on it paid a large revenue to Akbar [as part of Sambhal].--It -appears to have been worth the attention of Biban _Jalwani_ (f. -329).--Another place is associated with L:knur in the Revenue List, the -forms of which are open to a considerable number of interpretations -besides that of Baksar shown _in loco_ on p. 521. Only those well -acquainted with the United Provinces or their bye-gone history can offer -useful suggestion about it. Maps show a "Madkar" 6 m. south of old -Lakhnur; there are in the United Provinces two Baksars and as many other -Lakhnurs (none however being so suitable as what is now Shahabad). -Perhaps in the archives of some old families there may be help found to -interpret the entry _L:knur u B:ks:r_ (var.), a conjecture the less -improbable that the _Gazetteer of the Province of Oude_ (ii, 58) -mentions a _farman_ of Babur Padshah's dated 1527 AD. and upholding a -grant to Shaikh Qazi of Bilgram. - -The fourth instance (f. 329) is fairly confirmed as Lakhnur by its -context, _viz._ an officer received the district of Badayun from the -Padshah and was sent against Biban who had laid siege to L:knur on which -Badayun bordered.--At the time Lakhnau may have been held from Babur by -Shaikh Bayazid _Farmuli_ in conjunction with Aud. Its estates are -recorded as still in Farmuli possession, that of the widow of "Kala -Pahar" _Farmuli_.--(_See infra._) - -The fifth instance (f. 334) connects with Aud (Oudh) because royal -troops abandoning the place L:knu were those who had been sent against -Shaikh Bayazid in Aud. - -The remaining three instances (f. 376, f. 376_b_, f. 377_b_) appear to -concern one place, to which Biban and Bayazid were rumoured to intend -going, which they captured and abandoned. As the table of variants -shows, Kehr's MS. reads Lakhnur in all three places, the Hai. MS. once -only, varying from itself as it does in Nos. 1 and 2.--A circumstance -supporting _Lakhnur_ is that one of the messengers sent to Babur with -details of the capture was the son of Shah Muh. _Diwana_ whose record -associates him rather with Badakhshan, and with Humayun and Sambhal -[perhaps with Lakhnur itself] than with Babur's own army.--Supplementing -my notes on these three instances, much could be said in favour of -reading Lakhnur, about time and distance done by the messengers and by -'Abdu'l-lah _kitabdar_, on his way to Sambhal and passing near Lakhnur; -much too about the various rumours and Babur's immediate counter-action. -But to go into it fully would need lengthy treatment which the -historical unimportance of the little problem appears not to -demand.--Against taking the place to be Lakhnau there are the -considerations (_a_) that Lakhnur was the safer harbourage for the Rains -and less near the westward march of the royal troops returning from the -battle of the Goghra; (_b_) that the fort of Lakhnau was the renowned -old Machchi-bawan (cf. _Gazetteer of the Province of Oude_, 3 vols., -1877, ii, 366).--So far as I have been able to fit dates and transactions -together, there seems no reason why the two Afghans should not have gone -to Lakhnur, have crossed the Ganges near it, dropped down south [perhaps -even intending to recross at Dalmau] with the intention of getting back -to the Farmulis and Jalwanis perhaps in Sarwar, perhaps elsewhere to -Bayazid's brother Ma'ruf. - - -U.--THE INSCRIPTIONS ON BABUR'S MOSQUE IN AJODHYA (OUDH). - -Thanks to the kind response made by the Deputy-Commissioner of Fyzabad -to my husband's enquiry about two inscriptions mentioned by several -Gazetteers as still existing on "Babur's Mosque" in Oudh, I am able to -quote copies of both.[2847] - -_a._ The inscription inside the Mosque is as follows:-- - -[Illustration: 3 lines of Arabic script] - - 1. _Ba farmuda-i-Shah Babur ki 'adilash - Bana'ist ta kakh-i-gardun mulaqi_, - - 2. _Bana kard in muhbit-i-qudsiyan - Amir-i-sa'adat-nishan Mir Baqi_ - - 3. _Bavad khair baqi! chu sal-i-bana'ish - 'Iyan shud ki guftam_,--_Buvad khair baqi_ (935). - -The translation and explanation of the above, manifestly made by a -Musalman and as such having special value, are as follows:--[2848] - -1. By the command of the Emperor Babur whose justice is an edifice -reaching up to the very height of the heavens, - -2. The good-hearted Mir Baqi built this alighting-place of angels;[2849] - -3. _Bavad khair baqi!_ (May this goodness last for ever!)[2850] - -The year of building it was made clear likewise when I said, _Buvad -khair baqi_ ( = 935).[2851] - -The explanation of this is:-- - -1st couplet:--The poet begins by praising the Emperor Babur under whose -orders the mosque was erected. As justice is the (chief) virtue of -kings, he naturally compares his (Babur's) justice to a palace reaching -up to the very heavens, signifying thereby that the fame of that justice -had not only spread in the wide world but had gone up to the heavens. - -2nd couplet:--In the second couplet, the poet tells who was entrusted -with the work of construction. Mir Baqi was evidently some nobleman of -distinction at Babur's Court.--The noble height, the pure religious -atmosphere, and the scrupulous cleanliness and neatness of the mosque -are beautifully suggested by saying that it was to be the abode of -angels. - -3rd couplet:--The third couplet begins and ends with the expression -_Buvad khair baqi_. The letters forming it by their numerical values -represent the number 935, thus:-- - - _B_ = 2, _v_ = 6, _d_ = 4 total 12 - _Kh_ = 600, _ai_ = 10, _r_ = 200 " 810 - _B_ = 2, _a_ = 1, _q_ = 100, _r_ = 10 " 113 - ___ - Total 935 - -The poet indirectly refers to a religious commandment (_dictum_?) of the -Qoran that a man's good deeds live after his death, and signifies that -this noble mosque is verily such a one. - -_b._ The inscription outside the Mosque is as follows:-- - -[Illustration: 3 lines of Arabic script] - - 1. _Ba nam-i-anki dana hast akbar - Ki khaliq-i-jamla 'alam la-makani_ - - 2. _Durud Mustafa ba'd az sitayish - Ki sarwar-i-ambiya' du jahani_ - - 3. _Fasana dar jahan Babur qalandar - Ki shud dar daur giti kamrani._[2852] - -The explanation of the above is as follows:-- - -In the first couplet the poet praises God, in the second Muhammad, in -the third Babur.--There is a peculiar literary beauty in the use of the -word _la-makani_ in the 1st couplet. The author hints that the mosque is -meant to be the abode of God, although He has no fixed abiding-place.--In -the first hemistich of the 3rd couplet the poet gives Babur the -appellation of _qalandar_, which means a perfect devotee, indifferent to -all worldly pleasures. In the second hemistich he gives as the reason -for his being so, that Babur became and was known all the world over as -a _qalandar_, because having become Emperor of India and having thus -reached the summit of worldly success, he had nothing to wish for on -this earth.[2853] - -The inscription is incomplete and the above is the plain interpretation -which can be given to the couplets that are to hand. Attempts may be -made to read further meaning into them but the language would not -warrant it. - - -V.--BABUR'S GARDENS IN AND NEAR KABUL. - -The following particulars about gardens made by Babur in or near Kabul, -are given in Muhammad Amir of Kazwin's _Padshah-nama_ (Bib. Ind. ed. p. -585, p. 588). - -Ten gardens are mentioned as made:--the Shahr-ara (Town-adorning) which -when Shah-i-jahan first visited Kabul in the 12th year of his reign -(1048 AH.-1638 AD.) contained very fine plane-trees Babur had planted, -beautiful trees having magnificent trunks,[2854]--the Char-bagh,--the -Bagh-i-jalau-khana,[2855]--the Aurta-bagh (Middle-garden),--the -Saurat-bagh,--the Bagh-i-mahtab (Moonlight-garden),--the Bagh-i-ahu-khana -(Garden-of-the-deer-house),--and three smaller ones. Round these gardens -rough-cast walls were made (renewed?) by Jahangir (1016 AH.). - -The above list does not specify the garden Babur made and selected for -his burial; this is described apart (_l.c._ p. 588) with details of its -restoration and embellishment by Shah-i-jahan the master-builder of his -time, as follows:-- - -The burial-garden was 500 yards (_gaz_) long; its ground was in 15 -terraces, 30 yards apart(?). On the 15th terrace is the tomb of Ruqaiya -Sultan Begam[2856]; as a small marble platform (_chabutra_) had been -made near it by Jahangir's command, Shah-i-jahan ordered (both) to be -enclosed by a marble screen three yards high.--Babur's tomb is on the -14th terrace. In accordance with his will, no building was erected over -it, but Shah-i-jahan built a small marble mosque on the terrace -below.[2857] It was begun in the 17th year (of Shah-i-jahan's reign) and -was finished in the 19th, after the conquest of Balkh and Badakhshan, at -a cost of 30,000 _rupis_. It is admirably constructed.--From the 12th -terrace running-water flows along the line (_rasta_) of the -avenue;[2858] but its 12 water-falls, because not constructed with -cemented stone, had crumbled away and their charm was lost; orders were -given therefore to renew them entirely and lastingly, to make a small -reservoir below each fall, and to finish with Kabul marble the edges of -the channel and the waterfalls, and the borders of the reservoirs.--And -on the 9th terrace there was to be a reservoir 11 x 11 yards, bordered -with Kabul marble, and on the 10th terrace one 15 x 15, and at the -entrance to the garden another 15 x 15, also with a marble border.--And -there was to be a gateway adorned with gilded cupolas befitting that -place, and beyond (_pesh_) the gateway a square station,[2859] one side -of which should be the garden-wall and the other three filled with -cells; that running-water should pass through the middle of it, so that -the destitute and poor people who might gather there should eat their -food in those cells, sheltered from the hardship of snow and rain.[2860] - - -FOOTNOTES - - - [1] From Atkinson's _Sketches in Afghanistan_ (I.O. Lib. & - B.M.). - - [2] _See_ p. 710 (where for "Daniels" read Atkinson). - - [3] _See_ Gul-badan Begim's _Humayun-nama_ Index III, _in - loco_. - - [4] Cf. Cap. II, PROBLEMS OF THE MUTILATED BABUR-NAMA and - _Tarikh-i-rashidi_, trs. p. 174. - - [5] The suggestion, implied by my use of this word, that Babur - may have definitely closed his autobiography (as Timur did - under other circumstances) is due to the existence of a - compelling cause _viz._ that he would be expectant of death as - the price of Humayun's restored life (p. 701). - - [6] Cf. p. 83 and n. and Add. Note, P. 83 for further - emendation of a contradiction effected by some malign - influence in the note (p. 83) between parts of that note, and - between it and Babur's account of his not-drinking in Herat. - - [7] Teufel held its title to be _waqi'_ (this I adopted in - 1908), but it has no definite support and in numerous - instances of its occurrence to describe the acts or doings of - Babur, it could be read as a common noun. - - [8] It stands on the reverse of the frontal page of the - Haidarabad Codex; it is Timur-pulad's name for the Codex he - purchased in Bukhara, and it is thence brought on by Kehr - (with Ilminski), and Klaproth (Cap. III); it is used by Khwafi - Khan (d. _cir._ 1732), _etc._ - - [9] That Babur left a complete record much indicates beyond - his own persistence and literary bias, _e.g._ cross-reference - with and needed complements from what is lost; mention by - other writers of Babur's information, notably by Haidar. - - [10] App. H, xxx. - - [11] p. 446, n. 6. Babur's order for the cairn would fit into - the lost record of the first month of the year (p. 445). - - [12] Parts of the Babur-nama sent to Babur's sons are not - included here. - - [13] The standard of comparison is the 382 fols. of the - Haidarabad Codex. - - [14] This MS. is not to be confused with one Erskine - misunderstood Humayun to have copied (_Memoirs_, p. 303 and - JRAS. 1900, p. 443). - - [15] For precise limits of the original annotation _see_ p. - 446 n.--For details about the E. Codex _see_ JRAS. 1907, art. - _The Elph. Codex_, and for the colophon AQR. 1900, July, Oct. - and JRAS. 1905, pp. 752, 761. - - [16] _See_ Index _s.n._ and III _ante_ and JRAS. 1900-3-5-6-7. - - [17] Here speaks the man reared in touch with European - classics; (pure) Turki though it uses no relatives (Radloff) - is lucid. Cf. Cap. IV The Memoirs of Babur. - - [18] For analysis of a retranslated passage _see_ JRAS. 1908, - p. 85. - - [19] _Tuzuk-i-jahangiri_, Rogers & Beveridge's trs. i, 110; - JRAS. 1900, p. 756, for the Persian passage, 1908, p. 76 for - the "Fragments", 1900, p. 476 for Ilminski's Preface (a second - translation is accessible at the B.M. and I.O. Library and - R.A.S.), _Memoirs_ Preface, p. ix, Index _s.nn._ de - Courteille, Teufel, Bukhara MSS. and Part iii _eo cap._ - - [20] For Shah-i-jahan's interest in Timur _see_ sign given in - a copy of his note published in my translation volume of - Gul-badan Begim's _Humayun-nama_, p. xiii. - - [21] JRAS. 1900 p. 466, 1902 p. 655, 1905 art. _s.n._, 1908 - pp. 78, 98; Index _in loco s.n._ - - [22] Cf. JRAS. 1900, Nos. VI, VII, VIII. - - [23] Ilminski's difficulties are foreshadowed here by the same - confusion of identity between the _Babur-nama_ proper and the - Bukhara compilation (Preface, Part iii, p. li). - - [24] Cf. Erskine's Preface _passim_, and _in loco_ item XI, - cap. iv. _The Memoirs of Baber_, and Index _s.n._ - - [25] The last blow was given to the phantasmal reputation of - the book by the authoritative Haidarabad Codex which now can - be seen in facsimile in many Libraries. - - [26] But for present difficulties of intercourse with - Petrograd, I would have re-examined with Kehr's the collateral - Codex of 1742 (copied in 1839 and now owned by the Petrograd - University). It might be useful; as Kehr's volume has lost - pages and may be disarranged here and there. - - The list of Kehr's items is as follows:-- - - 1 (_not in the Imprint_). A letter from Babur to Kamran the - date of which is fixed as 1527 by its committing Ibrahim - _Ludi's_ son to Kamran's charge (p. 544). It is heard of again - in the Bukhara Compilation, is lost from Kehr's Codex, and - preserved from his archetype by Klaproth who translated it. - Being thus found in Bukhara in the first decade of the - eighteenth century (our earliest knowledge of the Compilation - is 1709), the inference is allowed that it went to Bukhara as - loot from the defeated Kamran's camp and that an endorsement - its companion Babur-nama (proper) bears was made by the Auzbeg - of two victors over Kamran, both of 1550, both in - Tramontana.(1) - - 2 (_not in Imp._). Timur-pulad's memo. about the purchase of - his Codex in cir. 1521 (_eo cap. post_). - - 3 (_Imp. 1_). Compiler's Preface of Praise (JRAS. 1900, p. - 474). - - 4 (_Imp. 2_). Babur's Acts in Farghana, in diction such as to - seem a re-translation of the Persian translation of 1589. How - much of Kamran's MS. was serviceable is not easy to decide, - because the Turki fettering of 'Abdu'r-rahim's Persian lends - itself admirably to re-translation.(2) - - 5 (_Imp. 3_). The "Rescue-passage" (App. D) attributable to - Jahangir. - - 6 (_Imp. 4_). Babur's Acts in Kabul, seeming (like No. 4) a - re-translation or patching of tattered pages. There are also - passages taken verbatim from the Persian. - - 7 (_Imp. omits_). A short length of Babur's Hindustan Section, - carefully shewn damaged by dots and dashes. - - 8 (_Imp. 5_). Within 7, the spurious passage of App. L and - also scattered passages about a feast, perhaps part of 7. - - 9 (_Imp. separates off at end of vol._). Translated passage - from the _Akbar-nama_, attributable to Jahangir, briefly - telling of Kanwa (1527), Babur's latter years (both changed to - first person), death and court.(3) - - [Babur's history has been thus brought to an end, incomplete - in the balance needed of 7. In Kehr's volume a few pages are - left blank except for what shews a Russian librarian's opinion - of the plan of the book, "Here end the writings of Shah - Babur."] - - 10 (_Imp. omits_). Preface to the history of Humayun, - beginning at the Creation and descending by giant strides - through notices of Khans and Sultans to "Babur Mirza who was - the father of Humayun Padshah". Of Babur what further is said - connects with the battle of Ghaj-davan (918-1512 _q.v._). It - is ill-informed, laying blame on him as if he and not Najm - Sani had commanded--speaks of his preference for the counsel of - young men and of the numbers of combatants. It is noticeable - for more than its inadequacy however; its selection of the - Ghaj-davan episode from all others in Babur's career supports - circumstantially what is dealt with later, the Ghaj-davani - authorship of the Compilation. - - 11 (_Imp. omits_). Under a heading "Humayun Padshah" is a - fragment about (his? Accession) Feast, whether broken off by - loss of his pages or of those of his archetype examination of - the P. Univ. Codex may show. - - 12 (_Imp. 6_). An excellent copy of Babur's Hindustan Section, - perhaps obtained from the Ahrari house. [This Ilminski places - (I think) where Kehr has No. 7.] From its position and from - its bearing a scribe's date of completion (which Kehr brings - over), _viz._ _Tamt shud 1126_ (Finished 1714), the compiler - may have taken it for Humayun's, perhaps for the account of - his reconquest of Hind in 1555. - - [The remaining entries in Kehr's volume are a quatrain which - may make jesting reference to his finished task, a librarian's - Russian entry of the number of pages (831), and the words - _Etablissement Orientale, Fr. v. Adelung_, 1825 (the Director - of the School from 1793).(4)] - - [27] That Babur-nama of the "Kamran-docket" is the mutilated - and tattered basis, allowed by circumstance, of the compiled - history of Babur, filled out and mended by the help of the - Persian translation of 1589. Cf. Kehr's Latin Trs. fly-leaf - entry; Klaproth _s.n._; A.N. trs. H.B., p. 260; JRAS. 1908, - 1909, on the "Kamran-docket" where are defects needing - Klaproth's second article (1824). - - [28] For an analysis of an illustrative passage _see_ JRAS. - 1906; for facilities of re-translation _see_ _eo cap._ p. - xviii, where Erskine is quoted. - - [29] _See_ A.N. trans., p. 260; Prefaces of Ilminski and de - Courteille; ZDMG. xxxvii, Teufel's art.; JRAS. 1906. - - [30] For particulars about Kehr's Codex see Smirnov's - Catalogue of the School Library and JRAS. 1900, 1906. Like - others who have made statements resting on the mistaken - identity of the Bukhara Compilation, many of mine are now - given to the winds. - - [31] _See_ Gregorief's "Russian policy regarding Central - Asia", quoted in Schuyler's Turkistan, App. IV. - - [32] The Mission was well received, started to return to - Petrograd, was attacked by Turkmans, went back to Bukhara, and - there stayed until it could attempt the devious route which - brought it to the capital in 1725. - - [33] One might say jestingly that the spirit in the book had - rebelled since 1725 against enforced and changing masquerade - as a phantasm of two other books! - - [34] Neither Ilminski nor Smirnov mentions another - "Babur-nama" Codex than Kehr's. - - [35] A Correspondent combatting my objection to publishing a - second edition of the _Memoirs_, backed his favouring opinion - by reference to 'Umar Khayyam and Fitzgerald. Obviously no - analogy exists; Erskine's redundance is not the flower of a - deft alchemy, but is the prosaic consequence of a secondary - source. - - [36] The manuscripts relied on for revising the first section - of the Memoirs, (_i.e._ 899 to 908 AH.-1494 to 1502 AD.) are - the Elphinstone and the Haidarabad Codices. To variants from - them occurring in Dr. Kehr's own transcript no authority can - be allowed because throughout this section, his text appears - to be a compilation and in parts a retranslation from one or - other of the two Persian translations (_Waqi'at-i-baburi_) of - the _Babur-nama_. Moreover Dr. Ilminsky's imprint of Kehr's - text has the further defect in authority that it was helped - out from the Memoirs, itself not a direct issue from the Turki - original. - - Information about the manuscripts of the _Babur-nama_ can be - found in the JRAS for 1900, 1902, 1905, 1906, 1907 and 1908. - - The foliation marked in the margin of this book is that of the - Haidarabad Codex and of its facsimile, published in 1905 by - the Gibb Memorial Trust. - - [37] Babur, born on Friday, Feb. 14th. 1483 (Muharram 6, 888 - AH.), succeeded his father, 'Umar Shaikh who died on June 8th. - 1494 (Ramzan 4, 899 AH.). - - [38] _pad-shah_, protecting lord, supreme. It would be an - anachronism to translate _padshah_ by King or Emperor, - previous to 913 AH. (1507 AD.) because until that date it was - not part of the style of any Timurid, even ruling members of - the house being styled Mirza. Up to 1507 therefore Babur's - correct style is Babur Mirza. (_Cf._ f. 215 and note.) - - [39] See _Ayin-i-akbari_, Jarrett, p. 44. - - [40] The Hai. MS. and a good many of the W.-i-B. MSS. here - write Autrar. [Autrar like Taraz was at some time of its - existence known as Yangi (New).] Taraz seems to have stood - near the modern Auliya-ata; Almaligh,--a Metropolitan see of - the Nestorian Church in the 14th. century,--to have been the - old capital of Kuldja, and Almatu (var. Almati) to have been - where Vernoe (Vierny) now is. Almaligh and Almatu owed their - names to the apple (_alma_). _Cf._ Bretschneider's Mediaeval - Geography p. 140 and T.R. (Elias and Ross) _s.nn._ - - [41] _Mughul u Auzbeg jihatdin._ I take this, the first - offered opportunity of mentioning (1) that in transliterating - Turki words I follow Turki lettering because I am not - competent to choose amongst systems which _e.g._ here, - reproduce Auzbeg as Uzbeg, Oezbeg and Euzbeg; and (2) that - style being part of an autobiography, I am compelled, in - pressing back the Memoirs on Babur's Turki mould, to retract - from the wording of the western scholars, Erskine and de - Courteille. Of this compulsion Babur's bald phrase _Mughul u - Auzbeg jihatdin_ provides an illustration. Each earlier - translator has expressed his meaning with more finish than he - himself; 'Abdu'r-rahim, by _az jihat 'ubur-i_ (_Mughul u_) - _Auzbeg_, improves on Babur, since the three towns lay in the - tideway of nomad passage (_'ubur_) east and west; Erskine - writes "in consequence of the incursions" etc. and de C. - "_grace aux ravages commis_" etc. - - [42] Schuyler (ii, 54) gives the extreme length of the valley - as about 160 miles and its width, at its widest, as 65 miles. - - [43] Following a manifestly clerical error in the Second - W.-i-B. the _Akbar-nama_ and the Mems. are without the - seasonal limitation, "in winter." Babur here excludes from - winter routes one he knew well, the Kindirlik Pass; on the - other hand Kostenko says that this is open all the year round. - Does this contradiction indicate climatic change? (_Cf._ f. - 54b and note; A.N. Bib. Ind. ed. i, 85 (H. Beveridge i, 221) - and, for an account of the passes round Farghana, Kostenko's - _Turkistan Region_, Tables of Contents.) - - [44] Var. Banakat, Banakas, Fiakat, Fanakand. Of this place - Dr. Rieu writes (Pers. cat. i, 79) that it was also called - Shash and, in modern times, Tashkint. Babur does not identify - Fanakat with the Tashkint of his day but he identifies it with - Shahrukhiya (_cf._ Index _s.nn._) and distinguishes between - Tashkint-Shash and Fanakat-Shahrukhiya. It may be therefore - that Dr. Rieu's Tashkint-Fanakat was Old Tashkint,--(Does - Fana-kint mean Old Village?) some 14 miles nearer to the - Saihun than the Tashkint of Babur's day or our own. - - [45] _ hech darya qatilmas._ A gloss of _digar_ (other) in the - Second W.-i-B. has led Mr. Erskine to understand "meeting with - no other river in its course." I understand Babur to contrast - the destination of the Saihun which he [erroneously] says - sinks into the sands, with the outfall of _e.g._ the Amu into - the Sea of Aral. - - _Cf._ First W.-i-B. I.O. MS. 215 f. 2; Second W.-i-B. I.O. MS. - 217 f. 1b and Ouseley's Ibn Haukal p. 232-244; also Schuyler - and Kostenko _l.c._ - - [46] Babur's geographical unit in Central Asia is the township - or, with more verbal accuracy, the village _i.e._ the - fortified, inhabited and cultivated oasis. Of frontiers he - says nothing. - - [47] _i.e._ they are given away or taken. Babur's interest in - fruits was not a matter of taste or amusement but of food. - Melons, for instance, fresh or stored, form during some months - the staple food of Turkistanis. _Cf._ T.R. p. 303 and (in - Kashmir) 425; Timkowski's _Travels of the Russian Mission_ i, - 419 and Th. Radloff's _Receuils d'Itineraires_ p. 343. - - N.B. At this point two folios of the Elphinstone Codex are - missing. - - [48] Either a kind of melon or the pear. For local abundance - of pears _see_ _Ayin-i-akbari_, Blochmann p. 6; Kostenko and - Von Schwarz. - - [49] _qurghan_, _i.e._ the walled town within which was the - citadel (_ark_). - - [50] _Tuquz tarnau su kirar, bu 'ajab tur kim bir yirdin ham - chiqmas._ Second W.-i-B. I.O. 217 f. 2, _nuh ju'i ab dar qila' - dar mi ayid u in 'ajab ast kah hama az yak ja ham na mi bar - ayid_. (_Cf._ Mems. p. 2 and _Mems._ i, 2.) I understand Babur - to mean that all the water entering was consumed in the town. - The supply of Andijan, in the present day, is taken both from - the Aq Bura (_i.e._ the Aush Water) and, by canal, from the - Qara Darya. - - [51] _khandaqning tash yani._ Second W.-i-B. I.O. 217 f. 2 - _dar kinar sang bast khandaq_. Here as in several other - places, this Persian translation has rendered Turki _tash_, - outside, as if it were Turki _tash_, stone. Babur's adjective - _stone_ is _sangin_ (f. 45b l. 8). His point here is the - unusual circumstance of a high-road running round the outer - edge of the ditch. Moreover Andijan is built on and of loess. - Here, obeying his Persian source, Mr. Erskine writes - "stone-faced ditch"; M. de C. obeying his Turki one, "_bord - exterieur_." - - [52] _qirghawal ash-kinasi bila. Ash-kina_, a diminutive of - _ash_, food, is the rice and vegetables commonly served with - the bird. Kostenko i, 287 gives a recipe for what seems - _ash-kina_. - - [53] b. 1440; d. 1500 AD. - - [54] Yusuf was in the service of Bai-sunghar Mirza _Shahrukhi_ - (d. 837 AH.-1434 AD.). _Cf._ Daulat Shah's _Memoirs of the - Poets_ (Browne) pp. 340 and 350-1. (H.B.) - - [55] _guzlar ail bizkak kub bulur._ Second W.-i-B. (I.O. 217 - f. 2) here and on f. 4 has read Turki _guz_, eye, for Turki - _guz_ or _goz_, autumn. It has here a gloss not in the - Haidarabad or Kehr's MSS. (_Cf_. Mems. p. 4 note.) This gloss - may be one of Humayun's numerous notes and may have been - preserved in the Elphinstone Codex, but the fact cannot now be - known because of the loss of the two folios already noted. - (_See_ Von Schwarz and Kostenko concerning the autumn fever of - Transoxiana.) - - [56] The Pers. trss. render _yighach_ by _farsang_; Ujfalvy - also takes the _yighach_ and the _farsang_ as having a common - equivalent of about 6 _kilometres_. Babur's statements in - _yighach_ however, when tested by ascertained distances, do - not work out into the _farsang_ of four miles or the - _kilometre_ of 8 _kil._ to 5 miles. The _yighach_ appears to - be a variable estimate of distance, sometimes indicating the - time occupied on a given journey, at others the distance to - which a man's voice will carry. (_Cf._ Ujfalvy _Expedition - scientifique_ ii, 179; Von Schwarz p. 124 and de C.'s Dict. - _s.n._ _yighach_. In the present instance, if Babur's 4 y. - equalled 4 f. the distance from Aush to Andijan should be - about 16 m.; but it is 33 m. 1-3/4 fur. _i.e._ 50 _versts_. - Kostenko ii, 33.) I find Babur's _yighach_ to vary from about - 4 m. to nearly 8 m. - - [57] _aqar su_, the irrigation channels on which in Turkistan - all cultivation depends. Major-General Gerard writes, (Report - of the Pamir Boundary Commission, p. 6,) "Osh is a charming - little town, resembling Islamabad in Kashmir,--everywhere the - same mass of running water, in small canals, bordered with - willow, poplar and mulberry." He saw the Aq Bura, the _White - wolf_, mother of all these running waters, as a "bright, - stony, trout-stream;" Dr. Stein saw it as a "broad, tossing - river." (Buried Cities of Khotan, p. 45.) _Cf_. Reclus vi, - cap. Farghana; Kostenko i, 104; Von Schwarz _s.nn._ - - [58] _Aushning fazilatida khaili ahadis warid dur._ Second - W.-i-B. (I.O. 217 f. 2) _Fazilat-i-Aush ahadis warid ast._ - Mems. (p. 3) "The excellencies of Ush are celebrated even in - the sacred traditions." _Mems._ (i, 2) "_On cite beaucoup de - traditions qui celebrent l'excellence de ce climat._" Aush may - be mentioned in the traditions on account of places of - pilgrimage near it; Babur's meaning may be merely that its - excellencies are traditional. _Cf._ Ujfalvy ii, 172. - - [59] Most travellers into Farghana comment on Babur's account - of it. One much discussed point is the position of the Bara - Koh. The personal observations of Ujfalvy and Schuyler led - them to accept its identification with the rocky ridge known - as the Takht-i-sulaiman. I venture to supplement this by the - suggestion that Babur, by Bara Koh, did not mean the whole of - the rocky ridge, the name of which, Takht-i-sulaiman, an - ancient name, must have been known to him, but one only of its - four marked summits. Writing of the ridge Madame Ujfalvy says, - "_Il y a quatre sommets dont le plus eleve est le troisieme - comptant par le nord_." Which summit in her sketch (p. 327) is - the third and highest is not certain, but one is so shewn that - it may be the third, may be the highest and, as being a peak, - can be described as symmetrical _i.e._ Babur's _mauzun_. For - this peak an appropriate name would be Bara Koh. - - If the name Bara Koh could be restricted to a single peak of - the Takht-i-sulaiman ridge, a good deal of earlier confusion - would be cleared away, concerning which have written, amongst - others, Ritter (v, 432 and 732); Reclus (vi. 54); Schuyler - (ii, 43) and those to whom these three refer. For an excellent - account, graphic with pen and pencil, of Farghana and of Aush - _see_ Madame Ujfalvy's _De Paris a Samarcande_ cap. v. - - [60] _rud._ This is a precise word since the Aq Bura (the - White Wolf), in a relatively short distance, falls from the - Kurdun Pass, 13,400 ft. to Aush, 3040 ft. and thence to - Andijan, 1380 ft. _Cf._ Kostenko i, 104; Huntingdon in - Pumpelly's _Explorations in Turkistan_ p. 179 and the French - military map of 1904. - - [61] Whether Babur's words, _baghat_, _baghlar_ and _baghcha_ - had separate significations, such as orchard, vineyard and - ordinary garden _i.e._ garden-plots of small size, I am not - able to say but what appears fairly clear is that when he - writes _baghat u baghlar_ he means _all sorts of gardens_, - just as when he writes _begat u beglar_, he means _begs of all - ranks_. - - [62] Madame Ujfalvy has sketched a possible successor. - Schuyler found two mosques at the foot of Takht-i-sulaiman, - perhaps Babur's Jauza Masjid. - - [63] _aul shah-ju'idin su quyarlar._ - - [64] Ribbon Jasper, presumably. - - [65] Kostenko (ii, 30), 71-3/4 versts _i.e._ 47 m. 4-1/2 fur. - by the Postal Road. - - [66] Instead of their own kernels, the Second W.-i-B. stuffs - the apricots, in a fashion well known in India by _khubani_, - with almonds (_maghz-i badam_). The Turki wording however - allows the return to the apricots of their own kernels and Mr. - Rickmers tells me that apricots so stuffed were often seen by - him in the Zar-afshan Valley. My husband has shewn me that - Nizami in his Haft Paikar appears to refer to the other - fashion, that of inserting almonds:-- - - "I gave thee fruits from the garden of my heart, - Plump and sweet as honey in milk; - Their substance gave the lusciousness of figs, - In their hearts were the kernels of almonds." - - [67] What this name represents is one of a considerable number - of points in the _Babur-nama_ I am unable to decide. _Kiyik_ - is a comprehensive name (_cf._ Shaw's Vocabulary); _aq kiyik_ - might mean _white sheep_ or _white deer_. It is rendered in - the Second W.-i-B., here, by _ahu-i-wariq_ and on f. 4, by - _ahu-i-safed_. Both these names Mr. Erskine has translated by - "white deer," but he mentions that the first is said to mean - _argali_ _i.e._ _ovis poli_, and refers to _Voyages de Pallas_ - iv, 325. - - [68] Concerning this much discussed word, Babur's testimony is - of service. It seems to me that he uses it merely of those - settled in towns (villages) and without any reference to tribe - or nationality. I am not sure that he uses it always as a - noun; he writes of a _Sart kishi_, a Sart person. His Asfara - Sarts may have been Turki-speaking settled Turks and his - Marghinani ones Persian-speaking Tajiks. _Cf._ Shaw's - Vocabulary; _s.n._ Sart; Schuyler i, 104 and note; Nalivkine's - _Histoire du Khanat de Khokand_ p. 45 n. Von Schwarz _s.n._; - Kostenko i, 287; Petzbold's _Turkistan_ p. 32. - - [69] Shaikh Burhanu'd-din 'Ali _Qilich_: b. _circa_ 530 AH. - (1135 AD.) d. 593 AH. (1197 AD.). _See_ Hamilton's _Hidayat_. - - [70] The direct distance, measured on the map, appears to be - about 65 m. but the road makes _detour_ round mountain spurs. - Mr. Erskine appended here, to the "_farsang_" of his Persian - source, a note concerning the reduction of Tatar and Indian - measures to English ones. It is rendered the less applicable - by the variability of the _yighach_, the equivalent for a - _farsang_ presumed by the Persian translator. - - [71] Hai. MS. _Farsi-gu'i_. The Elph. MS. and all those - examined of the W.-i-B. omit the word _Farsi_; some writing - _kohi_ (mountaineer) for _gu'i_. I judge that Babur at first - omitted the word _Farsi_, since it is entered in the Hai. MS. - above the word _gu'i_. It would have been useful to Ritter - (vii, 733) and to Ujfalvy (ii, 176). _Cf._ Kostenko i, 287 on - the variety of languages spoken by Sarts. - - [72] Of the Mirror Stone neither Fedtschenko nor Ujfalvy could - get news. - - [73] Babur distinguishes here between Tashkint and - Shahrukhiya. _Cf._ f. 2 and note to Fanakat. - - [74] He left the hill-country above Sukh in Muharram 910 AH. - (mid-June 1504 AD.). - - [75] For a good account of Khujand _see_ Kostenko i, 346. - - [76] Khujand to Andijan 187 m. 2 fur. (Kostenko ii, 29-31) - and, helped out by the time-table of the Transcaspian Railway, - from Khujand to Samarkand appears to be some 154 m. 5-1/4 fur. - - [77] Both men are still honoured in Khujand (Kostenko i, 348). - For Khwaja Kamal's Life and _Diwan_, _see_ Rieu ii, 632 and - Ouseley's Persian Poets p. 192. _Cf._ f. 83b and note. - - [78] _kub artuq dur_, perhaps brought to Hindustan where Babur - wrote the statement. - - [79] Turkish arrow-flight, London, 1791, 482 yards. - - [80] I have found the following forms of this name,--Hai. MS., - M:nugh:l; Pers. trans. and Mems., Myoghil; Ilminsky, M:tugh:l; - _Mems._ Mtoughuil; Reclus, Schuyler and Kostenko, Mogul Tau; - Nalivkine, "d'apres Fedtschenko," Mont Mogol; Fr. Map of 1904, - M. Muzbek. It is the western end of the Kurama Range (Kindir - Tau), which comes out to the bed of the Sir, is 26-2/3 miles - long and rises to 4000 ft. (Kostenko, i, 101). Von Schwarz - describes it as being quite bare; various writers ascribe - climatic evil to it. - - [81] Pers. trans. _ahu-i-safed_. _Cf._ f. 3b note. - - [82] These words translate into _Cervus maral_, the Asiatic - Wapiti, and to this Babur may apply them. Dictionaries explain - _maral_ as meaning _hind_ or _doe_ but numerous books of - travel and Natural History show that it has wider application - as a generic name, _i.e._ deer. The two words _bughu_ and - _maral_ appear to me to be used as _e.g._ drake and duck are - used. _Maral_ and duck can both imply the female sex, but also - both are generic, perhaps primarily so. _Cf._ for further - mention of _bughu-maral_ f. 219 and f. 276. For uses of the - word _maral_, _see_ the writings _e.g._ of Atkinson, Kostenko - (iii, 69), Lyddeker, Littledale, Selous, Ronaldshay, Church - (Chinese Turkistan), Biddulph (Forsyth's Mission). - - [83] _Cf._ f. 2 and note. - - [84] Schuyler (ii, 3), 18 m. - - [85] Hai. MS. _Hamesha bu deshtta yil bar dur. Marghinangha - kim sharqi dur, hamesha mundin yil barur; Khujandgha kim - gharibi dur, da'im mundin yil kilur._ - - This is a puzzling passage. It seems to say that wind always - goes east and west from the steppe as from a generating - centre. E. and de C. have given it alternative directions, - east or west, but there is little point in saying this of wind - in a valley hemmed in on the north and the south. Babur limits - his statement to the steppe lying in the contracted mouth of - the Farghana valley (_pace_ Schuyler ii, 51) where special - climatic conditions exist such as (_a_) difference in - temperature on the two sides of the Khujand narrows and - currents resulting from this difference,--(_b_) the heating of - the narrows by sun-heat reflected from the Mogol-tau,--and - (_c_) the inrush of westerly wind over Mirza Rabat. Local - knowledge only can guide a translator safely but Babur's - directness of speech compels belief in the significance of his - words and this particularly when what he says is unexpected. - He calls the Ha Darwesh a whirling wind and this it still is. - Thinkable at least it is that a strong westerly current (the - prevailing wind of Farghana) entering over Mirza Rabat and - becoming, as it does become, the whirlwind of Ha Darwesh on - the hemmed-in steppe,--becoming so perhaps by conflict with the - hotter indraught through the Gates of Khujand--might force that - indraught back into the Khujand Narrows (in the way _e.g._ - that one Nile in flood forces back the other), and at Khujand - create an easterly current. All the manuscripts agree in - writing to (_gha_) Marghinan and to (_gha_) Khujand. It may be - observed that, looking at the map, it appears somewhat strange - that Babur should take, for his wind objective, a place so - distant from his (defined) Ha Darwesh and seemingly so - screened by its near hills as is Marghinan. But that westerly - winds are prevalent in Marghinan is seen _e.g._ in - Middendorff's _Einblikke in den Farghana Thal_ (p. 112). _Cf._ - Reclus vi, 547; Schuyler ii, 51; Cahun's _Histoire du Khanat - de Khokand_ p. 28 and Sven Hedin's _Durch Asien's Wuesten s.n. - buran_. - - [86] _badiy__a_; a word perhaps selected as punning on _bad_, - wind. - - [87] _i.e._ Akhsi Village. This word is sometimes spelled - Akhsikis but as the old name of the place was Akhsi-kint, it - may be conjectured at least that the _sa'i masallasa_ of - Akhsikis represents the three points due for the _nun_ and - _ta_ of _kint_. Of those writing Akhsikit may be mentioned the - Hai. and Kehr's MSS. (the Elph. MS. here has a lacuna) the - _Zafar-nama_ (Bib. Ind. i, 44) and Ibn Haukal (Ouseley p. - 270); and of those writing the word with the _sa'i - musallasa_ (_i.e._ as Akhsikis), Yaqut's Dict, i, 162, - Reinaud's Abu'l-feda I. ii, 225-6, Ilminsky (p. 5) departing - from his source, and I.O. Cat. (Ethe) No. 1029. It may be - observed that Ibn Haukal (Ouseley p. 280) writes Banakas for - Banakat. For Asiru'd-din _Akhsikiti_, _see_ Rieu ii, 563; - Daulat Shah (Browne) p. 121 and Ethe I.O. Cat. No. 1029. - - [88] Measured on the French military map of 1904, this may be - 80 kil. _i.e._ 50 miles. - - [89] Concerning several difficult passages in the rest of - Babur's account of Akhsi, _see_ Appendix A. - - [90] The W.-i-B. here translates _bughu-maral_ by _gazawn_ and - the same word is entered, under-line, in the Hai. MS. _Cf._ f. - 3b and note and f. 4 and note. - - [91] _postin pesh b:r:h._ This obscure Persian phrase has been - taken in the following ways:-- - - (_a_) W.-i-B. I.O. 215 and 217 (_i.e._ both versions) reproduce - the phrase. - (_b_) W.-i-B. MS., quoted by Erskine, p. 6 note, - (_postin-i mish burra_). - (_c_) Leyden's MS. Trs., a sheepskin mantle of five lambskins. - (_d_) Mems., Erskine, p. 6, a mantle of five lambskins. - (_e_) The Persian annotator of the Elph. MS., underlining _pesh_, - writes, _panj_, five. - (_f_) Klaproth (Archives, p. 109), _pustini pisch breh, d.h. gieb - den vorderen Pelz_. - (_g_) Kehr, p. 12 (Ilminsky p. 6) _postin bish b:r:h_. - (_h_) De. C, i, 9, _fourrure d'agneau de la premiere qualite_. - - The "lambskins" of L. and E. carry on a notion of comfort - started by their having read _sayah_, shelter, for Turki - _sa'i_, torrent-bed; de C. also lays stress on fur and warmth, - but would not the flowery border of a mountain stream prompt - rather a phrase bespeaking ornament and beauty than one - expressing warmth and textile softness? If the phrase might be - read as _postin pesh pera_, what adorns the front of a coat, - or as _postin pesh bar rah_, the fine front of the coat, the - phrase would recall the gay embroidered front of some leathern - postins. - - [92] Var. _tabarkhun_. The explanation best suiting its uses, - enumerated here, is Redhouse's second, the Red Willow. My - husband thinks it may be the Hyrcanian Willow. - - [93] Steingass describes this as "an arrow without wing or - point" (barb?) and tapering at both ends; it may be the - practising arrow, _t'alim auqi_, often headless. - - [94] _tabarrakluq._ Cf. f. 48b foot, for the same use of the - word. - - [95] _yabruju's-sannam._ The books referred to by Babur may - well be the _Rauzatu's-safa_ and the _Habibu's-siyar_, as - both mention the plant. - - [96] The Turki word _ayiq_ is explained by Redhouse as _awake_ - and _alert_; and by Meninski and de Meynard as _sobered_ and - as _a return to right senses_. It may be used here as a - equivalent of _mihr_ in _mihr-giyah_, the plant of love. - - [97] Mr. Ney Elias has discussed the position of this group of - seven villages. (_Cf._ T. R. p. 180 n.) Arrowsmith's map - places it (as Iti-kint) approximately where Mr. Th. Radloff - describes seeing it _i.e._ on the Farghana slope of the Kurama - range. (_Cf. Receuil d'Itineraires_ p. 188.) Mr. Th. Radloff - came into Yiti-kint after crossing the Kindirlik Pass from - Tashkint and he enumerates the seven villages as traversed by - him before reaching the Sir. It is hardly necessary to say - that the actual villages he names may not be those of Babur's - Yiti-kint. Wherever the word is used in the _Babur-nama_ and - the _Tarikh-i-rashidi_, it appears from the context allowable - to accept Mr. Radloff's location but it should be borne in - mind that the name Yiti-kint (Seven villages or towns) might - be found as an occasional name of Alti-shahr (Six towns). - _See_ T.R. _s.n._ Alti-shahr. - - [98] _kishi_, person, here manifestly fighting men. - - [99] Elph. MS. f. 2b; First W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 4b; Second - W.-i-B. I.O. 217 f. 4; Mems. p. 6; Ilminsky p. 7; _Mems._ i. - 10. - - The rulers whose affairs are chronicled at length in the - Farghana Section of the B.N. are, (I) of Timurid Turks, - (always styled Mirza), (_a_) the three Miran-shahi brothers, - Ahmad, Mahmud and 'Umar Shaikh with their successors, - Bai-sunghar, 'Ali and Babur; (_b_) the Bai-qara, Husain of - Harat: (II) of Chingiz Khanids, (always styled Khan,) (_a_) - the two Chaghatai Mughul brothers, Mahmud and Ahmad; (_b_) the - Shaibanid Auzbeg, Muhammad Shaibani (Shah-i-bakht or Shaibaq - or Shahi Beg). - - In electing to use the name _Shaibani_, I follow not only the - Hai. Codex but also Shaibani's Boswell, Muhammad Salih Mirza. - The Elph. MS. frequently uses _Shaibaq_ but its authority down - to f. 198 (Hai. MS. f. 243b) is not so great as it is after - that folio, because not till f. 198 is it a direct copy of - Babur's own. It may be more correct to write "the Shaibani - Khan" and perhaps even "the Shaibani." - - [100] _bi murad_, so translated because retirement was caused - once by the overruling of Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l-lah _Ahrari_. (T.R. - p. 113.) - - [101] Once the Mirza did not wish Yunas to winter in Akhsi; - once did not expect him to yield to the demand of his Mughuls - to be led out of the cultivated country (_wilayat_). His own - misconduct included his attack in Yunas on account of Akhsi - and much falling-out with kinsmen. (T.R. _s.nn._) - - [102] _i.e._ one made of non-warping wood (Steingass), perhaps - that of the White Poplar. The _Shah-nama_ (Turner, Macon ed. - i, 71) writes of a Chachi bow and arrows of _khadang_, _i.e._ - white poplar. (H.B.) - - [103] _i.e._ Rabi'a-sultan, married _circa_ 893 AH.-1488 AD. - For particulars about her and all women mentioned in the B.N. - and the T.R. see Gulbadan Begim's _Humayun-nama_, Or. Trs. - Series. - - [104] _jar_, either that of the Kasan Water or of a - deeply-excavated canal. The palace buildings are mentioned - again on f. 110b. _Cf._ Appendix A. - - [105] _i.e._ soared from earth, died. For some details of the - accident _see_ A.N. (H. Beveridge, i, 220.) - - [106] H.S. ii,-192, Firishta, lith. ed. p. 191 and D'Herbelot, - sixth. - - It would have accorded with Babur's custom if here he had - mentioned the parentage of his father's mother. Three times - (fs. 17b, 70b, 96b) he writes of "Shah Sultan Begim" in a way - allowing her to be taken as 'Umar Shaikh's own mother. - Nowhere, however, does he mention her parentage. One even - cognate statement only have we discovered, _viz._ - Khwand-amir's (H.S. ii, 192) that 'Umar Shaikh was the own - younger brother (_baradar khurdtar khud_) of Ahmad and Mahmud. - If his words mean that the three were full-brothers, 'Umar - Shaikh's own mother was Abu-sa'id's Tarkhan wife. Babur's - omission (f. 21b) to mention his father with A. and M. as a - nephew of Darwesh Muhammad Tarkhan would be negative testimony - against taking Khwand-amir's statement to mean "full-brother," - if clerical slips were not easy and if Khwand-amir's means of - information were less good. He however both was the son of - Mahmud's wazir (H.S. ii, 194) and supplemented his book in - Babur's presence. - - To a statement made by the writer of the biographies included - in Kehr's B.N. volume, that 'U.S.'s family (_aumagh_) is not - known, no weight can be attached, spite of the co-incidence - that the Mongol form of _aumagh_, _i.e._ _aumak_ means - _Mutter-leib_. The biographies contain too many known mistakes - for their compiler to outweigh Khwand-amir in authority. - - [107] _Cf._ _Rauzatu's-safa_ vi, 266. (H.B.) - - [108] Dara-i-gaz, south of Balkh. This historic feast took - place at Merv in 870 AH. (1465 AD.). As 'Umar Shaikh was then - under ten, he may have been one of the Mirzas concerned. - - [109] Khudai-birdi is a Pers.-Turki hybrid equivalent of - Theodore; _tughchi_ implies the right to use or (as hereditary - standard-bearer,) to guard the _tugh_; Timur-tash may mean - _i.a._ Friend of Timur (a title not excluded here as borne by - inheritance. _Cf._ f. 12b and note), Sword-friend (_i.e._ - Companion-in-arms), and Iron-friend (_i.e._ stanch). _Cf._ - Dict. _s.n._ Timur-bash, a sobriquet of Charles XII. - - [110] Elph. and Hai. MSS. _quba yuzluq_; this is under-lined - in the Elph. MS. by _ya'ni pur ghosht_. _Cf._ f. 68b for the - same phrase. The four earlier trss. _viz._ the two W.-i-B., - the English and the French, have variants in this passage. - - [111] The apposition may be between placing the turban-sash - round the turban-cap in a single flat fold and winding it four - times round after twisting it on itself. _Cf._ f. 18 and - Hughes _Dict. of Islam s.n._ turban. - - [112] _qazalar_, the prayers and fasts omitted when due, - through war, travel sickness, etc. - - [113] _rawan sawadi bar idi_; perhaps, wrote a running hand. - De C. i, 13, _ses lectures courantes etaient...._ - - [114] The dates of 'Umar Shaikh's limits of perusal allow the - Quintets (_Khamsatin_) here referred to to be those of Nizami - and Amir Khusrau of Dihli. The _Masnawi_ must be that of - Jalalu'd-din _Rumi_. (H.B.) - - [115] Probably below the Tirak (Poplar) Pass, the caravan - route much exposed to avalanches. - - Mr. Erskine notes that this anecdote is erroneously told as of - Babur by Firishta and others. Perhaps it has been confused - with the episode on f. 207b. Firishta makes another mistaken - attribution to Babur, that of Hasan of Yaq'ub's couplet. - (H.B.) _Cf._ f. 13b and Dow's _Hindustan_ ii, 218. - - [116] _yigitlar_, young men, the modern _jighit_. Babur uses - the word for men on the effective fighting strength. It - answers to the "brave" of North. American Indian story; here - de C. translates it by _braves_. - - [117] _ma'jun._ _Cf._ Von Schwarz p. 286 for a recipe. - - [118] _mutaiyam._ This word, not clearly written in all MSS., - has been mistaken for _yitim_. _Cf._ JRAS 1910 p. 882 for a - note upon it by my husband to whom I owe the emendation. - - [119] _na'l u daghi bisyar idi_, that is, he had inflicted on - himself many of the brands made by lovers and enthusiasts. - _Cf._ Chardin's _Voyages_ ii, 253 and Lady M. Montague's - _Letters_ p. 200. - - [120] _tika sikritku_, lit. likely to make goats leap, from - _sikrimak_ to jump close-footed (Shaw). - - [121] _sikrikan dur._ Both _sikritku_ and _sikrikan dur_, - appear to dictate translation in general terms and not by - reference to a single traditional leap by one goat. - - [122] _i.e._ Russian; it is the Arys tributary of the Sir. - - [123] The Fr. map of 1904 shows Kas, in the elbow of the Sir, - which seems to represent Khwas. - - [124] _i.e._ the Chir-chik tributary of the Sir. - - [125] Concerning his name, _see_ T.R. p. 173. - - [126] _i.e._ he was a head-man of a horde sub-division, - nominally numbering 10,000, and paying their dues direct to - the supreme Khan. (T.R. p. 301.) - - [127] _ghunchachi i.e._ one ranking next to the four legal - wives, in Turki _audaliq_, whence odalisque. Babur and - Gul-badan mention the promotion of several to Begim's rank by - virtue of their motherhood. - - [128] One of Babur's quatrains, quoted in the _Abushqa_, is - almost certainly addressed to Khan-zada. _Cf._ A.Q. Review, - Jan. 1911, p. 4; H. Beveridge's _Some verses of Babur_. For an - account of her marriage _see Shaibani-nama_ (Vambery) cap. - xxxix. - - [129] Kehr's MS. has a passage here not found elsewhere and - seeming to be an adaptation of what is at the top of Hai. MS. - f. 88. (Ilminsky, p. 10, _ba wujud ... tapib_.) - - [130] _tushti_, which here seems to mean that she fell to his - share on division of captives. Muh. Salih makes it a - love-match and places the marriage before Babur's departure. - _Cf._ f. 95 and notes. - - [131] _augahlan._ Khurram would be about five when given Balkh - in _circa_ 911 AH. (1505 AD.). He died when about 12. _Cf._ - H.S. ii, 364. - - [132] This _fatrat_ (interregnum) was between Babur's loss of - Farghana and his gain of Kabul; the _fursatlar_ were his days - of ease following success in Hindustan and allowing his book - to be written. - - [133] _qilaling_, lit. do thou be (setting down), a verbal - form recurring on f. 227b l. 2. With the same form - (_ait_)_aling_, lit. do thou be saying, the compiler of the - _Abushqa_ introduces his quotations. Shaw's paradigm, _qiling_ - only. _Cf._ A.Q.R. Jan. 1911, p. 2. - - [134] Kehr's MS. (Ilminsky p. 12) and its derivatives here - interpolate the erroneous statement that the sons of Yunas - were Afaq and Baba Khans. - - [135] _i.e._ broke up the horde. _Cf._ T.R. p. 74. - - [136] _See_ f. 50b for his descent. - - [137] Descendants of these captives were in Kashghar when - Haidar was writing the T.R. It was completed in 953 AH. (1547 - AD.). _Cf._ T.R. pp. 81 and 149. - - [138] An omission from his Persian source misled Mr. Erskine - here into making Abu-sa'id celebrate the Khanim's marriage, - not with himself but with his defeated foe, 'Abdu'l-'aziz who - had married her 28 years earlier. - - [139] Aisan-bugha was at Aq Su in Eastern Turkistan; Yunas - Khan's head-quarters were in Yiti-kint. The Sagharichi _tuman_ - was a subdivision of the Kunchi Mughuls. - - [140] _Khan kutardilar._ The primitive custom was to lift the - Khan-designate off the ground; the phrase became metaphorical - and would seem to be so here, since there were two upon the - felt. _Cf._, however, Th. Radloff's _Recueil d'Itineraires_ p. - 326. - - [141] _quyub idi_, probably in childhood. - - [142] She was divorced by Shaibani Khan in 907 AH. in order to - allow him to make lawful marriage with her niece, Khan-zada. - - [143] This was a prudential retreat before Shaibani Khan. - _Cf._ f. 213. - - [144] The "Khan" of his title bespeaks his Chaghatai-Mughul - descent through his mother, the "Mirza," his Timurid-Turki, - through his father. The capture of the women was facilitated - by the weakening of their travelling escort through his - departure. _Cf._ T.R. p. 203. - - [145] Qila'-i-zafar. Its ruins are still to be seen on the - left bank of the Kukcha. _Cf._ T.R. p. 220 and Kostenko i, - 140. For Mubarak Shah _Muzaffari_ _see_ f. 213 and T.R. _s.n._ - - [146] Habiba, a child when captured, was reared by Shaibani - and by him given in marriage to his nephew. _Cf._ T.R. p. 207 - for an account of this marriage as saving Haidar's life. - - [147] _i.e._ she did not take to flight with her husband's - defeated force, but, relying on the victor, her cousin Babur, - remained in the town. _Cf._ T.R. p. 268. Her case receives - light from Shahr-banu's (f. 169). - - [148] Muhammad Haidar Mirza _Kurkan Dughlat Chaghatai Mughul_, - the author of the _Tarikh-i-rashidi_; b. 905 AH. d. 958 AH. - (b. 1499 d. 1551 AD.). Of his clan, the "Oghlat" (Dughlat) - Muh. salih says that it was called "Oghlat" by Mughuls but - Qungur-at (Brown Horse) by Auzbegs. - - [149] _Baz garadad ba asl-i-khud hama chiz, - Zar-i-safi u naqra u airzin._ - - These lines are in Arabic in the introduction to the - _Anwar-i-suhaili_. (H.B.) The first is quoted by Haidar (T.R. - p. 354) and in Field's _Dict. of Oriental Quotations_ (p. - 160). I understand them to refer here to Haidar's return to - his ancestral home and nearest kin as being a natural act. - - [150] _ta'ib_ and _tariqa_ suggest that Haidar had become an - orthodox Musalman in or about 933 AH. (1527 AD.). - - [151] Abu'l-fazl adds music to Haidar's accomplishments and - Haidar's own Prologue mentions yet others. - - [152] _Cf._ T.R. _s.n._ and Gul-badan's H.N. _s.n._ Haram - Begim. - - [153] _i.e._ Alexander of Macedon. For modern mention of - Central Asian claims to Greek descent _see i.a._ Kostenko, Von - Schwarz, Holdich and A. Durand. _Cf._ Burnes' _Kabul_ p. 203 - for an illustration of a silver _patera_ (now in the V. and A. - Museum), once owned by ancestors of this Shah Sultan Muhammad. - - [154] _Cf._ f. 6b note. - - [155] _i.e._ Khan's child. - - [156] The careful pointing of the Hai. MS. clears up earlier - confusion by showing the narrowing of the vowels from _alachi_ - to _alacha_. - - [157] The Elph. MS. (f. 7) writes _Aung_, Khan's son, Prester - John's title, where other MSS. have Adik. Babur's brevity has - confused his account of Sultan-nigar. Widowed of Mahmud in 900 - AH. she married Adik; Adik, later, joined Shaibani Khan but - left him in 908 AH. perhaps secretly, to join his own Qazaq - horde. He was followed by his wife, apparently also making a - private departure. As Adik died shortly after 908 AH. his - daughters were born before that date and not after it as has - been understood. _Cf._ T.R. and G.B.'s H.N. _s.nn._; also - Mems. p. 14 and _Mems._ i, 24. - - [158] Presumably by tribal custom, _yinkalik_, marriage with a - brother's widow. Such marriages seem to have been made - frequently for the protection of women left defenceless. - - [159] Sa'id's power to protect made him the refuge of several - kinswomen mentioned in the B.N. and the T.R. This mother and - child reached Kashghar in 932 AH. (1526 AD.). - - Here Babur ends his [interpolated] account of his mother's - family and resumes that of his father's. - - [160] Babur uses a variety of phrases to express Lordship in - the Gate. Here he writes _aishikni bashlatib_; elsewhere, - _aishik ikhtiyari qilmaq_ and _mining aishikimda sahib - ikhtiyari qilmaq_. Von Schwarz (p. 159) throws light on the - duties of the Lord of the Gate (_Aishik Aghasi_). "Das Thuer - ... fuehrt in eine grosse, vier-eckige, hoehe Halle, deren Boden - etwa 2 m. ueber den Weg erhoben ist. In dieser Halle, welche - alle passieren muss, der durch das Thor eingeht, reitet oder - fahrt, ist die Thorwache placiert. Tagsueber sind die Thore - bestaendig oeffen, nach Eintritt der Dunkelheit aber werden - dieselben geschlossen und die Schluessel dem zustaendigen - Polizeichef abgeliefert.... In den erwaehnten Thorhallen nehmen - in den hoch unabhaengigen Gebieten an Bazar-tagen haufig die - Richter Platz, um jedem der irgend ein Anliegen hat, so fort - Recht zu sprechen. Die zudiktierten Strafen werden auch gleich - in diesem selben locale vollzogen und eventuell die zum Hangen - verurteilten Verbrecher an den Deckbalken aufgehaengt, so dass - die Besucher des Bazars unter den gehenkten durchpassieren - muessen." - - [161] _bu khabarni 'Abdu'l-wahhab shaghawaldin 'arza-dasht - qilib Mirzagha chapturdilar._ This passage has been taken to - mean that the _shaghawal_, _i.e._ chief scribe, was the - courier, but I think Babur's words shew that the _shaghawal's_ - act preceded the despatch of the news. Moreover the only - accusative of the participle and of the verb is _khabarni_. - 'Abdu'l-wahhab had been 'Umar Shaikh's and was now Ahmad's - officer in Khujand, on the main road for Aura-tipa whence the - courier started on the rapid ride. The news may have gone - verbally to 'Abdu'l-wahhab and he have written it on to Ahmad - and Abu-sa'id. - - [162] Measured from point to point even, the distance appears - to be over 500 miles. Concerning Baba Khaki _see_ H.S. ii. - 224; for rapid riding _i.a._ Kostenko iii, cap. Studs. - - [163] _qushuqlarni yakhshi aitura ikan dur._ Elph. MS. for - _qushuq_, _tuyuk_. _Qushuq_ is allowed, both by its root and - by usage, to describe improvisations of combined dance and - song. I understand from Babur's tense, that his information - was hearsay only. - - [164] _i.e._ of the military class. _Cf._ Vullers _s.n._ and - T.R. p. 301. - - [165] The Huma is a fabulous bird, overshadowing by whose - wings brings good-fortune. The couplet appears to be addressed - to some man, under the name Huma, from whom Hasan of Yaq'ub - hoped for benefit. - - [166] _khak-bila_; the _Sanglakh_, (quoting this passage) - gives _khak-p:l:k_ as the correct form of the word. - - [167] _Cf._ f. 99b. - - [168] One of Timur's begs. - - [169] _i.e._ uncle on the mother's side, of any degree, here a - grandmother's brother. The title appears to have been given - for life to men related to the ruling House. Parallel with it - are Madame Mere, Royal Uncle, Sultan Walida. - - [170] _kim disa bulghai_, perhaps meaning, "Nothing of service - to me." - - [171] Wais the Thin. - - [172] _Cf._ Chardin ed. Langles v, 461 and ed. 1723 AD. v, - 183. - - [173] n.e. of Kasan. _Cf._ f. 74. Hai MS., erroneously, - Samarkand. - - [174] An occasional doubt arises as to whether a _tauri_ of - the text is Arabic and dispraises or Turki and laudatory. - _Cf._ Mems. p. 17 and _Mems._ i, 3. - - [175] Elph. and Hai. MSS. _aftabachi_, water-bottle bearer on - journeys; Kehr (p. 82) _aftabchi_, ewer-bearer; Ilminsky (p. - 19) _akhtachi_, squire or groom. Circumstances support - _aftabachi_. Yunas was town-bred, his ewer-bearer would hardly - be the rough Mughul, Qambar-'ali, useful as an _aftabachi_. - - [176] Babur was Governor of Andijan and the month being June, - would be living out-of-doors. _Cf._ H.S. ii. 272 and Schuyler - ii, 37. - - [177] To the word Sherim applies Abu'l-ghazi's explanation of - Nurum and Hajim, namely, that they are abbreviations of Nur - and Haji Muhammad. It explains Sultanim also when used (f. 72) - of Sl. Muhammad Khanika but of Sultanim as the name is common - with Babur, Haidar and Gul-badan, _i.e._ as a woman's, - Busbecq's explanation is the better, namely, that it means My - Sultan and is applied to a person of rank and means. This - explains other women's titles _e.g._ Khanim, my Khan and Akam - (Akim), My Lady. A third group of names formed like the last - by enclitic _'m_ (my), may be called names of affection, - _e.g._ Mahim, My Moon, Janim, My Life. (_Cf._ Persian - equivalents.) Cf. Abu'l-ghazi's _Shajarat-i-Turki_ (Desmaisons - p. 272); and Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq's _Life and Letters_ - (Forster and Daniel i, 38.) - - [178] _Namaz-gah_; generally an open terrace, with a wall - towards the Qibla and outside the town, whither on festival - days the people go out in crowds to pray. (Erskine.) - - [179] _Beglar (ning) mini u wilayatni tapshurghulari dur_; - a noticeably idiomatic sentence. _Cf._ f. 16b 1. 6 and 1. 7 - for a repetition. - - [180] Mahmud was in Tashkint, Ahmad in Kashghar or on the - Aq-su. - - [181] The B.N. contains a considerable number of what are - virtually footnotes. They are sometimes, as here, entered in - the middle of a sentence and confuse the narrative; they are - introduced by _kim_, a mere sign of parenthetical matter to - follow, and some certainly, known not to be Babur's own, must - have stood first on the margin of his text. It seems best to - enter them as Author's notes. - - [182] _i.e._ the author of the Hidayat. _Cf._ f. 3b and note; - Blochmann _Ayin-i-akbari s.n. qulij_ and note; Bellew's - _Afghan Tribes_ p. 100, _Khilich_. - - [183] Ar. dead, gone. The precision of Babur's words - _khanwadalar_ and _yusunluq_ is illustrated by the existence - in the days of Timur, in Marghinan, (Burhanu'd-din's township) - of a ruler named Ailik Khan, apparently a descendant of - Satuq-bughra Khan (b. 384 AH.-994 AD.) so that in Khwaja Qazi - were united two dynasties, (_khanwadalar_), one priestly, - perhaps also regal, the other of bye-gone ruling Khans. Cf. - D'Herbelot p. 433; _Yarkand Mission_, Bellew p. 121; - _Tazkirat-i Sultan Satuq-bughra Khan Ghazi Padshah_ and - _Tarikh-i-nasiri_ (Raverty _s.n._) - - [184] _darzi_; H.S. _khaiyat_. - - [185] _bir yirga_ (_quyub_), lit. to one place. - - [186] _i.e._ reconstructed the earthern defences. _Cf._ Von - Schwarz _s.n._ loess. - - [187] They had been sent, presumably, before 'Umar Shaikh's - death, to observe Sl. Ahmad M.'s advance. _Cf._ f. 6. - - [188] The time-table of the Andijan Railway has a station, - Kouwa (Qaba). - - [189] Babur, always I think, calls this man Long Hasan; - Khwand-amir styles him Khwaja Hasan; he seems to be the - brother of one of 'Umar Shaikh's fathers-in-law, Khwaja - Husain. - - [190] _batqaq._ This word is underlined in the Elph. MS. by - _dil-dil_ and in the Hai. MS. by _jam-jama_. It is translated - in the W.-i-B. by _ab pur hila_, water full of deceit; it is - our Slough of Despond. It may be remarked that neither Zenker - nor Steingass gives to _dil-dil_ or _jam-jama_ the meaning of - morass; the _Akbar-nama_ does so. (H.B. ii, 112.) - - [191] _tawila tawila atlar yighilib aula kirishti_. I - understand the word _yighilib_ to convey that the massing led - to the spread of the murrain. - - [192] _jan taratmaqlar_ _i.e._ as a gift to their over-lord. - - [193] Perhaps, Babur's maternal great-uncle. It would suit the - privileges bestowed on Tarkhans if their title meant _Khan of - the Gifts_ (Turki _tar_, gift). In the _Baburnama_, it - excludes all others. Most of Ahmad's begs were Tarkhans, - Arghuns and Chingiz Khanids, some of them ancestors of later - rulers in Tatta and Sind. Concerning the Tarkhans _see_ T.R. - p. 55 and note; A.N. (H.B. _s.n._) Elliot and Dowson's - _History of India_, 498. - - [194] _Cf._ f. 6. - - [195] _beg ataka_, lit. beg for father. - - [196] T.R. _s.n._ Aba-bikr. - - [197] _Cf._ f. 6b and note. - - [198] _faqra u masakin_, _i.e._ those who have food for one - day and those who have none in hand. (Steingass.) - - [199] For fashions of sitting, _see_ _Tawarikh-i-guzida - Nasrat-nama_ B.M. Or. 3222. Ahmad would appear to have - maintained the deferential attitude by kneeling and sitting - back upon his heels. - - [200] _bir sunkak bar ikan dur._ I understand that something - defiling must have been there, perhaps a bone. - - [201] _Khwajaning ham ayaghlari arada idi._ - - [202] _ilbasun_, a kind of mallard (_Abushqa_), here perhaps a - popinjay. _Cf._ H.S. ii, 193 for Ahmad's skill as an archer, - and Payne-Gallwey's _Cross-bow_ p. 225. - - [203] _qabaq_, an archer's mark. Abu'l-ghazi (Kasan ed. p. - 181. 5) mentions a hen (_tuquq_) as a mark. _Cf._ - Payne-Gallwey _l.c._ p. 231. - - [204] _qirghicha, astar palumbarius._ (Shaw's Voc. Scully.) - - [205] Perhaps, not quarrelsome. - - [206] The T.R. (p. 116) attributes the rout to Shaibani's - defection. The H.S. (ii, 192) has a varied and confused - account. An error in the T.R. trs. making Shaibani plunder the - Mughuls, is manifestly clerical. - - [207] _i.e._ condiment, _ce qu'on ajoute au pain_. - - [208] _Cf._ f. 6. - - [209] _qazaqlar_; here, if Babur's, meaning his conflicts with - Tambal, but as the Begim may have been some time in Khujand, - the _qazaqlar_ may be of Samarkand. - - [210] All the (Turki) Babur-nama MSS. and those examined of - the W.-i-B. by writing _aulturdi_ (killed) where I suggest to - read _aulnurdi_ (_devenir comme il faut_) state that Ahmad - killed Qataq. I hesitate to accept this (1) because the only - evidence of the murder is one diacritical point, the removal - of which lifts Ahmad's reproach from him by his return to the - accepted rules of a polygamous household; (2) because no - murder of Qataq is chronicled by Khwand-amir or other writers; - and (3) because it is incredible that a mild, weak man living - in a family atmosphere such as Babur, Haidar and Gul-badan - reproduce for us, should, while possessing facility for - divorce, kill the mother of four out of his five children. - - Reprieve must wait however until the word _tiriklik_ is - considered. This Erskine and de C. have read, with - consistency, to mean _life-time_, but if _aulnurdi_ be read in - place of _aulturdi_ (killed), _tiriklik_ may be read, - especially in conjunction with Babur's _'ashiqliklar_, as - meaning _living power_ or _ascendancy_. Again, if read as from - _tirik_, a small arrow and a consuming pain, _tiriklik_ may - represent Cupid's darts and wounds. Again it might be taken as - from _tiramak_, to hinder, or forbid. - - Under these considerations, it is legitimate to reserve - judgment on Ahmad. - - [211] It is customary amongst Turks for a bride, even amongst - her own family, to remain veiled for some time after marriage; - a child is then told to pluck off the veil and run away, this - tending, it is fancied, to the child's own success in - marriage. (Erskine.) - - [212] Babur's anecdote about Jani Beg well illustrates his - caution as a narrator. He appears to tell it as one who - knowing the point of a story, leads up to it. He does not - affirm that Jani Beg's habits were strange or that the envoy - was an athlete but that both things must have been (_ikan - dur_) from what he had heard or to suit the point of the - anecdote. Nor does he affirm as of his own knowledge that - Auzbegs calls a strong man (his _zor kishi_) a _bukuh_ (bull) - but says it is so understood (_dir imish_). - - [213] _Cf._ f. 170. - - [214] The points of a _tipuchaq_ are variously stated. If the - root notion of the name be movement (_tip_), Erskine's - observation, that these horses are taught special paces, is to - the point. To the verb _tipramaq_ dictionaries assign the - meaning of _movement with agitation of mind_, an explanation - fully illustrated in the B.N. The verb describes fittingly the - dainty, nervous action of some trained horses. Other meanings - assigned to _tupuchaq_ are roadster, round-bodied and swift. - - [215] _Cf._ f. 37b. - - [216] _Cf._ f. 6b and note. - - [217] _mashaf kitabat qilur idi._ - - [218] _Cf._ f. 36 and H.S. ii. 271. - - [219] _sinkilisi ham munda idi._ - - [220] _khana-wadalar_, _viz._ the Chaghatai, the Timurid in - two Miran-shahi branches, 'Ali's and Babur's and the Bai-qara - in Harat. - - [221] _aughlaqchi_ _i.e._ player at _kuk-bura_. Concerning the - game, _see_ Shaw's Vocabulary; Schuyler i, 268; Kostenko iii, - 82; Von Schwarz _s.n. baiga_. - - [222] Zu'l-hijja 910 AH.-May 1505 AD. _Cf._ f. 154. This - statement helps to define what Babur reckoned his expeditions - into Hindustan. - - [223] Aiku (Ayagu)-timur _Tarkhan Arghun_ d. _circa_ 793 - AH.-1391 AD. He was a friend of Timur. _See_ Z.N. i, 525 etc. - - [224] _andaq ikhlaq u atawari yuq idi kim disa bulghai._ The - _Shah-nama_ cap. xviii, describes him as a spoiled child and - man of pleasure, caring only for eating, drinking and hunting. - The _Shaibani-nama_ narrates his various affairs. - - [225] _i.e._, _cutlass_, a parallel sobriquet to _qilich_, - sword. If it be correct to translate by "cutlass," the - nickname may have prompted Babur's brief following comment, - _mardana ikan dur_, _i.e._ Quli Muh. must have been brave - because known as the Cutlass. A common variant in MSS. from - _Bughda_ is Baghdad; Baghdad was first written in the Hai. MS. - but is corrected by the scribe to _bughda_. - - [226] So pointed in the Hai. MS. I surmise it a clan-name. - - [227] _i.e._ to offer him the succession. The mountain road - taken from Aura-tipa would be by Ab-burdan, Sara-taq and the - Kam Rud defile. - - [228] _irildi._ The departure can hardly have been open - because Ahmad's begs favoured Mahmud; Malik-i-Muhammad's party - would be likely to slip away in small companies. - - [229] This well-known Green, Grey or Blue palace or - halting-place was within the citadel of Samarkand. _Cf._ f. - 37. It served as a prison from which return was not expected. - - [230] _Cf._ f. 27. He married a full-sister of Bai-sunghar. - - [231] _Gulistan_ Part I. Story 27. For "steaming up," _see_ - Tennyson's Lotus-eaters Choric song, canto 8 (H.B.). - - [232] Elph. MS. f. 16b; First W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 19; Second - W.-i-B. I.O. 217 f. 15b; Memoirs p. 27. - - [233] He was a _Dughlat_, uncle by marriage of Haidar Mirza - and now holding Khost for Mahmud. _See_ T.R. s.n. for his - claim on Aisan-daulat's gratitude. - - [234] _tash qurghan da chiqar da._ Here (as _e.g._ f. 110b l. - 9) the Second W.-i-B. translates _tash_ as though it meant - _stone_ instead of outer. _Cf._ f. 47 for an adjectival use of - _tash_, stone, with the preposition (_tash_) _din_. The places - contrasted here are the citadel (_ark_) and the walled-town - (_qurghan_). The _chiqar_ (exit) is the fortified Gate-house - of the mud circumvallation. _Cf._ f. 46 for another example of - _chiqar_. - - [235] Elph. Hai. Kehr's MSS., _aning bila bar kishi bar - beglarni tuturuldi_. This idiom recurs on f. 76b l. 8. A - palimpsest entry in the Elph. MS. produces the statement that - when Hasan fled, his begs returned to Andijan. - - [236] Hai. MS. _awi munkuzi_, underlined by _sagh-i-gau_, - cows' thatched house. [_T. munkuz_, lit. horn, means also - cattle.] Elph. MS., _awi munkush_, underlined by _dar ja'i - khwab alfakhta_, sleeping place. [T. _munkush_, retired.] - - [237] The first _qachar_ of this pun has been explained as - _gurez-gah_, _sharm-gah_, hinder parts, _fuite_ and _vertebre - inferieur_. The H.S. (ii, 273 l. 3 fr. ft.) says the wound was - in a vital (_maqattal_) part. - - [238] From Nizami's _Khusrau u Shirin_, Lahore lith. ed. p. - 137 l. 8. It is quoted also in the A.N. Bib. Ind. ed. ii, 207 - (H.B. ii, 321). (H.B.). - - [239] _See_ Hughes _Dictionary of Islam s.nn._ Eating and - Food. - - [240] _Cf._ f. 6b and note. If 'Umar Shaikh were Mahmud's - full-brother, his name might well appear here. - - [241] _i.e._ "Not a farthing, not a half-penny." - - [242] Here the Mems. enters a statement, not found in the - Turki text, that Mahmud's dress was elegant and fashionable. - - [243] _n:h:l:m._ My husband has cleared up a mistake (Mems. p. - 28 and _Mems._ i, 54) of supposing this to be the name of an - animal. It is explained in the A.N. (i, 255. H.B. i, 496) as a - Badakhshi equivalent of _tasqawal_; _tasqawal_ var. - _tashqawal_, is explained by the _Farhang-i-azfari_, a - Turki-Persian Dict. seen in the Mulla Firoz Library of Bombay, - to mean _rah band kunanda_, the stopping of the road. _Cf._ - J.R.A.S. 1900 p. 137. - - [244] _i.e._ "a collection of poems in the alphabetical order - of the various end rhymes." (Steingass.) - - [245] At this battle Daulat-shah was present. _Cf._ Browne's - D.S. for Astarabad p. 523 and for Andikhud p. 532. For this - and all other references to D.S. and H.S. I am indebted to my - husband. - - [246] The following dates will help out Babur's brief - narrative. Mahmud _aet._ 7, was given Astarabad in 864 AH. - (1459-60 AD.); it was lost to Husain at Jauz-wilayat and - Mahmud went into Khurasan in 865 AH.; he was restored by his - father in 866 AH.; on his father's death (873 AH.-1469 AD.) he - fled to Harat, thence to Samarkand and from there was taken to - Hisar _aet._ 16. _Cf._ D'Herbelot _s.n._ Abu-sa'ad; H.S. i, - 209; Browne's D.S. p. 522. - - [247] Presumably the "Hindustan the Less" of Clavijo (Markham - p. 3 and p. 113), approx. Qambar-'ali's districts. Clavijo - includes Tirmiz under the name. - - [248] Perhaps a Sufi term,--longing for the absent friend. For - particulars about this man _see_ H.S. ii, 235 and Browne's - D.S. p. 533. - - [249] Here in the Hai. MS. is one of several blank spaces, - waiting for information presumably not known to Babur when - writing. The space will have been in the archetype of the Hai. - MS. and it makes for the opinion that the Hai. MS. is a direct - copy of Babur's own. This space is not left in the Elph. MS. - but that MS. is known from its scribe's note (f. 198) down to - f. 198 (Hai. MS. f. 243b) to have been copied from "other - writings" and only subsequent to its f. 198 from Babur's own. - _Cf._ JRAS 1906 p. 88 and 1907 p. 143. - - [250] The T.R. (p. 330) supplies this name. - - [251] _Cf._ f. 35b. This was a betrothal only, the marriage - being made in 903 AH. _Cf._ H.S. ii, 260 and Gul-badan's H.N. - f. 24b. - - [252] Kehr's MS. supplies Ai (Moon) as her name but it has no - authority. The Elph. MS. has what may be _la nam_, no name, on - its margin and over _turutunchi_ (4th.) its usual sign of what - is problematical. - - [253] _See_ H.S. ii, 250. Here Pir-i-Muhammad _Ailchi-bugha_ - was drowned. _Cf._ f. 29. - - [254] Chaghanian is marked in Erskine's (Mems.) map as - somewhere about the head of (Fr. map 1904) the Ilyak Water, a - tributary of the Kafir-nighan. - - [255] _i.e._ when Babur was writing in Hindustan. - - [256] For his family _see_ f. 55b note to Yar-'ali _Balal_. - - [257] _ba wujud turkluk muhkam paida kunanda idi._ - - [258] Roebuck's _Oriental Proverbs_ (p. 232) explains the - _five_ of this phrase where _seven_ might be expected, by - saying that of this Seven days' world (qy. days of Creation) - one is for birth, another for death, and that thus five only - are left for man's brief life. - - [259] The cognomen _Ailchi-bugha_, taken with the bearer's - recorded strength of fist, may mean Strong man of Ailchi (the - capital of Khutan). One of Timur's commanders bore the name. - _Cf._ f. 21b for _bughu_ as _athlete_. - - [260] Hazaraspi seems to be Mir Pir Darwesh Hazaraspi. With - his brother, Mir 'Ali, he had charge of Balkh. _See - Rauzatu's-safa_ B.M. Add. 23506, f. 242b; Browne's D.S. p. - 432. It may be right to understand a hand-to-hand fight - between Hazaraspi and Ailchi-bugha. The affair was in 857 AH. - (1453 AD.). - - [261] _yaraq siz_, perhaps trusting to fisticuffs, perhaps - without mail. Babur's summary has confused the facts. Muh. - Ailchi-bugha was sent by Sl. Mahmud Mirza from Hisar with - 1,000 men and did not issue out of Qunduz. (H.S. ii, 251.) His - death occurred not before 895 AH. - - [262] _See_ T.R. _s.nn._ Mir Ayub and Ayub. - - [263] This passage is made more clear by f. 120b and f. 125b. - - [264] He is mentioned in _'Ali-sher Nawa'i's - Majalis-i-nafa'is_; _see_ B.M. Add. 7875, f. 278 and Rieu's - Turkish Catalogue. - - [265] ? full of splits or full handsome. - - [266] This may have occurred after Abu-sa'id Mirza's death - whose son Aba-bikr was. _Cf._ f. 28. If so, over-brevity has - obscured the statement. - - [267] _mingligh aildin dur_, perhaps of those whose hereditary - Command was a Thousand, the head of a Ming (Pers. Hazara), - _i.e._ of the tenth of a _tuman_. - - [268] _qurghan-ning tashida yangi tam quparib sala dur._ I - understand, that what was taken was a new circumvallation in - whole or in part. Such double walls are on record. _Cf._ - Appendix A. - - [269] _bahadurluq aulush_, an actual portion of food. - - [270] _i.e._ either unmailed or actually naked. - - [271] The old English noun _strike_ expresses the purpose of - the _sar-kob_. It is "an instrument for scraping off what - rises above the top" (Webster, whose example is grain in a - measure). The _sar-kob_ is an erection of earth or wood, as - high as the attacked walls, and it enabled besiegers to strike - off heads appearing above the ramparts. - - [272] _i.e._ the dislocation due to 'Umar Shaikh's death. - - [273] _Cf._ f. 13. The H.S. (ii, 274) places his son, Mir - Mughul, in charge, but otherwise agrees with the B.N. - - [274] _Cf._ Clavijo, Markham p. 132. Sir Charles Grandison - bent the knee on occasions but illustrated MSS. _e.g._ the - B.M. _Tawarikh-i-guzida Nasrat-nama_ show that Babur would - kneel down on both knees. _Cf._ f. 123b for the fatigue of the - genuflection. - - [275] I have translated _kurushub_ thus because it appears to - me that here and in other places, stress is laid by Babur upon - the mutual gaze as an episode of a ceremonious interview. The - verb _kurushmak_ is often rendered by the Persian translators - as _daryaftan_ and by the L. and E. Memoirs as _to embrace_. I - have not found in the B.N. warrant for translating it as _to - embrace_; _quchushmaq_ is Babur's word for this (f. 103). - _Daryaftan_, taken as to grasp or see with the mind, to - understand, well expresses mutual gaze and its sequel of - mutual understanding. Sometimes of course, _kurush_, the - interview does not imply _kurush_, the silent looking in the - eyes with mutual understanding; it simply means _se voyer_ - _e.g._ f. 17. The point is thus dwelt upon because the - frequent mention of an embrace gives a different impression of - manners from that made by "interview" or words expressing - mutual gaze. - - [276] _daban._ This word Reclus (vi, 171) quoting from - Fedschenko, explains as a difficult rocky defile; _art_, - again, as a dangerous gap at a high elevation; _bel_, as an - easy low pass; and _kutal_, as a broad opening between low - hills. The explanation of _kutal_ does not hold good for - Babur's application of the word (f. 81b) to the Sara-taq. - - [277] _Cf._ f. 4b and note. From Babur's special mention of - it, it would seem not to be the usual road. - - [278] The spelling of this name is uncertain. Variants are - many. Concerning the tribe _see_ T.R. p. 165 n. - - [279] Nizamu'd-din 'Ali _Barlas_: _see_ Gul-badan's H.N. - _s.n._ He served Babur till the latter's death. - - [280] _i.e._ Zu'n-nun or perhaps the garrison. - - [281] _i.e._ down to Shaibani's destruction of Chaghatai rule - in Tashkint in 1503 AD. - - [282] Elph. MS. f. 23; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 26 and 217 f. 21; - Mems. p. 35. - - Babur's own affairs form a small part of this year's record; - the rest is drawn from the H.S. which in its turn, uses - Babur's f. 34 and f. 37b. Each author words the shared - material in his own style; one adding magniloquence, the other - retracting to plain statement, indeed summarizing at times to - obscurity. Each passes his own judgment on events, _e.g._ here - Khwand-amir's is more favourable to Husain Bai-qara's conduct - of the Hisar campaign than Babur's. _Cf._ H.S. ii, 256-60 and - 274. - - [283] This feint would take him from the Oxus. - - [284] Tirmiz to Hisar, 96m. (Reclus vi, 255). - - [285] H.S. Wazr-ab valley. The usual route is up the Kam Rud - and over the Mura pass to Sara-taq. _Cf._ f. 81b. - - [286] _i.e._ the Hisari mentioned a few lines lower and on f. - 99b. Nothing on f. 99b explains his cognomen. - - [287] The road is difficult. _Cf._ f. 81b. - - [288] Khwand-amir also singles out one man for praise, Sl. - Mahmud _Mir-i-akhwur_; the two names probably represent one - person. The sobriquet may refer to skill with a matchlock, to - top-spinning (_firnagi-baz_) or to some lost joke. (H.S. ii, - 257.) - - [289] This pregnant phrase has been found difficult. It may - express that Babur assigned the sultans places in their due - precedence; that he seated them in a row; and that they sat - cross-legged, as men of rank, and were not made, as inferiors, - to kneel and sit back on their heels. Out of this last - meaning, I infer comes the one given by dictionaries, "to sit - at ease," since the cross-legged posture is less irksome than - the genuflection, not to speak of the ease of mind produced by - honour received. _Cf._ f. 18b and note on Ahmad's posture; - Redhouse _s.nn. baghish_ and _baghdash_; and B.M. - Tawarikh-i-guzida nasrat-nama, in the illustrations of which - the chief personage, only, sits cross-legged. - - [290] _siyasat._ My translation is conjectural only. - - [291] _sar-kob._ The old English noun _strike_, "an instrument - for scraping off what appears above the top," expresses the - purpose of the wall-high erections of wood or earth (_L. - agger_) raised to reach what shewed above ramparts. _Cf._ - Webster. - - [292] Presumably lower down the Qunduz Water. - - [293] _auz padshahi u mirzalaridin artib._ - - [294] _sic._ Hai. MS.; Elph. MS. "near Taliqan"; some W.-i-B. - MSS. "Great Garden." Gul-badan mentions a Taliqan Garden. - Perhaps the Mirza went so far east because, Zu'n-nun being - with him, he had Qandahar in mind. _Cf._ f. 42b. - - [295] _i.e._ Sayyid Muhammad 'Ali. _See_ f. 15 n. to Sherim. - Khwaja Changal lies 14 m. below Taliqan on the Taliqan Water. - (Erskine.) - - [296] f. 27b, second. - - [297] The first was _circa_ 895 AH.-1490 AD. _Cf._ f. 27b. - - [298] Babur's wording suggests that their common homage was - the cause of Badi'u'z-zaman's displeasure but _see_ f. 41. - - [299] The Mirza had grown up with Hisaris. _Cf._ H.S. ii, 270. - - [300] As the husband of one of the six Badakhshi Begims, he - was closely connected with local ruling houses. _See_ T.R. p. - 107. - - [301] _i.e._ Muhammad 'Ubaidu'l-lah the elder of _Ahrari's_ - two sons. d. 911 AH. _See Rashahat-i-'ain-alhayat_ (I.O. 633) - f. 269-75; and _Khizinatu'l-asfiya_ lith. ed. i, 597. - - [302] _Bu yuq tur_, _i.e._ This is not to be. - - [303] d. 908 AH. He was not, it would seem, of the _Ahrari_ - family. His own had provided Pontiffs (_Shaikhu'l-islam_) for - Samarkand through 400 years. _Cf._ _Shaibani-nama_, Vambery, - p. 106; also, for his character, p. 96. - - [304] _i.e._ he claimed sanctuary. - - [305] _Cf._ f. 45b and Petis de la Croix's _Histoire de - Chingiz Khan_ pp. 171 and 227. What Timur's work on the Guk - Sarai was is a question for archaeologists. - - [306] _i.e._ over the Aitmak Pass. _Cf._ f. 49. - - [307] Hai. MS. _aralighigha_. Elph. MS. _aral_, island. - - [308] _See_ f. 179b for _Bina'i_. Muhammad Salih Mirza - _Khwarizmi_ is the author of the _Shaibani-nama_. - - [309] Elph. MS. f. 27; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 30b and 217 f. 25; - Mems. p. 42. - - [310] _i.e._ Circassian. Muhammad Salih (Sh.N. Vambery p. 276 - l. 58) speaks of other Auzbegs using Chirkas swords. - - [311] _airta yazigha._ My translation is conjectural. _Airta_ - implies _i.a._ foresight. _Yazigha_ allows a pun at the - expense of the sultans; since it can be read both as _to the - open country_ and as _for their_ (_next_, _airta_) _misdeeds_. - My impression is that they took the opportunity of being - outside Samarkand with their men, to leave Bai-sunghar and - make for Shaibani, then in Turkistan. Muhammad Salih also - marking the tottering Gate of Sl. 'Ali Mirza, left him now, - also for Shaibani. (Vambery cap. xv.) - - [312] _aumaq_, to amuse a child in order to keep it from - crying. - - [313] _i.e._ with Khwaja Yahya presumably. _See_ f. 38. - - [314] This man is mentioned also in the _Tawarikh-i-guzida - Nasratnama_ B.M. Or. 3222 f. 124b. - - [315] H.S., on the last day of Ramzan (June 28th. 1497 AD.). - - [316] Muhammad _Sighal_ appears to have been a marked man. I - quote from the T.G.N.N. (_see supra_), f. 123b foot, the - information that he was the grandson of Ya'qub Beg. Zenker - explains _Sighali_ as the name of a Chaghatai family. An - _Ayub-i-Ya'qub Begchik Mughul_ may be an uncle. See f. 43 for - another grandson. - - [317] _baz'i kirkan-kint-kisakka bash-siz-qilghan Mughullarni - tutub._ I take the word _kisak_ in this highly idiomatic - sentence to be a diminutive of _kis_, old person, on the - analogy of _mir_, _mirak_, _mard_, _mardak_. [The H.S. uses - _Kisak_ (ii, 261) as a proper noun.] The alliteration in _kaf_ - and the mighty adjective here are noticeable. - - [318] Qasim feared to go amongst the Mughuls lest he should - meet retaliatory death. _Cf._ f. 99b. - - [319] This appears from the context to be Yam (Jam) -bai and - not the Djouma (Jam) of the Fr. map of 1904, lying farther - south. The Avenue named seems likely to be Timur's of f. 45b - and to be on the direct road for Khujand. _See_ Schuyler i, - 232. - - [320] _bughan buyini._ W.-i-B. 215, _yan_, thigh, and 217 - _gardan_, throat. I am in doubt as to the meaning of _bughan_; - perhaps the two words stand for joint at the nape of the neck. - Khwaja-i-kalan was one of seven brothers, six died in Babur's - service, he himself served till Babur's death. - - [321] _Cf._ f. 48. - - [322] Khorochkine (Radlov's _Receuil d'Itineraires_ p. 241) - mentions Pul-i-mougak, a great stone bridge thrown across a - deep ravine, east of Samarkand. _For_ Kul-i-maghak, deep pool, - or pool of the fosse, _see_ f. 48b. - - [323] From Khwand-amir's differing account of this affair, it - may be surmised that those sending the message were not - treacherous; but the message itself was deceiving inasmuch as - it did not lead Babur to expect opposition. _Cf._ f. 43 and - note. - - [324] Of this nick-name several interpretations are allowed by - the dictionaries. - - [325] _See_ Schuyler i, 268 for an account of this beautiful - Highland village. - - [326] Here Babur takes up the thread, dropped on f. 36, of the - affairs of the Khurasani mirzas. He draws on other sources - than the H.S.; perhaps on his own memory, perhaps on - information given by Khurasanis with him in Hindustan _e.g._ - Husain's grandson. _See_ f. 167b. _Cf._ H.S. ii, 261. - - [327] _baghishlab tur._ _Cf._ f. 34 note to _baghish da_. - - [328] _Bu sozlar aunulung._ Some W.-i-B. MSS., _Faramosh - bakunid_ for _nakunid_, thus making the Mirza not acute but - rude, and destroying the point of the story _i.e._ that the - Mirza pretended so to have forgotten as to have an empty mind. - Khwand-amir states that 'Ali-sher prevailed at first; his - tears therefore may have been of joy at the success of his - pacifying mission. - - [329] _i.e._ B.Z.'s father, Husain, against Mu'min's father, - B.Z. and Husain's son, Muzaffar Husain against B.Z.'s son - Mu'min;--a veritable conundrum. - - [330] Garzawan lies west of Balkh. Concerning Pul-i-chiragh - Col. Grodekoff's _Ride to Harat_ (Marvin p. 103 ff.) gives - pertinent information. It has also a map showing the - Pul-i-chiragh meadow. The place stands at the mouth of a - triply-bridged defile, but the name appears to mean Gate of - the Lamp (_cf._ Gate of Timur), and not Bridge of the Lamp, - because the H.S. and also modern maps write _bil_ (_bel_), - pass, where the Turki text writes _pul_, bridge, narrows, - pass. - - The lamp of the name is one at the shrine of a saint, just at - the mouth of the defile. It was alight when Col. Grodekoff - passed in 1879 and to it, he says, the name is due now--as it - presumably was 400 years ago and earlier. - - [331] Khwand-amir heard from the Mirza on the spot, when later - in his service, that he was let down the precipice by help of - turban-sashes tied together. - - [332] _yikit yilang u yayaq yaling_; a jingle made by due - phonetic change of vowels; a play too on _yalang_, which first - means stripped _i.e._ robbed and next unmailed, perhaps - sometimes bare-bodied in fight. - - [333] _qush-khana._ As the place was outside the walls, it may - be a good hawking ground and not a falconry. - - [334] The H.S. mentions (ii, 222) a Sl. Ahmad of Char-shamba, - a town mentioned _e.g._ by Grodekoff p. 123. It also spoils - Babur's coincidence by fixing Tuesday, Shab'an 29th. for the - battle. Perhaps the commencement of the Muhammadan day at - sunset, allows of both statements. - - [335] Elph. MS. f. 30b; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 34 and 217 f. 26b; - Mems. p. 46. - - The abruptness of this opening is due to the interposition of - Sl. Husain M.'s affairs between Babur's statement on f. 41 - that he returned from Aurgut and this first of 903 AH. that on - return he encamped in Qulba. - - [336] _See_ f. 48b. - - [337] _i.e._ Chupan-ata; _see_ f. 45 and note. - - [338] _Aughlaqchi_, the Grey Wolfer of f. 22. - - [339] A sobriquet, the _suppliant_ or perhaps something having - connection with musk. H.S. ii, 278, son of H.D. - - [340] _i.e._ grandson (of Muhammad Sighal). _Cf._ f. 39. - - [341] This seeming sobriquet may show the man's trade. _Kal_ - is a sort of biscuit; _qashuq_ may mean a spoon. - - [342] The H.S. does not ascribe treachery to those inviting - Babur into Samarkand but attributes the murder of his men to - others who fell on them when the plan of his admission became - known. The choice here of "town-rabble" for retaliatory death - supports the account of H.S. ii. - - [343] "It was the end of September or beginning of October" - (Erskine). - - [344] _awi u kipa yirlar._ _Awi_ is likely to represent - _kibitkas_. For _kipa yir_, _see_ Zenker p. 782. - - [345] Interesting reference may be made, amongst the many - books on Samarkand, to Sharafu'd-din 'Ali _Yazdi's - Zafar-nama_ Bib. Ind. ed. i, 300, 781, 799, 800 and ii, 6, - 194, 596 etc.; to Ruy Gonzalves di Clavijo's _Embassy to - Timur_ (Markham) cap. vi and vii; to Ujfalvy's _Turkistan_ ii, - 79 and Madame Ujfalvy's _De Paris a Samarcande_ p. 161,--these - two containing a plan of the town; to Schuyler's _Turkistan_; - to Kostenko's _Turkistan Gazetteer_ i, 345; to Reclus, vi, 270 - and plan; and to a beautiful work of the St. Petersburg - Archaeological Society, _Les Mosquees de Samarcande_, of which - the B.M. has a copy. - - [346] This statement is confused in the Elp. and Hai. MSS. The - second appears to give, by abjad, lat. 40 deg. 6" and long. - 99'. Mr. Erskine (p. 48) gives lat. 39' 57" and long. 99' 16", - noting that this is according to Ulugh Beg's Tables and that - the long. is calculated from Ferro. The Ency. Br. of 1910-11 - gives lat. 39' 39" and long. 66' 45". - - [347] The enigmatical cognomen, Protected Town, is of early - date; it is used _i.a._ by Ibn Batuta in the 14th. century. - Babur's tense refers it to the past. The town had frequently - changed hands in historic times before he wrote. The name may - be due to immunity from damage to the buildings in the town. - Even Chingiz Khan's capture (1222 AD.) left the place - well-preserved and its lands cultivated, but it inflicted - great loss of men. _Cf._ Schuyler i, 236 and his authorities, - especially Bretschneider. - - [348] Here is a good example of Babur's caution in narrative. - He does not affirm that Samarkand became Musalman, or - (_infra_) that Qusam ibn 'Abbas went, or that Alexander - founded but in each case uses the presumptive past tense, - resp. _bulghan dur_, _barghan dur_, _bina qilghan dur_, thus - showing that he repeats what may be inferred or presumed and - not what he himself asserts. - - [349] _i.e._ of Muhammad. See Z.N. ii, 193. - - [350] _i.e._ Fat Village. His text misleading him, Mr. Erskine - makes here the useful irrelevant note that Persians and Arabs - call the place Samar-qand and Turks, Samar-kand, the former - using _qaf_ (q), the latter _kaf_ (k). Both the Elph. and the - Hai. MSS. write Samarqand. - - For use of the name Fat Village, _see_ Clavijo (Markham p. - 170), Simesquinte, and Bretschneider's _Mediaeval Geography_ - pp. 61, 64, 66 and 163. - - [351] _qadam._ Kostenko (i, 344) gives 9 m. as the - circumference of the old walls and 1-2/3m. as that of the - citadel. _See_ Mde. Ujfalvy p. 175 for a picture of the walls. - - [352] _Ma'lum aimas kim muncha paida bulmish bulghai_; an - idiomatic phrase. - - [353] d. 333 AH. (944 AD.). _See_ D'Herbelot art. Matridi p. - 572. - - [354] _See_ D'Herbelot art. Aschair p. 124. - - [355] Abu 'Abdu'l-lah bin Isma'ilu'l-jausi b. 194 AH. d. 256 - AH. (810-870 AD.). _See_ D'Herbelot art. Bokhari p. 191, art. - Giorag p. 373, and art. Sahihu'l-bokhari p. 722. He passed a - short period, only, of his life in Khartank, a suburb of - Samarkand. - - [356] _Cf._ f. 3b and n. 1. - - [357] This though 2475 ft. above the sea is only some 300 ft. - above Samarkand. It is the Chupan-ata (Father of Shepherds) of - maps and on it Timur built a shrine to the local patron of - shepherds. The Zar-afshan, or rather, its Qara-su arm, flows - from the east of the Little Hill and turns round it to flow - west. Babur uses the name _Kohik Water_ loosely; _e.g._ for - the whole Zar-afshan when he speaks (_infra_) of cutting off - the Dar-i-gham canal but for its southern arm only, the - Qara-su in several places, and once, for the Dar-i-gham canal. - _See_ f. 49b and Kostenko i. 192. - - [358] _rud._ The Zar-afshan has a very rapid current. _See_ - Kostenko i, 196, and for the canal, i, 174. The name - Dar-i-gham is used also for a musical note having charm to - witch away grief; and also for a town noted for its wines. - - [359] What this represents can only be guessed; perhaps 150 to - 200 miles. Abu'l-fida (Reinaud ii, 213) quotes Ibn Haukal as - saying that from Bukhara up to "Bottam" (this seems to be - where the Zar-afshan emerges into the open land) is eight - days' journey through an unbroken tangle of verdure and - gardens. - - [360] _See_ Schuyler i, 286 on the apportionment of water to - Samarkand and Bukhara. - - [361] It is still grown in the Samarkand region, and in Mr. - Erskine's time a grape of the same name was cultivated in - Aurangabad of the Deccan. - - [362] _i.e._ _Shahrukhi_, Timur's grandson, through Shahrukh. - It may be noted here that Babur never gives Timur any other - title than Beg and that he styles all Timurids, Mirza - (Mir-born). - - [363] Mr. Erskine here points out the contradiction between - the statements (i) of Ibn Haukal, writing, in 367 AH. (977 - AD.), of Samarkand as having a citadel (_ark_), an outer-fort - (_qurghan_) and Gates in both circumvallations; and (2) of - Sharafu'd-din _Yazdi_ (Z.N.) who mentions that when, in - Timur's day, the Getes besieged Samarkand, it had neither - walls nor gates. _See_ Ouseley's Ibn Haukal p. 253; Z.N. Bib. - Ind. ed. i, 109 and Petis de la Croix's Z.N. (_Histoire de - Timur Beg_) i, 91. - - [364] Here still lies the Ascension Stone, the _Guk-tash_, a - block of greyish white marble. Concerning the date of the - erection of the building and meaning of its name, _see_ _e.g._ - Petis de la Croix's _Histoire de Chingiz Khan_ p. 171; Mems. - p. 40 note; and Schuyler _s.n._ - - [365] This seems to be the Bibi Khanim Mosque. The author of - _Les Mosquees de Samarcande_ states that Timur built Bibi - Khanim and the Gur-i-amir (Amir's tomb); decorated - Shah-i-zinda and set up the Chupan-ata shrine. _Cf._ f. 46 and - note to Jahangir Mirza, as to the Gur-i-amir. - - [366] Cap. II. Quoting from Sale's _Qur'an_ (i, 24) the verse - is, "And Ibrahim and Isma'il raised the foundations of the - house, saying, 'Lord! accept it from us, for Thou art he who - hearest and knowest; Lord! make us also resigned to Thee, and - show us Thy holy ceremonies, and be turned to us, for Thou art - easy to be reconciled, and merciful.'" - - [367] or, _buland_, Garden of the Height or High Garden. The - Turki texts have what can be read as _buldi_ but the Z.N. - both when describing it (ii, 194) and elsewhere (_e.g._ ii, - 596) writes _buland_. _Buldi_ may be a clerical error for - _bulandi_, the height, a name agreeing with the position of - the garden. - - [368] In the Heart-expanding Garden, the Spanish Ambassadors - had their first interview with Timur. _See_ Clavijo (Markham - p. 130). Also the Z.N. ii, 6 for an account of its - construction. - - [369] Judging from the location of the gardens and of Babur's - camps, this appears to be the Avenue mentioned on f. 39b and - f. 40. - - [370] _See_ _infra_ f. 48 and note. - - [371] The Plane-tree Garden. This seems to be Clavijo's - _Bayginar_, laid out shortly before he saw it (Markham p. - 136). - - [372] The citadel of Samarkand stands high; from it the ground - slopes west and south; on these sides therefore gardens - outside the walls would lie markedly below the outer-fort - (_tash-qurghan_). Here as elsewhere the second W.-i-B. reads - _stone_ for _outer_ (_Cf._ index _s.n._ _tash_). For the - making of the North garden _see_ Z.N. i, 799. - - [373] Timur's eldest son, d. 805 AH. (1402 AD.), before his - father, therefore. Babur's wording suggests that in his day, - the Gur-i-amir was known as the Madrasa. _See_ as to the - buildings Z.N. i, 713 and ii, 492, 595, 597, 705; Clavijo - (Markham p. 164 and p. 166); and _Les Mosquees de Samarcande_. - - [374] Hindustan would make a better climax here than Samarkand - does. - - [375] These appear to be pictures or ornamentations of carved - wood. Redhouse describes _islimi_ as a special kind of - ornamentation in curved lines, similar to Chinese methods. - - [376] _i.e._ the Black Stone (_ka'ba_) at Makkah to which - Musalmans turn in prayer. - - [377] As ancient observatories were themselves the instruments - of astronomical observation, Babur's wording is correct. - Aulugh Beg's great quadrant was 180 ft. high; Abu-muhammad - _Khujandi's_ sextant had a radius of 58 ft. Ja'i Singh made - similar great instruments in Ja'ipur, Dihli has others. _Cf._ - Greaves Misc. Works i, 50; Mems. p. 51 note; _Aiyin-i-akbari_ - (Jarrett) ii, 5 and note; Murray's Hand-book to Bengal p. 331; - Indian Gazetteer xiii, 400. - - [378] b. 597 AH. d. 672 AH. (1201-1274 AD.). _See_ - D'Herbelot's art. Nasir-i-din p. 662; Abu'l-fida (Reinaud, - Introduction i, cxxxviii) and Beale's Biographical Dict. - _s.n._ - - [379] a grandson of Chingiz Khan, d. 663 AH. (1265 AD.). The - cognomen _Ail-khani_ (_Il-khani_) may mean Khan of the Tribe. - - [380] Harunu'r-rashid's second son; d. 218 AH. (833 AD.). - - [381] Mr. Erskine notes that this remark would seem to fix the - date at which Babur wrote it as 934 AH. (1527 AD.), that being - the 1584th. year of the era of Vikramaditya, and therefore at - three years before Babur's death. (The Vikramaditya era began - 57 BC.) - - [382] _Cf._ index _s.n._ _tash_. - - [383] This remark may refer to the 34 miles between the town - and the quarries of its building stone. _See_ f. 49 and note - to Aitmak Pass. - - [384] Steingass, any support for the back in sitting, a low - wall in front of a house. _See_ Vullers p. 148 and - _Burhan-i-qati'_; p. 119. Perhaps a _dado_. - - [385] _beg u begat, bagh u baghcha._ - - [386] Four Gardens, a quadrilateral garden, laid out in four - plots. The use of the name has now been extended for any - well-arranged, large garden, especially one belonging to a - ruler (Erskine). - - [387] As two of the trees mentioned here are large, it may be - right to translate _narwan_, not by pomegranate, but as the - hard-wood elm, Madame Ujfalvy's '_karagatche_' (p. 168 and p. - 222). The name _qara-yighach_ (_karagatch_), dark tree, is - given to trees other than this elm on account of their deep - shadow. - - [388] Now a common plan indeed! _See_ Schuyler i, 173. - - [389] _juwaz-i-kaghazlar_ (_ning_) _su'i_, _i.e._ the water of - the paper-(pulping)-mortars. Owing to the omission from some - MSS. of the word _su_, water, _juwaz_ has been mistaken for a - kind of paper. _See_ Mems. p. 52 and _Mems_. i, 102; A.Q.R. - July 1910, p. 2, art. Paper-mills of Samarkand (H.B.); and - Madame Ujfalvy p. 188. Kostenko, it is to be noted, does not - include paper in his list (i, 346) of modern manufactures of - Samarkand. - - [390] Mine of mud or clay. My husband has given me support for - reading _gil_, and not _gul_, rose;--(1) In two good MSS. of - the W.-i-B. the word is pointed with _kasra_, _i.e._ as for - _gil_, clay; and (2) when describing a feast held in the - garden by Timur, the Z.N. says the mud-mine became a - rose-mine, _shuda Kan-i-gil Kan-i-gul_. [Mr. Erskine refers - here to Petis de la Croix's _Histoire de Timur Beg_ (_i.e._ - Z.N.) i, 96 and ii, 133 and 421.] - - [391] _qurugh._ Vullers, classing the word as Arabic, Zenker, - classing it as Eastern Turki, and Erskine (p. 42 n.) explain - this as land reserved for the summer encampment of princes. - Shaw (Voc. p. 155), deriving it from _qurumaq_, to frighten, - explains it as a fenced field of growing grain. - - [392] _Cf._ f. 40. There it is located at one _yighach_ and - here at 3 _kurohs_ from the town. - - [393] _taur._ _Cf._ Zenker _s.n._ I understand it to lie, as - Khan Yurti did, in a curve of the river. - - [394] 162 m. by rail. - - [395] _Cf._ f. 3. - - [396] _tirisini suiub._ The verb _suimak_, to despoil, seems - to exclude the common plan of stoning the fruit. _Cf._ f. 3b, - _danasini alip_, taking out the stones. - - [397] _Min Samarkandta aul (or auwal) aichkanda Bukhara - chaghirlar ni aichar aidim._ These words have been understood - to refer to Babur's initial drinking of wine but this reading - is negatived by his statement (f. 189) that he first drank - wine in Harat in 912 AH. I understand his meaning to be that - the wine he drank in Samarkand was Bukhara wine. The time - cannot have been earlier than 917 AH. The two words _aul - aichkanda_, I read as parallel to _aul_ (_baghri qara_) (f. - 280) 'that drinking,' 'that bird,' _i.e._ of those other - countries, not of Hindustan where he wrote. - - It may be noted that Babur's word for wine, _chaghir_, may not - always represent wine of the grape but may include wine of the - apple and pear (cider and perry), and other fruits. Cider, its - name seeming to be a descendant of _chaghir_, was introduced - into England by Crusaders, its manufacture having been learned - from Turks in Palestine. - - [398] 48 m. 3 fur. by way of the Aitmak Pass (mod. Takhta - Qarachi), and, Reclus (vi, 256) Buz-gala-khana, Goat-house. - - [399] The name Aitmak, to build, appears to be due to the - stone quarries on the range. The pass-head is 34 m. from - Samarkand and 3000 ft. above it. _See_ Kostenko ii, 115 and - Schuyler ii, 61 for details of the route. - - [400] The description of this hall is difficult to translate. - Clavijo (Markham 124) throws light on the small recesses. - _Cf._ Z.N. i, 781 and 300 and Schuyler ii, 68. - - [401] The Taq-i-kisri, below Baghdad, is 105 ft. high, 84 ft. - span and 150 ft. in depth (Erskine). - - [402] _Cf._ f. 46. Babur does not mention that Timur's father - was buried at Kesh. Clavijo (Markham p. 123) says it was - Timur's first intention to be buried near his father, in Kesh. - - [403] Abu'l-fida (Reinaud II, ii, 21) says that Nasaf is the - Arabic and Nakhshab the local name for Qarshi. Ibn Haukal - (Ouseley p. 260) writes Nakhshab. - - [404] This word has been translated _burial-place_ and - _cimetiere_ but Qarshi means castle, or royal-residence. The - Z.N. (i, 111) says that Qarshi is an equivalent for Ar. - _qasr_, palace, and was so called, from one built there by - Qublai Khan (d. 1294 AD.). Perhaps Babur's word is connected - with Gurkhan, the title of sovereigns in Khutan, and means - great or royal-house, _i.e._ palace. - - [405] 94 m. 6-1/2 fur. via Jam (Kostenko i, 115.) - - [406] See Appendix B. - - [407] some 34 m. (Kostenko i, 196). Schuyler mentions that he - heard in Qara-kul a tradition that the district, in bye-gone - days, was fertilized from the Sir. - - [408] _Cf._ f. 45. - - [409] By _abjad_ the words _'Abbas kasht_ yield 853. The date - of the murder was Ramzan 9, 853 AH. (Oct. 27th. 1449 AD.). - - [410] This couplet is quoted in the _Rauzatu's-safa_ (lith. - ed. vi, f. 234 foot) and in the H.S. ii, 44. It is said, in - the R.S. to be by Nizami and to refer to the killing by - Shiruya of his father, Khusrau Parwiz in 7 AH. (628 AD.). The - H.S. says that 'Abdu'l-latif constantly repeated the couplet, - after he had murdered his father. [See also Daulat Shah - (Browne p. 356 and p. 366.) H.B.] - - [411] By _abjad_, _Baba Husain kasht_ yields 854. The death - was on Rabi' I, 26, 854 AH. (May 9th. 1450 AD.). See R.S. vi, - 235 for an account of this death. - - [412] This overstates the time; dates shew 1 yr. 1 mth. and a - few days. - - [413] _i.e._ The Khan of the Mughuls, Babur's uncle. - - [414] Elph. MS. _aurmaghailar_, might not turn; Hai. and - Kehr's MSS. (_sar ba bad_) _birmaghailar_, might not give. - Both metaphors seem drawn from the protective habit of man and - beast of turning the back to a storm-wind. - - [415] _i.e._ betwixt two waters, the Miyan-i-du-ab of India. - Here, it is the most fertile triangle of land in Turkistan - (Reclus, vi, 199), enclosed by the eastern mountains, the - Narin and the Qara-su; Rabatik-aurchini, its alternative name, - means Small Station sub-district. From the uses of _aurchin_ I - infer that it describes a district in which there is no - considerable head-quarters fort. - - [416] _i.e._ his own, Qutluq-nigar Khanim and hers, - Aisan-daulat Begim, with perhaps other widows of his father, - probably Shah Sultan Begim. - - [417] _Cf._ f. 16 for almost verbatim statements. - - [418] Blacksmith's Dale. _Ahangaran_ appears corrupted in - modern maps to _Angren_. _See_ H.S. ii, 293 for Khwand-amir's - wording of this episode. - - [419] _Cf._ f. 1b and Kostenko i, 101. - - [420] _i.e._ Khan Uncle (Mother's brother). - - [421] n.w. of the Sang ferry over the Sir. - - [422] perhaps, messenger of good tidings. - - [423] This man's family connections are interesting. He was - 'Ali-shukr Beg _Baharlu's_ grandson, nephew therefore of Pasha - Begim; through his son, Saif-'ali Beg, he was the grandfather - of Bairam Khan-i-khanan and thus the g.g.f. of 'Abdu'r-rahim - Mirza, the translator of the Second _Waqi'at-i-baburi_. _See_ - Firishta lith. ed. p. 250. - - [424] Babur's (step-)grandmother, co-widow with Aisan-daulat - of Yunas Khan and mother of Ahmad and Mahmud _Chaghatai_. - - [425] Here the narrative picks up the thread of Khusrau Shah's - affairs, dropped on f. 44. - - [426] _ming tuman fulus_, _i.e._ a thousand - sets-of-ten-thousand small copper coins. Mr. Erskine (Mems. p. - 61) here has a note on coins. As here the _tuman_ does not - seem to be a coin but a number, I do not reproduce it, - valuable as it is _per se_. - - [427] _ariqlar_; this the annotator of the Elph. MS. has - changed to _ashliq_, provisions, corn. - - [428] _Saman-chi_ may mean Keeper of the Goods. Tingri-birdi, - Theodore, is the purely Turki form of the Khudai-birdi, - already met with several times in the B.N. - - [429] Bast (Bost) is on the left bank of the Halmand. - - [430] _Cf._ f. 56b. - - [431] known as _Kabuli_. He was a son of Abu-sa'id and thus an - uncle of Babur. He ruled Kabul and Ghazni from a date previous - to his father's death in 873 AH. (perhaps from the time 'Umar - Shaikh was _not_ sent there, in 870 AH. _See_ f. 6b) to his - death in 907 AH. Babur was his virtual successor in Kabul, in - 910 AH. - - [432] Elph. MS. f. 42; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 47b and 217 f. 38; - Mems. p. 63. Babur here resumes his own story, interrupted on - f. 56. - - [433] _aish achilmadi_, a phrase recurring on f. 59b foot. It - appears to imply, of trust in Providence, what the English - "The way was not opened," does. _Cf._ f. 60b for another - example of trust, there clinching discussion whether to go or - not to go to Marghinan. - - [434] _i.e._ _Ahrari_. He had been dead some 10 years. The - despoilment of his family is mentioned on f. 23b. - - [435] _fatratlar_, here those due to the deaths of Ahmad and - Mahmud with their sequel of unstable government in Samarkand. - - [436] _Aughlaqchi_, the player of the kid-game, the - gray-wolfer. Yar-yilaq will have gone with the rest of - Samarkand into 'Ali's hands in Rajab 903 AH. (March 1498). - Contingent terms between him and Babur will have been made; - Yusuf may have recognized some show of right under them, for - allowing Babur to occupy Yar-yilaq. - - [437] _i.e._ after 933 AH. _Cf._ f. 46b and note concerning - the Bikramaditya era. See index _s.n._ Ahmad-i-yusuf and H.S. - ii, 293. - - [438] This plural, unless ironical, cannot be read as - honouring 'Ali; Babur uses the honorific plural most rarely - and specially, _e.g._ for saintly persons, for The Khan and - for elder women-kinsfolk. - - [439] _bir yarim yil._ Dates shew this to mean six months. It - appears a parallel expression to Pers. _hasht-yak_, - one-eighth. - - [440] H.S. ii, 293, in place of these two quotations, has a - _misra'_,--_Na ray safar kardan u na ruy iqamat_, (Nor resolve - to march, nor face to stay). - - [441] _i.e._ in Samarkand. - - [442] Point to point, some 145 m. but much further by the - road. Tang-ab seems likely to be one of the head-waters of - Khwaja Bikargan-water. Thence the route would be by - unfrequented hill-tracks, each man leading his second horse. - - [443] _tun yarimi naqara waqtida._ _Tun yarimi_ seems to mean - half-dark, twilight. Here it cannot mean mid-night since this - would imply a halt of twelve hours and Babur says no halt was - made. The drum next following mid-day is the one beaten at - sunset. - - [444] The voluntary prayer, offered when the sun has well - risen, fits the context. - - [445] I understand that the obeisance was made in the - Gate-house, between the inner and outer doors. - - [446] This seeming sobriquet may be due to eloquence or to - good looks. - - [447] _qara tiyaq._ _Cf._ f. 63 where black bludgeons are used - by a red rabble. - - [448] He was head-man of his clan and again with Shaibani in - 909 AH. (Sh. N. Vambery, p. 272). Erskine (p. 67) notes that - the Manghits are the modern Nogais. - - [449] _i.e._ in order to allow for the here very swift - current. The H.S. varying a good deal in details from the B.N. - gives the useful information that Auzun Hasan's men knew - nothing of the coming of the Tashkint Mughuls. - - [450] _Cf._ f. 4b and App. A. as to the position of Akhsi. - - [451] _barini qirdilar._ After this statement the five - exceptions are unexpected; Babur's wording is somewhat - confused here. - - [452] _i.e._ in Hindustan. - - [453] Tambal would be the competitor for the second place. - - [454] 47 m. 4-1/2 fur. - - [455] Babur had been about two lunar years absent from Andijan - but his loss of rule was of under 16 months. - - [456] A scribe's note entered here on the margin of the Hai. - MS. is to the effect that certain words are not in the noble - archetype (_nashka sharif_); this supports other circumstances - which make for the opinion that this Codex is a direct copy of - Babur's own MS. _See_ Index s.n. Hai. MS. and JRAS 1906, p. - 87. - - [457] _Musalman_ here seems to indicate mental contrast with - Pagan practices or neglect of Musalman observances amongst - Mughuls. - - [458] _i.e._ of his advisors and himself. - - [459] _Cf._ f. 34. - - [460] _circa_ 933 AH. All the revolts chronicled by Babur as - made against himself were under Mughul leadership. Long Hasan, - Tambal and 'Ali-dost were all Mughuls. The worst was that of - 914 AH. (1518 AD.) in which Quli _Chunaq_ disgraced himself - (T.R. p. 357). - - [461] _Chunaq_ may indicate the loss of one ear. - - [462] _Buqaq_, amongst other meanings, has that of _one who - lies in ambush_. - - [463] This remark has interest because it shews that (as Babur - planned to write more than is now with the B.N. MSS.) the - first gap in the book (914 AH. to 925 AH.) is accidental. His - own last illness is the probable cause of this gap. _Cf._ JRAS - 1905, p. 744. Two other passages referring to unchronicled - matters are one about the Bagh-i-safa (f. 224), and one about - Sl. 'Ali Taghai (f. 242). - - [464] I surmise Ailaish to be a local name of the Qara-darya - affluent of the Sir. - - [465] _aiki auch naubat chapqulab bash chiqarghali quimas._ I - cannot feel so sure as Mr. E. and M. de C. were that the man's - head held fast, especially as for it to fall would make the - better story. - - [466] Tuqa appears to have been the son of a Taghai, perhaps - of Sherim; his name may imply blood-relationship. - - [467] For the verb _awimaq_, to trepan, _see_ f. 67 note 5. - - [468] The Fr. map of 1904 shews a hill suiting Babur's - location of this Hill of Pleasure. - - [469] A place near Kabul bears the same name; in both the name - is explained by a legend that there Earth opened a refuge for - forty menaced daughters. - - [470] Elph. MS. f. 47b; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 53 and 217 f. 43; - Mems. p. 70. - - [471] From Andijan to Aush is a little over 33 miles. Tambal's - road was east of Babur's and placed him between Andijan and - Auzkint where was the force protecting his family. - - [472] mod. Mazy, on the main Aush-Kashghar road. - - [473] _ab-duzd_; de C. i, 144, _prise d'eau_. - - [474] This simile seems the fruit of experience in Hindustan. - _See_ f. 333, concerning Chanderi. - - [475] These two Mughuls rebelled in 914 AH. with Sl. Quli - _Chunaq_ (T.R. _s.n._). - - [476] _awidi._ The head of Captain Dow, fractured at Chunar by - a stone flung at it, was trepanned (_Saiyar-i-muta'akhirin_, - p. 577 and Irvine l .c. p. 283). Yar-'ali was alive in 910 AH. - He seems to be the father of the great Bairam Khan-i-khanan of - Akbar's reign. - - [477] _chasht-gah_; midway between sunrise and noon. - - [478] _tauri_; because providing prisoners for exchange. - - [479] _shakh tutulur idi_, perhaps a palisade. - - [480] _i.e._ from Hisar where he had placed him in 903 AH. - - [481] _quba yuzluq_ (f. 6b and note 4). The Turkman features - would be a maternal inheritance. - - [482] He is "Saifi Maulana 'Aruzi" of Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. - 525. _Cf._ H.S. ii, 341. His book, _'Aruz-i-saifi_ has been - translated by Blochmann and by Ranking. - - [483] _namaz autar idi._ I understand some irony from this (de - Meynard's Dict. _s.n._ _autmaq_). - - [484] The _matla'_ of poems serve as an index of first lines. - - [485] _Cf._ f. 30. - - [486] _Cf._ f. 37b. - - [487] _i.e._ scout and in times of peace, huntsman. On the - margin of the Elph. Codex here stands a note, mutilated in - rebinding;--_Sl. Ahmad pidr-i-Quch Beg ast * * * - pidr-i-Sher-afgan u Sher-afgan * * * u Sl. Husain Khan * * * - Quch Beg ast. Hamesha * * * dar khana Shaham Khan * * *_. - - [488] _pitildi_; W.-i-B. _navishta shud_, words indicating the - use by Babur of a written record. - - [489] _Cf._ f. 6b and note and f. 17 and note. - - [490] _tuluk_; _i.e._ other food than grain. Fruit, fresh or - preserved, being a principal constituent of food in Central - Asia, _tuluk_ will include several, but chiefly melons. "Les - melons constituent presque seuls vers le fin d'ete, la - nourriture des classes pauvres" (Th. Radloff. l.c. p. 343). - - [491] _Cf._ f. 6b and note. - - [492] _tulki_ var. _tulku_, the yellow fox. Following this - word the Hai. MS. has _u dar kamin dur_ instead of _u rangin - dur_. - - [493] _bi hadd_; with which I.O. 215 agrees but I.O. 217 adds - _farbih_, fat, which is right in fact (f. 2b) but less - pertinent here than an unlimited quantity. - - [494] Here a pun on _'ajab_ may be read. - - [495] _Cf._ f. 15, note to Taghai. - - [496] Apparently not the usual Kindir-lik pass but one n.w. of - Kasan. - - [497] A ride of at least 40 miles, followed by one of 20 to - Kasan. - - [498] _Cf._ f. 72 and f. 72b. Tilba would seem to have left - Tambal. - - [499] _Tambalning qarasi._ - - [500] _i.e._ the Other (Mid-afternoon) Prayer. - - [501] _atining buinini qatib._ _Qatmaq_ has also the - here-appropriate meaning of _to stiffen_. - - [502] _ailik qushmaq_, _i.e._ Babur's men with the Kasan - garrison. But the two W.-i-B. write merely _dast burd_ and - _dast kardan_. - - [503] The meaning of _Ghazna_ here is uncertain. The Second - W.-i-B. renders it by ar. _qaryat_ but up to this point Babur - has not used _qaryat_ for _village_. Ghazna-namangan cannot be - modern Namangan. It was 2 m. from Archian where Tambal was, - and Babur went to Bishkharan to be between Tambal and Machami, - coming from the south. Archian and Ghazna-namangan seem both - to have been n. or n.w. of Bishkaran (see maps). - - It may be mentioned that at Archian, in 909 AH. the two - Chaghatai Khans and Babur were defeated by Shaibani. - - [504] _bizlar._ The double plural is rare with Babur; he - writes _biz_, we, when action is taken in common; he rarely - uses _min_, I, with autocratic force; his phrasing is largely - impersonal, _e.g._ with rare exceptions, he writes the - impersonal passive verb. - - [505] _bashlighlar._ Teufel was of opinion that this word is - not used as a noun in the B.N. In this he is mistaken; it is - so used frequently, as here, in apposition. _See_ ZDMG, - xxxvii, art. Babur und Abu'l-fazl. - - [506] _Cf._ f. 54 foot. - - [507] _Cf._ f. 20. She may have come from Samarkand and 'Ali's - household or from Kesh and the Tarkhan households. - - [508] _Cf._ f. 26 l. 2 for the same phrase. - - [509] He is the author of the _Shaibani-nama_. - - [510] _dang_ and _fils_ (_infra_) are small copper coins. - - [511] _Cf._ f. 25 l. 1 and note 1. - - [512] Probably the poet again; he had left Harat and was in - Samarkand (Sh. N. Vambery, p. 34 l. 14). - - [513] From what follows, this Mughul advance seems a sequel to - a Tarkhan invitation. - - [514] By omitting the word _Mir_ the Turki text has caused - confusion between this father and son (Index _s.nn._). - - [515] _biz khud kharab bu mu'amla aiduk._ These words have - been understood earlier, as referring to the abnormal state of - Babur's mind described under Sec. _r_. They better suit the - affairs of Samarkand because Babur is able to resolve on - action and also because he here writes _biz_, we, and not - _min_, I, as in Sec. _r_. - - [516] For _bulghar_, rendezvous, _see_ also f. 78 l. 2 fr. ft. - - [517] 25 m. only; the halts were due probably to belated - arrivals. - - [518] Some of his ties would be those of old acquaintance in - Hisar with 'Ali's father's begs, now with him in Samarkand. - - [519] Point to point, some 90 m. but further by road. - - [520] _Bu waqi' bulghach_, manifestly ironical. - - [521] Sangzar to Aura-tipa, by way of the hills, some 50 - miles. - - [522] The Sh. N. Vambery, p. 60, confirms this. - - [523] _Cf._ f. 74b. - - [524] Macham and Awighur, presumably. - - [525] _guzlar tuz tuti_, _i.e._ he was blinded for some - treachery to his hosts. - - [526] Muh. Salih's well-informed account of this episode has - much interest, filling out and, as by Shaibani's Boswell, - balancing Babur's. Babur is obscure about what country was to - be given to 'Ali. Payanda-hasan paraphrases his brief - words;--Shaibani was to be as a father to 'Ali and when he had - taken 'Ali's father's _wilayat_, he was to give a country to - 'Ali. It has been thought that the gift to 'Ali was to follow - Shaibani's recovery of his own ancestral camping-ground - (_yurt_) but this is negatived, I think, by the word, - _wilayat_, cultivated land. - - [527] Elp. MS. f. 57b; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 63b and I.O. 217 f. - 52; Mems. p. 82. - - Two contemporary works here supplement the B.N.; (1) the - (_Tawarikh-i-guzida_) _Nasrat-nama_, dated 908 AH. (B.M. Turki - Or. 3222) of which Berezin's _Shaibani-nama_ is an abridgment; - (2) Muh. Salih Mirza's _Shaibani-nama_ (Vambery trs. cap. xix - _et seq._). The H.S. (Bomb. ed. p. 302, and Tehran ed. p. 384) - is also useful. - - [528] _i.e._ on his right. The H.S. ii, 302 represents that - 'Ali was well-received. After Shaibaq had had Zuhra's - overtures, he sent an envoy to 'Ali and Yahya; the first was - not won over but the second fell in with his mother's scheme. - This difference of view explains why 'Ali slipped away while - Yahya was engaged in the Friday Mosque. It seems likely that - mother and son alike expected their Auzbeg blood to stand them - in good stead with Shaibaq. - - [529] He tried vainly to get the town defended. "Would to God - Babur Mirza were here!" he is reported as saying, by Muh. - Salih. - - [530] Perhaps it is for the play of words on 'Ali and 'Ali's - life (_jan_) that this man makes his sole appearance here. - - [531] _i.e._ rich man or merchant, but _Bi_ (_infra_) is an - equivalent of Beg. - - [532] Muh. Salih, invoking curses on such a mother, mentions - that Zuhra was given to a person of her own sort. - - [533] The Sh. N. and _Nasrat-nama_ attempt to lift the blame - of 'Ali's death from Shaibaq; the second saying that he fell - into the Kohik-water when drunk. - - [534] Harat might be his destination but the H.S. names Makka. - Some dismissals towards Khurasan may imply pilgrimage to - Meshhed. - - [535] Used also by Babur's daughter, Gul-badan (l.c. f. 31). - - [536] Cut off by alien lands and weary travel. - - [537] The Pers. annotator of the Elph. Codex has changed Alai - to _wilayat_, and _daban_ (pass) to _yan_, side. For the - difficult route _see_ Schuyler, i, 275, Kostenko, i, 129 and - Rickmers, JRGS. 1907, art. Fan Valley. - - [538] Amongst Turks and Mughuls, gifts were made by nines. - - [539] Hisar was his earlier home. - - [540] Many of these will have been climbed in order to get - over places impassable at the river's level. - - [541] Schuyler quotes a legend of the lake. He and Kostenko - make it larger. - - [542] The second occasion was when he crossed from Sukh for - Kabul in 910 AH. (fol. 120). - - [543] This name appears to indicate a Command of 10,000 - (Bretschneider's _Mediaeval Researches_, i, 112). - - [544] It seems likely that the cloth was soiled. _Cf._ f. 25 - and Hughes Dict. of Islam _s.n._ Eating. - - [545] As, of the quoted speech, one word only, of three, is - Turki, others may have been dreamed. Shaikh Maslahat's tomb is - in Khujand where Babur had found refuge in 903 AH.; it had - been circumambulated by Timur in 790 AH. (1390 AD.) and is - still honoured. - - This account of a dream compares well for naturalness with - that in the seemingly-spurious passage, entered with the Hai. - MS. on f. 118. For examination of the passage _see_ JRAS, Jan. - 1911, and App. D. - - [546] He was made a Tarkhan by diploma of Shaibani (H.S. ii, - 306, l. 2). - - [547] Here the Hai. MS. begins to use the word _Shaibaq_ in - place of its previously uniform _Shaibani_. As has been noted - (f. 5b n. 2), the Elph. MS. writes _Shaibaq_. It may be - therefore that a scribe has changed the earlier part of the - Hai. MS. and that Babur wrote _Shaibaq_. From this point my - text will follow the double authority of the Elph. and Hai. - MSS. - - [548] In 875 AH. (1470 AD.). Husain was then 32 years old. - Babur might have compared his taking of Samarkand with Timur's - capture of Qarshi, also with 240 followers (Z.N. i, 127). - Firishta (lith. ed. p. 196) ascribes his omission to do so to - reluctance to rank himself with his great ancestor. - - [549] This arrival shews that Shaibani expected to stay in - Samarkand. He had been occupying Turkistan under The Chaghatai - Khan. - - [550] 'Ali-sher died Jan. 3rd. 1501. It is not clear to what - disturbances Babur refers. He himself was at ease till after - April 20th. 1502 and his defeat at Sar-i-pul. Possibly the - reference is to the quarrels between Bina'i and 'Ali-sher. - _Cf._ Sam Mirza's Anthology, trs. S. de Sacy, _Notices et - Extraits_ iv, 287 _et seq._ - - [551] I surmise a double play-of-words in this verse. One is - on two rhyming words, _ghala_ and _mallah_ and is illustrated - by rendering them as _oat_ and _coat_. The other is on pointed - and unpointed letters, _i.e._ _ghala_ and _'ala_. We cannot - find however a Persian word _'ala_, meaning garment. - - [552] Babur's refrain is _ghusidur_, his rhymes _bul_, - _(buyur)ul_ and _tul_. Bina'i makes _bulghusidur_ his refrain - but his rhymes are not true _viz._ _yir_, _(sa)mar_ and _lar_. - - [553] Shawwal 906 AH. began April 20th. 1501. - - [554] From the _Bu-stan_, Graf ed. p. 55, l. 246. - - [555] Sikiz Yilduz. _See_ Chardin's _Voyages_, v, 136 and - Table; also Stanley Lane Poole's _Babur_, p. 56. - - [556] In 1791 AD. Muh. Effendi shot 482 yards from a Turkish - bow, before the R. Tox. S.; not a good shot, he declared. - Longer ones are on record. _See_ Payne-Gallwey's _Cross-bow_ - and AQR. 1911, H. Beveridge's _Oriental Cross-bows_. - - [557] In the margin of the Elph. Codex, here, stands a Persian - verse which appears more likely to be Humayun's than Babur's. - It is as follows: - - Were the Mughul race angels, they would be bad; - Written in gold, the name Mughul would be bad; - Pluck not an ear from the Mughul's corn-land, - What is sown with Mughul seed will be bad. - - This verse is written into the text of the First W.-i-B. (I.O. - 215 f. 72) and is introduced by a scribe's statement that it - is by _an Hazrat_, much as notes known to be Humayun's are - elsewhere attested in the Elph. Codex. It is not in the Hai. - and Kehr's MSS. nor with, at least many, good copies of the - Second W.-i-B. - - [558] This subterranean water-course, issuing in a flowing - well (Erskine) gave its name to a bastion (H.S. ii, 300). - - [559] _nawak_, a diminutive of _nao_, a tube. It is described, - in a MS. of Babur's time, by Muh. Budha'i, and, in a second of - later date, by Aminu'd-din (AQR 1911, H.B.'s _Oriental - Cross-bows_). - - [560] Kostenko, i, 344, would make the rounds 9 m. - - [561] _bir yuz atliqning atini nawak auqi bila yakhshi atim._ - This has been read by Erskine as though _buz at_, pale horse, - and not _yuz atliq_, Centurion, were written. De. C. - translates by Centurion and a marginal note of the Elph. Codex - explains _yuz atliq_ by _sad aspagi_. - - [562] The Sh. N. gives the reverse side of the picture, the - plenty enjoyed by the besiegers. - - [563] He may have been attached to the tomb of Khwaja - 'Abdu'l-lah _Ansari_ in Harat. - - [564] The brusque entry here and elsewhere of _e.g._ Tambal's - affairs, allows the inference that Babur was quoting from - perhaps a news-writer's, contemporary records. For a different - view of Tambal, the Sh. N. cap. xxxiii should be read. - - [565] Five-villages, on the main Khujand-Tashkint road. - - [566] _turk_, as on f. 28 of Khusrau Shah. - - [567] Elph. MS. f. 68b; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 78 and 217 f. 61b; - Mems. p. 97. - - The Kehr-Ilminsky text shews, in this year, a good example of - its Persification and of Dr. Ilminsky's dealings with his - difficult archetype by the help of the Memoirs. - - [568] _tashlab._ The Sh. N. places these desertions as after - four months of siege. - - [569] It strikes one as strange to find Long Hasan described, - as here, in terms of his younger brother. The singularity may - be due to the fact that Husain was with Babur and may have - invited Hasan. It may be noted here that Husain seems likely - to be that father-in-law of 'Umar Shaikh mentioned on f. 12b - and 13b. - - [570] This laudatory comment I find nowhere but in the Hai. - Codex. - - [571] There is some uncertainty about the names of those who - left. - - [572] The Sh. N. is interesting here as giving an eye-witness' - account of the surrender of the town and of the part played in - the surrender by Khan-zada's marriage (cap. xxxix). - - [573] The first seems likely to be a relation of Nizamu'd-din - 'Ali Khalifa; the second was Mole-marked, a foster-sister. The - party numbered some 100 persons of whom Abu'l-makaram was one - (H.S. ii, 310). - - [574] Babur's brevity is misleading; his sister was not - captured but married with her own and her mother's consent - before attempt to leave the town was made. _Cf._ Gul-badan's - H.N. f. 3b and Sh. N. Vambery, p. 145. - - [575] The route taken avoided the main road for Dizak; it can - be traced by the physical features, mentioned by Babur, on the - Fr. map of 1904. The Sh. N. says the night was extraordinarily - dark. Departure in blinding darkness and by unusual ways shews - distrust of Shaibaq's safe-conduct suggesting that Yahya's - fate was in the minds of the fugitives. - - [576] The texts differ as to whether the last two lines are - prose or verse. All four are in Turki, but I surmise a - clerical error in the refrain of the third, where _bulub_ is - written for _buldi_. - - [577] The second was in 908 AH. (f. 18_b_); the third in 914 - AH. (f. 216 _b_); the fourth is not described in the B.N.; it - followed Babur's defeat at Ghaj-diwan in 918 AH. (Erskine's - _History of India_, i, 325). He had a fifth, but of a - different kind, when he survived poison in 933 AH. (f. 305). - - [578] Hai. MS. _qaqasraq_; Elph. MS. _yanasraq_. - - [579] _atun_, one who instructs in reading, writing and - embroidery. _Cf._ Gulbadan's H.N. f. 26. The distance walked - may have been 70 or 80 m. - - [580] She was the wife of the then Governor of Aura-tipa, Muh. - Husain _Dughlat_. - - [581] It may be noted here that in speaking of these elder - women Babur uses the honorific plural, a form of rare - occurrence except for such women, for saintly persons and - exceptionally for The supreme Khan. For his father he has - never used it. - - [582] This name has several variants. The village lies, in a - valley-bottom, on the Aq-su and on a road. _See_ Kostenko, i, - 119. - - [583] She had been divorced from Shaibani in order to allow - him to make legal marriage with her niece, Khan-zada. - - [584] Amongst the variants of this name, I select the modern - one. Macha is the upper valley of the Zar-afshan. - - [585] Timur took Dihli in 801 AH. (Dec. 1398), _i.e._ 103 - solar and 106 lunar years earlier. The ancient dame would then - have been under 5 years old. It is not surprising therefore - that in repeating her story Babur should use a tense - betokening hear-say matter (_barib ikan dur_). - - [586] The anecdote here following, has been analysed in JRAS - 1908, p. 87, in order to show warrant for the opinion that - parts of the Kehr-Ilminsky text are retranslations from the - Persian W.-i-B. - - [587] Amongst those thus leaving seem to have been Qambar-'ali - (f. 99b). - - [588] _Cf._ f. 107 foot. - - [589] The Sh. N. speaks of the cold in that winter (Vambery, - p. 160). It was unusual for the Sir to freeze in this part of - its course (Sh. N. p. 172) where it is extremely rapid - (Kostenko, i, 213). - - [590] _Cf._ f. 4b. - - [591] Point to point, some 50 miles. - - [592] _Ahangaran-julgasi_, a name narrowed on maps to Angren - (valley). - - [593] _Faut shud Nuyan._ The numerical value of these words is - 907. Babur when writing, looks back 26 years to the death of - this friend. - - [594] Ab-burdan village is on the Zar-afshan; the pass is - 11,200 ft. above the sea. Babur's boundaries still hold good - and the spring still flows. _See_ Ujfalvy _l.c._ i. 14; - Kostenko, i, 119 and 193; Rickmers, JRGS 1907, p. 358. - - [595] From the _Bu-stan_ (Graf's ed. Vienna 1858, p. 561). The - last couplet is also in the _Gulistan_ (Platts' ed. p. 72). - The Bombay lith. ed. of the _Bu-stan_ explains (p. 39) that - the "We" of the third couplet means Jamshid and his - predecessors who have rested by his fountain. - - [596] _nima._ The First W.-i-B. (I.O. 215 f. 81 l. 8) writes - _tawarikh_, annals. - - [597] This may be the Khwaja Hijri of the A.N. (index _s.n._); - and Badayuni's Hasan _Hijri_, Bib. Ind. iii, 385; and Ethe's - Pers. Cat. No. 793; and Bod. Cat. No. 189. - - [598] The Hai. MS. points in the last line as though punning - on Khan and Jan, but appears to be wrong. - - [599] For an account of the waste of crops, the Sh. N. should - be seen (p. 162 and 180). - - [600] I think this refers to last year's move (f. 94 foot). - - [601] In other words, the T. preposition, meaning E. in, at, - _etc._ may be written with t or d, as _ta(ta)_ or as _da(da)_. - Also the one meaning E. towards, may be _gha_, _qa_, or _ka_ - (with long or short vowel). - - [602] _dim_, a word found difficult. It may be a derivative of - root _de_, tell, and a noun with the meaning of English tale - (number). The First W.-i-B. renders it by _san_, and by _san_, - Abu'l-ghazi expresses what Babur's _dim_ expresses, the - numbering of troops. It occurs thrice in the B.N. (here, on f. - 183b and on f. 264b). In the Elphinstone Codex it has been - written-over into _Ivim_, once resembles _vim_ more than _dim_ - and once is omitted. The L. and E. _Memoirs_ (p. 303) inserts - what seems a gloss, saying that a whip or bow is used in the - count, presumably held by the teller to 'keep his place' in - the march past. The _Siyasat-nama_ (Schefer, trs. p. 22) names - the whip as used in numbering an army. - - [603] The acclamation of the standards is depicted in B.M. - W.-i-B. Or. 3714 f. 128b. One cloth is shewn tied to the off - fore-leg of a live cow, above the knee, Babur's word being - _aurta ailik_ (middle-hand). - - [604] The libation was of fermented mares'-milk. - - [605] _lit._ their one way. - - [606] _Cf._ T.R. p. 308. - - [607] Elph. MS. f. 74; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 83 and 217 f. 66; - Mems. p. 104. - - [608] It may be noted that Babur calls his mother's brothers, - not _taghai_ but _dada_ father. I have not met with an - instance of his saying 'My taghai' as he says 'My dada.' _Cf._ - index _s.n._ _taghai_. - - [609] _kurunush qilib_, reflective from _kurmak_, to see. - - [610] A rider's metaphor. - - [611] As touching the misnomer, 'Mughul dynasty' for the - Timurid rulers in Hindustan, it may be noted that here, as - Babur is speaking to a Chaghatai Mughul, his 'Turk' is left to - apply to himself. - - [612] Gulistan, cap. viii, Maxim 12 (Platts' ed. p. 147). - - [613] This backward count is to 890 AH. when Ahmad fled from - cultivated lands (T.R. p. 113). - - [614] It becomes clear that Ahmad had already been asked to - come to Tashkint. - - [615] _Cf._ f. 96b for his first departure without help. - - [616] Yagha (Yaghma) is not on the Fr. map of 1904, but - suitably located is Turbat (Tomb) to which roads converge. - - [617] Elph. MS. _tushkucha_; Hai. MS. _yukuncha_. The - importance Ahmad attached to ceremony can be inferred by the - details given (f. 103) of his meeting with Mahmud. - - [618] _kurushkailar._ _Cf._ Redhouse who gives no support for - reading the verb _kurmak_ as meaning _to embrace_. - - [619] _burk_, a tall felt cap (Redhouse). In the adjective - applied to the cap there are several variants. The Hai. MS. - writes _muftul_, solid or twisted. The Elph. MS. has - _muftun-luq_ which has been understood by Mr. Erskine to mean, - gold-embroidered. - - [620] The wording suggests that the decoration is in - chain-stitch, pricked up and down through the stuff. - - [621] _tash chantai._ These words have been taken to mean - whet-stone (_bilgu-tash_). I have found no authority for - reading _tash_ as whet-stone. Moreover to allow 'bag of the - stone' to be read would require _tash (ning) chantai-si_ in - the text. - - [622] lit. bag-like things. Some will have held spare - bow-strings and archers' rings, and other articles of - 'repairing kit.' With the gifts, it seems probable that the - _gosha-gir_ (f. 107) was given. - - [623] Vullers, _clava sex foliis_. - - [624] Zenker, _casse-tete_. _Kistin_ would seem to be formed - from the root, _kis_, cutting, but M. de C. describes it as a - ball attached by a strap or chain to a handle. _Sanglakh_, a - sort of mace (_gurz_). - - [625] The _Rauzatu's-safa_ states that The Khans left Tashkint - on Muharram 15th (July 21st. 1502), in order to restore Babur - and expel Tambal (Erskine). - - [626] lit. saw the count (_dim_). _Cf._ f. 100 and note - concerning the count. Using a Persian substitute, the - Kehr-Ilminsky text writes _san_ (_kurdilar_). - - [627] Elph. MS. _ambarchi_, steward, for Itarchi, a - tribal-name. The 'Mirza' and the rank of the army-begs are - against supposing a steward in command. Here and just above, - the texts write Mirza-i-Itarchi and Mirza-i-Dughlat, thus - suggesting that in names not ending with a vowel, the _izafat_ - is required for exact transliteration, _e.g._ - Muhammad-i-dughlat. - - [628] _Alai-liq aurchini._ I understand the march to have been - along the northern slope of the Little Alai, south of Aush. - - [629] As of Almaligh and Almatu (fol. 2b) Babur reports a - tradition with caution. The name Auz-kint may be read to mean - 'Own village,' independent, as _Auz-beg_, Own-beg. - - [630] He would be one of the hereditary Khwajas of Andijan (f. - 16). - - [631] For several battle-cries _see_ Th. Radloff's _Receuils_ - etc. p. 322. - - [632] _qashqa atliq kishi._ For a parallel phrase _see_ f. - 92b. - - [633] Babur does not explain how the imbroglio was cleared up; - there must have been a dramatic moment when this happened. - - [634] _Darwana_ (a trap-door in a roof) has the variant - _dur-dana_, a single pearl; _tuqqai_ perhaps implies - relationship; _lulu_ is a pearl, a wild cow etc. - - [635] Hai. MS. _sairt kishi_. Muh. 'Ali is likely to be the - librarian (_cf._ index _s.n._). - - [636] Elph. MS. _ramaqgha u tur-ga_; Hai. MS. _tartatgha u - tur-ga_. Ilminsky gives no help, varying much here from the - true text. The archetype of both MSS. must have been difficult - to read. - - [637] The Hai. MS.'s pointing allows the sobriquet to mean - 'Butterfly.' His family lent itself to nick-names; in it three - brothers were known respectively as Fat or Lubberly, Fool and, - perhaps, Butterfly. - - [638] _birk arigh_, doubly strong by its trench and its - current. - - [639] I understand that time failed to set the standard in its - usual rest. E. and de C. have understood that the yak-tail - (_qutas tughi_ f. 100) was apart from the staff and that time - failed to adjust the two parts. The _tugh_ however is the - whole standard; moreover if the tail were ever taken off at - night from the staff, it would hardly be so treated in a mere - bivouac. - - [640] _aishiklik turluq_, as on f. 113. I understand this to - mean that the two men were as far from their followers as - sentries at a Gate are posted outside the Gate. - - [641] So too 'Piero of Cosimo' and 'Lorenzo of Piero of the - Medici.' _Cf._ the names of five men on f. 114. - - [642] _shashtim._ The _shasht_ (thumb) in archery is the - thumb-shield used on the left hand, as the _zih-gir_ - (string-grip), the archer's ring, is on the right-hand thumb. - - It is useful to remember, when reading accounts of shooting - with the Turki (Turkish) bow, that the arrows (_auq_) had - notches so gripping the string that they kept in place until - released with the string. - - [643] _sar-i-sabz gosha gir._ The _gosha-gir_ is an implement - for remedying the warp of a bow-tip and string-notch. For - further particulars _see_ Appendix C. - - The term _sar-i-sabz_, lit. green-head, occurs in the sense of - 'quite young' or 'new,' in the proverb, 'The red tongue loses - the green head,' quoted in the _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ account of - Babur's death. Applied here, it points to the _gosha-gir_ as - part of the recent gift made by Ahmad to Babur. - - [644] _Tambal aikandur._ By this tense I understand that Babur - was not at first sure of the identity of the pseudo-sentries, - partly because of their distance, partly, it may be presumed, - because of concealment of identity by armour. - - [645] _duwulgha burki_; _i.e._ the soft cap worn under the - iron helm. - - [646] Nuyan's sword dealt the blow (f. 97b). Gul-badan also - tells the story (f. 77) a propos of a similar incident in - Humayun's career. Babur repeats the story on f. 234. - - [647] _yaldaghlamai dur aidim._ The Second W.-i-B. has taken - this as from _yalturmaq_, to cause to glisten, and adds the - gloss that the sword was rusty (I.O. 217 f. 70b). - - [648] The text here seems to say that the three men were on - foot, but this is negatived by the context. - - [649] Amongst the various uses of the verb _tushmak_, to - descend in any way, the B.N. does not allow of 'falling - (death) in battle.' When I made the index of the Hai. MS. - facsimile, this was not known to me; I therefore erroneously - entered the men enumerated here as killed at this time. - - [650] Elph. MS. _yakhshi_. Zenker explains _bakhshi_ - (pay-master) as meaning also a Court-physician. - - [651] The Hai. Elph. and Kehr's MS. all have _puchqaq taqmaq_ - or it may be _puhqaq taqmaq_. T. _bukhaq_ means bandage, - _puchaq_, rind of fruit, but the word clear in the three Turki - MSS. means, skin of a fox's leg. - - [652] The _darya_ here mentioned seems to be the Kasan-water; - the route taken from Bishkharan to Pap is shewn on the Fr. map - to lead past modern Tupa-qurghan. Pap is not marked, but was, - I think, at the cross-roads east of Touss (Karnan). - - [653] Presumably Jahangir's. - - [654] Here his father was killed (f. 6b). _Cf._ App. A. - - [655] 'Ali-dost's son (f. 79b). - - [656] The sobriquet _Khiz_ may mean Leaper, or Impetuous. - - [657] _kuilak_, syn. _kunglak_, a shirt not opening at the - breast. It will have been a short garment since the under-vest - was visible. - - [658] _i.e._ when Babur was writing in Hindustan. Exactly at - what date he made this entry is not sure. 'Ali was in Koel in - 933 AH. (f. 315) and then taken prisoner, but Babur does not - say he was killed,--as he well might say of a marked man, and, - as the captor was himself taken shortly after, 'Ali may have - been released, and may have been in Koel again. So that the - statement 'now in Koel' may refer to a time later than his - capture. The interest of the point is in its relation to the - date of composition of the _Babur-nama_. - - No record of 'Ali's bravery in Aush has been preserved. The - reference here made to it may indicate something attempted in - 908 AH. after Babur's adventure in Karnan (f. 118b) or in 909 - AH. from Sukh. _Cf._ Translator's note f. 118b. - - [659] _aupchinlik._ Vambery, _gepanzert_; Shaw, four - horse-shoes and their nails; Steingass, _aupcha-khana_, a - guard-house. - - [660] Sang is a ferry-station (Kostenko, i, 213). Pap may well - have been regretted (f. 109b and f. 112b)! The well-marked - features of the French map of 1904 allows Babur's flight to be - followed. - - [661] In the Turki text this saying is in Persian; in the - Kehr-Ilminsky, in Turki, as though it had gone over with its - Persian context of the W.-i-B. from which the K.-I. text here - is believed to be a translation. - - [662] _Cf._ f. 96b and Fr. Map for route over the Kindir-tau. - - [663] This account of Muh. Baqir reads like one given later to - Babur; he may have had some part in Babur's rescue (_cf._ - Translator's Note to f. 118b). - - [664] Perhaps reeds for a raft. Sh. N. p. 258, _Sal auchun bar - qamish_, reeds are there also for rafts. - - [665] Here the Turki text breaks off, as it might through loss - of pages, causing a blank of narrative extending over some 16 - months. _Cf._ App. D. for a passage, supposedly spurious, - found with the Haidarabad Codex and the Kehr-Ilminsky text, - purporting to tell how Babur was rescued from the risk in - which the lacuna here leaves him. - - [666] As in the Farghana Section, so here, reliance is on the - Elphinstone and Haidarabad MSS. The Kehr-Ilminsky text still - appears to be a retranslation from the _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ and - verbally departs much from the true text; moreover, in this - Section it has been helped out, where its archetype was - illegible or has lost fragmentary passages, from the Leyden - and Erskine _Memoirs_. It may be mentioned, as between the - First and the Second _Waqi'at-i-baburi_, that several obscure - passages in this Section are more explicit in the First - (Payanda-hasan's) than in its successor ('Abdu-r-rahim's). - - [667] Elph. MS. f. 90b; W.-i-B. I.O. 215, f. 96b and 217, f. - 79; Mems. p. 127. "In 1504 AD. Ferdinand the Catholic drove - the French out of Naples" (Erskine). In England, Henry VII was - pushing forward a commercial treaty, the _Intercursus malus_, - with the Flemings and growing in wealth by the exactions of - Empson and Dudley. - - [668] presumably the pastures of the "Ilak" Valley. The route - from Sukh would be over the 'Ala'u'd-din-pass, into the - Qizil-su valley, down to Ab-i-garm and on to the Ailaq-valley, - Khwaja 'Imad, the Kafirnigan, Qabadian, and Aubaj on the Amu. - See T.R. p. 175 and Farghana Section, p. 184, as to the - character of the journey. - - [669] Amongst the Turki tribes, the time of first applying the - razor to the face is celebrated by a great entertainment. - Babur's miserable circumstances would not admit of this - (Erskine). - - The text is ambiguous here, reading either that Sukh was left - or that Ailaq-yilaq was reached in Muharram. As the birthday - was on the 8th, the journey very arduous and, for a party - mostly on foot, slow, it seems safest to suppose that the - start was made from Sukh at the end of 909 AH. and not in - Muharram, 910 AH. - - [670] _charuq_, rough boots of untanned leather, formed like a - moccasin with the lower leather drawn up round the foot; they - are worn by Khirghiz mountaineers and caravan-men on journeys - (Shaw). - - [671] _chapan_, the ordinary garment of Central Asia (Shaw). - - [672] The _alachuq_, a tent of flexible poles, covered with - felt, may be the _khargah_ (kibitka); Persian _chadar_ seems - to represent Turki _aq awi_, white house. - - [673] _i.e._ with Khusrau's power shaken by Auzbeg attack, - made in the winter of 909 AH. (_Shaibani-nama_ cap. lviii). - - [674] Cf. ff. 81 and 81b. The armourer's station was low for - an envoy to Babur, the superior in birth of the armourer's - master. - - [675] var. Chaqanian and Saghanian. The name formerly - described the whole of the Hisar territory (Erskine). - - [676] the preacher by whom the _Khutba_ is read (Erskine). - - [677] _bi baqi_ or _bi Baqi_; perhaps a play of words with the - double meaning expressed in the above translation. - - [678] Amongst these were widows and children of Babur's uncle, - Mahmud (f. 27b). - - [679] _aughul._ As being the son of Khusrau's sister, Ahmad - was nephew to Baqi; there may be in the text a scribe's slip - from one _aughul_ to another, and the real statement be that - Ahmad was the son of Baqi's son, Muh. Qasim, which would - account for his name Ahmad-i-qasim. - - [680] Cf. f. 67. - - [681] Babur's loss of rule in Farghana and Samarkand. - - [682] about 7 miles south of Aibak, on the road to Sar-i-tagh - (mountain-head, Erskine). - - [683] _viz._ the respective fathers, Mahmud and 'Umar Shaikh. - The arrangement was made in 895 AH. (1490 AD.). - - [684] _Gulistan_ cap. i, story 3. Part of this quotation is - used again on f. 183. - - [685] Mahmud's sons under whom Baqi had served. - - [686] Uncles of all degrees are included as elder brethren, - cousins of all degrees, as younger ones. - - [687] Presumably the ferries; perhaps the one on the main road - from the north-east which crosses the river at Fort Murgh-ab. - - [688] Nine deaths, perhaps where the Amu is split into nine - channels at the place where Mirza Khan's son Sulaiman later - met his rebel grandson Shah-rukh (_Tabaqat-i-akbari_, Elliot - & Dowson, v, 392, and A.N. Bib. Ind., 3rd ed., 441). - Tuquz-aulum is too far up the river to be Arnold's "shorn and - parcelled Oxus". - - [689] Shaibaq himself had gone down from Samarkand in 908 AH. - and in 909 AH. and so permanently located his troops as to - have sent their families to them. In 909 AH. he drove Khusrau - into the mountains of Badakhshan, but did not occupy Qunduz; - thither Khusrau returned and there stayed till now, when - Shaibaq again came south (fol. 123). See Sh. N. cap. lviii _et - seq._ - - [690] From Tambal, to put down whom he had quitted his army - near Balkh (Sh. N. cap. lix). - - [691] This, one of the many Red-rivers, flows from near - Kahmard and joins the Andar-ab water near Dushi. - - [692] A _gari_ is twenty-four minutes. - - [693] Qoran, _Surat_ iii, verse 25; Sale's Qoran, ed. 1825, i, - 56. - - [694] Cf. f. 82. - - [695] _viz._ Bai-sanghar, bowstrung, and Mas'ud, blinded. - - [696] Muh. Salih is florid over the rubies of Badakhshan he - says Babur took from Khusrau, but Haidar says Babur not only - had Khusrau's property, treasure, and horses returned to him, - but refused all gifts Khusrau offered. "This is one trait out - of a thousand in the Emperor's character." Haidar mentions, - too, the then lack of necessaries under which Babur suffered - (Sh. N., cap. lxiii, and T.R. p. 176). - - [697] Cf. T. R. p. 134 n. and 374 n. - - [698] _Jiba_, so often used to describe the quilted corselet, - seems to have here a wider meaning, since the _jiba-khana_ - contained both _joshan_ and _kuhah_, _i.e._ coats-of-mail and - horse-mail with accoutrements. It can have been only from this - source that Babur's men obtained the horse-mail of f. 127. - - [699] He succeeded his father, Aulugh Beg _Kabuli_, in 907 - AH.; his youth led to the usurpation of his authority by - Sherim Zikr, one of his begs; but the other begs put Sherim to - death. During the subsequent confusions Muh. Muqim _Arghun_, - in 908 AH., got possession of Kabul and married a sister of - 'Abdu'r-razzaq. Things were in this state when Babur entered - the country in 910 AH. (Erskine). - - [700] var. Upian, a few miles north of Charikar. - - [701] Suhail (Canopus) is a most conspicuous star in - Afghanistan; it gives its name to the south, which is never - called Janub but Suhail; the rising of Suhail marks one of - their seasons (Erskine). The honour attaching to this star is - due to its seeming to rise out of Arabia Felix. - - [702] The lines are in the Preface to the _Anwar-i-suhaili_ - (Lights of Canopus). - - [703] "Die Kirghis-qazzaq druecken die Sonnen-hoehe in Pikenaus" - (von Schwarz, p. 124). - - [704] Presumably, dark with shade, as in _qara-yighach_, the - hard-wood elm (f. 47b and note to _narwan_). - - [705] _i.e._ Sayyid Muhammad 'Ali, the door-ward. These - _bulaks_ seem likely to have been groups of 1,000 fighting-men - (Turki _Ming_). - - [706] In-the-water and Water-head. - - [707] Wali went from his defeat to Khwast; wrote to Mahmud - _Auzbeg_ in Qunduz to ask protection; was fetched to Qunduz by - Muh. Salih, the author of the _Shaibani-nama_, and forwarded - from Qunduz to Samarkand (Sh. N. cap. lxiii). Cf. f. 29b. - - [708] _i.e._ where justice was administered, at this time, - outside Babur's tent. - - [709] They would pass Ajar and make for the main road over the - Dandan-shikan Pass. - - [710] The clansmen may have obeyed Ahmad's orders in thus - holding up the families. - - [711] The name may be from Turki _taq_, a horse-shoe, but I.O. - 215 f. 102 writes Persian _naqib_, the servant who announces - arriving guests. - - [712] Here, as immediately below, when mentioning the - Char-bagh and the tomb of Qutluq-qadam, Babur uses names - acquired by the places at a subsequent date. In 910 AH. the - Taster was alive; the Char-bagh was bought by Babur in 911 - AH., and Qutluq-qadam fought at Kanwaha in 933 AH. - - [713] The Kucha-bagh is still a garden about 4 miles from - Kabul on the north-west and divided from it by a low - hill-pass. There is still a bridge on the way (Erskine). - - [714] Presumably that on which the Bala-hisar stood, the - glacis of a few lines further. - - [715] Cf. f. 130. - - [716] One of Muqim's wives was a Timurid, Babur's - first-cousin, the daughter of Aulugh Beg _Kabuli_; another was - Bibi Zarif Khatun, the mother of that Mah-chuchuq, whose anger - at her marriage to Babur's faithful Qasim Kukuldash has filled - some pages of history (Gulbadan's H.N. _s.n._ Mah-chuchuq and - Erskine's B. and H. i, 348). - - [717] Some 9 m. north of Kabul on the road to Aq-sarai. - - [718] The Hai. MS. (only) writes First Rabi but the Second - better suits the near approach of winter. - - [719] Elph. MS. fol. 97; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 102b and 217 f. - 85; Mems. p. 136. Useful books of the early 19th century, many - of them referring to the _Babur-nama_, are Conolly's - _Travels_, Wood's _Journey_, Elphinstone's _Caubul_, Burnes' - _Cabool_, Masson's _Narrative_, Lord's and Leech's articles in - JASB 1838 and in Burnes' _Reports_ (India Office Library), - Broadfoot's _Report_ in RGS Supp. Papers vol. I. - - [720] f. 1b where Farghana is said to be on the limit of - cultivation. - - [721] f. 131b. To find these _tumans_ here classed with what - was not part of Kabul suggest a clerical omission of "beyond" - or "east of" (Lamghanat). It may be more correct to write - Lamghanat, since the first syllable may be _lam_, fort. The - modern form Laghman is not used in the _Babur-nama_, nor, it - may be added is Paghman for Pamghan. - - [722] It will be observed that Babur limits the name - Afghanistan to the countries inhabited by Afghan tribesmen; - they are chiefly those south of the road from Kabul to - Pashawar (Erskine). See Vigne, p. 102, for a boundary between - the Afghans and Khurasan. - - [723] Al-biruni's _Indika_ writes of both Turk and Hindu-shahi - Kings of Kabul. See Raverty's _Notes_ p. 62 and Stein's _Shahi - Kings of Kabul_. The mountain is 7592 ft. above the sea, some - 1800 ft. therefore above the town. - - [724] The Kabul-river enters the Char-dih plain by the - Dih-i-yaq'ub narrows, and leaves it by those of Durrin. Cf. - _S.A. War_, Plan p. 288 and Plan of action at Char-asiya - (Four-mills), the second shewing an off-take which may be Wais - Ataka's canal. See Vigne, p. 163 and Raverty's _Notes_ pp. 69 - and 689. - - [725] This, the Bala-jui (upper-canal) was a four-mill stream - and in Masson's time, as now, supplied water to the gardens - round Babur's tomb. Masson found in Kabul honoured descendants - of Wais Ataka (ii, 240). - - [726] But for a, perhaps negligible, shortening of its first - vowel, this form of the name would describe the normal end of - an irrigation canal, a little pool, but other forms with other - meanings are open to choice, _e.g._ small hamlet (Pers. - _kul_), or some compound containing Pers. _gul_, a rose, in - its plain or metaphorical senses. Jarrett's _Ayin-i-akbari_ - writes Gul-kinah, little rose (?). Masson (ii, 236) mentions a - similar pleasure-resort, Sanji-taq. - - [727] The original ode, with which the parody agrees in rhyme - and refrain, is in the _Diwan, s.l. Dal_ (Brockhaus ed. 1854, - i, 62 and lith. ed. p. 96). See Wilberforce Clarke's literal - translation i, 286 (H. B.). A marginal note to the Haidarabad - Codex gives what appears to be a variant of one of the rhymes - of the parody. - - [728] _aulugh kul_; some 3 m. round in Erskine's time; mapped - as a swamp in _S.A. War_ p. 288. - - [729] A marginal note to the Hai. Codex explains this name to - be an abbreviation of Khwaja Shamsu'd-din _Jan-baz_ (or - _Jahan-baz_; Masson, ii, 279 and iii, 93). - - [730] _i.e_. the place made holy by an impress of saintly - foot-steps. - - [731] Two eagles or, Two poles, used for punishment. Vigne's - illustration (p. 161) clearly shows the spur and the detached - rock. Erskine (p. 137 n.) says that 'Uqabain seems to be the - hill, known in his day as 'Ashiqan-i-'arifan, which connects - with Babur Badshah. See Raverty's _Notes_ p. 68. - - [732] During most of the year this wind rushes through the - Hindu-kush (Parwan)-pass; it checks the migration of the birds - (f. 142), and it may be the cause of the deposit of the - Running-sands (Burnes, p. 158). Cf. Wood, p. 124. - - [733] He was Badi'u'z-zaman's _Sadr_ before serving Babur; he - died in 918 AH. (1512 AD.), in the battle of Kul-i-malik where - 'Ubaidu'l-lah _Auzbeg_ defeated Babur. He may be identical - with Mir Husain the Riddler of f. 181, but seems not to be - Mulla Muh. _Badakhshi_, also a Riddler, because the - _Habibu's-siyar_ (ii, 343 and 344) gives this man a separate - notice. Those interested in enigmas can find one made by - Talib on the name Yahya (H.S. ii, 344). Sharafu'd-din 'Ali - _Yazdi_, the author of the _Zafar-nama_, wrote a book about a - novel kind of these puzzles (T.R. p. 84). - - [734] The original couplet is as follows:-- - - _Bakhur dar arg-i Kabul mai, bagardan kasa pay dar pay, - Kah ham koh ast, u ham darya, u ham shahr ast, u ham sahra'._ - - What Talib's words may be inferred to conceal is the opinion - that like Badi'u'z-zaman and like the meaning of his name, - Kabul is the Wonder-of-the-world. (Cf. M. Garcin de Tassy's - _Rhetorique_ [p. 165], for _ces combinaisons enigmatiques_.) - - [735] All MSS. do not mention Kashghar. - - [736] Khita (Cathay) is Northern China; Chin (_infra_) is - China; Rum is Turkey and particularly the provinces near - Trebizond (Erskine). - - [737] 300% to 400% (Erskine). - - [738] Persian _sinjid_, Brandis, _elaeagnus hortensis_; Erskine - (Mems. p. 138) jujube, presumably the _zizyphus jujuba_ of - Speede, Supplement p. 86. Turki _yangaq_, walnut, has several - variants, of which the most marked is _yanghkaq_. For a good - account of Kabul fruits _see_ Masson, ii, 230. - - [739] a kind of plum (?). It seems unlikely to be a cherry - since Babur does not mention cherries as good in his old - dominions, and Firminger (p. 244) makes against it as - introduced from India. Steingass explains _alu-balu_ by - "sour-cherry, an armarylla"; if sour, is it the Morello - cherry? - - [740] The sugar-cane was seen in abundance in Lan-po (Lamghan) - by a Chinese pilgrim (Beale, p. 90); Babur's introduction of - it may have been into his own garden only in Ningnahar (f. - 132b). - - [741] _i.e._ the seeds of _pinus Gerardiana_. - - [742] _rawashlar._ The green leaf-stalks (_chukri_) of _ribes - rheum_ are taken into Kabul in mid-April from the - Pamghan-hills; a week later they are followed by the blanched - and tended _rawash_ (Masson, ii, 7). _See_ Gul-badan's H.N. - trs. p. 188, Vigne, p. 100 and 107, Masson, ii, 230, Conolly, - i, 213. - - [743] a large green fruit, shaped something like a citron; - also a large sort of cucumber (Erskine). - - [744] The _sahibi_, a grape praised by Babur amongst - Samarkandi fruits, grows in Koh-daman; another well-known - grape of Kabul is the long stoneless _husaini_, brought by - Afghan traders into Hindustan in round, flat boxes of poplar - wood (Vigne, p. 172). - - [745] An allusion, presumably, to the renouncement of wine - made by Babur and some of his followers in 933 AH. (1527 AD. - f. 312). He may have had 'Umar _Khayyam's_ quatrain in mind, - "Wine's power is known to wine-bibbers alone" (Whinfield's 2nd - ed. 1901, No. 164). - - [746] _pustin_, usually of sheep-skin. For the wide range of - temperature at Kabul in 24 hours, _see_ Ency. Brtt. art. - Afghanistan. The winters also vary much in severity (Burnes, - p. 273). - - [747] Index _s.n._ As he fought at Kanwaha, he will have been - buried after March 1527 AD.; this entry therefore will have - been made later. The Curriers'-gate is the later Lahor-gate - (Masson, ii, 259). - - [748] Index _s.n._ - - [749] For lists of the Hindu-kush passes _see_ Leech's Report - VII; Yule's _Introductory Essay_ to Wood's _Journey_ 2nd ed.; - PRGS 1879, Markham's art. p. 121. - - The highest _cols_ on the passes here enumerated by Babur - are,--Khawak 11,640 ft.--Tul, height not known,--Parandi 15,984 - ft.--Baj-gah (Toll-place) 12,000 ft.--Walian (Saints) 15,100 - ft.--Chahar-dar (Four-doors) 18,900 ft. and Shibr-tu 9800 ft. - In considering the labour of their ascent and descent, the - general high level, north and south of them, should be borne - in mind; _e.g._ Charikar (Char-yak-kar) stands 5200 ft. and - Kabul itself at 5780 ft. above the sea. - - [750] _i.e._ the hollow, long, and small-bazar roads - respectively. Panjhir is explained by Hindus to be Panj-sher, - the five lion-sons of Pandu (Masson, iii, 168). - - [751] Shibr is a Hazara district between the head of the - Ghur-bund valley and Bamian. It does not seem to be correct to - omit the _tu_ from the name of the pass. Persian _tu_, turn, - twist (syn. _pich_) occurs in other names of local passes; to - read it here as a _turn_ agrees with what is said of Shibr-tu - pass as not crossing but turning the Hindu-kush (Cunningham). - Lord uses the same wording about the Haji-ghat (var. -kak - etc.) traverse of the same spur, which "turns the extremity of - the Hindu-kush". _See_ Cunningham's _Ancient Geography_, i, - 25; Lord's _Ghur-bund_ (JASB 1838 p. 528), Masson, iii, 169 - and Leech's _Report_ VII. - - [752] Perhaps through Jalmish into Saighan. - - [753] _i.e._ they are closed. - - [754] It was unknown in Mr. Erskine's day (Mems. p. 140). - Several of the routes in Raverty's _Notes_ (p. 92 etc.) allow - it to be located as on the Iri-ab, near to or identical with - Baghzan, 35 _kurohs_ (70 m.) s.s.e. of Kabul. - - [755] Farmul, about the situation of which Mr. Erskine was in - doubt, is now marked in maps, Urghun being its principal - village. - - [756] 15 miles below Atak (Erskine). Mr. Erskine notes that he - found no warrant, previous to Abu'l-fazl's, for calling the - Indus the Nil-ab, and that to find one would solve an ancient - geographical difficulty. This difficulty, my husband suggests, - was Alexander's supposition that the Indus was the Nile. In - books grouping round the _Babur-nama_, the name Nil-ab is not - applied to the Indus, but to the ferry-station on that river, - said to owe its name to a spring of azure water on its eastern - side. (Cf. Afzal Khan _Khattak_, R.'s _Notes_ p. 447.) - - I find the name Nil-ab applied to the Kabul-river:--1. to its - Arghandi affluent (Cunningham, p. 17, Map); 2. through its - boatman class, the Nil-abis of Lalpura, Jalalabad and Kunar - (G. of I. 1907, art. Kabul); 3. inferentially to it as a - tributary of the Indus (D'Herbelot); 4. to it near its - confluence with the grey, silt-laden Indus, as blue by - contrast (Sayyid Ghulam-i-muhammad, R.'s _Notes_ p. 34). (For - Nil-ab (Naulibis?) in Ghur-bund _see_ Cunningham, p. 32 and - Masson, iii, 169.) - - [757] By one of two routes perhaps,--either by the - Khaibar-Ningnahar-Jagdalik road, or along the north bank of - the Kabul-river, through Goshta to the crossing where, in - 1879, the 10th Hussars met with disaster. _See_ _S.A. War_, - Map 2 and p. 63; Leech's _Reports_ II and IV (Fords of the - Indus); and R.'s _Notes_ p. 44. - - [758] Haru, Leech's Harroon, apparently, 10 m. above Atak. The - text might be read to mean that both rivers were forded near - their confluence, but, finding no warrant for supposing the - Kabul-river fordable below Jalalabad, I have guided the - translation accordingly; this may be wrong and may conceal a - change in the river. - - [759] Known also as Dhan-kot and as Mu'azzam-nagar - (_Ma'asiru'l-'umra_ i, 249 and A.N. trs. H.B. index _s.n._ - Dhan-kot). It was on the east bank of the Indus, probably near - modern Kala-bagh, and was washed away not before 956 AH. (1549 - AD. H. Beveridge). - - [760] Chaupara seems, from f. 148b, to be the Chapari of - Survey Map 1889. Babur's _Dasht_ is modern Daman. - - [761] _aimaq_, used usually of Mughuls, I think. It may be - noted that Lieutenant Leech compiled a vocabulary of the - tongue of the Mughul Aimaq in Qandahar and Harat (JASB 1838, - p. 785). - - [762] The _Ayin-i-akbari_ account of Kabul both uses and - supplements the _Babur-nama_. - - [763] _viz._ 'Ali-shang, Alangar and Mandrawar (the Lamghanat - proper), Ningnahar (with its _buluk_, Kama), - Kunar-with-Nur-gal, (and the two _buluks_ of Nur-valley and - Chaghan-sarai). - - [764] _See_ Appendix E, _On Nagarahara_. - - [765] The name Adinapur is held to be descended from ancient - Udyanapura (Garden-town); its ancestral form however was - applied to Nagarahara, apparently, in the Baran-Surkh-rud - _du-ab_, and not to Babur's _darogha's_ seat. The Surkh-rud's - deltaic mouth was a land of gardens; when Masson visited - Adinapur he went from Bala-bagh (High-garden); this appears to - stand where Babur locates his Bagh-i-wafa, but he was shown a - garden he took to be this one of Babur's, a mile higher up the - Surkh-rud. A later ruler made the Char-bagh of maps. It may be - mentioned that Bala-bagh has become in some maps Rozabad - (Garden-town). _See_ Masson, i, 182 and iii, 186; R.'s - _Notes_; and Wilson's _Ariana Antiqua_, Masson's art. - - [766] One of these _tangi_ is now a literary asset in Mr. - Kipling's _My Lord the Elephant_. Babur's 13 y. represent some - 82 miles; on f. 137b the Kabul-Ghazni road of 14 y. represents - some 85; in each case the _yighach_ works out at over six - miles (Index _s.n._ _yighach_ and Vigne, p. 454). Sayyid - Ghulam-i-muhammad traces this route minutely (R.'s _Notes_ pp. - 57, 59). - - [767] Masson was shewn "Chaghatai castles", attributed to - Babur (iii, 174). - - [768] Dark-turn, perhaps, as in Shibr-tu, Jal-tu, _etc._ (f. - 130b and note to Shibr-tu). - - [769] f. 145 where the change is described in identical words, - as seen south of the Jagdalik-pass. The Badam-chashma pass - appears to be a traverse of the eastern rampart of the - Tizin-valley. - - [770] Appendix E, _On Nagarahara_. - - [771] No record exists of the actual laying-out of the garden; - the work may have been put in hand during the Mahmand - expedition of 914 AH. (f. 216); the name given to it suggests - a gathering there of loyalists when the stress was over of the - bad Mughul rebellion of that year (f. 216b where the narrative - breaks off abruptly in 914 AH. and is followed by a gap down - to 925 AH.-1519 AD.). - - [772] No annals of 930 AH. are known to exist; from Safar 926 - AH. to 932 AH. (Jan. 1520-Nov. 1525 AD.) there is a lacuna. - Accounts of the expedition are given by Khafi Khan, i, 47 and - Firishta, lith. ed. p. 202. - - [773] Presumably to his son, Humayun, then governor in - Badakhshan; Bukhara also was under Babur's rule. - - [774] Here, _qari_, yards. The dimensions 10 by 10, are those - enjoined for places of ablution. - - [775] Presumably those of the _tuquz-rud_, _supra_. Cf. - Appendix E, _On Nagarahara_. - - [776] White-mountain; Pushtu, Spin-ghur (or ghar). - - [777] _i.e._ the Lamghanat proper. The range is variously - named; in (Persian) Siyah-koh (Black-mountain), which like - Turki Qara-tagh may mean non-snowy; by Tajiks, Bagh-i-ataka - (Foster-father's garden); by Afghans, Kanda-ghur, and by - Lamghanis Koh-i-bulan,--Kanda and Bulan both being - ferry-stations below it (Masson, iii, 189; also the Times Nov. - 20th 1912 for a cognate illustration of diverse naming). - - [778] A comment made here by Mr. Erskine on changes of name is - still appropriate, but some seeming changes may well be due to - varied selection of land-marks. Of the three routes next - described in the text, one crosses as for Mandrawar; the - second, as for 'Ali-shang, a little below the outfall of the - Tizin-water; the third may take off from the route, between - Kabul and Tag-au, marked in Col. Tanner's map (PRGS 1881 p. - 180). Cf. R's Route 11; and for Aulugh-nur, Appendix F, _On - the name Nur_. - - [779] The name of this pass has several variants. Its second - component, whatever its form, is usually taken to mean _pass_, - but to read it here as pass would be redundant, since Babur - writes "pass (_kutal_) of Bad-i-pich". Pich occurs as a place - name both east (Pich) and west (Pichghan) of the _kutal_, but - what would suit the bitter and even fatal winds of the pass - would be to read the name as Whirling-wind (_bad-i-pich_). - Another explanation suggests itself from finding a - considerable number of pass-names such as Shibr-tu, Jai-tu, - Qara-tu, in which _tu_ is a synonym of _pich_, turn, twist; - thus Bad-i-pich may be the local form of Bad-tu, Windy-turn. - - [780] _See_ Masson, iii, 197 and 289. Both in Pashai and - Lamghani, _lam_ means fort. - - [781] _See_ Appendix F, _On the name Dara-i-nur_. - - [782] _ghair mukarrar._ Babur may allude to the remarkable - change men have wrought in the valley-bottom (Appendix F, for - Col. Tanner's account of the valley). - - [783] f. 154. - - [784] _diospyrus lotus_, the European date-plum, supposed to - be one of the fruits eaten by the Lotophagi. It is purple, has - bloom and is of the size of a pigeon's egg or a cherry. See - Watts' _Economic Products of India_; Brandis' _Forest Trees_, - Illustrations; and Speede's _Indian Hand-book_. - - [785] As in Lombardy, perhaps; in Luhugur vines are clipped - into standards; in most other places in Afghanistan they are - planted in deep trenches and allowed to run over the - intervening ridges or over wooden framework. In the narrow - Khulm-valley they are trained up poplars so as to secure them - the maximum of sun. _See_ Wood's _Report_ VI p. 27; Bellew's - _Afghanistan_ p. I75 and _Mems_. p. 142 note. - - [786] Appendix G, _On the names of two Nuri wines_. - - [787] This practice Babur viewed with disgust, the hog being - an impure animal according to Muhammadan Law (Erskine). - - [788] The _Khazinatu'l-asfiya_ (ii, 293) explains how it came - about that this saint, one honoured in Kashmir, was buried in - Khutlan. He died in Hazara (Pakli) and there the Pakli Sultan - wished to have him buried, but his disciples, for some - unspecified reason, wished to bury him in Khutlan. In order to - decide the matter they invited the Sultan to remove the bier - with the corpse upon it. It could not be stirred from its - place. When, however, a single one of the disciples tried to - move it, he alone was able to lift it, and to bear it away on - his head. Hence the burial in Khutlan. The death occurred in - 786 AH. (1384 AD.). A point of interest in this legend is - that, like the one to follow, concerning dead women, it shews - belief in the living activities of the dead. - - [789] The MSS. vary between 920 and 925 AH.--neither date seems - correct. As the annals of 925 AH. begin in Muharram, with - Babur to the east of Bajaur, we surmise that the Chaghan-sarai - affair may have occurred on his way thither, and at the end of - 924 AH. - - [790] _karanj_, _coriandrum sativum_. - - [791] Some 20-24 m. north of Jalalabad. The name Multa-kundi - may refer to the Ram-kundi range, or mean Lower district, or - mean Below Kundi. _See_ Biddulph's _Khowari Dialect s.n_ - under; R.'s _Notes_ p. 108 and _Dict. s.n. kund_; Masson, i, - 209. - - [792] _i.e._ treat her corpse as that of an infidel (Erskine). - - [793] It would suit the position of this village if its name - were found to link to the Turki verb _chaqmaq_, to go out, - because it lies in the mouth of a defile (Dahanah-i-koh, - Mountain-mouth) through which the road for Kafiristan goes out - past the village. A not-infrequent explanation of the name to - mean White-house, Aq-sarai, may well be questioned. _Chaghan_, - white, is Mughuli and it would be less probable for a Mughuli - than for a Turki name to establish itself. Another explanation - may lie in the tribe name Chugani. The two forms _chaghan_ and - _chaghar_ may well be due to the common local interchange in - speech of _n_ with _r_. (For Dahanah-i-koh _see_ [some] maps - and Raverty's Bajaur routes.) - - [794] Nimchas, presumably,--half-bred in custom, perhaps in - blood--; and not improbably, converted Kafirs. It is useful to - remember that Kafiristan was once bounded, west and south, by - the Baran-water. - - [795] Kafir wine is mostly poor, thin and, even so, usually - diluted with water. When kept two or three years, however, it - becomes clear and sometimes strong. Sir G. S. Robertson never - saw a Kafir drunk (_Kafirs of the Hindu-kush_, p. 591). - - [796] Kama might have classed better under Ningnahar of which - it was a dependency. - - [797] _i.e._ water-of-Nijr; so too, Badr-au and Tag-au. - Nijr-au has seven-valleys (JASB 1838 p. 329 and Burnes' - _Report X_). Sayyid Ghulam-i-muhammad mentions that Babur - established a frontier-post between Nijr-au and Kafiristan - which in his own day was still maintained. He was an envoy of - Warren Hastings to Timur Shah _Sadozi_ (R.'s _Notes_ p. 36 and - p. 142). - - [798] _Kafirwash_; they were Kafirs converted to - Muhammadanism. - - [799] _Archa_, if not inclusive, meaning conifer, may - represent _juniperus excelsa_, this being the common local - conifer. The other trees of the list are _pinus Gerardiana_ - (Brandis, p. 690), _quercus bilut_, the holm-oak, and - _pistacia mutica_ or _khanjak_, a tree yielding mastic. - - [800] _ruba-i-parwan_, _pteromys inornatus_, the large, red - flying-squirrel (Blandford's _Fauna of British India_, - _Mammalia_, p. 363). - - [801] The _giz_ is a short-flight arrow used for shooting - small birds _etc._ Descending flights of squirrels have been - ascertained as 60 yards, one, a record, of 80 (Blandford). - - [802] Apparently _tetrogallus himalayensis_, the Himalayan - snow-cock (Blandford, iv, 143).Burnes (_Cabool_ p. 163) - describes the _kabg-i-dari_ as the _rara avis_ of the Kabul - Kohistan, somewhat less than a turkey, and of the _chikor_ - (partridge) species. It was procured for him first in - Ghur-bund, but, when snow has fallen, it could be had nearer - Kabul. Babur's _bu-qalamun_ may have come into his vocabulary, - either as a survival direct from Greek occupation of Kabul and - Panj-ab, or through Arabic writings. PRGS 1879 p. 251, Kaye's - art. and JASB 1838 p. 863, Hodgson's art. - - [803] Bartavelle's _Greek-partridge_, _tetrao-_ or - _perdrix-rufus_ [f. 279 and Mems. p. 320 n.]. - - [804] A similar story is told of some fields near - Whitby:--"These wild geese, which in winter fly in great flocks - to the lakes and rivers unfrozen in the southern parts, to the - great amazement of every-one, fall suddenly down upon the - ground when they are in flight over certain neighbouring - fields thereabouts; a relation I should not have made, if I - had not received it from several credible men." See _Notes to - Marmion_ p. xlvi (Erskine); Scott's _Poems_, Black's ed. 1880, - vii, 104. - - [805] Are we to infer from this that the musk-rat (_Crocidura - coerulea_, Lydekker, p. 626) was not so common in Hindustan in - the age of Babur as it has now become? He was not a careless - observer (Erskine). - - [806] Index _s.n._ _Babur-nama_, date of composition; also f. - 131. - - [807] In the absence of examples of _bund_ to mean _kutal_, - and the presence "in those countries" of many in which _bund_ - means _koh_, it looks as though a clerical error had here - written _kutal_ for _koh_. But on the other hand, the wording - of the next passage shows just the confusion an author's - unrevised draft might shew if a place were, as this is, both a - _tuman_ and a _kutal_ (_i.e._ a steady rise to a traverse). My - impression is that the name Ghur-bund applies to the embanking - spur at the head of the valley-_tuman_, across which roads - lead to Ghuri and Ghur (PRGS 1879, Maps; Leech's Report VII; - and Wood's VI). - - [808] So too when, because of them, Leech and Lord turned - back, _re infecta_. - - [809] It will be noticed that these villages are not classed - in any _tuman_; they include places "rich without parallel" in - agricultural products, and level lands on which towns have - risen and fallen, one being Alexandria ad Caucasum. They - cannot have been part of the unremunerative Ghur-bund _tuman_; - from their place of mention in Babur's list of _tumans_, they - may have been part of the Kabul _tuman_ (f. 178), as was - Koh-daman (Burnes' _Cabool_ p. 154; Haughton's _Charikar_ p. - 73; and Cunningham's _Ancient History_, i, 18). - - [810] Dur-namai, seen from afar (Masson, iii, 152) is not - marked on the Survey Maps; Masson, Vigne and Haughton locate - it. Babur's "head" and "foot" here indicate status and not - location. - - [811] Mems. p. 146 and _Mems_, i, 297, Arabs' encampment and - _Cellule des Arabes_. Perhaps the name may refer to uses of - the level land and good pasture by horse _qafilas_, since - _Kurra_ is written with _tashdid_ in the Haidarabad Codex, as - in _kurra-taz_, a horse-breaker. Or the _taziyan_ may be the - fruit of a legend, commonly told, that the saint of the - neighbouring Running-sands was an Arabian. - - [812] Presumably this is the grass of the millet, the growth - before the ear, on which grazing is allowed (Elphinstone, i, - 400; Burnes, p. 237). - - [813] Wood, p. 115; Masson, iii, 167; Burnes, p. 157 and JASB - 1838 p. 324 with illustration; Vigne, pp. 219, 223; Lord, JASB - 1838 p. 537; _Cathay and the way thither_, Hakluyt Society - vol. I. p. xx, para. 49; _History of Musical Sands_, C. - Carus-Wilson. - - [814] _West_ might be more exact, since some of the group are - a little north, others a little south of the latitude of - Kabul. - - [815] Affluents and not true sources in some cases (Col. - Holdich's _Gates of India_, _s.n._ Koh-i-baba; and PRGS 1879, - maps pp. 80 and 160). - - [816] The Pamghan range. These are the villages every - traveller celebrates. Masson's and Vigne's illustrations - depict them well. - - [817] _Cercis siliquastrum_, the Judas-tree. Even in 1842 it - was sparingly found near Kabul, adorning a few tombs, one - Babur's own. It had been brought from Sih-yaran where, as also - at Charikar, (Char-yak-kar) it was still abundant and still a - gorgeous sight. It is there a tree, as at Kew, and not a bush, - as in most English gardens (Masson, ii, 9; Elphinstone, i, - 194; and for the tree near Harat, f. 191 n. to Safar). - - [818] Khwaja Maudud of Chisht, Khwaja Khawand Sa'id and the - Khwaja of the Running-sands (Elph. MS. f. 104b, marginal - note). - - [819] The yellow-flowered plant is not _cercis siliquastrum_ - but one called _mahaka_(?) in Persian, a shrubby plant with - pea-like blossoms, common in the plains of Persia, Biluchistan - and Kabul (Masson, iii, 9 and Vigne, p. 216). - - [820] The numerical value of these words gives 925 (Erskine). - F. 246b _et seq._ for the expedition. - - [821] f. 178. I.O. MS. No. 724, _Haft-iqlim_ f. 135 (Ethe, p. - 402); Rieu, pp. 21_a_, 1058_b_. - - [822] of Afghan habit. The same term is applied (f. 139b) to - the Zurmutis; it may be explained in both places by Babur's - statement that Zurmutis grow corn, but do not cultivate - gardens or orchards. - - [823] _aikan dur._ Sabuk-tigin, d. 387 AH.-997 AD., was the - father of Sl. Mahmud _Ghaznawi_, d. 421 AH.-1030 AD. - - [824] d. 602 AH.-1206 AD. - - [825] Some Musalmans fast through the months of Rajab, Sha'ban - and Ramzan; Muhammadans fast only by day; the night is often - given to feasting (Erskine). - - [826] The Garden; the tombs of more eminent Musalmans are - generally in gardens (Erskine). See Vigne's illustrations, pp. - 133, 266. - - [827] _i.e._ the year now in writing. The account of the - expedition, Babur's first into Hindustan, begins on f. 145. - - [828] _i.e._ the countries groupable as Khurasan. - - [829] For picture and account of the dam, _see_ Vigne, pp. - 138, 202. - - [830] f. 295b. - - [831] The legend is told in numerous books with varying - location of the spring. One narrator, Zakariya _Qazwini_, - reverses the parts, making Jai-pal employ the ruse; hence - Leyden's note (Mems. p. 150; E. and D.'s _History of India_ - ii, 20, 182 and iv, 162; for historical information, R.'s - _Notes_ p. 320). The date of the events is shortly after 378 - AH.-988 AD. - - [832] R.'s _Notes_ _s.n._ Zurmut. - - [833] The question of the origin of the Farmuli has been - written of by several writers; perhaps they were Turks of - Persia, Turks and Tajiks. - - [834] This completes the list of the 14 _tumans_ of Kabul, - _viz._ Ningnahar, 'Ali-shang, Alangar, Mandrawar, - Kunar-with-Nur-gal, Nijr-au, Panjhir, Ghur-bund, Koh-daman - (with Kohistan?), Luhugur (of the Kabul _tuman_), Ghazni, - Zurmut, Farmul and Bangash. - - [835] Between Nijr-au and Tag-au (Masson, iii, 165). Mr. - Erskine notes that Babur reckoned it in the hot climate but - that the change of climate takes place further east, between - 'Ali-shang and Auzbin (_i.e._ the valley next eastwards from - Tag-au). - - [836] _bughuzlarigha fursat bulmas_; _i.e._ to kill them in - the lawful manner, while pronouncing the _Bi'smi'llah_. - - [837] This completes the _buluks_ of Kabul _viz._ Badr-au - (Tag-au), Nur-valley, Chaghan-sarai, Kama and Ala-sai. - - [838] The _rupi_ being equal to 2-1/2 _shahrukhis_, the - _shahrukhi_ may be taken at 10_d._ thus making the total - revenue only L33,333 6_s._ 8_d._ See _Ayin-i-akbari_ ii, 169 - (Erskine). - - [839] _sic_ in all B. N. MSS. Most maps print Khost. Muh. - Salih says of Khwast, "Who sees it, would call it a Hell" - (Vambery, p. 361). - - [840] Babur's statement about this fodder is not easy to - translate; he must have seen grass grow in tufts, and must - have known the Persian word _buta_ (bush). Perhaps _kah_ - should be read to mean plant, not grass. Would Wood's _bootr_ - fit in, a small furze bush, very plentiful near Bamian? - (Wood's Report VI, p. 23; and for regional grasses, - Aitchison's _Botany of the Afghan Delimitation Commission_, p. - 122.) - - [841] _nazu_, perhaps _cupressus torulosa_ (Brandis, p.693). - - [842] f. 276. - - [843] A laborious geographical note of Mr. Erskine's is here - regretfully left behind, as now needless (Mems. p. 152). - - [844] Here, mainly wild-sheep and wild-goats, including - _mar-khwar_. - - [845] Perhaps, no conifers; perhaps none of those of the - contrasted hill-tract. - - [846] While here _dasht_ (plain) represents the eastern skirt - of the Mehtar Sulaiman range, _duki_ or _dugi_ (desert) seems - to stand for the hill tracts on the west of it, and not, as on - f. 152, for the place there specified. - - [847] Mems. p. 152, "A narrow place is large to the - narrow-minded"; _Mems._ i, 311, "Ce qui n'est pas trop large, - ne reste pas vide." Literally, "So long as heights are not - equal, there is no vis-a-vis," or, if _tang_ be read for - _ting_, "No dawn, no noon," _i.e._ no effect without a cause. - - [848] I have not lighted on this name in botanical books or - explained by dictionaries. Perhaps it is a Cis-oxanian name - for the _sax-aol_ of Transoxania. As its uses are enumerated - by some travellers, it might be _Haloxylon ammodendron_, - _ta-ghas etc._ and _sax-aol_ (Aitchison, p. 102). - - [849] f. 135b note to Ghur-bund. - - [850] I understand that wild-goats, wild-sheep and deer - (_ahu_) were not localized, but that the dun-sheep migrated - through. Antelope (_ahu_) was scarce in Elphinstone's time. - - [851] _qizil kiyik_ which, taken with its alternative name, - _arqarghalcha_, allows it to be the dun-sheep of Wood's - _Journey_ p. 241. From its second name it may be _Ovis amnon_ - (_Raos_), or _O. argali_. - - [852] _tusqawal_, var. _tutqawal_, _tusaqawal_ and - _tushqawal_, a word which has given trouble to scribes and - translators. As a sporting-term it is equivalent to - _shikar-i-nihilam_; in one or other of its forms I find it - explained as _Weg-hueter_, _Fahnen-hueter_, _Zahl-meister_, - _Schlucht_, _Gefahrlicher-weg_ and _Schmaler-weg_. It recurs - in the B.N. on f. 197b l. 5 and l. 6 and there might mean - either a narrow road or a _Weg-hueter_. If its Turki root be - _tus_, the act of stopping, all the above meanings can follow, - but there may be two separate roots, the second, _tush_, the - act of descent (JRAS 1900 p. 137, H. Beveridge's art. _On the - word nihilam_). - - [853] _qushlik_, _aitlik_. Elphinstone writes (i, 191) of the - excellent greyhounds and hawking birds of the region; here the - bird may be the _charkh_, which works with the dogs, fastening - on the head of the game (Von Schwarz, p. 117, for the same use - of eagles). - - [854] An antelope resembling the usual one of Hindustan is - common south of Ghazni (Vigne, p. 110); what is not found may - be some classes of wild-sheep, frequent further north, at - higher elevation, and in places more familiar to Babur. - - [855] The Parwan or Hindu-kush pass, concerning the winds of - which _see_ f. 128. - - [856] _turna u qarqara_; the second of which is the Hindi - _bugla_, heron, _egret ardea gazetta_, the furnisher of the - aigrette of commerce. - - [857] The _auqar_ is _ardea cinerea_, the grey heron; the - _qarqara_ is _ardea gazetta_, the egret. _Qutan_ is explained - in the Elph. Codex (f. 110) by _khawasil_, goldfinch, but the - context concerns large birds; Scully (Shaw's Voc.) has - _qodan_, water-hen, which suits better. - - [858] _giz_, the short-flight arrow. - - [859] a small, round-headed nail with which a whip-handle is - decorated (Vambery). Such a stud would keep the cord from - slipping through the fingers and would not check the - arrow-release. - - [860] It has been understood (Mems. p. 158 and _Mems._ i, 313) - that the arrow was flung by hand but if this were so, - something heavier than the _giz_ would carry the cord better, - since it certainly would be difficult to direct a missile so - light as an arrow without the added energy of the bow. The - arrow itself will often have found its billet in the - closely-flying flock; the cord would retrieve the bird. The - verb used in the text is _aitmaq_, the one common to express - the discharge of arrows _etc._ - - [861] For Timurids who may have immigrated the fowlers _see_ - Raverty's _Notes_ p. 579 and his Appendix p. 22. - - [862] _milwah_; this has been read by all earlier translators, - and also by the Persian annotator of the Elph. Codex, to mean - _shakh_, bough. For decoy-ducks _see_ Bellew's _Notes on - Afghanistan_ p. 404. - - [863] _qulan quyirughi._ Amongst the many plants used to drug - fish I have not found this one mentioned. _Khar-zahra_ and - _khar-faq_ approach it in verbal meaning; the first describes - colocynth, the second, wild rue. See Watts' _Economic Products - of India_ iii, 366 and Bellew's _Notes_ pp. 182, 471 and 478. - - [864] Much trouble would have been spared to himself and his - translators, if Babur had known a lobster-pot. - - [865] The fish, it is to be inferred, came down the fall into - the pond. - - [866] Burnes and Vigne describe a fall 20 miles from Kabul, at - "Tangi Gharoi", [below where the Tag-au joins the - Baran-water,] to which in their day, Kabulis went out for the - amusement of catching fish as they try to leap up the fall. - Were these migrants seeking upper waters or were they captives - in a fish-pond? - - [867] Elph. MS. f. 111; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 116b and 217 f. - 97b; Mems. p. 155; _Mems._ i, 318. - - [868] _mihman-beglar_, an expression first used by Babur here, - and due, presumably, to accessions from Khusrau Shah's - following. A parallel case is given in Max Mueller's _Science - of Language_ i, 348 ed. 1871, "Turkman tribes ... call - themselves, not subjects, but guests of the Uzbeg Khans." - - [869] _tiyul-dik_ in all the Turki MSS. Ilminsky, de - Courteille and Zenker, _yitul-dik_, Turki, a fief. - - [870] _Wilayat khud hech birilmadi_; W.-i-B. 215 f. 116b, - _Wilayat dada na shuda_ and 217 f. 97b, _Wilayat khud hech - dada na shud_. By this I understand that he kept the lands of - Kabul itself in his own hands. He mentions (f. 350) and - Gul-badan mentions (H.N. f. 40b) his resolve so to keep Kabul. - I think he kept not only the fort but all lands constituting - the Kabul _tuman_ (f. 135b and note). - - [871] _Saifi dur, qalami aimas_, _i.e._ tax is taken by force, - not paid on a written assessment. - - [872] _khar-war_, about 700 lbs Averdupois (Erskine). Cf. - _Ayin-i-akbari_ (Jarrett, ii, 394). - - [873] Nizamu'd-din Ahmad and Badayuni both mention this script - and say that in it Babur transcribed a copy of the Qoran for - presentation to Makka. Badayuni says it was unknown in his - day, the reign of Akbar (_Tabaqat-i-akbari_, lith. ed. p. - 193, and _Muntakhabu't-tawarikh_ Bib. Ind. ed. iii, 273). - - [874] Babur's route, taken with one given by Raverty (_Notes_ - p. 691), allows these Hazaras, about whose location Mr. - Erskine was uncertain, to be located between the Takht-pass - (Arghandi-Maidan-Unai road), on their east, and the Sang-lakh - mountains, on their west. - - [875] The Takht-pass, one on which from times immemorial, toll - (_nirkh_) has been taken. - - [876] _khatir-khwah chapilmadi_, which perhaps implies mutual - discontent, Babur's with his gains, the Hazaras' with their - losses. As the second Persian translation omits the negative, - the Memoirs does the same. - - [877] Bhira being in Shahpur, this Khan's _darya_ will be the - Jehlam. - - [878] Babur uses Persian _dasht_ and Hindi _duki_, plain and - hill, for the tracts east and west of Mehtar Sulaiman. The - first, _dasht_, stands for Daman (skirt) and Dara-i-jat, the - second, _duki_, indefinitely for the broken lands west of the - main range, but also, in one instance for the Duki [Dugi] - district of Qandahar, as will be noted. - - [879] f. 132. The Jagdalik-pass for centuries has separated - the districts of Kabul and Ningnahar. Forster (_Travels_ ii, - 68), making the journey the reverse way, was sensible of the - climatic change some 3m. east of Gandamak. Cf. Wood's _Report_ - I. p. 6. - - [880] These are they whose families Nasir Mirza shepherded out - of Kabul later (f. 154, f. 155). - - [881] Bird's-dome, opposite the mouth of the Kunar-water - (_S.A. War_, Map p. 64). - - [882] This word is variously pointed and is uncertain. Mr. - Erskine adopted "Pekhi", but, on the whole, it may be best to - read, here and on f. 146, Ar. _fajj_ or pers. _paj_, mountain - or pass. To do so shews the guide to be one located in the - Khaibar-pass, a _Fajji_ or _Paji_. - - [883] mod. Jam-rud (Jam-torrent), presumably. - - [884] G. of I. xx, 125 and Cunningham's _Ancient History_ i, - 80. Babur saw the place in 925 AH. (f. 232b). - - [885] Cunningham, p. 29. Four ancient sites, not far removed - from one another, bear this name, Bigram, _viz._ those near - Hupian, Kabul, Jalalabad and Pashawar. - - [886] Cunningham, i, 79. - - [887] Perhaps a native of Kamari on the Indus, but _kamari_ is - a word of diverse application (index _s.n._). - - [888] The annals of this campaign to the eastward shew that - Babur was little of a free agent; that many acts of his own - were merciful; that he sets down the barbarity of others as it - was, according to his plan of writing (f. 86); and that he had - with him undisciplined robbers of Khusrau Shah's former - following. He cannot be taken as having power to command or - control the acts of those, his guest-begs and their following, - who dictated his movements in this disastrous journey, one - worse than a defeat, says Haidar Mirza. - - [889] For the route here _see_ Masson, i, 117 and Colquhoun's - _With the Kuram Field-force_ p. 48. - - [890] The Hai. MS. writes this Dilah-zak. - - [891] _i.e._ raised a force in Babur's name. He took advantage - of this _farman_ in 911 AH. to kill Baqi _Chagkaniani_ (f. - 159b-160). - - [892] Of the Yusuf-zai and Ranjit-singh, Masson says, (i, 141) - "The miserable, hunted wretches threw themselves on the - ground, and placing a blade or tuft of grass in their mouths, - cried out, "I am your cow." This act and explanation, which - would have saved them from an orthodox Hindu, had no effect - with the infuriated Sikhs." This form of supplication is at - least as old as the days of Firdausi (Erskine, p. 159 n.). The - _Bahar-i-'ajam_ is quoted by Vullers as saying that in India, - suppliants take straw in the mouth to indicate that they are - blanched and yellow from fear. - - [893] This barbarous custom has always prevailed amongst the - Tartar conquerors of Asia (Erskine). For examples under Timur - _see_ Raverty's _Notes_ p. 137. - - [894] For a good description of the road from Kohat to Thal - _see_ Bellew's _Mission_ p. 104. - - [895] F. 88b has the same phrase about the doubtful courage of - one Sayyidi Qara. - - [896] Not to the mod. town of Bannu, [that having been begun - only in 1848 AD.] but wherever their wrong road brought them - out into the Bannu amphitheatre. The Survey Map of 1868, No. - 15, shews the physical features of the wrong route. - - [897] Perhaps he connived at recovery of cattle by those - raided already. - - [898] Taq is the Tank of Maps; Bazar was s.w. of it. Tank for - Taq looks to be a variant due to nasal utterance (Vigne, p. - 77, p. 203 and Map; and, as bearing on the nasal, _in loco_, - Appendix E). - - [899] If return had been made after over-running Bannu, it - would have been made by the Tochi-valley and so through - Farmul; if after over-running the Plain, Babur's details shew - that the westward turn was meant to be by the Gumal-valley and - one of two routes out of it, still to Farmul; but the extended - march southward to near Dara-i-Ghazi Khan made the westward - turn be taken through the valley opening at Sakhi-sawar. - - [900] This will mean, none of the artificial runlets familiar - where Babur had lived before getting to know Hindustan. - - [901] _sauda-at_, perhaps, pack-ponies, perhaps, bred for sale - and not for own use. Burnes observes that in 1837 Luhani - merchants carried precisely the same articles of trade as in - Babur's day, 332 years earlier (_Report_ IX p. 99). - - [902] Mr. Erskine thought it probable that the first of these - routes went through Kaniguram, and the second through the - Ghwaliri-pass and along the Gumal. _Birk_, fastness, would - seem an appropriate name for Kaniguram, but, if Babur meant to - go to Ghazni, he would be off the ordinary Gumal-Ghazni route - in going through Farmul (Aurgun). Raverty's _Notes_ give much - useful detail about these routes, drawn from native sources. - For Barak (Birk) _see_ _Notes_ pp. 88, 89; Vigne, p. 102. - - [903] From this it would seem that the alternative roads were - approached by one in common. - - [904] _tumshuq_, a bird's bill, used here, as in Selsey-bill, - for the naze (nose), or snout, the last spur, of a range. - - [905] Here these words may be common nouns. - - [906] Nu-roz, the feast of the old Persian New-year (Erskine); - it is the day on which the Sun enters Aries. - - [907] In the [Turki] Elph. and Hai. MSS. and in some Persian - ones, there is a space left here as though to indicate a known - omission. - - [908] _kamari_, sometimes a cattle-enclosure, which may serve - as a _sangur_. The word may stand in one place of its - _Babur-nama_ uses for Gum-rahi (R.'s _Notes_ _s.n._ - Gum-rahan). - - [909] Index _s.n._ - - [910] Vigne, p. 241. - - [911] This name can be translated "He turns not back" or "He - stops not". - - [912] _i.e._ five from Bilah. - - [913] Raverty gives the saint's name as Pir Kanun (Ar. - _kanun_, listened to). It is the well-known Sakhi-sarwar, - honoured hy Hindus and Muhammadans. (G. of I., xxi, 390; R.'s - _Notes_ p. 11 and p. 12 and JASB 1855; Calcutta Review 1875, - Macauliffe's art. _On the fair at Sakhi-sarwar_; Leech's - _Report_ VII, for the route; _Khazinatu 'l-asfiya_ iv, 245.) - - [914] This seems to be the sub-district of Qandahar, Duki or - Dugi. - - [915] _khar-gah_, a folding tent on lattice frame-work, - perhaps a _khibitka_. - - [916] It may be more correct to write Kah-mard, as the Hai. - MS. does and to understand in the name a reference to the - grass(_kah_)-yielding capacity of the place. - - [917] f. 121. - - [918] This may mean, what irrigation has not used. - - [919] Mr. Erskine notes that the description would lead us to - imagine a flock of flamingoes. Masson found the lake filled - with red-legged, white fowl (i, 262); these and also what - Babur saw, may have been the China-goose which has body and - neck white, head and tail russet (Bellew's _Mission_ p. 402). - Broadfoot seems to have visited the lake when migrants were - few, and through this to have been led to adverse comment on - Babur's accuracy (p. 350). - - [920] The usual dryness of the bed may have resulted from the - irrigation of much land some 12 miles from Ghazni. - - [921] This is the Luhugur (Logar) water, knee-deep in winter - at the ford but spreading in flood with the spring-rains. - Babur, not being able to cross it for the direct roads into - Kabul, kept on along its left bank, crossing it eventually at - the Kamari of maps, s.e. of Kabul. - - [922] This disastrous expedition, full of privation and loss, - had occupied some four months (T.R. p. 201). - - [923] f. 145b. - - [924] f. 133b and Appendix F. - - [925] They were located in Mandrawar in 926 AH. (f. 251). - - [926] This was done, manifestly, with the design of drawing - after the families their fighting men, then away with Babur. - - [927] f. 163. Shaibaq Khan besieged Chin Sufi, Sl. Husain - Mirza's man in Khwarizm (T. R. p. 204; _Shaibani-nama_, - Vambery, Table of Contents and note 89). - - [928] Survey Map 1889, Sadda. The Ragh-water flows n.w. into - the Oxus (Amu). - - [929] _birk_, a mountain stronghold; cf. f. 149b note to Birk - (Barak). - - [930] They were thus driven on from the Baran-water (f. 154b). - - [931] f. 126b. - - [932] Hisar, presumably. - - [933] Here "His Honour" translates Babur's clearly ironical - honorific plural. - - [934] These two sultans, almost always mentioned in alliance, - may be Timurids by maternal descent (Index _s.nn._). So far I - have found no direct statement of their parentage. My husband - has shewn me what may be one indication of it, _viz._ that two - of the uncles of Shaibaq Khan (whose kinsmen the sultans seem - to be), Quj-kunji and Siunjak, were sons of a daughter of the - Timurid Aulugh Beg _Samarkandi_ (H.S. ii, 318). _See_ - Vambery's _Bukhara_ p. 248 note. - - [935] For the deaths of Tambal and Mahmud, mentioned in the - above summary of Shaibaq Khan's actions, _see_ the - _Shaibani-nama_, Vambery, p. 323. - - [936] H.S. ii, 323, for Khusrau Shah's character and death. - - [937] f. 124. - - [938] Khwaja-of-the-rhubarb, presumably a shrine near - rhubarb-grounds (f. 129b). - - [939] _yakshi bardilar_, lit. went well, a common expression - in the _Babur-nama_, of which the reverse statement is - _yamanlik bila bardi_ (f. 163). Some Persian MSS. make the - Mughuls disloyal but this is not only in opposition to the - Turki text, it is a redundant statement since if disloyal, - they are included in Babur's previous statement, as being - Khusrau Shah's retainers. What might call for comment in - Mughuls would be loyalty to Babur. - - [940] Elph. MS. f. 121b: W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 126 and 217 f. - 106b; Mems. p. 169. - - [941] _tagh-damanasi_, presumably the Koh-daman, and the - garden will thus be the one of f. 136b. - - [942] If these heirs were descendants of Aulugh Beg M. one - would be at hand in 'Abdu'r-razzaq, then a boy, and another, a - daughter, was the wife of Muqim _Arghun_. As Mr. Erskine - notes, Musalmans are most scrupulous not to bury their dead in - ground gained by violence or wrong. - - [943] The news of Ahmad's death was belated; he died some 13 - months earlier, in the end of 909 AH. and in Eastern - Turkistan. Perhaps details now arrived. - - [944] _i.e._ the fortieth day of mourning, when alms are - given. - - [945] Of those arriving, the first would find her - step-daughter dead, the second her sister, the third, his late - wife's sister (T. R. p. 196). - - [946] This will be the earthquake felt in Agra on Safar 3rd - 911 AH. (July 5th 1505 AD. Erskine's _History of India_ i, 229 - note). Cf. Elliot and Dowson, iv, 465 and v, 99. - - [947] Raverty's _Notes_ p. 690. - - [948] _bir kitta tash atimi_; var. _bash atimi_. If _tash_ be - right, the reference will probably be to the throw of a - catapult. - - [949] Here almost certainly, a drummer, because there were two - tambours and because also Babur uses _'audi_ & _ghachaki_ for - the other meanings of _tambourchi_, lutanist and guitarist. - The word has found its way, as _tambourgi_, into Childe - Harold's Pilgrimage (Canto ii, lxxii. H. B.). - - [950] Kabul-Ghazni road (R.'s _Notes_ index _s.n._). - - [951] var. Yari. Tazi is on the Ghazni-Qalat-i-ghilzai road - (R.'s _Notes_, Appendix p. 46). - - [952] _i.e._ in Kabul and in the Trans-Himalayan country. - - [953] These will be those against Babur's suzerainty done by - their defence of Qalat for Muqim. - - [954] _tabaqa_, dynasty. By using this word Babur shews - recognition of high birth. It is noticeable that he usually - writes of an Arghun chief either simply as "Beg" or without a - title. This does not appear to imply admission of equality, - since he styles even his brothers and sisters Mirza and Begim; - nor does it shew familiarity of intercourse, since none seems - to have existed between him and Zu'n-nun or Muqim. That he did - not admit equality is shewn on f. 208. The T.R. styles - Zu'n-nun "Mirza", a title by which, as also by Shah, his - descendants are found styled (A.-i-a. Blochmann, _s.n._). - - [955] Turki _khachar_ is a camel or mule used for carrying - personal effects. The word has been read by some scribes as - _khanjar_, dagger. - - [956] In 910 AH. he had induced Babur to come to Kabul instead - of going into Khurasan (H.S. iii, 319); in the same year he - dictated the march to Kohat, and the rest of that disastrous - travel. His real name was not Baqi but Muhammad Baqir (H.S. - iii, 311). - - [957] These transit or custom duties are so called because the - dutiable articles are stamped with a _tamgha_, a wooden stamp. - - [958] Perhaps this word is an equivalent of Persian _goshi_, a - tax on cattle and beasts of burden. - - [959] Baqi was one only and not the head of the Lords of the - Gate. - - [960] The choice of the number nine, links on presumably to - the mystic value attached to it _e.g._ Tarkhans had nine - privileges; gifts were made by nines. - - [961] It is near Hasan-abdal (A.-i-A. Jarrett, ii, 324). - - [962] For the _farman_, f. 146b; for Gujurs, G. of I. - - [963] var. Khwesh. Its water flows into the Ghur-bund stream; - it seems to be the Dara-i-Turkman of Stanford and the Survey - Maps both of which mark Janglik. For Hazara turbulence, f. - 135b and note. - - [964] The repetition of _auq_ in this sentence can hardly be - accidental. - - [965] _taur_ [_dara_], which I take to be Turki, round, - complete. - - [966] Three MSS. of the Turki text write _bir simizluq tiwah_; - but the two Persian translations have _yak shuturluq farbih_, - a _shuturluq_ being a baggage-camel with little hair - (Erskine). - - [967] _brochettes_, meat cut into large mouthfuls, spitted and - roasted. - - [968] Perhaps he was officially an announcer; the word means - also bearer of good news. - - [969] _yilang_, without mail, as in the common phrase _yigit - yilang_, a bare brave. - - [970] _aupchin_, of horse and man (f. 113b and note). - - [971] Manifestly Babur means that he twice actually helped to - collect the booty. - - [972] This is that part of a horse covered by the two - side-pieces of a Turki saddle, from which the side-arch - springs on either side (Shaw). - - [973] _Baran-ning ayaghi._ Except the river I have found - nothing called Baran; the village marked Baian on the French - Map would suit the position; it is n.e. of Char-yak-kar (f. - 184b note). - - [974] _i.e._ prepared to fight. - - [975] For the Hazara (Turki, Ming) on the Mirza's road _see_ - Raverty's routes from Ghazni to the north. An account given by - the _Tarikh-i-rashidi_ (p. 196) of Jahangir's doings is - confused; its parenthetical "(at the same time)" can hardly be - correct. Jahangir left Ghazni now, (911 AH.), as Babur left - Kabul in 912 AH. without knowledge of Husain's death (911 - AH.). Babur had heard it (f. 183b) before Jahangir joined him - (912 AH.); after their meeting they went on together to Heri. - The petition of which the T. R. speaks as made by Jahangir to - Babur, that he might go into Khurasan and help the Bai-qara - Mirzas must have been made after the meeting of the two at - Saf-hill (f. 184b). - - [976] The plurals _they_ and _their_ of the preceding sentence - stand no doubt for the Mirza, Yusuf and Buhlul who all had - such punishment due as would lead them to hear threat in - Qasim's words now when all were within Babur's pounce. - - [977] These are the _aimaqs_ from which the fighting-men went - east with Babur in 910 AH. and the families in which Nasir - shepherded across Hindu-kush (f. 154 and f. 155). - - [978] _yamanlik bila bardi_; cf. f. 156b and n. for its - opposite, _yakhshi bardilar_; and T. R. p. 196. - - [979] One might be of mail, the other of wadded cloth. - - [980] Chin Sufi was Husain _Bai-qara's_ man (T.R. p. 204). His - arduous defence, faithfulness and abandonment recall the - instance of a later time when also a long road stretched - between the man and the help that failed him. But the Mirza - was old, his military strength was, admittedly, sapped by - ease; hence his elder Khartum, his neglect of his Gordon. - - It should be noted that no mention of the page's fatal arrow - is made by the _Shaibani-nama_ (Vambery, p. 442), or by the - _Tarikh-i-rashidi_ (p. 204). Chin Sufi's death was on the 21st - of the Second Rabi 911 AH. (Aug. 22nd 1505 AD.). - - [981] This may be the "Baboulei" of the French Map of 1904, on - the Heri-Kushk-Maruchaq road. - - [982] Elph. MS. f. 127; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 132 and 217 f. - 111b; Mems. p. 175; _Mems._ i, 364. - - That Babur should have given his laborious account of the - Court of Heri seems due both to loyalty to a great Timurid, - seated in Timur Beg's place (f. 122b), and to his own - interest, as a man-of-letters and connoisseur in excellence, - in that ruler's galaxy of talent. His account here opening is - not complete; its sources are various; they include the - _Habibu's-siyar_ and what he will have learned himself in Heri - or from members of the Bai-qara family, knowledgeable women - some of them, who were with him in Hindustan. The narrow scope - of my notes shews that they attempt no more than to indicate - further sources of information and to clear up a few - obscurities. - - [983] Timur's youngest son, d. 850 AH. (1446 AD.). Cf. H.S. - iii, 203. The use in this sentence of Amir and not Beg as - Timur's title is, up to this point, unique in the - _Babur-nama_; it may be a scribe's error. - - [984] Firuza's paternal line of descent was as - follows:--Firuza, daughter of Sl. Husain _Qanjut_, son of Aka - Begim, daughter of Timur. Her maternal descent was:--Firuza, d. - of Qutluq-sultan Begim, d. of Miran-shah, s. of Timur. She - died Muh. 24th 874 AH. (July 25th 1489 AD. H.S. iii, 218). - - [985] "No-one in the world had such parentage", writes - Khwand-amir, after detailing the Timurid, Chingiz-khanid, and - other noted strains meeting in Husain _Bai-qara_ (H.S. iii, - 204). - - [986] The Elph. MS. gives the Begim no name; Badi'u'l-jamal is - correct (H.S. iii, 242). The curious "Badka" needs - explanation. It seems probable that Babur left one of his - blanks for later filling-in; the natural run of his sentence - here is "Aka B. and Badi'u'l-jamal B." and not the detail, - which follows in its due place, about the marriage with Ahmad. - - [987] _Diwan bashida hasir bulmas aidi_; the sense of which - may be that Bai-qara did not sit where the premier retainer - usually sat at the head of the Court (Pers. trs. - _sar-i-diwan_). - - [988] From this Wais and Sl. Husain M.'s daughter Sultanim (f. - 167b) were descended the Bai-qara Mirzas who gave Akbar so - much trouble. - - [989] As this man might be mistaken for Babur's uncle (_q.v._) - of the same name, it may be well to set down his parentage. He - was a s. of Mirza Sayyidi Ahmad, s. of Miran-shah, s. of Timur - (H.S. iii, 217, 241). I have not found mention elsewhere of - "Ahmad s. of Miran-shah"; the _sayyidi_ in his style points to - a sayyida mother. He was Governor of Heri for a time, for Sl. - H.M.; 'Ali-sher has notices of him and of his son, Kichik - Mirza (_Journal Asiatique_ xvii, 293, M. Belin's art. where - may be seen notices of many other men mentioned by Babur). - - [990] He collected and thus preserved 'Ali-sher's earlier - poems (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 294). Mu'inu'd-din al Zamji writes - respectfully of his being worthy of credence in some Egyptian - matters with which he became acquainted in twice passing - through that country on his Pilgrimage (_Journal Asiatique_ - xvi, 476, de Meynard's article). - - [991] Kichik M.'s quatrain is a mere plagiarism of Jami's - which I am indebted to my husband for locating as in the - _Diwan_ I.O. MS. 47 p. 47; B.M. Add. 7774 p. 290; and Add. - 7775 p. 285. M. Belin interprets the verse as an expression of - the rise of the average good man to mystical rapture, not as - his lapse from abstinence to indulgence (l.c. xvii, 296 and - notes). - - [992] Elph. MS. _younger_ but Hai. MS. _older_ in which it is - supported by the "also" (_ham_) of the sentence. - - [993] modern Astrakhan. Husain's guerilla wars were those - through which he cut his way to the throne of Heri. This begim - was married first to Pir Budagh Sl. (H.S. iii, 242); he dying, - she was married by Ahmad, presumably by levirate custom - (_yinkalik_; f. 12 and note). By Ahmad she had a daughter, - styled Khan-zada Begim whose affairs find comment on f. 206 - and H.S. iii, 359. (The details of this note negative a - suggestion of mine that Badka was the Rabi'a-sultan of f. 168 - (Gul-badan, App. _s. nn._).) - - [994] This is a felt wide-awake worn by travellers in hot - weather (Shaw); the Turkman bonnet (Erskine). - - [995] Hai. MS. _yamanlik_, badly, but Elph. MS. _namayan_, - whence Erskine's _showy_. - - [996] This was a proof that he was then a Shi'a (Erskine). - - [997] The word _perform_ may be excused in speaking of - Musalman prayers because they involve ceremonial bendings and - prostrations (Erskine). - - [998] If Babur's 40 include rule in Heri only, it over-states, - since Yadgar died in 875 AH. and Husain in 911 AH. while the - intervening 36 years include the 5 or 6 temperate ones. If the - 40 count from 861 AH. when Husain began to rule in Merv, it - under-states. It is a round number, apparently. - - [999] Relying on the Ilminsky text, Dr. Rieu was led into the - mistake of writing that Babur gave Husain the wrong pen-name, - _i.e._ Husain, and not Husaini (Turk. Cat. p. 256). - - [1000] Daulat-shah says that as he is not able to enumerate - all Husain's feats-of-arms, he, Turkman fashion, offers a gift - of Nine. The Nine differ from those of Babur's list in some - dates; they are also records of victory only (Browne, p. 521; - _Not. et Extr._ iv, 262, de Sacy's article). - - [1001] Wolves'-water, a river and its town at the s.e. corner - of the Caspian, the ancient boundary between Russia and - Persia. The name varies a good deal in MSS. - - [1002] The battle was at Tarshiz; Abu-sa'id was ruling in - Heri; Daulat-shah (l.c. p. 523) gives 90 and 10,000 as the - numbers of the opposed forces! - - [1003] f. 26b and note; H.S. iii, 209; Daulat-shah p. 523. - - [1004] The loser was the last Shahrukhi ruler. Chanaran - (variants) is near Abiward, Anwari's birth-place (H.S. iii, - 218; D.S. p. 527). - - [1005] f. 85. D.S. (p. 540) and the H.S. (iii, 223) dwell on - Husain's speed through three continuous days and nights. - - [1006] f. 26; H.S. iii, 227; D.S. p. 532. - - [1007] Abu-sa'id's son by a Badakhshi Begim (T.R. p. 108); he - became his father's Governor in Badakhshan and married Husain - _Bai-qara's_ daughter Begim Sultan at a date after 873 AH. (f. - 168 and note; H.S. iii, 196, 229, 234-37; D.S. p. 535). - - [1008] f. 152. - - [1009] Aba-bikr was defeated and put to death at the end of - Rajah 884 AH.-Oct. 1479 AD. after flight before Husain across - the Gurgan-water (H.S. iii, 196 and 237 but D.S. p. 539, Safar - 885 AH.). - - [1010] f. 41, Pul-i-chiragh; for Halwa-spring, H.S. iii, 283 - and Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 443. - - [1011] f. 33 (p. 57) and f. 57b. - - [1012] In commenting thus Babur will have had in mind what he - best knew, Husain's futile movements at Qunduz and Hisar. - - [1013] _qalib aidi_; if _qalib_ be taken as Turki, survived or - remained, it would not apply here since many of Husain's - children predeceased him; Ar. _qalab_ would suit, meaning - _begotten_, _born_. - - There are discrepancies between Babur's details here and - Khwand-amir's scattered through the _Habibu's-siyar_, - concerning Husain's family. - - [1014] _bi huzuri_, which may mean aversion due to Khadija - Begim's malevolence. - - [1015] Some of the several goings into 'Iraq chronicled by - Babur point to refuge taken with Timurids, descendants of - Khalil and 'Umar, sons of Miran-shah (Lane-Poole's _Muhammadan - Dynasties_, Table of the Timurids). - - [1016] He died before his father (H.S. iii, 327). - - [1017] He will have been killed previous to Ramzan 3rd 918 AH. - (Nov. 12th, 1512 AD.), the date of the battle of Ghaj-dawan - when Nijm Sani died. - - [1018] The _bund_ here may not imply that both were in prison, - but that they were bound in close company, allowing Isma'il, a - fervent Shi'a, to convert the Mirza. - - [1019] The _batman_ is a Turkish weight of 13lbs (Meninsky) or - 15lbs (Wollaston). The weight seems likely to refer to the - strength demanded for rounding the bow (_kaman guroha-si_) - _i.e._ as much strength as to lift 40 _batmans_. Rounding or - bending might stand for stringing or drawing. The meaning can - hardly be one of the weight of the cross-bow itself. Erskine - read _gurdehieh_ for _guroha_ (p. 180) and translated by - "double-stringed bow"; de Courteille (i, 373) read - _guirdhiyeh, arrondi, circulaire_, in this following Ilminsky - who may have followed Erskine. The Elph. and Hai. MSS. and the - first W.-i-B. (I.O. 215 f. 113b) have _kaman guroha-si_; the - second W.-i-B. omits the passage, in the MSS. I have seen. - - [1020] _yakhshilar barib tur_; lit. good things went (on); cf. - f. 156b and note. - - [1021] Badi'u'z-zaman's son, drowned at Chausa in 946 AH. - (1539 AD.) A.N. (H. Beveridge, i, 344). - - [1022] Qalat-i-nadiri, in Khurasan, the birth-place of Nadir - Shah (T.R. p. 209). - - [1023] _bir gina qiz_, which on f. 86b can fitly be read to - mean daughterling, _Toechterchen, fillette_, but here and - _i.a._ f. 168, must have another meaning than diminutive and - may be an equivalent of German _Stueck_ and mean _one only_. - Gul-badan gives an account of Shad's manly pursuits (H.N. f. - 25b). - - [1024] He was the son of Mahdi Sl. (f. 320b) and the father of - 'Aqil Sl. _Auzbeg_ (A.N. index _s.n._). Several matters - suggest that these men were of the Shaban Auzbegs who - intermarried with Husain _Bai-qara's_ family and some of whom - went to Babur in Hindustan. One such matter is that Kabul was - the refuge of dispossessed Haratis, after the Auzbeg conquest; - that there 'Aqil married Shad _Bai-qara_ and that 'Adil went - on to Babur. Moreover Khafi Khan makes a statement which (if - correct) would allow 'Adil's father Mahdi to be a grandson of - Husain _Bai-qara_; this statement is that when Babur defeated - the Auzbegs in 916 AH. (1510 AD.), he freed from their - captivity two sons (descendants) of his paternal uncle, named - Mahdi Sl. and Sultan Mirza. [Leaving the authenticity of the - statement aside for a moment, it will be observed that this - incident is of the same date and place as another well-vouched - for, namely that Babur then and there killed Mahdi Sl. - _Auzbeg_ and Hamza Sl. _Auzbeg_ after defeating them.] What - makes in favour of Khafi Khan's correctness is, not only that - Babur's foe Mahdi is not known to have had a son 'Adil, but - also that his "Sultan Mirza" is not a style so certainly - suiting Hamza as it does a Shaban sultan, one whose father was - a Shaban sultan, and whose mother was a Mirza's daughter. - Moreover this point of identification is pressed by the - correctness, according to oriental statement of relationship, - of Khafi Khan's "paternal uncle" (of Babur), because this - precisely suits Sl. Husain Mirza with whose family these - Shaban sultans allied themselves. On the other hand it must be - said that Khafi Khan's statement is not in the English text of - the _Tarikh-i-rashidi_, the book on which he mostly relies at - this period, nor is it in my husband's MS. [a copy from the - Rampur Codex]; and to this must be added the verbal objection - that a modicum of rhetoric allows a death to be described both - in Turki and Persian, as a release from the captivity of a - sinner's own acts (f. 160). Still Khafi Khan may be right; his - statement may yet be found in some other MS. of the T. R. or - some different source; it is one a scribe copying the T. R. - might be led to omit by reason of its coincidences. The - killing and the release may both be right; 'Adil's Mahdi may - be the Shaban sultan inference makes him seem. This little - _crux_ presses home the need of much attention to the - _lacunae_ in the _Babur-nama_, since in them are lost some - exits and some entries of Babur's _dramatis personae_, - pertinently, mention of the death of Mahdi with Hamza in 916 - AH., and possibly also that of 'Adil's Mahdi's release. - - [1025] A _char-taq_ may be a large tent rising into four domes - or having four porches. - - [1026] H.S. iii, 367. - - [1027] This phrase, common but not always selected, suggests - unwillingness to leave the paternal roof. - - [1028] Abu'l-ghazi's _History of the Mughuls_, Desmaisons, p. - 207. - - [1029] The appointment was made in 933 AH. (1527 AD.) and - seems to have been held still in 934 AH. (ff. 329, 332). - - [1030] This grandson may have been a child travelling with his - father's household, perhaps Aulugh Mirza, the oldest son of - Muhammad Sultan Mirza (A. A. Blochmann, p. 461). No mention is - made here of Sultanim Begim's marriage with 'Abdu'l-baqi Mirza - (f. 175). - - [1031] Abu'l-qasim Babur _Shahrukhi_ presumably. - - [1032] The time may have been 902 AH. when Mas'ud took his - sister Bega Begim to Heri for her marriage with Haidar (H.S. - iii, 260). - - [1033] Khwaja Ahmad _Yasawi_, known as Khwaja Ata, founder of - the Yasawi religious order. - - [1034] Not finding mention of a daughter of Abu-sa'id named - Rabi'a-sultan, I think she may be the daughter styled Aq Begim - who is No. 3 in Gul-badan's guest-list for the Mystic Feast. - - [1035] This man I take to be Husain's grandfather and not - brother, both because 'Abdu'l-lah was of Husain's and his - brother's generation, and also because of the absence here of - Babur's usual defining words "elder brother" (of Sl. Husain - Mirza). In this I have to differ from Dr. Rieu (Pers. Cat. p. - 152). - - [1036] So-named after his ancestor Sayyid Barka whose body was - exhumed from Andikhud for reburial in Samarkand, by Timur's - wish and there laid in such a position that Timur's body was - at its feet (_Zafar-nama_ ii, 719; H.S. iii, 82). (For the - above interesting detail I am indebted to my husband.) - - [1037] _Qizil-bash_, Persians wearing red badges or caps to - distinguish them as Persians. - - [1038] Yadgar-i-farrukh _Miran-shahi_ (H.S. iii, 327). He may - have been one of those Miran-shahis of 'Iraq from whom came - Aka's and Sultanim's husbands, Ahmad and 'Abdu'l-baqi (ff. - 164, 175_b_). - - [1039] This should be four (f. 169_b_). The H.S. (iii, 327) - also names three only when giving Papa Aghacha's daughters - (the omission linking it with the B.N.), but elsewhere (iii, - 229) it gives an account of a fourth girl's marriage; this - fourth is needed to make up the total of 11 daughters. Babur's - and Khwand-amir's details of Papa Aghacha's quartette are - defective; the following may be a more correct list:--(1) Begim - Sultan (a frequent title), married to Aba-bikr _Miran-shahi_ - (who died 884 AH.) and seeming too old to be the one [No. 3] - who married Mas'ud (H.S. iii, 229); (2) Sultan-nizhad, married - to Iskandar _Bai-qara_; (3) Sa'adat-bakht also known as Begim - Sultan, married to Mas'ud _Miran-shahi_ (H.S. iii, 327); (4) - Manauwar-sultan, married to a son of Aulugh Beg _Kabuli_ (H.S. - iii, 327). - - [1040] This "after" seems to contradict the statement (f. 58) - that Mas'ud was made to kneel as a son-in-law (_kuyadlik-ka - yukundurub_) at a date previous to his blinding, but the - seeming contradiction may be explained by considering the - following details; he left Heri hastily (f. 58), went to - Khusrau Shah and was blinded by him,--all in the last two - months of 903 AH. (1498 AD.), after the kneeling on Zu'l-qa'da - 3rd, (June 23rd) in the Ravens'-garden. Here what Babur says - is that the Begim was given (_birib_) after the blinding, the - inference allowed being that though Mas'ud had kneeled before - the blinding, she had remained in her father's house till his - return after the blinding. - - [1041] The first W.-i-B. writes "Apaq Begim" (I.O. 215 f. 136) - which would allow Sayyid Mirza to be a kinsman of Apaq Begim, - wife of Husain _Bai-qara_. - - [1042] This brief summary conveys the impression that the - Begim went on her pilgrimage shortly after Mas'ud's death (913 - AH. ?), but may be wrong:--After Mas'ud's murder, by one Bimash - Mirza, _darogha_ of Sarakhs, at Shaibaq Khan's order, she was - married by Bimash M. (H.S. iii, 278). How long after this she - went to Makka is not said; it was about 934 AH. when Babur - heard of her as there. - - [1043] This clause is in the Hai. MS. but not in the Elph. MS. - (f. 131), or Kehr's (Ilminsky, p. 210), or in either Persian - translation. The boy may have been 17 or 18. - - [1044] This appears a mistake (f. 168 foot, and note on Papa's - daughters). - - [1045] f. 171b. - - [1046] 933 AH.-1527 AD. (f. 329). - - [1047] Presumably this was a _yinkalik_ marriage; it differs - from some of those chronicled and also from a levirate - marriage in not being made with a childless wife. (Cf. index - _s.n._ _yinkalik_.) - - [1048] Khwand-amir says that Bega Begim was jealous, died of - grief at her divorce, and was buried in a College, of her own - erection, in 893 AH. (1488 AD. HS. iii, 245). - - [1049] _Gulistan_ Cap. II, Story 31 (Platts, p. 114). - - [1050] _i.e._ did not get ready to ride off if her husband - were beaten by her brother (f. 11 and note to Habiba). - - [1051] Khadija Begi Agha (H.S. ii, 230 and iii, 327); she - would be promoted probably after Shah-i-gharib's birth. - - [1052] He was a son of Badi'u'z-zaman. - - [1053] It is singular that this honoured woman's parentage is - not mentioned; if it be right on f. 168b (_q.v._ with note) to - read Sayyid Mirza of Apaq Begim, she may be a sayyida of - Andikhud. - - [1054] As Babur left Kabul on Safar 1st (Nov. 17th 1525 AD.), - the Begim must have arrived in Muharram 932 AH. (Oct. 18th to - Nov. 17th). - - [1055] f. 333. As Chandiri was besieged in Rabi'u'l-akhar 934 - AH. this passage shews that, as a minimum estimate, what - remains of Babur's composed narrative (_i.e._ down to f. 216b) - was written after that date (Jan. 1528). - - [1056] _Char-shambalar._ Mention of another inhabitant of this - place with the odd name, Wednesday (Char-shamba), is made on - f. 42b. - - [1057] Mole-marked Lady; most MSS. style her Bi but H.S. iii, - 327, writes Bibi; it varies also by calling her a Turk. She - was a purchased slave of Shahr-banu's and was given to the - Mirza by Shahr-banu at the time of her own marriage with him. - - [1058] As noted already, f. 168b enumerates three only. - - [1059] The three were almost certainly Badi'u'z-zaman, Haidar, - son of a Timurid mother, and Muzaffar-i-husain, born after - his mother had been legally married. - - [1060] Seven sons predeceased him:--Farrukh, Shah-i-gharib, - Muh. Ma'sum, Haidar, Ibrahim-i-husain, Muh. Husain and - Abu-turab. So too five daughters:--Aq, Bega, Agha, Kichik and - Fatima-sultan Begims. So too four wives:--Bega-sultan and Chuli - Begims, Zubaida and Latif-sultan Aghachas (H.S. iii, 327). - - [1061] Chaku, a Barlas, as was Timur, was one of Timur's noted - men. - - At this point some hand not the scribe's has entered on the - margin of the Hai. MS. the descendants of Muh. Baranduq down - into Akbar's reign:--Muh. Faridun, bin Muh. Quli Khan, bin - Mirza 'Ali, bin Muh. Baranduq _Barlas_. Of these Faridun and - Muh. Quli are amirs of the _Ayin-i-akbari_ list (Blochmann, - pp. 341, 342; H.S. iii, 233). - - [1062] Enforced marches of Mughuls and other nomads are - mentioned also on f. 154b and f. 155. - - [1063] H.S. iii, 228, 233, 235. - - [1064] _beg kishi_, beg-person. - - [1065] Khwand-amir says he died a natural death (H.S. iii, - 235). - - [1066] f. 21. For a fuller account of Nawa'i, _J. Asiatique_ - xvii, 175, M. Belin's article. - - [1067] _i.e._ when he was poor and a beg's dependant. He went - back to Heri at Sl. Husain M.'s request in 873 AH. - - [1068] Nizami's (Rieu's Pers. Cat. s.n.). - - [1069] Faridu'd-din-'attar's (Rieu l.c. and Ency. Br.). - - [1070] _Ghara'ibu's-sighar_, _Nawadiru'sh-shahab_, - _Bada'i'u'l-wasat_ and _Fawa'idu'l-kibr_. - - [1071] Every Persian poet has a _takhallus_ (pen-name) which - he introduces into the last couplet of each ode (Erskine). - - [1072] The death occurred in the First Jumada 906 AH. (Dec. - 1500 AD.). - - [1073] Nizamu'd-din Ahmad bin Tawakkal _Barlas_ (H.S. iii, - 229). - - [1074] This may be that uncle of Timur who made the Haj (T. R. - p. 48, quoting the _Zafar-nama_). - - [1075] Some MSS. omit the word "father" here but to read it - obviates the difficulty of calling Wali a great beg of Sl. - Husain Mirza although he died when that mirza took the throne - (973 AH.) and although no leading place is allotted to him in - Babur's list of Heri begs. Here as in other parts of Babur's - account of Heri, the texts vary much whether Turki or Persian, - _e.g._ the Elph. MS. appears to call Wali a blockhead (_dunkuz - dur_), the Hai. MS. writing _n:kuz dur_(?). - - [1076] He had been Babur _Shahrukhi's yasawal_ - (Court-attendant), had fought against Husain for - Yadgar-i-muhammad and had given a daughter to Husain (H.S. - iii, 206, 228, 230-32; D.S. in _Not. et Ex._ de Sacy p. 265). - - [1077] f. 29b. - - [1078] _Sic_, Elph. MS. and both Pers. trss. but the Hai. MS. - omits "father". To read it, however, suits the circumstance - that Hasan of Ya'qub was not with Husain and in Harat but was - connected with Mahmud _Miranshahi_ and Tirmiz (f. 24). Nuyan - is not a personal name but is a title; it implies good-birth; - all uses of it I have seen are for members of the religious - family of Tirmiz. - - [1079] He was the son of Ibrahim _Barlas_ and a Badakhshi - begim (T.R. p. 108). - - [1080] He will have been therefore a collateral of Daulat-shah - whose relation to Firuz-shah is thus expressed by Nawa'i:--_Mir - Daulat-shah Firuz-shah Beg-ning 'amm-zada-si Amir - 'Ala'u'd-daula Isfarayini-ning aughuli dur_, _i.e._ Mir - Daulat-shah was the son of Firuz-shah Beg's paternal uncle's - son, Amir 'Ala'u'd-daula _Isfarayini_. Thus, Firuz-shah and - Isfarayini were first cousins; Daulat-shah and - 'Abdu'l-khaliq's father were second cousins; while Daulat-shah - and Firuz-shah were first cousins, once removed (Rieu's Pers. - Cat. p. 534; Browne's D.S. English preface p. 14 and its - reference to the Pers. preface). - - [1081] _Tarkhan-nama_, E. & D.'s _History of India_ i, 303; - H.S. iii, 227. - - [1082] f. 41 and note. - - [1083] Both places are in the valley of the Heri-rud. - - [1084] Badi'u'z-zaman married a daughter of Zu'n-nun; she died - in 911 AH. (E. & D. i, 305; H.S. iii, 324). - - [1085] This indicates, both amongst Musalmans and Hindus, - obedience and submission. Several instances occur in - Macculloch's _Bengali Household Stories_. - - [1086] T.R. p. 205. - - [1087] This is an idiom expressive of great keenness - (Erskine). - - [1088] H.S. iii, 250, _kitabdar_, librarian; so too Hai. MS. - f. 174b. - - [1089] _mutaiyam_ (f. 7b and note). Mir Mughul Beg was put to - death for treachery in 'Iraq (H.S. iii, 227, 248). - - [1090] Babur speaks as an eye-witness (f. 187b). For a single - combat of Sayyid Badr, H. S. iii, 233. - - [1091] f. 157 and note to _batman_. - - [1092] A level field in which a gourd (_qabaq_) is set on a - pole for an archer's mark to be hit in passing at the gallop - (f. 18b and note). - - [1093] Or possibly during the gallop the archer turned in the - saddle and shot backwards. - - [1094] Junaid was the father of Nizamu'd-din 'Ali, Babur's - Khalifa (Vice-gerent). That Khalifa was of a religious house - on his mother's side may be inferred from his being styled - both Sayyid and Khwaja neither of which titles could have come - from his Turki father. His mother may have been a sayyida of - one of the religious families of Marghinan (f. 18 and note), - since Khalifa's son Muhibb-i-'ali writes his father's name - "Nizamu'd-din 'Ali _Marghilani_" (_Marghinani_) in the Preface - of his _Book on Sport_ (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 485). - - [1095] This northward migration would take the family into - touch with Babur's in Samarkand and Farghana. - - [1096] He was left in charge of Jaunpur in Rabi' I, 933 AH. - (Jan. 1527 AD.) but exchanged for Chunar in Ramzan 935 AH. - (June 1529 AD.); so that for the writing of this part of the - _Babur-nama_ we have the major and minor limits of Jan. 1527 - and June 1529. - - [1097] H.S. iii, 227. - - [1098] _See_ Appendix H, _On the counter-mark Bih-bud on - coins_. - - [1099] Nizamu'd-din Amir Shaikh Ahmadu's-suhaili was surnamed - Suhaili through a _fal_ (augury) taken by his spiritual guide, - Kamalu'd-din Husain _Gazur-gahi_; it was he induced Husain - _Kashifi_ to produce his _Anwar-i-suhaili_ (Lights of Canopus) - (f. 125 and note; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 756; and for a couplet - of his, H.S. iii, 242 l. 10). - - [1100] Index _s.n._ - - [1101] Did the change complete an analogy between 'Ali - _Jalair_ and his (perhaps) elder son with 'Ali Khalifa and his - elder son Hasan? - - [1102] The Qush-begi is, in Central Asia, a high official who - acts for an absent ruler (Shaw); he does not appear to be the - Falconer, for whom Babur's name is Qushchi (f. 15 n.). - - [1103] He received this sobriquet because when he returned - from an embassy to the Persian Gulf, he brought, from Bahrein, - to his Timurid master a gift of royal pearls (Sam Mirza). For - an account of Marwarid _see_ Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 1094 and - (_re_ portrait) p. 787. - - [1104] Sam Mirza specifies this affliction as _abla-i-farang_, - thus making what may be one of the earliest Oriental - references to _morbus gallicus_ [as de Sacy here translates - the name], the foreign or European pox, the "French disease of - Shakespeare" (H.B.). - - [1105] Index _s.n._ Yusuf. - - [1106] Ramzan 3rd 918 AH.-Nov. 12th 1512. - - [1107] _i.e._ of the White-sheep Turkmans. - - [1108] His paternal line was, 'Abdu'l-baqi, son of 'Usman, - son of Sayyidi Ahmad, son of Miran-shah. His mother's people - were begs of the White-sheep (H.S. iii, 290). - - [1109] Sultanim had married Wais (f. 157) not later than 895 - or 896 AH. (H. S. iii, 253); she married 'Abdu'l-baqi in 908 - AH. (1502-3 AD.). - - [1110] Sayyid Shamsu'd-din Muhammad, Mir Sayyid - _Sar-i-barahna_ owed his sobriquet of Bare-head to love-sick - wanderings of his youth (H.S. iii, 328). The H.S. it is clear, - recognizes him as a sayyid. - - [1111] Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 760; it is immensely long and - "filled with tales that shock all probability" (Erskine). - - [1112] f. 94 and note. Sl. Husain M. made him curator of - Ansari's shrine, an officer represented, presumably, by Col. - Yate's "Mir of Gazur-gah", and he became Chief Justice in 904 - AH. (1498-99 AD.). _See_ H.S. iii, 330 and 340; JASB 1887, - art. _On the city of Harat_ (C. E. Yate) p. 85. - - [1113] _mutasauwif_, perhaps meaning not a professed Sufi. - - [1114] He was of high birth on both sides, of religious houses - of Tabas and Nishapur (D.S. pp. 161, 163). - - [1115] In agreement with its preface, Dr. Rieu entered the - book as written by Sl. Husain Mirza; in his Addenda, however, - he quotes Babur as the authority for its being by Gazur-gahi; - Khwand-amir's authority can be added to Babur's (H.S. 340; - Pers. Cat. pp. 351, 1085). - - [1116] _Diwan._ The Wazir is a sort of Minister of Finance; - the Diwan is the office of revenue receipts and issues - (Erskine). - - [1117] a secretary who writes out royal orders (H.S. iii, - 244). - - [1118] Count von Noer's words about a cognate reform of later - date suit this man's work, it also was "a bar to the - defraudment of the Crown, a stumbling-block in the path of - avaricious chiefs" (_Emperor Akbar_ trs. i, 11). The - opposition made by 'Ali-sher to reform so clearly to Husain's - gain and to Husain's begs' loss, stirs the question, "What was - the source of his own income?" Up to 873 AH. he was for some - years the dependant of Ahmad Haji Beg; he took nothing from - the Mirza, but gave to him; he must have spent much in - benefactions. The question may have presented itself to M. - Belin for he observes, "'Ali-sher qui sans doute, a son retour - de l'exil, recouvra l'heritage de ses peres, et depuis occupa - de hautes positions dans le gouvernement de son pays, avait - acquis une grande fortune" (_J. Asiatique_ xvii, 227). While - not contradicting M. Belin's view that vested property such as - can be described as "paternal inheritance", may have passed - from father to son, even in those days of fugitive prosperity - and changing appointments, one cannot but infer, from Nawa'i's - opposition to Majdu'd-din, that he, like the rest, took a - partial view of the "rights" of the cultivator. - - [1119] This was in 903 AH. after some 20 years of service - (H.S. iii, 231; Ethe I.O. Cat. p. 252). - - [1120] Amir Jamalu'd-din 'Ata'u'l-lah, known also as - Jamalu'd-din Husain, wrote a _History of Muhammad_ (H.S. iii, - 345; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 147 & (a correction) p. 1081). - - [1121] Amongst noticeable omissions from Babur's list of Heri - celebrities are Mir Khwand Shah ("Mirkhond"), his grandson - Khwand-amir, Husain _Kashifi_ and Muinu'd-din al Zamji, author - of a _History of Harat_ which was finished in 897 AH. - - [1122] Sa'du'd-din Mas'ud, son of 'Umar, was a native of Taft - in Yazd, whence his cognomen (Bahar-i-'ajam); he died in 792 - AH.-1390 AD. (H.S. iii, 59, 343; T.R. p. 236; Rieu's Pers. - Cat. pp. 352, 453). - - [1123] These are those connected with grammar and rhetoric - (Erskine). - - [1124] This is one of the four principal sects of - Muhammadanism (Erskine). - - [1125] T.R. p. 235, for Shah Isma'il's murders in Heri. - - [1126] Superintendent of Police, who examines weights, - measures and provisions, also prevents gambling, drinking and - so on. - - [1127] f. 137. - - [1128] The rank of Mujtahid, which is not bestowed by any - individual or class of men but which is the result of slow and - imperceptible opinion, finally prevailing and universally - acknowledged, is one of the greatest peculiarities of the - religion of Persia. The Mujtahid is supposed to be elevated - above human fears and human enjoyments, and to have a certain - degree of infallibility and inspiration. He is consulted with - reverence and awe. There is not always a Mujtahid necessarily - existing. _See_ Kaempfer, _Amoenitates Exoticae_ (Erskine). - - [1129] _muhaddas_, one versed in the traditional sayings and - actions of Muhammad. - - [1130] H.S. iii, 340. - - [1131] B.M. Or. 218 (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 350). The Commentary - was made in order to explain the _Nafahat_ to Jami's son. - - [1132] He was buried by the Mulla's side. - - [1133] Amir Burhanu'd-din 'Ata'u'l-lah bin Mahmudu'l-husaini - was born in Nishapur but known as Mashhadi because he retired - to that holy spot after becoming blind. - - [1134] f. 144_b_ and note. Qazi Ikhtiyaru'd-din Hasan (H.S. - iii, 347) appears to be the Khwaja Ikhtiyar of the - _Ayin-i-akbari_, and, if so, will have taken professional - interest in the script, since Abu'l-fazl describes him as a - distinguished calligrapher in Sl. Husain M.'s presence - (Blochmann, p. 101). - - [1135] Saifu'd-din (Sword of the Faith) Ahmad, presumably. - - [1136] A sister of his, Apaq Bega, the wife of 'Ali-sher's - brother Darwish-i-'ali _kitabdar_, is included as a poet in - the _Biography of Ladies_ (Sprenger's Cat. p. 11). Amongst the - 20 women named one is a wife of Shaibaq Khan, another a - daughter of Hilali. - - [1137] He was the son of Khw. Ni'amatu'l-lah, one of Sl. - Abu-sa'id M.'s wazirs. When dying _aet._ 70 (923 AH.), he made - this chronogram on his own death, "With 70 steps he measured - the road to eternity." The name Asaf, so frequent amongst - wazirs, is that of Solomon's wazir. - - [1138] Other interpretations are open; _wadi_, taken as - _river_, might refer to the going on from one poem to another, - the stream of verse; or it might be taken as _desert_, with - disparagement of collections. - - [1139] Maulana Jamalu'd-din _Bana'i_ was the son of a - _sabz-bana_, an architect, a good builder. - - [1140] Steingass's Dictionary allows convenient reference for - examples of metres. - - [1141] Other jokes made by _Bana'i_ at the expense of Nawa'i - are recorded in the various sources. - - [1142] Babur saw Bana'i in Samarkand at the end of 901 AH. - (1496 AD. f. 38). - - Here Dr. Leyden's translation ends; one other fragment which - he translated will be found under the year 925 AH. (Erskine). - This statement allows attention to be drawn to the inequality - of the shares of the work done for the Memoirs of 1826 by - Leyden and by Erskine. It is just to Mr. Erskine, but a - justice he did not claim, to point out that Dr. Leyden's share - is slight both in amount and in quality; his essential - contribution was the initial stimulus he gave to the great - labours of his collaborator. - - [1143] So of Lope de Vega (b. 1562; d. 1635 AD.), "It became a - common proverb to praise a good thing by calling it _a Lope_, - so that jewels, diamonds, pictures, _etc._ were raised into - esteem by calling them his" (Montalvan in Ticknor's _Spanish - Literature_ ii, 270). - - [1144] Maulana Saifi, known as 'Aruzi from his mastery in - prosody (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 525). - - [1145] Here pedantry will be implied in the mullahood. - - [1146] _Khamsatin_ (_infra_ f. 180_b_ and note). - - [1147] This appears to mean that not only the sparse - diacritical pointing common in writing Persian was dealt with - but also the fuller Arabic. - - [1148] He is best known by his pen-name Hatifi. The B.M. and - I.O. have several of his books. - - [1149] _Khamsatin._ Hatifi regarded himself as the successor - of Nizami and Khusrau; this, taken with Babur's use of the - word _Khamsatin_ on f. 7 and here, and Saifi's just above, - leads to the opinion that the _Khamsatin_ of the _Babur-nama_ - are always those of Nizami and Khusrau, _the_ Two Quintets - (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 653). - - [1150] Maulana Mir Kamalu'd-din Husain of Nishapur (Rieu l.c. - index s.n.; Ethe's I.O. Cat. pp. 433 and 1134). - - [1151] One of his couplets on good and bad fortune is - striking; "The fortune of men is like a sand-glass; one hour - up, the next down." _See_ D'Herbelot in his article (Erskine). - - [1152] H.S. iii, 336; Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 1089. - - [1153] Ahi (sighing) was with Shah-i-gharib before - Ibn-i-husain and to him dedicated his _diwan_. The words - _sahib-i-diwan_ seem likely to be used here with double - meaning _i.e._ to express authorship and finance office. - Though Babur has made frequent mention of authorship of a - _diwan_ and of office in the _Diwan_, he has not used these - words hitherto in either sense; there may be a play of words - here. - - [1154] Muhammad _Salih_ Mirza _Khwarizmi_, author of the - _Shaibani-nama_ which manifestly is the poem (_masnawi_) - mentioned below. This has been published with a German - translation by Professor Vambery and has been edited with - Russian notes by Mr. Platon Melioransky (Rieu's Turkish Cat. - p. 74; H.S. iii, 301). - - [1155] Jami's _Subhatu'l-abrar_ (Rosary of the righteous). - - [1156] The reference may be to things said by Muh. _Salih_ the - untruth of which was known to Babur through his own part in - the events. A crying instance of misrepresentation is Salih's - assertion, in rhetorical phrase, that Babur took booty in - jewels from Khusrau Shah; other instances concern the affairs - of The Khans and of Babur in Transoxiana (f. 124b and index - _s.nn._ Ahmad and Mahmud _Chaghatai_ _etc._; T.R. index - _s.nn._) - - [1157] The name Fat-land (Tambal-khana) has its parallel in - Fat-village (Simiz-kint) a name of Samarkand; in both cases - the nick-name is accounted for by the fertility of irrigated - lands. We have not been able to find the above-quoted couplet - in the _Shaibani-nama_ (Vambery); needless to say, the pun is - on the nick-name (_tambal_, fat) of Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_. - - [1158] Muh. Salih does not show well in his book; he is - sometimes coarse, gloats over spoil whether in human captives - or goods, and, his good-birth not-forbidding, is a servile - flatterer. Babur's word "heartless" is just; it must have had - sharp prompting from Salih's rejoicing in the downfall of The - Khans, Babur's uncles. - - [1159] the Longer (H.S. iii, 349). - - [1160] Maulana Badru'd-din (Full-moon of the Faith) whose - pen-name was Hilali, was of Astarabad. It may be noted that - two dates of his death are found, 936 and 939 AH. the first - given by de Sacy, the second by Rieu, and that the second - seems to be correct (_Not. et Extr._ p. 285; Pers. Cat. p. - 656; Hammer's _Geschichte_ p. 368). - - [1161] B.M. Add. 7783. - - [1162] Opinions differ as to the character of this - work:--Babur's is uncompromising; von Hammer (p. 369) describes - it as "_ein romantisches Gedicht, welches eine sentimentale - Maennerliebe behandelt_"; Sprenger (p. 427), as a mystical - _masnawi_ (poem); Rieu finds no spiritual symbolism in it and - condemns it (Pers. Cat. p. 656 and, quoting the above passage - of Babur, p. 1090); Ethe, who has translated it, takes it to - be mystical and symbolic (I.O. Cat. p. 783). - - [1163] Of four writers using the pen-name Ahli - (Of-the-people), _viz._ those of Turan, Shiraz, Tarshiz (in - Khurasan), and 'Iraq, the one noticed here seems to be he of - Tarshiz. Ahli of Tarshiz was the son of a locally-known pious - father and became a Superintendent of the Mint; Babur's '_ami_ - may refer to Ahli's first patrons, tanners and shoe-makers by - writing for whom he earned his living (Sprenger, p. 319). - Erskine read _'ummi_, meaning that Ahli could neither read nor - write; de Courteille that he was _un homme du commun_. - - [1164] He was an occasional poet (H.S. iii, 350 and iv, 118; - Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 531; Ethe's I.O. Cat. p. 428). - - [1165] Ustad Kamalu'd-din Bih-zad (well-born; H.S. iii, 350). - Work of his is reproduced in Dr. Martin's _Painting and - Painters of Persia_ of 1913 AD. - - [1166] This sentence is not in the Elph. MS. - - [1167] Perhaps he could reproduce tunes heard and say where - heard. - - [1168] M. Belin quotes quatrains exchanged by 'Ali-sher and - this man (_J. Asiatique_ xvii, 199). - - [1169] _i.e._ from his own camp to Baba Ilahi. - - [1170] f. 121 has a fuller quotation. On the dual succession, - _see_ T.R. p. 196. - - [1171] Elph. MS. f. 144; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 148_b_ and 217 f. - 125_b_; Mems. p. 199. - - [1172] News of Husain's death in 911 AH. (f. 163b) did not - reach Babur till 912 AH. (f. 184_b_). - - [1173] Lone-meadow (f. 195_b_). Jahangir will have come over - the 'Iraq-pass, Babur's baggage-convoy, by Shibr-tu. Cf. T. R. - p. 199 for Babur and Jahangir at this time. - - [1174] Servant-of-the-mace; but perhaps, Qilinj-chaq, - swords-man. - - [1175] One of four, a fourth. Char-yak may be a component of - the name of the well-known place, n. of Kabul, "Charikar"; but - also the _Char_ in it may be Hindustani and refer to the - permits-to-pass after tolls paid, given to caravans halted - there for taxation. Raverty writes it Charlakar. - - [1176] Amongst the disruptions of the time was that of the - Khanate of Qibchaq (Erskine). - - [1177] The nearest approach to _kipki_ we have found in - Dictionaries is _kupaki_, which comes close to the Russian - _copeck_. Erskine notes that the _casbeke_ is an oval copper - coin (Tavernier, p. 121); and that a _tuman_ is a myriad - (10,000). _Cf._ Manucci (Irvine), i, 78 and iv, 417 note; - Chardin iv, 278. - - [1178] Muharram 912 AH.-June 1506 AD. (H.S. iii, 353). - - [1179] I take Murgh-ab here to be the fortified place at the - crossing of the river by the main n.e. road; Babur when in - Dara-i-bam was on a tributary of the Murgh-ab. Khwand-amir - records that the information of his approach was hailed in the - Mirzas' camp as good news (H.S. iii, 354). - - [1180] Babur gives the Mirzas precedence by age, ignoring - Muzaffar's position as joint-ruler. - - [1181] _mubalgha qildi_; perhaps he laid stress on their - excuse; perhaps did more than was ceremonially incumbent on - him. - - [1182] _'irq_, to which estrade answers in its sense of a - carpet on which stands a raised seat. - - [1183] Perhaps it was a recess, resembling a gate-way (W.-i-B. - I.O. 215 f. 151 and 217 f. 127_b_). The impression conveyed by - Babur's words here to the artist who in B.M. Or. 3714, has - depicted the scene, is that there was a vestibule opening into - the tent by a door and that the Mirza sat near that door. It - must be said however that the illustration does not closely - follow the text, in some known details. - - [1184] _shira_, fruit-syrups, sherbets. Babur's word for wine - is _chaghir_ (_q.v._ index) and this reception being public, - wine could hardly have been offered in Sunni Heri. Babur's - strictures can apply to the vessels of precious metal he - mentions, these being forbidden to Musalmans; from his - reference to the Tura it would appear to repeat the same - injunctions. Babur broke up such vessels before the battle of - Kanwaha (f. 315). Shah-i-jahan did the same; when sent by his - father Jahangir to reconquer the Deccan (1030 AH.-1621 AD.) he - asked permission to follow the example of his ancestor Babur, - renounced wine, poured his stock into the Chambal, broke up - his cups and gave the fragments to the poor (_'Amal-i-salih_, - Hughes' _Dict. of Islam_ quoting the _Hidayah_ and _Mishkat_, - _s.nn._ Drinkables, Drinking-vessels, and Gold; Lane's _Modern - Egyptians_ p. 125 n.). - - [1185] This may be the Rabat-i-sanghi of some maps, on a near - road between the "Forty-daughters" and Harat; or Babur may - have gone out of his direct way to visit Rabat-i-sang-bast, a - renowned halting place at the Carfax of the Heri-Tus and - Nishapur-Mashhad roads, built by one Arslan _Jazala_ who lies - buried near, and rebuilt with great magnificence by 'Ali-sher - _Nawa'i_ (Daulat-shah, Browne, p. 176). - - [1186] The wording here is confusing to those lacking family - details. The paternal-aunt begims can be Payanda-sultan - (named), Khadija-sultan, Apaq-sultan, and Fakhr-jahan Begims, - all daughters of Abu-sa'id. The Apaq Begim named above (also - on f. 168_b_ _q.v._) does not now seem to me to be Abu-sa'id's - daughter (Gul-badan, trs. Bio. App.). - - [1187] _yukunmai._ Unless all copies I have seen reproduce a - primary clerical mistake of Babur's, the change of salutation - indicated by there being no kneeling with Apaq Begim, points - to a _nuance_ of etiquette. Of the verb _yukunmak_ it may be - noted that it both describes the ceremonious attitude of - intercourse, _i.e._ kneeling and sitting back on both heels - (Shaw), and also the kneeling on meeting. From Babur's phrase - _Begim bila yukunub_ [having kneeled with], it appears that - each of those meeting made the genuflection; I have not found - the phrase used of other meetings; it is not the one used when - a junior or a man of less degree meets a senior or superior in - rank (_e.g._ Khusrau and Babur f. 123, or Babur and - Badi'u'z-zaman f. 186). - - [1188] Musalmans employ a set of readers who succeed one - another in reading (reciting) the Qoran at the tombs of their - men of eminence. This reading is sometimes continued day and - night. The readers are paid by the rent of lands or other - funds assigned for the purpose (Erskine). - - [1189] A suspicion that Khadija put poison in Jahangir's wine - may refer to this occasion (T.R. p. 199). - - [1190] These are _jharokha-i-darsan_, windows or balconies - from which a ruler shews himself to the people. - - [1191] Mas'ud was then blind. - - [1192] Babur first drank wine not earlier than 917 AH. (f. 49 - and note), therefore when nearing 30. - - [1193] _aichkilar_, French, _interieur_. - - [1194] The obscure passage following here is discussed in - Appendix I, _On the weeping-willows of_ f. 190_b_. - - [1195] Here this may well be a gold-embroidered garment. - - [1196] This, the tomb of Khwaja 'Abdu'l-lah _Ansari_ (d. 481 - AH.) stands some 2m. north of Heri. Babur mentions one of its - numerous attendants of his day, Kamalu'd-din Husain - _Gazur-gahi_. Mohan Lall describes it as he saw it in 1831; - says the original name of the locality was Kar-zar-gah, - place-of-battle; and, as perhaps his most interesting detail, - mentions that Jalalu'd-din _Rumi's Masnawi_ was recited every - morning near the tomb and that people fainted during the - invocation (_Travels in the Panj-ab_ etc. p. 252). Colonel - Yate has described the tomb as he saw it some 50 years later - (JASB 1887); and explains the name Gazur-gah (lit. - bleaching-place) by the following words of an inscription - there found; "His tomb (Ansari's) is a washing-place - (_gazur-gah_) wherein the cloud of the Divine forgiveness - washes white the black records of men" (p. 88 and p. 102). - - [1197] _juaz-i-kaghazlar_ (f. 47_b_ and note). - - [1198] The _Habibu's-siyar_ and Hai. MS. write this name with - medial "round _ha_"; this allows it to be Kahad-stan, a - running-place, race-course. Khwand-amir and Daulat-shah call - it a meadow (_aulang_); the latter speaks of a feast as held - there; it was Shaibani's head-quarters when he took Harat. - - [1199] _var._ Khatira; either an enclosure (_quruq_?) or a - fine and lofty building. - - [1200] This may have been a usual halting-place on a journey - (_safar_) north. It was built by Husain _Bai-qara_, overlooked - hills and fields covered with _arghwan_ (f. 137_b_) and seems - once to have been a Paradise (Mohan Lall, p. 256). - - [1201] Jami's tomb was in the 'Id-gah of Heri (H.S. ii, 337), - which appears to be the Musalla (Praying-place) demolished by - Amir 'Abdu'r-rahman in the 19th century. Col. Yate was shewn a - tomb in the Musalla said to be Jami's and agreeing in the age, - 81, given on it, with Jami's at death, but he found a _crux_ - in the inscription (pp. 99, 106). - - [1202] This may be the Musalla (Yate, p. 98). - - [1203] This place is located by the H.S. at 5 _farsakh_ from - Heri (de Meynard at 25 _kilometres_). It appears to be rather - an abyss or fissure than a pond, a crack from the sides of - which water trickles into a small bason in which dwells a - mysterious fish, the beholding of which allows the attainment - of desires. The story recalls Wordsworth's undying fish of - Bow-scale Tarn. (_Cf._ H.S. Bomb. ed. ii, _Khatmat_ p. 20 and - de Meynard, _Journal Asiatique_ xvi, 480 and note.) - - [1204] This is on maps to the north of Heri. - - [1205] d. 232 AH. (847 AD.). _See_ Yate, p. 93. - - [1206] Imam Fakhru'd-din _Razi_ (de Meynard, _Journal - Asiatique_ xvi, 481). - - [1207] d. 861 AH.-1457 AD. Guhar-shad was the wife of Timur's - son Shahrukh. _See_ Mohan Lall, p. 257 and Yate, p. 98. - - [1208] This Marigold-garden may be named after - Harunu'r-rashid's wife Zubaida. - - [1209] This will be the place n. of Heri from which Maulana - Jalalu'd-din _Purani_ (d. 862 AH.) took his cognomen, as also - Shaikh Jamalu'd-din Abu-sa'id _Puran_ (f. 206) who was visited - there by Sl. Husain Mirza, ill-treated by Shaibani (f. 206), - left Heri for Qandahar, and there died, through the fall of a - roof, in 921 AH. (H.S. iii, 345; _Khazinatu'l-asfiya_ ii, - 321). - - [1210] His tomb is dated 35 or 37 AH. (656 or 658 AD.; Yate, - p. 94). - - [1211] Malan was a name of the Heri-rud (_Journal Asiatique_ - xvi, 476, 511; Mohan Lall, p. 279; Ferrier, p. 261; _etc._). - - [1212] Yate, p. 94. - - [1213] The position of this building between the Khush and - Qibchaq Gates (de Meynard, l.c. p. 475) is the probable - explanation of the variant, noted just below, of Kushk for - Khush as the name of the Gate. The _Tarikh-i-rashidi_ (p. - 429), mentions this kiosk in its list of the noted ones of the - world. - - [1214] var. Kushk (de Meynard, l.c. p. 472). - - [1215] The reference here is, presumably, to Babur's own - losses of Samarkand and Andijan. - - [1216] Aka or Aga is used of elder relations; a _yinka_ or - _yinga_ is the wife of an uncle or elder brother; here it - represents the widow of Babur's uncle Ahmad _Miran-shahi_. - From it is formed the word _yinkalik_, levirate. - - [1217] The almshouse or convent was founded here in Timur's - reign (de Meynard, l.c. p. 500). - - [1218] _i.e._ No smoke without fire. - - [1219] This name may be due to the splashing of water. A - Langar which may be that of Mir Ghiyas, is shewn in maps in - the Bam valley; from it into the Heri-rud valley Babur's route - may well have been the track from that Langar which, passing - the villages on the southern border of Gharjistan, goes to - Ahangaran. - - [1220] This escape ought to have been included in the list of - Babur's transportations from risk to safety given in my note - to f. 96. - - [1221] The right and wrong roads are shewn by the Indian - Survey and French Military maps. The right road turns off from - the wrong one, at Daulat-yar, to the right, and mounts - diagonally along the south rampart of the Heri-rud valley, to - the Zirrin-pass, which lies above the Bakkak-pass and carries - the regular road for Yaka-aulang. It must be said, however, - that we are not told whether Yaka-aulang was Qasim Beg's - objective; the direct road for Kabul from the Heri-rud valley - is not over the Zirrin-pass but goes from Daulat-yar by - "Aq-zarat", and the southern flank of Koh-i-baba (babar) to - the Unai-pass (Holdich's _Gates of India_ p. 262). - - [1222] _circa_ Feb. 14th 1507, Babur's 24th birthday. - - [1223] The Hazaras appear to have been wintering outside their - own valley, on the Ghur-bund road, in wait for travellers - [_cf._ T.R. p. 197]. They have been perennial highwaymen on - the only pass to the north not closed entirely in winter. - - [1224] The Ghur-bund valley is open in this part; the Hazaras - may have been posted on the naze near the narrows leading into - the Janglik and their own side valleys. - - [1225] Although the verses following here in the text are with - the Turki Codices, doubt cannot but be felt as to their - authenticity. They do not fit verbally to the sentence they - follow; they are a unique departure from Babur's plain prose - narrative and nothing in the small Hazara affair shews cause - for such departure; they differ from his usual topics in their - bombast and comment on his men (_cf._ f. 194 for comment on - shirking begs). They appear in the 2nd Persian translation - (217 f. 134) in Turki followed by a prose Persian rendering - (_khalasa_). They are not with the 1st Pers. trs. (215 f. - 159), the text of which runs on with a plain prose account - suiting the size of the affair, as follows:--"The braves, - seeing their (the Hazaras) good soldiering, had stopped - surprised; wishing to hurry them I went swiftly past them, - shouting 'Move on! move on!' They paid me no attention. When, - in order to help, I myself attacked, dismounting and going up - the hill, they shewed courage and emulation in following. - Getting to the top of the pass, we drove that band off, - killing many, capturing others, making their families prisoner - and plundering their goods." This is followed by "I myself - collected" _etc._ as in the Turki text after the verse. It - will be seen that the above extract is not a translation of - the verse; no translator or even summariser would be likely to - omit so much of his original. It is just a suitably plain - account of a trivial matter. - - [1226] _Gulistan_ Cap. I. Story 4. - - [1227] Babur seems to have left the Ghur-bund valley, perhaps - pursuing the Hazaras towards Janglik, and to have come "by - ridge and valley" back into it for Ushtur-shahr. I have not - located Timur Beg's Langar. As has been noted already (_q.v._ - index) the Ghur-bund narrows are at the lower end of the - valley; they have been surmised to be the fissured rampart of - an ancient lake. - - [1228] Here this may represent a guard- or toll-house (Index - _s.n._). - - [1229] As _yurun_ is a patch, the bearer of the sobriquet - might be Black Ahmad the repairing-tailor. - - [1230] _Second Afghan War_, Map of Kabul and its environs. - - [1231] I understand that the arrival undiscovered was a result - of riding in single-file and thus shewing no black mass. - - [1232] or _gharbicha_, which Mr. Erskine explains to be the - four plates of mail, made to cover the back, front and sides; - the _jiba_ would thus be the wadded under-coat to which they - are attached. - - [1233] This prayer is composed of extracts from the Qoran - (_Mems_, i, 454 note); it is reproduced as it stands in Mr. - Erskine's wording (p. 216). - - [1234] Babur's reference may well be to Sanjar's birth as well - as to his being the holder of Ningnahar. Sanjar's father had - been thought worthy to mate with one of the six Badakhshi - begims whose line traced back to Alexander (T. R. p. 107); and - his father was a Barlas, seemingly of high family. - - [1235] It may be inferred that what was done was for the - protection of the two women. - - [1236] Not a bad case could have been made out for now putting - a Timurid in Babur's place in Kabul; _viz._ that he was - believed captive in Heri and that Mirza Khan was an effective - _locum tenens_ against the Arghuns. Haidar sets down what in - his eyes pleaded excuse for his father Muh. Husain (T.R. p. - 198). - - [1237] _qush_, not even a little plough-land being given - (_chand qulba dihya_, 215 f. 162). - - [1238] They were sons of Sl. Ahmad Khan _Chaghatai_. - - [1239] f. 160. - - [1240] Haidar's opinion of Babur at this crisis is of the more - account that his own father was one of the rebels let go to - the mercy of the "avenging servitor". When he writes of Babur, - as being, at a time so provoking, gay, generous, affectionate, - simple and gentle, he sets before us insight and temper in - tune with Kipling's "If...." - - [1241] Babur's distinction, made here and elsewhere, between - Chaghatai and Mughul touches the old topic of the right or - wrong of the term "Mughul dynasty". What he, as also Haidar, - allows said is that if Babur were to describe his mother in - tribal terms, he would say she was half-Chaghatai, - half-Mughul; and that if he so described himself, he would say - he was half-Timurid-Turk, half-Chaghatai. He might have called - the dynasty he founded in India Turki, might have called it - Timuriya; he would never have called it Mughul, after his - maternal grandmother. - - Haidar, with imperfect classification, divides Chingiz Khan's - "Mughul horde" into Mughuls and Chaghatais and of this - Chaghatai offtake says that none remained in 953 _AH._ (1547 - _AD._) except the rulers, _i.e._ sons of Sl. Ahmad Khan (T.R. - 148). Manifestly there was a body of Chaghatais with Babur and - there appear to have been many near his day in the Heri - region,--'Ali-sher _Nawa'i_ the best known. - - Babur supplies directions for naming his dynasty when, as - several times, he claims to rule in Hindustan where the "Turk" - had ruled (f. 233_b_, f. 224_b_, f. 225). To call his dynasty - Mughul seems to blot out the centuries, something as we should - do by calling the English Teutons. If there is to be such - blotting-out, Abu'l-ghazi would allow us, by his tables of - Turk descent, to go further, to the primal source of all the - tribes concerned, to Turk, son of Japhet. This traditional - descent is another argument against "Mughul dynasty." - - [1242] They went to Qandahar and there suffered great - privation. - - [1243] Baran seems likely to be the Baian of some maps. - Gul-i-bahar is higher up on the Panjhir road. Chash-tupa will - have been near-by; its name might mean _Hill of the heap of - winnowed-corn_. - - [1244] f. 136. - - [1245] Answer; Visions of his father's sway. - - [1246] Elph. MS. f. 161; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 164 and 217 f. - 139_b_; Mems. p. 220. - - [1247] The narrative indicates the location of the tribe, the - modern Ghilzai or Ghilzi. - - [1248] Sih-kana lies s.e. of Shorkach, and near Kharbin. - Sar-i-dih is about 25 or 30 miles s. of Ghazni (Erskine). A - name suiting the pastoral wealth of the tribe _viz._ - Mesh-khail, Sheep-tribe, is shewn on maps somewhat s. from - Kharbin. _Cf._ Steingass _s.n._ Masht. - - [1249] _yaghrun_, whence _yaghrunchi_, a diviner by help of - the shoulder-blades of sheep. The defacer of the Elphinstone - Codex has changed _yaghrun_ to _yan_, side, thus making Babur - turn his side and not his half-back to the north, altering his - direction, and missing what looks like a jesting reference to - his own divination of the road. The Pole Star was seen, - presumably, before the night became quite black. - - [1250] From the subsequent details of distance done, this must - have been one of those good _yighach_ of perhaps 5-6 miles, - that are estimated by the ease of travel on level lands (Index - _s.v._ _yighach_). - - [1251] I am uncertain about the form of the word translated by - "whim". The Elph. and Hai. Codices read _khud d:lma_ (altered - in the first to _y:lma_); Ilminsky (p. 257) reads _khud l:ma_ - (de C. ii, 2 and note); Erskine has been misled by the Persian - translation (215 f. 164_b_ and 217 f. 139_b_). Whether - _khud-dilma_ should be read, with the sense of "out of their - own hearts" (spontaneously), or whether _khud-yalma_, own pace - (Turki, _yalma_, pace) the contrast made by Babur appears to - be between an unpremeditated gallop and one premeditated for - haste. Persian _dalama_, tarantula, also suggests itself. - - [1252] _chapqun_, which is the word translated by gallop - throughout the previous passage. The Turki verb _chapmaq_ is - one of those words-of-all-work for which it is difficult to - find a single English equivalent. The verb _quimaq_ is - another; in its two occurrences here the first may be a - metaphor from the pouring of molten metal; the second - expresses that permission to gallop off for the raid without - which to raid was forbidden. The root-notion of _quimaq_ seems - to be letting-go, that of _chapmaq_, rapid motion. - - [1253] _i.e._ on the raiders' own road for Kabul. - - [1254] f. 198_b_. - - [1255] The Fifth taken was manifestly at the ruler's - disposition. In at least two places when dependants send gifts - to Babur the word [_tassaduq_] used might be rendered as - "gifts for the poor". Does this mean that the _padshah_ in - receiving this stands in the place of the Imam of the Qoran - injunction which orders one-fifth of spoil to be given to the - Imam for the poor, orphans, and travellers,--four-fifths being - reserved for the troops? (Qoran, Sale's ed. 1825, i, 212 and - Hidayat, Book ix). - - [1256] This may be the sum of the separate items of sheep - entered in account-books by the commissaries. - - [1257] Here this comprehensive word will stand for deer, these - being plentiful in the region. - - [1258] Three Turki MSS. write _sighinib_, but the Elph. MS. - has had this changed to _yitib_, having reached. - - [1259] _bash-siz_, lit. without head, doubtless a pun on - Auz-beg (own beg, leaderless). B.M. Or. 3714 shows an artist's - conception of this _tart-part_. - - [1260] Baba Khaki is a fine valley, some 13 _yighach_ e. of - Heri (f. 13) where the Heri sultans reside in the heats (_J. - Asiatique_ xvi, 501, de Meynard's article; H.S. iii, 356). - - [1261] f. 172_b_. - - [1262] _aukhshata almadi._ This is one of many passages which - Ilminsky indicates he has made good by help of the Memoirs (p. - 261; _Memoires_ ii, 6). - - [1263] They are given also on f. 172. - - [1264] This may be Sirakhs or Sirakhsh (Erskine). - - [1265] _Tushliq tushdin yurdi birurlar._ At least two meanings - can be given to these words. Circumstances seem to exclude the - one in which the Memoirs (p. 222) and _Memoires_ (ii, 7) have - taken them here, _viz._ "each man went off to shift for - himself", and "chacun s'en alla de son cote et s'enfuit comme - il put", because Zu'n-nun did not go off, and the Mirzas broke - up after his defeat. I therefore suggest another reading, one - prompted by the Mirzas' vague fancies and dreams of what they - might do, but did not. - - [1266] The encounter was between "Belaq-i-maral and - Rabat-i-'ali-sher, near Badghis" (Raverty's _Notes_ p. 580). - For particulars of the taking of Heri _see_ H.S. iii, 353. - - [1267] One may be the book-name, the second the name in common - use, and due to the colour of the buildings. But Babur may be - making an ironical jest, and nickname the fort by a word - referring to the defilement (_ala_) of Auzbeg possession. (Cf. - H.S. iii, 359.) - - [1268] Mr. Erskine notes that Badi'u'z-zaman took refuge with - Shah Isma'il _Safawi_ who gave him Tabriz. When the Turkish - Emperor Salim took Tabriz in 920 AH. (1514 AD.), he was taken - prisoner and carried to Constantinople, where he died in 923 - AH. (1517 AD.). - - [1269] In the fort were his wife Kabuli Begim, d. of Aulugh - Beg M. _Kabuli_ and Ruqaiya Agha, known as the Nightingale. A - young daughter of the Mirza, named the Rose-bud (Chuchak), had - died just before the siege. After the surrender of the fort, - Kabuli Begim was married by Mirza Kukuldash (perhaps - 'Ashiq-i-muhammad _Arghun_); Ruqaiya by Timur Sl. _Auzbeg_ - (H.S. iii, 359). - - [1270] The _Khutba_ was first read for Shaibaq Khan in Heri on - Friday Muharram 15th 913 AH. (May 27th 1507 AD.). - - [1271] There is a Persian phrase used when a man engages in an - unprofitable undertaking _Kir-i-khar gerift_, _i.e._ _Asini - nervum deprehendet_ (Erskine). The H.S. does not mention - Bana'i as fleecing the poets but has much to say about one - Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahim a Turkistani favoured by Shaibani, whose - victim Khwand-amir was, amongst many others. Not infrequently - where Babur and Khwand-amir state the same fact, they - accompany it by varied details, as here (H.S. iii, 358, 360). - - [1272] _'adat._ Muhammadan Law fixes a term after widowhood or - divorce within which re-marriage is unlawful. Light is thrown - upon this re-marriage by H.S. iii, 359. The passage, a - somewhat rhetorical one, gives the following details:--"On - coming into Her[i.] on Muharram 11th, Shaibani at once set - about gathering in the property of the Timurids. He had the - wives and daughters of the former rulers brought before him. - The great lady Khan-zada Begim (f. 163_b_) who was daughter of - Ahmad Khan, niece of Sl. Husain Mirza, and wife of Muzaffar - Mirza, shewed herself pleased in his presence. Desiring to - marry him, she said Muzaffar M. had divorced her two years - before. Trustworthy persons gave evidence to the same effect, - so she was united to Shaibani in accordance with the glorious - Law. Mihr-angez Begim, Muzaffar M.'s daughter, was married to - 'Ubaidu'llah Sl. (_Auzbeg_); the rest of the chaste ladies - having been sent back into the city, Shaibani resumed his - search for property." Manifestly Babur did not believe in the - divorce Khwand-amir thus records. - - [1273] A sarcasm this on the acceptance of literary honour - from the illiterate. - - [1274] f. 191 and note; Pul-i-salar may be an irrigation-dam. - - [1275] Qalat-i-nadiri, the birth-place of Nadir Shah, n. of - Mashhad and standing on very strong ground (Erskine). - - [1276] This is likely to be the road passing through the - Carfax of Rabat-i-sangbast, described by Daulat-shah (Browne, - p. 176). - - [1277] This will mean that the Arghuns would acknowledge his - suzerainty; Haidar Mirza however says that Shah Beg had higher - views (T. R. p. 202). There had been earlier negotiations - between Zu'n-nun with Badi'u'z-zaman and Babur which may have - led to the abandonment of Babur's expedition in 911 AD. (f. - 158; H.S. iii, 323; Raverty's account (_Notes_ p. 581-2) of - Babur's dealings with the Arghun chiefs needs revision). - - [1278] They will have gone first to Tun or Qain, thence to - Mashhad, and seem likely to have joined the Begim after - cross-cutting to avoid Heri. - - [1279] _yaghi wilayati-gha kiladurghan._ There may have been - an accumulation of caravans on their way to Herat, checked in - Qalat by news of the Auzbeg conquest. - - [1280] Jahangir's son, thus brought by his mother, will have - been an infant; his father had gone back last year with Babur - by the mountain road and had been left, sick and travelling in - a litter, with the baggage when Babur hurried on to Kabul at - the news of the mutiny against him (f. 197); he must have died - shortly afterwards, seemingly between the departure of the two - rebels from Kabul (f. 201_b_-202) and the march out for - Qandahar. Doubtless his widow now brought her child to claim - his uncle Babur's protection. - - [1281] Persians pay great attention in their correspondence - not only to the style but to the kind of paper on which a - letter is written, the place of signature, the place of the - seal, and the situation of the address. Chardin gives some - curious information on the subject (Erskine). Babur marks the - distinction of rank he drew between the Arghun chiefs and - himself when he calls their letter to him, _'arz-dasht_, his - to them _khatt_. His claim to suzerainty over those chiefs - is shewn by Haidar Mirza to be based on his accession to - Timurid headship through the downfall of the Bai-qaras, who - had been the acknowledged suzerains of the Arghuns now - repudiating Babur's claim. Cf. Erskine's _History of India_ i, - cap. 3. - - [1282] on the main road, some 40 miles east of Qandahar. - - [1283] var. Kur or Kawar. If the word mean _ford_, this might - well be the one across the Tarnak carrying the road to Qara - (maps). Here Babur seems to have left the main road along the - Tarnak, by which the British approach was made in 1880 AD., - for one crossing west into the valley of the Argand-ab. - - [1284] Baba Hasan _Abdal_ is the Baba Wali of maps. The same - saint has given his name here, and also to his shrine east of - Atak where he is known as Baba Wali of Qandahar. The torrents - mentioned are irrigation off-takes from the Argand-ab, which - river flows between Baba Wali and Khalishak. Shah Beg's force - was south of the torrents (cf. Murghan-koh on S.A.W. map). - - [1285] The narrative and plans of _Second Afghan War_ (Murray - 1908) illustrate Babur's movements and show most of the places - he names. The end of the 280 mile march, from Kabul to within - sight of Qandahar, will have stirred in the General of 1507 - what it stirred in the General of 1880. Lord Roberts speaking - in May 1913 in Glasgow on the rapid progress of the movement - for National Service thus spoke:--"A memory comes over me which - turns misgiving into hope and apprehension into confidence. It - is the memory of the morning when, accompanied by two of - Scotland's most famous regiments, the Seaforths and the - Gordons, at the end of a long and arduous march, _I saw in the - distance the walls and minarets of Qandahar, and knew that the - end of a great resolve and a great task was near._" - - [1286] _min tash 'imarat qazdurghan tumshughi-ning alida_; 215 - f. l68_b_, _'imarati kah az sang yak para farmuda budim_; 217 - f. 143_b_, _jay kah man 'imarati sakhtam_; Mems. p. 226, where - I have built a palace; _Mems._ ii, 15, _l'endroit meme ou j'ai - bati un palais_. All the above translations lose the sense of - _qazdurghan_, am causing to dig out, to quarry stone. Perhaps - for coolness' sake the dwelling was cut out in the living - rock. That the place is south-west of the main _ariqs_, near - Murghan-koh or on it, Babur's narrative allows. Cf. Appendix - J. - - [1287] _sic_, Hai. MS. There are two Lakhshas, Little Lakhsha, - a mile west of Qandahar, and Great Lakhsha, about a mile s.w. - of Old Qandahar, 5 or 6 m. from the modern one (Erskine). - - [1288] This will be the main irrigation channel taken off from - the Argand-ab (Maps). - - [1289] _tamam ailikidin--aish-kilur yikitlar_, an idiomatic - phrase used of 'Ali-dost (f. 14_b_ and n.), not easy to - express by a single English adjective. - - [1290] The _tawachi_ was a sort of adjutant who attended to - the order of the troops and carried orders from the general - (Erskine). The difficult passage following gives the Turki - terms Babur selected to represent Arabic military ones. - - [1291] Ar. _ahad_ (_Ayin-i-akbari_, Blochmann, index _s.n._). - The word _bui_ recurs in the text on f. 210. - - [1292] _i.e._ the _bui tikini_ of f. 209_b_, the _khasa - tabin_, close circle. - - [1293] As Mughuls seem unlikely to be descendants of Muhammad, - perhaps the title Sayyid in some Mughul names here, may be a - translation of a Mughul one meaning Chief. - - [1294] _Arghun-ning qarasi_, a frequent phrase. - - [1295] in sign of submission. - - [1296] f. 176. It was in 908 AH. [1502 AD.]. - - [1297] This word seems to be from _sanjmaq_, to prick or stab; - and here to have the military sense of _prick_, _viz._ riding - forth. The Second Pers. trs. (217 f. 144_b_) translates it by - _ghauta khurda raft_, went tasting a plunge under water (215 - f. 170; Muh. _Shirazi_'s lith. ed. p. 133). Erskine (p. 228), - as his Persian source dictates, makes the men sink into the - soft ground; de Courteille varies much (ii, 21). - - [1298] Ar. _akhmail_, so translated under the known presence - of trees; it may also imply soft ground (Lane p. 813 col. b) - but soft ground does not suit the purpose of _ariqs_ - (channels), the carrying on of water to the town. - - [1299] The S.A.W. map is useful here. - - [1300] That he had a following may be inferred. - - [1301] Hai. MS. _qachar_; Ilminsky, p. 268; and both Pers. - trss. _rukhsar_ or _rukhsara_ (f. 25 and note to _qachar_). - - [1302] So in the Turki MSS. and the first Pers. trs. (215 f. - 170_b_). The second Pers. trs. (217 f. 145_b_) has a gloss of - _atqu u tika_; this consequently Erskine follows (p. 229) and - adds a note explaining the punishment. Ilminsky has the gloss - also (p. 269), thus indicating Persian and English influence. - - [1303] No MS. gives the missing name. - - [1304] The later favour mentioned was due to Sambhal's - laborious release of his master from Auzbeg captivity in 917 - AH. (1511 AD.) of which Erskine quotes a full account from the - _Tarikh-i-sind_ (History of India i, 345). - - [1305] Presumably he went by Sabzar, Daulatabad, and Washir. - - [1306] f. 202 and note to _Chaghatai_. - - [1307] This will be for the Ningnahar _tuman_ of Lamghan. - - [1308] He was thus dangerously raised in his father's place of - rule. - - [1309] ff. 10_b_, 11_b_. Haidar M. writes, "Shah Begim laid - claim to Badakhshan, saying, "It has been our hereditary - kingdom for 3000 years; though I, being a woman, cannot myself - attain sovereignty, yet my grandson Mirza Khan can hold it" - (T. R. p. 203). - - [1310] _tibradilar._ The agitation of mind connoted, with - movement, by this verb may well have been, here, doubt of - Babur's power to protect. - - [1311] _tushluq tushdin taghgha yurukailar._ Cf. 205_b_ for - the same phrase, with supposedly different meaning. - - [1312] _qangshar_ lit. ridge of the nose. - - [1313] _bir auq ham quia-almadilar_ (f. 203_b_ note to - _chapqun_). - - [1314] This will have been news both of Shaibaq Khan and of - Mirza Khan. The Pers. trss. vary here (215 f. 173 and 217 f. - 148). - - [1315] Index _s.n._ - - [1316] Mah-chuchuk can hardly have been married against her - will to Qasim. Her mother regarded the alliance as a family - indignity; appealed to Shah Beg and compassed a rescue from - Kabul while Babur and Qasim were north of the Oxus [_circa_ - 916 AH.]. Mah-chuchuk quitted Kabul after much hesitation, due - partly to reluctance to leave her husband and her infant of 18 - months, [Nahid Begim,] partly to dread less family honour - might require her death (Erskine's _History_, i, 348 and - Gul-badan's _Humayun-nama_). - - [1317] Erskine gives the fort the alternative name "Kaliun", - locates it in the Badghis district east of Heri, and quotes - from Abu'l-ghazi in describing its strong position (_History_ - i, 282). H.S. Tirah-tu. - - [1318] f. 133 and note. Abu'l-fazl mentions that the - inscription was to be seen in his time. - - [1319] This fief ranks in value next to the Kabul _tuman_. - - [1320] Various gleanings suggest motives for Babur's assertion - of supremacy at this particular time. He was the only Timurid - ruler and man of achievement; he filled Husain _Bai-qara_'s - place of Timurid headship; his actions through a long period - show that he aimed at filling Timur Beg's. There were those - who did not admit his suzerainty,--Timurids who had rebelled, - Mughuls who had helped them, and who would also have helped - Sa'id Khan _Chaghatai_, if he had not refused to be - treacherous to a benefactor; there were also the Arghuns, - Chingiz-khanids of high pretensions. In old times the Mughul - Khaqans were _padshah_ (supreme); Padshah is recorded in - history as the style of at least Satuq-bughra Khan Padshah - Ghazi; no Timurid had been lifted by his style above all - Mirzas. When however Timurids had the upper hand, Babur's - Timurid grandfather Abu-sa'id asserted his _de facto_ - supremacy over Babur's Chaghatai grandfather Yunas (T. R. p. - 83). For Babur to re-assert that supremacy by assuming the - Khaqan's style was highly opportune at this moment. To be - Babur Supreme was to declare over-lordship above Chaghatai and - Mughul, as well as over all Mirzas. It was done when his sky - had cleared; Mirza Khan's rebellion was scotched; the Arghuns - were defeated; he was the stronger for their lost possessions; - his Auzbeg foe had removed to a less ominous distance; and - Kabul was once more his own. - - Gul-badan writes as if the birth of his first-born son Humayun - were a part of the uplift in her father's style, but his - narrative does not support her in this, since the order of - events forbids. - - [1321] The "Khan" in Humayun's title may be drawn from his - mother's family, since it does not come from Babur. To whose - family Mahim belonged we have not been able to discover. It is - one of the remarkable omissions of Babur, Gul-badan and - Abu'l-fazl that they do not give her father's name. The topic - of her family is discussed in my Biographical Appendix to - Gul-badan's _Humayun-nama_ and will be taken up again, here, - in a final Appendix on Babur's family. - - [1322] Elph. MS. f. 172_b_; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 174_b_ and 217 - f. 148_b_; Mems. p. 234. - - [1323] on the head-waters of the Tarnak (R.'s _Notes_ App. p. - 34). - - [1324] Babur has made no direct mention of his half-brother's - death (f. 208 and n. to Mirza). - - [1325] This may be Darwesh-i-'ali of f. 210; the Sayyid in his - title may merely mean chief, since he was a Mughul. - - [1326] Several of these mutineers had fought for Babur at - Qandahar. - - [1327] It may be useful to recapitulate this Mirza's - position:--In the previous year he had been left in charge of - Kabul when Babur went eastward in dread of Shaibani, and, so - left, occupied his hereditary place. He cannot have hoped to - hold Kabul if the Auzbeg attacked it; for its safety and his - own he may have relied, and Babur also in appointing him, upon - influence his Arghun connections could use. For these, one was - Muqim his brother-in-law, had accepted Shaibani's suzerainty - after being defeated in Qandahar by Babur. It suited them - better no doubt to have the younger Mirza rather than Babur in - Kabul; the latter's return thither will have disappointed them - and the Mirza; they, as will be instanced later, stood ready - to invade his lands when he moved East; they seem likely to - have promoted the present Mughul uprising. In the battle which - put this down, the Mirza was captured; Babur pardoned him; but - he having rebelled again, was then put to death. - - [1328] Bagh-i-yurunchqa may be an equivalent of Bagh-i-safar, - and the place be one of waiting "up to" (_unchqa_) the journey - (_yur_). _Yurunchqa_ also means _clover_ (De Courteille). - - [1329] He seems to have been a brother or uncle of Humayun's - mother Mahim (Index; A. N. trs. i, 492 and note). - - [1330] In all MSS. the text breaks off abruptly here, as it - does on f. 118_b_ as though through loss of pages, and a blank - of narrative follows. Before the later gap of f. 251_b_ - however the last sentence is complete. - - [1331] Index _s. n. Babur-nama_, date of composition and gaps. - - [1332] _ibid._ - - [1333] Jumada I, 14th 968 AH.-Jan. 31st 1561 AD. Concerning - the book _see_ Elliot and Dowson's _History of India_ vi, 572 - and JRAS 1901 p. 76, H. Beveridge's art. _On Persian MSS. in - Indian Libraries_. - - [1334] The T. R. gives the names of two only of the champions - but Firishta, writing much later gives all five; we surmise - that he found his five in the book of which copies are not now - known, the _Tarikh-i Muh. 'Arif Qandahari_. Firishta's five - are 'Ali _shab-kur_ (night-blind), 'Ali _Sistani_, Nazar - Bahadur _Auzbeg_, Ya'qub _tez-jang_ (swift in fight), and - Auzbeg Bahadur. Haidar's two names vary in the MSS. of the T. - R. but represent the first two of Firishta's list. - - [1335] There are curious differences of statement about the - date of Shaibani's death, possibly through confusion between - this and the day on which preliminary fighting began near - Merv. Haidar's way of expressing the date carries weight by - its precision, he giving _roz-i-shakk_ of Ramzan, _i.e._ a day - of which there was doubt whether it was the last of Sha'ban or - the first of Ramzan (Lane, _yauma'u'l-shakk_). As the sources - support Friday for the day of the week and on a Friday in the - year 915 AH. fell the 29th of Sha'ban, the date of Shaibani's - death seems to be Friday Sha'ban 29th 915 AH. (Friday December - 2nd 1510 AD.). - - [1336] If my reading be correct of the Turki passage - concerning wines drunk by Babur which I have noted on f. 49 - (_in loco_ p. 83 n. 1), it was during this occupation of Kabul - that Babur first broke the Law against stimulants. - - [1337] Mr. R. S. Poole found a coin which he took to be one - struck in obedience to Babur's compact with the Shah (B.M.Cat. - of the coins of Persian Shahs 1887, pp. xxiv _et seq._; T.R. - p. 246 n.). - - [1338] It was held by Ahmad-i-qasim _Kohbur_ and is referred - to on f. 234_b_, as one occasion of those in which Dost Beg - distinguished himself. - - [1339] Schuyler's _Turkistan_ has a good account and picture - of the mosque. 'Ubaid's vow is referred to in my earlier - mention of the _Suluku'l-muluk_. It may be noted here that - this MS. supports the spelling _Babur_ by making the second - syllable rhyme to _pur_, as against the form _Babar_. - - [1340] _auruq._ Babur refers to this exodus on f. 12_b_ when - writing of Daulat-sultan Khanim. - - [1341] It is one recorded with some variation, in Niyaz - Muhammad _Khukandi's Tarikh-i-shahrukhi_ (Kazan, 1885) and - Nalivkine's _Khanate of Khokand_ (p. 63). It says that when - Babur in 918 AH. (1512 AD.) left Samarkand after defeat by the - Auzbegs, one of his wives, Sayyida Afaq who accompanied him in - his flight, gave birth to a son in the desert which lies - between Khujand and Kand-i-badam; that Babur, not daring to - tarry and the infant being too young to make the impending - journey, left it under some bushes with his own girdle round - it in which were things of price; that the child was found by - local people and in allusion to the valuables amongst which it - lay, called Altun bishik (golden cradle); that it received - other names and was best known in later life as Khudayan - Sultan. He is said to have spent most of his life in Akhsi; to - have had a son Tingri-yar; and to have died in 952 AH. (1545 - AD.). His grandson Yar-i-muhammad is said to have gone to - India to relations who was descendants of Babur (JASB 1905 p. - 137 H. Beveridge's art. _The Emperor Babur_). What is against - the truth of this tradition is that Gul-badan mentions no such - wife as Sayyida Afaq. Mahim however seems to have belonged to - a religious family, might therefore be styled Sayyida, and, as - Babur mentions (f. 220), had several children who did not live - (a child left as this infant was, might if not heard of, be - supposed dead). There is this opening allowed for considering - the tradition. - - [1342] Babur refers to this on f. 265. - - [1343] The _Lubbu't-tawarikh_ would fix Ramzan 7th. - - [1344] Mr. Erskine's quotation of the Persian original of the - couplet differs from that which I have translated (_History of - India_ ii, 326; _Tarikh-i-badayuni_ Bib. Ind. ed. f. 444). - Perhaps in the latter a pun is made on Najm as the leader's - name and as meaning _fortune_; if so it points the more - directly at the Shah. The second line is quoted by Badayuni on - his f. 362 also. - - [1345] Some translators make Babur go "naked" into the fort - but, on his own authority (f. 106_b_), it seems safer to - understand what others say, that he went stripped of - attendance, because it was always his habit even in times of - peace to lie down in his tunic; much more would he have done - so at such a crisis of his affairs as this of his flight to - Hisar. - - [1346] Haidar gives a graphic account of the misconduct of the - horde and of their punishment (T.R. p. 261-3). - - [1347] One of the mutineers named as in this affair (T.R. p. - 257) was Sl. Quli _chunaq_, a circumstance attracting - attention by its bearing on the cause of the _lacunae_ in the - _Babur-nama_, inasmuch as Babur, writing at the end of his - life, expresses (f. 65) his intention to tell of this man's - future misdeeds. These misdeeds may have been also at Hisar - and in the attack there made on Babur; they are known from - Haidar to have been done at Ghazni; both times fall within - this present gap. Hence it is clear that Babur meant to write - of the events falling in the gap of 914 AH. onwards. - - [1348] In 925 AH. (ff. 227 and 238) mention is made of - courtesies exchanged between Babur and Muhammad-i-zaman in - Balkh. The Mirza was with Babur later on in Hindustan. - - [1349] Mir Ma'sum's _Tarikh-i-sind_ is the chief authority for - Babur's action after 913 AH. against Shah Beg in Qandahar; its - translation, made in 1846 by Major Malet, shews some - manifestly wrong dates; they appear also in the B. M. MS. of - the work. - - [1350] f. 216_b_ and note to "Monday". - - [1351] Elph. MS. f. 173_b_; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 178 and 217 f. - 149; Mems. p. 246. The whole of the Hijra year is included in - 1519 AD. (Erskine). What follows here and completes the Kabul - section of the _Babur-nama_ is a diary of a little over 13 - months' length, supplemented by matter of later entry. The - product has the character of a draft, awaiting revision to - harmonize it in style and, partly, in topic with the composed - narrative that breaks off under 914 AH.; for the diary, - written some 11 years earlier than that composed narrative, - varies, as it would be expected _a priori_ to vary, in style - and topic from the terse, lucid and idiomatic output of - Babur's literary maturity. A good many obscure words and - phrases in it, several new from Babur's pen, have opposed - difficulty to scribes and translators. Interesting as such - _minutiae_ are to a close observer of Turki and of Babur's - diction, comment on all would be tedious; a few will be found - noted, as also will such details as fix the date of entry for - supplementary matter. - - [1352] Here Mr. Erskine notes that Dr. Leyden's translation - begins again; it broke off on f. 180_b_, and finally ends on - f. 223_b_. - - [1353] This name is often found transliterated as Chandul or - [mod.] Jandul but the Hai. MS. supports Raverty's opinion that - Chandawal is correct. - - The year 925 AH. opens with Babur far from Kabul and east of - the Khahr (fort) he is about to attack. Afghan and other - sources allow surmise of his route to that position; he may - have come down into the Chandawal-valley, first, from taking - Chaghan-sarai (f. 124, f. 134 and n.), and, secondly, from - taking the Gibri stronghold of Haidar-i-'ali _Bajauri_ which - stood at the head of the Baba Qara-valley. The latter surmise - is supported by the romantic tales of Afghan chroniclers which - at this date bring into history Babur's Afghan wife, Bibi - Mubaraka (f. 220_b_ and note; Mems. p. 250 n.; and Appendix K, - _An Afghan legend_). (It must be observed here that R.'s - _Notes_ (pp. 117, 128) confuse the two sieges, _viz._ of the - Gibri fort in 924 AH. and of the Khahr of Bajaur in 925 AH.) - - [1354] Raverty lays stress on the circumstance that the fort - Babur now attacks has never been known as Bajaur, but always - simply as Khahr, the fort (the Arabic name for the place - being, he says, plain _Shahr_); just as the main stream is - called simply Rud (the torrent). The name Khahr is still used, - as modern maps shew. There are indeed two neighbouring places - known simply as Khahr (Fort), _i.e._ one at the mouth of the - "Mahmand-valley" of modern campaigns, the other near the - Malakand (Fincastle's map). - - [1355] This word the Hai. MS. writes, _passim_, Dilah-zak. - - [1356] Either Haidar-i-'ali himself or his nephew, the latter - more probably, since no name is mentioned. - - [1357] Looking at the position assigned by maps to Khahr, in - the _du-ab_ of the Charmanga-water and the Rud of Bajaur, it - may be that Babur's left moved along the east bank of the - first-named stream and crossed it into the _du-ab_, while his - centre went direct to its post, along the west side of the - fort. - - [1358] _su-kirishi_; to interpret which needs local knowledge; - it might mean where water entered the fort, or where water - disembogued from narrows, or, perhaps, where water is entered - for a ford. (The verb _kirmak_ occurs on f. 154_b_ and f. 227 - to describe water coming down in spate.) - - [1359] _diwanawar_, perhaps a jest on a sobriquet earned - before this exploit, perhaps the cause of the man's later - sobriquet _diwana_ (f. 245_b_). - - [1360] Text, t:r:k, read by Erskine and de Courteille as Turk; - it might however be a Turki component in Jan-i-'ali or - Muhibb-i-'ali. (Cf. Zenker _s.n. tirik_.) - - [1361] _aushul guni_, which contrasts with the frequent - _aushbu guni_ (this same day, today) of manifestly diary - entries; it may indicate that the full account of the siege is - a later supplement. - - [1362] This puzzling word might mean cow-horn (_kau-saru_) and - stand for the common horn trumpet. Erskine and de Courteille - have read it as _gau-sar_, the first explaining it as - _cow-head_, surmised to be a protection for matchlockmen when - loading; the second, as _justaucorps de cuir_. That the word - is baffling is shewn by its omission in I.O. 215 (f. 178_b_), - in 217 (f. 149_b_) and in Muh. _Shirazi_'s lith. ed. (p. 137). - - [1363] or _farangi._ Much has been written concerning the - early use of gun-powder in the East. There is, however, no - well-authenticated fact to prove the existence of anything - like artillery there, till it was introduced from Europe. - Babur here, and in other places (f. 267) calls his larger - ordnance Firingi, a proof that they were then regarded as - owing their origin to Europe. The Turks, in consequence of - their constant intercourse with the nations of the West, have - always excelled all the other Orientals in the use of - artillery; and, when heavy cannon were first used in India, - Europeans or Turks were engaged to serve them (Erskine). It is - owing no doubt to the preceding gap in his writings that we - are deprived of Babur's account of his own introduction to - fire-arms. _See_ E. & D.'s _History of India_, vi, Appendix - _On the early use of gunpowder in India_. - - [1364] var. _qutbi_, _quchini_. - - [1365] This sobriquet might mean "ever a fighter", or an - "argle-bargler", or a brass shilling (Zenker), or (if written - _jing-jing_) that the man was visaged like the bearded reeding - (Scully in Shaw's Vocabulary). The _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ - includes a Mirak Khan _Jang-jang_ in its list of Akbar's - Commanders. - - [1366] _ghul-din (awwal) aul qurghan-gha chiqti._ I suggest to - supply _awwal_, first, on the warrant of Babur's later - statement (f. 234_b_) that Dost was first in. - - [1367] He was a son of Maulana Muh. _Sadr_, one of the chief - men of 'Umar-shaikh M.'s Court; he had six brothers, all of - whom spent their lives in Babur's service, to whom, if we may - believe Abu'l-fazl, they were distantly related (Erskine). - - [1368] Babur now returns towards the east, down the Rud. The - _chashma_ by which he encamped, would seem to be near the - mouth of the valley of Baba Qara, one 30 miles long; it may - have been, anglice, a spring [not that of the main stream of - the long valley], but the word may be used as it seems to be - of the water supplying the Bagh-i-safa (f. 224), _i.e._ to - denote the first considerable gathering-place of small - head-waters. It will be observed a few lines further on that - this same valley seems to be meant by "Khwaja Khizr". - - [1369] He will have joined Babur previous to Muharram 925 AH. - - [1370] This statement, the first we have, that Babur has - broken Musalman Law against stimulants (f. 49 and n.), is - followed by many others more explicit, jotting down where and - what and sometimes why he drank, in a way which arrests - attention and asks some other explanation than that it is an - unabashed record of conviviality such conceivably as a - non-Musalman might write. Babur is now 37 years old; he had - obeyed the Law till past early manhood; he wished to return to - obedience at 40; he frequently mentions his lapses by a word - which can be translated as "commitment of sin" (_irtqab_); one - gathers that he did not at any time disobey with easy - conscience. Does it explain his singular record,--one made in - what amongst ourselves would be regarded as a private - diary,--that his sins were created by Law? Had he a balance of - reparation in his thoughts? - - Detaching into their separate class as excesses, all his - instances of confessed drunkenness, there remains much in his - record which, seen from a non-Musalman point of view, is - venial; _e.g._ his _subuhi_ appears to be the "morning" of the - Scot, the _Morgen-trank_ of the Teuton; his afternoon cup, in - the open air usually, may have been no worse than the sober - glass of beer or local wine of modern Continental Europe. Many - of these legal sins of his record were interludes in the day's - long ride, stirrup-cups some of them, all in a period of - strenuous physical activity. Many of his records are - collective and are phrased impersonally; they mention that - there was drinking, drunkenness even, but they give details - sometimes such as only a sober observer could include. - - Babur names a few men as drunkards, a few as entirely - obedient; most of his men seem not to have obeyed the Law and - may have been "temperate drinkers"; they effected work, Babur - amongst them, which habitual drunkards could not have - compassed. Spite of all he writes of his worst excesses, it - must be just to remember his Musalman conscience, and also the - distorting power of a fictitious sin. Though he broke the law - binding all men against excess, and this on several confessed - occasions, his rule may have been no worse than that of the - ordinarily temperate Western. It cannot but lighten judgment - that his recorded lapses from Law were often prompted by the - bounty and splendour of Nature; were committed amidst the - falling petals of fruit-blossom, the flaming fire of autumn - leaves, where the eye rested on the _arghwan_ or the orange - grove, the coloured harvest of corn or vine. - - [1371] As Mr. Erskine observes, there seems to be no valley - except that of Baba Qara, between the Khahr and the - Chandawal-valley; "Khwaja Khizr" and "Baba Qara" may be one - and the same valley. - - [1372] Time and ingenuity would be needed to bring over into - English all the quips of this verse. The most obvious pun is, - of course, that on Bajaur as the compelling cause (_ba jaur_) - of the parting; others may be meant on _guzid_ and _gazid_, on - _sazid_ and _chara_. The verse would provide the holiday - amusement of extracting from it two justifiable translations. - - [1373] His possessions extended from the river of Sawad to - Baramula; he was expelled from them by the Yusuf-zai - (Erskine). - - [1374] This will be the naze of the n.e. rampart of the Baba - Qara valley. - - [1375] f. 4 and note; f. 276. Babur seems to use the name for - several varieties of deer. - - [1376] There is here, perhaps, a jesting allusion to the - darkening of complexion amongst the inhabitants of countries - from west to east, from Highlands to Indian plains. - - [1377] In Dr. E. D. Ross' _Polyglot list of birds_ the - _sarigh(sariq)-qush_ is said to frequent fields of ripening - grain; this suggests to translate its name as Thief-bird. - - [1378] _Aquila chrysaetus_, the hunting eagle. - - [1379] This _araligh_ might be identified with the "Miankalai" - of maps (since Soghd, lying between two arms of the Zar-afshan - is known also as Miankal), but Raverty explains the Bajaur - Miankalai to mean Village of the holy men (_mian_). - - [1380] After 933 AH. presumably, when final work on the B.N. - was in progress. - - [1381] Mr. Erskine notes that Pesh-gram lies north of Mahyar - (on the Chandawal-water), and that he has not found Kahraj (or - Kohraj). Judging from Babur's next movements, the two valleys - he names may be those in succession east of Chandawal. - - [1382] There is hardly any level ground in the cleft of the - Panj-kura (R.'s _Notes_ p. 193); the villages are perched high - on the sides of the valley. The pass leading to them may be - Katgola (Fincastle's Map). - - [1383] This account of Hind-al's adoption is sufficiently - confused to explain why a note, made apparently by Humayun, - should have been appended to it (Appendix L, _On Hind-al's - adoption_). The confusion reminds the reader that he has - before him a sort of memorandum only, diary jottings, apt to - be allusive and abbreviated. The expected child was Dil-dar's; - Mahim, using her right as principal wife, asked for it to be - given to her. That the babe in question is here called Hind-al - shews that at least part of this account of his adoption was - added after the birth and naming (f. 227). - - [1384] One would be, no doubt, for Dil-dar's own information. - She then had no son but had two daughters, Gul-rang and - Gul-chihra. News of Hind-al's birth reached Babur in Bhira, - some six weeks later (f. 227). - - [1385] f. 218_b_. - - [1386] Bibi Mubaraka, the Afghani Aghacha of Gul-badan. An - attractive picture of her is drawn by the - _Tawarikh-i-hafi-i-rahmat-khani_. As this gives not only one - of Babur's romantic adventures but historical matter, I append - it in my husband's translation [(A.Q.R. April 1901)] as - Appendix K, _An Afghan Legend_. - - [1387] _Bi-sut aili-ning Bajaur-qurghani-da manasabati-bar - jihati_; a characteristic phrase. - - [1388] Perhaps the end of the early spring-harvest and the - spring harvesting-year. It is not the end of the campaigning - year, manifestly; and it is at the beginning of both the solar - and lunar years. - - [1389] Perhaps, more than half-way between the Mid-day and - Afternoon Prayers. So too in the annals of Feb. 12th. - - [1390] _til alghali_ (Pers. _zaban-giri_), a new phrase in the - B.N. - - [1391] _chasht_, which, being half-way between sunrise and the - meridian, is a variable hour. - - [1392] See n. 2, f. 221. - - [1393] Perhaps Maqam is the Mardan of maps. - - [1394] Bhira, on the Jehlam, is now in the Shahpur district of - the Panj-ab. - - [1395] This will be the ford on the direct road from Mardan - for the eastward (Elphin-stone's _Caubul_ ii, 416). - - [1396] The position of Sawati is represented by the Suabi of - the G. of I. map (1909 AD.). Writing in about 1813 AD. Mr. - Erskine notes as worthy of record that the rhinoceros was at - that date no longer found west of the Indus. - - [1397] Elph. MS. _ghura_, the 1st, but this is corrected to - 16th by a marginal note. The Hai. MS. here, as in some other - places, has the context for a number, but omits the figures. - So does also the Elph. MS. in a good many places. - - [1398] This is the Harru. Mr. Erskine observes that Babur - appears to have turned sharp south after crossing it, since he - ascended a pass so soon after leaving the Indus and reached - the Suhan so soon. - - [1399] _i.e._ the Salt-range. - - [1400] Mr. Erskine notes that (in his day) a _shahrukhi_ may - be taken at a shilling or eleven pence sterling. - - [1401] It is somewhat difficult not to forget that a man who, - like Babur, records so many observations of geographical - position, had no guidance from Surveys, Gazetteers and Books - of Travel. Most of his records are those of personal - observation. - - [1402] In this sentence Mr. Erskine read a reference to the - Musalman Ararat, the Koh-i-jud on the left bank of the Tigris. - What I have set down translates the Turki words but, taking - account of Babur's eye for the double use of a word, and - Erskine's careful work, done too in India, the Turki may imply - reference to the Ararat-like summit of Sakeswar. - - [1403] Here Dr. Leyden's version finally ends (Erskine). - - [1404] Bhira, as has been noted, is on the Jehlam; Khush-ab is - 40 m. lower down the same river; Chiniut (Chini-wat?) is 50 - miles south of Bhira; Chin-ab (China-water?) seems the name of - a tract only and not of a residential centre; it will be in - the Bar of Kipling's border-thief. Concerning Chiniut _see_ D. - G. Barkley's letter, JRAS 1899 p. 132. - - [1405] _taur yiri waqi' bulub tur._ As on f. 160 of the valley - of Khwesh, I have taken _taur_ to be Turki, complete, shut in. - - [1406] _chashma_ (f. 218_b_ and note). - - [1407] The promised description is not found; there follows a - mere mention only of the garden [f. 369]. This entry can be - taken therefore as shewing an intention to write what is still - wanting from Safar 926 AH. to Safar 932 AH. - - [1408] Mir Muh. may have been a kinsman or follower of Mahdi - Khwaja. The entry on the scene, unannounced by introduction as - to parentage, of the Khwaja who played a part later in Babur's - family affairs is due, no doubt, to the last gap of annals. He - is mentioned in the Translator's Note, _s.a._ 923 AH. (_See_ - Gul-badan's H.N. Biographical Appendix _s.n._) - - [1409] or Sihrind, mod. Sirhind or Sar-i-hind (Head of Hind). - It may be noted here, for what it may be found worth, that - Kh(w)afi Khan [i, 402] calls Sar-i-hind the old name, says - that the place was once held by the Ghazni dynasty and was its - Indian frontier, and that Shah-jahan changed it to Sahrind. - The W.-i-B. I.O. 217 f. 155 writes Shahrind. - - [1410] Three krores or crores of dams, at 40 to the rupee, - would make this 750,000 rupees, or about L75,000 sterling - (Erskine); a statement from the ancient history of the rupi! - - [1411] This Hindustani word in some districts signifies the - head man of a trade, in others a landholder (Erskine). - - [1412] In Mr. Erskine's time this sum was reckoned to be - nearly L20,000. - - [1413] Here originally neither the Elph. MS. nor the Hai. MS. - had a date; it has been added to the former. - - [1414] This rain is too early for the s.w. monsoon; it was - probably a severe fall of spring rain, which prevails at this - season or rather earlier, and extends over all the west of - Asia (Erskine). - - [1415] _az ghina shor su._ Streams rising in the Salt-range - become brackish on reaching its skirts (G. of I.). - - [1416] Here this will be the fermented juice of rice or of the - date-palm. - - [1417] _Rauh_ is sometimes the name of a musical note. - - [1418] a platform, with or without a chamber above it, and - supported on four posts. - - [1419] so-written in the MSS. Cf. Raverty's _Notes_ and G. of - I. - - [1420] Anglice, cousins on the father's side. - - [1421] The G. of I. describes it. - - [1422] Elph. MS. f. 183b, _mansub_; Hai. MS. and 2nd W.-i-B. - _bisut_. The holder might be Baba-i-kabuli of f. 225. - - [1423] The 1st Pers. trs. (I.O. 215 f. 188b) and Kehr's MS. - [Ilminsky p. 293] attribute Hati's last-recorded acts to Babur - himself. The two mistaken sources err together elsewhere. M. - de Courteille corrects the defect (ii, 67). - - [1424] night-guard. He is the old servant to whom Babur sent a - giant _ashrafi_ of the spoils of India (Gul-badan's H.N. - _s.n._). - - [1425] The _kiping_ or _kipik_ is a kind of mantle covered - with wool (Erskine); the root of the word is _kip_, dry. - - [1426] _aulugh chasht_, a term suggesting that Babur knew the - _chota haziri_, little breakfast, of Anglo-India. It may be - inferred, from several passages, that the big breakfast was - taken after 9 a.m. and before 12 p.m. Just below men are said - to put on their mail at _chasht_ in the same way as, _passim_, - things other than prayer are said to be done at this or that - Prayer; this, I think, always implies that they are done after - the Prayer mentioned; a thing done shortly before a Prayer is - done "close to" or "near" or when done over half-way to the - following Prayer, the act is said to be done "nearer" to the - second (as was noted on f. 221). - - [1427] _Juldu Dost Beg-ning ati-gha buldi._ - - [1428] The disarray of these names in the MSS. reveals - confusion in their source. Similar verbal disarray occurs in - the latter part of f. 229. - - [1429] Manifestly a pun is made on the guide's name and on the - _cap-a-pie_ robe of honour the offenders did not receive. - - [1430] _aurdu-ning aldi-gha_, a novel phrase. - - [1431] I understand that the servants had come to do their - equivalent for "kissing hands" on an appointment _viz._ to - kneel. - - [1432] spikenard. Speede's _Indian Handbook on Gardening_ - identifies _sambhal_ with _Valeriana jatmansi_ (Sir W. Jones & - Roxburgh); "it is the real spikenard of the ancients, highly - esteemed alike as a perfume and as a stimulant medicine; - native practitioners esteeming it valuable in hysteria and - epilepsy." Babur's word _dirakht_ is somewhat large for the - plant. - - [1433] It is not given, however. - - [1434] _i.e._ through the Indus. - - [1435] Perhaps this _aiki-su-arasi_ (_miyan-du-ab_) was the - angle made by the Indus itself below Atak; perhaps one made by - the Indus and an affluent. - - [1436] _ma'juni nakliki_, presumably under the tranquillity - induced by the drug. - - [1437] _massadus_, the six sides of the world, _i.e._ all - sides. - - [1438] This is the name of one of the five champions defeated - by Babur in single combat in 914 AH. (Translator's Note _s.a._ - 914 AH.). - - [1439] f. 145_b_. - - [1440] Humayun was 12, Kamran younger; one surmises that Babur - would have walked under the same circumstances. - - [1441] _sabuhi_, the morning-draught. In 1623 AD. Pietro della - Valle took a _sabuhi_ with Mr. Thomas Rastel, the head of the - merchants of Surat, which was of hot spiced wine and sipped in - the mornings to comfort the stomach (Hakluyt ed. p. 20). - - [1442] f. 128 and note. - - [1443] Anglice, in the night preceding Tuesday. - - [1444] f. 106b. - - [1445] This would be the under-corselet to which the four - plates of mail were attached when mail was worn. Babur in this - adventure wore no mail, not even his helm; on his head was the - under cap of the metal helm. - - [1446] Index s.n. _gharicha_. - - [1447] The earlier account helps to make this one clearer (f. - 106b). - - [1448] f. 112 _et seq._ - - [1449] Catamite, mistakenly read as _khiz_ on f. 112b - (_Memoires_ ii, 82). - - [1450] He was acting for Babur (Translator's Note _s.a._; H.S. - iii, 318; T.R. pp. 260, 270). - - [1451] "Honoured," in this sentence, represents Babur's - honorific plural. - - [1452] in 921 AH. (Translator's Note _s.a._; T.R. p. 356). - - [1453] _i.e._ Mir Muhammad son of Nasir. - - [1454] _i.e._ after the dethronement of the Bai-qara family by - Shaibani. - - [1455] He had been one of rebels of 921 AH. (Translator's Note - _s.a._; T.R. p. 356). - - [1456] f. 137. - - [1457] This is the Adjutant-bird, Pir-i-dang and Hargila - (Bone-swallower) of Hindustan, a migrant through Kabul. The - fowlers who brought it would be the Multaenis of f. 142_b_. - - [1458] f. 280. - - [1459] _Memoirs_, p. 267, sycamore; _Memoires_ ii, 84, - _saules_; f. 137. - - [1460] Perhaps with his long coat out-spread. - - [1461] The fortnight's gap of record, here ended, will be due - to illness. - - [1462] f. 203_b_ and n. to _Khams_, the Fifth. _Tasadduq_ - occurs also on f. 238 denoting money sent to Babur. Was it - sent to him as Padshah, as the Qoran commands the _Khams_ to - be sent to the Imam, for the poor, the traveller and the - orphan? - - [1463] Rose-water, sherbet, a purgative; English, jalap, - julep. - - [1464] Mr. Erskine understood Babur to say that he never had - sat sober while others drank; but this does not agree with the - account of Harat entertainments [912 AH.], or with the tenses - of the passage here. My impression is that he said in effect - "Every-one here shall not be deprived of their wine". - - [1465] This verse, a difficult one to translate, may refer to - the unease removed from his attendants by Babur's permission - to drink; the pun in it might also refer to _well_ and _not - well_. - - [1466] Presumably to aid his recovery. - - [1467] _autkan yil_, perhaps in the last and unchronicled - year; perhaps in earlier ones. There are several references in - the B.N. to the enforced migrations and emigrations of tribes - into Kabul. - - [1468] Pulad (Steel) was a son of Kuchum, the then Khaqan of - the Auzbegs, and Mihr-banu who may be Babur's half-sister. - [Index _s.n._] - - [1469] This may be written for Mihr-banu, Pulad's mother and - Babur's half-sister (?) and a jest made on her heart as - Pulad's and as steel to her brother. She had not left husband - and son when Babur got the upper hand, as his half-sister - Yadgar-sultan did and other wives of capture _e.g._ Haidar's - sister _Habiba_. Babur's rhymes in this verse are not of his - later standard, _ai subah, kunkuika, kunkuli-ka_. - - [1470] _Tasadduq_ sent to Babur would seem an acknowledgment - of his suzerainty in Balkh [Index _s.n._]. - - [1471] This is the Girdiz-pass [Raverty's _Notes_, Route 101]. - - [1472] Raverty (p. 677) suggests that Patakh stands for - _batqaq_, a quagmire (f. 16 and n.). - - [1473] the dark, or cloudy spring. - - [1474] _yaqish-liq qul_, an unusual phrase. - - [1475] var. Karman, Kurmah, Karmas. M. de C. read Kir-mas, the - impenetrable. The forms would give Garm-as, hot embers. - - [1476] _balafre_; marked on the face; of a horse, starred. - - [1477] Raverty's _Notes_ (p. 457) give a full account of this - valley; in it are the head-waters of the Tochi and the Zurmut - stream; and in it R. locates Rustam's ancient Zabul. - - [1478] It is on the Kabul side of the Girdiz-pass and stands - on the Luhugur-water (Logar). - - [1479] f. 143. - - [1480] At this point of the text there occurs in the Elph. MS. - (f. 195_b_) a note, manifestly copied from one marginal in an - archetype, which states that what follows is copied from - Babur's own MS. The note (and others) can be seen in JRAS 1905 - p. 754 _et seq._ - - [1481] Masson, iii, 145. - - [1482] A _qulach_ is from finger-tip to finger-tip of the - outstretched arms (Zenker p. 720 and _Mems._ ii, 98). - - [1483] Neither _interne_ is said to have died! - - [1484] f. 143. - - [1485] or Atun's-village, one granted to Babur's mother's old - governess (f. 96); Gul-badan's guest-list has also an Atun - Mama. - - [1486] f. 235_b_ and note. - - [1487] _miswak_; _On les tire principalement de l'arbuste - epineux appele capparis-sodata_ (de C. ii, 101 n.). - - [1488] Gul-badan's H.N. Index s.n. - - [1489] This being Ramzan, Babur did not break his fast till - sun-set. In like manner, during Ramzan they eat in the morning - before sun-rise (Erskine). - - [1490] A result, doubtless, of the order mentioned on f. - 240_b_. - - [1491] Babur's wife Gul-rukh appears to have been his sister - or niece; he was a Begchik. Cf. Gul-badan's H.N. trs. p. 233, - p. 234; T.R. p. 264-5. - - [1492] This remark bears on the question of whether we now - have all Babur wrote of Autobiography. It refers to a date - falling within the previous gap, because the man went to - Kashghar while Babur was ruling in Samarkand (T.R. p. 265). - The last time Babur came from Khwast to Kabul was probably in - 920 AH.; if later, it was still in the gap. But an alternative - explanation is that looking over and annotating the diary - section, Babur made this reference to what he fully meant to - write but died before being able to do so. - - [1493] Anglice, the right thumb, on which the archer's ring - (_zih-gir_) is worn. - - [1494] a daughter of Yunas Khan, Haidar's account of whom is - worth seeing. - - [1495] _i.e._ the water of Luhugur (Logar). Tradition says - that But-khak (Idol-dust) was so named because there Sl. - Mahmud of Ghazni had idols, brought by him out of Hindustan, - pounded to dust. Raverty says the place is probably the site - of an ancient temple (_vahara_). - - [1496] Qasim Beg's son, come, no doubt, in obedience to the - order of f. 240_b_. - - [1497] The 'Id-i-fitr is the festival at the conclusion of the - feast of Ramzan, celebrated on seeing the new moon of Shawwal - (Erskine). - - [1498] f. 133_b_ and Appendix G, _On the names of the wines of - Nur-valley_. - - [1499] _i.e._ of the new moon of Shawwal. The new moon having - been seen the evening before, which to Musalmans was Monday - evening, they had celebrated the 'Id-i-fitr on Monday eve - (Erskine). - - [1500] Diwan of Hafiz lith. ed. p. 22. The couplet seems to be - another message to a woman (f. 238); here it might be to Bibi - Mubaraka, still under Khwaja Kalan's charge in Bajaur (f. - 221). - - [1501] Here and under date Sep. 30th the wording allows a - ford. - - [1502] This may be what Masson writes of (i, 149) "We reached - a spot where the water supplying the rivulet (of 'Ali-masjid) - gushes in a large volume from the rocks to the left. I slaked - my thirst in the living spring and drank to repletion of the - delightfully cool and transparent water." - - [1503] Mr. Erskine here notes, "This appears to be a mistake - or oversight of Babur. The eve of 'Arafa" (9th of Zu'l-hijja) - "was not till the evening of Dec. 2nd 1519. He probably meant - to say the 'Id-i-fitr which had occurred only five days - before, on Sep. 26th." - - [1504] This was an affair of frontiers (T.R. p. 354). - - [1505] Manucci gives an account of the place (Irvine iv, 439 - and ii, 447). - - [1506] Sep. 8th to Oct. 9th. - - [1507] _khush rang-i khizan._ Sometimes Babur's praise of - autumn allows the word _khizan_ to mean the harvest-crops - themselves, sometimes the autumnal colouring. - - [1508] This I have taken to mean the Kabul _tuman_. The Hai. - MS. writes _wilayatlar_ (plural) thus suggesting that _aul_ - (those) may be omitted, and those countries (Transoxiana) be - meant; but the second Pers. trs. (I.O. 217 f. 169) supports - _wilayat_, Kabul. - - [1509] joyous, happy. - - [1510] _y:lk:ran._ This word has proved a difficulty to all - translators. I suggest that it stands for _ailikaran_, what - came to hand (_ailik see_ de C.'s Dict.); also that it - contains puns referring to the sheep taken from the road - (_yulkaran_) and to the wine of the year's yield (_yilkaran_). - The way-side meal was of what came to hand, mutton and wine, - probably local. - - [1511] f. 141_b_. - - [1512] f. 217 and n. - - [1513] I think Babur means that the customary announcement of - an envoy or guest must have reached Kabul in his absence. - - [1514] He is in the T.R. list of the tribe (p. 307); to it - belonged Sl. Ahmad _Tambal_ (_ib._ p. 316). - - [1515] _Qabil-ning kuri-ning qashi-ka_, lit. to the presence - of the tomb of Qabil, _i.e._ Cain the eponymous hero of Kabul. - The Elph. MS. has been altered to "Qabil Beg"! - - [1516] Mr. Erskine surmised that the line was from some - religious poem of mystical meaning and that its profane - application gave offence. - - [1517] His sobriquet _khaksar_, one who sits in the dust, - suits the excavator of a _karez_. Babur's route can be - followed in Masson's (iii, 110), apparently to the very - _karez_. - - [1518] In Masson's time this place was celebrated for vinegar. - To reach it and return must have occupied several hours. - - [1519] Kunos, _aq tuigun_, white falcon; _'Amal-i-salih_ (I.O. - MS. No. 857, f. 45_b_), _taus tuighun_. - - [1520] f. 246. - - [1521] Nawa'i himself arranged them according to the periods - of his life (Rieu's Pers. Cat. p. 294). - - [1522] Elph. MS. f. 202_b_; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 175 - (misplaced) and 217 f. 172; Mems. p. 281. - - [1523] _pushta austida_; the Jui-khwush of f. 137. - - [1524] The Hai. MS. omits a passage here; the Elph. MS. reads - _Qasim Bulbuli ning awi_, thus making "nightingale" a - sobriquet of Qasim's own. Erskine (p. 281) has "Bulbuli-hall"; - Ilminsky's words translate as, the house of Sayyid Qasim's - nightingale (p. 321). - - [1525] or Dur-nama'i, seen from afar. - - [1526] _narm-dik_, the opposite of a _qatiq yai_, a stiff bow. - Some MSS. write _lazim-dik_ which might be read to mean such a - bow as his disablement allowed to be used. - - [1527] Mr. Erskine, writing early in the 19th century, notes - that this seems an easy tribute, about 400 _rupis_ _i.e._ L40. - - [1528] This is one of the three routes into Lamghan of f. 133. - - [1529] f. 251_b_ and Appendix F, _On the name Dara-i-nur_. - - [1530] This passage will be the basis of the account on f. - 143_b_ of the winter-supply of fish in Lamghan. - - [1531] This word or name is puzzling. Avoiding extreme detail - as to variants, I suggest that it is Daur-bin for Dur-nama'i - if a place-name; or, if not, _dur-bin_, foresight (in either - case the preposition requires to be supplied), and it may - refer to foreseen need of and curiosity about Kafir wines. - - [1532] _chiurtika_ or _chiur-i-tika_, whether _sauterelle_ as - M. de Courteille understood, or _janwar-i-ranga_ and _chikur_, - partridge as the 1st Persian trs. and as Mr. Erskine - (explaining _chur-i-tika_) thought, must be left open. Two - points arise however, (1) the time is January, the place the - deadly Bad-i-pich pass; would these suit locusts? (2) If - Babur's account of a splendid bird (f. 135) were based on this - experience, this would be one of several occurrences in which - what is entered in the Description of Kabul of 910 AH. is - found as an experience in the diary of 925-6 AH. - - [1533] Hai. MS. _mahali-da mazkur bulghusidur_, but W.-i-B. - I.O. 215 f. 176 for _mahali-da_, in its place, has _dar - majlis_ [in the collection], which may point to an intended - collection of Babur's musical compositions. Either reading - indicates intention to write what we now have not. - - [1534] Perhaps an equivalent for _farz-waqt_, the time of the - first obligatory prayer. Much seems to happen before the sun - got up high! - - [1535] Koh-i-nur, Rocky-mountains (?). _See_ Appendix F, _On - the name Dara-i-nur_. - - [1536] Steingass gives _buza_ as made of rice, millet, or - barley. - - [1537] Is this connected with Arabic _kimiya'_, alchemy, - chemistry? - - [1538] Turki, a whirlpool; but perhaps the name of an office - from _aigar_, a saddle. - - [1539] The river on which the rafts were used was the Kunar, - from Chitral. - - [1540] An uncertain name. I have an impression that these - waters are medicinal, but I cannot trace where I found the - information. The visit paid to them, and the arrangement made - for bathing set them apart. The name of the place may convey - this speciality. - - [1541] _panahi_, the word used for the hiding-places of - bird-catchers on f. 140. - - [1542] This will be the basis of the details about fishing - given on f. 143 and f. 143_b_. The statement that particulars - have been given allows the inference that the diary was - annotated after the _Description of Kabul_, in which the - particulars are, was written. - - [1543] _qanliqlar._ This right of private revenge which forms - part of the law of most rude nations, exists in a mitigated - form under the Muhammadan law. The criminal is condemned by - the judge, but is delivered up to the relations of the person - murdered, to be ransomed or put to death as they think fit - (Erskine). - - [1544] Here the text breaks off and a _lacuna_ separates the - diary of 11 months length which ends the Kabul section of the - _Babur-nama_ writings, from the annals of 932 AH. which begin - the Hindustan section. There seems no reason why the diary - should have been discontinued. - - [1545] Jan. 2nd 1520 to Nov. 17th 1525 AD. (Safar 926 to Safar - 1st 932 AH.). - - [1546] Index _s.nn._ Bagh-i-safa and B.N. _lacunae_. - - [1547] Nominally Balkh seems to have been a Safawi possession; - but it is made to seem closely dependent on Babur by his - receipt from Muhammad-i-zaman in it of _tasadduq_ (money for - alms), and by his action connected with it (_q.v._). - - [1548] _Tarikh-i-sind_, Malet's trs. p. 77 and _in loco_, p. - 365. - - [1549] A chronogram given by Badayuni decides the vexed - question of the date of Sikandar _Ludi's_ - death--_Jannatu'l-firdus nazla_ = 923 (Bib. Ind. ed. i, 322, - Ranking trs. p. 425 n. 6). Erskine supported 924 AH. (i, 407), - partly relying on an entry in Babur's diary (f. 226_b_) _s.d._ - Rabi'u'l-awwal 1st 925 AH. (March 3rd 1519 AD.) which states - that on that day Mulla Murshid was sent to Ibrahim whose - father _Sikandar had died five or six months before_. - - Against this is the circumstance that the entry about Mulla - Murshid is, perhaps entirely, certainly partly, of later entry - than what precedes and what follows it in the diary. This can - be seen on examination; it is a passage such as the diary - section shews in other places, added to the daily record and - giving this the character of a draft waiting for revision and - rewriting (fol. 216_b_ n.). - - (To save difficulty to those who may refer to the L. & E. - _Memoirs_ on the point, I mention that the whole passage about - Mulla Murshid is displaced in that book and that the date - March 3rd is omitted.) - - [1550] Shal (the local name of English Quetta) was taken by - Zu'l-nun in 884 AH. (1479 AD.); Siwistan Shah Beg took, in - second capture, about 917 AH. (1511 AD.), from a colony of - Barlas Turks under Pir Wali _Barlas_. - - [1551] Was the attack made in reprisal for Shah Beg's further - aggression on the Barlas lands and Babur's hereditary - subjects? Had these appealed to the head of their tribe? - - [1552] Le Messurier writes (_l.c._ p. 224) that at Old - Qandahar "many stone balls lay about, some with a diameter of - 18 inches, others of 4 or 5, chiselled out of limestone. These - were said to have been used in sieges in the times of the - Arabs and propelled from a machine called _manjanic_ a sort of - balista or catapult." Meantime perhaps they served Babur! - - [1553] "Just then came a letter from Badakhshan saying, 'Mirza - Khan is dead; Mirza Sulaiman (his son) is young; the Auzbegs - are near; take thought for this kingdom lest (which God - forbid) Badakhshan should be lost.' Mirza Sulaiman's mother - (Sultan-nigar Khanim) had brought him to Kabul" (Gul-badan's - H. N. f. 8). - - [1554] _infra_ and Appendix J. - - [1555] E. & D.'s _History of India_, i. 312. - - [1556] For accounts of the _Mubin_, _Akbar-nama_ Bib. Ind. ed. - i. 118, trs. H. Beveridge i. 278 note, Badayuni _ib._ i, 343, - trs. Ranking p. 450, Sprenger ZDMG. 1862, Teufel _ib._ 1883. - The _Akbar-nama_ account appears in Turki in the "Fragments" - associated with Kehr's transcript of the B.N. (JRAS. 1908, p. - 76, A. S. B.'s art. _Babur-nama_). Babur mentions the _Mubin_ - (f. 252_b_, f. 351_b_). - - [1557] JRAS. 1901, _Persian MSS. in Indian Libraries_ - (description of the Rampur _Diwan_); AQR. 1911, _Babur's - Diwan_ (_i.e._ the Rampur _Diwan_); and _Some verses of the - Emperor Babur_ (the _Abushqa_ quotations). - - For Dr. E. D. Ross' Reproduction and account of the Rampur - _Diwan_, JASB. 1910. - - [1558] "After him (Ibrahim) was Babur King of Dihli, who owed - his place to the Pathans," writes the Afghan poet Khush-hal - _Khattak_ (Afghan Poets of the XVII century, C. E. Biddulph, - p. 58). - - [1559] The translation only has been available (E. & D.'s H. - of I., vol. 1). - - [1560] The marriage is said to have been Kamran's (E. & D.'s - trs.). - - [1561] Erskine calculated that 'Alam Khan was now well over 70 - years of age (H. of I. i, 421 n.). - - [1562] A. N. trs. H. Beveridge, i, 239. - - [1563] The following old English reference to Isma'il's - appearance may be quoted as found in a corner somewhat - out-of-the-way from Oriental matters. In his essay on beauty - Lord Bacon writes when arguing against the theory that beauty - is usually not associated with highmindedness, "But this holds - not always; for Augustus Caesar, Titus Vespasianus, Philip le - Bel of France, Edward the Fourth of England, Alcibiades of - Athens, Isma'il the Sophy (Safawi) of Persia, were all high - and great spirits, and yet the most beautiful men of their - times." - - [1564] Cf. _s.a._ 928 AH. for discussion of the year of death. - - [1565] Elph. MS. f. 205_b_; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 199_b_ omits - the year's events on the ground that Shaikh Zain has - translated them; I.O. 217 f. 174; Mems. p. 290; Kehr's Codex - p. 1084. - - A considerable amount of reliable textual material for - revising the Hindustan section of the English translation of - the _Babur-nama_ is wanting through loss of pages from the - Elphinstone Codex; in one instance no less than an equivalent - of 36 folios of the Haidarabad Codex are missing (f. 356 _et - seq._), but to set against this loss there is the valuable - _per contra_ that Kehr's manuscript throughout the section - becomes of substantial value, losing its Persified character - and approximating closely to the true text of the Elphinstone - and Haidarabad Codices. Collateral help in revision is given - by the works specified (_in loco_ p. 428) as serving to fill - the gap existing in Babur's narrative previous to 932 AH. and - this notably by those described by Elliot and Dowson. Of these - last, special help in supplementary details is given for 932 - AH. and part of 933 AH. by Shaikh Zain [_Khawafi_]'s - _Tabaqat-i-baburi_, which is a highly rhetorical paraphrase - of Babur's narrative, requiring familiarity with ornate - Persian to understand. For all my references to it, I am - indebted to my husband. It may be mentioned as an interesting - circumstance that the B.M. possesses in Or. 1999 a copy of - this work which was transcribed in 998 AH. by one of - Khwand-amir's grandsons and, judging from its date, presumably - for Abu'l-fazl's use in the _Akbar-nama_. - - Like part of the Kabul section, the Hindustan one is in - diary-form, but it is still more heavily surcharged with - matter entered at a date later than the diary. It departs from - the style of the preceding diary by an occasional lapse into - courtly phrase and by exchange of some Turki words for Arabic - and Persian ones, doubtless found current in Hind, _e.g._ - _fauj_, _dira_, _manzil_, _khail-khana_. - - [1566] This is the Logar affluent of the Baran-water - (Kabul-river). Masson describes this haltingplace (iii, 174). - - [1567] _muhaqqar saughat u bilak or tilak._ A small verbal - point arises about _bilak_ (or _tilak_). _Bilak_ is said by - Quatremere to mean a gift (N. et E. xiv, 119 n.) but here - _muhaqqar saughat_ expresses gift. Another meaning can be - assigned to _bilak_ here, [one had also by _tilak_,] _viz._ - that of word-of-mouth news or communication, sometimes - supplementing written communication, possibly secret - instructions, possibly small domestic details. In _bilak_, a - gift, the root may be _bil_, the act of knowing, in _tilak_ it - is _til_, the act of speaking [whence _til_, the tongue, and - _til tutmak_, to get news]. In the sentence noted, either word - would suit for a verbal communication. Returning to _bilak_ as - a gift, it may express the _nuance_ of English _token_, the - maker-known of friendship, affection and so-on. This - differentiates _bilak_ from _saughat_, used in its frequent - sense of ceremonial and diplomatic presents of value and - importance. - - [1568] With Sa'id at this time were two Khanims Sultan-nigar - and Daulat-sultan who were Babur's maternal-aunts. Erskine - suggested Khub-nigar, but she had died in 907 AH. (f. 96). - - [1569] Humayun's non-arrival would be the main cause of delay. - Apparently he should have joined before the Kabul force left - that town. - - [1570] The halt would be at But-khak, the last station before - the Adinapur road takes to the hills. - - [1571] Discussing the value of coins mentioned by Babur, - Erskine says in his _History of India_ (vol. i, Appendix E.) - which was published in 1854 AD. that he had come to think his - estimates of the value of the coins was set too low in the - _Memoirs_ (published in 1826 AD.). This sum of 20,000 - _shahrukhis_ he put at L1000. Cf. E. Thomas' _Pathan Kings of - Dihli and Resources of the Mughal Empire_. - - [1572] One of Masson's interesting details seems to fit the - next stage of Babur's march (iii, 179). It is that after - leaving But-khak, the road passes what in the thirties of the - 19th Century, was locally known as Babur Padshah's Stone-heap - (cairn) and believed piled in obedience to Babur's order that - each man in his army should drop a stone on it in passing. No - time for raising such a monument could be fitter than that of - the fifth expedition into Hindustan when a climax of - opportunity allowed hope of success. - - [1573] _rezandalik._ This Erskine translates, both here and on - ff. 253, 254, by _defluxion_, but de Courteille by _rhume de - cerveau_. Shaikh Zain supports de Courteille by writing, not - _rezandalik_, but _nuzla_, catarrh. De Courteille, in - illustration of his reading of the word, quotes Burnes' - account of an affection common in the Panj-ab and there called - _nuzla_, which is a running at the nostrils, that wastes the - brain and stamina of the body and ends fatally (_Travels in - Bukhara_ ed. 1839, ii, 41). - - [1574] Tramontana, north of Hindu-kush. - - [1575] Shaikh Zain says that the drinking days were Saturday, - Sunday, Tuesday and Wednesday. - - [1576] The Elph. Codex (f. 208_b_) contains the following note - of Humayun's about his delay; it has been expunged from the - text but is still fairly legible:--"The time fixed was after - 'Ashura (10th Muharram, a voluntary fast); although we arrived - after the next-following 10th (_'ashur_, _i.e._ of Safar), the - delay had been necessary. The purpose of the letters (Babur's) - was to get information; (in reply) it was represented that the - equipment of the army of Badakhshan caused delay. If this - slave (Humayun), trusting to his [father's] kindness, caused - further delay, he has been sorry." - - Babur's march from the Bagh-i-wafa was delayed about a month; - Humayun started late from Badakhshan; his force may have - needed some stay in Kabul for completion of equipment; his - personal share of blame for which he counted on his father's - forgiveness, is likely to have been connected with his - mother's presence in Kabul. - - Humayun's note is quoted in Turki by one MS. of the Persian - text (B.M. W.-i-B. 16,623 f. 128); and from certain - indications in Muhammad _Shirazi_'s lithograph (p. 163), - appears to be in his archetype the Udaipur Codex; but it is - not with all MSS. of the Persian text _e.g._ not with I.O. 217 - and 218. A portion of it is in Kehr's MS. (p. 1086). - - [1577] Bird's-dome [f. 145_b_, n.] or The pair (_qush_) of - domes. - - [1578] _gun khud kich bulub aidi_; a little joke perhaps at - the lateness both of the day and the army. - - [1579] Shaikh Zain's maternal-uncle. - - [1580] Shaikh Zain's useful detail that this man's pen-name - was Sharaf distinguishes him from Muhammad Salih the author of - the _Shaibani-nama_. - - [1581] _gosha_, angle (_cf._ _gosha-i-kar_, limits of work). - Parodies were to be made, having the same metre, rhyme, and - refrain as the model couplet. - - [1582] I am unable to attach sense to Babur's second line; - what is wanted is an illustration of two incompatible things. - Babur's reflections [_infra_] condemned his verse. Shaikh Zain - describes the whole episode of the verse-making on the raft, - and goes on with, "He (Babur) excised this choice couplet from - the pages of his Acts (_Waqi'at_) with the knife of censure, - and scratched it out from the tablets of his noble heart with - the finger-nails of repentance. I shall now give an account of - this spiritual matter" (_i.e._ the repentance), "by presenting - the recantations of his Solomon-like Majesty in his very own - words, which are weightier than any from the lips of Aesop." - Shaikh Zain next quotes the Turki passage here translated in - _b. Mention of the Mubin_. - - [1583] The _Mubin_ (_q.v._ Index) is mentioned again and - quoted on f. 351_b_. In both places its name escaped the - notice of Erskine and de Courteille, who here took it for - _min_, I, and on f. 351_b_ omitted it, matters of which the - obvious cause is that both translators were less familiar with - the poem than it is now easy to be. There is amplest textual - warrant for reading _Mubin_ in both the places indicated - above; its reinstatement gives to the English and French - translations what they have needed, namely, the clinch of a - definite stimulus and date of repentance, which was the - influence of the Mubin in 928 AH. (1521-2 AD.). The whole - passage about the peccant verse and its fruit of contrition - should be read with others that express the same regret for - broken law and may all have been added to the diary at the - same time, probably in 935 AH. (1529 AD.). They will be found - grouped in the Index _s.n._ Babur. - - [1584] _mundin burun_, by which I understand, as the - grammatical construction will warrant, _before writing the - Mubin_. To read the words as referring to the peccant verse, - is to take the clinch off the whole passage. - - [1585] _i.e._ of the _Qoran_ on which the _Mubin_ is based. - - [1586] Dropping down-stream, with wine and good company, he - entirely forgot his good resolutions. - - [1587] This appears to refer to the good thoughts embodied in - the _Mubin_. - - [1588] This appears to contrast with the "sublime realities" - of the _Qoran_. - - [1589] In view of the interest of the passage, and because - this verse is not in the Rampur _Diwan_, as are many contained - in the Hindustan section, the Turki original is quoted. My - translation differs from those of Mr. Erskine and M. de - Courteille; all three are tentative of a somewhat difficult - verse. - - _Ni qila min sining bila ai til? - Jihating din mining aichim qan dur. - Nicha yakhshi disang bu hazl aila shi'r - Biri-si fahash u biri yalghan dur. - Gar disang kuima min, bu jazm bila - Jalau'ingni bu 'arsa din yan dur._ - - [1590] The Qoran puts these sayings into the mouths of Adam - and Eve. - - [1591] Hai. MS. _tindurub_; Ilminsky, p. 327, _yandurub_; - W.-i-B. I.O. 217, f. 175, _sard sakhta_. - - [1592] Of 'Ali-masjid the _Second Afghan War_ (official - account) has a picture which might be taken from Babur's camp. - - [1593] Shaikh Zain's list of the drinking-days (f. 252 note) - explains why sometimes Babur says he preferred _ma'jun_. In - the instances I have noticed, he does this on a drinking-day; - the preference will be therefore for a confection over wine. - December 9th was a Saturday and drinking-day; on it he - mentions the preference; Tuesday Nov. 21st was a drinking day, - and he states that he ate _ma'jun_. - - [1594] presumably the _karg-khana_ of f. 222_b_, - rhinoceros-home in both places. A similar name applies to a - tract in the Rawalpindi District,--Babur-khana, Tiger-home, - which is linked to the tradition of Buddha's self-sacrifice to - appease the hunger of seven tiger-cubs. [In this Babur-khana - is the town Kacha-kot from which Babur always names the river - Haru.] - - [1595] This is the first time on an outward march that Babur - has crossed the Indus by boat; hitherto he has used the ford - above Attock, once however specifying that men on foot were - put over on rafts. - - [1596] f. 253. - - [1597] In my Translator's Note (p. 428), attention was drawn - to the circumstance that Babur always writes Daulat Khan - _Yusuf-khail_, and not Daulat Khan _Ludi_. In doing this, he - uses the family- or clan-name instead of the tribal one, - _Ludi_. - - [1598] _i.e._ day by day. - - [1599] _darya_, which Babur's precise use of words _e.g._ of - _darya_, _rud_, and _su_, allows to apply here to the Indus - only. - - [1600] Presumably this was near Parhala, which stands, where - the Suhan river quits the hills, at the eastern entrance of a - wild and rocky gorge a mile in length. It will have been up - this gorge that Babur approached Parhala in 925 AH. - (Rawalpindi Gazetteer p. 11). - - [1601] _i.e._ here, bed of a mountain-stream. - - [1602] The Elphinstone Codex here preserves the following - note, the authorship of which is attested by the scribe's - remark that it is copied from the handwriting of Humayun - Padshah:--As my honoured father writes, we did not know until - we occupied Hindustan (932 AH.), but afterwards did know, that - ice does form here and there if there come a colder year. This - was markedly so in the year I conquered Gujrat (942 AH.-1535 - AD.) when it was so cold for two or three days between Bhulpur - and Gualiar that the waters were frozen over a hand's - thickness. - - [1603] This is a Kakar (Gakkhar) clan, known also as - Baragowah, of which the location in Jahangir Padshah's time - was from Rohtas to Hatya, _i.e._ about where Babur encamped - (_Memoirs of Jahangir_, Rogers and Beveridge, p. 97; E. and D. - vi, 309; Provincial Gazetteers of Rawalpindi and Jihlam, p. 64 - and p. 97 respectively). - - [1604] _andin autub_, a reference perhaps to going out beyond - the corn-lands, perhaps to attempt for more than provisions. - - [1605] _qush-at_, a led horse to ride in change. - - [1606] According to Shaikh Zain it was in this year that Babur - made Buhlulpur a royal domain (B.M. Add. 26,202 f. 16), but - this does not agree with Babur's explanation that he visited - the place because it was _khalsa_. Its name suggests that it - had belonged to Buhlul _Ludi_; Babur may have taken it in 930 - AH. when he captured Sialkot. It never received the population - of Sialkot, as Babur had planned it should do because - pond-water was drunk in the latter town and was a source of - disease. The words in which Babur describes its situation are - those he uses of Akhsi (f. 4_b_); not improbably a resemblance - inclined his liking towards Buhlulpur. (It may be noted that - this Buhlulpur is mentioned in the _Ayin-i-akbari_ and marked - on large maps, but is not found in the G. of I. 1907.) - - [1607] Both names are thus spelled in the _Babur-nama_. In - view of the inclination of Turki to long vowels, Babur's short - one in Jat may be worth consideration since modern usage of - Jat and Jat varies. Mr. Crooke writes the full vowel, and - mentions that Jats are Hindus, Sikhs, and Muhammadans (_Tribes - and Castes of the North-western Provinces and Oude_, iii, 38). - On this point and on the orthography of the name, Erskine's - note (_Memoirs_ p. 294) is as follows: "The Jets or Jats are - the Muhammadan peasantry of the Panj-ab, the bank of the - Indus, Siwistan _etc._ and must not be confounded with the - Jats, a powerful Hindu tribe to the west of the Jamna, about - Agra _etc._ and which occupies a subordinate position in the - country of the Rajputs." - - [1608] The following section contains a later addition to the - diary summarizing the action of 'Alam Khan before and after - Babur heard of the defeat from the trader he mentions. It - refutes an opinion found here and there in European writings - that Babur used and threw over 'Alam Khan. It and Babur's - further narrative shew that 'Alam Khan had little valid - backing in Hindustan, that he contributed nothing to Babur's - success, and that no abstention by Babur from attack on - Ibrahim would have set 'Alam Khan on the throne of Dihli. It - and other records, Babur's and those of Afghan chroniclers, - allow it to be said that if 'Alam Khan had been strong enough - to accomplish his share of the compact that he should take and - should rule Dihli, Babur would have kept to his share, namely, - would have maintained supremacy in the Panj-ab. He advanced - against Ibrahim only when 'Alam Khan had totally failed in - arms and in securing adherence. - - [1609] This objurgation on over-rapid marching looks like the - echo of complaint made to Babur by men of his own whom he had - given to 'Alam Khan in Kabul. - - [1610] Mahmud himself may have inherited his father's title - Khan-i-jahan but a little further on he is specifically - mentioned as the son of Khan-i-jahan, presumably because his - father had been a more notable man than he was. Of his tribe - it may be noted that the Haidarabad MS. uniformly writes - Nuhani and not Luhani as is usual in European writings, and - that it does so even when, as on f. 149_b_, the word is - applied to a trader. Concerning the tribe, family, or caste - _vide_ G. of I. _s.n._ Lohanas and Crooke _l.c._ _s.n._ - Pathan, para. 21. - - [1611] _i.e._ west of Dihli territory, the Panj-ab. - - [1612] He was of the Farmul family of which Babur says (f. - 139_b_) that it was in high favour in Hindustan under the - Afghans and of which the author of the _Waqi'at-i-mushtaqi_ - says that it held half the lands of Dihli in _jagir_ (E. and - D. iv, 547). - - [1613] Presumably he could not cut off supplies. - - [1614] The only word similar to this that I have found is one - "Jaghat" said to mean serpent and to be the name of a Hindu - sub-caste of Nats (Crooke, iv, 72 & 73). The word here might - be a nick-name. Babur writes it as two words. - - [1615] _khasa-khail_, presumably members of the Sahu-khail - (family) of the Ludi tribe of the Afghan race. - - [1616] Erskine suggested that this man was a rich banker, but - he might well be the Farmuli Shaikh-zada of f. 256_b_, in view - of the exchange Afghan historians make of the Farmuli title - Shaikh for Mian (_Tarikh-i-sher-shahi_, E. & D. iv, 347 and - _Tarikh-i-daudi_ ib. 457). - - [1617] This Biban, or Biban, as Babur always calls him without - title, is Malik Biban _Jilwani_. He was associated with Shaikh - Bayazid _Farmuli_ or, as Afghan writers style him, Mian - Bayazid _Farmuli_. (Another of his names was Mian Biban, son - of Mian Ata _Sahu-khail_ (E. & D. iv, 347).) - - [1618] This name occurs so frequently in and about the Panj-ab - as to suggest that it means a fort (Ar. _maluzat_?). This one - in the Siwaliks was founded by Tatar Khan _Yusuf-khail_ - (_Ludi_) in the time of Buhlul _Ludi_ (E. and D. iv, 415). - - [1619] In the Beth Jalandhar _du-ab_. - - [1620] _i.e._ on the Siwaliks, here locally known as Katar - Dhar. - - [1621] Presumably they were from the Hazara district east of - the Indus. The _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ mentions that this - detachment was acting under Khalifa apart from Babur and - marching through the skirt-hills (lith. ed. p. 182). - - [1622] _dun_, f. 260 and note. - - [1623] These were both refugees from Harat. - - [1624] Sarkar of Batala, in the Bari _du-ab_ (A.-i-A. Jarrett, - p. 110). - - [1625] _kurushur waqt_ (Index _s.n._ _kurush_). - - [1626] Babur's phrasing suggests beggary. - - [1627] This might refer to the time when Ibrahim's commander - Bihar (Bahadur) Khan _Nuhani_ took Lahor (Translator's Note - _in loco_ p. 441). - - [1628] They were his father's. Erskine estimated the 3 _krors_ - at L75,000. - - [1629] _shiqq_, what hangs on either side, perhaps a satirical - reference to the ass' burden. - - [1630] As illustrating Babur's claim to rule as a Timurid in - Hindustan, it may be noted that in 814 AH. (1411 AD.), Khizr - Khan who is allowed by the date to have been a Sayyid ruler in - Dihli, sent an embassy to Shahrukh Mirza the then Timurid - ruler of Samarkand to acknowledge his suzerainty - (_Matla'u's-sa'dain_, Quatremere, N. et Ex. xiv, 196). - - [1631] Firishta says that Babur mounted for the purpose of - preserving the honour of the Afghans and by so doing enabled - the families in the fort to get out of it safely (lith. ed. p. - 204). - - [1632] _chuhra_; they will have been of the Corps of braves - (_yigit_; Appendix H. section _c._). - - [1633] _kim kulli gharz aul aidi_; Pers. trs. _ka - gharz-i-kulli-i-au bud_. - - [1634] Persice, the eves of Sunday and Monday; Anglice, - Saturday and Sunday nights. - - [1635] Ghazi Khan was learned and a poet (Firishta ii, 42). - - [1636] _mullayana khud_, perhaps books of learned topic but - not in choice copies. - - [1637] f. 257. It stands in 31 deg. 50' N. and 76 deg. E. - (G. of I.). - - [1638] This is on the Salt-range, in 32 deg. 42' N. and 72 deg. - 50' E. (_Ayin-i-akbari_ trs. Jarrett, i, 325; Provincial - Gazetteer, Jihlam District). - - [1639] He died therefore in the town he himself built. Kitta - Beg probably escorted the Afghan families from Milwat also; - Dilawar Khan's own seems to have been there already (f. 257). - - The _Babur-nama_ makes no mention of Daulat Khan's relations - with Nanak, the founder of the Sikh religion, nor does it - mention Nanak himself. A tradition exists that Nanak, when on - his travels, made exposition of his doctrines to an attentive - Babur and that he was partly instrumental in bringing Babur - against the Afghans. He was 12 years older than Babur and - survived him nine. (Cf. _Dabistan_ lith. ed. p. 270; and, for - Jahangir Padshah's notice of Daulat Khan, _Tuzuk-i-jahangiri_, - Rogers and Beveridge, p. 87). - - [1640] I translate _dun_ by _dale_ because, as its equivalent, - Babur uses _julga_ by which he describes a more pastoral - valley than one he calls a _dara_. - - [1641] _bir aqar-su._ Babur's earlier uses of this term - [_q.v._ index] connect it with the swift flow of water in - irrigation channels; this may be so here but also the term may - make distinction between the rapid mountain-stream and the - slow movement of rivers across plains. - - [1642] There are two readings of this sentence; Erskine's - implies that the neck of land connecting the fort-rock with - its adjacent hill measures 7-8 _qari_ (yards) from side to - side; de Courteille's that where the great gate was, the - perpendicular fall surrounding the fort shallowed to 7-8 - yards. The Turki might be read, I think, to mean whichever - alternative was the fact. Erskine's reading best bears out - Babur's account of the strength of the fort, since it allows - of a cleft between the hill and the fort some 140-160 feet - deep, as against the 21-24 of de Courteille's. Erskine may - have been in possession of information [in 1826] by which he - guided his translation (p. 300), "At its chief gate, for the - space of 7 or 8 _gez_ (_qari_), there is a place that admits - of a draw-bridge being thrown across; it may be 10 or 12 _gez_ - wide." If de Courteille's reading be correct in taking 7-8 - _qari_ only to be the depth of the cleft, that cleft may be - artificial. - - [1643] _yighach_, which also means wood. - - [1644] f. 257. - - [1645] Chief scribe (f. 13 n. to 'Abdu'l-wahhab). Shaw's - Vocabulary explains the word as meaning also a "high official - of Central Asian sovereigns, who is supreme over all _qazis_ - and _mullas_." - - [1646] Babur's persistent interest in Balkh attracts - attention, especially at this time so shortly before he does - not include it as part of his own territories (f. 270). - - Since I wrote of Balkh _s.a._ 923 AH. (1517 AD.), I have - obtained the following particulars about it in that year; they - are summarized from the _Habibu's-siyar_ (lith. ed. iii, 371). - In 923 AH. Khwand-amir was in retirement at Pasht in - Ghurjistan where also was Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza. The two went - in company to Balkh where the Mirza besieged Babur's man - Ibrahim _chapuk_ (Slash-face), and treacherously murdered one - Aurdu-shah, an envoy sent out to parley with him. Information - of what was happening was sent to Babur in Kabul. Babur - reached Balkh when it had been besieged a month. His presence - caused the Mirza to retire and led him to go into the - Dara-i-gaz (Tamarind-valley). Babur, placing in Balkh - Faqir-i-'ali, one of those just come up with him, followed the - Mirza but turned back at Aq-gumbaz (White-dome) which lies - between Chach-charan in the Heri-rud valley and the Ghurjistan - border, going no further because the Ghurjistanis favoured the - Mirza. Babur went back to Kabul by the Firuz-koh, Yaka-aulang - (cf. f. 195) and Ghur; the Mirza was followed up by others, - captured and conveyed to Kabul. - - [1647] Both were amirs of Hind. I understand the cognomen - Mazhab to imply that its bearer occupied himself with the - Muhammadan Faith in its exposition by divines of Islam - (_Hughes' Dictionary of Islam_). - - [1648] These incidents are included in the summary of 'Alam - Khan's affairs in section _i_ (f. 255_b_). It will be observed - that Babur's wording implies the "waiting" by one of lower - rank on a superior. - - [1649] Elph. MS. Karnal, obviously a clerical error. - - [1650] Shaikh Sulaiman Effendi (Kunos) describes a _tunqitar_ - as the guardian in war of a prince's tent; a night-guard; and - as one who repeats a prayer aloud while a prince is mounting. - - [1651] _rud_, which, inappropriate for the lower course of the - Ghaggar, may be due to Babur's visit to its upper course - described immediately below. As has been noted, however, he - uses the word _rud_ to describe the empty bed of a - mountain-stream as well as the swift water sometimes filling - that bed. The account, here-following, of his visit to the - upper course of the Ghaggar is somewhat difficult to - translate. - - [1652] _Hindustanda daryalardin bashqa, bir aqar-su kim bar_ - (_dur_, is added by the Elph. MS.), _bu dur_. Perhaps the - meaning is that the one (chief?) irrigation stream, apart from - great rivers, is the Ghaggar. The bed of the Ghaggar is - undefined and the water is consumed for irrigation (G. of I. - xx, 33; Index _s.n._ _aqar-su_). - - [1653] in Patiala. Maps show what may be Babur's strong - millstream joining the Ghaggar. - - [1654] Presumably he was of Ibrahim's own family, the - Sahu-khail. His defeat was opportune because he was on his way - to join the main army. - - [1655] At this place the Elphinstone Codex has preserved, - interpolated in its text, a note of Humayun's on his first use - of the razor. Part of it is written as by Babur:--"Today in - this same camp the razor or scissors was applied to Humayun's - face." Part is signed by Humayun:--"As the honoured dead, - earlier in these Acts (_waqi'at_) mentions the first - application of the razor to his own face (f. 120), so in - imitation of him I mention this. I was then at the age of 18; - now I am at the age of 48, I who am the sub-signed Muhammad - Humayun." A scribe's note attests that this is "copied from - the hand-writing of that honoured one". As Humayun's 48th - (lunar) birthday occurred a month before he left Kabul, to - attempt the re-conquest of Hindustan, in November 1554 AD. (in - the last month of 961 AH.), he was still 48 (lunar) years old - on the day he re-entered Dihli on July 23rd 1555 AD. (Ramzan - 1st 962 AH.), so that this "shaving passage" will have been - entered within those dates. That he should study his Father's - book at that time is natural; his grandson Jahangir did the - same when going to Kabul; so doubtless would do its author's - more remote descendants, the sons of Shah-jahan who - reconquered Transoxiana. - - (Concerning the "shaving passage" _vide_ the notes on the - Elphinstone Codex in JRAS. 1900 p. 443, 451; 1902 p. 653; 1905 - p. 754; and 1907 p. 131.) - - [1656] This ancient town of the Saharanpur district is - associated with a saint revered by Hindus and Muhammadans. Cf. - W. Crooke's _Popular Religion of Northern India_ p. 133. Its - _chashma_ may be inferred (from Babur's uses of the word - _q.v._ Index) as a water-head, a pool, a gathering place of - springs. - - [1657] He was the eighth son of Babur's maternal-uncle Sl. - Ahmad Khan _Chaghatai_ and had fled to Babur, other brothers - following him, from the service of their eldest brother - Mansur, Khaqan of the Mughuls (_Tarikh-i-rashidi_ trs. p. - 161). - - [1658] _fars-waqti_, when there is light enough to - distinguish one object from another. - - [1659] _dim kuruldi_ (Index _s.n._ _dim_). Here the L. & E. - _Memoirs_ inserts an explanatory passage in Persian about the - _dim_. It will have been in one of the _Waqi'at-i-baburi MSS._ - Erskine used; it is in Muh. _Shirazi_'s lithograph copy of the - Udaipur Codex (p. 173). It is not in the Turki text or in all - the MSS. of the Persian translation. Manifestly, it was - entered at a time when Babur's term _dim kuruldi_ requires - explanation in Hindustan. The writer of it himself does not - make details clear; he says only, "It is manifest that people - declare (the number) after counting the mounted army in the - way agreed upon amongst them, with a whip or a bow held in the - hand." This explanation suggests that in the march-past the - troops were measured off as so many bow- or whip-lengths - (Index _s.n._ _dim_). - - [1660] These _araba_ may have been the baggage-carts of the - army and also carts procured on the spot. Erskine omits - (_Memoirs_ p. 304) the words which show how many carts were - collected and from whom. Doubtless it would be through not - having these circumstances in his mind that he took the - _araba_ for gun-carriages. His incomplete translation, again, - led Stanley Lane-Poole to write an interesting note in his - _Babur_ (p. 161) to support Erskine against de Courteille - (with whose rendering mine agrees) by quoting the circumstance - that Humayun had 700 guns at Qanauj in 1540 AD. It must be - said in opposition to his support of Erskine's "gun-carriages" - that there is no textual or circumstantial warrant for - supposing Babur to have had guns, even if made in parts, in - such number as to demand 700 gun-carriages for their - transport. What guns Babur had at Pani-pat will have been - brought from his Kabul base; if he had acquired any, say from - Lahor, he would hardly omit to mention such an important - reinforcement of his armament; if he had brought many guns on - carts from Kabul, he must have met with transit-difficulties - harassing enough to chronicle, while he was making that long - journey from Kabul to Pani-pat, over passes, through - skirt-hills and many fords. The elephants he had in Bigram may - have been his transport for what guns he had; he does not - mention his number at Pani-pat; he makes his victory a - bow-man's success; he can be read as indicating that he had - two guns only. - - [1661] These Ottoman (text, _Rumi_, Roman) defences Ustad - 'Ali-quli may have seen at the battle of Chaldiran fought some - 40 leagues from Tabriz between Sl. Salim _Rumi_ and Shah - Isma'il _Safawi_ on Rajab 1st 920 AH. (Aug. 22nd 1514 AD.). Of - this battle Khwand-amir gives a long account, dwelling on the - effective use made in it of chained carts and palisades - (_Habibu's-siyar_ iii, part 4, p. 78; _Akbar-nama_ trs. i, - 241). - - [1662] Is this the village of the Pani Afghans? - - [1663] Index _s.n._ arrow. - - [1664] _Pareshan jam'i u jam'i pareshan; - Giriftar qaumi u qaumi 'aja'ib._ - - These two lines do not translate easily without the context of - their original place of occurrence. I have not found their - source. - - [1665] _i.e._ of his father and grandfather, Sikandar and - Buhlul. - - [1666] As to the form of this word the authoritative MSS. of - the Turki text agree and with them also numerous good ones of - the Persian translation. I have made careful examination of - the word because it is replaced or explained here and there in - MSS. by _s:hb:ndi_, the origin of which is said to be obscure. - The sense of _b:d-hindi_ and of _s:hb:ndi_ is the same, _i.e._ - irregular levy. The word as Babur wrote it must have been - understood by earlier Indian scribes of both the Turki and - Persian texts of the _Babur-nama_. Some light on its - correctness may be thought given by Hobson Jobson (Crooke's - ed. p. 136) _s.n._ Byde or Bede Horse, where the word Byde is - said to be an equivalent of _pindari_, _luti_, and _qazzaq_, - raider, plunderer, so that Babur's word _b:d-hindi_ may mean - _qazzaq_ of Hind. Wherever I have referred to the word in many - MSS. it is pointed to read _b:d_, and not _p:d_, thus - affording no warrant for understanding _pad_, foot, foot-man, - infantry, and also negativing the spelling _bid_, _i.e._ with - a long vowel as in _Byde_. - - It may be noted here that Muh. _Shirazi_ (p. 174) substituted - _s:hb:ndi_ for Babur's word and that this led our friend the - late William Irvine to attribute mistake to de Courteille who - follows the Turki text (_Army of the Mughuls_ p. 66 and - _Memoires_ ii, 163). - - [1667] _bi tajarba yigit aidi_ of which the sense may be that - Babur ranked Ibrahim, as a soldier, with a brave who has not - yet proved himself deserving of the rank of beg. It cannot - mean that he was a youth (_yigit_) without experience of - battle. - - [1668] Well-known are the three decisive historical battles - fought near the town of Pani-pat, _viz._ those of Babur and - Ibrahim in 1526, of Akbar and Himu in 1556, and of Ahmad - _Abdali_ with the Mahratta Confederacy in 1761. The following - lesser particulars about the battle-field are not so - frequently mentioned:--(_i_) that the scene of Babur's victory - was long held to be haunted, Badayuni himself, passing it at - dawn some 62 years later, heard with dismay the din of - conflict and the shouts of the combatants; (_ii_) that Babur - built a (perhaps commemorative) mosque one mile to the n.e. of - the town; (_iii_) that one of the unaccomplished desires of - Sher Shah _Sur_, the conqueror of Babur's son Humayun, was to - raise two monuments on the battle-field of Pani-pat, one to - Ibrahim, the other to those Chaghatai sultans whose martyrdom - he himself had brought about; (_iv_) that in 1910 AD. the - British Government placed a monument to mark the scene of Shah - _Abdali's_ victory of 1761 AD. This monument would appear, - from Sayyid Ghulam-i-'ali's _Nigar-nama-i-hind_, to stand - close to the scene of Babur's victory also, since the - Mahrattas were entrenched as he was outside the town of - Pani-pat. (Cf. E. & D. viii, 401.) - - [1669] This important date is omitted from the L. & E. - _Memoirs_. - - [1670] This wording will cover armour of man and horse. - - [1671] _atlanduk_, Pers. trs. _suwar shudim_. Some later - oriental writers locate Babur's battle at two or more miles - from the town of Pani-pat, and Babur's word _atlanduk_ might - imply that his cavalry rode forth and arrayed outside his - defences, but his narrative allows of his delivering attack, - through the wide sally-ports, after arraying behind the carts - and mantelets which checked his adversary's swift advance. The - Mahrattas, who may have occupied the same ground as Babur, - fortified themselves more strongly than he did, as having - powerful artillery against them. Ahmad Shah _Abdali's_ defence - against them was an ordinary ditch and _abbattis_, [Babur's - ditch and branch,] mostly of _dhak_ trees (_Butea frondosa_), - a local product Babur also is likely to have used. - - [1672] The preceding three words seem to distinguish this Shah - Husain from several others of his name and may imply that he - was the son of _Yaragi Mughul Ghanchi_ (Index and I.O. 217 f. - 184b l. 7). - - [1673] For Babur's terms _vide_ f. 209_b_ - - [1674] This is Mirza Khan's son, _i.e._ Wais _Miran-shahi's_. - - [1675] A dispute for this right-hand post of honour is - recorded on f. 100_b_, as also in accounts of Culloden. - - [1676] _tartib u yasal_, which may include, as Erskine took it - to do, the carts and mantelets; of these however, Ibrahim can - hardly have failed to hear before he rode out of camp. - - [1677] f. 217_b_ and note; Irvine's _Army of the Indian - Mughuls_ p. 133. Here Erskine notes (_Mems._ p. 306) "The size - of these artillery at this time is very uncertain. The word - _firingi_ is now (1826 AD.) used in the Deccan for a swivel. - At the present day, _zarb-zan_ in common usage is a small - species of swivel. Both words in Babur's time appear to have - been used for field-cannon." (For an account of guns, - intermediate in date between Babur and Erskine, _see_ the - _Ayin-i-akbari_. Cf. f. 264 n. on the carts (_araba_).) - - [1678] Although the authority of the - _Tarikh-i-salatin-i-afaghana_ is not weighty its reproduction - of Afghan opinion is worth consideration. It says that - astrologers foretold Ibrahim's defeat; that his men, though - greatly outnumbering Babur's, were out-of-heart through his - ill-treatment of them, and his amirs in displeasure against - him, but that never-the-less, the conflict at Pani-pat was - more desperate than had ever been seen. It states that Ibrahim - fell where his tomb now is (_i.e._ in _circa_ 1002 AH.-1594 - AD.); that Babur went to the spot and, prompted by his tender - heart, lifted up the head of his dead adversary, and said, - "Honour to your courage!", ordered brocade and sweetmeats made - ready, enjoined Dilawar Khan and Khalifa to bathe the corpse - and to bury it where it lay (E. & D. v, 2). Naturally, part of - the reverence shewn to the dead would be the burial together - of head and trunk. - - [1679] f. 209_b_ and App. H. section _c._ Baba _chuhra_ would - be one of the corps of braves. - - [1680] He was a brother of Muhibb-i-'ali's mother. - - [1681] To give Humayun the title Mirza may be a scribe's - lapse, but might also be a _nuance_ of Babur's, made to shew, - with other _minutiae_, that Humayun was in chief command. The - other minute matters are that instead of Humayun's name being - the first of a simple series of commanders' names with the - enclitic accusative appended to the last one (here Wali), as - is usual, Humayun's name has its own enclitic _ni_; and, - again, the phrase is "_Humayun with_" such and such begs, a - turn of expression differentiating him from the rest. The same - unusual variations occur again, just below, perhaps with the - same intention of shewing chief command, there of Mahdi - Khwaja. - - [1682] A small matter of wording attracts attention in the - preceding two sentences. Babur, who does not always avoid - verbal repetition, here constructs two sentences which, except - for the place-names Dihli and Agra, convey information of - precisely the same action in entirely different words. - - [1683] d. 1325 AD. The places Babur visited near Dihli are - described in the _Reports of the Indian Archaeological - Survey_, in Sayyid Ahmad's _Asar Sanadid_ pp. 74-85, in - Keene's _Hand-book to Dihli_ and Murray's _Hand-book to Bengal - etc._ The last two quote much from the writings of Cunningham - and Fergusson. - - [1684] and on the same side of the river. - - [1685] d. 1235 AD. He was a native of Aush [Ush] in Farghana. - - [1686] d. 1286 AD. He was a Slave ruler of Dihli. - - [1687] 'Alau'u'd-din Muh. Shah _Khilji Turk_ d. 1316 AD. It is - curious that Babur should specify visiting his Minar - (_minari_, Pers. trs. I.O. 217 f. 185_b_, _minar-i-au_) and - not mention the Qutb Minar. Possibly he confused the two. The - 'Alai Minar remains unfinished; the Qutb is judged by - Cunningham to have been founded by Qutbu'd-din Aibak _Turk_, - _circa_ 1200 AD. and to have been completed by Sl. - Shamsu'd-din Altamsh (Ailtimish?) _Turk_, _circa_ 1220 AD. Of - the two tanks Babur visited, the Royal-tank (_hauz-i-khaz_) - was made by 'Alau'u'd-din in 1293 AD. - - [1688] The familiar Turki word Tughluq would reinforce much - else met with in Dihli to strengthen Babur's opinion that, as - a Turk, he had a right to rule there. Many, if not all, of the - Slave dynasty were Turks; these were followed by the Khilji - Turks, these again by the Tughluqs. Moreover the Panj-ab he - had himself taken, and lands on both sides of the Indus - further south had been ruled by Ghaznawid Turks. His latest - conquests were "where the Turk had ruled" (f. 226_b_) long, - wide, and with interludes only of non-Turki sway. - - [1689] Perhaps this charity was the _Khams_ (Fifth) due from a - victor. - - [1690] Bikramajit was a Tunur Rajput. Babur's unhesitating - statement of the Hindu's destination at death may be called a - fruit of conviction, rather than of what modern opinion calls - intolerance. - - [1691] 120 years (Cunningham's _Report of the Archaeological - Survey_ ii, 330 _et seq._). - - [1692] The _Tarikh-i-sher-shahi_ tells a good deal about the - man who bore this title, and also about others who found - themselves now in difficulty between Ibrahim's tyranny and - Babur's advance (E. & D. iv, 301). - - [1693] Gualiar was taken from Bikramajit in 1518 AD. - - [1694] _i.e._ from the Deccan of which 'Alau'u'd-din is said - to have been the first Muhammadan invader. An account of this - diamond, identified as the Koh-i-nur, is given in _Hobson - Jobson_ but its full history is not told by Yule or by - Streeter's _Great Diamonds of the World_, neither mentioning - the presentation of the diamond by Humayun to Tahmasp of which - Abu'l-fazl writes, dwelling on its overplus of payment for all - that Humayun in exile received from his Persian host - (_Akbar-nama_ trs. i, 349 and note; _Asiatic Quarterly - Review_, April 1899 H. Beveridge's art. _Babur's diamond_; - _was it the Koh-i-nur?_). - - [1695] 320 _ratis_ (Erskine). The _rati_ is 2.171 Troy grains, - or in picturesque primitive equivalents, is 8 grains of rice, - or 64 mustard seeds, or 512 poppy-seeds,--uncertain weights - which Akbar fixed in cat's-eye stones. - - [1696] Babur's plurals allow the supposition that the three - men's lives were spared. Malik Dad served him thenceforth. - - [1697] Erskine estimated these as _dams_ and worth about - L1750, but this may be an underestimate (_H. of I._ i, App. - E.). - - [1698] "These begs of his" (or hers) may be the three written - of above. - - [1699] These will include cousins and his half-brothers - Jahangir and Nasir as opposing before he took action in 925 - AH. (1519 AD.). The time between 910 AH. and 925 AH. at which - he would most desire Hindustan is after 920 AH. in which year - he returned defeated from Transoxiana. - - [1700] _kichik karim_, which here seems to make contrast - between the ruling birth of members of his own family and the - lower birth of even great begs still with him. Where the - phrase occurs on f. 295, Erskine renders it by "down to the - dregs", and de Courteille (ii, 235) by "_de toutes les - bouches_" but neither translation appears to me to suit - Babur's uses of the term, inasmuch as both seem to go too low - (cf. f. 270_b_). - - [1701] _aiurushub_, Pers. trs. _chaspida_, stuck to. - - [1702] The first expedition is fixed by the preceding passage - as in 925 AH. which was indeed the first time a passage of the - Indus is recorded. Three others are found recorded, those of - 926, 930 and 932 AH. Perhaps the fifth was not led by Babur in - person, and may be that of his troops accompanying 'Alam Khan - in 931 AH. But he may count into the set of five, the one made - in 910 AH. which he himself meant to cross the Indus. Various - opinions are found expressed by European writers as to the - dates of the five. - - [1703] Muhammad died 632 AD. (11 AH.). - - [1704] Tramontana, n. of Hindu-kush. For particulars about the - dynasties mentioned by Babur see Stanley Lane-Poole's - _Muhammadan Dynasties_. - - [1705] Mahmud of Ghazni, a Turk by race, d. 1030 AD. (421 - AH.). - - [1706] known as Muh. _Ghuri_, d. 1206 AD. (602 AH.). - - [1707] _surubturlar_, lit. drove them like sheep (cf. f. - 154b). - - [1708] _khud_, itself, not Babur's only Hibernianism. - - [1709] "This is an excellent history of the Musalman world - down to the time of Sl. Nasir of Dihli A.D. 1252. It was - written by Abu 'Umar Minhaj al Jurjani. See Stewart's - catalogue of Tipoo's Library, p. 7" (Erskine). It has been - translated by Raverty. - - [1710] _bargustwan-war_; Erskine, cataphract horse. - - [1711] The numerous instances of the word _padshah_ in this - part of the _Babur-nama_ imply no such distinction as attaches - to the title Emperor by which it is frequently translated - (Index _s.n._ _padshah_). - - [1712] d. 1500 AD. (905 AH.). - - [1713] d. 1388 AD. (790 AH.). - - [1714] The ancestor mentioned appears to be Nasrat Shah, a - grandson of Firuz Shah _Tughluq_ (S. L. Poole p. 300 and - Beale, 298). - - [1715] His family belonged to the Rajput sept of Tank, and had - become Muhammadan in the person of Sadharan the first ruler of - Gujrat (Crooke's _Tribes and Castes; Mirat-i-sikandari_, - Bayley p. 67 and n.). - - [1716] S. L.-Poole p. 316-7. - - [1717] Mandau (Mandu) was the capital of Malwa. - - [1718] Stanley Lane-Poole shews (p. 311) a dynasty of three - Ghuris interposed between the death of Firuz Shah in 790 AH. - and the accession in 839 AH. of the first Khilji ruler of - Gujrat Mahmud Shah. - - [1719] He reigned from 1518 to 1532 AD. (925 to 939 AH. - S.L.-P. p. 308) and had to wife a daughter of Ibrahim _Ludi_ - (_Riyazu's-salatin_). His dynasty was known as the - Husain-shahi, after his father. - - [1720] "Strange as this custom may seem, a similar one - prevailed down to a very late period in Malabar. There was a - jubilee every 12 years in the Samorin's country, and any-one - who succeeded in forcing his way through the Samorin's guards - and slew him, reigned in his stead. 'A jubilee is proclaimed - throughout his dominions at the end of 12 years, and a tent is - pitched for him in a spacious plain, and a great feast is - celebrated for 10 or 12 days with mirth and jollity, guns - firing night and day, so, at the end of the feast, any four of - the guests that have a mind to gain a throne by a desperate - action in fighting their way through 30 or 40,000 of his - guards, and kill the Samorin in his tent, he that kills him, - succeeds him in his empire.' See Hamilton's _New Account of - the East Indies_ vol. i. p. 309. The attempt was made in 1695, - and again a very few years ago, but without success" (Erskine - p. 311). - - The custom Babur writes of--it is one dealt with at length in - Frazer's _Golden Bough_--would appear from Blochmann's - _Geography and History of Bengal_ (JASB 1873 p. 286) to have - been practised by the Habshi rulers of Bengal of whom he - quotes Faria y Souza as saying, "They observe no rule of - inheritance from father to son, but even slaves sometimes - obtain it by killing their master, and whoever holds it three - days, they look upon as established by divine providence. Thus - it fell out that in 40 years space they had 13 kings - successively." - - [1721] No doubt this represents Vijayanagar in the Deccan. - - [1722] This date places the composition of the _Description of - Hindustan_ in agreement with Shaikh Zain's statement that it - was in writing in 935 AH. - - [1723] Are they the Khas of Nepal and Sikkim? (G. of I.). - - [1724] Here Erskine notes that the Persian (trs.) adds, "_mir_ - signifying a hill, and _kas_ being the name of the natives of - the hill-country." This may not support the name _kas_ as - correct but may be merely an explanation of Babur's meaning. - It is not in I.O. 217 f. 189 or in Muh. _Shirazi_'s - lithographed _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ p. 190. - - [1725] Either yak or the tassels of the yak. See Appendix M. - - [1726] My husband tells me that Babur's authority for this - interpretation of Sawalak may be the _Zafar-nama_ (Bib. Ind. - ed. ii, 149). - - [1727] _i.e._ the countries of Hindustan. - - [1728] so pointed, carefully, in the Hai. MS. Mr. Erskine - notes of these rivers that they are the Indus, Hydaspes, - Ascesines, Hydraotes, Hesudrus and Hyphasis. - - [1729] _Ayin-i-akbari_, Jarrett 279. - - [1730] _parcha parcha_, _kichikrak kichikrak_, _anda munda_, - _tashliq taqghina_. The Gazetteer of India (1907 i, 1) puts - into scientific words, what Babur here describes, the ruin of - a great former range. - - [1731] Here _aqar-sular_ might safely be replaced by - "irrigation channels" (Index _s.n._). - - [1732] The verb here is _tashmaq_; it also expresses to carry - like ants (f. 220), presumably from each person's carrying a - pitcher or a stone at a time, and repeatedly. - - [1733] "This" notes Erskine (p. 315) "is the _wulsa_ or - _walsa_, so well described by Colonel Wilks in his Historical - Sketches vol. i. p. 309, note 'On the approach of an hostile - army, the unfortunate inhabitants of India bury under ground - their most cumbrous effects, and each individual, man, woman, - and child above six years of age (the infant children being - carried by their mothers), with a load of grain proportioned - to their strength, issue from their beloved homes, and take - the direction of a country (if such can be found,) exempt from - the miseries of war; sometimes of a strong fortress, but more - generally of the most unfrequented hills and woods, where they - prolong a miserable existence until the departure of the - enemy, and if this should be protracted beyond the time for - which they have provided food, a large portion necessarily - dies of hunger.' See the note itself. The Historical Sketches - should be read by every-one who desires to have an accurate - idea of the South of India. It is to be regretted that we do - not possess the history of any other part of India, written - with the same knowledge or research." - - "The word _wulsa_ or _walsa_ is Dravidian. Telugu has - _valasa_, 'emigration, flight, or removing from home for fear - of a hostile army.' Kanarese has _valase_, _olase_, and - _olise_, 'flight, a removing from home for fear of a hostile - army.' Tamil has _valasei_, 'flying for fear, removing - hastily.' The word is an interesting one. I feel pretty sure - it is not Aryan, but Dravidian; and yet it stands alone in - Dravidian, with nothing that I can find in the way of a root - or affinities to explain its etymology. Possibly it may be a - borrowed word in Dravidian. Malayalam has no corresponding - word. Can it have been borrowed from Kolarian or other - primitive Indian speech?" (Letter to H. Beveridge from Mr. F. - E. Pargiter, 8th August, 1914.) - - _Wulsa_ seems to be a derivative from Sanscrit _ulvash_, and - to answer to Persian _wairani_ and Turki _buzughlughi_. - - [1734] _lalmi_, which in Afghani (Pushtu) signifies grown - without irrigation. - - [1735] "The improvement of Hindustan since Babur's time must - be prodigious. The wild elephant is now confined to the - forests under Hemala, and to the Ghats of Malabar. A wild - elephant near Karrah, Manikpur, or Kalpi, is a thing, at the - present day (1826 AD.), totally unknown. May not their - familiar existence in these countries down to Babur's days, be - considered rather hostile to the accounts given of the - superabundant population of Hindustan in remote times?" - (Erskine). - - [1736] _diwan._ I.O. 217 f. 190b, _dar diwan fil jawab - miguind_; Mems. p. 316. They account to the government for the - elephants they take; _Mems._ ii, 188, _Les habitants payent - l'impot avec le produit de leur chasse_. Though de - Courteille's reading probably states the fact, Erskine's - includes de C.'s and more, inasmuch as it covers all captures - and these might reach to a surplusage over the imposts. - - [1737] Pers. trs. _gaz_=24 inches. _Il est bon de rappeler que - le mot turk qari, que la version persane rend par gaz, designe - proprement l'espace compris entre le haut de l'epaule jusqu'au - bout des doigts_ (de Courteille, ii, 189 note). The _qari_ - like one of its equivalents, the ell (Zenker), is a variable - measure; it seems to approach more nearly to a yard than to a - _gaz_ of 24 inches. See _Memoirs of Jahangir_ (R. & B. pp. 18, - 141 and notes) for the heights of elephants, and for - discussion of some measures. - - [1738] _khud_, itself. - - [1739] _i.e._ pelt; as Erskine notes, its skin is scattered - with small hairs. Details such as this one stir the question, - for whom was Babur writing? Not for Hindustan where what he - writes is patent; hardly for Kabul; perhaps for Transoxiana. - - [1740] Shaikh Zain's wording shows this reference to be to a - special piece of artillery, perhaps that of f. 302. - - [1741] A string of camels contains from five to seven, or, in - poetry, even more (Vullers, ii, 728, _sermone poetico series - decem camelorum_). The item of food compared is corn only - (_bughuz_) and takes no account therefore of the elephant's - green food. - - [1742] The Ency. Br. states that the horn seldom exceeds a - foot in length; there is one in the B.M. measuring 18 inches. - - [1743] ab-khwura kishti, water-drinker's boat, in which name - kishti may be used with reference to shape as boat is in - _sauce-boat_. Erskine notes that rhinoceros-horn is supposed - to sweat on approach of poison. - - [1744] _ailik_, Pers. trs. _angusht_, finger, each seemingly - representing about one inch, a hand's thickness, a finger's - breadth. - - [1745] lit. hand (_qul_) and leg (_but_). - - [1746] The anatomical details by which Babur supports this - statement are difficult to translate, but his grouping of the - two animals is in agreement with the modern classification of - them as two of the three _Ungulata vera_, the third being the - tapir (Fauna of British India:--Mammals, Blanford 467 and, - illustration, 468). - - [1747] De Courteille (ii, 190) reads _kumuk_, osseuse; Erskine - reads _gumuk_, marrow. - - [1748] Index _s.n._ rhinoceros. - - [1749] _Bos bubalus._ - - [1750] "so as to grow into the flesh" (Erskine, p. 317). - - [1751] _sic_ in text. It may be noted that the name _nil-gai_, - common in general European writings, is that of the cow; - _nil-gau_, that of the bull (Blanford). - - [1752] _b:h:ri qutas_; _see_ Appendix M. - - [1753] The doe is brown (Blanford, p. 518). The word _bughu_ - (stag) is used alone just below and seems likely to represent - the bull of the Asiatic wapiti (f. 4 n. on _bughu-maral_.) - - [1754] _Axis porcinus_ (Jerdon, _Cervus porcinus_). - - [1755] _Saiga tartarica_ (Shaw). Turki _huna_ is used, like - English deer, for male, female, and both. Here it seems - defined by _airkaki_ to mean stag or buck. - - [1756] _Antelope cervicapra_, black-buck, so called from the - dark hue of its back (Yule's H.J. _s.n._ Black-buck). - - [1757] _tuyuq_, underlined in the Elph. MS. by _kura_, - cannon-ball; Erskine, foot-ball, de Courteille, _pierre plus - grosse que la cheville_ (_tuyaq_). - - [1758] This mode of catching antelopes is described in the - _Ayin-i-akbari_, and is noted by Erskine as common in his day. - - [1759] _H. gaina._ It is 3 feet high (Yule's H.J. _s.n._ - Gynee). Cf. A. A. Blochmann, p. 149. The ram with which it is - compared may be that of _Ovis ammon_ (Vigne's _Kashmir etc._ - ii, 278). - - [1760] Here the Pers. trs. adds:--They call this kind of monkey - _langur_ (baboon, I.O. 217 f. 192). - - [1761] Here the Pers. trs. adds what Erskine mistakenly - attributes to Babur:--People bring it from several - islands.--They bring yet another kind from several islands, - yellowish-grey in colour like a _pustin tin_ (leather coat of - ?; Erskine, skin of the fig, _tin_). Its head is broader and - its body much larger than those of other monkeys. It is very - fierce and destructive. It is singular _quod penis ejus semper - sit erectus, et nunquam non ad coitum idoneus_ [Erskine]. - - [1762] This name is explained on the margin of the Elph. MS. - as "_rasu_, which is the weasel of Tartary" (Erskine). _Rasu_ - is an Indian name for the squirrel _Sciurus indicus_. The - _kish_, with which Babur's _nul_ is compared, is explained by - de C. as _belette_, weasel, and by Steingass as a fur-bearing - animal; the fur-bearing weasel is (_Mustelidae_) _putorius - ermina_, the ermine-weasel (Blanford, p. 165), which thus - seems to be Babur's _kish_. The alternative name Babur gives - for his _nul_, _i.e._ _mush-i-khurma_, is, in India, that of - _Sciurus palmarum_, the palm-squirrel (G. of I. i, 227); this - then, it seems that Babur's _nul_ is. Erskine took _nul_ here - to be the mongoose (_Herpestes mungus_) (p. 318); and - Blanford, perhaps partly on Erskine's warrant, gives - _mush-i-khurma_ as a name of the lesser _mungus_ of Bengal. I - gather that the name _nawal_ is not exclusively confined even - now to the (_mungus_.) - - [1763] If this be a tree-mouse and not a squirrel, it may be - _Vandeleuria oleracea_ (G. of I. i, 228). - - [1764] The notes to this section are restricted to what serves - to identify the birds Babur mentions, though temptation is - great to add something to this from the mass of interesting - circumstance scattered in the many writings of observers and - lovers of birds. I have thought it useful to indicate to what - language a bird's name belongs. - - [1765] Persian, _gul_; English, eyes. - - [1766] _qulach_ (Zenker, p. 720); Pers. trs. (217 f. 192_b_) - _yak qad-i-adm_; de Courteille, _brasse_ (fathom). These three - are expressions of the measure from finger-tip to finger-tip - of a man's extended arms, which should be his height, a fathom - (6 feet). - - [1767] _qanat_, of which here "primaries" appears to be the - correct rendering, since Jerdon says (ii, 506) of the bird - that its "wings are striated black and white, primaries and - tail deep chestnut". - - [1768] The _qirghawal_, which is of the pheasant species, when - pursued, will take several flights immediately after each - other, though none long; peacocks, it seems, soon get tired - and take to running (Erskine). - - [1769] Ar. _barraq_, as on f. 278_b_ last line where the Elph. - MS. has _barraq_, marked with the _tashdid_. - - [1770] This was, presumably, just when Babur was writing the - passage. - - [1771] This sentence is in Arabic. - - [1772] A Persian note, partially expunged from the text of the - Elph. MS. is to the effect that 4 or 5 other kinds of parrot - are heard of which the revered author did not see. - - [1773] Erskine suggests that this may be the _loory_ - (_Loriculus vernalis_, Indian loriquet). - - [1774] The birds Babur classes under the name _sharak_ seem to - include what Oates and Blanford (whom I follow as they give - the results of earlier workers) class under _Sturnus_, - _Eulabes_ and _Calornis_, starling, grackle and mina, and - tree-stare (_Fauna of British India_, Oates, vols. i and ii, - Blanford, vols. iii and iv). - - [1775] Turki, _qaba_; Ilminsky, p. 361, _tang_ (_tund_?). - - [1776] E. D. Ross's _Polyglot List of Birds_, p. 314, - _Chighir-chiq_, Northern swallow; Elph. MS. f. 230_b_ - interlined _jil_ (Steingass lark). The description of the bird - allows it to be _Sturnus humii_, the Himalayan starling - (Oates, i, 520). - - [1777] Elph. and Hai. MSS. (Sans. and Bengali) _p:ndui_; two - good MSS. of the Pers. trs. (I.O. 217 and 218) _p:ndawali_; - Ilminsky (p. 361) _mina_; Erskine (_Mems._ p. 319) - _pindaweli_, but without his customary translation of an - Indian name. The three forms shewn above can all mean "having - protuberance or lump" (_pinda_) and refer to the bird's - wattle. But the word of the presumably well-informed scribes - of I.O. 217 and 218 can refer to the bird's sagacity in speech - and be _pandawali_, possessed of wisdom. With the same - spelling, the word can translate into the epithet _religiosa_, - given to the wattled _mina_ by Linnaeus. This epithet Mr. - Leonard Wray informs me has been explained to him as due to - the frequenting of temples by the birds; and that in Malaya - they are found living in cotes near Chinese temples.--An - alternative name (one also connecting with _religiosa_) - allowed by the form of the word is _binda-wali_. H. _binda_ is - a mark on the forehead, made as a preparative to devotion by - Hindus, or in Sans. and _Bengali_, is the spot of paint made - on an elephant's trunk; the meaning would thus be "having a - mark". Cf. Jerdon and Oates _s.n._ _Eulabes religiosa_. - - [1778] _Eulabes intermedia_, the Indian grackle or hill-mina. - Here the Pers. trs. adds that people call it _mina_. - - [1779] _Calornis chalybeius_, the glossy starling or - tree-stare, which never descends to the ground. - - [1780] _Sturnopastor contra_, the pied mina. - - [1781] Part of the following passage about the _luja_ (var. - _lukha_, _lucha_) is _verbatim_ with part of that on f. 135; - both were written about 934-5 AH. as is shewn by Shaikh Zain - (Index _s.n._) and by inference from references in the text - (Index _s.n._ B.N. date of composition). _See_ Appendix N. - - [1782] Lit. mountain-partridge. There is ground for - understanding that one of the birds known in the region as - _monals_ is meant. _See_ Appendix N. - - [1783] Sans. _chakora_; Ar. _durraj_; P. _kabg_; T. _kiklik_. - - [1784] Here, probably, southern Afghanistan. - - [1785] _Caccabis chukur_ (Scully, Shaw's Vocabulary) or _C. - pallescens_ (Hume, quoted under No. 126 E. D. Ross' _Polyglot - List_). - - [1786] "In some parts of the country (_i.e._ India before 1841 - AD.), tippets used to be made of the beautiful black, - white-spotted feathers of the lower plumage (of the _durraj_), - and were in much request, but they are rarely procurable now" - (_Bengal Sporting Magazine_ for 1841, quoted by Jerdon, ii, - 561). - - [1787] A broad collar of red passes round the whole neck - (Jerdon, ii, 558). - - [1788] Ar. _durraj_ means one who repeats what he hears, a - tell-tale. - - [1789] Various translations have been made of this passage, "I - have milk and sugar" (Erskine), "_J'ai du lait, un peu de - sucre_" (de Courteille), but with short _sh:r_, it might be - read in more than one way ignoring milk and sugar. See Jerdon, - ii, 558 and Hobson Jobson _s.n._ Black-partridge. - - [1790] Flower-faced, _Trapogon melanocephala_, the horned - (_sing_)-monal. It is described by Jahangir (_Memoirs_, R. and - B., ii, 220) under the names [H. and P.] _phul-paikar_ and - Kashmiri, _sonlu_. - - [1791] _Gallus sonneratii_, the grey jungle-fowl. - - [1792] Perhaps _Bambusicola fytchii_, the western - bambu-partridge. For _chil_ see E. D. Ross, _l.c._ No. 127. - - [1793] Jahangir (_l.c._) describes, under the Kashmiri name - _put_, what may be this bird. It seems to be _Gallus - ferrugineus_, the red jungle-fowl (Blanford, iv, 75). - - [1794] Jahangir helps to identify the bird by mentioning its - elongated tail-feathers,--seasonal only. - - [1795] The migrant quail will be _Coturnix communis_, the grey - quail, 8 inches long; what it is compared with seems likely to - be the bush-quail, which is non-migrant and shorter. - - [1796] Perhaps _Perdicula argunda_, the rock bush-quail, which - flies in small coveys. - - [1797] Perhaps _Coturnix coromandelica_, the black-breasted or - rain quail, 7 inches long. - - [1798] Perhaps _Motacilla citreola_, a yellow wag-tail which - summers in Central Asia (Oates, ii, 298). If so, its Kabul - name may refer to its flashing colour. Cf. E. D. Ross, _l.c._ - No. 301; de Courteille's _Dictionary_ which gives _qarcha_, - wag-tail, and Zenker's which fixes the colour. - - [1799] _Eupodotis edwardsii_; Turki, _tughdar_ or _tughdiri_. - - [1800] Erskine noting (Mems. p. 321), that the bustard is - common in the Dakkan where it is bigger than a turkey, says it - is called _tughdar_ and suggests that this is a corruption of - _tughdaq_. The uses of both words are shewn by Babur, here, - and in the next following, account of the _charz_. Cf. G. of - I. i, 260 and E. D. Ross _l.c._ Nos. 36, 40. - - [1801] _Sypheotis bengalensis_ and _S. aurita_, which are both - smaller than _Otis houbara_ (_tughdiri_). In Hindustan _S. - aurita_ is known as _likh_ which name is the nearest approach - I have found to Babur's [_luja_] _lukha_. - - [1802] Jerdon mentions (ii, 615) that this bird is common in - Afghanistan and there called _dugdaor_ (_tughdar_, - _tughdiri_). - - [1803] _Cf._ Appendix B, since I wrote which, further - information has made it fairly safe to say that the Hindustan - _baghri-qara_ is _Pterocles exustus_, the common sand-grouse - and that the one of f. 49b is _Pterocles arenarius_, the - larger or black-bellied sand-grouse. _P. exustus_ is said by - Yule (H. J. _s.n._ Rock-pigeon) to have been miscalled - rock-pigeon by Anglo-Indians, perhaps because its flight - resembles the pigeon's. This accounts for Erskine's rendering - (p. 321) _baghri-qara_ here by rock-pigeon. - - [1804] _Leptoptilus dubius_, Hind. _hargila_. Hindustanis call - it _pir-i-ding_ (Erskine) and _peda dhauk_ (Blanford), both - names referring, perhaps, to its pouch. It is the adjutant of - Anglo-India. Cf. f. 235. - - [1805] only when young (Blanford, ii, 188). - - [1806] Elph. MS. _mank:sa_ or _mankia_; Hai. MS. _m:nk_. - Haughton's _Bengali Dictionary_ gives two forms of the name - _manek-jur_ and _manak-yoi_. It is _Dissura episcopus_, the - white-necked stork (Blanford iv, 370, who gives _manik-jor_ - amongst its Indian names). Jerdon classes it (ii, 737) as - _Ciconia leucocephala_. It is the beefsteak bird of - Anglo-India. - - [1807] _Ciconia nigra_ (Blanford, iv, 369). - - [1808] Under the Hindustani form, _buza_, of Persian _buzak_ - the birds Babur mentions as _buzak_ can be identified. The - large one is _Inocotis papillosus_, _buza_, _kala buza_, black - curlew, king-curlew. The bird it equals in size is a buzzard, - Turki _sar_ (not Persian _sar_, starling). The king-curlew has - a large white patch on the inner lesser and marginal coverts - of its wings (Blanford, iv, 303). This agrees with Babur's - statement about the wings of the large _buzak_. Its length is - 27 inches, while the starling's is 9-1/2 inches. - - [1809] _Ibis melanocephala_, the white ibis, Pers. _safed - buzak_, Bengali _sabut buza_. It is 30 inches long. - - [1810] Perhaps, _Plegadis falcinellus_, the glossy ibis, which - in most parts of India is a winter visitor. Its length is 25 - inches. - - [1811] Erskine suggests that this is _Platalea leucorodia_, - the _chamach-buza_, spoon-bill. It is 33 inches long. - - [1812] _Anas poecilorhyncha._ The Hai. MS. writes _gharm-pai_, - and this is the Indian name given by Blanford (iv, 437). - - [1813] _Anas boschas._ Dr. Ross notes (No. 147), from the - _Sanglakh_, that _suna_ is the drake, _burchin_, the duck and - that it is common in China to call a certain variety of bird - by the combined sex-names. Something like this is shewn by the - uses of _bugha_ and _maral_ _q.v._ Index. - - [1814] _Centropus rufipennis_, the common coucal (Yule's H.J. - _s.n._ Crow-pheasant); H. _makokha_, _Cuculus castaneus_ - (Buchanan, quoted by Forbes). - - [1815] _Pteropus edwardsii_, the flying-fox. The inclusion of - the bat here amongst birds, may be a clerical accident, since - on f. 136 a flying-fox is not written of as a bird. - - [1816] Babur here uses what is both the Kabul and Andijan name - for the magpie, Ar. _'aqqa_ (Oates, i, 31 and Scully's Voc), - instead of T. _saghizghan_ or P. _dam-sicha_ (tail-wagger). - - [1817] The Pers. trs. writes _sandulach mamula_, _mamula_ - being Arabic for wag-tail. De Courteille's Dictionary - describes the _sandulach_ as small and having a long tail, the - cock-bird green, the hen, yellow. The wag-tail suiting this in - colouring is _Motacilla borealis_ (Oates, ii, 294; syn. - _Budytes viridis_, the green wag-tail); this, as a migrant, - serves to compare with the Indian "little bird", which seems - likely to be a red-start. - - [1818] This word may represent Scully's _kirich_ and be the - Turki name for a swift, perhaps _Cypselus affinis_. - - [1819] This name is taken from its cry during the breeding - season (Yule's H.J. _s.n._ Koel). - - [1820] Babur's distinction between the three crocodiles he - mentions seems to be that of names he heard, _shir-abi_, - _siyah-sar_, and _gharial_. - - [1821] In this passage my husband finds the explanation of two - somewhat vague statements of later date, one made by - Abu'l-fazl (A. A. Blochmann, p. 65) that Akbar called the - _kilas_ (cherry) the _shah-alu_ (king-plum), the other by - Jahangir that this change was made because _kilas_ means - lizard (_Jahangir's Memoirs_, R. & B. i, 116). What Akbar did - is shewn by Babur; it was to reject the _Persian_ name - _kilas_, cherry, because it closely resembled _Turki gilas_, - lizard. There is a lizard _Stellio Lehmanni_ of Transoxiana - with which Babur may well have compared the crocodile's - appearance (Schuyler's _Turkistan_, i, 383). Akbar in - Hindustan may have had _Varanus salvator_ (6 ft. long) in - mind, if indeed he had not the great lizard, _al lagarto_, the - alligator itself in his thought. The name _kilas_ evidently - was banished only from the Court circle, since it is still - current in Kashmir (Blochmann _l.c._ p. 616); and Speede (p. - 201) gives _keeras_, cherry, as used in India. - - [1822] This name as now used, is that of the purely - fish-eating crocodile. [In the Turki text Babur's account of - the _gharial_ follows that of the porpoise; but it is grouped - here with those of the two other crocodiles.] - - [1823] As the Hai. MS. and also I.O. 216 f. 137 (Pers. trs.) - write _kalah_ (_galah_)-fish, this may be a large cray-fish. - One called by a name approximating to _galah_-fish is found in - Malayan waters, _viz._ the _galah_-prawn (_hudang_) (cf. - Bengali _gula-chingri_, _gula_-prawn, Haughton). _Galah_ and - _gula_ may express lament made when the fish is caught - (Haughton pp. 931, 933, 952); or if _kalah_ be read, this may - express scolding. Two good MSS. of the _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ - (Pers. trs.) write _kaka_; and their word cannot but have - weight. Erskine reproduces _kaka_ but offers no explanation of - it, a failure betokening difficulty in his obtaining one. My - husband suggests that _kaka_ may represent a stuttering sound, - doing so on the analogy of Vullers' explanation of the - word,--_Vir ridiculus et facetus qui simul balbutiat_; and also - he inclines to take the fish to be a crab (_kakra_). Possibly - _kaka_ is a popular or vulgar name for a cray-fish or a crab. - Whether the sound is lament, scolding, or stuttering the - fisherman knows! Shaikh Zain enlarges Babur's notice of this - fish; he says the bones are prolonged (_bar awarda_) from the - ears, that these it agitates at time of capture, making a - noise like the word _kaka_ by which it is known, that it is - two _wajab_ (18 in.) long, its flesh surprisingly tasty, and - that it is very active, leaping a _gaz_ (_cir._ a yard) out of - the water when the fisherman's net is set to take it. For - information about the Malayan fish, I am indebted to Mr. Cecil - Wray. - - [1824] T. _qiyuenlighi_, presumably referring to spines or - difficult bones; T. _qin_, however, means a scabbard [Shaw]. - - [1825] One of the common frogs is a small one which, when - alarmed, jumps along the surface of the water (G. of I. i, - 273). - - [1826] _Anb_ and _anbah_ (pronounced _amb_ and _ambah_) are - now less commonly used names than _am_. It is an interesting - comment on Babur's words that Abu'l-fazl spells _anb_, letter - by letter, and says that the _b_ is quiescent (_Ayin_ 28; for - the origin of the word mango, _vide_ Yule's H.J. _s.n._). - - [1827] A corresponding diminutive would be fairling. - - [1828] The variants, entered in parenthesis, are found in the - Bib. Ind. ed. of the _Ayin-i-akbari_ p. 75 and in a (bazar) - copy of the _Quranu's-sa'dain_ in my husband's possession. As - Amir Khusrau was a poet of Hindustan, either _khwash_ - (_khwesh_) [our own] or _ma_ [our] would suit his meaning. The - couplet is, literally:-- - - Our fairling, [_i.e._ mango] beauty-maker of the garden, - Fairest fruit of Hindustan. - - [1829] Daulat Khan _Yusuf-khail Ludi_ in 929 AH. sent Babur a - gift of mangoes preserved in honey (_in loco_ p. 440). - - [1830] I have learned nothing more definite about the word - _kardi_ than that it is the name of a superior kind of peach - (_Ghiyasu'l-lughat_). - - [1831] The preceding sentence is out of place in the Turki - text; it may therefore be a marginal note, perhaps not made by - Babur. - - [1832] This sentence suggests that Babur, writing in Agra or - Fathpur did not there see fine mango-trees. - - [1833] See Yule's H.J. on the plantain, the banana of the - West. - - [1834] This word is a descendant of Sanscrit _mocha_, and - parent of _musa_ the botanical name of the fruit (Yule). - - [1835] Shaikh Effendi (Kunos), Zenker and de Courteille say of - this only that it is the name of a tree. Shaw gives a name - that approaches it, _arman_, a grass, a weed; Scully explains - this as _Artemisia vulgaris_, wormwood, but Roxburgh gives no - _Artemisia_ having a leaf resembling the plantain's. Scully - has _aramadan_, unexplained, which, like _aman-qara_, may - refer to comfort in shade. Babur's comparison will be with - something known in Transoxiana. Maize has general resemblance - with the plantain. So too have the names of the plants, since - _mocha_ and _mauz_ stand for the plantain and (Hindi) _muka'i_ - for maize. These incidental resemblances bear, however - lightly, on the question considered in the Ency. Br. (art. - maize) whether maize was early in Asia or not; some writers - hold that it was; if Babur's _aman-qara_ were maize, maize - will have been familiar in Transoxiana in his day. - - [1836] Abu'l-fazl mentions that the plantain-tree bears no - second crop unless cut down to the stump. - - [1837] Babur was fortunate not to have met with a seed-bearing - plantain. - - [1838] The ripe "dates" are called P. _tamar-i Hind_, whence - our tamarind, and _Tamarindus Indica_. - - [1839] _Sophora alopecuroides_, a leguminous plant (Scully). - - [1840] Abu'l-fazl gives _galaunda_ as the name of the "fruit" - [_mewa_],--Forbes, as that of the fallen flower. Cf. Brandis p. - 426 and Yule's H.J. _s.n._ Mohwa. - - [1841] Babur seems to say that spirit is extracted from both - the fresh and the dried flowers. The fresh ones are favourite - food with deer and jackals; they have a sweet spirituous - taste. Erskine notes that the spirit made from them was - well-known in Bombay by the name of Moura, or of Parsi-brandy, - and that the farm of it was a considerable article of revenue - (p. 325 n.). Roxburgh describes it as strong and intoxicating - (p. 411). - - [1842] This is the name of a green, stoneless grape which when - dried, results in a raisin resembling the sultanas of Europe - (_Jahangir's Memoirs_ and Yule's H.J. _s.n._; Griffiths' - _Journal of Travel_ pp. 359, 388). - - [1843] _Aul_, lit. the _aul_ of the flower. The Persian - translation renders _aul_ by _bu_ which may allow both words - to be understood in their (root) sense of _being_, _i.e._ - natural state. De Courteille translates by _quand la fleur est - fraiche_ (ii, 210); Erskine took _bu_ to mean smell (_Memoirs_ - p. 325), but the _aul_ it translates, does not seem to have - this meaning. For reading _aul_ as "the natural state", there - is circumstantial support in the flower's being eaten raw - (Roxburgh). The annotator of the Elphinstone MS. [whose - defacement of that Codex has been often mentioned], has added - points and _tashdid_ to the _aul-i_ (_i.e._ its _aul_), so as - to produce _awwali_ (first, f. 235). Against this there are - the obvious objections that the Persian translation does not - reproduce, and that its _bu_ does not render _awwali_; also - that _aul-i_ is a noun with its enclitic genitive _ya_ (_i_). - - [1844] This word seems to be meant to draw attention to the - various merits of the _mahuwa_ tree. - - [1845] Erskine notes that this is not to be confounded with E. - _jambu_, the rose-apple (_Memoirs_ p. 325 n.). Cf. Yule's H.J. - _s.n. Jambu_. - - [1846] var. _ghat-alu_, _ghab-alu_, _ghain-alu_, _shafl-alu_. - Scully enters _'ain-alu_ (true-plum?) unexplained. The - _kamrak_ fruit is 3 in. long (Brandis) and of the size of a - lemon (Firminger); dimensions which make Babur's 4 _ailik_ - (hand's-thickness) a slight excess only, and which thus allow - _ailik_, with its Persion translation, _angusht_, to be - approximately an inch. - - [1847] Speede, giving the fruit its Sanscrit name _kamarunga_, - says it is acid, rather pleasant, something like an insipid - apple; also that its pretty pink blossoms grow on the trunk - and main branches (i, 211). - - [1848] Cf. Yule's H.J. _s.n._ jack-fruit. In a Calcutta - nurseryman's catalogue of 1914 AD. three kinds of jack-tree - are offered for sale, viz. "Crispy or Khaja, Soft or Neo, - Rose-scented" (Seth, Feronia Nursery). - - [1849] The _gipa_ is a sheep's stomach stuffed with rice, - minced meat, and spices, and boiled as a pudding. The - resemblance of the jack, as it hangs on the tree, to the - haggis, is wonderfully complete (Erskine). - - [1850] These when roasted have the taste of chestnuts. - - [1851] Firminger (p. 186) describes an ingenious method of - training. - - [1852] For a note of Humayun's on the jack-fruit _see_ - Appendix O. - - [1853] _aid-i-yaman aimas._ It is somewhat curious that Babur - makes no comment on the odour of the jack itself. - - [1854] _bush_, English bosh (Shaw). The Persian translation - inserts no more about this fruit. - - [1855] Steingass applies this name to the plantain. - - [1856] Erskine notes that "this is the bullace-plum, small, - not more than twice as large as the sloe and not so - high-flavoured; it is generally yellow, sometimes red." Like - Babur, Brandis enumerates several varieties and mentions the - seasonal changes of the tree (p. 170). - - [1857] This will be Kabul, probably, because Transoxiana is - written of by Babur usually, if not invariably, as "that - country", and because he mentions the _chikda_ (_i.e. - chika?_), under its Persian name _sinjid_, in his _Description - of Kabul_ (f. 129_b_). - - [1858] P. _mar manjan_, which I take to refer to the - _riwajlar_ of Kabul. (Cf. f. 129_b_, where, however, (note 5) - are _corrigenda_ of Masson's _rawash_ for _riwaj_, and his - third to second volume.) Kehr's Codex contains an extra - passage about the _karaun da_, _viz._ that from it is made a - tasty fritter-like dish, resembling a rhubarb-fritter - (Ilminsky, p. 369). - - [1859] People call it (P.) _palasa_ also (Elph. MS. f. 236, - marginal note). - - [1860] Perhaps the red-apple of Kabul, where two sorts are - common, both rosy, one very much so, but much inferior to the - other (Griffith's _Journal of Travel_ p. 388). - - [1861] Its downy fruit grows in bundles from the trunk and - large branches (Roxburgh). - - [1862] The reference by "also" (_ham_) will be to the _kamrak_ - (f. 283_b_), but both Roxburgh and Brandis say the _amla_ is - six striated. - - [1863] The Sanscrit and Bengali name for the chirunji-tree is - _piyala_ (Roxburgh p. 363). - - [1864] Cf. f. 250_b_. - - [1865] The leaflet is rigid enough to serve as a runlet, but - soon wears out; for this reason, the usual practice is to use - one of split bamboo. - - [1866] This is a famous hunting-ground between Biana and - Dhulpur, Rajputana, visited in 933 AH. (f. 33O_b_). Babur's - great-great-grandson Shah-jahan built a hunting-lodge there - (G. of I.). - - [1867] Hai. MS. _mu'arrab_, but the Elph. MS. _maghrib_, - [occidentalizing]. The Hai. MS. when writing of the orange - (_infra_) also has _maghrib_. A distinction of locality may be - drawn by _maghrib_. - - [1868] Babur's "Hindustan people" (_ail_) are those neither - Turks nor Afghans. - - [1869] This name, with its usual form _tadi_ (toddy), is used - for the fermented sap of the date, coco, and _mhar_ palms also - (cf. Yule's H.J. _s.n._ toddy). - - [1870] Babur writes of the long leaf-stalk as a branch - (_shakh_); he also seems to have taken each spike of the - fan-leaf to represent a separate leaf. [For two omissions from - my trs. _see_ Appendix O.] - - [1871] Most of the fruits Babur describes as orange-like are - named in the following classified list, taken from Watts' - _Economic Products of India_:--"+Citrus aurantium+, _narangi_, - _sangtara_, _amrit-phal_; +C. decumana+, _pumelo_, shaddock, - forbidden-fruit, _sada-phal_; +C. medica+ proper, _turunj_, - _limu_; +C. medica limonum+, _jambhira_, _karna-nebu_." Under - _C. aurantium_ Brandis enters both the sweet and the Seville - oranges (_narangi_); this Babur appears to do also. - - [1872] _kindiklik_, explained in the Elph. Codex by _nafwar_ - (f. 238). This detail is omitted by the Persian translation. - Firminger's description (p. 221) of Aurangabad oranges - suggests that they also are navel-oranges. At the present time - one of the best oranges had in England is the navel one of - California. - - [1873] Useful addition is made to earlier notes on the - variability of the _yighach_, a variability depending on time - taken to cover the ground, by the following passage from - Henderson and Hume's _Lahor to Yarkand_ (p. 120), which shews - that even in the last century the _farsang_ (the P. word used - in the Persian translation of the _Babur-nama_ for T. - _yighach_) was computed by time. "All the way from Kargallik - (Qarghaliq) to Yarkand, there were tall wooden mile-posts - along the roads, at intervals of about 5 miles, or rather one - hour's journey, apart. On a board at the top of each post, or - _farsang_ as it is called, the distances were very legibly - written in Turki." - - [1874] _ma'rib_, Elph. MS. _magharrib_; (cf. f. 285_b_ note). - - [1875] _i.e. narang_ (Sans. _naranga_) has been changed to - _naranj_ in the 'Arab mouth. What is probably one of Humayun's - notes preserved by the Elph. Codex (f. 238), appears to say--it - is mutilated--that _narang_ has been corrupted into _naranj_. - - [1876] The Elph. Codex has a note--mutilated in early - binding--which is attested by its scribe as copied from - Humayun's hand-writing, and is to the effect that once on his - way from the Hot-bath, he saw people who had taken poison and - restored them by giving lime-juice. - - Erskine here notes that the same antidotal quality is ascribed - to the citron by Virgil:-- - - Media fert tristes succos. tardumque saporem - Felicis mali, quo non praesentius ullum, - Pocula si quando saevae infecere novercae, - Miscueruntque herbas et non innoxia verba, - Auxilium venit, ac membris agit atra venena. - - Georgics II. v. 126. - - _Vide_ Heyne's note i, 438. - - [1877] P. _turunj_, wrinkled, puckered; Sans. _vijapura_ and - H. _bijaura_ (_Ayin_ 28), seed-filled. - - [1878] Babur may have confused this with H. _bijaura_; so too - appears to have done the writer (Humayun?) of a [now - mutilated] note in the Elph. Codex (f. 238), which seems to - say that the fruit or its name went from Bajaur to Hindustan. - Is the country of Bajaur so-named from its indigenous orange - (_vijapura_, whence _bijaura_)? The name occurs also north of - Kangra. - - [1879] Of this name variants are numerous, _santra_, - _santhara_, _samtara_, etc. Watts classes it as a _C. - aurantium_; Erskine makes it the common sweet orange; - Firminger, quoting Ross (p. 221) writes that, as grown in the - Nagpur gardens it is one of the finest Indian oranges, with - rind thin, smooth and close. The Emperor Muhammad Shah is said - to have altered its name to _rang-tara_ because of its fine - colour (_rang_) (Forbes). Speede (ii, 109) gives both names. - As to the meaning and origin of the name _santara_ or - _santra_, so suggestive of Cintra, the Portuguese home of a - similar orange, it may be said that it looks like a hill-name - used in N. E. India, for there is a village in the Bhutan - Hills, (Western Duars) known from its orange groves as - Santra-bari, Abode of the orange. To this (mentioned already - as my husband's suggestion in Mr. Crooke's ed. of Yule's H.J.) - support is given by the item "Suntura, famous Nipal variety", - entered in Seth's Nursery-list of 1914 (Feronia Nurseries, - Calcutta). Light on the question of origin could be thrown, no - doubt, by those acquainted with the dialects of the hill-tract - concerned. - - [1880] This refers, presumably, to the absence of the beak - characteristic of all citrons. - - [1881] melter, from the Sans. root _gal_, which provides the - names of several lemons by reason of their solvent quality, - specified by Babur (_infra_) of the _amal-bid_. Erskine notes - that in his day the _gal-gal_ was known as _kilmek_ - (_galmak_?). - - [1882] Sans. _jambira_, H. _jambir_, classed by Abu'l-fazl as - one of the somewhat sour fruits and by Watts as _Citrus medica - limonum_. - - [1883] Watts, _C. decumana_, the shaddock or pumelo; Firminger - (p. 223) has _C. decumana pyriformis_ suiting Babur's - "pear-shaped". What Babur compared it with will be the - Transoxanian pear and quince (_P. amrud_ and _bihi_) and not - the Indian guava and Bengal quince (_P. amrud_ and _H. bael_). - - [1884] The Turki text writes _amrd_. Watts classes the - _amrit-phal_ as a _C. aurantium_. This supports Erskine's - suggestion that it is the mandarin-orange. Humayun describes - it in a note which is written pell-mell in the text of the - Elph. Codex and contains also descriptions of the _kamila_ and - _santara_ oranges; it can be seen translated in Appendix O. - - [1885] So spelled in the Turki text and also in two good MSS. - of the Pers. trs. I.O. 217 and 218, but by Abu'l-fazl - _amal-bit_. Both P. _bid_ and P. _bit_ mean willow and cane - (ratan), so that _amal-bid_ (_bit_) can mean acid-willow and - acid-cane. But as Babur is writing of a fruit like an orange, - the cane that bears an acid fruit, _Calamus rotang_, can be - left aside in favour of _Citrus medica acidissima_. Of this - fruit the solvent property Babur mentions, as well as the - commonly-known service in cleansing metal, link it, by these - uses, with the willow and suggest a ground for understanding, - as Erskine did, that _amal-bid_ meant acid-willow; for - willow-wood is used to rub rust off metal. - - [1886] This statement shows that Babur was writing the - _Description of Hindustan_ in 935 AH. (1528-9 AD.), which is - the date given for it by Shaikh Zain. - - [1887] This story of the needle is believed in India of all - the citron kind, which are hence called _sui-gal_ - (needle-melter) in the Dakhin (Erskine). Cf. Forbes, p. 489 - _s.n. sui-gal_. - - [1888] Erskine here quotes information from Abu'l-fazl (_Ayin_ - 28) about Akbar's encouragement of the cultivation of fruits. - - [1889] Hindustani (Urdu) _garhal_. Many varieties of Hibiscus - (syn. Althea) grow in India; some thrive in Surrey gardens; - the _jasun_ by name and colour can be taken as what is known - in Malayan, Tamil, etc., as the shoe-flower, from its use in - darkening leather (Yule's H.J.). - - [1890] I surmise that what I have placed between asterisks - here belongs to the next-following plant, the oleander. For - though the branches of the _jasun_ grow vertically, the bush - is a dense mass upon one stout trunk, or stout short stem. The - words placed in parenthesis above are not with the Haidarabad - but are with the Elphinstone Codex. There would seem to have - been a scribe's skip from one "rose" to the other. As has been - shewn repeatedly, this part of the Babur-nama has been much - annotated; in the Elph. Codex, where only most of the notes - are preserved, some are entered by the scribe pell-mell into - Babur's text. The present instance may be a case of a marginal - note, added to the text in a wrong place. - - [1891] The peduncle supporting the plume of medial petals is - clearly seen only when the flower opens first. The plumed - Hibiscus is found in florists' catalogues described as - "double". - - [1892] This Anglo-Indians call also rose-bay. A Persian name - appears to be _zahr-giyah_, poison-grass, which makes it the - more probable that the doubtful passage in the previous - description of the _jasun_ belongs to the rod-like oleander, - known as the poison-grass. The oleander is common in - river-beds over much country known to Babur, outside India. - - [1893] Roxburgh gives a full and interesting account of this - tree. - - [1894] Here the Elph. Codex, only, has the (seeming) note, "An - 'Arab calls it _kazi_" (or _kawi_). This fills out Steingass' - part-explanation of _kawi_, "the blossom of the fragrant - palm-tree, _armat_" (p. 1010), and of _armat_, "a kind of - date-tree with a fragrant blossom" (p. 39), by making _armat_ - and _kawi_ seem to be the _Pandanus_ and its flower. - - [1895] _Calamus scriptorius_ (Vullers ii, 607. H. B.). - Abu'l-fazl compares the leaves to _jawari_, the great millet - (Forbes); Blochmann (A. A. p. 83) translates _jawari_ by - _maize_ (_juwara_, Forbes). - - [1896] T. _airkak-qumush_, a name Scully enters unexplained. - Under _qumush_ (reed) he enters _Arundo madagascarensis_; - Babur's comparison will be with some Transoxanian _Arundo_ or - _Calamus_, presumably. - - [1897] _Champa_ seems to have been Babur's word (Elph. and - Hai. MSS.), but is the (B.) name for _Michelia champaka_; the - Pers. translation corrects it by (B.) _chambeli_, (_yasman_, - jasmine). - - [1898] Here, "outside India" will be meant, where Hindu rules - do not prevail. - - [1899] _Hind ailari-ning ibtida-si hilal ailar-ning - istiqbal-din dur._ The use here of _istiqbal_, welcome, - attracts attention; does it allude to the universal welcome of - lighter nights? or is it reminiscent of Muhammadan welcome to - the Moon's crescent in Shawwal? - - [1900] For an exact statement of the intercalary months _vide_ - Cunningham's _Indian Eras_, p. 91. In my next sentence - (_supra_) the parenthesis-marks indicate blanks left on the - page of the Hai. MS. as though waiting for information. These - and other similar blanks make for the opinion that the Hai. - Codex is a direct copy of Babur's draft manuscript. - - [1901] The sextuple division (_ritu_) of the year is referred - to on f. 284, where the Signs Crab and Lion are called the - season of the true Rains. - - [1902] Babur appears not to have entered either the Hindi or - the Persian names of the week:--the Hai. MS. has a blank space; - the Elph. MS. had the Persian names only, and Hindi ones have - been written in above these; Kehr has the Persian ones only; - Ilminsky has added the Hindi ones. (The spelling of the Hindi - names, in my translation, is copied from Forbes' Dictionary.) - - [1903] The Hai. MS. writes _gari_ and _garial_. The word now - stands for the hour of 60 minutes. - - [1904] _i.e._ gong-men. The name is applied also to an - alligator _Lacertus gangeticus_ (Forbes). - - [1905] There is some confusion in the text here, the Hai. MS. - reading _birinj-din tishi_(?) _nima quiubturlar_--the Elph. MS. - (f. 240_b_) _biring-din bir yassi nima quiubturlar_. The - Persian translation, being based on the text of the - Elphinstone Codex reads _az biring yak chiz pahni rekhta and_. - The word _tishi_ of the Hai. MS. may represent _tasht_ plate - or _yassi_, broad; against the latter however there is the - sentence that follows and gives the size. - - [1906] Here again the wording of the Hai. MS. is not clear; - the sense however is obvious. Concerning the clepsydra _vide_ - A. A. Jarrett, ii, 15 and notes; Smith's _Dictionary of - Antiquities_; Yule's H.J. _s.n._ Ghurry. - - [1907] The table is:--60 _bipals_ = 1 _pal_; 60 _pals_ = 1 - _g'hari_ (24 m.); 60 _g'hari_ or 8 _pahr_ = one _din-rat_ - (nycthemeron). - - [1908] Qoran, cap. CXII, which is a declaration of God's - unity. - - [1909] The (S.) _rati_ = 8 rice-grains (Eng. 8 barley-corns); - the (S.) _masha_ is a kidney-bean; the (P.) _tank_ is about 2 - oz.; the (Ar.) _misqal_ is equal to 40 _ratis_; the (S.) - _tula_ is about 145 oz.; the (S.) _ser_ is of various values - (Wilson's _Glossary_ and Yule's H. J.). - - [1910] There being 40 Bengal _sers_ to the _man_, Babur's word - _manban_ seems to be another name for the _man_ or _maund_. I - have not found _manban_ or _minasa_. At first sight _manban_ - might be taken, in the Hai. MS. for (T.) _batman_, a weight of - 13 or 15 lbs., but this does not suit. Cf. f. 167 note to - _batman_ and f. 173_b_ (where, however, in the note f. 157 - requires correction to f. 167). For Babur's table of measures - the Pers. trs. has 40 _sers_ = 1 _man_; 12 _mans_ = 1 _mani_; - 100 _mani_ they call _minasa_ (217, f. 201_b_, l. 8). - - [1911] Presumably these are caste-names. - - [1912] The words in parenthesis appear to be omitted from the - text; to add them brings Babur's remark into agreement with - others on what he several times makes note of, _viz._ the - absence not only of irrigation-channels but of those which - convey "running-waters" to houses and gardens. Such he writes - of in Farghana; such are a well-known charm _e.g._ in Madeira, - where the swift current of clear water flowing through the - streets, turns into private precincts by side-runlets. - - [1913] The Hai. MS. writes _lunguta-dik_, like a lunguta, - which better agrees with Babur's usual phrasing. _Lung_ is - Persian for a cloth passed between the loins, is an equivalent - of S. _dhoti_. Babur's use of it (_infra_) for the woman's - (P.) _chaddar_ or (S.) _sari_ does not suit the Dictionary - definition of its meaning. - - [1914] When Erskine published the Memoirs in 1826 AD. he - estimated this sum at 1-1/2 millions Sterling, but when he - published his _History of India_ in 1854, he had made further - research into the problem of Indian money values, and judged - then that Babur's revenue was L4,212,000. - - [1915] Erskine here notes that the promised details had not - been preserved, but in 1854 AD. he had found them in a - "paraphrase of part of Babur", manifestly in Shaikh Zain's - work. He entered and discussed them and some matters of - money-values in Appendices D. and E. of his _History of - India_, vol. I. Ilminsky found them in Kehr's Codex (C. ii, - 230). The scribe of the Elph. MS. has entered the revenues of - three _sarkars_ only, with his usual quotation marks - indicating something extraneous or doubtful. The Hai. MS. has - them in contents precisely as I have entered them above, but - with a scattered mode of setting down. They are in Persian, - presumably as they were rendered to Babur by some Indian - official. This official statement will have been with Babur's - own papers; it will have been copied by Shaikh Zain into his - own paraphrase. It differs slightly in Erskine's and again, in - de Courteille's versions. I regret that I am incompetent to - throw any light upon the question of its values and that I - must leave some uncertain names to those more expert than - myself. Cf. Erskine's Appendices _l.c._ and Thomas' _Revenue - resources of the Mughal Empire_. For a few comments _see_ App. - P. - - [1916] Here the Turki text resumes in the Hai. MS. - - [1917] Elph. MS. f. 243_b_; W. i. B. I.O. 215 has not the - events of this year (as to which omission _vide_ note at the - beginning of 932 AH. f. 251_b_) and 217 f. 203; Mems. p. 334; - Ilminsky's imprint p. 380; _Mems._ ii, 232. - - [1918] This should be 30th if Saturday was the day of the week - (Gladwin, Cunningham and Babur's narrative of f. 269). - Saturday appears likely to be right; Babur entered Agra on - Thursday 28th; Friday would be used for the Congregational - Prayer and preliminaries inevitable before the distribution of - the treasure. The last day of Babur's narrative 932 AH. is - Thursday Rajab 28th; he would not be likely to mistake between - Friday, the day of his first Congregational prayer in Agra, - and Saturday. It must be kept in mind that the _Description of - Hindustan_ is an interpolation here, and that it was written - in 935 AH., three years later than the incidents here - recorded. The date Rajab 29th may not be Babur's own entry; or - if it be, may have been made after the interpolation of the - dividing mass of the _Description_ and made wrongly. - - [1919] Erskine estimated these sums as "probably L56,700 to - Humayun; and the smaller ones as L8,100, L6,480, L5,670 and - L4,860 respectively; very large sums for the age". (_History - of India_, i. 440 n. and App. E.) - - [1920] These will be his daughters. Gul-badan gives precise - details of the gifts to the family circle (_Humayun-nama_ f. - 10). - - [1921] Some of these slaves were Sl. Ibrahim's dancing-girls - (Gul-badan, _ib._). - - [1922] Ar. _sada_. Perhaps it was a station of a hundred men. - Varsak is in Badakhshan, on the water flowing to Taliqan from - the Khwaja Muhammad range. Erskine read (p. 335) _sada Varsak_ - as _sadur rashk_, incentive to emulation; de C. (ii, 233) - translates _sada_ conjecturally by _circonscription_. Shaikh - Zain has Varsak and to the recipients of the gifts adds the - "Khwastis, people noted for their piety" (A. N. trs. H. B. i, - 248 n.). The gift to Varsak may well have been made in - gratitude for hospitality received by Babur in the time of - adversity after his loss of Samarkand and before his return to - Kabul in 920 AH. - - [1923] _circa_ 10d. or 11d. Babur left himself stripped so - bare by his far-flung largess that he was nick-named Qalandar - (Firishta). - - [1924] Badayuni says of him (Bib. Ind. ed. i, 340) that he was - _kafir kalima-gu_, a pagan making the Muhammadan Confession of - Faith, and that he had heard of him, in Akbar's time from - Bairam Khan-i-khanan, as kingly in appearance and poetic in - temperament. He was killed fighting for Rana Sanga at Kanwaha. - - [1925] This is his family name. - - [1926] _i.e._ not acting with Hasan _Miwati_. - - [1927] Gul-badan says that the Khwaja several times asked - leave on the ground that his constitution was not fitted for - the climate of Hindustan; that His Majesty was not at all, at - all, willing for him to go, but gave way at length to his - importunity. - - [1928] in Patiala, about 25 miles s.w. of Ambala. - - [1929] Shaikh Zain, Gul-badan and Erskine write Nau-kar. It - was now that Khwaja Kalan conveyed money for the repair of the - great dam at Ghazni (f. 139). - - [1930] The friends did not meet again; that their friendship - weathered this storm is shewn by Babur's letter of f. 359. The - _Abushqa_ says the couplet was inscribed on a marble tablet - near the _Hauz-i-khas_ at the time the Khwaja was in Dihli - after bidding Babur farewell in Agra. - - [1931] This quatrain is in the Rampur _Diwan_ (_q.v._ index). - The _Abushqa_ quotes the following as Khwaja Kalan's reply, - but without mentioning where the original was found. Cf. de - Courteille, Dict. _s.n._ _taskari_. An English version is - given in my husband's article _Some verses by the Emperor - Babur_ (A. Q. R. January, 1911). - - You shew your gaiety and your wit, - In each word there lie acres of charm. - Were not all things of Hind upside-down, - How could you in the heat be so pleasant on cold? - - It is an old remark of travellers that everything in India is - the opposite of what one sees elsewhere. Timur is said to have - remarked it and to have told his soldiers not to be afraid of - the elephants of India, "For," said he, "their trunks are - empty sleeves, and they carry their tails in front; in - Hindustan everything is reversed" (H. Beveridge _ibid._). Cf. - App. Q. - - [1932] Badayuni i, 337 speaks of him as unrivalled in music. - - [1933] f. 267_b_. - - [1934] _auruq_, which here no doubt represents the women of - the family. - - [1935] _'ain parganalar._ - - [1936] Babur's advance, presumably. - - [1937] The full amounts here given are not in all MSS., some - scribes contenting themselves with the largest item of each - gift (_Memoirs_ p. 337). - - [1938] The 'Id of Shawwal, it will be remembered, is - celebrated at the conclusion of the Ramzan fast, on seeing the - first new moon of Shawwal. In A.H. 932 it must have fallen - about July 11th 1526 (Erskine). - - [1939] A square shawl, or napkin, of cloth of gold, bestowed - as a mark of rank and distinction (_Memoirs_ p. 338 n.); _une - tunique enrichie de broderies_ (_Memoires_, ii, 240 n.). - - [1940] _kamar-shamshir._ This Steingass explains as - sword-belt, Erskine by "sword with a belt". The summary - following shews that many weapons were given and not belts - alone. There is a good deal of variation in the MSS. The Hai. - MS. has not a complete list. The most all the lists show is - that gifts were many. - - [1941] f. 263_b_. - - [1942] over the Ganges, a little above Anup-shahr in the - Buland-shahr district. - - [1943] A seeming omission in the text is made good in my - translation by Shaikh Zain's help, who says Qasim was sent to - Court. - - [1944] This quatrain is in the Rampur _Diwan_. It appears to - pun on Biana and _bi(y)an_. - - [1945] Kandar is in Rajputana; Abu'l-fazl writes Kuhan-dar, - old habitation. - - [1946] This is the first time Babur's begs are called amirs in - his book; it may be by a scribe's slip. - - [1947] Chandwar is on the Jumna, between Agra and Etawah. - - [1948] Here _aqar-sular_ will stand for the waters which - flow--sometimes in marble channels--to nourish plants and charm - the eye, such for example as beautify the Taj-mahal - pleasaunce. - - [1949] Index _s.n._ The _talar_ is raised on pillars and open - in front; it serves often for an Audience-hall (Erskine). - - [1950] _tash 'imarat_, which may refer to the extra-mural - location of the house, or contrast it with the inner - _khilwat-khana_, the women's quarters, of the next sentence. - The point is noted as one concerning the use of the word - _tash_ (Index _s.n._). I have found no instance in which it is - certain that Babur uses _tash_, a stone or rock, as an - adjective. On f. 301 he writes _tashdin 'imarat_, - house-of-stone, which the Persian text renders by - _'imarat-i-sangin_. Wherever _tash_ can be translated as - meaning outer, this accords with Babur's usual diction. - - [1951] _baghcha_ (Index _s.n._). That Babur was the admitted - pioneer of orderly gardens in India is shewn by the 30th - _Ayin_, On Perfumes:--"After the foot-prints of Firdaus-makani - (Babur) had added to the glory of Hindustan, embellishment by - avenues and landscape-gardening was seen, while - heart-expanding buildings and the sound of falling-waters - widened the eyes of beholders." - - [1952] Perhaps _gaz_, each somewhat less than 36 inches. - - [1953] The more familiar Indian name is _baoli_. Such wells - attracted Peter Mundy's attention; Yule gives an account of - their names and plan (Mundy's _Travels in Asia_, Hakluyt - Society, ed. R. C. Temple, and Yule's _Hobson Jobson_ _s.n._ - Bowly). Babur's account of his great _wain_ is not easy to - translate; his interpreters vary from one another; probably no - one of them has felt assured of translating correctly. - - [1954] _i.e._ the one across the river. - - [1955] _tash masjid_; this, unless some adjectival affix - (_e.g._ _din_) has been omitted by the scribe, I incline to - read as meaning extra, supplementary, or outer, not as - "mosque-of-stone". - - [1956] or Jajmawa, the old name for the sub-district of - Kanhpur (Cawnpur). - - [1957] _i.e._ of the Corps of Braves. - - [1958] Dilmau is on the left bank of the Ganges, s.e. from - Bareilly (Erskine). - - [1959] _Marv-ning bundi-ni baghlab_, which Erskine renders by - "Having settled the revenue of Merv", and de Courteille by, - "_Apres avoir occupe Merv_." Were the year's revenues - compressed into a 40 to 50 days collection? - - [1960] _i.e._ those who had part in his brother's murder. Cf. - Nizamu'd-din Ahmad's _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ and the - _Mirat-i-sikandari_ (trs. _History of Gujrat_ E. C. Bayley). - - [1961] Elph. MS. f. 252; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 199b and 217 f. - 208_b_; Mems. p. 343. - - [1962] _siunchi_ (Zenker). Faruq was Mahim's son; he died in - 934 A.H. before his father had seen him. - - [1963] _salah._ It is clear from the "_tash-awi"_ (Pers. trs. - _khana-i-sang_) of this mortar (_qazan_) that stones were its - missiles. Erskine notes that from Babur's account cannon would - seem sometimes to have been made in parts and clamped - together, and that they were frequently formed of iron bars - strongly compacted into a circular shape. The accoutrement - (_salah_) presumably was the addition of fittings. - - [1964] About L40,000 sterling (Erskine). - - [1965] The MSS. write Safar but it seems probable that - Muharram should be substituted for this; one ground for not - accepting Safar being that it breaks the consecutive order of - dates, another that Safar allows what seems a long time for - the journey from near Dilmau to Agra. All MSS. I have seen - give the 8th as the day of the month but Erskine has 20th. In - this part of Babur's writings dates are sparse; it is a - narrative and not a diary. - - [1966] This phrase, foreign to Babur's diction, smacks of a - Court-Persian milieu. - - [1967] Here the Elph. MS. has Safar Muharram (f. 253), as has - also I.O. 215 f. 200b, but it seems unsafe to take this as an - _al Safarani_ extension of Muharram because Muh.-Safar 24th - was not a Wednesday. As in the passage noted just above, it - seems likely that Muharram is right. - - [1968] Cf. f. 15_b_ note to Qambar-i-'ali. The title - _Akhta-begi_ is to be found translated by "Master of the - Horse", but this would not suit both uses of _akhta_ in the - above sentence. Cf. Shaw's Vocabulary. - - [1969] _i.e._ Tahangarh in Karauli, Rajputana. - - [1970] Perhaps _sipahi_ represents Hindustani foot-soldiers. - - [1971] Rafi'u-d-din _Safawi_, a native of Ij near the Persian - Gulf, teacher of Abu'l-fazl's father and buried near Agra - (_Ayin-i-akbari_). - - [1972] This phrase, again, departs from Babur's simplicity of - statement. - - [1973] About L5,000 (Erskine). - - [1974] About L17,500 (Erskine). - - [1975] Hai. MS. and 215 f. 201b, Hasti; Elph. MS. f. 254, and - Ilminsky, p. 394, Aimishchi; _Memoirs_, p. 346, Imshiji, so - too _Memoires_, ii, 257. - - [1976] About L5000 (Erskine). Bianwan lies in the _subah_ of - Agra. - - [1977] Cf. f. 175 for Babur's estimate of his service. - - [1978] Cf. f. 268_b_ for Babur's clemency to him. - - [1979] Firishta. (Briggs ii, 53) mentions that Asad had gone - to Tahmasp from Kabul to congratulate him on his accession. - Shah Isma'il had died in 930 AH. (1524 AD.); the title - Shah-zada is a misnomer therefore in 933 AH.--one possibly - prompted by Tahmasp's youth. - - [1980] The letter is likely to have been written to Mahim and - to have been brought back to India by her in 935 AH. (f. - 380_b_). Some MSS. of the Pers. trs. reproduce it in Turki and - follow this by a Persian version; others omit the Turki. - - [1981] Turki, _bua_. Hindi _bawa_ means sister or - paternal-aunt but this would not suit from Babur's mouth, the - more clearly not that his epithet for the offender is - _bad-bakht_. Gul-badan (H.N. f. 19) calls her "ill-omened - demon". - - [1982] She may have been still in the place assigned to her - near Agra when Babur occupied it (f. 269). - - [1983] f. 290. Erskine notes that the _tula_ is about equal in - weight to the silver _rupi_. - - [1984] It appears from the kitchen-arrangements detailed by - Abu'l-fazl, that before food was dished up, it was tasted from - the pot by a cook and a subordinate taster, and next by the - Head-taster. - - [1985] The Turki sentences which here follow the well-known - Persian proverb, _Rasida bud balai wali ba khair guzasht_, are - entered as verse in some MSS.; they may be a prose quotation. - - [1986] She, after being put under contribution by two of - Babur's officers (f. 307_b_) was started off for Kabul, but, - perhaps dreading her reception there, threw herself into the - Indus in crossing and was drowned. (Cf. A.N. trs. H. Beveridge - _Errata_ and _addenda_ p. xi for the authorities.) - - [1987] _gil makhtum_, Lemnian earth, _terra sigillata_, each - piece of which was impressed, when taken from the quarry, with - a guarantee-stamp (Cf. Ency. Br. _s.n._ Lemnos). - - [1988] _tiriaq-i-faruq_, an antidote. - - [1989] Index _s.n._ - - [1990] Kamran was in Qandahar (Index _s.n._). Erskine observes - here that Babur's omission to give the name of Ibrahim's son, - is noteworthy; the son may however have been a child and his - name not known to or recalled by Babur when writing some years - later. - - [1991] f. 299_b_. - - [1992] The _Ayin-i-akbari_ locates this in the _sarkar_ of - Jun-pur, a location suiting the context. The second Persian - translation ('Abdu'r-rahim's) has here a scribe's skip from - one "news" to another (both asterisked in my text); hence - Erskine has an omission. - - [1993] This is the Char-bagh of f. 300, known later as the Ram - (Aram)-bagh (Garden-of-rest). - - [1994] Presumably he was coming up from Marwar. - - [1995] This name varies; the Hai. MS. in most cases writes - Qismati, but on f. 267_b_, Qismatai; the Elph. MS. on f. 220 - has Q:s:mnai; De Courteille writes Qismi. - - [1996] _artkab qildi_, perhaps drank wine, perhaps ate - opium-confections to the use of which he became addicted later - on (Gulbadan's _Humayun-nama_ f. 30_b_ and 73_b_). - - [1997] _fursatlar_, _i.e._ between the occupation of Agra and - the campaign against Rana Sanga. - - [1998] Apparently the siege Babur broke up in 931 AH. had been - renewed by the Auzbegs (f. 255_b_ and Trs. Note _s.a._ 931 AH. - section _c_). - - [1999] These places are on the Khulm-river between Khulm and - Kahmard. The present tense of this and the following sentences - is Babur's. - - [2000] f. 261. - - [2001] Erskine here notes that if the _ser_ Babur mentions be - one of 14 _tulas_, the value is about L27; if of 24 _tulas_, - about L45. - - [2002] T. _chapduq_. Cf. the two Persian translations 215 f. - 205_b_ and 217 f. 215; also Ilminsky, p. 401. - - [2003] _bulghan chiriki._ The Rana's forces are thus stated by - Tod (_Rajastan; Annals of Marwar_ Cap. ix):--"Eighty thousand - horse, 7 Rajas of the highest rank, 9 Raos, and 104 chieftains - bearing the titles of Rawul and Rawut, with 500 war-elephants, - followed him into the field." Babur's army, all told, was - 12,000 when he crossed the Indus from Kabul; it will have had - accretions from his own officers in the Panj-ab and some also - from other quarters, and will have had losses at Panipat; his - reliable kernel of fighting-strength cannot but have been - numerically insignificant, compared with the Rajput host. Tod - says that almost all the princes of Rajastan followed the Rana - at Kanwa. - - [2004] _durbatur._ This is the first use of the word in the - _Babur-nama_; the defacer of the Elph. Codex has altered it to - _auratur_. - - [2005] Shaikh Zain records [Abu'l-fazl also, perhaps quoting - from him] that Babur, by varying diacritical points, changed - the name Sikri to Shukri in sign of gratitude for his victory - over the Rana. The place became the Fathpur-sikri of Akbar. - - [2006] Erskine locates this as 10 to 12 miles n.w. of Biana. - - [2007] This phrase has not occurred in the B.N. before; - presumably it expresses what has not yet been expressed; this - Erskine's rendering, "each according to the speed of his - horse," does also. The first Persian translation, which in - this portion is by Muhammad-quli _Mughul Hisari_, translates - by _az dambal yak digar_ (I.O. 215, f. 205_b_); the second, - 'Abdu'r-rahim's, merely reproduces the phrase; De Courteille - (ii, 272) appears to render it by (amirs) _que je ne nomme - pas_. If my reading of Tahir-tibri's failure be correct - (_infra_), Erskine's translation suits the context. - - [2008] The passage cut off by my asterisks has this outside - interest that it forms the introduction to the so-called - "Fragments", that is, to certain Turki matter not included in - the standard _Babur-nama_, but preserved with the - Kehr--Ilminsky--de Courteille text. As is well-known in - Baburiana, opinion has varied as to the genesis of this - matter; there is now no doubt that it is a translation into - Turki from the (_Persian_) _Akbar-nama_, prefaced by the - above-asterisked passage of the _Babur-nama_ and continuous - (with slight omissions) from Bib. Ind. ed. i, 106 to 120 (trs. - H. Beveridge i, 260 to 282). It covers the time from before - the battle of Kanwa to the end of Abu'l-fazl's description of - Babur's death, attainments and Court; it has been made to seem - Babur's own, down to his death-bed, by changing the third - person of A.F.'s narrative into the autobiographical first - person. (Cf. Ilminsky, p. 403 l. 4 and p. 494; _Memoires_ ii, - 272 and 443 to 464; JRAS. 1908, p. 76.) - - A minute point in the history of the B.N. manuscripts may be - placed on record here; _viz._ that the variants from the true - _Babur-nama_ text which occur in the Kehr-Ilminsky one, occur - also in the corrupt Turki text of I.O. No. 214 (JRAS 1900, p. - 455). - - [2009] _chapar kumak yitmas_, perhaps implying that the speed - of his horses was not equal to that of Muhibb-i-'ali's. - Translators vary as to the meaning of the phrase. - - [2010] Erskine and de Courteille both give Mustafa the - commendation the Turki and Persian texts give to the carts. - - [2011] According to Tod's _Rajastan_, negotiations went on - during the interval, having for their object the fixing of a - frontier between the Rana and Babur. They were conducted by a - "traitor" Salah'd-din _Tuar_ the chief of Raisin, who moreover - is said to have deserted to Babur during the battle. - - [2012] Cf. f. 89 for Babur's disastrous obedience to - astrological warning. - - [2013] For the reading of this second line, given by the good - MSS. _viz._ _Tauba ham bi maza nist, bachash_, Ilminsky (p. - 405) has _Tauba ham bi maza, mast bakhis_, which de Courteille - [II, 276] renders by, "_O ivrogne insense! que ne goutes-tu - aussi a la penitence?_" The Persian couplet seems likely to - be a quotation and may yet be found elsewhere. It is not in - the Rampur Diwan which contains the Turki verses following it - (E. D. Ross p. 21). - - [2014] _kichmaklik_, to pass over (to exceed?), to ford or go - through a river, whence to transgress. The same metaphor of - crossing a stream occurs, in connection with drinking, on f. - 189_b_. - - [2015] This line shews that Babur's renouncement was of wine - only; he continued to eat confections (_ma'jun_). - - [2016] Cf. f. 186_b_. Babur would announce his renunciation in - Diwan; there too the forbidden vessels of precious metals - would be broken. His few words leave it to his readers to - picture the memorable scene. - - [2017] This night-guard (_'asas_) cannot be the one concerning - whom Gul-badan records that he was the victim of a little joke - made at his expense by Babur (H. N. Index _s.n._). He seems - likely to be the Haji Muh. _'asas_ whom Abu'l-fazl mentions in - connection with Kamran in 953 AH. (1547 AD.). He may be the - _'asas_ who took charge of Babur's tomb at Agra (cf. - Gul-badan's H. N. _s.n._ Muh. 'Ali _'asas taghai_, and - _Akbar-nama_ trs. i, 502). - - [2018] _saqali qirqmaqta u quimaqta._ Erskine here notes that - "a vow to leave the beard untrimmed was made sometimes by - persons who set out against the infidels. They did not trim - the beard till they returned victorious. Some vows of similar - nature may be found in Scripture", _e.g._ II Samuel, cap. 19 - v. 24. - - [2019] Index _s.n._ The _tamgha_ was not really abolished - until Jahangir's time--if then (H. Beveridge). See Thomas' - _Revenue Resources of the Mughal Empire_. - - [2020] There is this to notice here:--Babur's narrative has - made the remission of the _tamgha_ contingent on his success, - but the _farman_ which announced that remission is dated some - three weeks before his victory over Rana Sanga (Jumada II, - 13th-March 16th). Manifestly Babur's remission was absolute - and made at the date given by Shaikh Zain as that of the - _farman_. The _farman_ seems to have been despatched as soon - as it was ready, but may have been inserted in Babur's - narrative at a later date, together with the preceding - paragraph which I have asterisked. - - [2021] "There is a lacuna in the Turki copy" (_i.e._ the - Elphinstone Codex) "from this place to the beginning of the - year 935. Till then I therefore follow only Mr. Metcalfe's and - my own Persian copies" (Erskine). - - [2022] I am indebted to my husband for this revised version of - the _farman_. He is indebted to M. de Courteille for help - generally, and specially for the references to the Qoran - (_q.v. infra_). - - [2023] The passages in italics are Arabic in the original, and - where traced to the Qoran, are in Sale's words. - - [2024] _Qoran, Surah_ XII, v. 53. - - [2025] _Surah_ LVII, v. 21. - - [2026] _Surah_ LVII, v. 15. - - [2027] _Surah_ VII, v. 140. - - [2028] _Surah_ II, v. 185. - - [2029] These may be self-conquests as has been understood by - Erskine (p. 356) and de Courteille (ii. 281) but as the Divine - "acceptance" would seem to Babur vouched for by his military - success, "victories" may stand for his success at Kanwa. - - [2030] _Surah_ II, 177 where, in Sale's translation, the - change referred to is the special one of altering a legacy. - - [2031] The words _diguchi_ and _yiguchi_ are translated in the - second _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ by _sukhan-gui_ and - [_wilayat_]_-khwar_. This ignores in them the future element - supplied by their component _gu_ which would allow them to - apply to conditions dependent on Babur's success. The Hai. MS. - and Ilminsky read _tiguchi_, supporter- or helper-to-be, in - place of the _yiguchi_, eater-to-be I have inferred from the - _khwar_ of the Pers. translation; hence de Courteille writes - "_amirs auxquels incombait l'obligation de raffermir le - gouvernement_". But Erskine, using the Pers. text alone, and - thus having _khwar_ before him, translates by, "amirs who - enjoyed the wealth of kingdoms." The two Turki words make a - depreciatory "jingle", but the first one, _diguchi_, may imply - serious reference to the duty, declared by Muhammad to be - incumbent upon a wazir, of reminding his sovereign "when he - forgetteth his duty". Both may be taken as alluding to - dignities to be attained by success in the encounter from - which wazirs and amirs were shrinking. - - [2032] Firdausi's _Shah-nama_ [Erskine]. - - [2033] Also Chand-wal; it is 25 m. east of Agra and on the - Jamna [_Tabaqat-i-nasiri_, Raverty, p. 742 n.9] - - [2034] Probably, Overthrower of the rhinoceros, but if - _Gurg-andaz_ be read, of the wolf. - - [2035] According to the Persian calendar this is the day the - Sun enters Aries. - - [2036] The practical purpose of this order of march is shewn - in the account of the battle of Panipat, and in the Letter of - Victory, f. 319. - - [2037] _kurohcha_, perhaps a short _kuroh_, but I have not - found Babur using _cha_ as a diminutive in such a case as - _kurohcha_. - - [2038] or Kanua, in the Biana district and three marches from - Biana-town. "It had been determined on by Rana Sangram Singh - (_i.e._ Sanga) for the northern limit of his dominions, and he - had here built a small palace." Tod thus describes Babur's - foe, "Sanga Rana was of the middle stature, and of great - muscular strength, fair in complexion, with unusually large - eyes which appear to be peculiar to his descendants. He - exhibited at his death but the fragments of a warrior: one eye - was lost in the broil with his brother, an arm in action with - the Lodi kings of Dehli, and he was a cripple owing to a limb - being broken by a cannon-ball in another; while he counted 80 - wounds from the sword or the lance on various parts of his - body" (Tod's _Rajastan_, cap. Annals of Mewar). - - [2039] Here M. de C. has the following note (ii, 273 n.); it - supplements my own of f. 264 [n. 3]. "_Le mot araba, que j'ai - traduit par chariot est pris par M. Leyden_" (this should be - Erskine) "_dans le sens de 'gun', ce que je ne crois pas - exact; tout au plus signifierait-il affut_" (gun-carriage). - "_Il me parait impossible d'admettre que Baber eut a sa - disposition une artillerie attelee aussi considerable. Ces - araba pouvaient servir en partie a transporter des pieces de - campagne, mais ils avaient aussi une autre destination, comme - on le voit par la suite du recit._" It does not appear to me - that Erskine _translates_ the word _araba_ by the word _gun_, - but that the _arabas_ (all of which he took to be - gun-carriages) being there, he supposed the guns. This was not - correct as the various passages about carts as defences show - (cf. Index _s.nn._ _araba_ and carts). - - [2040] It is characteristic of Babur that he reproduces Shaikh - Zain's _Fath-nama_, not because of its eloquence but because - of its useful details. Erskine and de Courteille have the - following notes concerning Shaikh Zain's _farman_:--"Nothing - can form a more striking contrast to the simple, manly and - intelligent style of Baber himself, than the pompous, laboured - periods of his secretary. Yet I have never read this Firman to - any native of India who did not bestow unlimited admiration on - the official bombast of Zeineddin, while I have met with none - but Turks who paid due praise to the calm simplicity of Baber" - [Mems. p. 359]. "_Comme la precedente (farman), cette piece - est redigee en langue persane et offre un modele des plus - accomplis du style en usage dans les chancelleries orientales. - La traduction d'un semblable morceau d'eloquence est de la - plus grande difficulte, si on veut etre clair, tout en restant - fidele a l'original._" - - Like the Renunciation _farman_, the Letter-of-victory with its - preceding sentence which I have asterisked, was probably - inserted into Babur's narrative somewhat later than the battle - of Kanwa. Hence Babur's pluperfect-tense "had indited". I am - indebted to my husband for help in revising the difficult - _Fath-nama_; he has done it with consideration of the variants - between the earlier English and the French translations. No - doubt it could be dealt with more searchingly still by one - well-versed in the Qoran and the Traditions, and thus able to - explain others of its allusions. The italics denote Arabic - passages in the original; many of these are from the Qoran, - and in tracing them M. de Courteille's notes have been most - useful to us. - - [2041] Qoran, cap. 80, last sentence. - - [2042] Shaikh Zain, in his version of the _Babur-nama_, styles - Babur Nawab where there can be no doubt of the application of - the title, _viz._ in describing Shah Tahmasp's gifts to him - (mentioned by Babur on f. 305). He uses the title also in the - _farman_ of renunciation (f. 313_b_), but it does not appear - in my text, "royal" (fortune) standing for it (_in loco_ p. - 555, l. 10). - - [2043] The possessive pronoun occurs several times in the - Letter-of-victory. As there is no semblance of putting forward - that letter as being Babur's, the pronoun seems to imply "on - our side". - - [2044] The _Babur-nama_ includes no other than Shaikh Zain's - about Kanwa. Those here alluded to will be the announcements - of success at Milwat, Panipat, Dibalpur and perhaps elsewhere - in Hindustan. - - [2045] In Jun-pur (_Ayin-i-akbari_); Elliot & Dowson note (iv, - 283-4) that it appears to have included, near Sikandarpur, the - country on both sides of the Gogra, and thence on that river's - left bank down to the Ganges. - - [2046] That the word Nawab here refers to Babur and not to his - lieutenants, is shewn by his mention (f. 278) of Sanga's - messages to himself. - - [2047] Qoran, cap. 2, v. 32. The passage quoted is part of a - description of Satan, hence mention of Satan in Shaikh Zain's - next sentence. - - [2048] The brahminical thread. - - [2049] _khar-i-mihnat-i-irtidad dar daman._ This Erskine - renders by "who fixed thorns from the pangs of apostacy in the - hem of their garments" (p. 360). Several good MSS. have - _khar_, thorn, but Ilminsky has Ar. _khimar_, cymar, instead - (p. 411). De Courteille renders the passage by "_portent au - pan de leurs habits la marque douloureuse de l'apostasie_" - (ii, 290). To read _khimar_, cymar (scarf), would serve, as a - scarf is part of some Hindu costumes. - - [2050] Qoran, cap. 69, v. 35. - - [2051] M. Defremery, when reviewing the French translation of - the B.N. (_Journal des Savans_ 1873), points out (p. 18) that - it makes no mention of the "blessed ten". Erskine mentions - them but without explanation. They are the _'asharah - mubash-sharah_, the decade of followers of Muhammad who - "received good tidings", and whose certain entry into Paradise - he foretold. - - [2052] Qoran, cap. 3, v. 20. M. Defremery reads Shaikh Zain to - mean that these words of the Qoran were on the infidel - standards, but it would be simpler to read Shaikh Zain as - meaning that the infidel insignia on the standards "denounce - punishment" on their users. - - [2053] He seems to have been a Rajput convert to Muhammadanism - who changed his Hindi name Silhadi for what Babur writes. His - son married Sanga's daughter; his fiefs were Raisin and - Sarangpur; he deserted to Babur in the battle of Kanwa. (Cf. - Erskine's _History of India_ i, 471 note; _Mirat-i-sikandari_, - Bayley's trs. _s.n._; _Akbar-nama_, H.B.'s trs. i, 261; Tod's - _Rajastan_ cap. Mewar.) - - [2054] "Dejal or al Masih al Dajjal, the false or lying - Messiah, is the Muhammadan Anti-christ. He is to be one-eyed, - and marked on the forehead with the letters K.F.R. signifying - Kafer, or Infidel. He is to appear in the latter days riding - on an ass, and will be followed by 70,000 Jews of Ispahan, and - will continue on the Earth 40 days, of which one will be equal - to a year, another to a month, another to a week, and the rest - will be common days. He is to lay waste all places, but will - not enter Mekka or Medina, which are to be guarded by angels. - He is finally to be slain at the gate of Lud by Jesus, for - whom the Musalmans profess great veneration, calling him the - breath or spirit of God.--See Sale's _Introductory Discourse to - the Koran_" [Erskine]. - - [2055] Qoran, cap. 29, v. 5. - - [2056] "This alludes to the defeat of [an Abyssinian - Christian] Abraha the prince of Yemen who [in the year of - Muhammad's birth] marched his army and some elephants to - destroy the _ka'ba_ of Makka. 'The Meccans,' says Sale, 'at - the appearance of so considerable a host, retired to the - neighbouring mountains, being unable to defend their city or - temple. But God himself undertook the defence of both. For - when Abraha drew near to Mecca, and would have entered it, the - elephant on which he rode, which was a very large one and - named Mahmud, refused to advance any nigher to the town, but - knelt down whenever they endeavoured to force him that way, - though he would rise and march briskly enough if they turned - him towards any other quarter; and while matters were in this - posture, on a sudden a large flock of birds, like swallows, - came flying from the sea-coast, every-one of which carried - three stones, one in each foot and one in its bill; and these - stones they threw down upon the heads of Abraha's men, - certainly killing every one they struck.' The rest were swept - away by a flood or perished by a plague, Abraha alone reaching - Senaa, where he also died" [Erskine]. The above is taken from - Sale's note to the 105 chapter of the Qoran, entitled "the - Elephant". - - [2057] Presumably black by reason of their dark large mass. - - [2058] Presumably, devouring as fire. - - [2059] This is 50 m. long and blocked the narrow pass of the - Caspian Iron-gates. It ends south of the Russian town of - Dar-band, on the west shore of the Caspian. Erskine states - that it was erected to repress the invasions of Yajuj and - Mujuj (Gog and Magog). - - [2060] Qoran, cap. lxi, v. 4. - - [2061] Qoran, cap. ii, v. 4. Erskine appears to quote another - verse. - - [2062] Qoran, cap. xlviii, v. 1. - - [2063] Index _s.n._ - - [2064] _Khirad_, Intelligence or the first Intelligence, was - supposed to be the guardian of the empyreal heaven (Erskine). - - [2065] Chin-timur _Chingiz-khanid Chaghatai_ is called Babur's - brother because a (maternal-) cousin of Babur's own - generation, their last common ancestor being Yunas Khan. - - [2066] Sulaiman _Timurid Miran-shahi_ is called Babur's son - because his father was of Babur's generation, their last - common ancestor being Sl. Abu-sa'id Mirza. He was 13 years old - and, through Shah Begim, hereditary shah of Badakhshan. - - [2067] The Shaikh was able, it would appear, to see himself as - others saw him, since the above description of him is his own. - It is confirmed by Abu'l-fazl and Badayuni's accounts of his - attainments. - - [2068] The honourable post given to this amir of Hind is - likely to be due to his loyalty to Babur. - - [2069] Ahmad may be a nephew of Yusuf of the same agnomen - (Index _s.nn._). - - [2070] I have not discovered the name of this old servant or - the meaning of his seeming-sobriquet, Hindu. As a _quchin_ he - will have been a Mughul or Turk. The circumstance of his - service with a son of Mahmud _Miran-shahi_ (down to 905 AH.) - makes it possible that he drew his name in his youth from the - tract s.e. of Mahmud's Hisar territory which has been known as - Little Hind (Index _s.n._ Hind). This is however conjecture - merely. Another suggestion is that as _hindu_ can mean - _black_, it may stand for the common _qara_ of the Turks, - _e.g._ Qara Barlas, Black Barlas. - - [2071] I am uncertain whether Qara-quzi is the name of a - place, or the jesting sobriquet of more than one meaning it - can be. - - [2072] Soul-full, animated; var. Hai. MS. _khan-dar_. No - agnomen is used for Asad by Babur. The _Akbar-nama_ varies to - _jamadar_, wardrobe-keeper, cup-holder (_Bib. Ind._ ed. i, - 107), and Firishta to _sar-jamadar_, head wardrobe-keeper - (lith. ed. p. 209 top). It would be surprising to find such an - official sent as envoy to 'Iraq, as Asad was both before and - after he fought at Kanwa. - - [2073] son of Daulat Khan _Yusuf-khail Ludi_. - - [2074] These are the titles of the 20th and 36th chapters of - the Qoran; Sale offers conjectural explanations of them. The - "family" is Muhammad's. - - [2075] a Bai-qara Timurid of Babur's generation, their last - common ancestor being Timur himself. - - [2076] an Auzbeg who married a daughter of Sl. Husain M. - _Bai-qara_. - - [2077] It has been pointed out to me that there is a Chinese - title of nobility _Yun-wang_, and that it may be behind the - words _jang-jang_. Though the suggestion appears to me - improbable, looking to the record of Babur's officer, to the - prevalence of sobriquets amongst his people, and to what would - be the sporadic appearance of a Chinese title or even - class-name borne by a single man amongst them. I add this - suggestion to those of my note on the meaning of the words - (Index _s.n._ Muh. 'Ali). The title _Jun-wang_ occurs in Dr. - Denison Ross' _Three MSS. from Kashghar_, p. 5, v. 5 and - translator's preface, p. 14. - - [2078] Cf. f. 266 and f. 299. _Yaragi_ may be the name of his - office, (from _yaraq_) and mean provisioner of arms or food or - other military requirements. - - [2079] or, Tardi _yakka_, the champion, Gr. _monomachus_ (A. - N. trs. i, 107 n.). - - [2080] var. 1 watch and 2 _g'haris_; the time will have been - between 9 and 10 a.m. - - [2081] _juldu ba nam al 'aziz-i-baradar shud_, a phrase not - easy to translate. - - [2082] _viz._ those chained together as a defence and probably - also those conveying the culverins. - - [2083] The comparison may be between the darkening smoke of - the fire-arms and the heresy darkening pagan hearts. - - [2084] There appears to be a distinction of title between the - _akhta-begi_ and the _mir-akhwur_ (master of the horse). - - [2085] Qoran, cap. 14, v. 33. - - [2086] These two men were in one of the flanking-parties. - - [2087] This phrase "our brother" would support the view that - Shaikh Zain wrote as for Babur, if there were not, on the - other hand, mention of Babur as His Majesty, and the precious - royal soul. - - [2088] _diwanian_ here may mean those associated with the - wazir in his duties: and not those attending at Court. - - [2089] Qoran, cap. 14, v. 52. - - [2090] Index _s.n. chuhra_ (a brave). - - [2091] _hizabran-i-besha yakrangi_, literally, forest-tigers - (or, lions) of one hue. - - [2092] There may be reference here to the chains used to - connect the carts into a defence. - - [2093] The braves of the _khasa tabin_ were part of Babur's - own centre. - - [2094] perhaps the cataphract elephants; perhaps the men in - mail. - - [2095] Qoran, cap. 101, v. 54. - - [2096] Qoran, cap. 101, v. 4. - - [2097] _ba andakhtan-i-sang u zarb-zan tufak bisyari._ As - Babur does not in any place mention metal missiles, it seems - safest to translate _sang_ by its plain meaning of _stone_. - - [2098] Also, metaphorically, swords. - - [2099] _tir._ My husband thinks there is a play upon the two - meanings of this word, arrow and the planet Mercury; so too in - the next sentence, that there may be allusion in the _kuakib - sawabit_ to the constellation Pegasus, opposed to Babur's - squadrons of horse. - - [2100] The Fish mentioned in this verse is the one pictured by - Muhammadan cosmogony as supporting the Earth. The violence of - the fray is illustrated by supposing that of Earth's seven - climes one rose to Heaven in dust, thus giving Heaven eight. - The verse is from Firdausi's _Shah-nama_, [Turner-Macan's ed. - i, 222]. The translation of it is Warner's, [ii, 15 and n.]. I - am indebted for the information given in this note to my - husband's long search in the _Shah-nama_. - - [2101] Qoran, cap. 3, v. 133. - - [2102] Qoran, cap. 61, v. 13. - - [2103] Qoran, cap. 48, v. 1. - - [2104] Qoran, cap. 48, v. 3. - - [2105] [see p. 572] _farash_. De Courteille, reading _firash_, - translates this metaphor by _comme un lit lorsqu'il est - defait_. He refers to Qoran, cap. 101, v. 3. A better metaphor - for the breaking up of an army than that of moths scattering, - one allowed by the word _farash_, but possibly not by - Muhammad, is _vanished like bubbles on wine_. - - [2106] Bagar is an old name for Dungarpur and Banswara [_G. of - I._ vi, 408 _s.n._ Banswara]. - - [2107] _sic_, Hai. MS. and may be so read in I.O. 217 f. - 220_b___; Erskine writes Bikersi (p. 367) and notes the - variant Nagersi; Ilminsky (p. 421) N:krsi; de Courteille (ii. - 307) Niguersi. - - [2108] Cf. f. 318_b_, and note, where it is seen that the - stones which killed the lords of the Elephants were so small - as to be carried in the bill of a bird like a swallow. Were - such stones used in matchlocks in Babur's day? - - [2109] _guzaran_, var. _gurazan_, caused to flee and hogs - (Erskine notes the double-meaning). - - [2110] This passage, entered in some MSS. as if verse, is made - up of Qoran, cap. 17, v. 49, cap. 33, v. 38, and cap. 3, v. - 122. - - [2111] As the day of battle was Jumada II. 13th (March 16th), - the _Fath-nama_ was ready and dated twelve days after that - battle. It was started for Kabul on Rajab 9th (April 11th). - Something may be said here appropriately about the surmise - contained in Dr. Ilminsky's Preface and M. de Courteille's - note to _Memoires_ ii, 443 and 450, to the effect that Babur - wrote a plain account of the battle of Kanwa and for this in - his narrative substituted Shaikh Zain's _Fath-nama_, and that - the plain account has been preserved in Kehr's _Babur-nama_ - volume [whence Ilminsky reproduced it, it was translated by M. - de Courteille and became known as a "Fragment" of Baburiana]. - Almost certainly both scholars would have judged adversely of - their suggestion by the light of to-day's easier research. The - following considerations making against its value, may be set - down:-- - - (1) There is no sign that Babur ever wrote a plain account of - the battle or any account of it. There is against his doing so - his statement that he inserts Shaikh Zain's _Fath-nama_ - because it gives particulars. If he had written any account, - it would be found preceding the _Fath-nama_, as his account of - his renunciation of wine precedes Shaikh Zain's _Farman_ - announcing the act. - - (2) Moreover, the "Fragment" cannot be described as a plain - account such as would harmonize with Babur's style; it is in - truth highly rhetorical, though less so as Shaikh Zain's. - - (3) The "Fragment" begins with a quotation from the - _Babur-nama_ (f.310_b_ and n.), skips a good deal of Babur's - matter preliminary to the battle, and passes on with what - there can be no doubt is a translation in inferior Turki of - the _Akbar-nama_ account. - - (4) The whole of the extra matter is seen to be continuous and - not fragmentary, if it is collated with the chapter in which - Abu'l-fazl describes the battle, its sequel of events, the - death, character, attainments, and Court of Babur. Down to the - death, it is changed to the first person so as to make Babur - seem to write it. The probable concocter of it is Jahangir. - - (5) If the Fragment were Babur's composition, where was it - when 'Abdu-r-rahim translated the _Babur-nama_ in 998 AH.-1590 - AD.; where too did Abu'l-fazl find it to reproduce in the - _Akbar-nama_? - - (6) The source of Abu'l-fazl's information seems without doubt - to be Babur's own narrative and Shaikh Zain's _Fath-nama_. - There are many significant resemblances between the two - rhetoricians' metaphors and details selected. - - (7) A good deal might be said of the dissimilarities between - Babur's diction and that of the "Fragment". But this is - needless in face of the larger and more circumstantial - objections already mentioned. - - (For a fuller account of the "Fragment" see JRAS. Jan. 1906 - pp. 81, 85 and 1908 p. 75 ff.) - - [2112] _Tughra_ means an imperial signature also, but would - Babur sign Shaikh Zain's _Fath-i-nama_? His autograph verse at - the end of the _Rampur Diwan_ has his signature following it. - He is likely to have signed this verse. Cf. App. Q. [Erskine - notes that titles were written on the back of despatches, an - unlikely place for the quatrain, one surmises.] - - [2113] This is in the _Rampur diwan_ (E.D.R. Plate 17). Dr. E. - Denison Ross points out (p. 17 n.) that in the 2nd line the - Hai. Codex varies from the _Diwan_. The MS. is wrong; it - contains many inaccuracies in the latter part of the Hindustan - section, perhaps due to a change of scribe. - - [2114] These words by _abjad_ yield 933. From Babur's use of - the pluperfect tense, I think it may be inferred that (my) - Sections _a_ and _b_ are an attachment to the _Fath-nama_, - entered with it at a somewhat later date. - - [2115] My translation of this puzzling sentence is tentative - only. - - [2116] This statement shews that the Dibalpur affair occurred - in one of the B.N. gaps, and in 930 AH. The words make 330 by - _abjad_. It may be noted here that on f. 312_b_ and notes - there are remarks concerning whether Babur's remission of the - _tamgha_ was contingent on his winning at Kanwa. If the - remission had been delayed until his victory was won, it would - have found fitting mention with the other sequels of victory - chronicled above; as it is not with these sequels, it may be - accepted as an absolute remission, proclaimed before the - fight. The point was a little uncertain owing to the seemingly - somewhat deferred insertion in Babur's narrative of Shaikh - Zain's _Farman_. - - [2117] _da'ira_, presumably a defended circle. As the word - _aurdu_ [bracketed in the text] shows, Babur used it both for - his own and for Sanga's camps. - - [2118] Hence the Rana escaped. He died in this year, not - without suspicion of poison. - - [2119] _aichimni khali qildim_, a seeming equivalent for - English, "I poured out my spleen." - - [2120] var. _maluk_ as _e.g._ in I.O. 217 f.225_b_, and also - elsewhere in the _Babur-nama_. - - [2121] On f. 315 the acts attributed to Ilias Khan are said to - have been done by a "mannikin called Rustam Khan". Neither - name appears elsewhere in the B.N.; the hero's name seems a - sarcasm on the small man. - - [2122] Babur so-calls both Hasan and his followers, presumably - because they followed their race sympathies, as of Rajput - origin, and fought against co-religionists. Though Hasan's - subjects, Meos, were nominally Muhammadans, it appears that - they practised some Hindu customs. For an account of Miwat, - see _Gazetteer of Ulwur_ (Alwar, Alur) by Major P. W. Powlett. - - [2123] Alwar being in Miwat, Babur may mean that bodies were - found beyond that town in the main portion of the Miwat - country which lies north of Alwar towards Dihli. - - [2124] Major Powlett speaking (p. 9) of the revenue Miwat paid - to Babur, quotes Thomas as saying that the coins stated in - Babur's Revenue Accounts, _viz._ 169,810,00 _tankas_ were - probably Sikandari _tankas_, or Rs. 8,490,50. - - [2125] This word appears to have been restricted in its use to - the Khan-zadas of the ruling house in Miwat, and was not used - for their subjects, the Meos (Powlett _l.c._ Cap. I.). The - uses of "Miwati" and "Meo" suggest something analogous with - those of "Chaghatai" and "Mughul" in Babur's time. The - resemblance includes mutual dislike and distrust (Powlett - _l.c._). - - [2126] _qilurlar aikan dur._ This presumptive past tense is - frequently used by the cautious Babur. I quote it here and in - a few places near-following because it supports Shaw's - statement that in it the use of _aikan_ (_ikan_) reduces the - positive affirmation of the perfect to presumption or rumour. - With this statement all grammarians are not agreed; it is - fully supported by the _Babur-nama_. - - [2127] Contrast here is suggested between Sultans of Dihli & - Hind; is it between the greater Turks with whom Babur classes - himself immediately below as a conqueror of Hind, and the Ludi - Sultans of Dihli? - - [2128] The strength of the Tijara hills towards Dihli is - historical (Powlett _l.c._ p. 132). - - [2129] This is one of the names of the principal river which - flows eastwards to the south of Alwar town; other names are - Barah and Ruparel. Powlett notes that it appears in Thorn's - Map of the battle of Laswarree (1803 AD.), which he reproduces - on p. 146. But it is still current in Gurgaon, with also a - variant Manas-le, man-killer (_G. of Gurgaon_ 1910 AD. ivA, - p.6). - - [2130] _aultururlar aikan dur_, the presumptive past tense. - - [2131] f.308. - - [2132] _qilghan aikan dur_, the presumptive past tense. - - [2133] _Sultan atigha juldu bulub_; Pers. trs. _Juldu ba nam-i - Sultan shud_. The _juldu_ guerdon seems to be apart from the - fief and allowance. - - [2134] f. 315. - - [2135] Babur does not record this detail (f. 315). - - [2136] f. 298_b_ and f. 328_b_. Ja'far is mentioned as Mahdi's - son by Gul-badan and in the _Habibu's-siyar_ iii, 311, 312. - - [2137] f. 388_b_. - - [2138] The town of Firuzpur is commonly known as - Firuzpur-jhirka (Firuzpur of the spring), from a small - perennial stream which issues from a number of fissures in the - rocks bordering the road through a pass in the Miwat hills - which leads from the town _via_ Tijara to Rewari (_G. of - Gurgaon_, p. 249). In Abu'l-fazl's day there was a Hindu - shrine of Mahadeo near the spring, which is still a place of - annual pilgrimage. The Kutila lake is called Kotla-_jhil_ in - the _G. of G._ (p. 7). It extends now 3 m. by 2-1/2 m. varying - in size with the season; in Abu'l-fazl's day it was 4 _kos_ (8 - m.) round. It lies partly in the district of Nuh, partly in - Gurgaon, where the two tracts join at the foot of the Alwar - hills. - - [2139] This is the frequently mentioned size for reservoirs; - the measure here is probably the _qari_, _cir._ a yard. - - [2140] Babur does not state it as a fact known to himself that - the Manas-ni falls into the Kutila lake; it did so formerly, - but now does not, tradition assigning a cause for the change - (_G. of G._ p. 6). He uses the hear-say tense, _kirar aimish_. - - [2141] Khari and Toda were in Akbar's _sarkar_ of Rantambhor. - - [2142] Bhosawar is in Bhurtpur, and Chausa (or Jusa) may be - the Chausath of the _Ayin-i-akbari_, ii, 183. - - [2143] As has been noted frequently, this phrase stands for - artificial water-courses. - - [2144] Certainly Trans-Hindu-kush lands; presumably also those - of Trans-Indus, Kabul in chief. - - [2145] _austi_; perhaps the reservoir was so built as to - contain the bubbling spring. - - [2146] _Chun ja'i khwush karda am._ - - [2147] f. 315. - - [2148] var. Janwar (Jarrett). It is 25 m. east of Agra on the - Muttra-Etawa road (_G. of I._). - - [2149] _kucha-band_, perhaps a barricade at the limit of a - suburban lane. - - [2150] This has been mentioned already (f. 327). - - [2151] f. 315. - - [2152] _i.e._ those professedly held for Babur. - - [2153] Or, according to local pronunciation, Badayun. - - [2154] This is the old name of Shahabad in Rampur (_G. of I._ - xxii, 197). The _A.-i-A._ locates it in Sambal. Cf. E. and - D.'s _History of India_, iv, 384 n. and v. 215 n. - - [2155] Perhaps the one in Sitapur. - - [2156] f. 305_b_. - - [2157] As the Elphinstone Codex which is the treasure-house of - Humayun's notes, has a long _lacuna_ into which this episode - falls, it is not known if the culprit entered in his copy of - the _Babur-nama_ a marginal excuse for his misconduct (cf. f. - 252 and n.); such excuse was likely to be that he knew he - would be forgiven by his clement father. - - [2158] f. 305_b_. - - [2159] Kamran would be in Qandahar. Erskine notes that the sum - sent to him would be about L750, but that if the coins were - rupis, it would be L30,000. - - [2160] _qita'_, for account of which form of poem _see_ - Blochmann's translations of Saifi's and Jami's _Prosody_, p. - 86. - - [2161] _Rampur Diwan_ (E. D. Ross' ed. p. 16 and Plate 14_a_). - I am uncertain as to the meaning of ll. 4 and 10. I am not - sure that what in most MSS. ends line 4, _viz._ _aul dam_, - should not be read as _aulum_, death; this is allowed by Plate - 14a where for space the word is divided and may be _aulum_. To - read _aulum_ and that the deserters fled from the death in - Hind they were anxious about, has an answering phrase in "we - still are alive". Ll. 9 and 10 perhaps mean that in the things - named all have done alike. [Ilminsky reads _khair nafsi_ for - the elsewhere _hazz-nafsi_.] - - [2162] These are 20 attitudes (_rak'ah_) assumed in prayer - during Ramzan after the Bed-time Prayer. The ablution - (_ghusl_) is the bathing of the whole body for ceremonial - purification. - - [2163] This Feast is the 'Id-i-fitr, held at the breaking of - the Ramzan Fast on the 1st of Shawwal. - - [2164] Erskine notes that this is the earliest mention of - playing-cards he can recall in oriental literature. - - [2165] f. 339_b_. - - [2166] The two varieties mentioned by Babur seem to be - _Diospyrus melanoxylon_, the wood of which is called _tindu - abnus_ in Hindustani, and _D. tomentosa_, Hindi, _tindu_ - (Brandis _s.nn._). Bari is 19 m. west of Dulpur. - - [2167] _mi'ad_, perhaps the time at which the Shaikh was to - appear before Babur. - - [2168] The Pers. trs. makes the more definite statement that - what had to be read was a Section of the Qoran (_wird_). This - was done with remedial aim for the illness. - - [2169] As this statement needs comment, and as it is linked to - matters mentioned in the _Rampur Diwan_, it seems better to - remit remarks upon it to Appendix Q, _Some matters concerning - the Rampur Diwan_. - - [2170] _risala._ _See_ Appendix Q. - - [2171] Elph. MS. _lacuna_; I.O. 215 _lacuna_ and 217 f. 229; - Mems. p. 373. This year's narrative resumes the diary form. - - [2172] There is some uncertainty about these names and also as - to which adversary crossed the river. The sentence which, I - think, shews, by its plural verb, that Humayun left two men - and, by its co-ordinate participles, that it was they crossed - the river, is as follows:--(Darwish and Yusuf, understood) - _Qutb Sirwani-ni u bir para rajalar-ni bir darya autub - aurushub yakshi basib turlar_. _Autub_, _aurushub_ and _basib_ - are grammatically referable to the same subject, [whatever was - the fact about the crossing]. - - [2173] _bir darya_; W.-i-B. 217 f. 229, _yak darya_, one - river, but many MSS. _har darya_, every river. If it did not - seem pretty certain that the rebels were not in the - Miyan-du-ab one would surmise the river to be "one river" of - the two enclosing the tract "between the waters", and that one - to be the Ganges. It may be one near Sambhal, east of the - Ganges. - - [2174] var. Shirwani. The place giving the cognomen may be - Sarwan, a _thakurat_ of the Malwa Agency (_G. of I._). Qutb of - Sirwan may be the Qutb Khan of earlier mention without the - cognomen. - - [2175] n.w. of Aligarh (Kul). It may be noted here, where - instances begin to be frequent, that my translation "we - marched" is an evasion of the Turki impersonal "it was - marched". Most rarely does Babur write "we marched", never, "I - marched." - - [2176] in the Aligarh (Kul) district; it is the Sikandara Rao - of the _A.-i-A._ and the _G. of I._ - - [2177] _Rampur Diwan_ (E. D. Ross' ed., p. 19, Plate 16_b_). - This _Diwan_ contains other quatrains which, judging from - their contents, may well be those Babur speaks of as also - composed in Sambal. _See_ Appendix Q, _Some matters concerning - the Rampur Diwan_. - - [2178] These are aunts of Babur, daughters of Sl. Abu-sa'id - _Miran-shahi_. - - [2179] Sikandarabad is in the Buland-shahr district of the - United Provinces. - - [2180] It is not clear whether Babur returned from Sikri on - the day he started for Jalisir; no question of distance would - prevent him from making the two journeys on the Monday. - - [2181] As this was the rendezvous for the army, it would be - convenient if it lay between Agra and Anwar; as it was 6 m. - from Agra, the only mapped place having approximately the name - Jalisir, _viz._ Jalesar, in Etah, seems too far away. - - [2182] Anwar would be suitably the Unwara of the _Indian - Atlas_, which is on the first important southward dip of the - Jumna below Agra. Chandwar is 25 m. east of Agra, on the - Muttra-Etawah road (_G. of I._); Jarrett notes that - Tiefenthaler identifies it with Firuzabad (_A.-i-A._ ii, 183 - n.). - - [2183] In the district of Kalpi. The name does not appear in - maps I have seen. - - [2184] _agha_, Anglice, uncle. He was Sa'id Khan of Kashghar. - Haidar M. says Baba Sl. was a spoiled child and died without - mending his ways. - - [2185] From Kalpi Babur will have taken the road to the s.w. - near which now runs the Cawnpur (Kanhpur) branch of the Indian - Midland Railway, and he must have crossed the Betwa to reach - Irij (Irich, _Indian Atlas_, Sheet 69 N.W.). - - [2186] Leaving Irij, Babur will have recrossed the Betwa and - have left its valley to go west to Bandir (Bhander) on the - Pahuj (_Indian Atlas_, Sheet 69 S.W.). - - [2187] beneficent, or Muhassan, comely. - - [2188] The one man of this name mentioned in the _B.N._ is an - amir of Sl. Husain _Bai-qara_. - - [2189] It seems safe to take Kachwa [Kajwa] as the Kajwarra of - Ibn Batuta, and the Kadwaha (Kadwaia) of the _Indian Atlas_, - Sheet 52 N.E. and of Luard's _Gazetteer_ _of Gwalior_ (i, - 247), which is situated in 24 deg. 58' N. and 77 deg. 57' E. Each - of the three names is of a place standing on a lake; Ibn Batuta's - lake was a league (4 m.) long, Babur's about 11 miles round; - Luard mentions no lake, but the _Indian Atlas_ marks one quite - close to Kadwaha of such form as to seem to have a tongue of - land jutting into it from the north-west, and thus suiting - Babur's description of the site of Kachwa. Again,--Ibn Batuta - writes of Kajwarra as having, round its lake, idol-temples; - Luard says of Kadwaha that it has four idol-temples standing - and nine in ruins; there may be hinted something special about - Babur's Kachwa by his remark that he encouraged its people, - and this speciality may be interaction between Muhammadanism - and Hinduism serving here for the purpose of identification. - For Ibn Batuta writes of the people of Kajwarra that they were - _jogis_, yellowed by asceticism, wearing their hair long and - matted, and having Muhammadan followers who desired to learn - their (occult?) secrets. If the same interaction existed in - Babur's day, the Muhammadan following of the Hindu ascetics - may well have been the special circumstance which led him to - promise protection to those Hindus, even when he was out for - Holy-war. It has to be remembered of Chandiri, the nearest - powerful neighbour of Kadwaha, that though Babur's capture - makes a vivid picture of Hinduism in it, it had been under - Muhammadan rulers down to a relatively short time before his - conquest. The _jogis_ of Kachwa could point to long-standing - relations of tolerance by the Chandiri Governors; this, with - their Muhammadan following, explains the encouragement Babur - gave them, and helps to identify Kachwa with Kajarra. It may - be observed that Babur was familiar with the interaction of - the two creeds, witness his "apostates", mostly Muhammadans - following Hindu customs, witness too, for the persistent fact, - the reports of District-officers under the British _Raj_. - Again,--a further circumstance helping to identify Kajwarra, - Kachwa and Kadwaha is that these are names of the last - important station the traveller and the soldier, as well - perhaps as the modern wayfarer, stays in before reaching - Chandiri. The importance of Kajwarra is shewn by Ibn Batuta, - and of Kadwaha by its being a _mahall_ in Akbar's _sarkar_ of - Bayawan of the _suba_ of Agra. Again,--Kadwaha is the place - nearest to Chandiri about which Babur's difficulties as to - intermediate road and jungle would arise. That intermediate - road takes off the main one a little south of Kadwaha and runs - through what looks like a narrow valley and broken country - down to Bhamor, Bhuranpur and Chandiri. Again,--no bar to - identification of the three names is placed by their - differences of form, in consideration of the vicissitudes they - have weathered in tongue, script, and transliteration. There - is some ground, I believe, for surmising that their common - source is _kajur_, the date-fruit. [I am indebted to my - husband for the help derived from Ibn Batuta, traced by him in - Sanguinetti's trs. iv, 33, and S. Lee's trs. p. 162.] - - (Two places similar in name to Kachwa, and situated on Babur's - route _viz._ Kocha near Jhansi, and Kuchoowa north of Kadwaha - (Sheet 69 S.W.) are unsuitable for his "Kachwa", the first - because too near Bandir to suit his itinerary, the second - because too far from the turn off the main-road mentioned - above, because it has no lake, and has not the help in - identification detailed above of Kadwaha.) - - [2190] _qurughir_ which could mean also _reserved_ (from the - water?). - - [2191] _qazan._ There seems to have been one only; how few - Babur had is shewn again on f. 337. - - [2192] _Indian Atlas_, Sheet 52 N.E. near a tributary of the - Betwa, the Or, which appears to be Babur's Burhanpur-water. - - [2193] The bed of the Betwa opposite Chandiri is 1050 ft. - above the sea; the walled-town (_qurghan_) of Chandiri is on a - table-land 250 ft. higher, and its citadel is 230 ft. higher - again (Cunningham's _Archeological Survey Report_, 1871 A.D. - ii, 404). - - [2194] The plan of Chandiri illustrating Cunningham's Report - (_see_ last note) allows surmise about the road taken by - Babur, surmise which could become knowledge if the names of - tanks he gives were still known. The courtesy of the - Government of India allows me to reproduce that plan [Appendix - R, _Chandiri_ and _Gwaliawar]_. - - [2195] He is said to have been Governor of Chandiri in 1513 - AD. - - [2196] Here and in similar passages the word _m:ljar_ or - _m:lchar_ is found in MSS. where the meaning is that of T. - _buljar_. It is not in any dictionary I have seen; Mr. Irvine - found it "obscure" and surmised it to mean "approach by - trenches", but this does not suit its uses in the _Babur-nama_ - of a military post, and a rendezvous. This surmise, - containing, as it does, a notion of protection, links _m:ljar_ - in sense with Ar. _malja'_. The word needs expert - consideration, in order to decide whether it is to be received - into dictionaries, or to be rejected because explicable as the - outcome of unfamiliarity in Persian scribes with T. _buljar_ - or, _more Persico_ with narrowed vowels, _buljar_. Shaw in his - Vocabulary enters _buljaq_ (_buljar_?), "a station for troops, - a rendezvous, see _malja'_," thus indicating, it would seem, - that he was aware of difficulty about _m:ljar_ and _buljaq_ - (_buljar_?). There appears no doubt of the existence of a - Turki word _buljar_ with the meanings Shaw gives to _buljaq_; - it could well be formed from the root _bul_, being, whence - follows, being in a place, posted. _Malja_ has the meaning of - a standing-place, as well as those of a refuge and an asylum; - both meanings seem combined in the _m:ljar_ of f. 336_b_, - where for matchlockmen a _m:ljar_ was ordered "raised". (Cf. - Irvine's _Army of the Indian Moghuls_ p. 278.) - - [2197] _yaghda_; Pers. trs. _sar-ashib_. Babur's remark seems - to show that for effect his mortar needed to be higher than - its object. Presumably it stood on the table-land north of the - citadel. - - [2198] _shatu._ It may be noted that this word, common in - accounts of Babur's sieges, may explain one our friend the - late Mr. William Irvine left undecided (_l.c._ p. 278), _viz._ - _shatur_. On p. 281 he states that _narduban_ is the name of a - scaling-ladder and that Babur mentions scaling ladders more - than once. Babur mentions them however always as _shatu_. - Perhaps _shatur_ which, as Mr. Irvine says, seems to be made - of the trunks of trees and to be a siege appliance, is really - _shatu u_ ... (ladder and ...) as in the passage under note - and on f. 216_b_, some other name of an appliance following. - - [2199] The word here preceding _tura_ has puzzled scribes and - translators. I have seen the following variants in - MSS.;--_nukri_ or _tukri_, _b:kri_ or _y:kri_, _bukri_ or - _yukri_, _bukrai_ or _yukrai_, in each of which the _k_ may - stand for _g_. Various suggestions might be made as to what - the word is, but all involve reading the Persian enclitic _i_ - (forming the adjective) instead of Turki _lik_. Two roots, - _tig_ and _yug_, afford plausible explanations of the unknown - word; appliances suiting the case and able to bear names - formed from one or other of these roots are _wheeled - mantelet_, and _head-strike_ (P. _sar-kob_). That the word is - difficult is shewn not only by the variants I have quoted, but - by Erskine's reading _naukari tura_, "to serve the _turas_," a - requisite not specified earlier by Babur, and by de - Courteille's paraphrase, _tout ce qui est necessaire aux - touras_. - - [2200] Sl. Nasiru'd-din was the Khilji ruler of Malwa from 906 - to 916 A.H. (1500-1510 AD.). - - [2201] He was a Rajput who had been prime-minister of Sl. - Mahmud II. _Khilji_ (son of Nasiru'd-din) and had rebelled. - Babur (like some other writers) spells his name Mindni, - perhaps as he heard it spoken. - - [2202] Presumably the one in the United Provinces. For - Shamsabad in Gualiar _see_ Luard _l.c._ i, 286. - - [2203] _chiqti_; Pers. trs. _bar amad_ and, also in some MSS. - _nami bar amad_; Mems. p. 376, "averse to conciliation"; - _Mems._ ii, 329, "_s'eleverent contre cette proposition_." So - far I have not found Babur using the verb _chiqmaq_ - metaphorically. It is his frequent verb to express "getting - away", "going out of a fort". It would be a short step in - metaphor to understand here that Medini's men "got out of it", - _i.e._ what Babur offered. They may have left the fort also; - if so, it would be through dissent. - - [2204] f. 332. - - [2205] I.O. 217, f. 231, inserts here what seems a gloss, "_Ta - in ja Farsi farmuda_" (_gufta_, said). As Babur enters his - speech in Persian, it is manifest that he used Persian to - conceal the bad news. - - [2206] The _Illustrated London News_ of July 10th, 1915 (on - which day this note is written), has an apropos picture of an - ancient fortress-gun, with its stone-ammunition, taken by the - Allies in a Dardanelles fort. - - [2207] The _du-tahi_ is the _ab-duzd_, water-thief, of f. 67. - Its position can be surmised from Cunningham's Plan [Appendix - R]. - - [2208] For Babur's use of hand (_qul_) as a military term - _see_ f. 209. - - [2209] His full designation would be Shah Muhammad _yuz-begi_. - - [2210] This will be flight from the ramparts to other places - in the fort. - - [2211] Babur's account of the siege of Chandiri is incomplete, - inasmuch as it says nothing of the general massacre of pagans - he has mentioned on f. 272. Khwafi Khan records the massacre, - saying, that after the fort was surrendered, as was done on - condition of safety for the garrison, from 3 to 4000 pagans - were put to death by Babur's troops on account of hostility - shewn during the evacuation of the fort. The time assigned to - the massacre is previous to the _juhar_ of 1000 women and - children and the self-slaughter of men in Medini Rao's house, - in which he himself died. It is not easy to fit the two - accounts in; this might be done, however, by supposing that a - folio of Babur's MS. was lost, as others seem lost at the end - of the narrative of this year's events (_q.v._). The lost - folio would tell of the surrender, one clearly affecting the - mass of Rajput followers and not the chiefs who stood for - victory or death and who may have made sacrifice to honour - after hearing of the surrender. Babur's narrative in this part - certainly reads less consecutive than is usual with him; - something preceding his account of the _juhar_ would improve - it, and would serve another purpose also, since mention of the - surrender would fix a term ending the now too short time of - under one hour he assigns as the duration of the fighting. If - a surrender had been mentioned, it would be clear that his "2 - or 3 _garis_" included the attacking and taking of the - _du-tahi_ and down to the retreat of the Rajputs from the - walls. On this Babur's narrative of the unavailing sacrifice - of the chiefs would follow in due order. Khwafi Khan is more - circumstantial than Firishta who says nothing of surrender or - massacre, but states that 6000 men were killed fighting. - Khwafi Khan's authorities may throw light on the matter, which - so far does not hang well together in any narrative, Babur's, - Firishta's, or Khwafi Khan's. One would like to know what led - such a large body of Rajputs to surrender so quickly; had they - been all through in favour of accepting terms? One wonders, - again, why from 3 to 4000 Rajputs did not put up a better - resistance to massacre. Perhaps their assailants were Turks, - stubborn fighters down to 1915 AD. - - [2212] For suggestion about the brevity of this period, _see_ - last note. - - [2213] Clearly, without Babur's taking part in the fighting. - - [2214] These words by _abjad_ make 934. The Hai. MS. - mistakenly writes _Bud Chandiri_ in the first line of the - quatrain instead of _Bud chandi_. Khwafi Khan quotes the - quatrain with slight variants. - - [2215] _Chandiri tauri wilayat_ (_da_?) _waqi' bulub tur_, - which seems to need _da_, in, because the fort, and not the - country, is described. Or there may be an omission _e.g._ of a - second sentence about the walled-town (fort). - - [2216] This is the "Kirat-sagar" of Cunningham's Plan of - Chandiri; it is mentioned under this name by Luard (_l.c._ i, - 210). "Kirat" represents Kirti or Kirit Singh who ruled in - Gualiar from 1455 to 1479 AD., there also making a tank - (Luard, _l.c._ i, 232). - - [2217] For illustrative photographs _see_ Luard, _l.c._ vol. - i, part iv. - - [2218] I have taken this sentence to apply to the location of - the tanks, but with some doubt; they are on the table-land. - - [2219] Babur appears to have written Betwi, this form being in - MSS. I have read the name to be that of the river Betwa which - is at a considerable distance from the fort. But some writers - dispraise its waters where Babur praises. - - [2220] T. _qia_ means a slope or slant; here it may describe - tilted _strata_, such as would provide slabs for roofing and - split easily for building purposes. (_See_ next note.) - - [2221] _'imarat qilmaq munasib_. This has been read to mean - that the _qialar_ provide good sites (Mems. & _Mems._), but - position, distance from the protection of the fort, and the - merit of local stone for building incline me to read the words - quoted above as referring to the convenient lie of the stone - for building purposes. (_See_ preceding note.) - - [2222] _Chandiri-da judai (jady)-ning irtiqa'i yigirma-bish - darja dur_; Erskine, p. 378, Chanderi is situated in the 25th - degree of N. latitude; de Courteille, ii, 334, _La hauteur du - Capricorne a Tchanderi est de 25 degrees_. The latitude of - Chandiri, it may be noted, is 24 deg. 43'. It does not appear - to me indisputable that what Babur says here is a statement of - latitude. The word _judai_ (or _jady_) means both Pole-star - and the Sign Capricorn. M. de Courteille translates the quoted - sentence as I have done, but with Capricorn for Pole-star. My - acquaintance with such expressions in French does not allow me - to know whether his words are a statement of latitude. It - occurs to me against this being so, that Babur uses other - words when he gives the latitude of Samarkand (f. 44_b_); and - also that he has shewn attention to the Pole-star as a guide - on a journey (f. 203, where he uses the more common word - _Qutb_). Perhaps he notes its lower altitude when he is far - south, in the way he noted the first rise of Canopus to his - view (f. 125). - - [2223] Mallu Khan was a noble of Malwa, who became ruler of - Malwa in 1532 or 1533 AD. [?], under the style of Qadir Shah. - - [2224] _i.e._ paid direct to the royal treasury. - - [2225] This is the one concerning which bad news reached Babur - just before Chandiri was taken. - - [2226] This presumably is the place offered to Medini Rao (f. - 333_b_), and Bikramajit (f. 343). - - [2227] Obviously for the bridge. - - [2228] _m:ljar_ (_see_ f. 333 n.). Here the word would mean - befittingly a protected standing-place, a refuge, such as - matchlockmen used (f. 217 and Index _s.n._ _araba_). - - [2229] _sighirurdi_, a vowel-variant, perhaps, of - _sughururdi_. - - [2230] f. 331_b_. This passage shews that Babur's mortars were - few. - - [2231] _nufur qul-lar-din ham karka bila rah rawa kishi u at - aitilar_, a difficult sentence. - - [2232] _Afghanlar kupruk baghlamaq-ni istib'ad qilib tamaskhur - qilurlar aikandur._ The ridicule will have been at slow - progress, not at the bridge-making itself, since - pontoon-bridges were common (Irvine's _Army of the Indian - Moghuls_). - - [2233] _tuilab_; Pers. trs. _uftan u khezan_, limping, or - falling and rising, a translation raising doubt, because such - a mode of progression could hardly have allowed escape from - pursuers. - - [2234] Anglice, on Friday night. - - [2235] According to the Persian calendar, New-year's-day is - that on which the Sun enters Aries. - - [2236] so-spelled in the Hai. MS.; by de Courteille - Banguermadu; the two forms may represent the same one of the - Arabic script. - - [2237] or Gui, from the context clearly the Gumti. Jarrett - gives Godi as a name of the Gumti; Gui and Godi may be the - same word in the Arabic script. - - [2238] Some MSS. read that there was not much pain. - - [2239] I take this to be the Kali-Sarda-Chauka affluent of the - Gogra and not its Sarju or Saru one. To so take it seems - warranted by the context; there could be no need for the fords - on the Sarju to be examined, and its position is not suitable. - - [2240] Unfortunately no record of the hunting-expedition - survives. - - [2241] One historian, Ahmad-i-yadgar states in his - _Tarikh-i-salatin-i-afaghina_ that Babur went to Lahor - immediately after his capture of Chandiri, and on his return - journey to Agra suppressed in the Panj-ab a rising of the - Mundahar (or, Mandhar) Rajputs. His date is discredited by - Babur's existing narrative of 934 AH. as also by the absence - in 935 AH. of allusion to either episode. My husband who has - considered the matter, advises me that the Lahor visit may - have been made in 936 or early in 937 AH. [These are a period - of which the record is lost or, less probably, was not - written.] - - [2242] Elph. MS. f. 262; I. O. 215 f. 207b and 217 f. 234_b_; - _Mems._ p. 382. Here the Elphinstone MS. recommences after a - _lacuna_ extending from Hai. MS. f. 312_b_. - - [2243] _See_ Appendix S:--_Concerning the dating of_ 935 AH. - - [2244] 'Askari was now about 12 years old. He was succeeded in - Multan by his elder brother Kamran, transferred from Qandahar - [Index; JRAS. 1908 p. 829 para. (1)]. This transfer, it is - safe to say, was due to Babur's resolve to keep Kabul in his - own hands, a resolve which his letters to Humayun (f. 348), to - Kamran (f. 359), and to Khwaja Kalan (f. 359) attest, as well - as do the movements of his family at this time. What would - make the stronger government of Kamran seem now more "for the - good of Multan" than that of the child 'Askari are the Biluchi - incursions, mentioned somewhat later (f. 355_b_) as having - then occurred more than once. - - [2245] This will be his own house in the - Garden-of-eight-paradises, the Char-bagh begun in 932 AH. - (August 1526 AD.). - - [2246] To this name Khwand-amir adds Ahmadu'l-haqiri, perhaps - a pen-name; he also quotes verses of Shihab's - (_Habibu's-siyar_ lith. ed. iii, 350). - - [2247] Khwand-amir's account of his going into Hindustan is - that he left his "dear home" (Herat) for Qandahar in - mid-Shawwal 933 AH. (mid-July 1527 AD.); that on Jumada I. - 10th 934 AH. (Feb. 1st 1528 AD.) he set out from Qandahar on - the hazardous journey into Hindustan; and that owing to the - distance, heat, setting-in of the Rains, and breadth of rapid - rivers, he was seven months on the way. He mentions no - fellow-travellers, but he gives as the day of his arrival in - Agra the one on which Babur says he presented himself at - Court. (For an account of annoyances and misfortunes to which - he was subjected under Auzbeg rule in Herat _see Journal des - Savans_, July 1843, pp. 389, 393, Quatremere's art.) - - [2248] Concerning Gualiar _see_ Cunningham's _Archeological - Survey Reports_ vol. ii; Louis Rousselet's _L'Inde des Rajas_; - Lepel Griffin's _Famous Monuments of Central India_, - especially for its photographs; _Gazetteer of India_; Luard's - _Gazetteer of Gwalior_, text and photographs; _Travels of - Peter Mundy_, Hakluyt Society ed. R. C. Temple, ii, 61, - especially for its picture of the fort and note (p. 62) - enumerating early writers on Gualiar. Of Persian books there - is Jalal _Hisari's Tarikh-i-Gwaliawar_ (B.M. Add. 16,859) and - Hiraman's (B.M. Add. 16,709) unacknowledged version of it, - which is of the B.M. MSS. the more legible. - - [2249] Perhaps this stands for Gwaliawar, the form seeming to - be used by Jalal _Hisari_, and having good traditional support - (Cunningham p. 373 and Luard p. 228). - - [2250] _tushlanib_, _i.e._ they took rest and food together at - mid-day. - - [2251] This seems to be the conjoined Gambhir and Banganga - which is crossed by the Agra-Dhulpur road (_G. of I._ Atlas, - Sheet 34). - - [2252] _aichtuq_, the plural of which shews that more than one - partook of the powders (_safuf_). - - [2253] T. _talqan_, Hindi _sattu_ (Shaw). M. de Courteille's - variant translation may be due to his reading for _talqan_, - _talghaq_, _flot_, _agitation_ (his Dict. _s.n._) and _yil_, - wind, for _bila_, with. - - [2254] in 933 AH. f. 330_b_. - - [2255] "Each beaked promontory" (Lycidas). Our name - "Selsey-bill" is an English instance of Babur's (not - infrequent) _tumshuq_, beak, bill of a bird. - - [2256] No order about this Char-bagh is in existing annals of - 934 AH. Such order is likely to have been given after Babur's - return from his operations against the Afghans, in his account - of which the annals of 934 AH. break off. - - [2257] The fort-hill at the northern end is 300 ft. high, at - the southern end, 274 ft.; its length from north to south is - 1-3/4 m.; its breadth varies from 600 ft. opposite the main - entrance (Hati-pul) to 2,800 ft. in the middle opposite the - great temple (Sas-bhao). Cf. Cunningham p. 330 and Appendix R, - _in loco_, for his Plan of Gualiar. - - [2258] This Arabic plural may have been prompted by the - greatness and distinction of Man-sing's constructions. Cf. - Index _s.nn._ _begat_ and _baghat_. - - [2259] A translation point concerning the (Arabic) word - _'imarat_ is that the words "palace", "_palais_", and - "residence" used for it respectively by Erskine, de - Courteille, and, previous to the Hindustan Section, by myself, - are too limited in meaning to serve for Babur's uses of it in - Hindustan; and this (1) because he uses it throughout his - writings for buildings under palatial rank (_e.g._ those of - high and low in Chandiri); (2) because he uses it in Hindustan - for non-residential buildings (_e.g._ for the Badalgarh - outwork, f. 341_b_, and a Hindu temple _ib._); and (3) because - he uses it for the word "building" in the term building-stone, - f. 335_b_ and f. 339_b_. _Building_ is the comprehensive word - under which all his uses of it group. For labouring this point - a truism pleads my excuse, namely, that a man's vocabulary - being characteristic of himself, for a translator to increase - or diminish it is to intrude on his personality, and this the - more when an autobiography is concerned. Hence my search here - (as elsewhere) for an English grouping word is part of an - endeavour to restrict the vocabulary of my translation to the - limits of my author's. - - [2260] Jalal _Hisari_ describes "Khwaja Rahim-dad" as a - paternal-nephew of Mahdi Khwaja. Neither man has been - introduced by Babur, as it is his rule to introduce when he - first mentions a person of importance, by particulars of - family, _etc._ Both men became disloyal in 935 AH. (1529 AD.) - as will be found referred to by Babur. Jalal _Hisari_ - supplements Babur's brief account of their misconduct and - Shaikh Muhammad _Ghaus'_ mediation in 936 AH. For knowledge - of his contribution I am indebted to my husband's perusal of - the _Tarikh-i-Gwaliawar_. - - [2261] Erskine notes that Indians and Persians regard - moonshine as cold but this only faintly expresses the - wide-spread fear of moon-stroke expressed in the Psalm (121 v. - 6), "The Sun shall not smite thee by day, nor the Moon by - night." - - [2262] _Agarcha luk baluk u bi siyaq._ Ilminsky [p. 441] has - _baluk baluk_ but without textual warrant and perhaps - following Erskine, as he says, speaking generally, that he has - done in case of need (Ilminsky's Preface). Both Erskine and de - Courteille, working, it must be remembered, without the help - of detailed modern descriptions and pictures, took the above - words to say that the buildings were scattered and without - symmetry, but they are not scattered and certainly Man-sing's - has symmetry. I surmise that the words quoted above do not - refer to the buildings themselves but to the stones of which - they are made. T. _luk_ means heavy, and T. _baluk_ [? block] - means a thing divided off, here a block of stone. Such blocks - might be _bi siyaq_, _i.e._ irregular in size. To take the - words in this way does not contradict known circumstances, and - is verbally correct. - - [2263] The Rajas' buildings Babur could compare were Raja - Karna (or Kirti)'s [who ruled from 1454 to 1479 AD.], Raja - Man-sing's [1486 to 1516 AD.], and Raja Bikramajit's [1516 to - 1526 AD. when he was killed at Panipat]. - - [2264] The height of the eastern face is 100 ft. and of the - western 60 ft. The total length from north to south of the - outside wall is 300 ft.; the breadth of the residence from - east to west 160 ft. The 300 ft. of length appears to be that - of the residence and service-courtyard (Cunningham p. 347 and - Plate lxxxvii). - - [2265] _kaj bila aqaritib._ There can be little doubt that a - white pediment would show up the coloured tiles of the upper - part of the palace-walls more than would pale red sandstone. - These tiles were so profuse as to name the building Chit - Mandir (Painted Mandir). Guided by Babur's statement, - Cunningham sought for and found plaster in crevices of carved - work; from which one surmises that the white coating approved - itself to successors of Man-sing. [It may be noted that the - word Mandir is in the same case for a translator as is - _'imarat_ (f. 339_b_ n.) since it requires a grouping word to - cover its uses for temple, palace, and less exalted - buildings.] - - [2266] The lower two storeys are not only backed by solid - ground but, except near the Hati-pul, have the rise of ground - in front of them which led Babur to say they were "even in a - pit" (_chuqur_). - - [2267] MSS. vary between _har_ and _bir_, every and one, in - this sentence. It may be right to read _bir_, and apply it - only to the eastern facade as that on which there were most - cupolas. There are fewer on the south side, which still stands - (Luard's photo. No. 37). - - [2268] The ground rises steeply from this Gate to an inner - one, called Hawa-pul from the rush of air (_hawa_) through it. - - [2269] Cunningham says the riders were the Raja and a driver. - Perhaps they were a mahout and his mate. The statue stood to - the left on exit (_chiqish_). - - [2270] This window will have been close to the Gate where no - mound interferes with outlook. - - [2271] Rooms opening on inner and open courts appear to form - the third story of the residence. - - [2272] T. _chuqur_, hollow, pit. This storey is dark and - unventilated, a condition due to small windows, absence of - through draught, and the adjacent mound. Cunningham comments - on its disadvantages. - - [2273] _Agarcha Hindustani takalluflar qilib turlar wali bi - hawalik-raq yirlar dur._ Perhaps amongst the pains taken were - those demanded for _punkhas_. I regret that Erskine's - translation of this passage, so superior to my own in literary - merit, does not suit the Turki original. He worked from the - Persian translation, and not only so, but with a less rigid - rule of translation than binds me when working on Babur's - _ipsissima verba_ (_Mems._ p. 384; Cunningham p. 349; Luard p. - 226). - - [2274] The words _aurta da_ make apt contrast between the - outside position of Man-sing's buildings which helped to form - the fort-wall, and Bikramajit's which were further in except - perhaps one wall of his courtyard (see Cunningham's Plate - lxxxiii). - - [2275] Cunningham (p. 350) says this was originally a - _bara-duri_, a twelve-doored open hall, and must have been - light. His "originally" points to the view that the hall had - been altered before Babur saw it but as it was only about 10 - years old at that time, it was in its first form, presumably. - Perhaps Babur saw it in a bad light. The dimensions Cunningham - gives of it suggest that the high dome must have been - frequently ill-lighted. - - [2276] The word _talar_, having various applications, is not - easy to match with a single English word, nor can one be sure - in all cases what it means, a platform, a hall, or _etc._ To - find an equivalent for its diminutive _talar-ghina_ is still - more difficult. Rahim-dad's _talar_-ette will have stood on - the flat centre of the dome, raised on four pillars or perhaps - with its roof only so-raised; one is sure there would be a - roof as protection against sun or moon. It may be noted that - the dome is not visible outside from below, but is hidden by - the continuation upwards of walls which form a mean-looking - parallelogram of masonry. - - [2277] _T. tur yul._ Concerning this hidden road _see_ - Cunningham p. 350 and Plate lxxxvii. - - [2278] _baghcha._ The context shews that the garden was for - flowers. For Babur's distinctions between _baghcha_, _bagh_ - and _baghat_, _see_ Index _s.nn._ - - [2279] _shaft-alu_ _i.e._ the rosy colour of peach-flowers, - perhaps lip-red (Steingass). Babur's contrast seems to be - between those red oleanders of Hindustan that are rosy-red, - and the deep red ones he found in Gualiar. - - [2280] _kul_, any large sheet of water, natural or artificial - (Babur). This one will be the Suraj-kund (Sun-tank). - - [2281] This is the Teli Mandir, or Telingana Mandir (Luard). - Cf. Cunningham, p. 356 and Luard p. 227 for accounts of it; - and _G. of I._ _s.n._ Teliagarhi for Teli Rajas. - - [2282] This is a large outwork reached from the Gate of the - same name. Babur may have gone there specially to see the - Gujari Mandir said by Cunningham to have been built by - Man-sing's Gujar wife Mriga-nayana (fawn-eyed). Cf. Cunningham - p. 351 and, for other work done by the same Queen, in the s. - e. corner of the fort, p. 344; Luard p. 226. In this place - "construction" would serve to translate _'imarat_ (f. 340 n.). - - [2283] _ab-duzd_, a word conveying the notion of a stealthy - taking of the water. The walls at the mouth of Urwa were built - by Altamsh for the protection of its water for the fort. The - date Babur mentions (a few lines further) is presumably that - of their erection. - - [2284] Cunningham, who gives 57 ft. as the height of this - statue, says Babur estimated it at 20 _gaz_, or 40 ft., but - this is not so. Babur's word is not _gaz_ a measure of 24 - fingers-breadth, but _qari_, the length from the tip of the - shoulder to the fingers-ends; it is about 33 inches, not less, - I understand. Thus stated in _qaris_ Babur's estimate of the - height comes very near Cunningham's, being a good 55 ft. to 57 - ft. (I may note that I have usually translated _qari_ by - "yard", as the yard is its nearest English equivalent. The - Pers. trs. of the B. N. translates by _gaz_, possibly a larger - _gaz_ than that of 24 fingers-breadth _i.e._ inches.) - - [2285] The statues were not broken up by Babur's agents; they - were mutilated; their heads were restored with coloured - plaster by the Jains (Cunningham p. 365; Luard p. 228). - - [2286] _rozan_ [or, _auz:n_] ... _tafarruj qilib_. Neither - Cunningham nor Luard mentions this window, perhaps because - Erskine does not; nor is this name of a Gate found. It might - be that of the Dhonda-paur (Cunningham, p. 339). The 1st Pers. - trs. [I.O. 215 f. 210] omits the word _rozan_ (or, _auz:n_); - the 2nd [I.O. 217 f. 236b] renders it by _ja'i_, place. - Manifestly the Gate was opened by Babur, but, presumably, not - precisely at the time of his visit. I am inclined to - understand that _rozan_ ... _tafarruj karda_ means enjoying - the window formerly used by Muhammadan rulers. If _auz:n_ be - the right reading, its sense is obscure. - - [2287] This will have occurred in the latter half of 934 AH. - of which no record is now known. - - [2288] He is mentioned under the name Asuk Mal _Rajput_, as a - servant of Rana Sanga by the _Mirat-i-sikandari_, lith. ed. p. - 161. In Bayley's Translation p. 273 he is called Awasuk, - manifestly by clerical error, the sentence being _az - janib-i-au Asuk Mal Rajput dar an (qila') buda_.... - - [2289] _ata-lik, aughul-lik_, _i.e._ he spoke to the son as a - father, to the mother as a son. - - [2290] The _Mirat-i-sikandari_ (lith. ed. p. 234, Bayley's - trs. p. 372) confirms Babur's statement that the precious - things were at Bikramajit's disposition. Perhaps they had been - in his mother's charge during her husband's life. They were - given later to Bahadur Shah of Gujrat. - - [2291] The Teli Mandir has not a cupola but a waggon-roof of - South Indian style, whence it may be that it has the southern - name Telingana, suggested by Col. Luard. - - [2292] See Luard's Photo. No. 139 and P. Mundy's sketch of the - fort p. 62. - - [2293] This will be the Ghargaraj-gate which looks south - though it is not at the south end of the fort-hill where there - is only a postern approached by a flight of stone steps - (Cunningham p. 332). - - [2294] The garden will have been on the lower ground at the - foot of the ramp and not near the Hati-pul itself where the - scarp is precipitous. - - [2295] _Mundin kichikraq atlanilghan aikandur._ This may imply - that the distance mentioned to Babur was found by him an - over-estimate. Perhaps the fall was on the Murar-river. - - [2296] Rope (Shaw); _corde qui sert a attacher le bagage sur - les chameaux_ (de Courteille); a thread of 20 cubits long for - weaving (Steingass); I have the impression that an _arghamchi_ - is a horse's tether. - - [2297] For information about this opponent of Babur in the - battle of Kanwa, _see_ the _Asiatic Review_, Nov. 1915, II. - Beveridge's art. _Silhadi, and the Mirat-i-sikandari_. - - [2298] Colonel Luard has suggested to us that the Babur-nama - word Sukhjana may stand for Salwai or Sukhalhari, the names of - two villages near Gualiar. - - [2299] Presumably of night, 6-9 p.m., of Saturday Muh. - 18th-Oct. 2nd. - - [2300] f. 330_b_ and f. 339_b_. - - [2301] Between the last explicit date in the text, _viz._ - Sunday, Muh. 19th, and the one next following, _viz._ - Saturday, Safar 3rd, the diary of six days is wanting. The gap - seems to be between the unfinished account of doings in - Dhulpur and the incomplete one of those of the Monday of the - party. For one of the intermediate days Babur had made an - appointment, when in Gualiar (f. 343), with the envoys of - Bikramajit, the trysting-day being Muh. 23rd (_i.e._ 9 days - after Muh. 14th). Babur is likely to have gone to Biana as - planned; that envoys met him there may be surmised from the - circumstance that when negociations with Bikramajit were - renewed in Agra (f. 345), two sets of envoys were present, a - "former" one and a "later" one, and this although all envoys - had been dismissed from Gualiar. The "former" ones will have - been those who went to Biana, were not given leave there, but - were brought on to Agra; the "later" ones may have come to - Agra direct from Ranthambhor. It suits all round to take it - that pages have been lost on which was the record of the end - of the Dhulpur visit, of the journey to the, as yet unseen, - fort of Biana, of tryst kept by the envoys, of other doings in - Biana where, judging from the time taken to reach Sikri, it - may be that the _ma'jun_ party was held. - - [2302] Anglice, Tuesday after 6 p.m. - - [2303] _aghaz aichib nima yib_, which words seem to imply the - breaking of a fast. - - [2304] Doubtless the garden owes its name to the eight heavens - or paradises mentioned in the Quran (Hughes' _Dictionary of - Islam_ _s.n._ Paradise). Babur appears to have reached Agra on - the 1st of Safar; the 2nd may well have been spent on the home - affairs of a returned traveller. - - [2305] The great, or elder trio were daughters of Sl. - Abu-sa'id Mirza, Babur's paternal-aunts therefore, of his - dutiful attendance on whom, Gul-badan writes. - - [2306] "Lesser," _i.e._ younger in age, lower in rank as not - being the daughters of a sovereign Mirza, and held in less - honour because of a younger generation. - - [2307] Gul-badan mentions the arrival in Hindustan of a khanim - of this name, who was a daughter of Sl. Mahmud Khan - _Chaghatai_, Babur's maternal-uncle; to this maternal - relationship the word _chicha_ (mother) may refer. _Yinka_, - uncle's or elder brother's wife, has occurred before (ff. 192, - 207), _chicha_ not till now. - - [2308] Cf. f. 344_b_ and n.5 concerning the surmised movements - of this set of envoys. - - [2309] This promise was first proffered in Gualiar (f.343). - - [2310] These may be Bai-qara kinsfolk or Miran-shahis married - to them. No record of Shah Qasim's earlier mission is - preserved; presumably he was sent in 934 AH. and the record - will have been lost with much more of that year's. Khwand-amir - may well have had to do with this second mission, since he - could inform Babur of the discomfort caused in Heri by the - near leaguer of 'Ubaidu'l-lah _Auzbeg_. - - [2311] _Albatta auzumizni har nu' qilib tigurkumiz dur._ The - following versions of this sentence attest its - difficulty:--_Waqi'at-i-baburi_, 1st trs. I.O. 215 f. 212, - _albatta khudra ba har nu'i ka bashad dar an khub khwahim - rasanad_; and 2nd trs. I.O. 217 f. 238_b_, _albatta dar har - nu' karda khudra mi rasanim_; _Memoirs_ p. 388, "I would make - an effort and return in person to Kabul"; _Memoires_ ii, 356, - _je ferais tous mes efforts pour pousser en avant_. I surmise, - as Payanda-i-hasan seems to have done (1st Pers. trs. - _supra_), that the passage alludes to Babur's aims in - Hindustan which he expects to touch in the coming spring. What - seems likely to be implied is what Erskine says and more, - _viz._ return to Kabul, renewal of conflict with the Auzbeg - and release of Khurasan kin through success. As is said by - Babur immediately after this, Tahmasp of Persia had defeated - 'Ubaidu'l-lah _Auzbeg_ before Babur's letter was written. - - [2312] _Simab yimakni bunyad qildim_, a statement which would - be less abrupt if it followed a record of illness. Such a - record may have been made and lost. - - [2313] The preliminaries to this now somewhat obscure section - will have been lost in the gap of 934 AH. They will have given - Babur's instructions to Khwaja Dost-i-khawand and have thrown - light on the unsatisfactory state of Kabul, concerning which a - good deal comes out later, particularly in Babur's letter to - its Governor Khwaja Kalan. It may be right to suppose that - Kamran wanted Kabul and that he expected the Khwaja to bring - him an answer to his request for it, whether made by himself - or for him, through some-one, his mother perhaps, whom Babur - now sent for to Hindustan. - - [2314] 934 AH.-August 26th 1528 AD. - - [2315] The useful verb _tibramak_ which connotes agitation of - mind with physical movement, will here indicate anxiety on the - Khwaja's part to fulfil his mission to Humayun. - - [2316] Kamran's messenger seems to repeat his master's words, - using the courteous imperative of the 3rd person plural. - - [2317] Though Babur not infrequently writes of _e.g._ Bengalis - and Auzbegs and Turks in the singular, the Bengali, the - Auzbeg, the Turk, he seems here to mean 'Ubaidu'l-lah, the - then dominant Auzbeg, although Kuchum was Khaqan. - - [2318] This muster preceded defeat near Jam of which Babur - heard some 19 days later. - - [2319] Humayun's wife was Bega Begim, the later Haji Begim; - Kamran's bride was her cousin perhaps named Mah-afruz - (Gul-badan's _Humayun-nama_ f. 64_b_). The hear-say tense used - by the messenger allows the inference that he was not - accredited to give the news but merely repeated the rumour of - Kabul. The accredited bearer-of-good-tidings came later (f. - 346_b_). - - [2320] There are three enigmatic words in this section. The - first is the Sayyid's cognomen; was he _dakni_, rather dark of - hue, or _zakni_, one who knows, or _rukni_, one who props, - erects scaffolding, _etc._? The second mentions his - occupation; was he a _ghaiba-gar_, diviner (Erskine, - water-finder), a _jiba-gar_, cuirass-maker, or a _jiba-gar_, - cistern-maker, which last suits with well-making? The third - describes the kind of well he had in hand, perhaps the stone - one of f. 353_b_; had it scaffolding, or was it for - drinking-water only (_khwaraliq_); had it an arch, or was it - chambered (_khwazaliq_)? If Babur's orders for the work had - been preserved,--they may be lost from f. 344_b_, trouble would - have been saved to scribes and translators, as an example of - whose uncertainty it may be mentioned that from the third word - (_khwaraliq_?) Erskine extracted "jets d'eau and artificial - water-works", and de Courteille "_taille dans le roc vif_". - - [2321] All Babur's datings in Safar are inconsistent with his - of Muharram, if a Muharram of 30 days [as given by Gladwin and - others]. - - [2322] _hararat._ This Erskine renders by "so violent an - illness" (p. 388), de Courteille by "_une inflammation - d'entrailles_" (ii, 357), both swayed perhaps by the earlier - mention, on Muh. 10th, of Babur's medicinal quick-silver, a - drug long in use in India for internal affections (Erskine). - Some such ailment may have been recorded and the record lost - (f. 345_b_ and n. 8), but the heat, fever, and trembling in - the illness of Safar 23rd, taken with the reference to last's - year's attack of fever, all point to climatic fever. - - [2323] _aindini_ (or, _andini_). Consistently with the - readings quoted in the preceding note, E. and de C. date the - onset of the fever as Sunday and translate _aindini_ to mean - "two days after". It cannot be necessary however to specify - the interval between Friday and Sunday; the text is not - explicit; it seems safe to surmise only that the cold fit was - less severe on Sunday; the fever had ceased on the following - Thursday. - - [2324] Anglice, Monday after 6 p.m. - - [2325] The _Rashahat-i-'ainu'l-hayat_ (Tricklings from the - fountain of life) contains an interesting and almost - contemporary account of the Khwaja and of his - _Walidiyyah-risala_. A summary of what in it concerns the - Khwaja can be read in the JRAS. Jan. 1916, H. Beveridge's art. - The tract, so far as we have searched, is now known in - European literature only through Babur's metrical translation - of it; and this, again, is known only through the _Rampur - Diwan_. [It may be noted here, though the topic belongs to the - beginning of the _Babur-nama_ (f. 2), that the _Rashahat_ - contains particulars about Ahrari's interventions for peace - between Babur's father 'Umar Shaikh and those with whom he - quarrelled.] - - [2326] "Here unfortunately, Mr. Elphinstone's Turki copy - finally ends" (Erskine), that is to say, the Elphinstone Codex - belonging to the Faculty of Advocates of Edinburgh. - - [2327] This work, Al-busiri's famous poem in praise of the - Prophet, has its most recent notice in M. Rene Basset's - article of the _Encyclopaedia of Islam_ (Leyden and London). - - [2328] Babur's technical terms to describe the metre he used - are, _ramal musaddas makhbun 'aruz_ and _zarb gah abtar gah - makhbun muhzuf wazn_. - - [2329] _autkan yil (u) har mahal mundaq 'arizat kim buldi_, - from which it seems correct to omit the _u_ (and), thus - allowing the reference to be to last year's illnesses only; - because no record, of any date, survives of illness lasting - even one full month, and no other year has a _lacuna_ of - sufficient length unless one goes improbably far back: for - these attacks seem to be of Indian climatic fever. One in last - year (934 AH.) lasting 25-26 days (f. 331) might be called a - month's illness; another or others may have happened in the - second half of the year and their record be lost, as several - have been lost, to the detriment of connected narrative. - - [2330] Mr. Erskine's rendering (_Memoirs_ p. 388) of the above - section shows something of what is gained by acquaintance - which he had not, with the _Rashahat-i-'ainu'l-hayat_ and with - Babur's versified _Walidiyyah-risala_. - - [2331] This gap, like some others in the diary of 935 AH. can - be attributed safely to loss of pages, because preliminaries - are now wanting to several matters which Babur records shortly - after it. Such are (1) the specification of the three articles - sent to Nasrat Shah, (2) the motive for the feast of f. - 351_b_, (3) the announcement of the approach of the surprising - group of envoys, who appear without introduction at that - entertainment, in a manner opposed to Babur's custom of - writing, (4) an account of their arrival and reception. - - [2332] Land-holder (_see_ _Hobson-Jobson_ _s.n._ talookdar). - - [2333] The long detention of this messenger is mentioned in - Babur's letter to Humayun (f. 349). - - [2334] These words, if short _a_ be read in Shah, make 934 by - _abjad_. The child died in infancy; no son of Humayun's had - survived childhood before Akbar was born, some 14 years later. - Concerning Abu'l-wajd _Farighi_, _see_ _Habibu's-siyar_, lith. - ed. ii, 347; _Muntakhabu't-tawarikh_, Bib. Ind. ed. i, 3; and - Index _s.n._ - - [2335] I am indebted to Mr. A. E. Hinks, Secretary of the - Royal Geographical Society, for the following approximate - estimate of the distances travelled by Bian Shaikh:--(_a_) From - Kishm to Kabul 240m.--from Kabul to Peshawar 175m.--from - Peshawar to Agra (railroad distance) 759 m.--total 1174 m.; - daily average _cir._ 38 miles; (_b_) Qila'-i-zafar to Kabul - 264m.--Kabul to Qandahar 316m.--total 580m.; daily average - _cir._ 53 miles. The second journey was made probably in 913 - AH. and to inform Babur of the death of the Shah of Badakhshan - (f. 213_b_). - - [2336] On Muh. 10th 934 AH.-Sep. 26th 1528 AD. For accounts of - the campaign _see_ Rieu's Suppl. Persian Cat. under _Histories - of Tahmasp_ (Churchill Collection); the _Habibu's-siyar_ and - the _'Alam-arai-'abbasi_, the last a highly rhetorical work, - Babur's accounts (Index _s.n._ Jam) are merely repetitions of - news given to him; he is not responsible for mistakes he - records, such as those of f. 354. It must be mentioned that - Mr. Erskine has gone wrong in his description of the battle, - the starting-point of error being his reversal of two events, - the encampment of Tahmasp at Radagan and his passage through - Mashhad. A century ago less help, through maps and travel, was - available than now. - - [2337] _tufak u araba_, the method of array Babur adopted from - the Rumi-Persian model. - - [2338] Tahmasp's main objective, aimed at earlier than the - Auzbeg muster in Merv, was Herat, near which 'Ubaid Khan had - been for 7 months. He did not take the shortest route for - Mashhad, _viz._ the Damghan-Sabzawar-Nishapur road, but went - from Damghan for Mashhad by way of Kalpush (_'Alam-arai_ lith. - ed. p. 45) and Radagan. Two military advantages are obvious on - this route; (1) it approaches Mashhad by the descending road - of the Kechef-valley, thus avoiding the climb into that valley - by a pass beyond Nishapur on the alternative route; and (2) it - passes through the fertile lands of Radagan. [For Kalpush and - the route _see_ Fr. military map, Sheets Astarabad and Merv, - n.e. of Bastam.] - - [2339] 7 m. from Kushan and 86 m. from Mashhad. As Lord Curzon - reports (_Persia_, ii, 120) that his interlocutors on the spot - were not able to explain the word "Radkan," it may be useful - to note here that the town seems to borrow its name from the - ancient tower standing near it, the _Mil-i-radagan_, or, as - Reclus gives it, _Tour de meimandan_, both names meaning, - Tower of the bounteous (or, beneficent, highly-distinguished, - _etc._). (Cf. Vullers Dict. _s.n._ _rad_; Reclus' _L'Asie - Anterieure_ p. 219; and O'Donovan's _Merv Oasis_.) Perhaps - light on the distinguished people (_radagan_) is given by the - _Dabistan's_ notice of an ancient sect, the Radiyan, seeming - to be fire-worshippers whose chief was Rad-guna, an eminently - brave hero of the latter part of Jamshid's reign (800 B.C.?). - Of the town Radagan Daulat Shah makes frequent mention. A - second town so-called and having a tower lies north of - Ispahan. - - [2340] In these days of trench-warfare it would give a wrong - impression to say that Tahmasp entrenched himself; he did - what Babur did before his battles at Panipat and Kanwa - (_q.v._). - - [2341] The Auzbegs will have omitted from their purview of - affairs that Tahmasp's men were veterans. - - [2342] The holy city had been captured by 'Ubaid Khan in 933 - AH. (1525 AD.), but nothing in Bian Shaikh's narrative - indicates that they were now there in force. - - [2343] Presumably the one in the Radagan-meadow. - - [2344] using the _yada-tash_ to ensure victory (Index _s.n._). - - [2345] If then, as now, Scorpio's appearance were expected in - Oct.-Nov., the Auzbegs had greatly over-estimated their power - to check Tahmasp's movements; but it seems fairly clear that - they expected Scorpio to follow Virgo in Sept.-Oct. according - to the ancient view of the Zodiacal Signs which allotted two - houses to the large Scorpio and, if it admitted Libra at all, - placed it between Scorpio's claws (Virgil's _Georgics_ i, 32 - and Ovid's _Metamorphoses_, ii, 195.--H. B.). - - [2346] It would appear that the Auzbegs, after hearing that - Tahmasp was encamped at Radagan, expected to interpose - themselves in his way at Mashhad and to get their 20,000 to - Radagan before he broke camp. Tahmasp's swiftness spoiled - their plan; he will have stayed at Radagan a short time only, - perhaps till he had further news of the Auzbegs, perhaps also - for commissariat purposes and to rest his force. He visited - the shrine of Imam Reza, and had reached Jam in time to - confront his adversaries as they came down to it from - Zawarabad (Pilgrims'-town). - - [2347] or, Khirjard, as many MSS. have it. It seems to be a - hamlet or suburb of Jam. The _'Alam-arai_ (lith. ed. p. 40) - writes Khusrau-jard-i-Jam (the Khusrau-throne of Jam), perhaps - rhetorically. The hamlet is Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman _Jami's_ - birthplace (Daulat Shah's _Tazkirat_, E. G. Browne's ed. p. - 483). Jam now appears on maps as Turbat-i-Shaikh Jami, the - tomb (_turbat_) being that of the saintly ancestor of Akbar's - mother Hamida-banu. - - [2348] The _'Alam-arai_ (lith. ed. p. 31) says, but in - grandiose language, that 'Ubaid Khan placed at the foot of his - standard 40 of the most eminent men of Transoxania who prayed - for his success, but that as his cause was not good, their - supplications were turned backwards, and that all were slain - where they had prayed. - - [2349] Here the 1st Pers. trs. (I.O. 215 f. 214) mentions that - it was Chalma who wrote and despatched the exact particulars - of the defeat of the Auzbegs. This information explains the - presumption Babur expresses. It shows that Chalma was in Hisar - where he may have written his letter to give news to Humayun. - At the time Bian Shaikh left, the Mirza was near Kishm; if he - had been the enterprising man he was not, one would surmise - that he had moved to seize the chance of the sultans' - abandonment of Hisar, without waiting for his father's urgency - (f. 348_b_). Whether he had done so and was the cause of the - sultans' flight, is not known from any chronicle yet come to - our hands. Chalma's father Ibrahim _Jani_ died fighting for - Babur against Shaibaq Khan in 906 AH. (f. 90_b_). - - As the sense of the name-of-office Chalma is still in doubt, I - suggest that it may be an equivalent of _aftabachi_, bearer of - the water-bottle on journeys. _T. chalma_ can mean a - water-vessel carried on the saddle-bow; one Chalma on record - was a _safarchi_; if, in this word, _safar_ be read to mean - journey, an approach is made to _aftabachi_ (fol. 15_b_ and - note; Blochmann's A.-i-A. p. 378 and n. 3). - - [2350] The copies of Babur's Turki letter to Humayun and the - later one to Khwaja Kalan (f. 359) are in some MSS. of the - Persian text translated only (I.O. 215 f. 214); in others - appear in Turki only (I.O. 217 f. 240); in others appear in - Turki and Persian (B. M. Add. 26,000 and I.O. 2989); while in - Muh. Shirazi's lith. ed. they are omitted altogether (p. 228). - - [2351] Trans- and Cis-Hindukush. Payanda-hasan (in one of his - useful glosses to the 1st Pers. trs.) amplifies here by - "Khurasan, Ma wara'u'n-nahr and Kabul". - - [2352] The words Babur gives as mispronunciations are somewhat - uncertain in sense; manifestly both are of ill-omen:--Al-aman - itself [of which the _alama_ of the Hai. MS. and Ilminsky - maybe an abbreviation,] is the cry of the vanquished, - "Quarter! mercy!"; _Ailaman_ and also _alaman_ can represent a - Turkman raider. - - [2353] Presumably amongst Timurids. - - [2354] Perhaps Babur here makes a placatory little joke. - - [2355] _i.e._ that offered by Tahmasp's rout of the Auzbegs - at Jam. - - [2356] He was an adherent of Babur. Cf. f. 353. - - [2357] The plural "your" will include Humayun and Kamran. - Neither had yet shewn himself the heritor of his father's - personal dash and valour; they had lacked the stress which - shaped his heroism. - - [2358] My husband has traced these lines to Nizami's _Khusrau_ - and _Shirin_. [They occur on f. 256_b_ in his MS. of 317 - folios.] Babur may have quoted from memory, since his version - varies. The lines need their context to be understood; they - are part of Shirin's address to Khusrau when she refuses to - marry him because at the time he is fighting for his sovereign - position; and they say, in effect, that while all other work - stops for marriage (_kadkhudai_), kingly rule does not. - - [2359] _Aulughlar kutarimlik kirak_; 2nd Pers. trs. _buzurgan - bardasht mi baid kardand_. This dictum may be a quotation. I - have translated it to agree with Babur's reference to the ages - of the brothers, but _aulughlar_ expresses greatness of - position as well as seniority in age, and the dictum may be - taken as a Turki version of "_Noblesse oblige_", and may also - mean "The great must be magnanimous". (Cf. de C.'s Dict. - _s.n._ _kutarimlik_.) [It may be said of the verb _bardashlan_ - used in the Pers. trs., that Abu'l-fazl, perhaps translating - _kutarimlik_ reported to him, puts it into Babur's mouth when, - after praying to take Humayun's illness upon himself, he cried - with conviction, "I have borne it away" (A.N. trs. H.B. i, - 276).] - - [2360] If Babur had foreseen that his hard-won rule in - Hindustan was to be given to the winds of one son's - frivolities and the other's disloyalty, his words of scant - content with what the Hindustan of his desires had brought - him, would have expressed a yet keener pain (_Rampur Diwan_ - E.D.R.'s ed. p. 15 l. 5 fr. ft.). - - [2361] _Bostan_, cap. _Advice of Noshirwan to Hurmuz_ (H.B.). - - [2362] A little joke at the expense of the mystifying letter. - - [2363] For _ya_, Mr. Erskine writes _be_. What the mistake was - is an open question; I have guessed an exchange of _i_ for - _u_, because such an exchange is not infrequent amongst Turki - long vowels. - - [2364] That of reconquering Timurid lands. - - [2365] of _Kulab_; he was the father of Haram Begim, one of - Gul-badan's personages. - - [2366] _aun alti gunluk m:ljar bila_, as on f. 354_b_, and - with exchange of T. _m:ljar_ for P. _mi'ad_, f. 355_b_. - - [2367] Probably into Rajput lands, notably into those of - Salahu'd-din. - - [2368] _tukhmaliq chakmanlar_; as _tukhma_ means both button - and gold-embroidery, it may be right, especially of Hindustan - articles, to translate sometimes in the second sense. - - [2369] These statements of date are consistent with Babur's - earlier explicit entries and with Erskine's equivalents of the - Christian Era, but at variance with Gladwin's and with - Wuestenfeldt's calculation that Rabi' II. 1st was Dec. 13th. - Yet Gladwin (_Revenue Accounts_, ed. 1790 AD. p. 22) gives - Rabi' I. 30 days. Without in the smallest degree questioning - the two European calculations, I follow Babur, because in his - day there may have been allowed variation which finds no entry - in methodical calendars. Erskine followed Babur's statements; - he is likely nevertheless to have seen Gladwin's book. - - [2370] Erskine estimated this at L500, but later cast doubts - on such estimates as being too low (_History of India_, vol. - i, App. D.). - - [2371] The bearer of the stamp (_tamgha_) who by impressing it - gave quittance for the payment of tolls and other dues. - - [2372] Either 24ft. or 36ft. according to whether the short or - long _qari_ be meant (_infra_). These towers would provide - resting-place, and some protection against ill-doers. They - recall the two _mil-i-radagan_ of Persia (f. 347 _n._ 9), the - purpose of which is uncertain. Babur's towers were not "_kos - minars_", nor is it said that he ordered each _kuroh_ to be - marked on the road. Some of the _kos minars_ on the "old - Mughal roads" were over 30ft. high; a considerable number are - entered and depicted in the _Annual Progress Report_ of the - Archaeological Survey for 1914 (Northern Circle, p. 45 and - Plates 44, 45). Some at least have a _lower_ chamber. - - [2373] Four-doored, open-on-all-sides. We have not found the - word with this meaning in Dictionaries. It may translate H. - _chaukandi_. - - [2374] Erskine makes 9 _kos_ (_kurohs_) to be 13-14 miles, - perhaps on the basis of the smaller _gaz_ of 24 inches. - - [2375] _alti yam-ati baghlaghailar_ which, says one of - Erskine's manuscripts, is called a _dak-choki_. - - [2376] Neither Erskine (_Mems._ p. 394), nor de Courteille - (_Mems._ ii, 370) recognized the word _Mubin_ here, although - each mentions the poem later (p. 431 and ii, 461), deriving - his information about it from the _Akbar-nama_, Erskine - direct, de Courteille by way of the Turki translation of the - same _Akbar-nama_ passage, which Ilminsky found in Kehr's - volume and which is one of the much discussed "Fragments", at - first taken to be extra writings of Babur's (cf. Index _in - loco_ _s.n._ Fragments). Ilminsky (p. 455) prints the word - clearly, as one who knows it; he may have seen that part of - the poem itself which is included in Beresine's _Chrestomathie - Turque_ (p. 226 to p. 272), under the title _Fragment d'un - poeme inconnu de Babour_, and have observed that Babur himself - shews his title to be _Mubin_, in the lines of his colophon - (p. 271), - - _Chu bian qildim anda shar'iyat, - Ni 'ajab gar Mubin didim at?_ - - (Since in it I have made exposition of Laws, what wonder if I - named it _Mubin_ (exposition)?) Cf. _Translator's Note_, p. - 437. [Beresine says (Ch. T.) that he prints half of his - "_unique manuscrit_" of the poem.] - - [2377] The passage Babur quotes comes from the _Mubin_ section - on _tayammum masa'la_ (purification with sand), where he tells - his son sand may be used, _Su yuraq bulsa sindin air bir mil_ - (if from thee water be one _mil_ distant), and then interjects - the above explanation of what the _mil_ is. Two lines of his - original are not with the _Babur-nama_. - - [2378] The _tanab_ was thus 120 ft. long. Cf. A.-i-A. Jarrett - i, 414; Wilson's _Glossary of Indian Terms_ and Gladwin's - _Revenue Accounts_, p. 14. - - [2379] Babur's customary method of writing allows the - inference that he recorded, in due place, the coming and - reception of the somewhat surprising group of guests now - mentioned as at this entertainment. That preliminary record - will have been lost in one or more of the small gaps in his - diary of 935 AH. The envoys from the Samarkand Auzbegs and - from the Persian Court may have come in acknowledgment of the - _Fath-nama_ which announced victory over Rana Sanga; the - guests from Farghana will have accepted the invitation sent, - says Gul-badan, "in all directions," after Babur's defeat of - Sl. Ibrahim _Ludi_, to urge hereditary servants and Timurid - and Chingiz-khanid kinsfolk to come and see prosperity with - him now when "the Most High has bestowed sovereignty" (f. - 293a; Gul-badan's H.N. f. 11). - - [2380] Hindu here will represent Rajput. D'Herbelot's - explanation of the name Qizil-bash (Red-head) comes in - usefully here:--"KEZEL BASCH or KIZIL BASCH. Mot Turc qui - signifie _Tete rouge_. Les Turcs appellent les Persans de ce - nom, depuis qu'Ismael Sofi, fondateur de la Dynastie des - princes qui regnent aujourd'hui en Perse, commanda a ses - soldats de porter un bonnet rouge autour duquel il y a une - echarpe ou Turban a douze plis, en memoire et a l'honneur des - 12 Imams, successeurs d'Ali, desquels il pretendoit descendre. - Ce bonnet s'appelle en Persan, _Taj_, et fut institue l'an - 907e de l'Heg." Tahmasp himself uses the name Qizil-bash; - Babur does so too. Other explanations of it are found - (Steingass), but the one quoted above suits its use without - contempt. (Cf. f. 354 n. 3). - - [2381] _cir._ 140-150ft. or more if the 36in. _qari_ be the - unit. - - [2382] _Andropogon muricatus_, the scented grass of which the - roots are fitted into window spaces and moistened to mitigate - dry, hot winds. Cf. _Hobson-Jobson_ _s.n._ _Cuscuss_. - - [2383] A nephew and a grandson of Ahrari's second son Yahya - (f. 347_b_) who had stood staunch to Babur till murdered in - 906 AH.-1500 AD. (80_b_). They are likely to be those to whom - went a copy of the _Mubin_ under cover of a letter addressed - to lawyers of Ma wara'u'n-nahr (f. 351 n. 1). The Khwajas were - in Agra three weeks after Babur finished his metrical version - of their ancestor's _Walidiyyah-risala_; whether their coming - (which must have been announced some time before their - arrival), had part in directing his attention to the tract can - only be surmised (f. 346). - - [2384] He was an Auzbeg (f. 371) and from his association here - with a Bai-qara, and, later with Qasim-i-husain who was half - Bai-qara, half Auzbeg, seems likely to be of the latter's - family (Index _s.nn._). - - [2385] _sachaq kiurdi_ (_kilturdi_?) No record survives to - tell the motive for this feast; perhaps the gifts made to - Babur were congratulatory on the birth of a grandson, the - marriage of a son, and on the generally-prosperous state of - his affairs. - - [2386] Gold, silver and copper coins. - - [2387] Made so by _bhang_ or other exciting drug. - - [2388] _aral_, presumably one left by the winter-fall of the - Jumna; or, a peninsula. - - [2389] Scribes and translators have been puzzled here. My - guess at the Turki clause is _aurang airalik kish jabbah_. In - reading _muslin_, I follow Erskine who worked in India and - could take local opinion; moreover gifts made in Agra probably - would be Indian. - - [2390] For one Hafiz of Samarkand see f.237_b_. - - [2391] Kuchum was Khaqan of the Auzbegs and had his seat in - Samarkand. One of his sons, Abu-sa'id, mentioned below, had - sent envoys. With Abu-sa'id is named Mihr-ban who was one of - Kuchum's wives; Pulad was their son. Mihr-ban was, I think, a - half-sister of Babur, a daughter of 'Umar Shaikh and Umid of - Andijan (f. 9), and a full-sister of Nasir. No doubt she had - been captured on one of the occasions when Babur lost to the - Auzbegs. In 925 AH.-1519 AD. (f. 237_b_) when he sent his - earlier _Diwan_ to Pulad Sl. (_Translator's Note_, p. 438) he - wrote a verse on its back which looks to be addressed to his - half-sister through her son. - - [2392] Tahmasp's envoy; the title Chalabi shews high birth. - - [2393] This statement seems to imply that the weight made of - silver and the weight made of gold were of the same size and - that the differing specific gravity of the two metals,--that of - silver being _cir._ 10 and that of gold _cir._ 20--gave their - equivalents the proportion Babur states. Persian Dictionaries - give _sang_ (_tash_), a weight, but without further - information. We have not found mention of the _tash_ as a - recognized Turki weight; perhaps the word _tash_ stands for an - ingot of unworked metal of standard size. (Cf. _inter alios - libros_, A.-i-A. Blochmann p. 36, Codrington's _Musalman - Numismatics_ p. 117, concerning the _misqal, dinar, etc._) - - [2394] _tarkash bila._ These words are clear in the Hai. MS. - but uncertain in some others. E. and de C. have no equivalent - of them. Perhaps the coins were given by the quiverful; that a - quiver of arrows was given is not expressed. - - [2395] Babur's half-nephew; he seems from his name - Keepsake-of-nasir to have been posthumous. - - [2396] 934 AH.-1528 AD. (f. 336). - - [2397] Or, gold-embroidered. - - [2398] Wife of Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza. - - [2399] These Highlanders of Asfara will have come by - invitation sent after the victory at Panipat; their welcome - shows remembrance of and gratitude for kindness received a - quarter of a century earlier. Perhaps villagers from Dikh-kat - will have come too, who had seen the Padshah run barefoot on - their hills (_Index s.nn._). - - [2400] Here gratitude is shewn for protection given in 910 - AH.-1504 AD. to the families of Babur and his men when on the - way to Kabul. Qurban and Shaikhi were perhaps in Fort Ajar (f. - 122_b_, f. 126). - - [2401] Perhaps these acrobats were gipsies. - - [2402] This may be the one with which Sayyid Dakni was - concerned (f. 346). - - [2403] Babur obviously made the distinction between _pahr_ and - _pas_ that he uses the first for day-watches, the second for - those of the night. - - [2404] Anglice, Tuesday, Dec. 21st; by Muhammadan plan, - Wednesday 22nd. Dhulpur is 34 m. s. of Agra; the journey of - 10hrs. 20m. would include the nooning and the time taken in - crossing rivers. - - [2405] The well was to fill a cistern; the 26 spouts with - their 26 supports were to take water into (26?) conduits. - Perhaps _tash_ means that they were hewn in the solid rock; - perhaps that they were on the outer side of the reservoir. - They will not have been built of hewn stone, or the word would - have been _sangin_ or _tashdin_. - - [2406] One occupation of these now blank days is indicated by - the date of the "_Rampur Diwan_", Thursday Rabi' II. 15th - (Dec. 27th). - - [2407] The demon (or, athlete) sultan of Rumelia (_Rumlu_); - once Tahmasp's guardian (_Tazkirat-i-Tahmasp_, Bib. Ind. ed. - Phillott, p. 2). Some writers say he was put to death by - Tahmasp (_aet._ 12) in 933 AH.; if this were so, it is strange - to find a servant described as his in 935 AH. (An account of - the battle is given in the _Sharaf-nama_, written in 1005 AH. - by Sharaf Khan who was reared in Tahmasp's house. The book - has been edited by Veliaminof-Zernof and translated into - French by Charmoy; cf. Trs. vol. ii, part i, p. 555.--_H. - Beveridge._) - - [2408] This name, used by one who was with the Shah's troops, - attracts attention; it may show the composition of the Persian - army; it may differentiate between the troops and their - "Qizil-bash leader". - - [2409] Several writers give Saru-qamsh (Charmoy, _roseau - jaune_) as the name of the village where the battle was - fought; Sharaf Khan gives 'Umarabad and mentions that after - the fight Tahmasp spent some time in the meadow of - Saru-qamsh. - - [2410] The number of Tahmasp's guns being a matter of - interest, reference should be made to Babur's accounts of his - own battles in which he arrayed in Rumi (Ottoman) fashion; it - will then be seen that the number of carts does not imply the - number of guns (Index _s.n._ _araba_, cart). - - [2411] This cannot but represent Tahmasp who was on the - battle-field (_see_ his own story _infra_). He was 14 years - old; perhaps he was called Shah-zada, and not Shah, on account - of his youth, or because under guardianship (?). Readers of - the Persian histories of his reign may know the reason. Babur - hitherto has always called the boy Shah-zada; after the - victory at Jam, he styles him Shah. Juha Sl. (_Taklu_) who was - with him on the field, was Governor of Ispahan. - - [2412] If this Persian account of the battle be in its right - place in Babur's diary, it is singular that the narrator - should be so ill-informed at a date allowing facts to be - known; the three sultans he names as killed escaped to die, - Kuchum in 937 AH.-1530 AD., Abu-sa'id in 940 AH.-1533 AD., - 'Ubaid in 946 AH.-1539 AD. (Lane-Poole's _Muhammadan - Dynasties_). It would be natural for Babur to comment on the - mistake, since envoys from two of the sultans reported killed, - were in Agra. There had been time for the facts to be known: - the battle was fought on Sep. 26th; the news of it was in Agra - on Nov. 23rd; envoys from both adversaries were at Babur's - entertainment on Dec. 19th. From this absence of comment and - for the reasons indicated in note 3 (_infra_), it appears that - matter has been lost from the text. - - [2413] Tahmasp's account of the battle is as follows - (_T.-i-T._ p. 11):--"I marched against the Auzbegs. The battle - took place outside Jam. At the first onset, Auzbeg prevailed - over Qizil-bash. Ya'qub Sl. fled and Sl. Walama _Taklu_ and - other officers of the right wing were defeated and put to - flight. Putting my trust in God, I prayed and advanced some - paces.... One of my body-guard getting up with 'Ubaid struck - him with a sword, passed on, and occupied himself with - another. Qulij Bahadur and other Auzbegs carried off the - wounded 'Ubaid; Kuchkunji (Kuchum) Khan and Jani Khan Beg, - when they became aware of this state of affairs, fled to Merv. - Men who had fled from our army rejoined us that day. That - night I spent on the barren plain (_sahra'_). I did not know - what had happened to 'Ubaid. I thought perhaps they were - devising some stratagem against me." The 'A.-'A. says that - 'Ubaid's assailant, on seeing his low stature and contemptible - appearance, left him for a more worthy foe. - - [2414] Not only does some comment from Babur seem needed on an - account of deaths he knew had not occurred, but loss of matter - may be traced by working backward from his next explicit date - (_Friday 19th_), to do which shows fairly well that the "same - day" will be not Tuesday the 16th but Thursday the 18th. - Ghiasu'd-din's reception was on the day preceding Friday 19th, - so that part of Thursday's record (as shewn by "on this same - day"), the whole of Wednesday's, and (to suit an expected - comment by Babur on the discrepant story of the Auzbeg deaths) - part of Tuesday's are missing. The gap may well have contained - mention of Hasan _Chalabi's_ coming (f. 357), or explain why - he had not been at the feast with his younger brother. - - [2415] _qurchi_, perhaps body-guard, life-guardsman. - - [2416] As on f. 350_b_ (_q.v._ p. 628 n. 1) _aun alti gunluk - buljar_ (or, _m:ljar_) _bila_. - - [2417] A sub-division of the Ballia district of the United - Provinces, on the right bank of the Ghogra. - - [2418] _i.e._ in 16 days; he was 24 or 25 days away. - - [2419] The envoy had been long in returning; Kanwa was fought - in March, 1527; it is now the end of 1528 AD. - - [2420] Rabi' II. 20th--January 1st 1529 AD.; Anglice, Friday, - after 6p.m. - - [2421] This "Bengali" is territorial only; Nasrat Shah was a - Sayyid's son (f.271). - - [2422] Isma'il Mita (f. 357) who will have come with Mulla - Mazhab. - - [2423] _mi'ad_, cf. f. 350_b_ and f. 354_b_. Ghiasu'd-din may - have been a body-guard. - - [2424] Ludi Afghans and their friends, including Biban and - Bayazid. - - [2425] _yulluq turalik_; _Memoirs_, p. 398, "should act in - every respect in perfect conformity to his commands"; - _Memoires_ ii, 379, "_chacun suivant son rang et sa dignite_." - - [2426] _tawachi._ Babur's uses of this word support Erskine in - saying that "the _tawachi_ is an officer who corresponds very - nearly to the Turkish _chawush_, or special messenger" - (Zenker, p. 346, col. iii) "but he was also often employed to - act as a commissary for providing men and stores, as a - commissioner in superintending important affairs, as an - aide-de-camp in carrying orders, _etc._" - - [2427] Here the Hai. MS. has the full-vowelled form, _buljar_. - Judging from what that Codex writes, _buljar_ may be used for - a rendezvous of troops, _m:ljar_ or _b:ljar_ for any other - kind of tryst (f. 350, p. 628 n. 1; Index _s.nn._), also for a - shelter. - - [2428] _yawushub aidi_, which I translate in accordance with - other uses of the verb, as meaning approach, but is taken by - some other workers to mean "near its end". - - [2429] Though it is not explicitly said, Chin-timur may have - been met with on the road; as the "also" (_ham_) suggests. - - [2430] To the above news the _Akbar-nama_ adds the important - item reported by Humayun, that there was talk of peace. Babur - replied that, if the time for negotiation were not past, - Humayun was to make peace until such time as the affairs of - Hindustan were cleared off. This is followed in the A. N. by a - seeming quotation from Babur's letter, saying in effect that - he was about to leave Hindustan, and that his followers in - Kabul and Tramontana must prepare for the expedition against - Samarkand which would be made on his own arrival. None of the - above matter is now with the _Babur-nama_; either it was there - once, was used by Abu'l-fazl and lost before the Persian trss. - were made; or Abu'l-fazl used Babur's original, or copied, - letter itself. That desire for peace prevailed is shewn by - several matters:--Tahmasp, the victor, asked and obtained the - hand of an Auzbeg in marriage; Auzbeg envoys came to Agra, and - with them Turk Khwajas having a mission likely to have been - towards peace (f. 357_b_); Babur's wish for peace is shewn - above and on f. 359 in a summarized letter to Humayun. (Cf. - Abu'l-ghazi's _Shajarat-i-Turk_ [_Histoire des Mongols_, - Desmaisons' trs. p. 216]; _Akbar-nama_, H. B.'s trs. i, 270.) - - A here-useful slip of reference is made by the translator of - the _Akbar-nama_ (_l.c._ n. 3) to the Fragment (_Memoires_ ii, - 456) instead of to the _Babur-nama_ translation (_Memoires_ - ii, 381). The utility of the slip lies in its accompanying - comment that de C.'s translation is in closer agreement with - the _Akbar-nama_ than with Babur's words. Thus the - _Akbar-nama_ passage is brought into comparison with what it - is now safe to regard as its off-shoot, through Turki and - French, in the Fragment. When the above comment on their - resemblance was made, we were less assured than now as to the - genesis of the Fragment (Index _s.n._ Fragment). - - [2431] Hind-al's guardian (G. B.'s _Humayun-nama_ trs. p. 106, - n. 1). - - [2432] Nothing more about Humayun's expedition is found in the - B. N.; he left Badakhshan a few months later and arrived in - Agra, after his mother (f. 380_b_), at a date in August of - which the record is wanting. - - [2433] under 6 m. from Agra. Gul-badan (f. 16) records a visit - to the garden, during which her father said he was weary of - sovereignty. Cf. f. 331_b_, p. 589 n. 2. - - [2434] _kurnish kilkan kishilar._ - - [2435] MSS. vary or are indecisive as to the omitted word. I - am unable to fill the gap. Erskine has "_Sir Mawineh_ (or - hair-twist)" (p. 399), De Courteille, _Sir-mouineh_ (ii, 382). - _Muina_ means ermine, sable and other fine fur - (_Shamsu'l-lughat_, p 274, col. 1). - - [2436] His brother Hazrat Makhdumi Nura (Khwaja Khawand - Mahmud) is much celebrated by Haidar Mirza, and Babur - describes his own visit in the words he uses of the visit of - an inferior to himself. Cf. _Tarikh-i-rashidi_ trs. pp. 395, - 478; _Akbar-nama_ trs., i, 356, 360. - - [2437] No record survives of the arrival of this envoy or of - why he was later in coming than his brother who was at Babur's - entertainment. Cf. f. 361_b_. - - [2438] Presumably this refers to the appliances mentioned on - f. 350_b_. - - [2439] f. 332, n. 3. - - [2440] _zarbaft m:l:k._ Amongst gold stuffs imported into - Hindustan, Abu'l-fazl mentions _milak_ which may be Babur's - cloth. It came from Turkistan (A.-i-A. Blochmann, p. 92 and - n.). - - [2441] A _tang_ is a small silver coin of the value of about a - penny (Erskine). - - [2442] _tanglasi_, lit. at its dawning. It is not always clear - whether _tanglasi_ means, Anglice, next dawn or day, which - here would be Monday, or whether it stands for the dawn - (daylight) of the Muhammadan day which had begun at 6 p. m. on - the previous evening, here Sunday. When Babur records, _e.g._ - a late audience, _tanglasi_, following, will stand for the - daylight of the day of audience. The point is of some - importance as bearing on discrepancies of days, as these are - stated in MSS., with European calendars; it is conspicuously - so in Babur's diary sections. - - [2443] _risalat tariqi bila_; their special mission may have - been to work for peace (f. 359_b_, n. 1). - - [2444] He may well be Kamran's father-in-law Sl. 'Ali Mirza - Taghai _Begchik_. - - [2445] _nimcha u takband._ The _tak-band_ is a silk or woollen - girdle fastening with a "hook and eye" (Steingass), perhaps - with a buckle. - - [2446] This description is that of the contents of the - "_Rampur Diwan_"; the _tarjuma_ being the _Walidiyyah-risala_ - (f. 361 and n.). What is said here shows that four copies went - to Kabul or further north. Cf. Appendix Q. - - [2447] _Sar-khat_ may mean "copies" set for Kamran to imitate. - - [2448] _bir pahr yawushub aidi_; I.O. 215 f. 221, _qarib yak - pas roz bud_. - - [2449] _akhar_, a word which may reveal a bad start and - uncertainty as to when and where to halt. - - [2450] This, and not Chandwar (f. 331_b_), appears the correct - form. Neither this place nor Abapur is mentioned in the G. of - I.'s Index or shewn in the I.S. Map of 1900 (cf. f. 331_b_ n. - 3). Chandawar lies s.w. of Firuzabad, and near a village - called Sufipur. - - [2451] Anglice, Wednesday after 6 p.m. - - [2452] or life-guardsman, body-guard. - - [2453] This higher title for Tahmasp, which first appears - here in the B.N., may be an early slip in the Turki text, - since it occurs in many MSS. and also because "Shah-zada" - reappears on f. 359. - - [2454] Slash-face, _balafre_; perhaps Ibrahim _Begchik_ (Index - _s.n._), but it is long since he was mentioned by Babur, at - least by name. He may however have come, at this time of - reunion in Agra, with Mirza Beg Taghai (his uncle or - brother?), father-in-law of Kamran. - - [2455] The army will have kept to the main road connecting the - larger towns mentioned and avoiding the ravine district of the - Jumna. What the boat-journey will have been between high banks - and round remarkable bends can be learned from the G. of I. - and Neave's _District Gazetteer of Mainpuri_. Rapri is on the - road from Firuzabad to the ferry for Bateswar, where a large - fair is held annually. (It is misplaced further east in the - I.S. Map of 1900.) There are two Fathpurs, n. e. of Rapri. - - [2456] _aulugh tughaining tubi._ Here it suits to take the - Turki word _tughai_ to mean bend of a river, and as referring - to the one shaped (on the map) like a soda-water bottle, its - neck close to Rapri. Babur avoided it by taking boat below its - mouth.--In neither Persian translation has _tughai_ been read - to mean a bend of a river; the first has _az payan ruia - Rapri_, perhaps referring to the important ford (_payan_); the - second has _az zir bulandi kalan Rapri_, perhaps referring to - a height at the meeting of the bank of the ravine down which - the road to the ford comes, with the high bank of the river. - Three examples of _tughai_ or _tuqai_ [a synonym given by - Dictionaries], can be seen in Abu'l-ghazi's _Shajrat-i-Turk_, - Fraehn's imprint, pp. 106, 107, 119 (Desmaisons' trs. pp. 204, - 205, 230). In each instance Desmaisons renders it by _coude_, - elbow, but one of the examples may need reconsideration, since - the word has the further meanings of wood, dense forest by the - side of a river (Vambery), prairie (Zenker), and reedy plain - (Shaw). - - [2457] Blochmann describes the apparatus for marking lines to - guide writing (A.-i-A. trs. p. 52 n. 5):--On a card of the size - of the page to be written on, two vertical lines are drawn - within an inch of the edges; along these lines small holes are - pierced at regular intervals, and through these a string is - laced backwards and forwards, care being taken that the - horizontal strings are parallel. Over the lines of string the - pages are placed and pressed down; the strings then mark the - paper sufficiently to guide the writing. - - [2458] _tarkib (ning) khati bila tarjuma bilir auchun._ The - _Rampur Diwan_ may supply the explanation of the uncertain - words _tarkib khati_. The "translation" (_tarjuma_), mentioned - in the passage quoted above, is the _Walidiyyah-risala_, the - first item of the _Diwan_, in which it is entered on crowded - pages, specially insufficient for the larger hand of the - chapter-headings. The number of lines per page is 13; Babur - now fashions a line-marker for 11. He has already despatched 4 - copies of the translation (f. 357_b_); he will have judged - them unsatisfactory; hence to give space for the mixture of - hands (_tarkib khati_), _i.e._ the smaller hand of the poem - and the larger of the headings, he makes an 11 line marker. - - [2459] Perhaps Ahrari's in the _Walidiyyah-risala_, perhaps - those of Muhammad. A quatrain in the _Rampur Diwan_ connects - with this admonishment [Plate xiv_a_, 2nd quatrain]. - - [2460] Jakhan (_G. of Mainpuri_). The _G. of Etawa_ - (Drake-Brockman) p. 213, gives this as some 18 m. n.w. of - Etawa and as lying amongst the ravines of the Jumna. - - [2461] f. 359_b_ allows some of the particulars to be known. - - [2462] Mahdi may have come to invite Babur to the luncheon he - served shortly afterwards. The Hai. MS. gives him the - honorific plural; either a second caller was with him or an - early scribe has made a slip, since Babur never so-honours - Mahdi. This small point touches the larger one of how Babur - regarded him, and this in connection with the singular story - Nizamu'd-din Ahmad tells in his _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ about - Khalifa's wish to supplant Humayun by Mahdi Khwaja (Index - _s.nn._). - - [2463] _yigitlarni shokhluqgha salduq_, perhaps set them to - make fun. Cf. f. 366, _yigitlar bir para shokhluq qildilar_. - Muh. _Shirazi_ (p. 323 _foot_) makes the startling addition of - _dar ab_ (_andakhtim_), _i.e._ he says that the royal party - flung the braves into the river. - - [2464] The _Gazetteer of Etawa_ (Drake-Brockman) p. 186, - _s.n._ Baburpur, writes of two village sites [which from their - position are Muri-and-Adusa], as known by the name Sarai - Baburpur from having been Babur's halting-place. They are 24m. - to the s.e. of Etawa, on the old road for Kalpi. Near the name - Baburpur in the Gazetteer Map there is Muhuri (Muri?); there - is little or no doubt that Sarai Baburpur represents the - camping-ground Muri-and-Adusa. - - [2465] This connects with Kitin-qara's complaints of the - frontier-begs (f. 361), and with the talk of peace (f. - 356_b_). - - [2466] This injunction may connect with the desired peace; it - will have been prompted by at least a doubt in Babur's mind as - to Kamran's behaviour perhaps _e.g._ in manifested dislike for - a Shia'. Concerning the style Shah-zada _see_ f. 358, p. 643, - n. 1. - - [2467] Kamran's mother Gul-rukh _Begchik_ will have been of - the party who will have tried in Kabul to forward her son's - interests. - - [2468] f. 348, p. 624, n. 2. - - [2469] Kabul and Tramontana. - - [2470] Presumably that of Shamsu'd-din Muhammad's mission. One - of Babur's couplets expresses longing for the fruits, and also - for the "running waters", of lands other than Hindustan, with - conceits recalling those of his English contemporaries in - verse, as indeed do several others of his short poems (_Rampur - Diwan_ Plate xvii A.). - - [2471] Hai. MS. _na marbutlighi_; so too the 2nd Pers. trs. - but the 1st writes _wairani u karabi_ which suits the matter - of defence. - - [2472] _qurghan_, walled-town; from the _mazbut_ following, - the defences are meant. - - [2473] _viz._ Governor Khwaja Kalan, on whose want of - dominance his sovereign makes good-natured reflection. - - [2474] _'alufa u qunal_; cf. 364_b_. - - [2475] Following _ailchi_ (envoys) there is in the Hai. MS. - and in I.O. 217 a doubtful word, _bumla_, _yumla_; I.O. 215 - (which contains a Persian trs. of the letter) is obscure, - Ilminsky changes the wording slightly; Erskine has a free - translation. Perhaps it is _yaumi_, daily, misplaced (_see_ - above). - - [2476] Perhaps, endow the Mosque so as to leave no right of - property in its revenues to their donor, here Babur. Cf. - Hughes' _Dict. of Islam_ s.nn. _shari'_, _masjid_ and _waqf_. - - [2477] f. 139. Khwaja Kalan himself had taken from Hindustan - the money for repairing this dam. - - [2478] _sapqun alip_; the 2nd Pers. trs. as if from _satqun - alip_, _kharida_, purchasing. - - [2479] _nazar-gah_, perhaps, theatre, as showing the play - enacted at the ford. Cf. ff. 137, 236, 248_b_. Tutun-dara will - be Masson's Tutam-dara. Erskine locates Tutun-dara some 8 - _kos_ (16 m.) n. w. of Hupian (Upian). Masson shews that it - was a charming place (_Journeys in Biluchistan, Afghanistan - and the Panj-ab_, vol. iii, cap. vi and vii). - - [2480] _jibachi._ Babur's injunction seems to refer to the - maintaining of the corps and the manufacture of armour rather - than to care for the individual men involved. - - [2481] Either the armies in Nil-ab, or the women in the - Kabul-country (f. 375). - - [2482] Perhaps what Babur means is, that both what he had said - to 'Abdu'l-lah and what the quatrain expresses, are dissuasive - from repentance. Erskine writes (_Mems._ p. 403) but without - textual warrant, "I had resolution enough to persevere"; de - Courteille (_Mems._ ii, 390), "_Voici un quatrain qui exprime - au juste les difficultes de ma position._" - - [2483] The surface retort seems connected with the jacket, - perhaps with a request for the gift of it. - - [2484] Clearly what recalled this joke of Banai's long-silent, - caustic tongue was that its point lay ostensibly in a baffled - wish--in 'Ali-sher's professed desire to be generous and a - professed impediment, which linked in thought with Babur's - desire for wine, baffled by his abjuration. So much Banai's - smart verbal retort shows, but beneath this is the - _double-entendre_ which cuts at the Beg as miserly and as - physically impotent, a defect which gave point to another jeer - at his expense, one chronicled by Sam Mirza and translated in - Hammer-Purgstall's _Geschichte von schoenen Redekuenste - Persiens_, art. CLV. (Cf. f. 179-80.)--The word _madagi_ is - used metaphorically for a button-hole; like _na-mardi_, it - carries secondary meanings, miserliness, impotence, _etc._ - (Cf. Wollaston's _English-Persian Dictionary_ _s.n._ - button-hole, where only we have found _madagi_ with this - sense.) - - [2485] The 1st Pers. trs. expresses "all these jokes", thus - including with the double-meanings of _madagi_, the jests of - the quatrain. - - [2486] The 1st Pers. trs. fills out Babur's allusive phrase - here with "of the _Walidiyyah_". His wording allows the - inference that what he versified was a prose Turki translation - of a probably Arabic original. - - [2487] Erskine comments here on the non-translation into - Persian of Babur's letters. Many MSS., however, contain a - translation (f. 348, p. 624, n. 2 and E.'s n. f. 377_b_). - - [2488] Anglice, Thursday after 6 p.m. - - [2489] What would suit measurement on maps and also Babur's - route is "Jumoheen" which is marked where the Sarai - Baburpur-Atsu-Phaphand road turns south, east of Phaphand - (I.S. Map of 1900, Sheet 68). - - [2490] var. _Qabaq_, _Qatak_, _Qanak_, to each of which a - meaning might be attached. Babur had written to Humayun about - the frontier affair, as one touching the desired peace (f. - 359). - - [2491] This will refer to the late arrival in Agra of the - envoy named, who was not with his younger brother at the feast - of f. 351_b_ (f. 357, p. 641, n. 2).--As to Tahmasp's style, - see f. 354, f. 358. - - [2492] Shah-quli may be the ill-informed narrator of f. 354. - - [2493] Both are marked on the southward road from Jumoheen - (Jumandna?) for Auraiya. - - [2494] The old Kalpi _pargana_ having been sub-divided, - Dirapur is now in the district of Cawnpore (Kanhpur). - - [2495] That this operation was not hair-cutting but - head-shaving is shewn by the verbs T. _qirmaq_ and its Pers. - trs. _tarash kardan_. To shave the head frequently is common - in Central Asia. - - [2496] This will be Chaparghatta on the - Dirapur-Bhognipur-Chaparghatta-Musanagar road, the affixes - _kada_ and _ghatta_ both meaning house, temple, _etc._ - - [2497] Mahim, and with her the child Gul-badan, came in - advance of the main body of women. Babur seems to refer again - to her assumption of royal style by calling her Wali, Governor - (f. 369 and n.). It is unusual that no march or halt is - recorded on this day. - - [2498] or, Arampur. We have not succeeded in finding this - place; it seems to have been on the west bank of the Jumna, - since twice Babur when on the east bank, writes of coming - opposite to it (_supra_ and f. 379). If no move was made on - Tuesday, Jumada II. 6th (cf. last note), the distance entered - as done on Wednesday would locate the halting-place somewhere - near the Akbarpur of later name, which stands on a road and at - a ferry. But if the army did a stage on Tuesday, of which - Babur omits mention, Wednesday's march might well bring him - opposite to Hamirpur and to the "Rampur"-ferry. The verbal - approximation of Arampur and "Rampur" arrests attention.--Local - encroachment by the river, which is recorded in the District - Gazetteers, may have something to do with the disappearance - from these most useful books and from maps, of _pargana_ - Adampur (or, Arampur). - - [2499] _tushlab._ It suits best here, since solitude is the - speciality of the excursion, to read _tushmak_ as meaning to - take the road, Fr. _cheminer_. - - [2500] _da'wi bila_; _Mems._ p. 404, challenge; _Mems._ ii, - 391, _il avait fait des facons_, a truth probably, but one - inferred only. - - [2501] This will be more to the south than Kura Khas, the - headquarters of the large district; perhaps it is "Koora - Khera" (? Kura-khiraj) which suits the route (I.S. Map, Sheet - 88). - - [2502] Perhaps Kunda Kanak, known also as "Kuria, Koria, Kura - and Kunra Kanak" (_D.G. of Fathpur_). - - [2503] Haswa or Hanswa. The conjoint name represents two - villages some 6m. apart, and is today that of their - railway-station. - - [2504] almost due east of Fathpur, on the old King's Highway - (_Badshahi Sar-rah_). - - [2505] His ancestors had ruled in Junpur from 1394 to 1476 - AD., his father Husain Shah having been conquered by Sl. - Sikandar _Ludi_ at the latter date. He was one of three rivals - for supremacy in the East (_Sharq_), the others being - Jalalu'd-din _Nuhani_ and Mahmud _Ludi_,--Afghans all three. - Cf. Erskine's _History of India, Babur_, i, 501. - - [2506] This name appears on the I.S. Map, Sheet 88, but too - far north to suit Babur's distances, and also off the Sarai - Munda-Kusar-Karrah road. The position of Naubasta suits - better. - - [2507] Sher Khan was associated with Dudu Bibi in the charge - of her son's affairs. Babur's favours to him, his son - Humayun's future conqueror, will have been done during the - Eastern campaign in 934 AH., of which so much record is - missing. Cf. _Tarikh-i-sher-shahi_, E. & D.'s _History of - India_, iv, 301 _et seq._ for particulars of Sher Khan (Farid - Khan _Sur Afghan_). - - [2508] In writing "Sl. Mahmud", Babur is reporting his - informant's style, he himself calling Mahmud "Khan" only (f. - 363 and f. 363_b_). - - [2509] This will be the more northerly of two Kusars marked as - in Karrah; even so, it is a very long 6 _kurohs_ (12m.) from - the Dugdugi of the I.S. Map (cf. n. _supra_). - - [2510] _bir para ash u ta'am_, words which suggest one of - those complete meals served, each item on its separate small - dish, and all dishes fitting like mosaic into one tray. T. - _ash_ is cooked meat (f. 2 n. 1 and f. 343_b_); Ar. _ta'am_ - will be sweets, fruit, bread, perhaps rice also. - - [2511] The _yaktai_, one-fold coat, contrasts with the - _du-tahi_, two-fold (A.-i-A. Bib. Ind. ed., p. 101, and - Blochmann's trs. p. 88). - - [2512] This acknowledgement of right to the style Sultan - recognized also supremacy of the Sharqi claim to rule over - that of the Nuhani and _Ludi_ competitors. - - [2513] _mindin biti turgan waqai'._ This passage Teufel used - to support his view that Babur's title for his book was - _Waqai'_, and not _Babur-nama_ which, indeed, Teufel describes - as the _Kazaner Ausgabe adoptirte Titel_. _Babur-nama_, - however, is the title [or perhaps, merely scribe's name] - associated both with Kehr's text and with the Haidarabad - Codex.--I have found no indication of the selection by Babur of - any title; he makes no mention of the matter and where he uses - the word _waqai'_ or its congeners, it can be read as a common - noun. In his colophon to the _Rampur Diwan_, it is a parallel - of _ash'ar_, poems. Judging from what is found in the _Mubin_, - it may be right to infer that, if he had lived to complete his - book--now broken off _s.a._ 914 AH. (f. 216_b_)--he would have - been explicit as to its title, perhaps also as to his grounds - for choosing it. Such grounds would have found fitting mention - in a preface to the now abrupt opening of the _Babur-nama_ (f. - 1_b_), and if the _Malfuzat-i-timuri_ be Timur's authentic - autobiography, this book might have been named as an ancestral - example influencing Babur to write his own. Nothing against - the authenticity of the _Malfuzat_ can be inferred from the - circumstance that Babur does not name it, because the preface - in which such mention would be in harmony with _e.g._ his - _Walidiyyah_ preface, was never written. It might accredit the - _Malfuzat_ to collate passages having common topics, as they - appear in the _Babur-nama_, _Malfuzat-i-timuri_ and - _Zafar-nama_ (cf. E. & D.'s H. of I. iv, 559 for a discussion - by Dr. Sachau and Prof. Dowson on the _Malfuzat_). (Cf. Z.D.M. - xxxvii, p. 184, Teufel's art. _Babur und Abu'l-fazl_; - Smirnow's Cat. of _Manuscrits Turcs_, p. 142; Index _in loco_ - _s.nn._ _Mubin_ and Title.) - - [2514] Koh-khiraj, Revenue-paying Koh (H. G. Nevill's _D. G. - of Allahabad_, p. 261). - - [2515] _kima aichida_, which suggests a boat with a cabin, a - _bajra_ (_Hobson-Jobson_ _s.n._ budgerow). - - [2516] He had stayed behind his kinsman Khwaja Kalan. Both, as - Babur has said, were descendants of Khwaja 'Ubaidu'l-lah - _Ahrari_. Khwaja Kalan was a grandson of Ahrari's second son - Yahya; Khwaja 'Abdu'sh-shahid was the son of his fifth, Khwaja - 'Abdu'l-lah (Khwajagan-khwaja). 'Abdu'sh-shahid returned to - India under Akbar, received a fief, maintained 2,000 poor - persons, left after 20 years, and died in Samarkand in 982 - AH.-1574-5 AD. (A.-i-A., Blochmann's trs. and notes, pp. 423, - 539). - - [2517] f. 363, f. 363_b_. - - [2518] Not found on maps; OOjani or Ujahni about suits the - measured distance. - - [2519] Prayag, Ilahabad, Allahabad. Between the asterisk in my - text (_supra_) and the one following "ford" before the - foliation mark f. 364, the Hai. MS. has a _lacuna_ which, as - being preceded and followed by broken sentences, can hardly be - due to a scribe's skip, but may result from the loss of a - folio. What I have entered above between the asterisks is - translated from the Kehr-Ilminsky text; it is in the two - Persian translations also. Close scrutiny of it suggests that - down to the end of the swimming episode it is not in order and - that the account of the swim across the Ganges may be a - survival of the now missing record of 934 AH. (f. 339). It is - singular that the Pers. trss. make no mention of Piag or of - Sir-auliya; their omission arouses speculation, as to in which - text, the Turki or Persian, it was first tried to fill what - remains a gap in the Hai. Codex. A second seeming sign of - disorder is the incomplete sentence _yurtgha kilib_, which is - noted below. A third is the crowd of incidents now standing - under "Tuesday". A fourth, and an important matter, is that on - grounds noted at the end of the swimming passage (p. 655 n. 3) - it is doubtful whether that passage is in its right place.--It - may be that some-one, at an early date after Babur's death, - tried to fill the _lacuna_ discovered in his manuscript, with - help from loose folios or parts of them. Cf. Index _s.n._ - swimming, and f. 377_b_, p. 680 n. 2. - - [2520] The Chaghatai sultans will have been with 'Askari east - of the Ganges. - - [2521] _tur hawalik_; _Mems._ p. 406, violence of the wind; - _Mems_. ii, 398, _une temperature tres agreable_. - - [2522] _yurtgha kilib_, an incomplete sentence. - - [2523] _aral bar aikandur_, phrasing implying uncertainty; - there may have been an island, or such a peninsula as a - narrow-mouthed bend of a river forms, or a spit or bluff - projecting into the river. The word _aral_ represents - _Aiki-su-arasi_, _Miyan-du-ab_, _Entre-eaux_, - Twixt-two-streams, Mesopotamia. - - [2524] _qul_; Pers. trss. _dast andakhtan_ and _dast_. - Presumably the 33 strokes carried the swimmer across the deep - channel, or the Ganges was crossed higher than Piag. - - [2525] The above account of Babur's first swim across the - Ganges which is entered under date Jumada II. 27th, 935 AH. - (March 8th, 1529 AD.), appears misplaced, since he mentions - under date Rajab 25th, 935 AH. (April 4th, 1529 AD. f. - 366_b_), that he had swum the Ganges at Baksara (Buxar) a year - before, _i.e._ on or close to Rajab 25th, 934 AH. (April 15th, - 1528 AD.). Nothing in his writings shews that he was near Piag - (Allahabad) in 934 AH.; nothing indisputably connects the - swimming episode with the "Tuesday" below which it now stands; - there is no help given by dates. One supposes Babur would take - his first chance to swim the Ganges; this was offered at - Qanauj (f. 336), but nothing in the short record of that time - touches the topic. The next chance would be after he was in - Aud, when, by an unascertained route, perhaps down the Ghogra, - he made his way to Baksara where he says (f. 366_b_) he swam - the river. Taking into consideration the various testimony - noted, [Index _s.n._ swimming] there seems warrant for - supposing that this swimming passage is a survival of the - missing record of 934 AH. (f. 339). Cf. f. 377_b_, p. 680 and - n. 2 for another surmised survival of 934 AH. - - [2526] "Friday" here stands for Anglice, Thursday after 6 - p.m.; this, only, suiting Babur's next explicit date Sha'ban - 1st, Saturday. - - [2527] The march, beginning on the Jumna, is now along the - united rivers. - - [2528] _zarb-zanlik arabalar._ Here the carts are those - carrying the guns. - - [2529] From the particulars Babur gives about the Tus (Tons) - and Karma-nasa, it would seem that he had not passed them - last year, an inference supported by what is known of his - route in that year:--He came from Gualiar to the Kanar-passage - (f. 336), there crossed the Jumna and went direct to Qanauj - (f. 335), above Qanauj bridged the Ganges, went on to - Bangarmau (f. 338), crossed the Gumti and went to near the - junction of the Ghogra and Sarda (f. 338_b_). The next - indication of his route is that he is at Baksara, but whether - he reached it by water down the Ghogra, as his meeting with - Muh. Ma'ruf _Farmuli_ suggests (f. 377), or by land, nothing - shews. From Baksara (f. 366) he went up-stream to Chausa (f. - 365_b_), on perhaps to Sayyidpur, 2m. from the mouth of the - Gumti, and there left the Ganges for Junpur (f. 365). I have - found nothing about his return route to Agra; it seems - improbable that he would go so far south as to near Piag; a - more northerly and direct road to Fathpur and Sarai Baburpur - may have been taken.--Concerning Babur's acts in 934 AH. the - following item, (met with since I was working on 934 AH.), - continues his statement (f. 338_b_) that he spent a few days - near Aud (Ajodhya) to settle its affairs. The _D.G. of - Fyzabaa_ (H. E. Nevill) p. 173 says "In 1528 AD. Babur came to - Ajodhya (Aud) and halted a week. He destroyed the ancient - temple" (marking the birth-place of Rama) "and on its site - built a mosque, still known as Babur's Mosque.... It has two - inscriptions, one on the outside, one on the pulpit; both are - in Persian; and bear the date 935 _AH._" This date may be that - of the completion of the building.--(_Corrigendum_:--On f. 339 - n. 1, I have too narrowly restricted the use of the name - Sarju. Babur used it to describe what the maps of Arrowsmith - and Johnson shew, and not only what the _Gazetteer of India_ - map of the United Provinces does. It applies to the Sarda (f. - 339) as Babur uses it when writing of the fords.) - - [2530] Here the lacuna of the Hai. Codex ends. - - [2531] Perhaps, where there is now the railway station of - "Nulibai" (I.S. Map). The direct road on which the army moved, - avoids the windings of the river. - - [2532] This has been read as T. _kint_, P. _dih_, Eng. village - and Fr. _village_. - - [2533] "Nankunpur" lying to the north of Puhari - railway-station suits the distance measured on maps. - - [2534] These will be the women-travellers. - - [2535] Perhaps jungle tracts lying in the curves of the river. - - [2536] _jirga_, which here stands for the beaters' incurving - line, witness the exit of the buffalo at the end. Cf. f. - 367_b_ for a _jirga_ of boats. - - [2537] _auzun auzagh_, many miles and many hours? - - [2538] Bulloa? (I.S. Map). - - [2539] Anglice, Sunday after 6 p.m. - - [2540] _'alufa u qunal_ (f. 359_b_). - - [2541] than the Ganges perhaps; or narrowish compared with - other rivers, _e.g._ Ganges, Ghogra, and Jun. - - [2542] _yil-turgi yurt_, by which is meant, I think, close to - the same day a year back, and not an indefinite reference to - some time in the past year. - - [2543] Maps make the starting-place likely to be Sayyidpur. - - [2544] re-named Zamania, after Akbar's officer 'Ali-quli Khan - Khan-i-zaman, and now the head-quarters of the Zamania - _pargana_ of Ghazipur. Madan-Benares was in Akbar's _sarkar_ - of Ghazipur. (It was not identified by E. or by de C.) Cf. - _D.G. of Ghazipur_. - - [2545] In the earlier part of the Hai. Codex this Afghan - tribal-name is written Nuhani, but in this latter portion a - different scribe occasionally writes it Luhani (Index _s.n._). - - [2546] _'arza-dasht_, _i.e._ phrased as from one of lower - station to a superior. - - [2547] His letter may have announced his and his mother Dudu - Bibi's approach (f. 368-9). - - [2548] Nasir Khan had been an amir of Sl. Sikandar _Ludi_. - Sher Khan _Sur_ married his widow "Guhar Kusain", bringing him - a large dowry (A.N. trs. p. 327; and _Tarikh-i-sher-shahi_, E. - & D.'s _History of India_ iv, 346). - - [2549] He started from Chaparghatta (f. 361_b_, p. 650 n. 1). - - [2550] _yil-turgi yurt._ - - [2551] "This must have been the Eclipse of the 10th of May - 1528 AD.; a fast is enjoined on the day of an eclipse" - (Erskine). - - [2552] Karma-na['s]a means loss of the merit acquired by good - works. - - [2553] The I.S. Map marks a main road leading to the mouth of - the Karma-na['s]a and no other leading to the river for a - considerable distance up-stream. - - [2554] Perhaps "Thora-nadee" (I.S. Map). - - [2555] Anglice, Sunday after 6 p.m. - - [2556] _autkan yil._ - - [2557] Perhaps the _du-aba_ between the Ganges and - "Thora-nadee". - - [2558] _yil-tur ... Gang-sui-din min dastak bila autub, ba'zi - at, ba'zi tiwah minib, kilib, sair qililib aidi._ Some - uncertainty as to the meaning of the phrase _dastak bila - autub_ is caused by finding that while here de Courteille - agrees with Erskine in taking it to mean swimming, he varies - later (f. 373_b_) to _appuyes sur une piece de bois_. Taking - the Persian translations of three passages about crossing - water into consideration (p. 655 after f. 363_b_, f. 366_b_ - (here), f. 373_b_), and also the circumstances that E. and de - C. are once in agreement and that Erskine worked with the help - of Oriental _munshis_, I incline to think that _dastak bila_ - does express swimming.--The question of its precise meaning - bears on one concerning Babur's first swim across the Ganges - (p. 655, n. 3).--Perhaps I should say, however, that if the - sentence quoted at the head of this note stood alone, without - the extraneous circumstances supporting the reading of _dastak - bila_ to mean swimming, I should incline to read it as stating - that Babur went on foot through the water, feeling his footing - with a pole (_dastak_), and that his followers rode through - the ford after him. Nothing in the quoted passage suggests - that the horses and camels swam. But whether the Ganges was - fordable at Baksara in Babur's time, is beyond surmise. - - [2559] _fasl soz_, which, manifestly, were to be laid before - the envoy's master. The articles are nowhere specified; one is - summarized merely on f. 365. The incomplete sentence of the - Turki text (_supra_) needs their specification at this place, - and an explicit statement of them would have made clearer the - political relations of Babur with Nasrat Shah.--A folio may - have been lost from Babur's manuscript; it might have - specified the articles, and also have said something leading - to the next topic of the diary, now needing preliminaries, - _viz._ that of the Mirza's discontent with his new - appointment, a matter not mentioned earlier. - - [2560] This suits Babur's series, but Gladwin and Wuestenfeld - have 10th. - - [2561] The first is near, the second on the direct road from - Buxar for Arrah. - - [2562] The Hai. MS. makes an elephant be posted as the sole - scout; others post a _sardar_, or post braves; none post man - and beast. - - [2563] This should be 5th; perhaps the statement is confused - through the gifts being given late, Anglice, on Tuesday 4th, - Islamice on Wednesday night. - - [2564] The Mirza's Timurid birth and a desire in Babur to give - high status to a representative he will have wished to leave - in Bihar when he himself went to his western dominions, - sufficiently explain the bestowal of this sign of sovereignty. - - [2565] _jirga._ This instance of its use shews that Babur had - in mind not a completed circle, but a line, or in sporting - parlance, not a hunting-circle but a beaters'-line. [Cf. f. - 251, f. 364_b_ and _infra_ of the crocodile.] The word is used - also for a governing-circle, a tribal-council. - - [2566] _aulugh_ (_kima_). Does _aulugh_ (_auluq_, _uluq_) - connect with the "bulky Oolak or baggage-boat of Bengal"? - (_Hobson-Jobson_ _s.n._ Woolock, oolock). - - [2567] De Courteille's reading of Ilminsky's "Baburi" (p. 476) - as Bairi, old servant, hardly suits the age of the boat. - - [2568] Babur anticipated the custom followed _e.g._ by the - White Star and Cunard lines, when he gave his boats names - having the same terminal syllable; his is _aish_; on it he - makes the quip of the har _aish_ of the Farmaish. - - [2569] As Vullers makes Ar. _ghurfat_ a synonym of - _chaukandi_, the Farmaish seems likely to have had a cabin, - open at the sides. De Courteille understood it to have a - rounded stern. [Cf. E. & D.'s _History of India_ v, 347, 503 - n.; and Gul-badan's H. N. trs. p. 98, n. 2.] - - [2570] _mindin rukhsat aldi_; phrasing which bespeaks admitted - equality, that of Timurid birth. - - [2571] _i.e._ subjects of the Afghan ruler of Bengal; many - will have been Biharis and Purbiyas. Makhdum-i-'alam was - Nasrat Shah's Governor in Hajipur. - - [2572] This might imply that the Afghans had been prevented - from joining Mahmud Khan _Ludi_ near the Son. - - [2573] Sl. Muhammad Shah _Nuhani Afghan_, the former ruler of - Bihar, dead within a year. He had trained Farid Khan _Sur_ in - the management of government affairs; had given him, for - gallant encounter with a tiger, the title Sher Khan by which, - or its higher form Sher Shah, history knows him, and had made - him his young son's "deputy", an office Sher Khan held after - the father's death in conjunction with the boy's mother Dudu - Bibi (_Tarikh-i-sher-shahi_, E. & D.'s _History of India_ iv, - 325 _et seq._). - - [2574] _guz baghi yusunluq_; by which I understand they were - held fast from departure, as _e.g._ a mouse by the fascination - of a snake. - - [2575] f. 365 mentions a letter which may have announced their - intention. - - [2576] Ganges; they thus evaded the restriction made good on - other Afghans. - - [2577] Anglice, Saturday 8th after 6 p.m. - - [2578] The _D. G. of Shahabad_ (pp. 20 and 127) mentions that - "it is said Babur marched to Arrah after his victory over - Mahmud _Ludi_", and that "local tradition still points to a - place near the Judge's Court as that on which he pitched his - camp". - - [2579] Kharid which is now a _pargana_ of the Ballia district, - lay formerly on both sides of the Ghogra. When the army of - Kharid opposed Babur's progress, it acted for Nasrat Shah, but - this Babur diplomatically ignored in assuming that there was - peace between Bengal and himself.--At this time Nasrat Shah - held the riverain on the left bank of the Ghogra but had lost - Kharid of the right bank, which had been taken from him by - Junaid _Barlas_. A record of his occupation still survives in - Kharid-town, an inscription dated by his deputy as for 1529 - AD. (_District Gazetteer of Ballia_ H. R. Nevill), and _D. G. - of Saran_ (L. L. S. O'Malley), Historical Chapters. - - [2580] Babur's opinion of Nasrat Shah's hostility is more - clearly shewn here than in the verbal message of f. 369. - - [2581] This will be an unceremonious summary of a - word-of-mouth message. - - [2582] Cf. f. 366_b_, p. 661 n. 2. - - [2583] This shews that Babur did not recognize the Saran - riverain down to the Ganges as belonging to Kharid. His - offered escort of Turks would safe-guard the Kharidis if they - returned to the right bank of the Ghogra which was in Turk - possession. - - [2584] The Hai. MS. has _wali_, clearly written; which, as a - word representing Mahim would suit the sentence best, may make - playful reference to her royal commands (f. 361_b_), by - styling her the Governor (_wali_). Erskine read the word as a - place-name Dipali, which I have not found; De Courteille omits - Ilminsky's _w:ras_ (p. 478). The MSS. vary and are uncertain. - - [2585] This is the "Kadjar" of Reclus' _L'Asie anterieure_ and - is the name of the Turkman tribe to which the present ruling - house of Persia belongs. "Turkman" might be taken as applied - to Shah Tahmasp by Div Sultan's servant on f. 354. - - [2586] _Nelumbium speciosum_, a water-bean of great beauty. - - [2587] Shaikh Yahya had been the head of the Chishti Order. - His son (d. 782 AH.-1380-1 AD.) was the author of works named - by Abu'l-fazl as read aloud to Akbar, a discursive detail - which pleads in my excuse that those who know Babur well - cannot but see in his grandson's character and success the - fruition of his mental characteristics and of his labours in - Hindustan. (For Sharafu'd-din _Muniri_, cf. - _Khazinatu'l-asfiya_ ii, 390-92; and _Ayin-i-akbari_ _s.n._) - - [2588] Kostenko's _Turkistan Region_ describes a regimen for - horses which Babur will have seen in practice in his native - land, one which prevented the defect that hindered his at - Munir from accomplishing more than some 30 miles before - mid-day. - - [2589] The distance from Munir to the bank of the Ganges will - have been considerably longer in Babur's day than now because - of the change of the river's course through its desertion of - the Burh-ganga channel (cf. next note). - - [2590] In trying to locate the site of Babur's coming battle - with the forces of Nasrat Shah, it should be kept in mind that - previous to the 18th century, and therefore, presumably, in - his day, the Ganges flowed in the "Burh-ganga" (Old Ganges) - channel which now is closely followed by the western boundary - of the Ballia _pargana_ of Du-aba; that the Ganges and Ghogra - will have met where this old channel entered the bed of the - latter river; and also, as is seen from Babur's narrative, - that above the confluence the Ghogra will have been confined - to a narrowed channel. When the Ganges flowed in the - Burh-ganga channel, the now Ballia _pargana_ of Du-aba was a - sub-division of Bihiya and continuous with Shahabad. From it - in Bihiya Babur crossed the Ganges into Kharid, doing this at - a place his narrative locates as some 2 miles from the - confluence. Cf. _D. G. of Ballia_, pp. 9, 192-3, 206, 213. It - may be observed that the former northward extension of Bihiya - to the Burh-ganga channel explains Babur's estimate (f. 370) - of the distance from Munir to his camp on the Ganges; his - 12_k._ (24m.) may then have been correct; it is now too high. - - [2591] De Courteille, _pierrier_, which may be a balista. - Babur's writings give no indication of other than - stone-ammunition for any projectile-engine or fire-arm. Cf. R. - W. F. Payne-Gallwey's _Projectile-throwing engines of the - ancients_. - - [2592] Sir R. W. F. Payne-Gallwey writes in _The Cross-bow_ - (p. 40 and p. 41) what may apply to Babur's _zarb-zan_ - (culverin?) and _tufang_ (matchlock), when he describes the - larger culverin as a heavy hand-gun of from 16-18lb., as used - by the foot-soldier and requiring the assistance of an - attendant to work it; also when he says that it became the - portable arquebus which was in extensive use in Europe by the - Swiss in 1476 AD.; and that between 1510 and 1520 the arquebus - described was superseded by what is still seen amongst remote - tribes in India, a matchlock arquebus. - - [2593] The two positions Babur selected for his guns would - seem to have been opposite two ferry-heads, those, presumably, - which were blocked against his pursuit of Biban and Bayazid. - 'Ali-quli's emplacement will have been on the high bank of old - alluvium of south-eastern Kharid, overlooking the narrowed - channel demanded by Babur's narrative, one pent in presumably - by _kankar_ reefs such as there are in the region. As - illustrating what the channel might have been, the varying - breadth of the Ghogra along the 'Azamgarh District may be - quoted, _viz._ from 10 miles to 2/5m., the latter being where, - as in Kharid, there is old alluvium with _kankar_ reefs - preserving the banks. Cf. Reid's _Report of Settlement - Operations in 'Azamgarh, Sikandarpur, and Bhadaon_.--Firishta - gives Badru as the name of one ferry (lith. ed. i. 210). - - [2594] Mustafa, like 'Ali-quli, was to take the offensive by - gun-fire directed on the opposite bank. Judging from maps and - also from the course taken by the Ganges through the - Burh-ganga channel and from Babur's narrative, there seems to - have been a narrow reach of the Ghogra just below the - confluence, as well as above. - - [2595] This ferry, bearing the common name Haldi (turmeric), - is located by the course of events as at no great distance - above the enemy's encampment above the confluence. It cannot - be the one of Sikandarpur West. - - [2596] _guzr_, which here may mean a casual ford through water - low just before the Rains. As it was not found, it will have - been temporary. - - [2597] _i.e._ above Babur's positions. - - [2598] _sarwar_ (or _dar_) _waqt_. - - [2599] The preceding sentence is imperfect and varies in the - MSS. The 1st Pers. trs., the wording of which is often - explanatory, says that there were _no_ passages, which, as - there were many ferries, will mean fords. The Haldi-guzr where - 'Askari was to cross, will have been far below the lowest - Babur mentions, _viz._ Chatur-muk (Chaupara). - - [2600] This passage presupposes that guns in Kharid could hit - the hostile camp in Saran. If the river narrowed here as it - does further north, the Ghazi mortar, which seems to have been - the only one Babur had with him, would have carried across, - since it threw a stone 1,600 paces (_qadam_, f. 309). Cf. - Reid's _Report_ quoted above. - - [2601] Anglice, Saturday after 6p.m. - - [2602] _yaqin bulghan fauj_, var. _ta'in bulghan fauj_, the - army appointed (to cross). The boats will be those collected - at the Haldi-ferry, and the army 'Askari's. - - [2603] _i.e._ near 'Ali-quli's emplacement. - - [2604] Cf. f. 303, f. 309, f. 337 and n. 4. - - [2605] "The _yasawal_ is an officer who carries the commands - of the prince, and sees them enforced" (Erskine). Here he will - have been the superintendent of coolies moving earth. - - [2606] _ma'jun-nak_ which, in these days of Babur's return to - obedience, it may be right to translate in harmony with his - psychical outlook of self-reproach, by _ma'jun_-polluted. - Though he had long ceased to drink wine, he still sought cheer - and comfort, in his laborious days, from inspiriting and - forbidden confections. - - [2607] Probably owing to the less precise phrasing of his - Persian archetype, Erskine here has reversed the statement, - made in the Turki, that Babur slept in the Asaish (not the - Farmaish). - - [2608] _austida tashlar._ An earlier reading of this, _viz._ - that stones were thrown on the intruder is negatived by - Babur's mention of wood as the weapon used. - - [2609] _su sari_ which, as the boats were between an island - and the river's bank, seems likely to mean that the man went - off towards the main stream. _Mems._ p. 415, "made his escape - in the river"; _Mems._ ii, 418, _dans la direction du large_. - - [2610] This couplet is quoted by Jahangir also (_Tuzuk_, trs. - Rogers & Beveridge, i, 348). - - [2611] This, taken with the positions of other - crossing-parties, serves to locate 'Askari's "Haldi-passage" - at no great distance above 'Ali-quli's emplacement at the - confluence, and above the main Bengal force. - - [2612] perhaps, towed from the land. I have not found Babur - using any word which clearly means to row, unless indeed a - later _rawan_ does so. The force meant to cross in the boats - taken up under cover of night was part of Babur's own, no - doubt. - - [2613] _atish-bazi_ lit. fire-playing, if a purely Persian - compound; if _atish_ be Turki, it means discharge, shooting. - The word "fire-working" is used above under the nearest to - contemporary guidance known to me, _viz._ that of the list of - persons who suffered in the Patna massacre "during the - troubles of October 1763 AD.", in which list are the names of - four Lieutenants fire-workers (_Calcutta Review_, Oct. 1884, - and Jan. 1885, art. _The Patna Massacre_, H. Beveridge). - - [2614] _bi tahashi_, without protest or demur. - - [2615] Anglice, Wednesday after 6 p.m. - - [2616] Perhaps those which had failed to pass in the darkness; - perhaps those from Haldi-guzr, which had been used by - 'Askari's troops. There appear to be obvious reasons for their - keeping abreast on the river with the troops in Saran, in - order to convey reinforcements or to provide retreat. - - [2617] _kimalar austida_, which may mean that he came, on the - high bank, to where the boats lay below. - - [2618] as in the previous note, _kimalar austida_. These will - have been the few drawn up-stream along the enemy's front. - - [2619] The reproach conveyed by Babur's statement is borne out - by the strictures of Haidar Mirza _Dughlat_ on Baba Sultan's - neglect of duty (_Tarikh-i-rashidi_ trs. cap. lxxvii). - - [2620] _yusunluq tushi_, Pers. trss. _tarf khud_, i.e. their - place in the array, a frequent phrase. - - [2621] _dastak bila dosta-i-qamish bila._ Cf. f. 363_b_ and f. - 366_b_, for passages and notes connected with swimming and - _dastak_. Erskine twice translates _dastak bila_ by swimming; - but here de Courteille changes from his earlier _a la nage_ - (f. 366_b_) to _appuyes sur une piece de bois_. Perhaps the - swift current was crossed by swimming with the support of a - bundle of reeds, perhaps on rafts made of such bundles (cf. - _Illustrated London News_, Sep. 16th, 1916, for a picture of - Indian soldiers so crossing on rafts). - - [2622] perhaps they were in the Burh-ganga channel, out of - gun-fire. - - [2623] If the Ghogra flowed at this point in a narrow channel, - it would be the swifter, and less easy to cross than where in - an open bed. - - [2624] _chirik-aili_, a frequent compound, but one of which - the use is better defined in the latter than the earlier part - of Babur's writings to represent what then answered to an Army - Service Corps. This corps now crosses into Saran and joins the - fighting force. - - [2625] This appears to refer to the crossing effected before - the fight. - - [2626] or Kundbah. I have not succeeded in finding this name - in the Nirhun _pargana_; it may have been at the southern end, - near the "Domaigarh" of maps. In it was Tir-muhani, perhaps a - village (f. 377, f. 381). - - [2627] This passage justifies Erskine's surmise (_Memoirs_, p. - 411, n. 4) that the Kharid-country lay on both banks of the - Ghogra. His further surmise that, on the east bank of the - Ghogra, it extended to the Ganges would be correct also, since - the Ganges flowed, in Babur's day, through the Burh-ganga (Old - Ganges) channel along the southern edge of the present Kharid, - and thus joined the Ghogra higher than it now does. - - [2628] Bayazid and Ma'ruf _Farmuli_ were brothers. Bayazid had - taken service with Babur in 932 AH. (1526 AD.), left him in - 934 AH. (end of 1527 AD.) and opposed him near Qanuj. Ma'ruf, - long a rebel against Ibrahim _Ludi_, had never joined Babur; - two of his sons did so; of the two, Muhammad and Musa, the - latter may be the one mentioned as at Qanuj, "Ma'ruf's son" - (f. 336).--For an interesting sketch of Ma'ruf's character and - for the location in Hindustan of the Farmuli clan, _see_ the - _Waqi'at-i-mushtaqi_, E. & D.'s _History of India_, iv, - 584.--In connection with Qanuj, the discursive remark may be - allowable, that Babur's halt during the construction of the - bridge of boats across the Ganges in 934 AH. is still - commemorated by the name Badshah-nagar of a village between - Bangarmau and Nanamau (Elliot's _Onau_, p. 45). - - [2629] On f. 381 'Abdu'l-lah's starting-place is mentioned as - Tir-muhani. - - [2630] The failure to join would be one of the evils predicted - by the dilatory start of the ladies from Kabul (f. 360_b_). - - [2631] The order for these operations is given on f. 355_b_. - - [2632] f. 369. The former Nuhani chiefs are now restored to - Bihar as tributaries of Babur. - - [2633] Erskine estimated the _krur_ at about L25,000, and the - 50 _laks_ at about L12,500. - - [2634] The Mirza thus supersedes Junaid _Barlas_ in - Junpur.--The form Junapur used above and elsewhere by Babur and - his Persian translators, supports the _Gazetteer of India_ - xlv, 74 as to the origin of the name Junpur. - - [2635] a son of Nasrat Shah. No record of this earlier - legation is with the _Babur-nama_ manuscripts; probably it has - been lost. The only article found specified is the one asking - for the removal of the Kharid army from a ferry-head Babur - wished to use; Nasrat Shah's assent to this is an anti-climax - to Babur's victory on the Ghogra. - - [2636] Chaupara is at the Saran end of the ferry, at the - Sikandarpur one is Chatur-muk (Four-faces, an epithet of - Brahma and Vishnu). - - [2637] It may be inferred from the earlier use of the phrase - Gogar (or Gagar) and Saru (Siru or Sird), on f. 338-8_b_, that - whereas the rebels were, earlier, for crossing Saru only, - _i.e._ the Ghogra below its confluence with the Sarda, they - had now changed for crossing above the confluence and further - north. Such a change is explicable by desire to avoid - encounter with Babur's following, here perhaps the army of - Aud, and the same desire is manifested by their abandonment of - a fort captured (f. 377_b_) some days before the rumour - reached Babur of their crossing Saru and Gogar.--Since - translating the passage on f. 338, I have been led, by - enforced attention to the movement of the confluence of Ghogra - with Ganges (Saru with Gang) to see that that translation, - eased in obedience to distances shewn in maps, may be wrong - and that Babur's statement that he dismounted 2-3 _kurohs_ - (4-6 m.) above Aud at the confluence of Gogar with Saru, may - have some geographical interest and indicate movement of the - two affluents such _e.g._ as is indicated of the Ganges and - Ghogra by tradition and by the name Burh-ganga (cf. f. 370, p. - 667, n. 2). - - [2638] or L:knur, perhaps Liknu or Liknur. The capricious - variation in the MSS. between L:knu and L:knur makes the - movements of the rebels difficult to follow. Comment on these - variants, tending to identify the places behind the words, is - grouped in Appendix T, _On L:knu_ (_Lakhnau_) and _L:knur_ - (_Lakhnar_). - - [2639] Taking _guzr_ in the sense it has had hitherto in the - _Babur-nama_ of ferry or ford, the detachment may have been - intended to block the river-crossings of "Saru and Gogar". If - so, however, the time for this was past, the rebels having - taken a fort west of those rivers on Ramzan 13th. Nothing - further is heard of the detachment.--That news of the - rebel-crossing of the rivers did not reach Babur before the - 18th and news of their capture of L:knu or L:knur before the - 19th may indicate that they had crossed a good deal to the - north of the confluence, and that the fort taken was one more - remote than Lakhnau (Oude). Cf. Appendix T. - - [2640] Anglice, Wednesday after 6 p.m. - - [2641] These are recited late in the night during Ramzan. - - [2642] _kaghaz u ajza'_, perhaps writing-paper and the various - sections of the _Babur-nama_ writings, _viz._ biographical - notices, descriptions of places, detached lengths of diary, - _farmans_ of Shaikh Zain. The _lacunae_ of 934 AH., 935 AH., - and perhaps earlier ones also may be attributed reasonably to - this storm. It is easy to understand the loss of _e.g._ the - conclusion of the Farghana section, and the diary one of 934 - AH., if they lay partly under water. The accident would be - better realized in its disastrous results to the writings, if - one knew whether Babur wrote in a bound or unbound volume. - From the minor losses of 935 AH., one guesses that the current - diary at least had not reached the stage of binding. - - [2643] The _tungluq_ is a flap in a tent-roof, allowing light - and air to enter, or smoke to come out. - - [2644] _ajza' u kitab._ _See_ last note but one. The _kitab_ - (book) might well be Babur's composed narrative on which he - was now working, as far as it had then gone towards its - untimely end (Hai. MS. f. 216_b_). - - [2645] _saqarlat kut-zilucha_, where _saqarlat_ will mean warm - and woollen. - - [2646] Kharid-town is some 4 m. s.e. of the town of - Sikandarpur. - - [2647] or L:knu. Cf. Appendix T. It is now 14 days since - 'Abdu'l-lah _kitabdar_ had left Tir-muhani (f. 380) for - Sambhal; as he was in haste, there had been time for him to go - beyond Aud (where Baqi was) and yet get the news to Babur on - the 19th. - - [2648] In a way not usual with him, Babur seems to apply three - epithets to this follower, _viz._ _ming-begi_, _shaghawal_, - _Tashkindi_ (Index _s.n._). - - [2649] or Kandla; cf. Revenue list f. 293; is it now Saran - Khas? - - [2650] L18,000 (Erskine). For the total yield of Kundla (or - Kandla) and Sarwar, _see_ Revenue list (f. 293). - - [2651] f. 375. P. 675 n. 2 and f. 381, p. 687 n. 3. - - [2652] A little earlier Babur has recorded his ease of mind - about Bihar and Bengal, the fruit doubtless of his victory - over Mahmud _Ludi_ and Nasrat Shah; he now does the same about - Bihar and Sarwar, no doubt because he has replaced in Bihar, - as his tributaries, the Nuhani chiefs and has settled other - Afghans, Jalwanis and Farmulis in a Sarwar cleared of the - Jalwani (?) rebel Biban and the Farmuli opponents Bayazid and - Ma'ruf. The Farmuli Shaikh-zadas, it may be recalled, belonged - by descent to Babur's Kabul district of Farmul.--The - _Waqi'at-i-mushtaqi_ (E. & D.'s _H. of I._ iv, 548) details - the position of the clan under Sikandar _Ludi_. - - [2653] The MSS. write Fathpur but Nathpur suits the context, a - _pargana_ mentioned in the _Ayin-i-akbari_ and now in the - 'Azamgarh district. There seems to be no Fathpur within - Babur's limit of distance. The _D. G. of 'Azamgarh_ mentions - two now insignificant Fathpurs, one as having a school, the - other a market. The name G:l:r:h (K:l:r:h) I have not found. - - [2654] The passage contained in this section seems to be a - survival of the lost record of 934 AH. (f. 339). I have found - it only in the _Memoirs_ p. 420, and in Mr. Erskine's own - Codex of the _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ (now B.M. Add. 26,200), f. 371 - where however several circumstances isolate it from the - context. It may be a Persian translation of an authentic Turki - fragment, found, perhaps with other such fragments, in the - Royal Library. Its wording disassociates it from the - 'Abdu'r-rahim text. The Codex (No. 26,200) breaks off at the - foot of a page (_supra_, Fathpur) with a completed sentence. - The supposedly-misplaced passage is entered on the next folio - as a sort of ending of the _Babur-nama_ writings; in a rough - script, inferior to that of the Codex, and is followed by - _Tam, tam_ (Finis), and an incomplete date 98-, in words. - Beneath this a line is drawn, on which is subtended the - triangle frequent with scribes; within this is what seems to - be a completion of the date to 980 AH. and a pious wish, - scrawled in an even rougher hand than the rest.--Not only in - diction and in script but in contents also the passage is a - misfit where it now stands; it can hardly describe a village - on the Saru; Babur in 935 AH. did not march for Ghazipur but - may have done so in 934 AH. (p. 656, n. 3); Isma'il _Jalwani_ - had had leave given already in 935 AH. (f. 377) under other - conditions, ones bespeaking more trust and tried - allegiance.--Possibly the place described as having fine - buildings, gardens _etc._ is Aud (Ajodhya) where Babur spent - some days in 934 AH. (cf. f. 363_b_, p. 655 n. 3). - - [2655] "Here my Persian manuscript closes" (This is B.M. Add. - 26,200). "The two additional fragments are given from Mr. - Metcalfe's manuscript alone" (now B.M. Add. 26,202) "and - unluckily, it is extremely incorrect" (Erskine). This note - will have been written perhaps a decade before 1826, in which - year the _Memoirs of Babur_ was published, after long delay. - Mr. Erskine's own Codex (No. 26,200) was made good at a later - date, perhaps when he was working on his History of India - (pub. 1854), by a well-written supplement which carries the - diary to its usual end _s.a._ 936 AH. and also gives Persian - translations of Babur's letters to Humayun and Khwaja Kalan. - - [2656] Here, as earlier, Nathpur suits the context better than - Fathpur. In the Nathpur _pargana_, at a distance from Chaupara - approximately suiting Babur's statement of distance, is the - lake "Tal Ratoi", formerly larger and deeper than now. There - is a second further west and now larger than Tal Ratoi; - through this the Ghogra once flowed, and through it has tried - within the last half-century to break back. These changes in - Tal Ratoi and in the course of the Ghogra dictate caution in - attempting to locate places which were on it in Babur's day - _e.g._ K:l:r:h (_supra_). - - [2657] Appendix T. - - [2658] This name has the following variants in the Hai. MS. - and in Kehr's:--Dalm-u-uu-ur-ud-ut. The place was in Akbar's - _sarkar_ of Manikpur and is now in the Rai Bareilly district. - - [2659] Perhaps Chaksar, which was in Akbar's _sarkar_ of - Junpur, and is now in the 'Azamgarh district. - - [2660] Hai. MS. _J:nara khund tawabi si bila_ (perhaps - _tawabi'si_ but not so written). The obscurity of these words - is indicated by their variation in the manuscripts. Most - scribes have them as Chunar and Junpur, guided presumably by - the despatch of a force to Chunar on receipt of the news, but - another force was sent to Dalmau at the same time. The rebels - were defeated s.w. of Dalmau and thence went to Mahuba; it is - not certain that they had crossed the Ganges at Dalmau; there - are difficulties in supposing the fort they captured and - abandoned was Lakhnau (Oude); they might have gone south to - near Kalpi and Adampur, which are at no great distance from - where they were defeated by Baqi _shaghawal_, if Lakhnur (now - Shahabad in Rampur) were the fort. (Cf. Appendix T.)--To take - up the interpretation of the words quoted above, at another - point, that of the kinsfolk or fellow-Afghans the rebels - planned to join:--these kinsfolk may have been, of Bayazid, the - Farmulis in Sarwar, and of Biban, the Jalwanis of the same - place. The two may have trusted to relationship for harbourage - during the Rains, disloyal though they were to their kinsmen's - accepted suzerain. Therefore if they were once across Ganges - and Jumna, as they were in Mahuba, they may have thought of - working eastwards south of the Ganges and of getting north - into Sarwar through territory belonging to the Chunar and - Junpur governments. This however is not expressed by the words - quoted above; perhaps Babur's record was hastily and - incompletely written.--Another reading may be Chunar and Jaund - (in Akbar's _sarkar_ of Rohtas). - - [2661] _yuliini tushqailar._ It may be observed concerning the - despatch of Muhammad-i-zaman M. and of Junaid _Barlas_ that - they went to their new appointments Junpur and Chunar - respectively; that their doing so was an orderly part of the - winding-up of Babur's Eastern operations; that they remained - as part of the Eastern garrison, on duty apart from that of - blocking the road of Biban and Bayazid. - - [2662] This mode of fishing is still practised in India - (Erskine). - - [2663] Islamice, Saturday night; Anglice, Friday after 6 p.m. - - [2664] This Tus, "Tousin, or Tons, is a branch from the Ghogra - coming off above Faizabad and joining the Sarju or Parsaru - below 'Azamgarh" (Erskine). - - [2665] Kehr's MS. p. 1132, Mang (or Mank); Hai. MS. Taik; I.O. - 218 f. 328 Ba:k; I.O. 217 f. 236_b_, Biak. Maing in the - Sultanpur district seems suitably located (_D.G. of - Sultanpur_, p. 162). - - [2666] This will be the night-guard (_'asas_); the librarian - (_kitabdar_) is in Sambhal. I.O. 218 f. 325 inserts _kitabdar_ - after 'Abdu'l-lah's name where he is recorded as sent to - Sambhal (f. 375). - - [2667] He will have announced to Taj Khan the transfer of the - fort to Junaid _Barlas_. - - [2668] L3750. Parsarur was in Akbar's _subah_ of Lahor; G. of - I. xx, 23, Pasrur. - - [2669] The estimate may have been made by measurement (f. 356) - or by counting a horse's steps (f. 370). Here the Hai. MS. and - Kehr's have D:lmud, but I.O. 218 f. 328_b_ (D:lmuu). - - [2670] As on f. 361_b_, so here, Babur's wording tends to - locate Adampur on the right (west) bank of the Jumna. - - [2671] Hai. MS. _auta_, presumably for _aurta_; Kehr's p. - 1133, Aud-daghi, which, as Baqi led the Aud army, is _ben - trovato_; both Persian translations, _miangani_, central, - inner, _i.e._ _aurta_, perhaps household troops of the Centre. - - [2672] Anglice, Saturday 12th after 6 p.m. - - [2673] In Akbar's _sarkar_ of Kalanjar, now in the Hamirpur - district. - - [2674] L7500 (Erskine). Amroha is in the Moradabad district. - - [2675] At the Chaupara-Chaturmuk ferry (f. - 376).--_Corrigendum_:--In the Index of the _Babur-nama - Facsimile_, Musa _Farmuli_ and Musa Sl. are erroneously - entered as if one man. - - [2676] _i.e._ riding light and fast. The distance done between - Adampur and Agra was some 157 miles, the time was from 12 a.m. - on Tuesday morning to about 9 p.m. of Thursday. This exploit - serves to show that three years of continuous activity in the - plains of Hindustan had not destroyed Babur's capacity for - sustained effort, spite of several attacks of (malarial?) - fever. - - [2677] Anglice, Tuesday 12.25 a.m. - - [2678] He was governor of Etawa. - - [2679] Islamice, Friday, Shawwal 18th, Anglice, Thursday, June - 24th, soon after 9 p.m. - - [2680] Anglice, she arrived at mid-night of - Saturday.--Gul-badan writes of Mahim's arrival as unexpected - and of Babur's hurrying off on foot to meet her - (_Humayun-nama_ f. 14, trs. p. 100). - - [2681] Mahim's journey from Kabul to Agra had occupied over 5 - months. - - [2682] Hindu Beg _quchin_ had been made Humayun's retainer in - 932 AH. (f. 297), and had taken possession of Sambhal for him. - Hence, as it seems, he was ordered, while escorting the ladies - from Kabul, to go to Sambhal. He seems to have gone before - waiting on Babur, probably not coming into Agra till now.--It - may be noted here that in 933 AH. he transformed a Hindu - temple into a Mosque in Sambhal; it was done by Babur's orders - and is commemorated by an inscription still existing on the - Mosque, one seeming not to be of his own composition, judging - by its praise of himself. (JASB. _Proceedings_, May 1873, p. - 98, Blochmann's art. where the inscription is given and - translated; and _Archaeological Survey Reports_, xii, p. 24-27, - with Plates showing the Mosque). - - [2683] Cf. f. 375, f. 377, with notes concerning 'Abdu'l-lah - and Tir-muhani. I have not found the name Tir-muhani on maps; - its position can be inferred from Babur's statement (f. 375) - that he had sent 'Abdu'l-lah to Sambhal, he being then at - Kunba or Kunia in the Nurhun _pargana_.--The name Tir-muhani - occurs also in Gorakhpur.--It was at Tir-muhani (Three-mouths) - that Khwand-amir completed the _Habibu's-siyar_ (lith. ed. i, - 83; Rieu's _Pers. Cat._ p. 1079). If the name imply three - water-mouths, they might be those of Ganges, Ghogra and Daha. - - [2684] _nim-kara._ E. and de C. however reverse the _roles_. - - [2685] The _Tarikh-i-gualiari_ (B.M. Add. 16, 709, p. 18) - supplements the fragmentary accounts which, above and _s.a._ - 936 AH., are all that the _Babur-nama_ now preserves - concerning Khwaja Rahim-dad's misconduct. It has several - mistakes but the gist of its information is useful. It - mentions that the Khwaja and his paternal-uncle Mahdi Khwaja - had displeased Babur; that Rahim-dad resolved to take refuge - with the ruler of Malwa (Muhammad _Khilji_) and to make over - Gualiar to a Rajput landholder of that country; that upon this - Shaikh Muhammad _Ghaus_ went to Agra and interceded with - Babur and obtained his forgiveness for Rahim-dad. Gualiar was - given back to Rahim-dad but after a time he was superseded by - Abu'l-fath [Shaikh Guran]. For particulars about Mahdi Khwaja - and a singular story told about him by Nizamu'd-din Ahmad in - the _Tabaqat-i-akbari_, _vide_ Gul-badan's _Humayun-nama_, - Appendix B, and _Translator's Note_ p. 702, Section _f_. - - [2686] He may have come about the misconduct of his nephew - Rahim-dad. - - [2687] The 'Idu'l-kabir, the Great Festival of 10th - Zu'l-hijja. - - [2688] About L1750 (Erskine). - - [2689] Perhaps he was from the tract in Persia still called - Chaghatai Mountains. One Ibrahim _Chaghatai_ is mentioned by - Babur (f. 175b) with Turkman begs who joined Husain - _Bai-qara_. This Hasan-i-'ali _Chaghatai_ may have come in - like manner, with Murad the Turkman envoy from 'Iraq (f. 369 - and n. 1). - - [2690] Several incidents recorded by Gul-badan (writing half a - century later) as following Mahim's arrival in Agra, will - belong to the record of 935 AH. because they preceded - Humayun's arrival from Badakhshan. Their omission from Babur's - diary is explicable by its minor _lacunae_. Such are:--(1) a - visit to Dhulpur and Sikri the interest of which lies in its - showing that Bibi Mubarika had accompanied Mahim Begim to Agra - from Kabul, and that there was in Sikri a quiet retreat, a - _chaukandi_, where Babur "used to write his book";--(2) the - arrival of the main caravan of ladies from Kabul, which led - Babur to go four miles out, to Naugram, in order to give - honouring reception to his sister Khan-zada Begim;--(3) an - excursion to the Gold-scattering garden (_Bagh-i-zar-afshan_), - where seated among his own people, Babur said he was "bowed - down by ruling and reigning", longed to retire to that garden - with a single attendant, and wished to make over his - sovereignty to Humayun;--(4) the death of Dil-dar's son Alwar - (var. Anwar) whose birth may be assigned to the gap preceding - 932 AH. because not chronicled later by Babur, as is Faruq's. - As a distraction from the sorrow for this loss, a journey was - "pleasantly made by water" to Dhulpur. - - [2691] Cf. f. 381b n. 2. For his earlier help to Rahim-dad - _see_ f. 304. For Biographies of him _see_ Blochmann's A.-i-A. - trs. p. 446, and Badayuni's _Muntakhabu-'t-tawarikh_ - (Ranking's and Lowe's trss.). - - [2692] Beyond this broken passage, one presumably at the foot - of a page in Babur's own manuscript, nothing of his diary is - now known to survive. What is missing seems likely to have - been written and lost. It is known from a remark of - Gul-badan's (H.N. p. 103) that he "used to write his book" - after Mahim's arrival in Agra, the place coming into her - anecdote being Sikri. - - [2693] Jauhar's _Humayun-nama_ and Bayazid _Biyat's_ work of - the same title were written under the same royal command as - the Begim's. They contribute nothing towards filling the gap - of 936 AH.; their authors, being Humayun's servants, write - about him. It may be observed that criticism of these books, - as recording trivialities, is disarmed if they were commanded - because they would obey an order to set down whatever was - known, selection amongst their contents resting with - Abu'l-fazl. Even more completely must they be excluded from a - verdict on the literary standard of their day.--Abu'l-fazl must - have had a source of Baburiana which has not found its way - into European libraries. A man likely to have contributed his - recollections, directly or transmitted, is Khwaja Muqim - _Harawi_. The date of Muqim's death is conjectural only, but - he lived long enough to impress the worth of historical - writing on his son Nizamu'-d-din Ahmad. (Cf. E. and D.'s H. of - I. art. _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ v, 177 and 187; T.-i-A. lith. ed. - p. 193; and for Bayazid _Biyat's_ work, JASB. 1898, p. 296.) - - [2694] Ibn Batuta (Lee's trs. p. 133) mentions that after his - appointment to Gualiar, Rahim-dad fell from favour ... but was - restored later, on the representation of Muhammad Ghaus; held - Gualiar again for a short time, (he went to Bahadur Shah in - Gujrat) and was succeeded by Abu'l-fath (_i.e._ Shaikh Guran) - who held it till Babur's death. - - [2695] Its translation and explanatory noting have filled two - decades of hard-working years. _Tanti labores auctoris et - traductoris!_ - - [2696] I am indebted to my husband for acquaintance with - Nizamu'-d-din Ahmad's record about Babur and Kashmir. - - [2697] In view of the vicissitudes to which under Humayun the - royal library was subjected, it would be difficult to assert - that this source was not the missing continuation of Babur's - diary. - - [2698] E. and D.'s H. of I. art. _Tarikh-i Khan-i-jahan Ludi_ - v, 67. For Ahmad-i-yadgar's book and its special features - _vide_ _l.c._ v, 2, 24, with notes; Rieu's _Persian Catalogue_ - iii, 922_a_; JASB. 1916, H. Beveridge's art. _Note on the - Tarikh-i-salatin-i-afaghana._ - - [2699] Humayun's last recorded act in Hindustan was that of - 933 AH. (f. 329_b_) when he took unauthorized possession of - treasure in Dihli. - - [2700] _Tarikh-i-rashidi_ trs. p. 387. - - [2701] T.-i-R. trs. p. 353 _et seq._ and Mr. Ney Elias' notes. - - [2702] Abu'l-fazl's record of Humayun's sayings and minor - doings at this early date in his career, can hardly be - anything more accurate than family-tradition. - - [2703] The statement that Khalifa was asked to go so far from - where he was of the first importance as an administrator, - leads to consideration of why it was done. So little is known - explicitly of Babur's intentions about his territories after - his death that it is possible only to put that little together - and read between its lines. It may be that he was now planning - an immediate retirement to Kabul and an apportionment during - life of his dominions, such as Abu-sa'id had made of his own. - If so, it would be desirable to have Badakhshan held in - strength such as Khalifa's family could command, and - especially desirable because as Barlas Turks, that family - would be one with Babur in desire to regain Transoxiana. Such - a political motive would worthily explain the offer of the - appointment. - - [2704] The "Shah" of this style is derived from Sulaiman's - Badakhshi descent through Shah Begim; the "Mirza" from his - Miran-shahi descent through his father Wais Khan Mirza. The - title Khan Mirza or Mirza Khan, presumably according to the - outlook of the speaker, was similarly derived from forbears, - as would be also Shah Begim's; (her personal name is not - mentioned in the sources). - - [2705] Sa'id, on the father's, and Babur, on the mother's - side, were of the same generation in descent from Yunas Khan; - Sulaiman was of a younger one, hence his pseudo-filial - relation to the men of the elder one. - - [2706] Sa'id was Shah Begim's grandson through her son Ahmad, - Sulaiman her great-grandson through her daughter Sultan-Nigar, - but Sulaiman could claim also as the heir of his father who - was nominated to rule by Shah Begim; moreover, he could claim - by right of conquest on the father's side, through Abu-sa'id - the conqueror, his son Mahmud long the ruler, and so through - Mahmud's son Wais Khan Mirza. - - [2707] The menace conveyed by these words would be made the - more forceful by Babur's move to Lahor, narrated by - Ahmad-i-yadgar. Some ill-result to Sa'id of independent rule - by Sulaiman seems foreshadowed; was it that if Babur's - restraining hand were withdrawn, the Badakhshis would try to - regain their lost districts and would have help in so-doing - from Babur? - - [2708] It is open to conjecture that if affairs in Hindustan - had allowed it, Babur would now have returned to Kabul. - Ahmad-i-yadgar makes the expedition to be one for pleasure - only, and describes Babur as hunting and sight-seeing for a - year in Lahor, the Panj-ab and near Dihli. This appears a mere - flourish of words, in view of the purposes the expedition - served, and of the difficulties which had arisen in Lahor - itself and with Sa'id Khan. Part of the work effected may have - been the despatch of an expedition to Kashmir. - - [2709] This appears a large amount. - - [2710] The precision with which the Raja's gifts are stated, - points to a closely-contemporary and written source. A second - such indication occurs later where gifts made to Hind-al are - mentioned. - - [2711] An account of the events in Multan after its occupation - by Shah Hasan _Arghun_ is found in the latter part of the - _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ and in Erskine's H. of I. i, 393 _et - seq._--It may be noted here that several instances of confusion - amongst Babur's sons occur in the extracts made by Sir H. - Elliot and Professor Dowson in their _History of India_ from - the less authoritative sources [_e.g._ v, 35 Kamran for - Humayun, 'Askari said to be in Kabul (pp. 36 and 37); Hind-al - for Humayun _etc._] and that these errors have slipped into - several of the District Gazetteers of the United Provinces. - - [2712] As was said of the offering made by the Raja of Kahlur, - the precision of statement as to what was given to Hind-al, - bespeaks a closely-contemporary written source. So too does - the mention (text, _infra_) of the day on which Babur began - his return journey from Lahor. - - [2713] Cf. _G. of I._ xvi, 55; Ibbetson's _Report on Karnal_. - - [2714] It is noticeable that no one of the three royal - officers named as sent against Mohan _Mundahir_, is - recognizable as mentioned in the _Babur-nama_. They may all - have had local commands, and not have served further east. - Perhaps this, their first appearance, points to the origin of - the information as independent of Babur, but he might have - been found to name them, if his diary were complete for 936 - AH. - - [2715] The E. and D. translation writes twice as though the - inability to "pull" the bows were due to feebleness in the - men, but an appropriate reading would refer the difficulty to - the hardening of sinews in the composite Turkish bows, which - prevented the archers from bending the bows for stringing. - - [2716] One infers that fires were burned all night in the - bivouac. - - [2717] At this point the A.S.B. copy (No. 137) of the - _Tarikh-i-salatin-i-afaghana_ has a remark which may have been - a marginal note originally, and which cannot be supposed made - by Ahmad-i-yadgar himself because this would allot him too - long a spell of life. It may show however that the - interpolations about the two Timurids were not inserted in his - book by him. Its purport is that the Mundahir village - destroyed by Babur's troops in 936 AH.-1530 AD. was still in - ruins at the time it was written 160 (lunar) years later - (_i.e._ in 1096 AH.-1684-85 AD.). The better Codex (No. 3887) - of the Imperial Library of Calcutta has the same passage.--Both - that remark and its context show acquaintance with Samana and - Kaithal.--The writings now grouped under the title - _Tarikh-i-salatin-i-afaghana_ present difficulties both as to - date and contents (cf. Rieu's _Persian Catalogue_ _s. n._). - - [2718] Presumably in Tihrind. - - [2719] Cf. G. B.'s H. N. trs. and the _Akbar-nama_ Bib. Ind. - ed. and trs., Index _s.nn._; Hughes' _Dictionary of Islam_ - _s.n._ Intercession. - - [2720] A closer translation would be, "I have taken up the - burden." The verb is _bardashtan_ (cf. f. 349, p. 626 n. 1). - - [2721] _See_ Erskine's _History of India_ ii, 9. - - [2722] At this point attention is asked to the value of the - Ahmad-i-yadgar interpolation which allows Babur a year of - active life before Humayun's illness and his own which - followed. With no chronicle known of 936 AH. Babur had been - supposed ill all through the year, a supposition which - destroys the worth of his self-sacrifice. Moreover several - inferences have been drawn from the supposed year of illness - which are disproved by the activities recorded in that - interpolation. - - [2723] E. and D.'s _History of India_ v, 187; G. B.'s - _Humayun-nama_ trs. p. 28. - - [2724] _dar khidmat-i-diwani-i-buyutat_; perhaps he was a - Barrack-officer. His appointment explains his attendance on - Khalifa. - - [2725] Khalifa prescribed for the sick Babur. - - [2726] _khanwada-i-biganah_, perhaps, foreign dynasty. - - [2727] From Sambhal; Gul-badan, by an anachronism made some 60 - years later, writes Kalanjar, to which place Humayun moved 5 - months after his accession. - - [2728] I am indebted to my husband's perusal of Sayyid Ahmad - Khan's _Asar-i-sanadid_ (Dihli ed. 1854 p. 37, and Lakhnau - ed. 1895 pp. 40, 41) for information that, perhaps in 935 AH., - Mahdi Khwaja set up a tall slab of white marble near Amir - Khusrau's tomb in Dihli, which bears an inscription in praise - of the poet, composed by that Shihabu'd-din the Enigmatist who - reached Agra with Khwand-amir in Muharram 935 AH. (f. 339_b_). - The inscription gives two chronograms of Khusrau's death (725 - AH.), mentions that Mahdi Khwaja was the creator of the - memorial, and gives its date in the words, "The beautiful - effort of Mahdi Khwaja."--The Dihli ed. of the - _Asar-i-sanadid_ depicts the slab with its inscription; the - Lakhnau ed. depicts the tomb, may show the slab _in situ_, and - contains interesting matter by Sayyid Ahmad Khan. The slab is - mentioned without particulars in Murray's _Hand-book to - Bengal_, p. 329. - - [2729] Lee's _Ibn Batuta_ p. 133 and Hiraman's - _Tarikh-i-gualiari_. Cf. G. B.'s _Humayun-nama_ trs. (1902 - AD.), Appendix B.--_Mahdi Khwaja._ - - [2730] In an anonymous _Life of Shah Isma'il Safawi_, Mahdi - Khwaja [who may be a son of the Musa Khwaja mentioned by Babur - on f. 216] is described as being, in what will be 916-7 AH., - Babur's _Diwan-begi_ and as sent towards Bukhara with 10,000 - men. This was 29 years before the story calls him a young man. - Even if the word _jawan_ (young man) be read, as T. _yigit_ is - frequently to be read, in the sense of "efficient fighting - man", Mahdi was over-age. Other details of the story, besides - the word _jawan_, bespeak a younger man. - - [2731] G. B.'s H. N. trs. p. 126; _Habibu's-siyar_, B. M. Add. - 16,679 f. 370, l. 16, lith. ed. Sec. III. iii, 372 (where a - clerical error makes Babur give Mahdi _two_ of his - full-sisters in marriage).--Another _yazna_ of Babur was - Khalifa's brother Junaid _Barlas_, the husband of Shahr-banu, - a half-sister of Babur. - - [2732] Babur, shortly before his death, married Gul-rang to - Aisan-timur and Gul-chihra to Tukhta-bugha _Chaghatai_. Cf. - _post_, Section _h_, _Babur's wives and children_; and G. B.'s - H. N. trs. Biographical Appendix _s.nn._ Dil-dar Begim and - Salima Sultan Begim _Miran-shahi_. - - [2733] Cf. G. B.'s H. N. trs. p. 147. - - [2734] She is the only adult daughter of a Timurid mother - named as being such by Babur or Gul-badan, but various - considerations incline to the opinion that Dil-dar Begim also - was a Timurid, hence her three daughters, all named from the - Rose, were so too. Cf. references of penultimate note. - - [2735] It attaches interest to the Mirza that he can be taken - reasonably as once the owner of the Elphinstone Codex (cf. - JRAS. 1907, pp. 136 and 137). - - [2736] Death did not threaten when this gift was made; life in - Kabul was planned for.--Here attention is asked again to the - value of Ahmad-i-yadgar's Baburiana for removing the - impression set on many writers by the blank year 936 AH. that - it was one of illness, instead of being one of travel, hunting - and sight-seeing. The details of the activities of that year - have the further value that they enhance the worth of Babur's - sacrifice of life.--Haidar Mirza also fixes the date of the - beginning of illness as 937 AH. - - [2737] The author, or embroiderer, of that anonymous story did - not know the _Babur-nama_ well, or he would not have described - Babur as a wine-drinker after 933 AH. The anecdote is parallel - with Nizamu'd-din Ahmad's, the one explaining why the Mirza - was selected, the other why the _damad_ was dropped. - - [2738] _Bib. Ind._ i, 341; Ranking's trs. p. 448. - - [2739] The night-guard; perhaps Mahim Begim's brother (G. B.'s - H. N. trs. pp. 27-8). - - [2740] G. B.'s H. N. trs. f. 34_b_, p. 138; Jauhar's _Memoirs - of Humayun_, Stewart's trs. p. 82. - - [2741] Cf. G. B.'s H. N. trs. p. 216, Bio. App. _s.n._ Bega - Begam. - - [2742] f. 128, p. 200 n. 3. Cf. Appendix U.--_Babur's Gardens - in and near Kabul_. - - [2743] Cf. H. H. Hayden's _Notes on some monuments in - Afghanistan_, [_Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_ ii, - 344]; and _Journal asiatique_ 1888, M. J. Darmesteter's art. - _Inscriptions de Caboul_. - - [2744] _an_, a demonstrative suggesting that it refers to an - original inscription on the second, but now absent, upright - slab, which presumably would bear Babur's name. - - [2745] Ruzwan is the door-keeper of Paradise. - - [2746] Particulars of the women mentioned by Babur, Haidar, - Gul-badan and other writers of their time, can be seen in my - Biographical Appendix to the Begim's _Humayun-nama_. As the - Appendix was published in 1902, variants from it occurring in - this work are corrections superseding earlier and - less-informed statements. - - [2747] _Tarikh-i-rashidi_ trs. Ney Elias and Ross p. 308. - - [2748] Bio. App. _s.n._ Gul-chihra. - - [2749] The story of the later uprisings against Mahim's son - Humayun by his brothers, by Muhammad-i-zaman _Bai-qara_ and - others of the same royal blood, and this in spite of Humayun's - being his father's nominated successor, stirs surmise as to - whether the rebels were not tempted by more than his defects - of character to disregard his claim to supremacy; perhaps - pride of higher maternal descent, this particularly amongst - the Bai-qara group, may have deepened a disregard created by - antagonisms of temperament. - - [2750] Until the Yangi-ariq was taken off the Sir, late in the - last century, for Namangan, the oasis land of Farghana was - fertilized, not from the river but by its intercepted - tributaries. - - [2751] Ujfalvy's translation of Yaqut (ii, 179) reads one - _farsakh_ from the mountains instead of 'north of the river.' - - [2752] Kostenko describes a division of Tashkint, one in which - is Ravine-lane (_jar-kucha_), as divided by a deep ravine; of - another he says that it is cut by deep ravines (Babur's _'umiq - jarlar_). - - [2753] Babur writes as though Akhsi had one Gate only (f. - 112_b_). It is unlikely that the town had come down to having - a single exit; the Gate by which he got out of Akhsi was the - one of military importance because served by a draw-bridge, - presumably over the ravine-moat, and perhaps not close to that - bridge. - - [2754] For mention of upper villages _see_ f. 110 and note 1. - - [2755] _Cf._ f. 114 for distances which would be useful in - locating Akhsi if Babur's _yighach_ were not variable; Ritter, - vii, 3 and 733; Reclus, vi, index _s.n._ Farghana; Ujfalvy ii, - 168, his quotation from Yaqut and his authorities; Nalivkine's - _Histoire du Khanat de Kokand_, p. 14 and p. 53; Schuyler, i, - 324; Kostenko, Tables of Contents for cognate general - information and i, 320, for Tashkint; von Schwarz, index under - related names, and especially p. 345 and plates; Pumpelly, p. - 18 and p. 115. - - [2756] This Turki-Persian Dictionary was compiled by Mirza - Mahdi Khan. Nadir Shah's secretary and historian, whose life - of his master Sir William Jones translated into French (Rieu's - Turki Cat. p. 264_b_). - - [2757] The _Padshah-nama_ whose author, 'Abdu'l-hamid, the - biographer of Shah-jahan, died in 1065 AH. (1655 AD.) mentions - the existence of lacunae in a copy of the Babur-nama, in the - Imperial Library and allowed by his wording to be Babur's - autograph MS. (i, 42 and ii, 703). - - [2758] _Akbar-nama_, Bib. Ind. ed. i, 305; H. B. i, 571. - - [2759] Hai. MS. f. 118_b_; _aushal baghda su aqib kila dur - aidi_. _Babur-nama_, _su aqib_, water flowed and _aushal_ is - rare, but in the R.P. occurs 7 times. - - [2760] _guzum awiqi-gha barib tur._ B.N. f. 117_b_, _guzum - awiqu-gha bardi_. - - [2761] _kura dur min_, B.N. f. 83, _tush kurdum_ and _tush - kurar min_. - - [2762] _ablaq suwar bilan_; P. _suwar_ for T. _atliq_ or - _atliq kishi_; _bilan_ for B.N. _bila_, and an odd use of - piebald (_ablaq_). - - [2763] _masnad_, B.N. _takht_, throne. _Masnad_ betrays - Hindustan. - - [2764] _Hamra'ilari (sic) bir bir ga (sic) maslahat qila - durlar._ _Maslahat for B.N. kingash_ or _kingaish_; _hamrah_, - companion, for _mining bila bar_, etc. - - [2765] _baghlamaq_ and f. 119_b_ _baghlaghanlar_; B.N. _almak_ - or _tutmaq_ to seize or take prisoner. - - [2766] _diwar_ for _tam_. - - [2767] f. 119, _at-tin auzlar-ni tashlab_; B.N. _tushmak_, - dismount. _Tashlamaq_ is not used in the sense of dismount by - B. - - [2768] _padshah_ so used is an anachronism (f. 215); Babur - Mirza would be correct. - - [2769] _zahiran_; B.N. _yaqin_. - - [2770] Ilminsky's imprint stops at _dib_; he may have taken - _kim-dib_ for signs of quotation merely. (This I did earlier, - JRAS 1902, p. 749.) - - [2771] Aligarh ed. p. 52; Rogers' trs. i, 109. - - [2772] _Cf._ f. 63_b_, n. 3. - - [2773] Another but less obvious objection will be mentioned - later. - - [2774] Julien notes (_Voyages des pelerins Bouddhistes_, ii, - 96), "Dans les annales des Song on trouve Nang-go-lo-ho, qui - repond exactement a l'orthographe indienne Nangarahara, que - fournit l'inscription decouvert par le capitaine Kittoe" - (JASB. 1848). The reference is to the Ghoswara inscription, of - which Professor Kielhorn has also written (_Indian Antiquary_, - 1888), but with departure from Nangarahara to Nagarahara. - - [2775] The scribe of the Haidarabad Codex appears to have been - somewhat uncertain as to the spelling of the name. What is - found in histories is plain, N:g:r:har. The other name varies; - on first appearance (fol. 131_b_) and also on fols. 144 and - 154_b_, there is a vagrant dot below the word, which if it - were above would make Ning-nahar. In all other cases the word - reads N:g:nahar. Nahar is a constant component, as is also the - letter _g_(or _k_). - - [2776] Some writers express the view that the medial _r_ in - this word indicates descent from Nagarahara, and that the - medial _n_ of Elphinstone's second form is a corruption of it. - Though this might be, it is true also that in local speech _r_ - and _n_ often interchange, _e.g._ Chighar- and Chighan-sarai, - Suhar and Suhan (in Nur-valley). - - [2777] This asserts _n_ to be the correct consonant, and - connects with the interchange of _n_ and _r_ already noted. - - [2778] Since writing the above I have seen Laidlaw's almost - identical suggestion of a nasal interpolated in Nagarahara - (JASB. 1848, art. on Kittoe). The change is of course found - elsewhere; is not Tank for Taq an instance? - - [2779] These affluents I omit from main consideration as - sponsors because they are less obvious units of taxable land - than the direct affluents of the Kabul-river, but they remain - a reserve force of argument and may or may not have counted in - Babur's nine. - - [2780] Cunningham, i, 42. My topic does not reach across the - Kabul-river to the greater Udyanapura of Beal's _Buddhist - Records_ (p. 119) nor raise the question of the extent of that - place. - - [2781] The strong form Ning-nahar is due to euphonic impulse. - - [2782] Some discussion about these coins has already appeared - in JRAS. 1913 and 1914 from Dr. Codrington, Mr. M. Longworth - Dames and my husband. - - [2783] This variant from the Turki may be significant. Should - _tamghanat(-i-)sikka_ be read and does this describe - countermarking? - - [2784] It will be observed that Babur does not explicitly say - that Husain put the beg's name on the coin. - - [2785] _Habibu's-siyar_ lith. ed. iii, 228; _Haidarabad_ Codex - text and trs. f. 26_b_ and f. 169; Browne's Daulat Shah p. - 533. - - [2786] Husain born 842 AH. (1438 AD.); d. 911 AH. (1506 AD.). - - [2787] Cf. f. 7_b_ note to braves (_yigitlar_). There may be - instances, in the earlier Farghana section where I have - translated _chuhra_ wrongly by _page_. My attention had not - then been fixed on the passage about the coins, nor had I the - same familiarity with the Kabul section. For a household page - to be clearly recognizable as such from the context, is - rare--other uses of the word are translated as their context - dictates. - - [2788] They can be traced through my Index and in some cases - their careers followed. Since I translated _chuhra-jirga-si_ - on f. 15_b_ by cadet-corps, I have found in the Kabul section - instances of long service in the corps which make the word - cadet, as it is used in English, too young a name. - - [2789] This Mr. M. Longworth Dames pointed out in JRAS. 1913. - - [2790] _Habibu's-siyar_ lith. ed. iii, 219; Ferte trs. p. 28. - For the information about Husain's coins given in this - appendix I am indebted to Dr. Codrington and Mr. M. Longworth - Dames. - - [2791] Elphinstone MS. f. 150_b_; Haidarabad MS. f. 190_b_; - Ilminsky, imprint p. 241. - - [2792] Muh. Ma'sum _Bhakkari's Tarikh-i-sind_ 1600, Malet's - Trs. 1855, p. 89; Mohan Lall's _Journal_ 1834, p. 279 and - _Travels_ 1846, p. 311; Bellew's _Political Mission to - Afghanistan_ 1857, p. 232; _Journal Asiatique_ 1890, - Darmesteter's _La grande inscription de Qandahar_; JRAS. 1898, - Beames' _Geography of the Qandahar inscription_. Murray's - _Hand-book of the Panjab etc._ 1883 has an account which as to - the Inscriptions shares in the inaccuracies of its sources - (Bellew & Lumsden). - - [2793] The plan of Qandahar given in the official account of - the Second Afghan War, makes Chihil-zina appear on the wrong - side of the ridge, n.w. instead of n.e. - - [2794] destroyed in 1714 AD. It lay 3 m. west of the present - Qandahar (not its immediate successor). It must be observed - that Darmesteter's insufficient help in plans and maps led him - to identify Chihil-zina with Chihil-dukhtaran - (Forty-daughters). - - [2795] _Tarikh-i-rashidi_ trs. p. 387; _Akbar-nama_ trs. i, - 290. - - [2796] Hai. Codex, Index _sn.n._ - - [2797] It is needless to say that a good deal in this story - may be merely fear and supposition accepted as occurrence. - - [2798] Always left beyond the carpet on which a reception is - held. - - [2799] This is not in agreement with Babur's movements. - - [2800] _i.e._ Humayun wished for a full-brother or sister, - another child in the house with him. The above names of his - brother and sister are given elsewhere only by Gulbadan (f. - 6_b_). - - [2801] The "we" might be Mahim and Humayun, to Babur in camp. - - [2802] Perhaps before announcing the birth anywhere. - - [2803] Presumably this plural is honorific for the Honoured - Mother Mahim. - - [2804] Mahim's and Humayun's quarters. - - [2805] Gul-badan's _Humayun-nama_, f. 8. - - [2806] JRAS. A. S. Beveridge's Notes on _Babur-nama_ MSS. - 1900, [1902,] 1905, 1906, [1907,] 1908 (Kehr's transcript, p. - 76, and Latin translation with new letter of Babur p. 828). - - [2807] In all such matters of the _Babur-nama_ Codices, it has - to be remembered that their number has been small. - - [2808] Vigne's _Travels in Kashmir_ ii, 277-8; - _Tarikh-i-rashidi_ trs., p. 302 and n. and p. 466 and note. - - [2809] It is not likely to be one heard current in Hindustan, - any more than is Babur's Ar. _bu-qalamun_ as a name of a bird - (Index _s.n._); both seem to be "book-words" and may be traced - or known as he uses them in some ancient dictionary or book of - travels originating outside Hindustan. - - [2810] My note 6 on p. 421 shows my earlier difficulties, due - to not knowing (when writing it) that _kabg-i-dari_ represents - the snow-cock in the Western Himalayas. - - [2811] By over-sight mention of this note was omitted from my - article on the Elphinstone Codex (JRAS. 1907, p. 131). - - [2812] Speede's _Indian Hand-book_ (i, 212) published in 1841 - AD. thus writes, "It is a curious circumstance that the finest - and most esteemed fruit are produced from the roots below the - surface of the ground, and are betrayed by the cracking of the - earth above them, and the effluvia issuing from the fissure; a - high price is given by rich natives for fruit so produced." - - [2813] In the margin of the Elphinstone Codex opposite the - beginning of the note are the words, "This is a marginal note - of Humayun Padshah's." - - [2814] Every Emperor of Hindustan has an epithet given him - after his death to distinguish him, and prevent the necessity - of repeating his name too familiarly. Thus _Firdaus-makan_ - (dweller-in-paradise) is Babur's; Humayun's is - _Jannat-ashi-yani_, he whose nest is in Heaven; Muhammad - Shah's _Firdaus-aramgah_, he whose place of rest is Paradise; - _etc._ (Erskine). - - [2815] Here Mr. Erskine notes, "Literally, _nectar-fruit_, - probably the mandarin orange, by the natives called _naringi_. - The name _amrat_, or pear, in India is applied to the guava or - _Psidium pyriferum_--(_Spondias mangifera_, Hort. Ben.--D. - Wallich)."... Mr. E. notes also that the note on the - _amrit-phal_ "is not found in either of the Persian - translations". - - [2816] _chuchuman_, Pers. trs. _shirini bi maza_, perhaps - flat, sweet without relish. Babur does not use the word, nor - have I traced it in a dictionary. - - [2817] _chuchuk_, savoury, nice-tasting, not acid (Shaw). - - [2818] _chuchuk naranj andaq (?) mat'un aidi kim har kim-ni - shirin-karlighi bi masa qilkandi, naranj-su'i dik tur dirlar - aidi._ - - [2819] The _lemu_ may be _Citrus limona_, which has abundant - juice of a mild acid flavour. - - [2820] The _kamila_ and _samtara_ are the real oranges - (_kaunla_ and _sangtara_), which are now (_cir._ 1816 AD.) - common all over India. Dr. Hunter conjectures that the - _sangtara_ may take its name from Cintra, in Portugal. This - early mention of it by Babur and Humayun may be considered as - subversive of that supposition. (This description of the - _samtara_, vague as it is, applies closer to the _Citrus - decumana_ or _pampelmus_, than to any other.--D. - Wallich.)--Erskine. - - [2821] Humayun writes of this fruit as though it were not the - _sang-tara_ described by his father on f. 287 (p. 511 and - note). - - [2822] M. de Courteille translated _jama'_ in a general sense - by _totalit.'_ instead of in its Indian technical one of - revenue (as here) or of assessment. Hence Professor Dowson's - "totality" (iv, 262 n.). - - [2823] The B.M. has a third copy, Or. 5879, which my husband - estimates as of little importance. - - [2824] Sir G. A. Grierson, writing in the _Indian Antiquary_ - (July 1885, p. 187), makes certain changes in Ajodhya Prasad's - list of the Brahman rulers of Tirhut, on grounds he states. - - [2825] Index _s.n._ Babur's letters. The passage Shaikh Zain - quotes is found in Or. 1999, f. 65_b_, Add. 26,202, f. 66_b_, - Or. 5879, f. 79_b_. - - [2826] Cf. Index _in loco_ for references to Babur's metrical - work, and for the Facsimile, JASB. 1910, Extra Number. - - [2827] Monday, Rabi' II. 15th 935 AH.--Dec. 27th 1528 AD. At - this date Babur had just returned from Dhulpur to Agra (f. - 354, p. 635, where in note 1 for Thursday read Monday). - - [2828] Owing to a scribe's "skip" from one _yibarildi_ (was - sent) to another at the end of the next sentence, the passage - is not in the Hai. MS. It is not well given in my translation - (f. 357_b_, p. 642); what stands above is a closer rendering - of the full Turki, _Humayungha tarjuma_ [_u_?] _ni-kim - Hindustangha kilkani aitqan ash'arni yibarildi_ (Ilminsky p. - 462, 1. 4 fr. ft., where however there appears a slight - clerical error). - - [2829] Hesitation about accepting the colophon as - unquestionably applying to the whole contents of the - manuscript is due to its position of close association with - one section only of the three in the manuscript (cf. _post_ p. - lx). - - [2830] Plate XI, and p. 15 (mid-page) of the Facsimile - booklet.--The Facsimile does not show the whole of the marginal - quatrain, obviously because for the last page of the - manuscript a larger photographic plate was needed than for the - rest. With Dr. Ross' concurrence a photograph in which the - defect is made good, accompanies this Appendix. - - [2831] The second section ends on Plate XVII, and p. 21 of the - Facsimile booklet. - - [2832] Needless to say that whatever the history of the - manuscript, its value as preserving poems of which no other - copy is known publicly, is untouched. This value would be - great without the marginal entries on the last page; it finds - confirmation in the identity of many of the shorter poems with - counterparts in the _Babur-nama_. - - [2833] Another autograph of Shah-i-jahan's is included in the - translation volume (p. xiii) of Gul-badan Begam's - _Humayun-nama_. It surprises one who works habitually on - historical writings more nearly contemporary with Babur, in - which he is spoken of as _Firdaus-makani_ or as _Giti-sitani - Firdaus-makani_ and not by the name used during his life, to - find Shah-i-jahan giving him the two styles (cf. _Jahangir's - Memoirs_ trs. ii, 5). Those familiar with the writings of - Shah-i-jahan's biographers will know whether this is usual at - that date. There would seem no doubt as to the identity of _an - Hazrat._--The words _an hazrat_ by which Shah-i-jahan refers to - Babur are used also in the epitaph placed by Jahangir at - Babur's tomb (Trs. Note p. 710-711). - - [2834] The Qazi's rapid acquirement of the _mufradat_ of the - script allows the inference that few letters only and those of - a well-known script were varied.--_Mufradat_ was translated by - Erskine, de Courteille and myself (f. 357_b_) as alphabet but - reconsideration by the light of more recent information about - the _Baburi-khatt_ leads me to think this is wrong because - "alphabet" includes every letter.--On f. 357b three items of - the _Baburi-khatt_ are specified as despatched with the - Hindustan poems, _viz._ _mufradat_, _qita'lar_ and - _sar-i-khatt_. Of these the first went to Hind-al, the third - to Kamran, and no recipient is named for the second; all - translators have sent the _qita'lar_ to Hind-al but I now - think this wrong and that a name has been omitted, probably - Humayun's. - - [2835] f. 144_b_, p. 228, n. 3. Another interesting matter - missing from the _Babur-nama_ by the gap between 914 and 925 - AH. is the despatch of an embassy to Czar Vassili III. in - Moscow, mentioned in Schuyler's _Turkistan_ ii, 394, Appendix - IV, Grigorief's _Russian Policy in Central Asia._ The mission - went after "Sultan Babur" had established himself in Kabul; as - Babur does not write of it before his narrative breaks off - abruptly in 914 AH. it will have gone after that date. - - [2836] I quote from the Veliaminof-Zernov edition (p. 287) - from which de Courteille's plan of work involved extract only; - he translates the couplet, giving to _khatt_ the - double-meanings of script and down of youth (_Dictionnaire - Turque_ _s.n._ _sighnaqi_). The _Sanglakh_ (p. 252) _s.n._ - _sighnaq_ has the following as Babur's:-- - - _Chu balai khatti nasib'ng bulmasa Babur ni tang? - Bare khatt almansur khatt sighnaqi mu dur?_ - - [2837] Gibb's _History of Ottoman Poetry_ i, 113 and ii, 137. - - [2838] Reclus' _L'Asie Russe_ p. 238. - - [2839] On this same _tahrir qildim_ may perhaps rest the - opinion that the Rampur MS. is autograph. - - [2840] I have found no further mention of the tract; it may be - noted however that whereas Babur calls his _Treatise on - Prosody_ (written in 931 AH.) the _'Aruz_, Abu'l-fazl writes - of a _Mufassal_, a suitable name for 504 details of - transposition. - - [2841] _Tuzuk-i-jahangir_ lith. ed. p. 149; and _Memoirs of - jahangir_ trs. i, 304. [In both books the passage requires - amending.] - - [2842] Rampur MS. Facsimile Plate XIV and p. 16, verse 3; - _Akbar-nama_ trs. i, 279, and lith. ed. p. 91. - - [2843] Cf. Index _s.n._ Dalmau and Bangarmau for the - termination in double _u_. - - [2844] Dr. Ilminsky says of the Leyden & Erskine _Memoirs of - Babur_ that it was a constant and indispensable help. - - [2845] My examination of Kehr's Codex has been made - practicable by the courtesy of the Russian Foreign Office in - lending it for my use, under the charge of the Librarian of - the India Office, Dr. F. W. Thomas.--It should be observed that - in this Codex the Hindustan Section contains the purely Turki - text found in the Haidarabad Codex (cf. JRAS. 1908, p. 78). - - [2846] It may indicate that the List was not copied by Babur - but lay loose with his papers, that it is not with the - Elphinstone Codex, and is not with the 'Abdu'r-rahim Persian - translation made from a manuscript of that same annotated - line. - - [2847] Cf. _in loco_ p. 656, n. 3. - - [2848] A few slight changes in the turn of expressions have - been made for clearness sake. - - [2849] Index _s.n._ Mir Baqi of Tashkint. Perhaps a better - epithet for _sa'adat-nishan_ than "good-hearted" would be one - implying his good fortune in being designated to build a - mosque on the site of the ancient Hindu temple. - - [2850] There is a play here on Baqi's name; perhaps a good - wish is expressed for his prosperity together with one for the - long permanence of the sacred building _khair_ (_khairat_). - - [2851] Presumably the order for building the mosque was given - during Babur's stay in Aud (Ajodhya) in 934 AH. at which time - he would be impressed by the dignity and sanctity of the - ancient Hindu shrine it (at least in part) displaced, and like - the obedient follower of Muhammad he was in intolerance of - another Faith, would regard the substitution of a temple by a - mosque as dutiful and worthy.--The mosque was finished in 935 - AH. but no mention of its completion is in the _Babur-nama_. - The diary for 935 AH. has many minor _lacunae_; that of the - year 934 AH. has lost much matter, breaking off before where - the account of Aud might be looked for. - - [2852] The meaning of this couplet is incomplete without the - couplet that followed it and is (now) not legible. - - [2853] Firishta gives a different reason for Babur's sobriquet - of _qalandar_, namely, that he kept for himself none of the - treasure he acquired in Hindustan (Lith. ed. p. 206). - - [2854] Jahangir who encamped in the Shahr-ara-garden in Safar - 1016 AH. (May 1607 AD.) says it was made by Babur's aunt, - Abu-sa'id's daughter Shahr-banu (Rogers and Beveridge's - _Memoirs of Jahangir_ i, 106). - - [2855] A _jalau-khana_ might be where horse-head-gear, bridles - and reins are kept, but _Ayin_ 60 (A.-i-A.) suggests there may - be another interpretation. - - [2856] She was a daughter of Hind-al, was a grand-daughter - therefore of Babur, was Akbar's first wife, and brought up - Shah-i-jahan. Jahangir mentions that she made her first - pilgrimage to her father's tomb on the day he made his to - Babur's, Friday Safar 26th 1016 AH. (June 12th 1607 AD.). She - died _aet._ 84 on Jumada I. 7th 1035 AH. (Jan. 25th 1626 AD.). - Cf. _Tuzuk-i-jahangiri_, Muh. Hadi's Supplement lith. ed. p. - 401. - - [2857] Mr. H. H. Hayden's photograph of the mosque shows - pinnacles and thus enables its corner to be identified in his - second of the tomb itself. - - [2858] One of Daniel's drawings (which I hope to reproduce) - illuminates this otherwise somewhat obscure passage, by - showing the avenue, the borders of running-water and the - little water-falls,--all reminding of Madeira. - - [2859] _choki_, perhaps "shelter"; see Hobson-Jobson _s.n._ - - [2860] If told with leisurely context, the story of the visits - of Babur's descendants to Kabul and of their pilgrimages to - his tomb, could hardly fail to interest its readers. - - - -THE HISTORY OF BABUR OR BABUR-NAMA - - Index I. Personal - - +Aba-bikr Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son - of Abu-sa'id and a Badakhshi begim--particulars 22, 26; - his attack on Hisar 51; - defeated by Husain _Bai-qara_ and his death (884) 260; - his Bai-qara marriage 266; - a Badakhshi connection 51; - [d. 884 AH.-1479 AD.]. - - +Aba-bikr Mirza+ _Dughlat Kashghari_, son of Saniz and a Chiras - (var. Jaras) begim--invades Farghana (899) 32; - his annexations in Badakhshan 695; - his Miranshahi wife 48; - [d. 920 AH.-1514 AD.]. - - +'Abbas+, a slave--murderer of Aulugh (Ulugh) Beg _Shah-rukhi_ (853) 85. - - +'Abbas Sultan+ _Auzbeg_--marries Gul-chihra _Miran-shahi_, Babur's - daughter (954) 713. - - +'Abdu'l-'ali Tarkhan+ _Arghun Chingiz-Khanid_--particulars 38, 39; - [d. cir. 899 AH.-1494 AD.]. - - +'Abdu'l-'aziz+ _mir-akhwur_--ordered to catch pheasants (925) 404; - ->[2861] posted in Lahor (930) 442; - sent into Milwat (932) 460; - on service 465-6, 471, 530; - the reserve at Panipat 472-3; - reinforces the right 473; - surprised and defeated by Sanga (933) 549, 550; - in the left wing at Kanwa 567, 570; - pursues Sanga 576; - ordered against Baluchis (935) 638; - writes from Lahor about the journey of Babur's family 659, 660; - arrested 688; - -> sequel to his sedition not given in the _Akbar-nama_ 692; - -> reference to his sedition 698. - - +'Abdu'l-'aziz Mirza+ _Shah-rukhi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Aulugh Beg--his Chaghatai wife 19-20. - - +'Abdu'l-baqi+--surrenders Qandahar to Babur (928) 436, 437. - - +'Abdu'l-baqi Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - 'Usman--particulars 280; - referred to 266 n. 6; - goes to Heri (908) 336; - his wife Sultanim _Bai-qara_ 265 n. 5, 280. - - +'Abdu'l-ghaffar+ _tawachi_--conveys military orders (935) 638. - - Mir +'Abdu'l-ghafur+ _Lari_, of Husain _Bai-qara's_ Court--particulars - 284, 285; - [d. 912 AH.-1506-7 AD.]. - - Khwaja +'Abdu'l-haqq+, brother of Khwaja Makhdumi Nura--waited upon - by Babur (935) 641, 686; - has leave to stay in Agra 641. - - +'Abdu'l-karim+ _Ushrit_ (var.) _Auighur_[2862] (var.)--serving Ahmad - _Miran-shahi_ 40; - captured by an Auzbeg (902) 65. - - +'Abdu'l-khaliq Beg+ _Isfarayini_--particulars 273-4 (where read - _Isfarayini_ for "_Isfarayini_"). - - Shaikh +'Abdu'l-lah+ _aishik-agha_--with Jahangir (899) 32; - leaves Babur for home (902) 191. - - Sayyid +'Abdu'l-lah+ _Andikhudi_--his Bai-qara wife Bairam-sultan - and their son Barka _q.v._ - - Khwaja +'Abdu'l-lah+ _Ansari_--his tomb visited by Babur (912) 305; - a surmised attendant on it 145 n. 1; - [d, 481 AH.-1088 AD.]. - - Shaikh +'Abdu'l-lah+ _bakawal_--with the Bai-qara families (913) 328. - - Shaikh +'Abdu'l-lah+ _Barlas_--particulars 51; - excites the Tarkhan rebellion (901) 61-2; - his daughter a cause of attempt on Samarkand 64; - with his son-in-law Mas'ud _Miran-shahi_ (903) 93. - - Khwaja +'Abdu'l-lah Khwajagan Khwaja+--fifth son of 'Ubaidu'l-lah - _Ahrari_--his son 'Abdu'sh-shahid, _q.v._ - - Mulla +'Abdu'l-lah+ _kitabdar_--one of eleven left with Babur (913) 337; - given the third of a potent confection (925) 373; - a drunken lapse 398; - induced by Babur to restrict his drinking 399; - at a party where Babur, abstaining, watches the drinkers 400-1; - rebuked for an offending verse 416; - joins Babur in an autumn garden 418; - on service (932) 468, 530; - in the right centre at Panipat (932) 472, 473; - and at Kanwa (933) 565, 569; - sent to take possession of Agra 475; - is sarcastic 581; - in attendance on Auzbeg envoys (935) 631; - sent to take charge of Sambhal (935) 675, 687; - conveys orders 676; - sends news of Biban and Bayazid 679; - arrives in Agra, 687. - - Khwaja +'Abdu'l-lah+ _Marwarid_--particulars 278-9; - preeminent on the dulcimer 291; - [d. 922 AH.-1516 AD.]. - - +'Abdu'l-lah Mirza+ _Shah-rukhi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_--succeeds his - father, Ibrahim, in Shiraz (838) 20, and his - cousin 'Abdu'l-latif in Transoxiana (854) 85-6; - Yunas Khan his retainer _q.v._; - [d Jumada I. 22, 855 AH.-1450 AD.].[2863] - - Khwaja +'Abdu'l-lah Qazi+, see Khwaja Maulana-i-qazi. - - +'Abdu'l-lah Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban_--particulars 267; - serving Babur in Hindustan (after 933?) 267. - - +'Abdu'l-latif+ _bakhshi_--serving Husain _Bai-qara_ (901) 57; - acts for Babur from Qunduz (932-3) 546. - - +'Abdu'l-latif Mirza+ _Shah-rukhi Timurid, Barlas Turk_--murders and - succeeds his father Aulugh Beg (853) 15; - a couplet on his parricide 85[2864]; - [d Rabi' l .26, 854 AH.-1450 AD.[2865]]. - - +'Abdu'l-latif Sultan+ _Auzbeg_, _Shaibani Chingiz-khanid_, son of - Hamza-- Babur's half-sister Yadgar (_aet. cir._ 8) his share of - spoil (908) 18. - - Mulla +'Abdu'l-maluk+ _Khwasti_ (var. malik)--at Bajaur (925) 368; - sent ahead into Bhira 381; - and to Kabul 415; - returns from an embassy to 'Iraq (932) 446 (here _qurchi_); - sent again (935) 642; - on service (933) 576, 582. - - +'Abdu'l-minan+, son of Mulla Haidar--holding Bish-kint (907) 151. - - Amir +'Abdu'l-qadus Beg+ _Dughlat_--slays Jamal _Khar Arghun_ (877) 35; - conveys wedding gifts to Babur and arouses suspicion (900) 43; - [for his death see T.R. trs. pp. 94, 103]. - - +'Abdu'l-qadus Beg+ _Kohbur Chaghatai_--with Babur at Madu (Mazu) (905) - 109 (where for "qasim" read qadus); - one of the eight fugitives from Akhsi (908) 177. - - Mirak +'Abdu'r-rahim+ _Sadr_--his servant Badru'd-din _q.v._ - - +'Abdu'r-rahim+ _shaghawal_--sent to speak the Bhira people fair for - Babur (925) 381; - given charge of Ibrahim _Ludi's_ mother (933) 543; - fetches a hostage to Court 578; - who escapes 581. - - Maulana +'Abdu'r-rahim+_ Turkistani_--fleeces Khwand-amir 328. - - Mulla +'Abdu'r-rahman+ _Ghaznawi_--particulars 218; - [d. 921 AH.-1515 AD.]. - - Maulana +'Abdu'r-rahman+ _Jami_--his letters imitated by Nawa'i 271; - his sarcasm on Shaikhim's Verse 277; - his tomb visited by Babur (912) 285, 305; - Babur's reverential mention of him 283, 286; - his example followed by production of the _Walidiyyah-risala_ (935) - 620; - his birth-place 623 n. 8; - his disciple 'Abdu'l-ghafur 284; - [898 AH.-1492 AD.]. - - +'Abdu'r-rahman Khan+ _Barak-zai Afghan_, Amir of Afghanistan--mentioned - in connection with Jami's tomb 305 n. 6; - [d. 1319 AH.-1901 AD.]. - - +'Abdu'r-razzaq Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Aulugh Beg _Kabuli_--loses Kabul (910) 195, 365; - out with Babur 234; - surmised part-vendor of Babur's mother's burial-ground 246 n. 2; - in Herat (912) 298; - escapes Shaibani and joins Babur (913) 331; - in the left wing at Qandahar 334; - his loot 337-8; - deserts Qalat in fear of Shaibani 340; - left in charge of Kabul _ib._; - given Ningnahar 344; - rebels (914) 345; - his position stated 345 n. 6; - [d. 915 AH.-1509 AD.?]. - - Khwaja +'Abdu'sh-shahid+, son of Ahrari's fifth son Khwajagan-khwaja - ('Abdu'l-lah)--placed on Babur's right-hand (935) 631; - gifts made to him 632; - invited to a _ma'jun_-party 653; - particulars 653 n. 4; - -> a likely recipient of the _Mubin_ 438, 631 n. 3; - [d. 982 AH.-1574 AD.]. - - +'Abdu'sh-shukur+ _Mughul_, son of Qambar-i-'ali _Silakh_--serving - Jahangir _Miran-shahi_ (after 910) 192; - in the right wing at Kanwa (933) 566. - - +'Abdu'l-wahhab+ _Mughul_--given Shaikh Puran to loot (913) 328. - - +'Abdu'l-wahhab+ _shaghawal_, servant of 'Umar-shaikh and Ahmad - _Miran-shahi_--forwards news (899) 25; - gives Khujand to Babur 54; - his son Mir Mughul _q.v._ - - +Abraha+ _Yemeni_, an _Abyssinian Christian_--his defeat (571 AD.) - 563 n. 3. - - Imam +Abu Hanifa+--his followers' respect for the _Hidayat_ 76; - his ruling that peacock-meat is lawful food 493. - - Khwaja +Abu'l-barka+ _Faraqi_--criticizes Bana'i's verse (906) 137. - - Shaikh +Abu'l-fath+, servant of the Shah-zada of Mungir--envoy from - Bengal to Babur (934, 935) 676; - placed on Babur's right-hand (935) 631. - - +Abu'l-fath Sa'id Khan+, see Sa'id Khan _Chaghatai_. - - +Abu'l-fath+ _Turkman_, son of 'Umar--his joining Babur from 'Iraq 280; - made military-collector of Dhulpur (933) 540; - Babur visits his _hammam_ (935) 615. - - +Abu'l-fazl+, see _Akbar-nama_. - - +Abu'l-hasan+ _qur-begi_--in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 334; - does well (925) 404; - his brother Muhammad Husain _q.v._ - - +Abu'l-hasan+ _qurchi_--in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335. - - +Abu'l-hashim+, servant of Sl. 'Ali [Taghai _Begchik_]--overtakes Babur - with ill news (925) 412. - - +Abu'l-ma'ali+ _Tirmizi_-- -> his burial-place has significance as - to Mahdi Khwaja's family 705; - [d. 971 AH.-1564 AD.]. - - Khwaja +Abu'l-makaram+--supports Bai-sunghar _Miran-shahi_ (901) 62, - (902) 65; - acts for peace (903) 91; - meets Babur, both exiles (904) 99; - at Babur's capture of Samarkand (906) 132, 141; - leaves it with him 147 n. 2; - speaks for him (908) 157-8; - fails to recognize him 161; - -> at Archian 184; - [d. 908 AH.-1502 AD.]. - - Shaikh +Abu'l-mansur+ _Mataridi_--his birthplace Samarkand 75, 76; - [d. 333 AH.-944 AD.]. - - +Abu'l-muhammad+ _neza-baz_--in the _tulghuma_ of the left wing, at - Panipat (932) 473; - on service (933) 582, (934) 589, 598. - - +Abu'l-muhammad+ _Khujandi_--his sextant 74 n. 4. - - +Abu'l-muhsin Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Husain - and Latif--particulars 262 (where for "husain" read muhsin), 269; - serving his father (901) 58; - defeats his brother Badi'u'z-zaman (902) 69, 70; - defeated by his father at Halwa-spring (904) 260; - his men take Qarakul from Auzbegs (906) 135; - co-operates against Shaibani (912) 296; - rides out to meet Babur 297; - they share a divan 298; - presses him to winter in Heri 300; - returns to his district (Merv) 301; - his later action and death 329-30, 331; - [d. 913 AH.-1507 AD.]. - - +Abu'l-muslim Kukuldash+--brings an Arghun gift to Babur (925) 401, 402. - - +Abu'l-qasim+ _Jalair_--tells Babur a parrot story. (935)[2866] 494. - - +Abu'l-qasim+--a musician (923) 387, 388 (here Qasim only). - - +Abu'l-qasim+, _Kohbur Chaghatai_, son of Haidar-i-qasim--on - service with Babur (902) 68, (906) 130, 131, 133; - in the right wing at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 139; - killed 141; - [d. 906 AH.-1501 AD.]. - - Shaikh +Abu'l-wajd+ _Farighi_, maternal-uncle of Zain - _Khawafi_--makes verse on the Kabul-river (932) 448; - his chronogram on Al-aman's birth (935) 621; - [d. 940 AH.-1533 AD.[2867]]. - - Shaikh +Abu-sa'id Khan+ _Dar-miyan_[2868]--particulars 276. - - Sultan +Abu-sa'id Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas - Turk_--his descent 14; - asserts Timurid supremacy over Chaghatai Khaqans (855) 20, 344, 352; - takes Mawara'u'n-nahr (855) 86; - forms his Corps of Braves 28, 50; - a single combat in his presence (857) 50; - defeats Husain _Bai-qara_ (868) 259; - a swift courier to him 25; - joined by the Black-sheep Turkmans (872) 49; - orders the Hindustan army mobilized 46; - defeated and killed by the White-sheep Turkmans (873) 25, 46, 49; - appointments named 24, 37; - his banishment of Nawa'i 271; - reserves a Chaghatai wife for a son 21, 36; - his Badakhshi wife and their son 22,[2869] 260; - his Tarkhan _Arghun_ wife and their sons, 33, 45; - his mistress Khadija _q.v._; - his daughters Payanda-sultan, Shahr-banu, Rabi'a-sultan, - Khadija-sultan, Fakhr-i-jahan, Apaq-sultan, Aq Begim _q.v._; - retainers named as his 'Ali-dost _Sagharichi_, Muhammad Baranduq, - Aurus, and Zu'n-nun _Arghun_ _q.v._; - his marriage connection Nuyan _Tirmizi_ _q.v._; - [d. 873 AH.-1469 AD.]. - - +Abu-sa'id Puran+, see Jamalu'd-din. - - +Abu-sa'id Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban_, _Chingiz-khanid_, son of - Kuchum-- -> at Ghaj-davan (918) 360; - at Jam (935) 622, 636; - sends an envoy to Babur 631, 632, 641; - [d. 940 AH.-1533-4 AD.]. - - Shaikh +Abu-sa'id Tarkhan+ (var. Bu-sa'id)--his house Mirza Khan's - loot in Qandahar (913) 338. - - +Abu-turab Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Husain - and Mingli--particulars 262, 269; - his son Sohrab _q.v._; - [d before 911 AH.-1505-6 AD.]. - - +Adik Sultan+ _Qazzaq_, _Juji Chingiz-khanid_ (var. Aung Sultan), - son of Jani Beg Khan (T.R. trs. 373)--husband of Sultan-nigar - _Chaghatai_ _q.v._ - - +'Adil Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban_(?), _Chingiz-khanid_(?), - son of Mahdi and a Bai-qara begim--marries Shad _Bai-qara_ 263; - suggestions as to his descent 264 n. 1; - waits on Babur at Kalanur (932) 458; - on Babur's service 468, 471, 475, 530; - in the left wing at Panipat 472; - and at Kanwa (933) 567, 570; - ordered against Baluchis (935) 638; - -> mentioned as a landless man 706. - - Sayyida +Afaq+, a legendary wife of Babur 358 n. 2; - her son and grandson _ib._ - - +Afghani Aghacha+, see Mubarika. - - Sayyid +Afzal Beg+, son of 'Ali _Khwab-bin_--conveys Husain - _Bai-qara's_ summons to Babur for help against Shaibani (911) 255; - particulars 282; - takes news to Herat of Babur's start from Kabul (912) 294; - sends him news of Husain's death 295; - [d. 921 AH.-1516 AD.]. - - +Agha Begim+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Husain and Payanda-sultan--parentage and marriage (or betrothal, - H.S. iii, 327) 266; - [d died in childhood]. - - +Agha-sultan+, _ghunchachi_ of 'Umar Shaikh--her daughter - Yadgar-i-sultan _q.v._ - - +Ahi+--his feet frost-bitten (912) 311. - - +Ahi+, a poet--particulars 289; - [d 907 AH.-1501-2]. - - +Ahli+, a poet--particulars 290; - (for 4 writers using _Ahli_ as their pen-name see 290 n. 6). - - Sultan +Ahmad+ _Ailchi-bugha_, _Mughul_--one of four daring much - (912) 315; - in the left wing at Qandahar (913) 334. - - Pir +Ahmad+--leaves Samarkand with the Tarkhans (905) 121; - fights for Babur at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139. - - +Ahmad+ _Afshar Turk_--a letter to him endorsed by Babur (935) 617. - - Mirza +Ahmad 'Ali+ _Farsi_, _Barlas_--particulars 273. - - +Ahmad 'Ali Tarkhan+ _Arghun_, brother of Quli Beg--favours Babur and - admits him to Qandahar (913) 337. - - Mulla +Ahmad+ _Balkhi_-- conveys treasure to Balkh (932) 446. - - Mirza Sayyidi +Ahmad+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Miran-shah--particulars 257 n. 5; - named in a line of descent 280 n. 1; - his son Ahmad and grandson 'Abdu'l-baqi _q.v._ - - Mir +Ahmad Beg+ _Itaraji Mughul_, paternal-uncle of Tambal--guardian - of a son of The Khan (Mahmud) 115; - reinforces Babur (903) 92; - acts against him (905) 115, 116; - acts against 'Ali _Miran-shahi_ 112; - makes a contemptuous speech about Tambal (906) 145. - - +Ahmad Beg+ _Safawi_-- -> leads a reinforcement to help Babur - (917) 353. - - Sultan +Ahmad+ _Char-shamba'i_, see Char-shamba. - - +Ahmad+ _chashnigir_--helps in poisoning Babur (933) 541; - [d. 933 AH.-1526 AD.]. - - +Ahmad Haji Beg+ _Duldai_, _Barlas Turk_--particulars 25, 37, 38; - his pen-name Wafa'i and a couplet of his 38; - his hospitality to 'Ali-sher _Nawai_ 38, 271; - drives Khusrau Shah from Samarkand (900) 51; - supports Bai-sunghar _Miran-shahi_ in the Tarkhan rebellion (901) - 62, 63; - his death at the hands of slaves and slave-women 63-4; - [d. 901 AH.-1496 AD.]. - - +Ahmadi+ _parwanchi_--on service (925) 377, (932) 458, 460, (933) 540; - sent to surprise Ibrahim _Ludi_ (932) 468 (his name is omitted in - my text); - in the left centre at Panipat 472, 473; - his ill-behaviour in the heats 524. - - Sultan +Ahmad Khan+--+Alacha Khan+--_Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, son of - Yunas and Shah Begim--particulars 23, 160; - meaning of his sobriquet Alacha Khan 23; - younger Khan-dada, Babur's name for him 129; - considered as a refuge for Babur (899) 29, (903) 92, (906) 129, - (908) 158; - visits Tashkint (908) 159; - ceremonies of meeting 160-1, 171-2; - moves with his elder brother Mahmud against Tambal 161, 168, 171; - his kindness to Babur 159, 166-7, 169, 171; - is given Babur's lands and why 168; - retires from Andijan in fear of Shaibani 172; - defeated by Shaibani at Archian (908 or 909) 7, 23, -> 182-3; - his death (909) reported to Babur (911) 246 and n. 4; - his sons Mansur, Sa'id, Baba (T.R. trs. 160, Babajak), Chin-timur, - Tukhta-bugha, and Aisan-timur q.v.; - his grandson Baba _q.v._; - -> followers of his return from forced migration (908) when - Shaibani is killed (916) 351; - [dend of 909 AH.-1504 AD.]. - - +Ahmad Khan+ _Haji-tarkhani_ (_Astrakhani_)--marries Badi'u'l-jamal - (Badka) _Bai-qara_ (899?) 257, 258; - their sons (Mahmud and Bahadur) 258; - their daughter Khan-zada _q.v._ - - Sultan +Ahmad Mirza+ _Dughlat_--sent by The Khan (Mahmud) to help Babur - (908) 161. - - Sultan +Ahmad Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Abu-sa'id--the lands his father gave him 35, 86; - his brother Mahmud taken to his care (873 or 4) 46; - his disaster on the Chir (895) 17, 25, 31, 34; - a swift courier to him 25; - defeats 'Umar Shaikh 17, 34; 12 n. 2; 53; - invades Farghana (899) 13, 30; - given Aura-tipa 27; - dreaded for Babur 29; - retires and dies 31, 33; - particulars 33, 40; - referred to by Husain _Bai-qara_ (910) 190; - his wives and children 35-6; - an honoured Beg Nuyan _Tirmizi_ _q.v._; - [d. 899 AH.-1494 AD.]. - - Sultan +Ahmad Mirza+, _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Mirza Sayyidi Ahmad--particulars 257 n. 5; - his wife Aka Begim _Bai-qara_ and their son Kichik Mirza _q.v._; 266 - n. 6; - a building of his at Heri 305. - - +Ahmad+ _mushtaq_, _Turkman_--takes Mahmud _Miran-shahi_ to Hisar - (873 or 4) 46-7. - - Sultan +Ahmad+ _qarawal_, father of Quch (Quj) Beg, Tardi Beg and - Sher-afgan Beg _q.v._--defends Hisar (901) 58; - enters Babur's service (905) 112; - in the left Wing at Khuban (905) 113; - holds Marghinan 123. - - +Ahmad-i-qasim+ _Kohbur Chaghatai_, son of Haidar-i-qasim--with Babur - (906) 133; - invited to a disastrous entertainment (907) 152; - joins Jahangir and Tambal 156; - in Akhsi (908) 171; - defeats an Auzbeg raider (910) 195; - helps to hold Kabul for Babur (912) 313; - pursues Mirza Khan 317, 320; - holding Tashkint against Auzbegs (918) 356, 358, 396, 397; - a Kabuli servant of his 351. - - +Ahmad-i-qasim+ _Qibchaq Turk_, (grand-?) son of Baqi _Chaghaniani_ - and a sister of Khusrau Shah, perhaps son of Baqi's son - Muhammad-i-qasim (189 n. 3)--holding Kahmard and Bamian (910) 189; - given charge of the families of Babur's expeditionary force 189; - ill-treats them and is forced to flee 197, 243; - goes to Husain _Bai-qara_ _ib._; - killed at Qunduz 244; - [d. 910 AH.-1505 AD.]. - - Sultan +Ahmad Qazi+ _Qilich_--particulars 29; - his son Khwaja Maulana-i-qazi _q.v._ - - +Ahmad+ _qushchi_--seen by the fugitive Babur (908) 180. - - Khwaja +Ahmad+ _Sajawandi_--his birthplace 217. - - +Ahmad Shah+ _Khilji Turk_--dispossessed of Chandiri by Ibrahim - _Ludi_ 593; - restored by Babur (934) 598. - - +Ahmad Shah+ _Durrani_, _Abdali Afghan_--his victory at Panipat (1174) - 472; - [d. 1182 AH.-1772 AD.]. - - +Ahmad Tarkhan+ _Arghun Chingiz-khanid_ (?)--joins Babur in Samarkand - (906) 133; - loses Dabusi to Shaibani 137; - [d. 906 AH.-1500 AD.]. - - +Ahmad (son of) Tawakkal+ _Barlas_, amir of Husain - _Bai-qara_--particulars 272. - - +Ahmad+ _yasawal_--conveys a message from Babur to the begs of Kabul - Fort (912) 314. - - Khwaja +Ahmad+ _Yasawi_--+Sayyid Ata+--Shaibani's vow at his shrine - 348, 356; - [d. 514 AH.-1120-1 AD.].[2870] - - +Ahmad-i-yusuf Beg+ _Aughlaqchi_, son of Hasan, nephew of - Yusuf--managing Yar-yilaq for 'Ali _Miran-shahi_ (904) 98; - dismissed on suspicion of favouring Babur 98; - probably joins Babur with his uncle (910) 196; - remonstrated with him for fighting unmailed (911) 252; - helping loyalists in Kabul (912) 313; - saves Babur a blow 315, 316; - at Bajaur (925) 369, 401 (here Ahmad Beg); - joins Babur in Hindustan (933) 550; - in the right wing at Kanwa 566 (where in n. 1 for "may" read is), - 569; - governor of Sialkot 98. - - Malik +Ahmad+ _Yusuf-zai Afghan_, nephew of Sulaiman - _q.v._--particulars App. K. - - +Ai Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter of Mahmud - and Khan-zada II.--betrothed to Jahangir. (_cir._ 895) 48; - married (910) 189; - their daughter 48. - - +Aiku-salam+ _Mughul_--rebels against Babur (914) 345. - - +Aiku[2871]-timur Beg Tarkhan+ _Arghun_--his descendant Darwesh Beg - _q.v._; - [d. 793 AH.-1391 AD.]. - - Sultan? +Ailik+ _Mazi Auighur_ (_Uighur_)--his descendant Khwaja - Maulana-i-qazi _q.v._ - - +Airzin Beg+ (var. Airazan) _Barin Mughul_--supports Yunas _Chaghatai_ - (_cir._ 830), takes him to Aulugh Beg _Shah-rukhi_ - (_cir._ 832) 19; - ill-received and his followers scattered 20; - [d. 832 AH.-1428 AD.]. - - +Aisan-bugha Khan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, son of Dawa--named in - Yunas Khan's genealogy 19; - [d_cir._ 718 AH.-1318 AD.]. - - +Aisan-bugha Khan II.+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, son of - Wais--particulars 19; - invades Farghana and defeated at Aspara (_cir._ 855) 20; - quarrels with the begs of the Sagharichi _tuman_ and leads to the - elevation of Yunas _ib._; - [d. 866 AH.-1462 AD.]. - - +Aisan-daulat Begim+ _Kunji_ (or _Kunchi_) _Mughul_, wife of Yunas - _Chaghatai_--particulars 20, 21; - her good judgment (900) 43; - entreats Babur's help for Andijan (903) 88-9; - joins him in Khujand after the loss of Andijan 92; - and in Dikh-kat after that of Samarkand (907) 151; - news of her death reaches Kabul (911) 246; - rears one of 'Umar Shaikh's daughters 18; - her kinsmen 'Ali-dost, Sherim, Ghiyas _q.v._; - [d. 910 AH.-1505 AD.]. - - +Aisan-quli Sultan _Auzbeg-Shaiban_, _Chingiz-khanid_--his Bai-qara - marriage, 265, 397. - - +Aisan-timur Sultan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, son of Ahmad - (Alacha Khan)--on Babur's service 318, 682; - meets Babur (935) 654; - in the battle of the Ghogra 672, 673; - thanked 677; - angers Babur 684. - - +Aka Begim+, _Barlas Turk_, daughter of Timur--an ancestress of Husain - _Bai-qara_ 256. - - +Aka Begim+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, daughter of Mansur and - Firuza--particulars 257; - her husband Ahmad and their son Kichik Mirza _q.v._ - - Abu'l-fath Jalalu'd-din Muhammad +Akbar+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, - _Barlas Turk_, grandson of Babur and Mahim-- -> 184; - -> an addition about him made to the Chihil-zina inscription 432; - -> his visit to Panipat (963) 472; - his change in the name of the cherry explained by Babur's words 501, - n. 6; - [d1014 AH.-1605 AD.]. - - +Alacha Khan+, see Ahmad _Chaghatai_. - - +Al-aman+, son of Humayun--his birth and name (935) 621, 624, 642; - [d in infancy]. - - +'Alam Khan+ _Kalpi_, son of Jalal Khan _Jik-hat_ (or - _Jig-hat_)--holding Kalpi and not submissive to Babur (932) 523; - goes to Court (933) 544; - disobeys orders 557; - is Babur's host in Kalpi (934) 590; - on service (935) 682; - an order about him 684. - - 'Alau'u'd-din +'Alam Khan+ _Ludi Afghan_, son of Buhlul-- -> a principal - actor between 926-32 AH. 428; - -> asks and obtains Babur's help against his nephew Ibrahim (929) - 439-441; - placed by Babur in charge of Dibalpur (930) 442; - -> defeated by Daulat Khan _Yusuf-khail_ (931) 444; - flees to Kabul and is again set forth 444, 455; - defeated by Ibrahim and returns to Babur (932) 454-8; - his relations with Babur reviewed 455, n. 1; - in Fort Ginguta 457, 463; - in the left centre at Kanwa (933) 565; - his sons Jalal, Kamal, and Sher Khan (_Ludi_) _q.v._ - - Sultan 'Alau'u'd-din +'Alam Khan+ _Sayyidi_--holding Dihli 481; - [d. 855 AH.-1451 AD.]. - - +'Alam Khan+ _Tahangari_, brother of Nizam Khan of Biana--works badly - with Babur's force (933) 538; - defeated by his brother 539; - sent out of the way before Kanwa 547. - - +'Alau'u'd-din Husain Shah+, ruler in Bengal--the circumstances of his - succession 483; - his son Nasrat _q.v._; - [d. 925 AH.-1518 AD.?]. - - +'Alau'u'd-din Husain+ _Jahan-soz Ghuri_--his destruction in Ghazni - (550) 219; - [d. 556 AH.-1161 AD.?]. - - Sultan +'Alau'u'd-din Muhammad Shah+ _Khilji Turk_--Babur visits his - tomb and minar (932) 476; - his bringing of the Koh-i-nur from the Dakkhin 477; - [d. 715 AH.-1315 AD.]. - - Sultan +'Alau'u'd-din+ _Sawadi_--waits on Babur (925) 372, 375-6. - - +'Alaul Khan+ _Sur Afghan_--writes dutifully to Babur (935) 659. - - +'Alaul Khan+ _Nuhani Afghan_--his waitings on Babur (934, 935) 677, - 680. - - Sharafu'd-din Muhammad +al Busiri+--his _Qasidatu'l-burda_ an example - for the _Walidiyyah-risala_ 620; - [d_cir._ 693 AH.-1294 AD.]. - - +Alexander of Macedon+, see Iskandar _Filqus_ (_Failaqus_). - - Sayyid +'Ali+--escapes from a defeat (909) 102; - out with Babur (925) 403; - sent against Baluchis (935) 638. - - Sultan +'Ali+ _asghar_ Mirza _Shah-rukhi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, - son of Mas'ud _Kabuli_--particulars 382. - - +'Ali Ataka+, servant of Khalifa--reinforces the right wing - (_tulghuma_) at Kanwa (933) 569. - - Shaikh +'Ali Bahadur+, one of Timur's chiefs--his descendant Baba - 'Ali 27. - - Khwaja +'Ali Bai+--mentioned (906) 127; - fights for Babur at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 139; - his son Jan-i-'ali _q.v._ - - Shaikh +'Ali+ _Barin Mughul_, son of Shaikh Jamal--in the left wing - (_tulghuma_) at Panipat (932) 473; - sent against Baluchis (935) 638. - - +'Ali+ _Barlas Turk_--his son Muhammad Baranduq _q.v._ - - +'Ali Beg+ _Jalair Chaghatai_, father of Hasan-i-'Ali and Apaq - Bega--his Shah-rukhi service 278.[2872] - - Mir (Shaikh) +'Ali Beg+ _Turk_ (inferred 389), governor of Kabul for - Shah-rukh _Timurid_--his sons Baba Kabuli, Darya Khan, and Ghazi - (Apaq) Khan (_q.v._) cherished by Mas'ud _Shah-rukhi_ 382; - (see his son Ghazi's grandson Minuchihr for a Turk relation 386). - - Sultan +'Ali+ _chuhra_, _Chaghatai_--his loyalty to Babur doubted - (910) 239; - rebels (914) 345. - - Sayyid +'Ali-darwesh Beg+ _Khurasani_--particulars 28; - with Jahangir (_aet._ 8), in Akhsi (899) 32, leaves Babur for home - (903) 91; - on Babur's service (904) 106, (905) 28, 118. - - Mir +'Ali-dost Taghai+ _Kunji Mughul_, a Sagharichi-_tuman_ - beg--particulars 27-8; - his appointment on Babur's accession (899) 32; - has part in a conference (900) 43; - surrenders Andijan (903) 88-9; - asks Babur's pardon (904) 99; - gives him Marghinan 100; - defeated by Tambal 106; - in the right wing at Khuban (905) 113; - his ill-timed pacifism 118; - his self-aggrandizement 119, 123; - joins Babur against Samarkand 123; - in fear of his victims, goes to Tambal 125; - his death _ib._; - his brother Ghiyas, his son Muhammad-dost, and his servant Yul-chuq - _q.v._; - [da few years after 905 AH.-1500 AD.]. - - Mir Sayyid +'Ali+ _Hamadani_--his death and burial 211; - [d. 786 AH.-1384 AD.]. - - Mulla +'Ali-jan+ (var. Khan)--fetches his wife from Samarkand (925) 403; - is taught a rain-spell (926) 423; - makes verse on the Kabul-river (932) 448; - a satirical couplet on him made and repented by Babur 448; - host of Mulla Mahmud _Farabi_ (935) 653. - - +'Ali Khan+ _Bayandar_, _Aq-quiluq Turkman_--joins Husain _Bai-qara_ - (873) 279. - - Shaikh-zada +'Ali Khan+ _Farmuli Afghan_--his family-train captured - (932) 526; - waits on Babur 526-7; - in the left wing at Kanwa (933) 567; - on service 576, 582, 678. - - +'Ali Khan+ _Istilju_--leads Isma'il _Safawi's_ reinforcement to Babur - (917) 353. - - Sayyid +'Ali Khan+ _Turk_, son of Ghazi (Apaq) Khan and grandson of - Mir (Shaikh) 'Ali Beg--one of Sikandar _Ludi's_ Governors in the - Panjab (910) 382; - leaves Bhira on Babur's approach _ib._; - his lands made over by him to Daulat Khan _Yusuf-khail_ 382-3; - his son Minuchihr and their Turk relation (389) _q.v._ - - +'Ali Khan+ _Turkman_, son of 'Umar Beg--defends the Bai-qara families - against Shaibani (913) 328. - - +'Ali Khan+ _Yusuf-khail Ludi Afghan_--eldest son of Daulat Khan--his - servants wait on Babur (925) 382; - comes out of Milwat (Malot) to Babur (932) 459-60; - sent under guard to Bhira 461; - his son Isma'il _q.v._ - - Sayyid +'Ali+ _Khwab-bin_, father of Sayyid Afzal _q.v._ (cf. H.S. - lith. ed. iii, 346). - - Mulla Sultan +'Ali+ _khwush-nawis_, calligrapher of Husain - _Bai-qara_--particulars 291; - given lessons in penmanship by Shaibani (913) 329; - [d. 919 AH.-1513 AD.]. - - +'Ali-mazid Beg+ _quchin_--particulars 26; - leaves Babur for home (903) 91. - - Mir +'Ali+ _mir-akhwur_[2873]--particulars 279; - helps Husain _Bai-qara_ to surprise Yadgar-i-muhammad _Shah-rukhi_ - in Heri (875) 134, 279. - - Sultan +'Ali Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Mahmud - and Zuhra--particulars 47; - serving his half-brother Bai-sunghar (900) 27, 55; - made _padshah_ in Samarkand by the Tarkhans (901) 62-3, 86; - meets Babur 64; - their arrangement 66,(902) 65, 82, 86; - gives no protection to his blind half-brother Mas'ud (903) 95; - suspects a favoured beg (904) 98; - quarrels with the Tarkhans (905) 121; - desertions from him 122; - defeats Mirza Khan's Mughuls _ib._; - is warned of Babur's approach 125; - gives Samarkand to Shaibani and by him is murdered (906) 125-7; - his wife Sultanim _Miran-shahi_ and sister Makhdum-sultan _q.v._; - [d. 906 AH.-1500 AD.]. - - Sultan +'Ali Mirza Taghai+ _Begchik_ (Mirza Beg Taghai), brother(?) - of Babur's wife Gul-rukh--movements of his which bear on the - _lacuna_ of 914-924 AH. 408; - arrives in Kabul (925) _ib._; - Kamran marries his daughter (934) 619; - conveys Babur's wedding gifts to Kamran (935) 642; - takes also a copy of the _Walidiyyah-risala_ and of the Hindustan - poems, with writings (_sar-khatt_) in the Baburi script 642. - - Ustad +'Ali-quli+--his match-lock shooting at Bajaur (925) 369; - shoots prisoners (932) 466; - ordered to make Rumi defences at Panipat 469; - fires _firingis_ from the front of the centre 473; - casts a large mortar (933) 536, 547; - his jealousy of Mustafa _Rumi_ 550; - his post previous to Kanwa 558; - his valiant deeds in the battle 570-1; - a new mortar bursts (934) 588; - his choice of ground at Chandiri 593; - his stone-discharge interests Babur 595, 670-1-2; - uses the Ghazi mortar while the Ganges bridge is in building 599; - a gift to his son (935) 633; - his post in the battle of the Ghogra 667, 668, 669. - - +'Ali-quli+ _Hamadani_-- -> sent by Babur to punish the Mundahirs, - and fails (936) 700. - - Mir +'Ali+ _qurchi_--conveys playing-cards to Shah Hasan _Arghun_ - (933) 584. - - Malik +'Ali+ _qutni_(?)--in the left centre at Bajaur (925) 369. - - +'Ali Sayyid+ _Mughul_--in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 334; - rebels (914) 345[2874]; - his connection Aurus-i 'Ali Sayyid 335. - - +'Ali+ _shab-kur_ (night-blind)--one of five champions defeated in - single combat by Babur (914) 349. - - Mir +'Ali-sher Beg+ _Chaghatai_, pen-names Nawa'i and Fana'i--his - obligations to Ahmad Haji Beg and return to Herat 38; - fails in a mission of Husain _Bai-qara's_ (902) 69[2875]; - his Turki that of Andijan 4; - checks Husain in Shi'a action 258; - opposes administrative reform 282; - particulars 271-2; - his relations with Bana'i 286-7, 648; - corresponds with Babur (906) 106; - exchanges quatrains with Pahlawan Bu-sa'id 292; - some of his poems transcribed by Babur (925) 419; - his restoration of the Rabat-i-sang-bast 301 n. 1; - his flower-garden (_baghcha_) and buildings visited or occupied by - Babur (912) 301, 305, 306; - his brother Darwesh-i-'ali _q.v._; - a favoured person 278; - a mystic of his circle 280-1; - his scribe 271; - [d. 906 AH.-Dec. 1500 AD.]. - - +'Ali-shukr Beg+, of the Baharlu-aimaq of the Aq-quiluq[2876] - Turkmans--his daughter Pasha, grandson Yar-i-'ali _Balal_, - and descendant Bairam Khan-i-khanan _q.v._ - - Sultan +'Ali Sistani+ _Arghun_--his help against Shaibani counselled - (913) 326; - -> one of five champions worsted by Babur in single combat (914) 349; - with Babur and chops at a tiger (925) 393. - - Shaikh +'Ali Taghai+ _Mervi_(?)--holding Balkh for Badi'u'z-zaman - _Bai-qara_ (902) 70; - joint-darogha in Heri (911) 293. - - +Allah-birdi+ (var. quli)--serving Babur (910) 234. - - +Allah-wairan+ _Turkman_--in the van at Qandahar (913) 335. - - +Alur+ or Alwar,[2877] son of Babur and Dil-dar--mentioned 689 n. 5. - -> 712; - [ddied an infant]. - - +Amin Mirza+--an Auzbeg envoy to Babur (935) 631; - receives gifts 632, 641. - - +Amin-i-muhammad Tarkhan+ _Arghun_--punished for disobedience (925) - 390-1; - deals with a drunken companion 415. - - +Amir Khan+, chief guardian of Tahmasp _Safawi_-- -> negociates with - Babur (927) 433. - - Mulla +Apaq+--particulars 526; - on Babur's service (932) 526, 528, (933) 539, (934) 590; - surprised by Sanga (933) 549; - made _shiqdar_ of Chandiri 598; - his retainers on service (935) 679. - - +Apaq Bega+ _Jalair Chaghatai_, sister of Husan-i-'ali--a poet 286. - - Sayyida +Apaq Begim+ _Andikhudi_--particulars 267, 268, 269; - visited in Herat by Babur (912) 301. - - +Apaq Khan+, see Ghazi Khan. - - +Apaq Khan+ _Yusuf-khail_, see Ghazi Khan. - - +Apaq-sultan Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter of - Abu-sa'id--one of the paternal aunts visited by Babur (912) - 301 n. 3. - - +Aq Begim+ (1), _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter of Husain - and Payanda-sultan--particulars 265; - [pre-deceased her husband who died d. 911 AH.-1504 AD.]. - - +Aq Begim+ (2), _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_--daughter of - Abu-sa'id and Khadija--particulars 262, 268; - waited on by Babur (935) 606. - - +Aq Begim+ (3), _ut supra_, daughter of Mahmud - and Khan-zada II.--brought to join Babur's march (910) 48. - - +Aq Begim+ (4), see Saliha-sultan. - - +Aq-bugha Beg+, one of Timur's chiefs--collateral ancestor of - Khudai-birdi _Timur-tash_ 24. - - +'Aqil Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban_, son of 'Adil and Shad _Bai-qara_--his - conjectured descent 264 n. 1 (where in l. 4 for "'aqil" - read 'adil). - - +Araish Khan+--proffers support to Babur against Ibrahim _Ludi_ - (932) 463; - in the left centre at Kanwa (933) 565; - negociates about surrendering Chandiri (934) 594; - his gift of a boat to Babur 663. - - +Arghun Sultan+, elder brother of Muhammad 'Ali _Jang-jang_--deputed to - hold Milwat (Malot., 932) 461. - - Shaikh +'Arif+ _Azari_, nephew of Timur's story-teller, see Index - _s.n._ Aulugh Beg _Shah-rukhi_; - [d. 866 AH.-1461-2 AD. _aet._ 82, Beale]. - - +Arslan+ _Jazala_--his building of the Rabat-i-sang-bast 301 n. 1. - - +Asad Beg+ _Turkman_--joins Husain _Bai-qara_ 279; - his brother Taham-tan _q.v._ - - Khwaja and Khwajagi +Asadu'l-lah+ _Jan-dar_, _Khawafi_--with Babur in - Dikh-kat (907) 150; - envoy to Tahmasp _Safawi_ (933) 540, 583; - has charge of Ibrahim _Ludi's_ mother 543; - in the right wing at Kanwa 566, 569. - - Khwaja +Asafi+--particulars 286; - waits on Babur (912) 286; - [d. 920 or 926 AH.-1514 or 1520 AD.]. - - +'Asas+, see Khwaja Muhammad 'Ali _'asas_. - - +'Ashiq+ _bakawal_--with advance-troops for Chandiri (934) 590; - ordered on service (935) 638. - - +'Ashiq-i-muhammad Kukuldash+ _Arghun_, son of "Amir Tarkhan Junaid" - (H.S. lith. ed. iii, 359)--defends Ala-qurghan against Shaibani - (913) 328; - his brother Mazid Beg _q.v._ - - +'Ashiqu'l-lah+ _Arghun_--killed fighting against Babur at Qandahar - (913) 333 (where for "'Ashaq" read 'Ashiq). - - +Asiru'd-din+ _Akhsikiti_, a poet--his birthplace Akhsi-village - (kit-kint) 9-10; - [d. 608 AH.-1211-2 AD.]. - - Muhammad +'Askari+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Babur - and Gul-rukh-- -> his birth (922) 364; - gifts to him (932) 523, (933) 628; - -> his recall from Multan (934) 603-4-5, 699[2878]; - waits on his father (935) 605; - made Commander (_aet. cir._ 12) of the army of the East 628, 637; - at a feast 631; - takes leave 634; - waits on his father at Dugdugi 651; - east of the Ganges 654; - in the battle of the Ghogra 668-9, 671-3; - waits on Babur after the victory 674; - [d. 965 AH.-1557-8 AD.]. - - +Asuk Mal+ _Rajput_--negociates with Babur for Sanga's son (934-5) - 612-3. - - Sayyid +'Ata+, see Khwaja Ahmad _Yasawi_. - - Khwaja Jamalu'd-in +'Ata+--particulars 282 (where in n. 3 for - (H.S. iii), "345" read 348-9). - - +Ataka+ _bakhshi_ (var. Atika, Pers. Atka)--a surgeon who dresses - a wound of Babur's (908) 169. - - +Ata+ _mir-akhwur_--gives Babur a meal (925) 418. - - Mir Burhanu'd-din +'Ata'u'l-lah+ _Mashhadi_--particulars 285 - (H.S. iii, 345); - [d. 926 AH.-1520 AD.]. - - +Atun Mama+, a governess--walks from Samarkand to Pashaghar (907) 148; - mentioned? (925) 407 l. 4. - - +Aughan-birdi+ _Mughul_ (var. Afghan-birdi and -tardi)--on service - (925) 376, 377; - of a boat-party 387; - in the battle of the Ghogra (935) 671, 672. - - Sayyid _Aughlaqchi_, see Murad. - - +Auliya Khan+ _Ishraqi_--waits on Babur (935) 677. - - +Aulugh Beg Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Muhammad - Sultan Mirza--his (?) journey to Hindustan (933) 265. - - +Aulugh Beg Mirza+ _Kabuli_, _Miran-shahi_, _ut supra_, - son of Abu-sa'id--particulars 95; - his earliest guardians amusingly frustrate his designs against - them 270; - his dealings with the Yusuf-zai App. K. xxxvi; - his co-operation with Husain _Bai-qara_ against the Auzbegs 190; - his praise of Istalif 216; - his death (907) 185; - gardens of his bought by Babur (perhaps one only) 216, (911) 246; - another garden 315; - houses of his 247, 251; - his Almshouse 315; - referred to 284; - his joint-guardians Muhammad Baranduq and Jahangir _Barlas_, his - later one Wais Ataka _q.v._; - his sons 'Abdu'r-razzaq and Miran-shah, his daughter Bega Begim - and daughter-in-law Manauwar _q.v._; - [d. 907 AH.-1501-2 AD.]. - - +Aulugh Beg Mirza+ _Shah-rukhi_, _ut supra_ (Ulugh), son - of Shah-rukh--his Trans-oxus rule 85[2879]; - receives Yunas _Chaghatai_ badly (832-3?) 19-20; - defeated by Aba-bikr _Miran-shahi_ 260; - his family dissensions 20; - his constructions, Astronomical and other 74, 77, 78-9[2880]; - his sportsmanship 34[2881]; - his murder and its chronograms 85; - Babur resides in his College (906) 142; - his sons 'Abdu'l-latif and 'Abdu'l-'aziz _q.v._; - a favoured beg Yusuf _Aughlaqchi_ _q.v._; - Preface, _q.v._ _On the misnomer "Mughul Dynasty"._ - [d. 853 AH.-1449 AD.]. - - +Aulus Agha+ (Ulus), daughter of Khwaja Husain _q.v._--particulars 24. - - +Aurdu-bugha Tarkhan+ _Arghun_ (Urdu)--his son-in-law Abu-sa'id - _Miran-shahi_ and son Darwesh-i-muhammad _q.v._ - - +Aurdu-shah+--murdered as an envoy (923) 463 n. 3. - - +Aurangzib Padshah+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_-- -> referred - to as of Babur's line 184; - [d. 1118 AH.-O.S. 1707 AD.]. - - Amir +Aurus+-- -> flees from his post on Shaibani's death (916) 350. - - +Aurus-i 'Ali Sayyid+ _Mughul_, son? of 'Ali Sayyid--in the centre at - Qandahar (913) 335. - - +Aurus+ _Arghun_--his son Muhammad-i-aurus _q.v._ - - +Auzbeg Bahadur+ (Uzbeg)-- -> one of five champions worsted in single - combat by Babur (914) 349 n. 1. - - +Auzun Hasan Beg+ _Aq-quiluq Turkman_--his defeat of the Qara-quiluq - Turkmans and of Abu-sa'id _Miran-shahi_ 49; - [d. 883 AH.-1478 AD.]. - - Khwaja +Auzun Hasan+ (Uzun)[2882]--negociates for Babur (899) 30; - his appointment 32; - confers in Babur's interests (900) 43 (where add his name after - 'Ali-dost's); - acts for Jahangir against Babur (903) 87, 88, 91, (904) 100, 101, - 102; - his servant's mischievous report of Babur's illness (903) 89; - his men defeated by Babur's allies 102; - loses Akhsi and Andijan 102-3; - captured and released by Babur 104; - goes into Samarkand to help Babur (907) 146; - his brother Husain and adopted son Mirim _q.v._ - - +'Ayisha-sultan Begim+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter of - Husain--particulars 267; - her husbands Qasim _Auzbeg-Shaiban_ and Buran, her sons - Qasim-i-husain and 'Abdu'l-lah _q.v._ - - +'Ayisha-sultan Begim+ _Miran-shahi_, _ut supra_, daughter of Ahmad - (Alacha Khan) and first wife of Babur--particulars 35, 36; - married (905) 35, 120, 711; - joins Babur in Samarkand (906) 135-6; - her child 136; - leaves Babur 36. - - Mir +Ayub Beg+ _Begchik_--particulars 50; - sent by The Khan (Mahmud) to help Babur (903) 92, (906) 138, 161, - 170; - his Mughuls misbehave at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 140; - claims post in the right wing (_tulghuma_) 155; - his Mughuls confuse pass-words 164; - in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 334; - -> vainly tempts Sa'id _Chaghatai_ to betray Babur (916) 351; - -> does not then desert 352, 362; - -> rebels in Hisar (918) 362; - -> dying, repents his disloyalty (920) 362; - his sons Buhlul-i-ayub, Ya'qub-i-ayub and Yusuf-i-ayub _q.v._; - [d. 920 AH.-1514 AD.]. - - +'Azim Humayun+ _Sarwani_--invests Gualiar 477; - his title changed and why (933) 537; - his son Fath Khan _q.v._ - - Mir +'Azu+, a musical composer--particulars 292. - - +Baba 'Ali+ _aishik-agha_ (_ishik_), a Lord-of-the-Gate of Husain - _Bai-qara_--particulars 278; - his son Yunas-i-'ali and friend Badru'd-din _q.v._ - - Baba-quli's Sultan +Baba 'Ali Beg+[2883]--particulars 27; - his sons Baba-quli, Sayyidim 'Ali and Dost-i-anju (?) Shaikh _q.v._; - [d. 900 AH.-1495 AD.]. - - +Baba-aughuli+, see Papa-aughuli. - - +Baba Chuhra+, a household brave--reprieved from death (914) 344; - on Babur's service (932) 474, 534, (934) 590, 602; - does well in the battle of the Ghogra (935) 671. - - +Baba Husain+, see Husain. - - +Baba Jan+ _akhtachi_, a groom or squire--Babur dislocates his own - thumb in striking him (925) 409. - - +Baba Jan+ _qabuzi_--musician at entertainments (925) 386-7, 388. - - +Baba Kabuli+ _Turk_, son of Mir 'Ali, Shah-rukh _(Timurid)'s_ - Governor of Kabul--nominated 'Umar Shaikh's guardian when Kabul was - allotted to the boy 14; - particulars 382; - his brothers Darya Khan and Ghazi (Apaq) Khan _q.v._ - - +Baba Khan Sultan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, (Babajak), son of Ahmad - (Alacha Khan)--his ceremonious meeting with Babur (908) 159; - [living in 948 AH.-1542--T.R.]. - - +Baba Khan+ _Chaghatai_, son of The Khan (Mahmud)--murdered with his - father and brothers by Shaibani (914) 35. - - +Baba Qashqa+ _Mughul_ (perhaps identical with Qashqa Mahmud _Chiras_ - _q.v._)--out with Babur (925) 404, 405; - in charge of Dibalpur (930) 442; - his brothers Malik Qasim and Kuki; - his sons Shah Muhammad, Dost-i-muhammad and Haji Muhammad Khan - _Kuki_ _q.v._; - [d_cir._ 940 AH.-1553 AD.].[2884] - - Sultan +Baba-quli Beg+, son of Sultan Baba 'Ali Beg--serving under - Khusrau Shah (901) 60, 61; - with Babur and captured (903) 72; - staunch to him 91; - in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335; - conveys royal letters (932) 529.[2885] - - +Baba Sairami+--pursues Babur in his flight from Akhsi (908) 178; - promised fidelity but seems to have been false 179-182. - - +Baba Shaikh+ _Chaghatai_, brother of Mulla Baba _Pashaghari_--in the - left centre at Qandahar (913) 335; - -> rebels at Ghazni (921) 363; - forgiven (925) 397; - deserts Humayun (932) 546; - his capture and death 545; - a reward given for his head _id._; - [d. 932 or 933 AH.-1526 AD.]. - - +Baba Shaikh+--sent out for news (935) 661. - - +Baba Sher-zad+--one of three with Babur against Tambal (908) 163; - does well at Akhsi 174; - fights against rebels at Kabul (912) 315; - at Qandahar (913) 335. - - +Baba Sultan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, son of Khalil son of Ahmad - (Alacha Khan)--waits on Babur near Kalpi (934) 590; - particulars 590; - on service 318, (934) 599; - not at his post (935) 672. - - +Baba Yasawal+--at the siege of Bajaur (925) 370; - chops at a tiger's head 393. - - +Babu Khan+--holding Kalanjar and looking towards Hati _Kakar_ (925) - 387. - - Zahiru'd-din Muhammad _Babur Padshah_ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, Barlas - Turk--b. Muharram 6th 888 AH.-Feb. 14th 1483 AD. p. 1; - dJumada I, 6th 937 AH.-Dec. 26th 1530 A.D. 708; - +Parentage+:--paternal 13; - maternal 19, 21; - +Titles+:--Mirza (inherited) Padshah (taken) 344; - Ghazi (won) 574; - Firdaus-makani (Dweller-in-paradise, posthumous) see Gladwin's - Revenue Accounts; - +Religion+:--[2886]belief in God's guidance 31, 72-3, 103-13-37-94-99; - in His intervention 73, 247, 316, 446-51-74-79, 525-96, 620; - that His will was done 55, 100-16-32-34-35-67, 269, - 316-22-23-36-37-70, 454-70-71-80, 542-94, 627-28-70; - that He has pleasure in good 331; - that to die is to go to His mercy 67; - reliance on Him 100-08-16-32, 311, 463, 678; - God called to witness 254 - and invoked to bless 624; - His punishment of sin 42-5, 449-77 (Hell), - and of breach of Law 449; - His visitation of a father's sins on children 45; - His predestination of events 128, 243-46-53, 469, 594; - --prayer to Him for a sign of victory 440, - for the dead 246, - against a bad wife 258; - a life-saving prayer 316; - +Characteristics+:--ambition 92-7; - admiration of high character 27, 67, 89, 90; - bitterness and depression (in youth) - 91, 130-52-57-78; - consideration for dependants 91-9, 158-78-96, 469; - distrust of the world 95, 144-56; - silent humiliation 119; - fairness 15, 24, 91, 105, 469; - fearlessness 163-5-73; - fidelity:--to word 104, 129 (see 118-9), 172-3, 194, - to salt 125, - to family-relation,--filial 88-9, 135-49-57-58-88, - --fraternal see Jahangir and Nasir,--Timurid 41, 149-57-68, - Chaghatai 54, 169-72, - Mughul 27, 119-25, - Auzbeg 37; - friendship see Nuyan and Khw. Kalan; - good judgment 43, 87, 91, 134-37-55; - gratitude 99, 633; - insouciance 150; - joy at release from stress 99, 134-35-48-81; - bashfulness and passion 120; - persistence 92-7 and _passim_; - promptitude 117, 170; - reprobation of vice, tyranny and cruelty 42-5-6, 50, 66, 70, 90-6, - 102-10-25-97, 290 - and of an unmotherly woman 125-28; - self-reproach 147; - self-comment on inexperienced action 165-67-73; - dislike of talkativeness 28, 97, 143-92-93; - vexation at loss of rule (_aet._ 14) 90-1-9, 129-30-57; - truth for truth sake 135, 318; - seeking and weighing counsel 73, 100-14-31-41-65-70-73-97-98, - 229-30-31-48, 340-76-78, 410-12-69, 524-30-77, 628-39-67-69-82; - enjoins Humayun to take counsel 627; - +Occupations+ (non-military):--archery _i.a._ 175; - calligraphy see _infra_; - literary composition see _infra_; - metrical amusements see verse; - Natural History _passim_; - travel, excursions, sight-seeing, social intercourse _passim_; - building 5, 217-9, 375-98, - in Dulpur 585, 606-07-42, - in Agra 642, - in Kabul 646-7, - in Sikri 588, - Ajodhya mosque 656 n. 3, App. U, - Panipat mosque 472 n. 1; - gardening and garden-making _passim_; - --Babur's script (_Baburi-khatt_) devised 910 AH. 228, - Qoran transcribed by him in it 228 n. 4; - studied by an enquirer 285; - alphabet and specimens sent to Babur's sons 642; - _Abushqa_ account of, App. Q, lxii to lxv; - +Observance and breaches of Muh. Law+:--signs of his Sunni mind - _e.g._ 25, 44, 111, 262, 370-7, 483, 547-51-74-89-96, - in the _Mubin_ and _Walidiyyah-risala q.v._; - his orthodox reputation 711; - his heterodox seeming 354, - and arrow-sped disclaimer 361; - --his boyish obedience as to wine 302, - up to his 23rd year 299, 302-3-4; - for breach see Law and Wine; - +Writings+:--_a._ Verses in the B.N. down to 926 AH. see _infra_; - _b._ First Diwan 402;* - perhaps containing the _Abushqa_ quotations 438; - _c._ Diary of 925 and 926 _q.v._ AH. (probably a survival of more) - *438; - _d._ The _Mubin_ (928 AH.) 426-37-38-49; - quoted 630-31 n. 3; - _e._ Treatise on Prosody (931 AH.) - 586, App. Q, lx, lxvi; - _f._ The _Walidiyyah-risala_ (935 AH.) 619-20-31 n. 3, (_tarjuma_) - 642-3, App. Q, lix; - _g._ The _Hindustan Poems_ 642, App. Q; - _h._ _Rampur MS._ of 6 and 7. App. Q, referred to *438, 620 n. 6, - 642 n. 3; - _i._ Diary of 932 to 936 _q.v._; - _j._ Narrative of 899 to within 914 AH. _q.v._; - +Babur's verse quoted in the Babur-nama+:--(Turki,) love-sickness - 120-1; - the worldling 130; - granting a request 137; - respite from stress 148; - praise of a beloved 153; - the neglected exile 154; - isolation 156; - the New Years 236; - Fortune's cruelty 309; - ? Turkman Hazara raid 312; - Spring 321; - God only is strength 337; - dealing with tribesmen 393; - greeting to absent convives 401; - message to a kinswoman 402; - his broken vow 449, 450 n.; - reply to Khw. Kalan 526; - disobedience to Law (T. & P.) 556; - Death inevitable (T. & P.) 556 (?); - the Ghazi's task 575; - to those who have left him 584; - couplet used in metrical amusement 586, App. 2, sect. 2; - fever 588; - Chandiri 596; - on his first grandson's birth 624; - _Mubin_ quoted 637; - Pagan lands 637; - pain in renunciation 648; - an invitation 683; - [Persian,] good in everything 311; - insight of Age 340; - on casting off his Shi'a seeming 361; - parting from Khw. Kalan 372; - a message 411; - satirical couplet 448; - before Panipat 470; - Biana warned 529. - See Table of Contents, _On Babur's Naming_. - - +Babur Mirza+ _Arlat_, son of Muhammad-i-qasim and Rabi'a-sultan - _Miran-shahi_--his Bai-qara marriage 266. - - 'Abdu'l-qasim +Babur Mirza+ _Shah-rukhi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son - of Bai-sunghar--his sister 265; - his retainers Muhammad Baranduq and Mazid _q.v._; - his pleasure-house 302; - [d. 861 AH.-1457 AD.]. - - Baburi--a bazar-boy (905) 120. - - +Badi'u'l-jamal Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Abu-sa'id--waited on by Babur near Agra (935) 616. - - Badi'u'l-jamal +Badka Begim+ _Bai-qara_, _ut supra_, daughter of - Mansur and Firuza--particulars 257, 258; - her husband Ahmad _Haji-tarkhani_, their sons Mahmud and Bahadur - and daughter Khan-zada _q.v._ - - +Badi'u'z-zaman Mirza+ _Bai-qara_, _ut supra_, son of Husain and Bega - _Mervi_--serving his father against Khusrau Shah (901) 57; - defeated 61; - takes offence with his father 61, 69; - in arms and defeated by his father 69, 70; - his retort on Nawa'i (_q.v._); - goes destitute to Khusrau Shah and is well-treated 70, 130; - on Khusrau Shah's service 71; - moves with Arghun chiefs against his father (903) 95, 261; - gives Babur no help against Shaibani (906) 138; - his co-operation sought by his father (910) 190, 191; - takes refuge with his father 243; - has fear for himself (911) 292-3; - joint-ruler in Heri 293; - concerts and abandons action against Shaibani (912) 296-7, 301; - his social relations with Babur 297, 8, 9, 300, 2, 4; - courteous to Babur as a non-drinker 303; - a false report of him in Kabul (912) 313; - irresolute against Shaibani (913) 326; - his army defeated 275, 327; - abandons his family and flees (1) to Shah Beg _Arghun_, - (2) to Isma'il _Safawi_ 327; - captured in Tabriz by Sultan Salim _Rumi_ (920) and dies - in Constantinople (923) 327 n. 5; - a couplet on his name 201-2; - musicians compete in his presence 291; - his host-facility 304; - his son Muhammad-i-zaman, his begs Jahangir _Barlas_ and Zu'n-nun - _Arghun q.v._.; joined by Sayyidim _Darban_ _q.v_; - his College in Heri 306; [d. 923 AH.-1517 AD.]. - - Sayyid +Badr+--particulars 276; - safe-guards Mahmud _Miran-shahi_ 46-7; - seen by Babur in Herat (912) 299; - (see H.S. lith. ed. iii, 233). - - +Badru'd-din+--particulars 278; - his friend Baba 'Ali _q.v._; - his son (?) receives Kachwa (934) 590. - - Maulana +Badru'd-din+ _Hilali_, _Chaghatai_--particulars 290; - his poet-daughter 286 n. 1; - [d. 939 AH.-1532-3 AD.]. - - +Bahadur Khan+ _Sarwani_--Babur halts at his tomb (935) 686. - - +Bahadur Khan+ _Gujrati_, _Tank Rajput_--ill-received by Ibrahim - _Ludi_ (932); - exchanges friendly letters with Babur 534; - becomes Shah in Gujrat 535; - is given the Khilji jewels 613 n. 1; - [d. 943 AH.-1547 AD.]. - - +Bahjat Khan+ (or Bihjat), a Governor of Chandiri--Babur halts near his - tank (934) 592, 594. - - +Bai-qara Mirza+ _'Umar-shaikhi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, grandson of - Timur--mentioned in a genealogy 256; - a grandson 'Abdu'l-lah _Andikhudi_ _q.v._ - - +Bai-qara Mirza+ _'Umar-shaikhi_, _ut supra_, son of Mansur and - Firuza--particulars 257; - his brother Husain, and sons Wais and Iskandar _q.v._ - - +Bairam Beg+[2887]-- -> reinforces Babur from Balkh (918) 359; - serving Najm _Sani_ 360. - - +Bairam Khan+ _Baharlu-Qara-quiluq Turkman_ (Akbar's Khan-i-khanan), - son of Saif-'ali--his ancestry 91 n. 3, 109 n. 5 (where for - "father" read "grandfather"); - -> mention of a witness of his assassination 348; - quotation of his remarks on Hasan Khan _Mewati_ 523 n. 3; - [d. 968 AH.-1561 AD.]. - - +Bairam-sultan Begim+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter of - Husain and Mingli--particulars 266; - her husband 'Abdu'l-lah _Andikhudi_, their son Barka _q.v._ - - +Bai-sunghar Mirza+ _Miran-shahi_, _ut supra_, son of Mahmud - and Pasha--particulars 47, 110-112; - succeeds in Samarkand (900) 52, 86; - withstands The Khan (Mahmud) 52; - the _khutba_ read for him in Babur's lands 52; - his man surrenders Aura-tipa 55-6; - his favouritism incites the Tarkhan rebellion (901) 38, 61; - escapes from Tarkhan imprisonment 62, 86; - defeated by his half-brother 'Ali 38, 63; - prosperous (902) 65; - moves against 'Ali 65; - retires before Babur 66; - at grips with him 67; - asks Shaibani's help (903) 73; - goes to Khusrau Shah 74; - made ruler in Hisar 93, 5, 6, 261; - murdered (905) 110; - his death referred to 50, 112; - his pen-name 'Adili 111; - his sister's marriage 41; - his brother Mas'ud, his guardian Ayub _q.v._; - [d. 905 AH.-1499 AD.]. - - +Bai-sunghar Mirza+ _Shah-rukhi Timurid_, son of Shah-rukh--his servant - Yusuf _Andijani_ 4; - [d. 837 AH.-1433-4 AD.]. - - +Balkhi+ _faliz-kari_--grows melons in Agra (935) 686. - - +Baltu+--rescues Khalifa's son Muhibb-i-'ali (933) 550. - - Mulla +Bana'i+--Maulana Jamalu'd-din _Bana'i_--in Khwaja Yahya's service - and seen by Babur (901) 64, - in Shaibani's (906) 136, - in Babur's 64, 136; - particulars 286-7; - given the Heri's authors to loot (913) 328; - Babur recalls a joke of his (935) 648; - two of his quatrains quoted 137; - his musical composition 286, 292; - [murdered 918 AH. -1512 AD.]. - - +Banda-i-'ali+, _darogha_ of Karnan--pursues Babur from Akhsi (908) - 178-9, 180, 181. - - +Banda-i-'ali+ _Yaragi Mughul_, son of Haidar Kukuldash--sent - to reinforce Babur (904) 101; - in the van at Sar-i-pul (906) 139; - his mistimed zeal (908) 176; - his son-in-law Qasim Beg quchin _q.v._ - - +Baqi Beg+ _Chaghaniani_, _Qibchaq Turk_--his influence on Mas'ud - _Miran-shahi_ (901) 57, (903) 95; - defends Hisar for him (901) 58; - acts against him (902) 71; - joins Babur (910) 48, 188-9; - advises sensibly 190, 197; - leaves his family with Babur's 191; - dislikes Qambar-i-'ali _Silakh_ 192; - helps his brother Khusrau to make favourable terms with Babur 192-3; - quotes a couplet on seeing Suhail 195; - his Mughuls oppose Khusrau 197; - mediates for Muqim _Arghun_ (910) 199; - Babur acts on his advice 230-1, 239, (911) 246, 249; - particulars 249-50; - dismissed towards Hindustan 250; - killed on his road 231, 251; - his son Muhammad-i-qasim and grandson(?) Ahmad-i-qasim _q.v._; - [d. 911 AH.-1505-6 AD.]. - - +Baqi+ _Gagiani Afghan_--his caravan through the Khaibar (911) 250. - - +Baqi+ (_khiz_)_hiz_--opposes Babur (908) 174, 396. - - Khwaja +Baqi+, son of Yahya son of Ahrari--murdered 128; - [d. 906 AH.-1500 AD.].[2888] - - +Baqi Beg+ _Tashkindi_, _shaghawal_ and (later) _ming-bashi_ - (= _hazari_)--sent to Balkh with promise of head-money (932) 463, - 546; - on service (934) 590, 601, 2; - reports from Aud (Oudh) (935) 679; - on service with the Aud (Oudh) army 684, 5; - leave given him for home 685. - - +Baqi Tarkhan+, _Arghun Chingiz-khanid_, son of 'Abdu'l-'ali and - a daughter of Aurdu-bugha--particulars 38, 40; - consumes the Bukhara revenues (905) 121; - defeated by Shaibani 124; - occupies Qarshi (qy. Kesh) (906) 135; - plans to join Babur 138; - goes to Shaibani and dies in misery 40. - - +Baraq Khan+, _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_--mentioned in the genealogy - of Yunas 19. - - +Baraq Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban Chingiz-khanid_, son of Siunjuk--at Jam - (934) 622. - - Sayyid +Barka+ _Andikhudi_, Timur's exhumation of his body 266 n. 4. - - Sayyid +Barka+ _Andikhudi_, descendant of the last-entered, son of - 'Abdu'l-lah--particulars 266; - serving Babur (917) 266. - - +Bar-mal+ _Idri_--his force at Kanwa (933) 562. - - +Ba-sa'id+ _Tarkhani_, see Abu-sa'id _Tarkhani_. - - +Basant Rao+--killed by (Baba Qashqa's brother?) Kuki in the battle of - the Ghogra 673; - [d. 935 AH.-1529 AD.]. - - +Batalmius+ (Ptolemy)--mentioned as constructor of an observatory 79. - - Sultan +Bayazid+[2889]--urges attack on the Afridi (925) 411, 412. - - Shaikh +Bayazid+, _Farmuli Afghan_--acts for his dead brother - Mustafa[2890] (932) 527; - waits on Babur and receives Aud (Oudh) 527; - on service 530; - in Aud (933) 544; - his loyalty tested (934) 589; - with Biban, opposing Babur 594, 598-601, 2, (935) 638; - serving Mahmud _Ludi_ against Babur 652, 673; - Babur resolves to crush him and Biban 677-8; - mentioned 679, 692; - takes Luknur(?) 681, App. T; - action continued against him 681, 2, 5; - his comrade Biban _q.v._; - [d. 937 AH.-1531 AD.]. - - Shaikh +Bayazid+ _Itarachi Mughul_, brother of Ahmad Tambal--holding - Akhsi for Jahangir (908) 170; - sends a force against Pap 171; - receives Babur in Akhsi 171-2; - made prisoner against Babur's wish 173; - escapes 175; - reported as sending Yusuf _darogha_ to Babur's hiding-place 182. - - +Bega Begim (1)+, _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter of - Husain and Payanda--particulars 266; - [d before Husain 911 AH.-1505 AD.]. - - +Bega Begim (2)+, _Miran-shahi ut supra_, daughter of Aulugh Beg - _Kabuli_--her marriage with Muhammad Ma'sum _Bai-qara_ (902) 264. - - +Bega Begim (3)+, _Miran-shahi ut supra_, daughter of Mahmud and - Khan-zada II--betrothed to Haidar _Bai-qara_ (901) 48, 61, 263; - married (903) 48; - their child 263. - - +Bega Begim (4)+, _Shah-rukhi ut supra_, daughter of Bai-sunghar - (_Shah-rukhi_)--her grandson's marriage 265. - - +Bega Begim (5)+,--Haji Begim--daughter of Yadgar Taghai, wife of - Humayun--her son Al-aman _q.v._ - - +Bega Begim (6)+,--"the Bibi"--, see Mubarika. - - +Bega Sultan Begim+ _Mervi_, wife of Husain _Bai-qara_--particulars - 261, 7, 8; - divorced 268; - her son Badi'u'z-zaman _q.v._; - [893 AH.-1488 AD.]. - - Wais _Laghari's_ +Beg-gina+,--brings Babur news of Al-aman's birth - (935) 621, 4.[2891] - - The +Begims+, Babur's paternal aunts--waited on by him 301, 616, 686. - - +Begim Sultan+, see Sa'adat-bakht. - - +Begi Sultan Aghacha+, _ghunchachi_ of Husain _Bai-qara_--particulars - 269. - - +Beg Mirak+ _Mughul_--brings Babur good news (932) 466; - on service (933) 548. - - +Beg Mirak+ _Turkman_, a beg of the Chiras (Mughul) _tuman_--acts for - Yunas Khan 191; - [d. 832 AH.-1428-9 AD.]. - - +Beg Tilba+ _Itarachi Mughul_, brother of Ahmad Tambal--induces - the Khan (Mahmud) not to help Babur (903) 91, (905) 115; - his light departure perplexes his brother 116; - invites Shaibani into Farghana (908) 172. - - +Bhupat Rao+, son of Salahu'd-din--killed at Kanwa 573; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - +Bian Shaikh+ (Biyan)--his rapid journeys 621, 624; - brings news of the battle of Jam (935) 622, 623 n. 3; - the source of his news 624 n. 1; - hurried back 624, 627. - - +Bian-quli+--his son Khan-quli _q.v._ - - Malik +Biban+ _Jilwani_?[2892] _Afghan_--deserts 'Alam Khan _Ludi_ - (932) 457 and n. 2; - writes dutifully to Babur 464; - is presuming at an audience 466; - deserts Babur 468, 528; - is defeated 528-9; - with Bayazid, besieges Luknur (933) 582; - defeats Babur's troops 594, 598; - opposes Babur in person (934) 598-601; - referred to as a rebel (935) 638; - serving Mahmud _Ludi_ 652, 675; - Babur resolves to crush him 677-8; - mentioned 679 n. 7, 692; - takes Luknur(?) 681, App. T; - action taken against him 681, 2, 5; - his constant associate Bayazid _Farmuli_ _q.v._ - - Muhammad Shah, +Bihar Khan+ _Bihari_, _Nuhani Afghan_, son of Darya - Khan--declared independent in Bihar (932) 523; - particulars 664; - his widow Dudu and son Jalal _q.v._; - [d. 934 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - +Bihar Khan+ _Ludi_ (or Pahar Khan),[2893] a Panj-ab amir of Ibrahim - Ludi's in 930 AH.--[2894] defeated by Babur (930) 208, 441 (where - add "or Pahar"), 578; - a chronogram which fixes the date 575. - - +Bihjat+, see Bahjat. - - +Bih-bud Beg+--particulars 277, App. H, and Additional Notes under - p. 277. - - Ustad Kamalu'd-din +Bih-zad+--particulars 291; - his training due to Nawa'i 272; - is instructed in drawing by Shaibani (913) 329. - - +Raja of Bijanagar+ (Vijayanagar)--mentioned as ruling in 932 AH. 483. - - +Raja Bikam-deo+, named in the Hindustan Revenue List. - - +Raja Bikam-chand+, _ut supra_. - - +Raja Bikramajit+, _ut supra_. - - +Bi-khub Sultan+ (var. Ni- or Nai-khub)? _Auzbeg-Shaiban_--on Babur's - service (934) 589, 602, (935) 651, 682; - in the battle of the Ghogra 669. - - Rana +Bikramajit+, son of Sanga and Padmawati--negotiations for him - with Babur (934) -> 603, 612, (935) 612-3, 615, 616; - pact made with him 616-7; - possessor of Khilji jewels 613; - his mother Padmawati and her kinsman Asuk Mal _q.v._ - - Raja +Bikramajit+ _Gualiari_, _Tunwar Rajput_--his ancestral fortress - 477; - his Koh-i-nur (932) 477; - his buildings 607-610 and nn.; - his palace Babur's quarters (935) 607; - his death (932) 477; - [d. 932 AH.-1526 AD.]. - - Raja +Bikramajit+ (Vikramaditya)--his Observatory and Tables 79. - - +Birim Deo+ _Malinhas_--on Babur's service (932) 462. - - Raja +Bir-sing Deo+--named in the Revenue List (935) 521; - his force at Kanwa (933) 562; - serving Babur 639. - - Khalifa's +Bishka+(?)--a woman who leaves Samarkand with Babur's mother - (907) 147. - - +Bishka Mirza+ _Itarachi Mughul_--brings and receives gifts (925) 415, - 416. - - +Brethren of Babur+--removal of their opposition to his aim on - Hindustan 478. - - +Buhlul-i-ayub+ _Begchik_, son of Ayub--Babur warned against him - (910) 190; - joins Babur 196; - his misconduct 241, (911) 254. - - Sultan +Buhlul+, +Sahu-khail Ludi+, _Afghan_--grandfather of Ibrahim - 463; - his treasure 470; - his tomb visited by Babur 476; - his capture of Junpur and Dihli 481; - his sons Sikandar and 'Alau'u'd-din _q.v._; - [d. 894 AH.-1488 AD.]. - - Pahlawan +Buhlul+, _tufang-andazi_--receives gifts (935) 633. - - +Bujka+, a household bravo--on Babur's service (932) 458, 474, 534, - (933) 545; - his success at Biana 547. - - Malik +Bu Khan+ _Dilah-zak (Dilazak) Afghan_--receives gifts from Babur - (925) 394; - brings tribute 409. - - +Buran Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban_--his marriage with 'Ayisha-sultan - _Bai-qara_ 267; - their son 'Abdu'l-lah _q.v._ - - Shaikh +Burhanu'd-din 'Ali Qilich+, _Marghinani_, author of - the _Hidayat_--his birthplace Rashdan 7; - a descendant 29, 89; - [d. 593 AH.-1197 AD.]. - - Malik +Bu-sa'id+ _Kamari_--a guide (910) 230, 231; - doubted 233. - - - +Chaghatai Khan+, second son of Chingiz Khan--his _yurt_ - (camping-ground) occupied by his descendant Yunas 12; - mentioned in the genealogy of Yunas 19; - [d. 638 AH.-1241 AD.]. - - +Chaku+ _Barlas_, one of Timur's noted men--an ancestor of Muhammad - Baranduq 270; - descent of his line to Akbar's day 270 n. 2. - - Rai +Chandraban+, _Chauhan Rajput_--killed at Kanwa (933) 573; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 A.D.]. - - +Chapuq+ (Slash-face), see Ibrahim _Begchik_. - - Sultan Ahmad +Char-shamba+--unhorses Muhammad Mumin[2895] _Bai-qara_ - (902) 71; - coincident occurrences of "Char-shamba" 71. - - Isma'il +Chilma+ (or Chalma), son of Ibrahim _Jani_--writes particulars - of the battle of Jam (935) 624. - - +Chilma+ _Mughul_ (or Chalma)--in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335; - rebels in Kabul (914) 345. - - +Chilma+ _taghchi Mughul_ (? shoeing-smith)--in the centre at Qandahar - (913) 335. - - +Chingiz Khan+ _Mughul_--counted back to in Yunas Khan's genealogy - 12, 19; - his capture of Samarkand (619 AH.-1222 AD.) 75; - referred to concerning the name Qarshi 84; - his Rules (_Tura_) 155, 298; - [d. 624 AH.-1227 AD.]. - - +Chin+ _Sufi_--defends Khwarizm for Husain _Bai-qara_ against Shaibani - (910) 242 n. 3, 244; - killed in the surrender 255-6; - [d. 911 AH.-1505-6 AD.]. - - +Chin-timur Sultan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, son of Ahmad--mentioned - _s.a._ 912 as serving Babur 318; - succeeds against Ibrahim _Ludi's_ advance (932) 467; - in the right centre at Panipat 472, - and at Kanwa (933) 565, 568 n. 3; - rewarded 527, 578-9; - on service (933) 540; - at Chandiri (934) 590; - pursues Biban and Bayazid 601, 602; - in command against Baluchis (935) 638, 676; - met on a journey 639; - writes of loss of reinforcement 675; - ordered to Agra 676; - waits on Babur 688; - his brothers Mansur, Aisan-timur, Tukhta-bugha, Sa'id, Khalil - _q.v._; - [d. 936 AH.-1530 AD.]. - - +Chiqmaq Beg+--sent on road-surveyor's work (935) 629-30; - the _Mubin_ quoted in connection with his orders 630; - his clerk Shahi _q.v._ - - +Chirkas qizlar+ (Circassian girls), see Gulnar and Nar-gul. - - +Chuli Begim+, _Azaq Turkman_--particulars 265, 268; - her husband Husain _Bai-qara_ and their daughter Sultanim _q.v._; - [dbefore 911 AH.-1505 AD.]. - - - +Damachi+ _Mughul_--in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335. - - +Dankusi+ var. Nigarsi--killed at Kanwa 573; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - +Darwesh-i-'ali+--serving Humayun in Sambhal (934) 587. - - +Darwesh-i-'ali Beg+ _Chaghatai_, brother of Nawa'i--particulars 275; - in Babur's service (916) 275 and (917) 277; - his poet-wife Apaq Bega _q.v._ - - +Darwesh-i-'ali+ _piada_ and, later, _tufang-andaz_--takes news - of Hind-al's birth to Babur (925) 385. - - +Darwesh-i 'Ali Sayyid+ _Mughul_--in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335. - - +Darwesh Beg Tarkhan+, _Arghun_--particulars 39; - [d. 895 AH.-1490 AD.]. - - +Darwesh Gau+ _Andijani_--put to death as seditious (899) 30. - - Shaikh +Darwesh Kukuldash+ _qur-begi_--at a household-party (906) 131; - his death, successor in office, and avengeance 251, 253; - [d. 911 AH.-1505-6 AD.]. - - +Darwesh-i-muhammad+ _Fazli_--defeated (910) 241; - degraded for not supporting a comrade (925) 405. - - +Darwesh-i-muhammad Sarban+--Mirza Khan's envoy to Babur (925) 402; - a non-drinker not pressed to disobey 406; - replaces a china cup 407; - enters Babur's service 408; - over-pressed to break the Law 410; - eats a strange fruit 410-1; - at ma'jun-parties 412, (935) 683; - asks a fruitful question (932) 470-1; - in the right-centre at Pani-pat 472 and at Kanwa (933) 565; - recals a vow to Babur 553; - in the battle of the Ghogra (935) 673. - - +Darwesh-i-muhammad Tarkhan+ _Arghun Chingiz-khanid_--particulars 38; - envoy to the Andijan begs (899) 31; - his part in the Tarkhan rebellion (901) 62; - his death 38, 63; - - his relationship to Miran-shahis 13 n. 5, 33, 38, and his kinsman - 'Abdu'l-'ali _q.v._; - [d. 901 AH.-1496 AD.]. - - +Darwesh Sultan+ (_? Chaghatai_)--on Babur's service (934) 599. - - +Darya Khan+ _Turk_, son of Mir (Shaikh) 'Ali Beg--particulars 382; his - sons Yar-i-husain and Hasan _q.v._ - - +Darya Khan+ _Nuhani_, _Afghan_--his sons Saif Khan and Bihar Khan, his - grandson Jalal _q.v._ - - Mulla +Daud+--killed serving Babur 549; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - Sayyid +Daud+ _Garm-seri_--receives gifts (935) 633. - - +Daud Khan+ _Ludi_--defeated by Babur's troops (932) 467-8. - - +Daud+ _Sarwani_, see Rawu'i _Sarwani_. - - +Daulat Khan+, _Yusuf-khail Ludi_, _Afghan_, son of Tatar--is given - Bhira _etc._ 382, 383; - concerning his lands, Author's Note 383; - -> a principal actor from 926 to 932 AH. 428; - dreads Ibrahim _Ludi_ 439; - -> proffers allegiance to Babur (929?) 439, 440; - -> his gift of an Indian fruit decides Babur to help him 440, - 503 n. 6; - -> his action causes the return to Kabul of Babur's fourth expedition - into Hindustan 442; - his strength and action 443-4; - his rumoured attack on Lahor (932) 451, 453; - negotiates with 'Alam Khan (931?) 455-6; - loses Milwat to Babur (932) 459; - his death 461; - his sons 'Ali, Apaq, Dilawar _q.v._; - his relations with Nanak 461 n. 3; - [d. 932 AH.-1526 A.D.]. - - +Daulat-i-muhammad Kukuldash+, see Qutluq-i-muhammad. - - +Daulat-qadam ?+--his son Mir Mughul _q.v._ - - +Daulat-shah+ _Isfarayini_, author of the _Tazkiratu'sh-shu'ara_--at - Tazkir'atu'sh the battle of Chikman-sarai (876) 46 n. 2; - [d. 895 AH.-1490 AD.?]. - - +Daulat-sultan Khanim+, _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, daughter of Yunas - Khan and Shah Begim--particulars 24; - her long family separation (907) 149; - meets her brother Ahmad (908) 159; - married as a captive by Timur _Auz-beg_ (909) 24; - rejoins Babur (917) _ib._ and 358 n. 1; - letters from her reach Babur (925) 409; - sends letters and gifts to him (932) 446. - - +Dawa Khan+, _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_---mentioned in Yunas Khan's - genealogy 19; - [d. 706 +AH.+-1306-7 AD.]. - - +Dejal+, the false Messiah 563 n. 1. - - +Deo Sultan?+, see Div. - - Raja +Dharmankat+ _Gualiari_--stirs trouble (933) 539; - lays siege to Gualiar 557. - - +Dharm-deo+--his force at Kanwa (933) 562. - - +Dilawar Khan+ _Yusuf-khail Ludi_, _Afghan_, son of Daulat - Khan-- -> ill-received by Ibrahim _Ludi_ (929?) 439; - -> goes to Kabul to ask help from Babur 439-40; - imprisoned by his father (931) 442, 443; - escapes and joins 'Alam Khan 455, 456; - joins Babur 457, 461; - location of his mother's family 462; - does not sit in Babur's presence 466; - entrusted by Babur with care for the corpse of Ibrahim _Ludi_ 474 - n. 1; - in the right wing at Kanwa (933) 567 (here styled Khan-i-khanan); - [d. 946 AH.-1539 AD.]. - - +Dil-dar Begim+ (? Salha-sultan 3rd daughter of Mahmud _Miran-shahi_ - and Pasha), wife of Babur--her unborn child forcibly adopted (925) - 347, - and App. L; - her son Alwar (Alur)'s death (935) 689 n. 5; - particulars 712-4; - her sons Hind-al and Alur, her daughters Gul-rang, Gul-chihra and - Gul-badan _q.v._ - - +Dilpat Rao+--killed at Kanwa 573; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - +Div Sultan+ _Rumlu_ (or Deo)--recaptures Balkh (cir. 919) 363; - particulars 635 n. 2; - his servant describes the battle of Jam (935) 635-6. - - +Diwa Hindu+, son of Siktu--waits on Babur in Bhira (925) 382; - made prisoner and ransomed 399. - - +Diwana+ _jama-baf_--put to retaliatory death 73; - [d. 903 AH.-1497 AD.]. - - +Baba Dost+--put in charge of Humayun's Trans-Indus district (925) 391; - conveys wine to Babur's camp (933) 551 (here _suchi_).[2896] - - +Dost+, son of Muhammad Baqir--drunk (925) 415. - - +Dost-anju+?[2897] +Shaikh+, son of Baba 'Ali--left in charge of Ghazni - (911) 307. - - +Dost Beg+ _Mughul_, son of Baba Qashqa and brother (p. 588) of Shah - Muhammad--at a social gathering and sent to Bhira 388 - (here _muhrdar_); - made a _diwan_ (932) 476; - in charge of Biana (933) 539 and made its _shiqdar_ 579 - (here Lord-of-the Gate); - in the right centre at Kanwa 565, 569; - waits on Babur 581; - pursues rebels (934) 601 (here Dost-i-muhammad); - in the battle of the Ghogra (935) 673; - for his kinsmen see _s.n._ Baba Qashqa. - - Khwaja +Dost-i-khawand+--lets himself down over the wall of Qandahar - (913) 343; - at boat-parties (925) 385, 388; - comes from Kabul to Agra (933) 544; - in the left-centre at Kanwa 565; - -> sent on Babur's family affairs to Humayun in Badakhshan (934) 603; - delayed in Kabul till Kamran's arrival 618 and nn. 2-6; - his letters reach Babur (935) 618. - - +Dost-kildi+ _Mughul_--in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335. - - +Dost-i-nasir Beg+--Dost Beg--(Nasir's Dost), son of Nasir--enters - Babur's service (904) 103; - on service (906) 131, (908) 163, 165; - one of three standing by Babur 166, 167, 396; - with him at Akhsi 174, 396; - one of the eight in the flight 177, 396; - at the recapture of Kabul (912) 315; - in the left centre at Qandahar (913) 335, 338; - at Tashkint (918) -> 356 n. 1, -> 358, 396-7; - opposing rebels (921) -> 364, 397; - leading the left at Bajaur (925) 368 (here first styled Beg), 369, - 370, 397; - his revenue work 384; - at wine parties 387, 388; - at Parhala 390; - attacked by fever 394; - his death and his burial at Ghazni 395-6; - his brother Mirim _q.v._; - particulars 395-7; - [d. 925 AH.-1519 AD.]. - - +Dost+ _Sar-i-puli_, _piada_ and (later) _kotwal_--attacks Babur - blindly (912) 316-7; - wounded (913) 324; - [d. 913 AH.-1507 AD.]. - - +Dost-i-yasin-khair+--wrestles well with eight in successive - (935) 653; 656. - - +Dudu Bibi+, widow of Bihar Khan _Bihari_--news of her bringing her - son to Babur (935) 664; - encouraging letters sent to her 665; - Sher Khan _Sur _her co-guardian for her son 664 n. 2; - her son Jalalu'd-din _Nuhani_ _q.v._ - - - +Faghfur Diwan+--on service (933) 551; - his servants sent for fruit to Kabul (935) 687. - Hai. MS. reads Maghfur. - - +Fajji+ _Gagiani_, _Afghan_--guides Babur's first passage of - the Khaibar (910) 229. - - +Fakhru'n-nisa'+, daughter of Babur and 'Ayisha--died an infant 35-6, - 136; - [d. 906 AH.-1500-1 AD.]. - - +Faqi-i-'ali+--reprieved (914) 345; with Babur and left in charge of - Balkh (923) 463; - -> left in charge of Qila'i-zafar by Humayun (936) 695. - - +Farid Khan+ _Nuhani_, _Afghan_, son of Nasir--writes dutifully - to Babur (935) 659. - - +Faridun+, (an ancient Shah of Persia)--mentioned in a verse 85. - - +Faridun-i-husain Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, son of Husain and - Mingli--particulars 263, 269; - [d. 915 AH.-1509 AD.]. - - +Faridun+ _qabuzi_--summoned by Babur (935) 617. - - Mulla +Farrukh+--placed on Babur's left at a feast (935) 631; - gifts made to him 632. - - +Farrukh+ _Arghun_--surrenders Qalat-i-ghilzai to Babur (911) 248-9. - - Mirza +Farrukh+ _Aughlaqchi_, son of Hasan--mentioned for his qualities - 279. - - +Farrukh-i-husain Mirza+, _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son - of Husain and Papa--particulars 264; - [d. 915 AH.-1509 AD.]. - - +Farrukh-zad Beg+--Babur dismounts in his garden at Qandahar (913) 337. - - +Faruq+, son of Babur and Mahim--his birth (932) announced to Babur - (933) 536, 689 n. 5; - [933 AH.-1526-7 AD.]. - - +Fath Khan+ _Sarwani_ Khan-i-jahan, son of 'Azim-humayun--is escorted - to Babur (932) 534; - well-received (933) 537; - his hereditary title superseded _ib._; - invited to a wine-party _ib._; - serving Mahmud _Ludi_ (935) 652; - his son Mahmud _q.v._; - ? a kinsman Daud _q.v._ - - +Fatima-sultan Agha+ _Mughul_--first wife of 'Umar Shaikh _Miran-shahi_ - 17, 24; - their son Jahangir _q.v._ - - +Fatima-sultan Begim+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Husain and Mingli--particulars 266; - her husband Yadgar-i-farrukh _Miran-shahi_ _q.v._; - [dbefore 911 AH.-1505 AD.]. - - +Fazil Kukuldash+--serving Shah Beg _Arghun_ (910) 238; - -> a good account of him named 443; - his death a crushing grief to Shah Beg _ib._; - [d. 930 AH.-1514 AD.]. - - +Fazil Tarkhan+--a Turkistan merchant created a Tarkhan by Shaibani, - [Author's Note] 133; - his death _ib._; - [906 AH.-1500 AD.]. - - +Fazli+, see Darwesh-i-muhammad. - - +Ferdinand the Catholic+--his action in 1504 (910 AH.) 187 - n. 2 (Erskine). - - +Firuza Begim+ _Qanjut_, wife of Mansur _Bai-qara_ her Timurid - ancestry 256; - her children Bai-qara (II), Husain, Aka and Badka _q.v._; - [d. 874 AH.-1469-70 AD.]. - - +Firuz Khan+ _Mewati_--reprieved (932) 477-8. - - +Firuz Khan+, _Sarang-khani_, _Afghan_--on Ibrahim _Ludi's_ service - 527; - waits on Babur (932) 527, and on his service 530. - - Sultan +Firuz Shah+, _Tughluq Turk_--his servants' dynasties 481, 482; - his relations with the rulers of Malwa 482 (where in n. 3 for - "Gujrat" read Malwa); - [d. 790 AH.-1388 AD.]. - - +Firuz Shah Beg+--his grandson 'Abdu'l-khaliq _q.v._ - - - +Gadai+ _Balal_--rejoins Babur (913) 330-1. - - +Gadai+ _bihjat_--misbehaves (925) 414. - - +Gadai Taghai+--shares a confection (925) 375; - at social gatherings 385, 7, 8, 400, 412; - rides carrying a full pitcher 386; - out with Babur 404; - removes a misbehaving namesake 414. - - +Gauhar-shad Begim+, wife of Shah-rukh _Timurid_--Babur visits her - college and tomb (912) 305; - [d. 861 AH.-1457 AD.]. - - +Gauhar-shad Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Abu-sa'id--visited by Babur (935) 616. - - Mir +Gesu+--finds chronogram identical with Shaikh Zain's 575. - - Apaq +Ghazi Khan+ _Turk_, son of Mir (Shaikh) 'Ali Beg--particulars - 382; - his brothers Baba Kabuli and Darya Khan, his son 'Ali and his - relation Nazar-i-'ali _Turk_ _q.v._ - - Apaq +Ghazi Khan+ _Yusuf-khail Ludi Afghan_, son of - Daulat Khan-- -> arrested by Babur (930) 442; - moves against Babur (932) 451, 453; - not trusted 455; - agrees to help 'Alam Khan 455-6; - receives him ill on defeat 457-8; - pursued for Babur 458, 460, 461, 462, 463; - Babur's reproach for his abandonment of his family 460-1; - his forts in the Dun 462; - his library less valuable than was expected by Babur 460; - his kinsman Haji Khan and his own son 465. - - +Ghiyas+, a buffoon 400 (where erroneously Ghias). - - Mir +Ghiyas+, building entrusted to him (935) 642. - - Mir +Ghiyas Taghai+ _Kunji Mughul_, brother of 'Ali-dost--particulars - 28; - enters the Khan (Mahmud)'s service (899) 28, 32; - [d before 914 AH.-1507-8 AD.]. - - Amir +Ghiyasu'd-din+, -> patron of Khwand-amir and supposed ally - of Babur--killed in Herat (927) 432. - - +Ghiyasu'd-din+, nephew of Khwand-amir-- -> conveys the keys of Qandahar - to Babur (928) 432, 435, 436. - - Sultan +Ghiyasu'd-din+ _Balban_--Babur visits his tomb (932) 475; - [d 686 AH.-1287 AD.]. - - +Ghiyasu'd-din+ _qurchi_--takes campaigning orders to Junaid _Barlas_ - (935) 628; - returns to Court 636; - takes orders to the Eastern amirs 638. - - +Ghulam-i-'ali+--returns from taking Babur's three articles to Nasrat - Shah (935) 676. - - +Ghulam bacha+, a musician--heard by Babur in Herat (912) 303. - - +Ghulam-i-shadi+, a musician--particulars 292; - his younger brother Ghulam bacha _q.v._ - - Mulla +Ghulam+ _Yasawal_--makes an emplacement for the Ghazi mortar - (935) 670; - sent to collect the Bihar tribute 676. - - Ghuri _Barlas_--on Babur's service (905) 125; - in the left wing at Qandahar (913) 334; - wounded 336; - [d. 919 AH.-1513 AD.]. - - +Gujur Khan+--ordered on service (935) 638. - - +Gul-badan Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Babur and Dil-dar-- -> her birth (929 or 930) and her book - (_cir._ 995) 441; - her journey to Agra (935) 650 n. 2; - -> her parentage 712; - [d. 1011 AH.-1603 AD.]. - - +Gul-barg+ _Barlas Turk_, daughter of Khalifa-- -> betrothed(?) to Shah - Hasan _Arghun_ (924-5) 366; - -> married (930) 443. - - +Gul-chihra Begim+, full sister of Gul-badan _supra_--her marriage with - Tukhta-bugha _Chaghatai_ 705 n. 1, 708; - her parentage 712; - -> perhaps the mother of Salima _Chaqaniani_ 713. - - +Gul-rang Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Babur and Dil-dar-- -> born in Khwast (920) 363; - -> married to Aisan-timur _Chaghatai_ (937) 705 n. 1, 708; - parentage 712. - - +Gul-rukh Begim+ _Begchik_, wife of Babur-- -> with Babur on the - Trans-oxus campaign (916-20) 358; - particulars 712; - her sons Kamran and 'Askari and her brother(?) Sultan 'Ali Mirza - Taghai _q.v._ - - Mirak +Gur+ _diwan_ (or Kur) captured by Shaibani (913) 328. - - Shaikh Abu'l-fath +Guran+ (G'huran)--serving Babur (932) 526, 528-9, - (933) 539, 567, (934) 590; - in the right wing at Kanwa (933) 567; - host to Babur in Kul (Koel) (934) 587; - takes lotus-seeds to him 666; - sends him grapes (935) 686; - given Gualiar (936) 688, 690; - -> holds it till Babur's death 692 n. 1. - - - +Habiba-sultan Begim+ _Arghun_, wife of Ahmad - _Miran-shahi_--particulars 36, 37; - arranges her daughter Ma'suma's marriage with Babur (912) 306, - (913) 330. - - +Habiba-sultan Khanish+ _Dughlat_, daughter of Muhammad Husain - and Khub-nigar _Chaghatai_--her marriages 21-2; - depends on Babur (917) 22. - - +Hafiz Haji+, a musician--heard by Babur in Heri (912) 303. - - +Hafiz+ _kabar-katib_--his brother conveys Babur's earliest Diwan to - Samarkand (925) 482; - at a feast (935) 631, 632. - - +Hafiz Mirak+--composes an inscription (913) 343. - - +Hafiz-i-muhammad Beg+ _Duldai Barlas_--particulars 25; - in Aura-tipa (893) 17, 25; - -> joint-guardian of Mirza Khan (905) 25, 122; - his death 26; - his sons Muhammad _miskin_ and Tahir _q.v._; - his (?) Char-bagh 108; - [d_cir._ 909-10 AH.-1504 AD.]. - - Khwaja Shamsu'd-din Muhammad +Hafiz+ _Shirazi_--parodied (910) 201; - [d. 791 AH.-1389 AD.]. - - +Hafiz+ _Tashkindi_--gifts made to him (935) 632. - - +Haibat Khan+ _karg-andaz_, _Hindustani_--leaves Babur (933) 557. - - +Haibat Khan+ _Samana'i_-- -> perhaps the provider of matter to fill - the _lacuna_ of 936 AH., 693. - - Mulla +Haidar+--his sons 'Abdu'l-minan and Mumin _q.v._ - - +Haidar+ _'Alamdar_--on Babur's service (925) 383, (926) 421. - - +Haidar-'ali Sultan+ _Bajauri_--obeys custom in testing his dead - mother's virtue 212; - -> his Gibri fort taken by Babur (924) 366, 7, 8. - - +Haidar Kukuldash+ _Yaragi Mughul_, Mahmud Khan's "looser and - binder"--defeated 35, (900) and killed 52, 111-2; - his garden 54; - his son Banda-i-'ali and a descendant (?) Husain _Yaraji_ _q.v._ - - +Haidar-Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Husain - and Payanda-sultan--his Miran-shahi betrothal at Hisar (901) 48, 61; - rejoins his father opportunely (903) 261; - particulars 263; - his wife Bega _q.v._; - [d. 908 AH.-1502-3 AD.]. - - Muhammad +Haidar Mirza Kurkan+ _Dughlat_, author of - the _Tarikh-i-rashidi_--particulars 21-2,[2898] 348; - -> takes refuge with Babur (916) 350; - -> his first battle (917) 353; - -> ill when Kul-i-malik was fought (918) 357-8; - goes to Sa'id Khan in Kashgar 22, 362; - on Sa'id's service (933) 590, (936) 695-6; - [d. 958 AH.-1551 AD.]. - - +Haidar-i-qasim Beg+ _Kohbur Chaghatai_--father of Abu'l-qasim, - Ahmad-i-qasim and Quch (Quj) Beg _q.v._ - - +Haidar-quli+--on Auzun Hasan's service (904) 102. - - +Haidar-quli+, servant of Khwaja Kalan--on service (932) 467; - mentioned by Babur in writing to the Khwaja (935) 648. - - +Haidar+ _rikabdar_--stays with Babur at a crisis (903) 91; - his son Muhammad 'Ali _q.v._ - - +Haidar+ _taqi_--his garden near Kabul 198 n. 1. - - +Haji Ghazi+ _Manghit_--sent to help Babur (904) 101 where in n. 3 add - Vambery's Note 29 to the references. - - +Haji ('Ali) Khan+ _Yusuf-khail Ludi Afghan_--acting with 'Alam Khan - _Ludi_ (932) 445-6-7. - - +Haji piada+--killed at the Lovers'-cave 68; - [902 AH.-1497 AD.]. - - +Haji Pir+ _bakawal_--negociates for Husain _Bai-qara_ with the Hisar - begs (901) 61. - - +Halahil+--on service (925) 391, (925) 638. - - +Halwachi Tarkhan+ _Arghun_--engages Babur's left wing at Qandahar - (913) 336. - - Sayyid Mir +Hamah+--gets the better of two traitors (932-3) 546; - receives head-money (933) 546; - in the right wing at Kanwa 566. - - +Hamid Khan+ _Khasa-khail Sarang-khani Ludi_--opposes Babur (932) 465; - defeated by Humayun 466; - defeated (633) 540; - sent out of the way before Kanwa 547. - - +Hamusi+, son of Diwa--sent to make a Hindu pact with Sanga's son - (935) 616. - - Amir +Hamza+--a poem mentioned imitating that in which he is celebrated - 280; - [d. 3 AH.-625 AD.]. - - +Hamza Beg+ _quchin_, son of Qasim and a daughter of Banda-i-'ali--his - wedding gifts to Babur on his marriage with Khalifa's daughter - (925) 400; - joins Babur on summons from Qunduz 406, 410. - - +Hamza Bi+ _Mangfit Auzbeg_--defeated, when raiding, by Babur's men - (910) 195. - - +Hamza Khan+, Malik of 'Ali-shang--made over to the avengers of blood - (926) 425; - [d. 926 AH.-1520 AD.]. - - +Hamza Sultan+ _Auzbeg_--his various service 58, 59, 131; - defeated by Husain _Bai-qara_ (901) 58; - enters Babur's service 59; - given leave 64; - his Mughuls rebel against Babur (904) 105; - serving Shaibani (906) 131, 139, (910) 244; - -> holding Hisar and comes out against Babur (916) 352; - defeated at Pul-i-sangin and put to death by Babur (917) 18, 37, - 262, 353; - his defeat announced to Isma'il _Safawi_ 354; - his sons in the battle of Jam (935) 622; - his sons 'Abdu'l-latif and Mamaq _q.v._; his Miran-shahi wife 37; - [d. 917 AH.-1511 AD.]. - - +Haq-dad+, headman of Dur-nama--makes offering of his garden to Babur - (926) 420. - - +Haq-nazar+--finds the body of his nephew (Nuyan) Kukuldash (907) 152. - - +Haq-nazir+ _chapa_--to punish his raid, beyond the power of the Herat - Mirzas (912) 300. - - +Harunu'r-rashid Khalifa+--his second son Mamun Khalifa (d. 218 AH.) - 79; - [d. 193 AH.-809 AD.]. - - Ustad +Hasan-i-'ali+--orders given for the completion of work he had - begun in Kabul (935) 646-7. - - +Hasan-i-'ali+ _Chaghatai_--receives a pargana (935) 689. - - +Hasan-i-'ali+ _Jalair Chaghatai_, son of 'Ali (_q.v._)--particulars - 278, 286; - meets Babur (912) 299; - his poet-sister 286 n. 1; - [d. 925 AH.-1519 AD.]. - - Sayyid +Hasan+ _Aughlaqchi Mughul_, son of Murad--particulars 279; - serving Babur (917) 279; - his son Farrukh _q.v._; - [d. 918 AH.-1522 AD.]. - - +Hasan+ _Barlas_--his rough dealing with Babur (910) 194. - - Shah +Hasan Beg+ _Arghun_, son of Shah (Shuja') Beg--quarrels with his - father and goes to Babur (924) 365, -> 430; - his betrothal (?) to Gul-barg (924-6) 366 and marriage (930) 443; - in the left centre at Bajaur (925) 369; - sent to claim ancient lands of the Turks 383-4; - is successful 388; - out with Babur 395; - gifts to him _ib._ 414, 584;-> - social matters 400, 7, 10, 12; - Babur sends him a quatrain 401; - (see _s.n._ Shah-zada), -> a principal actor between 930 and 932 - AH. 427; - his attack on Multan 437, 442 and _s.n._ 'Askari; - accedes in Sind (930) 443; - reads the _khutba_ for Babur 430; - his envoy to Babur (935) 632; - [d. 962 AH.-1555 AD.]. - - +Hasan+ _Chalabi_--Tahmasp _Safawi's_ envoy to Babur (935), arrives - late 631, 632 n. 3, 641; - Babur accepts excuse for his delay 649; - Babur's envoy accompanies him on his return 641; - his servant gives Babur's envoy an account of the battle of Jam 649. - - +Hasan-dikcha+ of Akhsi--supports Babur (904) 101. - - +Hasan-i-khalifa+, son of Nizamu'd-din 'Ali--sent on service 679. - - +Hasan Khan+ _Bariwal Hindustani_--leaves Babur for Sanga (933) 557. - - +Hasan Khan+ _Darya-khani_, son of Darya Khan son of Mir 'Ali Beg--on - service for Babur (933) 582; - in the battle of the Ghogra (935) 669; - pursuing rebels 678. - - +Hasan-i-makan+, loses Kandar to Sanga (932) 529-30. - - +Hasan Khan+ _Mewati_--his change of capital (930) 578; - his opposition to Babur (932) 523 and n. 3, (933) 545, 547; - his force at Kanwa 562 and death 573; - Bairam Khan's remarks on him 523 n. 3; - his son Nahar _q.v._; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - +Hasan Nabira+, grandson of Muhammad _Sighal_--waits on Babur (902) 66; - captures his elder brother (903) 72; - leaves 'Ali for Mirza Khan (905) 122; - goes as envoy (?) to Babur from Mirza Khan (925) 415; - his elder brother Muhammad Qasim Nabira _q.v._ - - Mulla +Hasan+ _sarraf_--given custody of gifts for Kabul (932) 525. - - +Hasan+ _sharbatchi_--helps Bai-sunghar _Miran-shahi's_ escape (901) - 62. - - +Hasan-i-yaq'ub Beg+, son of Nuyan Beg?--particulars 26; - supports Babur (899) 30, 31; - his appointments 32; - shows disloyalty (900) 43; - his death 44; - his sobriquet Nuyan's Hasan 273; - [d. 900 AH.-1494 AD.]. - - Malik +Hast+ _Janjuha_--receives an envoy from Babur (925) 380; - serving Babur 380, 389; - his injuries from Hati _Kakar_ 391. - - +Hati+ _Kakar_--particulars 387; - his misdeeds provoke punishment (925) 387, 9, 91; - abandons Parhala 390; - sends Babur tribute and is sent an envoy 391-2; - referred to 452. - - 'Abdu'l-lah +Hatifi+, nephew of Jami--particulars 288. - - +Hatim+ _qurchi_--promoted to be _qur-begi_ (911) 252; - in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335. - - +Hazaraspi+, see Pir-i-muhammad. - - +Henry VII of England+--his _Intercursus malus_ contemporary with - 910 AH. 187 n. 2. - - +Henry of Navarre+-- -> his difficulties, as to creed, less than those - of Babur in 917 AH.-1511 AD., 356. - - +Hilali+, see Badru'd-din _Hilali_. - - Abu'l-nasir Muhammad +Hind-al Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, - _Barlas Turk_, son of Babur and Dil-dar--his pre-natal adoption - (925) 374; - meaning of his name Hind-al 385; - gifts to him or his servants 522, (935) 633, 642; - the _Walidiyyah-risala_ and Hindustan verses sent to him 642; - under summons to Hind 645, -> 696; - -> sent by Humayun to Qila'-i-zafar (936) 695; - referred to 697; - -> waits on his father in Lahor 699; - -> his dying father's wish to see him (937) 708; - his escort of Babur's family in 946 AH. referred to 710; - [d. 958 AH.-1551 AD.]. - - +Hindi+--Mindi,--Mahndi, see Mahndi. - - +Hindu Beg+ _quchin_--leaves 'Ali _Miran-shahi_ for Mirza Khan (905) - 122; - sent to raid Panj-kura (925) 374; - in Bhira 386-8; - leaves it 399; - out with Babur 403; - serving under Humayun (932) 465-6, 528-9; - in the right wing at Panipat 472 and at Kanwa (933) 566 and - n. 2, 569; - escorts Mahim from Kabul (935) 687; - sent to Sambhal _ib._; - waits on Babur _ib._ and n. 2, 689; - his mosque in Sambhal 687 n. 2. - - -> +Hulaku Khan+ _Ail-khani_ (_Il-khani_)--referred to 79; - [d. 663 AH.-1264 AD.]. - - +Hul-hul Aniga+--a woman drinker 417. - - Nasiru'd-din Muhammad +Humayun Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, - _Barlas Turk_, son of Babur and Mahim--his birth (913) 344; - his mother's parentage 344 n. 3, -> 712-3; - death of elder brethren referred to 374; - a Trans-indus district given to him (925) 391; - carried in haste to meet his father 395; - makes a good shot 417; - prefers not to go to Lamghan (926) 421; - -> appointed to Badakhshan (927) 427; - with his father in the Trans-oxus campaign (916-20) 358; - his delay in joining the Hindustan expedition (932) 444, 446 - n. 3, 447; - a desertion from him 545; - first sight of a rhinoceros 451; - books given to him at Milwat 460; - his story-teller killed _ib._; - a successful first military affair 466-7; - on service 471; - in the right wing at Panipat 472; - sent to take possession of Agra 475, 476, 526; - becomes owner of the Koh-i-nur 477; - receives Sambhal and other gifts 522, 7, 8; - appointed against the Eastern Afghans, his campaign 534, 544; - mentioned in connection with the title 'Azam-humayun (933) 537; - his return to Agra 544; - his dislike of wine 545; - in the right wing at Kanwa 566, 568-9; - his departure for Kabul (and Badakhshan) 579-80; - misappropriates treasure 583, -> 695 n. 1; - a daughter born (934 or 5) 618; - his father's messenger, detained a year by - him, arrives in Agra (935) 621, 626; - birth of a son (934) 621, 624-5; - letter to him from his father quoted 624-27; - ordered to act with Kamran against the Auzbegs 625-6; - news of his action reaches Babur 639, 640; - gifts sent to him on his son's birth and with them the - _Walidiyyah-risala_ and the Hindustan poems 642; - topics of a letter to him enumerated 645; - the letter despatched 649; - gifts from him to his father 687; - a family tradition that his father wished to abdicate in his favour - 689 n. 5; - -> misery of his creation 692; - concerning a plan to set him aside from the succession 644 - n. 4, 688 n. 2, -> 692-3, -> 702-7; - deserts his post in Badakhshan (936) 694; - its sequel 695, 6, 7-8; - ordered by his father to Sambhal 697; - his illness and his father's self-surrender (937) 701-2; - goes back to Sambhal 702; - summoned and is declared successor at his father's last audience - 708; - [d. 963 AH.-1556 AD.].[2899] - - Baba +Husain+--his murder of Aulugh Beg _Shah-rukhi_ (853) 85 and - n. 3.[2900] - - Maulana Shaikh +Husain+--particulars 283-4. - - +Husain+ _Aikrak_ (?) (or Hasan)--receives the Chin-ab country from - Babur (925) 386; - misbehaves (926) 423. - - Sayyid +Husain Akbar+ _Tirmizi_, a maternal relative of Mas'ud - _Miran-shahi_--attacks the fugitive Bai-sunghar (903) 74; - out with Babur (910) 234; - suspected 239; - in the left wing at Qandahar (913) 334. - - Sultan +Husain+ _Arghun Qara-kuli_--particulars 40; - leaves Samarkand with the Tarkhans (905) 121; - fights for Babur at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139; - his great-niece Ma'suma a wife of Babur 36. - - +Husain Aqa+ _Sistani_--in the right wing at Kanwa (933) 566. - - +Husain+ _'audi_, lutanist of Husain _Bai-qara_--particulars 292; - owed his training to 'Ali-sher _Nawa'i_ 272. - - Shah +Husain+ _bakhshi_--brings Babur news of a success (935) 685. - - Khwaja +Husain Beg+, brother of Auzun Hasan--particulars 26; - his daughter a wife of 'Umar Shaikh 24, 146 n. 3; - leaves Samarkand with the Tarkhans (905) 121; - fights for Babur at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139; - one of eight in the flight from Akhsi (908) 177 (here Khwaja - Husaini); - his lameness causes him to leave Babur 178; - sends Lahor revenues to Kabul (932) 446; - waits on Babur 458; - on service (933) 549 (here Mulla Husain); - in the left centre at Kanwa 566. - - Shah +Husain+ _chuhra_, a brave of Husain _Bai-qara_--left in Balkh - (902) 70. - - Sultan +Husain+ _Dughlat_--joins Babur (901) 58-9; - conspires against Tambal (907) 154; - sent by The Khan (Mahmud) to help Babur (908) 161. - - +Husain+ _Ghaini_--a punitive force sent against him (911) 253. - - +Husain-i-hasan+--out with Babur (925) 403; - killed and avenged 404, 405; - [d. 925 AH.-1519 AD.]. - - Maulana Shah +Husain+ _Kami_, a poet--particulars 290. - - +Husain Kashifi+--his omission from Babur's list of Herat - celebrities 283 n. 1. - - +Husain Khan+ _Lashkar_ (?) _Wazir_--writes from Nasrat Shah, - accepting Babur's three articles (935) 676. - - Sultan +Husain Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Mansur--defeats Mahmud _Miran-shahi_ (865) 46, 259 and (876) 260; - his relations with Nawa'i 33, 272; - his campaign against Khusrau Shah (901) 57, 58-61, 130; - his dissensions with his sons 61, 69, (902) 68-70, 260, (903) 94-5; - his capture of Heri (875) compared with Babur's of Samarkand (906) - 134-5; - does not help Babur against Shaibani 138, 145; - asks Babur's help against him (910) 190-1, (911) 255; - his death 256, and burial 293; - particulars of his life and court 256-292: - --(personal 256 - --amirs 270 - --sadrs 280 - --wazirs, etc. 281 - --poets 286 - --artists 291) - --his dealings with Zu'n-nun _Arghun_ and Khusrau Shah 274; - his kindness to Mas'ud _Miran-shahi_ (903) 93, 95; - his disorderly Finance Office 281-2; - delays a pilgrim 284; his copyist 291; - his splendid rule 300; - his buildings 305; - his relation Nuyan Beg _Tirmizi_ 273; - Babur writes to him in ignorance of his death (912) 294; - Babur's comments on him 60, 191, 225; - a poem mistakenly attributed to him 281; - [d. 911 AH.-1506 AD.]. - - Sultan +Husain Mirza+ _Miran-shahi_, son of Mahmud and a Tirmizi - wife--his death (_aet._ 13) in his father's lifetime, 47, 110. - - Mir +Husain+ _mu'amma'i Nishapuri_--particulars 288 and n. 7; - [d. 904 AH.-1498-9 AD.]. - - +Husain Khan+ _Nuhani Afghan_--holding Rapri and not submissive to - Babur (932) 523; - abandons it 530; - takes it again (933) 557; - drowned in flight 582; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - Sultan +Husain+ _Qanjut_, maternal grandfather of Husain - _Bai-qara_--his Timurid descent 256 n. 5. - - Shah Mir +Husain+ _Qarluq_--waits on Babur (925) 403 (here var. Hasan) - 409; - sent to Bajaur (926) 422; - meets Babur on his road 423; - in charge of _impedimenta_ (932) 458; - allowed to raid from Milwat 464; - fighting for Babur 468, 471; - in the left wing at Panipat 472; - posted in Junpur (933) 544. - - +Husain-i Shaikh Timur+--particulars 273 (where in n. 2 read - grand("father")). - - Sultan +Husain+ _Sharqi_--rise and fall of his dynasty 481; - [d. 905 AH.-1500 AD.]. - - Shah +Husain+ _Yaragi Mughul Ghanchi_--in the left wing at Panipat - (932) 472, and at Kanwa (933) 567; - on service 530. - - +Husamu'd-din 'Ali+ _Barlas_, son of Khalifa--on service (934) 601; - waits on Babur (935) 687. - - - +Ibn-i-husain Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Husain - and Papa--parentage 265; - joins his brothers against Shaibani (912) 296; - fails in etiquette when meeting Babur 297; - his place at a reception 298; - goes back to his districts Tun and Qain 301; - mentioned 331; - the poet Ahi his servant 289; - [d. 919 AH.-1513 AD.]. - - +Ibrahim Ata+ (Father Abraham)--his tomb in Turkistan 159. - - +Ibrahim Beg+ _Begchik_, brother of Ayub--in the right wing at Qandahar - (913) 334. - - Mir +Ibrahim+ _Begchik_--fights and kills a guardian of 'Umar Shaikh - _Miran-shahi_ (_cir._ 870) 25. - - +Ibrahim+ _Chaghatai_--joins Husain _Bai-qara_ 279,[2901] 689 n. 4. - - +Ibrahim+ _chuhra_--conveys a quatrain of Babur's (925) 401. - - +Ibrahim+ _Duldai Barlas_--particulars 274. - - Sultan +Ibrahim+ _Ghaznawi_--his tomb 218; - [d. 492 AH.-1098 AD.]. - - +Ibrahim-i-husain Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Husain--particulars 265; - on his father's service (901) 57; - receives Balkh (902) 70; - besieged (903) 93-4; - [d. 910 AH.-1504-5 AD.]. - - +Ibrahim+ _Jani_--fights for Babur at Sar-i-pul (906) 139; - one of three Ibrahims killed there 141, 624 n. 1; - his son Chilma _q.v._; - [d. 906 AH.-1501 AD.]. - - Mir +Ibrahim+ _qanuni_--waits on Babur (935) 605; - his kinsman Yunas-i-'ali _q.v._ - - Sultan +Ibrahim+ _Sahu-khail Ludi Afghan_, son of Sikandar--Babur sends - him a goshawk and asks for the ancient lands of the Turk (925) - 385; - -> co-operation against him proffered to Babur by Sanga 426, 529; - -> a principal actor in the years of the _lacuna_ from 926 - to 932 AH. 427; - -> no indication of Babur's intending to attack him in 926 AH. 429; - his misdoing leads to appeal for Babur's help (929) 439; - defeats his uncle 'Alam Khan (932) 456-7; - Babur moves from the Dun against him 463; - his military strength 463, 470; - imprisons humble men sent by Babur 464; - various news of him 465, 466-7; - Babur's estimate of him 470; - defeated and killed at Panipat 473-4, 630 n. 4; - an Afghan account of Babur's care for his corpse _ib._; - references to his rule in Gualiar 977, to the rebellion of his - Eastern amirs 523, 527, to his capture of Chandiri and defeat at - Dhulpur by Sanga 593, to Babur's route when he was defeated (932) - 206, and to his "prison-house" 459; - his resources contrasted with Babur's 480; - his treasure at an end (935) 617; - his mother q.v. _s.n._ mother; - his son sent to Kamran's charge in Qandahar (933) 544; - [d. 932 AH.-1526 AD.]. - - +Ibrahim Saru+ _Mingligh Beg_--_Chapuk_--particulars [Author's Note] 52; - disloyal to Babur (900) 52; - besieged and submits 53; - receives Shiraz (902) 66; - remains with Babur at a crisis (903) 91; - on service (904) 101, 106; - his man holds fast in Aush 107; - plundered by 'Ali-dost (905) 119; - waits on Babur 125; - one of three Ibrahims killed at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 139, 141; - his brother Samad _q.v._; his good bowman 66; - [d. 906 AH.-1501 AD.]. - - +Ibrahim Sultan Mirza+ _Shah-rukhi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Shah-rukh--his rule in Shiraz, death and successor (838) 20; - referred to 85; - [d. 838 AH.-1414-5 AD.]. - - +Ibrahim Taghai Beg+ _Begchik_, brother of Ayub--wounded and nicknamed - _Chapuk_ (902) 67; - leaves Babur (903) 86; - in Akhsi with Bayazid _Itarachi_ (908) 171; - sent against Pap _ib._; - arrests Bayazid 173-4; - wounded but fights for Babur 174; - soon falls behind in the flight from Akhsi 176; - in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 334; - holds Balkh for Babur (923) 463 n. 3; - sent as Babur's envoy to Auzbeg Khans and Sultans (935) 643. - - +Ibrahim Tarkhan+ _Arghun_--serving Husain _Bai-qara_ (901) 58; - holding Shiraz (906) 130; - reinforces Babur 131; - one of three Ibrahims killed at Sar-i-pul 140-1; - his brother Ahmad _q.v._; - [d. 906 AH.-1501 AD.]. - - Qazi +Ikhtiyar+--particulars 285; - waits on Babur and examines the Baburi script (912) 285; - is instructed in the exposition of the Qoran by Shaibani (913) 329; - [d. 928 AH.-1521 AD.]. - - +Ilias Khan+, see Rustam. - - Shah +'Imad+ _Shirazi_--brings Babur friendly letters from two amirs of - Hind (932) 463. - - +'Imadu'd-din Mas'ud+--an envoy of Jahangir _Miran-shahi_ to Tramontane - clans (911-912) 296. - - +'Imadu'l-mulk+, a slave--strangles Sikandar _Gujrati_ (932) 535. - - +Imam-i-muhammad+--Babur's company drink at his house (925) 418; - his master Khwaja Muhammad-amin _q.v._ - - +Isan+, see Aisan. - - +Ishaq Ata+ (Father Isaac)--his tomb in Turkistan 159. - - +Iskandar+, see Sikandar. - - +Islim+ _Barlas_--particulars 276. - - +Isma'il+ _chilma_, see Chilma. - - +Isma'il Khan+ _Jilwani_ (not _Jalwani_)--with 'Alam Khan _Ludi_ (932) - 456; - deserts him 457; - writes dutifully to Babur 464; - speaks of waiting on him (934?) 680; - does it (935) 677, 679. - - +Isma'il Khan+ _Yusuf-khail Ludi_, son of 'Ali--parleys with Babur at - Milwat (932) 459; - deported 461. - - +Isma'il Mita+--Nasrat Shah's envoy to Babur (935) 640-1, 664-5. - - +Isma'il+ _Safawi 'Arab_, Shah of Persia--reference to his capture of - 'Iraq (cir. 906) 280, 336; - gives refuge to a fugitive Bai-qara (913) 327 n. 5; - -> hostilities begin between him and Shaibani (915) 350; - defeats Shaibani at Merv (916) 18, 318, -> 350; - sends Khan-zada back to Babur 18, 352; - -> asked by Babur for reinforcement (917) 352-4; - -> his alliance dangerous for Babur 355; - -> indication of his suzerain relation with Babur 355; - -> a principal actor in the _lacuna_ years from 926-930, 427; - -> his relations with Shah Beg _Arghun_ 430; - relations with Babur (927) 433-4; - -> his death after defeat (930) 443; - -> Lord Bacon on his personal beauty 443 n. 1; - his son Tahmasp _q.v._; - his (presumed) Bai-qara disciple in Shi'a heresy 262; - [d. 930 AH.-1524 AD.]. - - +Ja'far Khwaja+, son of Mahdi Khwaja and step-son of Babur's sister - Khan-zada--fills his father's place in Etawa (933) 579, 582; - sent to collect boats (934) 598; - pursues Biban and Bayazid (935) 682. - - +Jahangir+ _Barlas_, son of Ibrahim and a Badakhshi Begim (T.R. trs. - p. 108)--particulars 273; - joint-governor of Kabul for Abu-sa'id 270, 273. - - +Jahangir Mirza+ _Barlas Turk_, eldest son of Timur--named - in Abu-sa'id's genealogy 14; - is given Samarkand by Timur 85; - his tomb in Kesh 83; - his son Muhammad 78, 85; - [d. 776 AH.-1374-5 AD.]. - - +Jahangir Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of 'Umar - Shaikh and Fatima _Mughul_--particulars 17; - sent (a child) to reinforce an uncle (_cir._ 895) and then betrothed - 48, 189; - comes to Andijan after his father's death (899) 32; - Mughul support for him against Babur (900) 43-4, (903) 87-8, - (904) 101; - joins Tambal 103; a "worry" 104; - defeated at Khuban (905) 113; - waits on Babur 119; - summoned for a Samarkand expedition 122; - reinforces Babur (906) 138; - a gift to him from the exiled Babur (907) 150; - joins Babur (908) 173; - acts against Babur's wishes 173-4; - flees in panic 174-5; - rumoured a prisoner 176; - -> his occupation of Khujand (909?) 182; - Babur rejects advice to dismiss him (910) 191; - deference to him from Khusrau Shah 193; - his part in occupying Kabul 198, 199; - receives Ghazni 227; - out with Babur 233-4, 235-6, 239; - rejects counsel to betray him 239; - is Babur's host in Ghazni 240; - his experiences in an earthquake (911) 247; - insists on a move for Qalat-i-ghilzai 248; - waits on Babur and does service 252-3; - his misconduct 254; - causes Babur to mobilize his troops 255; - goes to Yaka-aulang (912) 294; - the clans not supporting him, he goes to Heri with Babur 295-6; - at social gatherings 298, 302; - defeats his half-brother Nasir 321; - his death 331 n. 3, 345; - his widow brings their son Pir-i-muhammad to Babur (913) 331; - [d. 912 or 913 AH.-1507-8 AD.]. - - Nuru'ddin Muhammad +Jahangir Padshah+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, - _Barlas Turk_, son of Akbar--his work in Babur's burial-ground 710; - words of his made clear by Babur's 501 n. 6; - mentioned concerning the _tamgha_ 553 n. 1; - [d. 1037 AH.-1627 AD.]. - - +Jahangir+ _Turkman_--revolts in Badakhshan against the Auzbegs (910) - 242; - keeping his head up (913) 340. - - +Jahan-shah+ _Barlas_, son of Chaku--mentioned in his son Muhammad - Baranduq's genealogy 270. - - +Jahan-shah Mirza+ _Barani_, _Qara-quiluq Turkman_--ruling in Tabriz - while Yunas _Chaghatai_ stayed there 20; - his sons defeated by the Aq-quiluq (872) 49; - his son Muhammadi's wife Pasha 49;[2902] - [d. 872 AH.-1467-8 AD.]. - - Rai +Jaipal+ _Lahori_--a legend of his siege of Ghazni 219; - [d_cir._ 392 AH.-1002 AD.]. - - Raja +Jai-singh+ _Jaipuri_--his astronomical instruments 79 n. 4; - [d. 1156 AH.-1743 AD.]. - - +Jalal Khan+ _Jig-hat_--waits on 'Alam Khan _Ludi_ (932) 456 and n. 4; - his house in Dihli Babur's quarters 476; - his son 'Alam Khan _Kalpi_ _q.v._ - - +Jalal Khan+ _Ludi_, son of'Alam Khan--deserts his father (932) 457; - in the left wing at Kanwa (933) 567 (where for "Jamal" read Jalal). - - +Jalal+ _Tashkindi_--brings Babur news of Biban and Bayazid (935) 685. - - +Jalalu'd-din Mahmud+ _nai_--a flautist, heard in Herat (912) 303. - - Sultan +Jalalu'd-din+ _Nuhani_--Jalal Khan, son of Bihar Khan and - Dudu--one of three competitors for rule (935) 651 n. 5; - writes dutifully to Babur 659; - news of his and his mother's coming 664; - waits on Babur 676; - receives revenue from Bihar 676. - - Maulana +Jalalu'd-din+ _Purani_--origin of his cognomen 306; - his descendant Jamalu'd-din Abu-sa'id _Puran_ _q.v._; - [d. 862 AH.-1458 AD.]. - - Sultan +Jalalu'd-din+ _Sharqi_, son of Husain Shah--waits on Babur - (935) 651; - particulars 651 n. 5; - his man abandons Benares 652; - entertains Babur 652; - his son styled Sultan _ib._; - his gift of a boat to Babur 663; - in the battle of the Ghogra 669; - on service 678. - - Shaikh +Jamal+ _Barin Mughul_--his son(?) Shaikh 'Ali _q.v._ - - Shaikh +Jamal+ _Farmuli Afghan_--deserts 'Alam Khan (932) 457; - serving Babur (933) 551. - - Shaikh +Jamali+--at a feast (935) 631; - conveys encouragement to Dudu Bibi 665-6. - - Shaikh +Jamalu'd-din Abu-sa'id+ _Puran_--particulars 306 n. 2; - ill-treated by Shaibani (913) 306 n. 2, 328; - [d. 921 AH.-1515 AD.]. - - Shaikh +Jamalu'd-din+ _khar_, _Arghun_--captor of Yunas Khan and - Aisan-daulat Begim (T.R. trs. p. 94) - --slain 35; - [d. 877 AH.-1472-3 AD.]. - - Mir +Jamalu'd-din+ _muhaddas_--particulars 284; - [living 934-7 AH.-1527-31 AD.]. - - Shaikh +Jami+--ancestor of Akbar's mother 623 n. 8. - - +Jami+, see 'Abdu'r-rahman _Jami_. - - +Jamshid+, (an ancient ruler of Persia)--mentioned 85, 152. - - Mir +Jan-airdi+, retainer of Zu'n-nun _Arghun_--sells provisions to - Babur (912) 308. - - +Janak+--recites in Turki (912) 304. - - +Janaka Kukuldash+, (or Khanika)--escapes after Sar-i-pul (906) 141. - - +Jan-i-'ali+--murdered by Shaibani (906) 127, 128; - [d. 906 AH.-1500 AD.]. - - +Jan Beg+--in charge of _impedimenta_ (932) 458; - allowed leave for a raid 464; - in a night-attack 471; - in the left wing at Panipat 472 and at Kanwa (933) 567 (here - Jan-i-muhammad Beg Ataka); - on service (935) 682 (here Jani Beg). - - Mir +Jan+ _Diwan_--his house in Qandahar reserved as loot for Nasir - _Miran-shahi_ (913) 338. - - +Jani Beg+ _Duldai Barlas Turk_--particulars 37 (where nn. 2 and 3 - should be reversed). - - +Jani Beg Sultan Khan+ _Auzbeg-Shaban Chingiz-khanid_--his two - Miran-shahi marriages of conquest 18, 35; - fights for Shaibani at Sar-i-pul (906) 139 (where read Jani Beg - Sultan); - he and his sons at Jam (935) 622; - flees to Merv 636 n. 2. - - +Jan-i-hasan+, _Barin Mughul_--sent to reinforce Babur (903) 92, (908) - 161, 170. - - +Jan-i-nasir+--answers a call-to-arms (925) 408. - - Mir +Jan+ _Samarkandi_--his distasteful singing (912) 303. - - +Jan-wafa Mirza+--serving Shaibani in Samarkand (906) 131; - escapes on Babur's success 133. - - Barlas +Juki+--brings Babur good news, a live Auzbeg, and a head (925) - 408. - - +Juha Sultan+ _Taklu_,Governor of Ispahan--with Tahmasp _Safawi_ on - the battle-field of Jam (935) 635. - - +Juji Khan+ _Chingiz-khanid_--a Qazzak descendant mentioned 23. - - Muhammad +Juki Mirza+ _Shah-rukhi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - 'Abdu'l-latif (d. 854)--mentioned as besieged by Abu-sa'id - _Miran-shahi_ 24; - [d. 868 AH.-1463-4 AD.]. - - Sultan +Junaid+ _Barlas_ (or Junid)--particulars 276; - his sons Nizamu'd-din 'Ali Khalifa and Junaid _q.v._ - - Sultan +Junaid+ _Barlas_ (or Junid), son of the last-entered--incites - an attempt on Samarkand (900) 52, 111; - serving Babur (932) 460, 468, 471; - in the left wing at Panipat 472; - sent to help in occupying Dihli 475; - given Dulpur 530-1; - posted in Junpur (933) 544; - in Kharid (935) 637 and n. 1; - joins Babur late and is not received 667; - gives local information 668; - in the battle of the Ghogra 669; - on service 679, 682 and n. 2; - his wife Shahr-banu _Miran-shahi_ _q.v._ - - - +Kabuli Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_--abandoned by her - husband Badi'u'z-zaman _Bai-qara_ and captured by Shaibani (913) - 328. - - +Kahil+ _sahib-i-qadam_--gives his horse to Babur (908) 174. - - Pahlawan +Kalal+--wrestles (935) 650. - - +Kalantar of Dikh-kat+ (var. _kalantar_ and _kilantar_)--his house used - by Babur (907) 150; - his aged mother's story _ib._ - - +Kalimu'l-lah Shah+ _Bahmini Afghan_--ruling the Dakkhin (932) 482. - - +Kal-qashuq+--put to retaliatory death (903) 73. - - Sayyid +Kamal+--serving Khusrau Shah (903) 96 (where for "Qasim" read - Kamal). - - +Kamal Khan+ _Sahu-khail Ludi Afghan_, son of 'Alam Khan--in the left - wing at Kanwa (933) 567. - - +Kamal Khwaja+--his birth-place Khujand 8; - [d. 803 AH.-1400-1 AD.]. - - +Kamal+ _sharbatchi_--in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 335. - - Pahlawan Khwaja +Kamalu'd-din+ _Badakhshi_--in the right wing at Kanwa - (933) 566. - - Khwaja +Kamalu'd-din Husain+ _Gasur-gahi_--particulars 280, 281; - sent as envoy to Shaibani (904) 145. - - Khwaja +Kamalu'd-din Mahmud+, retainer of Isma'il _Safawi_-- -> with - Babur after the defeat at Ghaj-davan (919) 362-3; - [d_cir._ 919 AH.-1514 AD.]. - - +Kamalu'd-din+ _Qiaq_ (var.)--lays before Babur complaint of the begs - of the Balkh frontier (935) 649. - - +Kamran Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Babur and - Gul-rukh _Begchik_-- -> the date of his birth App. J, xxxv; - -> taken on the Transoxus campaign (916-920) 358; - carried in haste to meet his father (920) 395; - joins his father 417; - -> the _Mubin_ written for his instruction (928) 438; - -> left in charge of Kabul and Qandahar (932) App. J, xxxv; - a letter from Babur to him _ib._ and App. L, xliii; - his copy of the _Babur-nama_ App. J, xxxv-vi; - gifts sent to him (932) 460, 522, 642; - put in charge of Ibrahim _Ludi's_ son (933) 544; - -> of his transfer to Multar (934-5) -> 604, 605 n. 3, 645; - of his proceedings in Kabul 618; - his marriage to a cousin 619; - the _Walidiyyah-risala_, Hindustan Poems and specimens of the - Baburi script sent to him 642; - heads of a letter to him 645, 646; - -> meets Humayun in Kabul (935) 696; - -> meets Babur in Lahor (936) 699; - -> of his governments 699; - -> later action in Multan and Lahor (938) (which read for 935) 699; - -> visits his father's tomb near Agra (946) 709; - [d. 964 AH.-1556 AD.]. - - +Kanku+ or Gangu--killed at Kanwa 573; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - +Karim-birdi+--on Babur's service (935) 661. - - +Karim-dad+ _Turkman_--at a household party (906) 131; - escapes from Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 141; - one of four fighting with Babur (908) 166, 396; - reprieved from a death sentence (914) 345. - - +Karm-chand+--acting for Hasan _Mewati_ (933) 545, 578; - asks peace from Babur for Hasan's son Nahar 578. - - +Karm Singh+--killed at Kanwa 573; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - +Raja Karna+ _Gualiari_, (or, Kirti), _Tunwar Rajput_--his buildings - in Gualiar 608 n. 3. - - +Khadija Agha+, and later, Begim, mistress of Abu-sa'id _Miran-shahi_, - wife of Husain _Bai-qara_--particulars 262, 268; - her dominance 268, 292; - visited in Heri by Babur (912) 301; - at an entertainment to him 302; - a suspicion against her 302 n. 1; - captured by Shaibani (913) 327; - given for a traitor to loot 328; - her daughter Aq Begim and sons Shah-i-gharib and Muzaffar-i-husain - _q.v._ - - +Khadija-sultan Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Abu'sa'id--(probably) seen by Babur in Heri - (912) 301; - Babur visits her near Agra (934) 588 and in Agra Fort (935) 606, - 616. - - +Khaldar+ _Yaragi Mughul_, son of Haidar Kukuldash--fights for Babur - at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139. - - +Khalifa+, see Nizamu'd-din 'Ali _Barlas_. - - +Khalil+ _chuhra_--a brave who fought well for Babur (904) 101. - - +Khalil+ _diwana_--on Auzun Hasan's service (904) 102 (where for - "Diwan" read diwana). - - Sultan +Khalil Mirza+, _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Miran-shah--mentioned 262 n. 2; - [d. 814 AH.-1411-2 AD.]. - - Sultan +Khalil Mirza+ _Miran-shahi_ (_ut supra_), son of Abu-sa'id--his - daughter sole wife of Bai-sunghar _Miran-shahi_ 112. - - +Khalil Sultan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, son of Ahmad, (Alacha - Khan), full brother of Sa'id--his son Baba Sultan _q.v._ - - +Khalil Sultan+ _Itaraji Mughul_, brother of Ahmad Tambal--holding Madu - for Tambal (905) 109; - captured _ib._, and released 119; - surprises Aush 125; - helps Babur against Shaibani (906) 138; - killed at Sar-i-pul 141; - [d. 906 AH.-1501 AD.]. - - +Khalwi+ _piada_ (or Khalwa)--his spear-head bitten off by a tiger - (925) 393. - - The +Khatib of Qarshi+--an envoy to Babur (910) 188. - - +Khan-i-jahan+, see Fath Khan _Sarwani_. - - +Khan-i-jahan+, a "pagan"--opposes Babur (933) 539. - - +Khan-quli+, son of Bian-quli--leaves Babur in Samarkand (903) 86; - at a household party (906) 131 (where read Khan-quli for - "Khan-i-quli"); - gives ground for suspicion (907) 156; - one of eight in the flight from Akhsi (908) 176, 177; - in the right-centre at Qandahar (913) 335. - - +Khan-zada Begim (1)+, _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Mahmud--particulars 48. - - +Khan-zada Begim (2)+, _ut supra_, daughter of Mas'ud and - Sa'adat-bakht--particulars 267; - visited by Babur near Agra (935) 616. - - +Khan-zada Begim (3)+, _ut supra_, daughter of 'Umar Shaikh - and Qutluq-nigar--particulars 17; - her marriage with Shaibani (907) 18, 147, -> 184; - her divorce and remarriage with Sayyid Hadi Khwaja 352 [H.S. iii], - 364; - her reunion with Babur (916) 18, 352, 356; - her marriage with Mahdi Khwaja _q.v._; - her summons to Hindustan (935) 647; - his son Khurram Shah _q.v._; - [d. 952 AH.-1545 AD.]. - - +Khan-zada Begim (4)+, _Tirmizi_, wife of Mahmud - _Miran-shahi_--particulars 48; - her son Mas'ud _q.v._; - her niece 48. - - +Khan-zada Begim (5)+, _Tirmizi_, niece of the above, wife of - Mahmud--particulars 48, 9; - her son Husain _q.v._; - her five daughters 47-8. - - +Khan-zada Begim (6)+, _Tirmizi_, wife of Ahmad - _Miran-shahi_--particulars 37; - Babur, a child, pulls off her wedding veil (893) 37. - - +Khan-zada Khanim+ _Haji-tarkhani_, daughter of Ahmad and - Badi'u'l-jamal (Badka)--particulars 258 n. 2, 329; - illegally married by Shaibani (913) 329; - her husband Muzaffar-i-husain _Bai-qara_ _q.v._ - - +Khawand Shah Amir+, ("Mirkhond"), author of the - _Rauzatu's-safa_--omitted (or lost) from Babur's list of Herat - celebrities 283 n. 1; - [d. 903 AH.-1498 AD.]. - - +Khizr Khwaja Khan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_--mentioned in Yunas - Khan's genealogy 19. - - Khwaja +Khizr+ _Nuhani_, a merchant--killed by a Mughul (910) 235 - (where for "_Luhani_" read _Nuhani_). - - +Khub-nigar Khanim+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, daughter of Yunas - and Aisan-daulat--particulars 21, 22; - her death announced to Babur (907) 148, 149; - her rebel husband forgiven for her sake (912) 319; - her husband Muhammad Husain _Dughlat_, their son Haidar - and daughter Habiba _q.v._; - [d. 907 AH.-1501-2 AD.]. - - +Khuda-bakhsh+ _Chaghatai_, retainer, (1) of Khusrau Shah, - (2) of Babur--in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 334; - rebels against Babur (914) 345. - - +Khudai-birdi Beg+ _tughchi_, _Mughul_--stays with Babur at a crisis - (903) 91; - made a beg and on service 110; - killed at Sar-i-pul 141; - [d. 906 AH.-1501 AD.]. - - +Khudai-birdi+ _buqaq_, _Mughul_--killed at Asfara (900) 53 (here - _atakam_, my guardian); - his favour from Babur 105; - his son Quli _chunaq_ _q.v._; - [d. 900 AH.-1495 AD.]. - - +Khudai-birdi+ _tughchi Timur-tash_--made 'Umar Shaikh's - Lord-of-the-Gate (_cir._ 870) 14; - particulars 24-5; - [da few years after 870 AH.-1466 AD.]. - - +Khurram Shah+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban_, _Chingiz-khanid_, son of Shaibani - and Khan-zada--particulars 18; - [da few years after 916 AH.-1510-11 AD.]. - - +Khush-kildi+[2903] _Mughul_--in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335. - - +Khusrau+, an ancient ruler of Persia--mentioned in a couplet 85. - - +Khusrau+ _Gagiani_--waits on Babur (910) 230 (where insert his name - in the last line); - taken as a guide 231. - - +Khusrau Kukuldash+--at a household party (906) 131 (where insert his - name after that of Shaikh Darwesh); - captured by Tambal (908) 168; - rejoins Babur (913) 330-1; - in the right centre at Qandahar 335; - out with Babur (925) 377, 403; - an enquiry 405; - -> posted in Sialkot (930) 442; - seeming still to hold it (932) 453; - on service 465, 471; - in the van at Panipat 472; - in the right wing at Kanwa (933) 566, 568; - given Alur (Alwar) by mistake 578; - sent against Baluchis (935) 638; - at social gatherings 385-7-8. - - Amir Khwaja +Khusrau+ _Lachin Turk_--a couplet of his quoted 503; - [d. 725 AH.-1325 AD.]. - - +Khusrau Shah+[2904] _Turkistani_, _Qibchaq Turk_, - --particulars 49-50; - takes Mahmud _Miran-shahi_ (_aet._ 17) to Hisar (_cir._ 873) 46-7; - referred to as a rival 50; - his tolerance of Hisari ill-conduct (899) 41-2; - expelled from Samarkand on Mahmud's death (900) 51-2; - opposes Husain _Bai-qara_ (901) 57, 60-1; - his rise helped by Bai-qara failures 61; - supports Mas'ud _Miran-shahi_ 64; - falls out with him 71, 93; - blinds him (903) 95; - defeats Badi'u'-zaman _Bai-qara_ 60-1; - re-equips him defeated by his father (902) 70; - receives well the fugitive Bai-sunghar _Miran-shahi_ (903) 74; - makes him _padshah_ in Hisar 93; - strangles him (905) 110; - a fugitive Tarkhan goes to him (906) 120, 141; - his niggardliness to Babur 129, 130; - gives him no help against Shaibani 138, -> 183; - Qasim Beg _quchin_ takes refuge with him (907) 27; - his position less secure (910) 188; - followers of his join Babur 189, 192, 196, 227 n. 3; - invited to co-operate with the Timurid Mirzas against Shaibani 190; - takes the Kabul road on Babur's approach 192, 244; - offers him service 192; - the interview of his submission 193-4; - allowed to go towards Khurasan 194, 195; - breaks his pact and is put to flight 197, 243; - gets sensible counsel in Herat 243; - makes trouble for Nasir _Miran-shahi_ in Badakhshan 244-5; - beheaded at Qunduz by the Auzbegs 244; - good results from his death for Babur 245; - Babur's reflections on the indiscipline of his followers 199, - 230 n. 5, 239, 244-5; - his former following rebels (914) 335; - his brothers Wali and Baqi, and nephew Ahmad-i-qasim _q.v._; - [d. 910 AH.-1505 AD.]. - - +Khwaja Chishti+ var. Husaini--at a feast (935) 631. - - 'Abdu'l-lah +Khwajagan-khwaja+, fifth son of 'Ubaidu'l-lah - _Ahrari_--his son 'Abdu'sh-shahid 653 n. 4. - - +Khwajaka Khwaja+, Muhammad-i-'ubaidu'l-lah, eldest son of - Ahrari--protects Bai-sunghar _Miran-shahi_ in the Tarkhan rebellion - (901) 62 (where, erroneously, "Khwajaki"); - becomes his spiritual guide 63; - visited in Farkat by Babur (907) 149; - his brother Yahya _q.v._ - - +Khwaja Kalan+, descendant of 'Ubaidu'l-lah _Ahrari_-- -> a likely - recipient of the _Mubin_ 438, 631 n. 3 (where for "son" read - grandson of Yahya); - at a feast in Agra (935) 631; - gifts and leave given 632, 641-2; - a copy of Babur-nama writings sent to him 653. - - Mir +Khwaja Kalan+, son of Maulana Muhammad Sadru'd-din--receives - Bajaur (925) 370; - particulars 370 n. 2; - prisoners pardoned at his request 371; - out with Babur 372; - returns to Bajaur 376; - is recalled on grounds given (926) 422-3; - joins Babur for Hindustan (932) 447; - on service 465-6; - in the right wing at Panipat 472; - helps to secure Agra 475; - of his leaving Hindustan 520, 531; - his offending couplet about leaving, and Babur's reply 525-6; - has charge of Kabul and Ghazni 524; - conveys money to repair the Ghazni dam 219, 524 n. 2, 647 n. 1; - Babur's various writings sent to him, quatrains (925) 372, (932) - 525-6, (935) the _Walidiyyah-risala_ and Hindustan poems 642 - --letters (925) 411, (935) 604, 618 n. 2, quoted 645-8; - commended to Humayun as a friend 627; - a letter of his mentioned 644; - wine parties in his house (925) 371-2, 375; - has Ghazni wine at Milwat (932) 461; - urged to renounce wine 648; - tells Babur of a fruitful orange-tree (935) 510, cf. 483 n. 2; - -> quotation from his ode on Babur's death 709. - - 'Abdu'l-lah +Khwaja Maulana-i-qazi+--particulars 29, 89-90; - supports Babur (899) 30; - chases off an invader 32; - confers with other well-wishers of the boy (900) 43; - mediates for Ibrahim _Saru_ 53, for Aurgutis (902) 68; - envoy to Auzun Hasan (903) 87; - open-handed to Babur's followers 88; - entreats him to save Andijan 88-9; - Mir Mughul aids him in its defence 122; - hanged by Tambal and Auzun Hasan 89; - 'Ali-dost fears retaliation for his death (905) 119; - his right guidance recalled by Babur (912) 303; - [d. 903 AH.-1498 AD.]. - - +Khwajaki Mulla-i-sadr+, son of Maulana Muhammad Sadru'd-din, - and elder brother of Khwaja Kalan--particulars 67; - killed near Yam 67; - [d. 902 AH.-1497 AD.]. - - +Khwaja Mir-i-miran+--speaks boldly at Akhsi (908) 174; - in charge of baggage camels (925) 376, 377, and of Babur's camp 389, - 391; - Babur halts near his Lamghan village (926) 424; - given charge of Daulat Khan _Yusuf-khail_ (932) 459-60; - in the left-centre at Panipat 973; - entrusted with gifts for Kabul 525. - - +Khwaja Mir Sultan+--he and his son receive gifts (935) 632. - - +Khwand-amir+, grandson of Khawand Shah Amir ("Mirkhond") - -- -> associated with Muhammad-i-zaman _Bai-qara_ (923) 364-5, - 463 n. 3; - fleeced by Shaibani's order (913) 328 n. 2; - his discomforts in Herat 617 n. 2; - waits on Babur (935) 605; - Babur invites him in verse 693; - completes the _Habibu's-siyar_ while at Tir-muhani with Babur 687 - n. 3; - his omission (or loss) from Babur's list of Herat celebrities 283 - n. 1; - his and Babur's varied choice of details 328 n. 2; - -> his patron Amir Ghiyasu'd-din and nephew Ghiyasu'd-din 436; - [d. 942 AH.-1535 AD.]. - - Khwaja +Khwand-sa'id+--Babur visits his tomb (925) 407. - - Mir +Khawand+--Shah Amir ("Mirkhond")--author of the _Rauzatu's-safa_, - grandfather of Khwand-amir--his omission (or loss) from Babur's - list of Herat celebrities 283 n. 1; - [d. 903 AH.-1498 AD.]. - - +Kichik 'Ali+--his courage (908) 176; - made prisoner (933) 557, 576; - _shiqdar_ of Koel 176. - - +Kichik Baqi+ _diwana_--suspended (911) 248; - killed at Qalat-i-ghilzai 248; - [d. 911 AH.-1505 AD.]. - - +Kichik Begim+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter of Husain - and Payanda-sultan--refused in marriage to Mas'ud _Miran-shahi_ 265; - "afterwards" marries Multa Khwaja 266.[2905] - - +Kichik Khwaja+--on 'Askari's service (935) 681, 682. - - +Kichik Khwaja Beg+, son of Maulana Muhammad Sadru'd-din and elder - brother of Khwaja Kalan--in the left wing at Khuban (905) 113; - killed at Qalat-i-ghilzai 248[2906]; - [d. 911 AH.-1505 AD.]. - - +Kichik Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Ahmad - (Mirza Sayyidi) and Aka _Bai-qara_--particulars 257. - - +Kichkina+ _tunqtar_--sent with orders to Tramontane begs (925) 406. - - +Kipa+ and +Kipik+, see Kupuk. - - Raja +Kirti+ _Gualiari_, see Karna. - - +Kitin-qara Sultan+ _Auzbeg_--in Balkh (932) 545-6; - at Jam (935) 622 (where in n. 1 read 935 for "934"); - makes complaint to Babur 649, 645 n. 1. - - +Kitta Beg+ _Kohbur Chaghatai_, son of Sayyidi Qara--convoys - Yusuf-khail chiefs to Bhira (932) 461; - on Babur's service 465-6, 468, 528, (933) 545, (935) 638; - wounded at Biana (933) 548. - - +Kitta Mah+ and +Kichik Mah+, slaves of Muzaffar-i-husain - _Bai-qara_--offend Babur by their performance (912) 304. - - +Kuchum Khan Sultan+--Kuchkunji--_Auzbeg-Shaiban_, - _Chinqiz-khanid_--particulars 632 n. 3; - -> his force gathered at Qarshi (917) 353; - -> a principal actor between 926 and 932 AH. 427; - his position in relation to 'Ubaidu'l-lah (935) 618 n. 6; - in the battle of Jam 622; - various accounts of his escape or death 623, 636; - his envoy to Babur 631, 632; - his sons Abu-sa'id and Pulad _q.v._; [d. 937 AH.-1530-1 AD.]. - - +Kuki-i+[1] +Baba Qashqa+, see Haji Muhammad Khan _Kuki_. - - +Kuki+,[2907] paternal-uncle of the last-entered (A.N.)--on Babur's - service (934) 589, (935) 674, 679; - in the battle of the Ghogra 673; [d. 940 AH.-1553 AD.?]. - - +Kupuk Beg+, var. Kipik, Kipa (hunchbacked)--in Babur's service (910) - 237; - promoted (911) 253; - frost-bitten (912) 311; - in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335; - envoy to Mirza Khan (925) 405. - - +Kupuk Bi+ _Auzbeg_ var. _ut supra_--blamed for three murders (906) - 128; - given Khwarizm by Shaibani (911) 256; - his son Qambar-i-'ali _q.v._ - - +Kupuk Mirza+ _Bai-qara_, Muhammad Muhsin, son of Husain - and Latif-sultan--parentage 262; - defeated by his father (904) 260; - does not join his brothers against Shaibani (912) 296-7; - defeated and killed 329-30; [d. 913 AH.-1507 AD.]. - - Sayyid +Lachin+--bearer of an urgent message from Babur (932) 453. - - Hazrat +Lam+, (Lamak, Lamakan), father of Noah--his reputed tomb, 210. - - +Langar Khan+ _Janjuha_--on Babur's service (925) 380, 381, 388-9, 412; - one of a raft-party 385; - waits on Babur 391, 411. - - +Langar Khan+ _Niazai Afghan_--one of a raft-party (925) 412; - waits on Babur (926) 421. - - +Latif Begim+ _Duldai Barlas Turk_--particulars 37 (where for "916" - read 917 AH.). - - +Latif-sultan Aghacha+ _Char-shamba'i_, a mistress of Husain - _Bai-qara_--particulars 269; - her sons Abu'l-muhsin and Kupuk _q.v._; - [dbefore 911 AH.-1506 AD.]. - - +Lope de Vega+--a popular use of his name resembling one of Nawa'i's - 287 n. 3. - - +Lutfi Beg+--measures the Ganges-bank on Babur's journey (933) 659. - - - +Maghfur+, see Faghfur. - - +Mah-afruz+--married by Kamran (934) 619 n. 1. - - +Mah-chuchuq+ _Arghun_, daughter of Muqim and Zarif--marries Qasim - Kukuldash (913) 342, 199 n. 1, -> 365; - their daughter Nahid _q.v._; - [d_cir._ 975 AH.-1568 AD.]. - - +Mahdi Sultan+ _Auzbeg_, the constant associate (brother?) - of Hamza--defeated by Husain _Bai-qara_ (901) 58; - enters Babur's service 59; - deserts 64; - defeats 'Ali _Miran-shahi_ and goes back to Shaibani 65; - his Mughuls are disloyal to Babur (904) 105; - serving Shaibani (906) 131; - at Sar-i-pul 139; - at Hisar (910) 244; - -> retires before Babur (916) 352; - defeated and killed by him at Pul-i-sangin (917) 18, 37, 262, 353, - 354; - his Miran-shahi wife 36; - his sons at Jam (935) 622; - [d. 917 AH.-1511-12 AD.]. - - +Mahdi-Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban_?--his identity discussed 264 n. 1; - his son 'Adil and grandson 'Aqil _q.v._ - - Sayyid +Mahdi Khwaja+, son of Musa Khwaja and third husband of Babur's - sister Khan-zada--Babur's _diwan-begi_ (916-7) 704 n. 3; - -> dissuades Muhammad-i-zaman from accepting Babur's invitation to - Kabul (after 920) 364; - on Babur's service (932) 468, 471; - in the left wing at Panipat 472, 473; - commands troops sent to seize Dihli 475; - gifts made to him 527; - given Etawa 530; - orders changed 531; - serves as an escort (933) 534, 537; - given Biana 539; - sends news of Sanga's approach 544; - joins Babur quickly 548; - in the left wing at Kanwa 567; - given leave for Kabul 579; - host to Babur near Etawa (935) 644; - waits on him returning to Agra 686; - displeases him 688 n. 2, 704 n. 2; - summoned to Court 689; - later particulars 644 n. 4, 688 n. 2, -> 692; - -> discussion of a plan to make him Padshah 703-7; - -> his name may be a gloss in the story 705; - his son Ja'far _q.v._; - his inscribed slab at Amir Khusrau's tomb 704 n. 1; - his surmised Tirmizi descent 704; - his relation or servant Mir Muhammad (925) 381. - - +Mahim Begim+, wife of Babur--particulars 344 n. 3, 711, -> 712, 714; - -> with Babur during the Transoxus campaign (916-920) 358; - adopts Hind-al (925) 374, 385, -> 715, App. L; - -> visits Humayun in Badakhshan (928) 436; - goes to Agra (935) 640 n. 2, 650 n. 2, 665, 686-7, 689 n. 2, 690; - -> her influence probably misused on Humayun 694, 707; - meets him, sick, in Muttra (937) 701-2; - -> her care of Babur's Agra tomb (937) 709; - [d. 940 AH.-1533-4 AD.]. - - Sayyid +Mahmud+ _Aughlaqchi_, _Mughul_--forced to go on foot (910) 239. - - +Mahmud Beg+ _Nundaki_, _Barlas Turk_--particulars 51; - defends Hisar against Aba-bikr _Miran-shahi_ ( 873) 51, - and against Husain _Bai-qara_ (901) 58; - negociates with Husain 61. - - Sultan +Mahmud+ _Duldai Barlas Turk_--expelled from Andijan (900) 44; - turns informer (905) 125. - - Mulla +Mahmud+ _Farabi_, associated with Khalifa--reads the Qoran to - Babur (925) 401; - rebukes a jest at Khalifa's expense 416; - reads the _Khutba_ first for Babur in Dihli (932) 476; - reinforces the right wing [_tulghuma_] at Kanwa (933) 569; - leads the Morning Prayer at Rapri (935) 643 (where for "Muhammad" - read Mahmud). - - Sultan +Mahmud Ghazi+ _Ghaznawi Turk_--his humble capital Ghazni 217, - 219; - his and his descendants' tombs 218; - Dost-i-nasir's tomb near his 396; - his dam and Babur's gift from Hindustan for its repairs 219; - But-khak traditionally named from his idol-breaking 409 n. 3; - mentioned as a conqueror of Hindustan 479; - contrast made between his position and Babur's 479; - [d. 421 AH.-1030 AD.]. - - Sultan +Mahmud Khan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, Khaqan of the - Mughuls, elder son of Yunas and Shah Begim--succeeds - his father (892) 13; - his disaster on the Chir (895) 31, 34, 39; - invades Farghana (899) 13, 31; - thought of as a refuge for Babur 29, (908) 178; - retires from Farghana 32; - attempts Samarkand and is defeated (900) 52, 111, (905) 122; - takes Aura-tipa (900) 55-6; - demands Andijan (903) 87; - is visited by Babur (900) 54, (903) 90, 92, (907 and 908) 153-159; - sends help to Babur (903) 90, 92, (904) 101, (906) 138, 139; - his men abandon Babur (903) 91, 92; - he opposes Babur (905) 115-6, 116; - moves out against Tambal (907) 154, 156; - numbers his army 154; - acclaims his standards 155; - ceremonies on his meeting his brother Ahmad (908) 160; - goes with him against Tambal 161, 168, 171; - they number their armies 161; - retires to Tashkint 172; - defeated at Archian by Shaibani (909) 7, 23, -> 182-3; - his prae-accession sobriquet Khamka Khan 23; - his summer retreat in Farghana 5; - his Miran-shahi marriage (cir. 892) 13, 35; - retainers of his 25, 28; - former followers, deported (908) by Shaibani, - return after his death (916) 351; - Babur's comment on him as a soldier 91, 157, - and as a verse-maker 154; - -> murdered with five young sons by Shaibani 350; - [d. 914 AH.-1509 AD.]. - - +Mahmud Khan+ _Ludi Afghan_, son of Sikandar--fights for Sanga at Kanwa - (933) 562; - reported to have taken Bihar (935) 639, 675; - one of three competitors for rule 651 n. 5; - gathers an army to oppose Babur 651-2; - it breaks up 654; - is near the Son 658; - flees before Babur's men 662; - referred to 664 n. 7, 679 n. 7; - on his title Sultan 652 nn. 2, 6, 653-4 n. 1; - [d. 945 AH.-1543 AD.]. - - +Mahmud Khan+ _Nuhani Afghan_ - --holding a district from Babur; - taken by 'Alam Khan (932) 455, 456; - deserts 'Alam Khan; - waits on Babur and given revenue from Ghazipur 527; - sent against Etama 530; - waits on Babur (935) 659; - searches for a passage through the Ghogra 668; - in the battle of the Ghogra 669 (here _Ghazipuri_); - receives a grant on Bihar 676; - on service against Biban and Bayazid 682. - - +Mahmud Khan+ _shikdar_ of Sikandarpur--collects boats for Babur's - passage of the Ghogra (935) 668. - - +Mahmud Khan Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban Chingiz-khanid_--in the battle - of Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139; - receives Qunduz (910) 244; - his protection sought 196 n. 5; - dies 244; - [d. 910 AH.-1504 AD.]. - - Sultan +Mahmud+ _Khilij_ Turk, ruler in Malwa--particulars 482 (where - in n. 2 for "Gujrat" read Malwa); - his territory (916) 593; - his jewels (925 and 935) 612-3; - thought of by Rahim dad as a refuge 688 n. 2 (where for "Muhammad" - read Mahmud); - [d. 937 AH.-1531 AD.]. - - +Mahmud+ _kundur-sangak, piada_--killed fighting 68; - [d. 902 AH.-1497 AD.]. - - Sultan +Mahmud+ _mir-akhwur_, see Mirza Beg _firmgi-baz_ - (58 and n. 4). - - Sultan +Mahmud Mirza+ _Ghazi_, _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, - son of Abu-sa'id--particulars 45-51; - defeated by Husain _Bai-qara_ (865 and 876), 46, 259-60, 268; - succeeds his brother Ahmad (899) 40-1, 86; - alienates allegiance 41-2; - sends Babur wedding-gifts (900) 43; - his death 27, 45, 50, 52; - his family joins Babur (910) 189; - referred to 12 n. 2, 13 n. 5, 190, 194; - his Hisar house 93; - [d. 900 AH.-1495 AD.]. - - Sayyid +Mahmud Saifi+, Maulana _'Aruzi_--author of the - _'Aruz-i-saifi_--tutor of Bai-sunghar _Miran-shahi_ 111. - - +Mahmud+ _Sarwani_, son of Fath Khan Khan-i-jahan--ordered to stay at - Court (933) 537. - - +Mahmud Shah+ _Ilyas_--his murder mentioned to illustrate a succession - custom of Bengal 483. - - Sultan +Mahmud+ _Sharqi_, son of Jalalu'd-din--Babur gives him the - title of Sultan (935) 652. - - +Mahmud+, son of Muhammad-i-makhdumi--beheaded in Badakhshan 242; - [d. 910 AH.-1504-5 AD.?]. - - (?) +Mahndi+ (415, 473), or Mindi or Hindi (235, 335)--kills an Afghan - trader (910) 235; - in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335; - wine first given to him (925) 415; - in the left wing [_tulghuma_] at Panipat (932) 473. - - Khwaja +Majdu'd-din Muhammad+ _Khawafi_--particulars 281, 282. - - +Makan+ _Farmuli_(?) _Afghan_--not submissive to Babur (932) 529; - sent out of the way before Kanwa (933) 547; - his son Hasan _q.v._ - - +Makhdum-i-'alam+, Nasrat Shah's Governor in Hajipur--his defences on - the Gandak (935) 663. - - Hazrat +Makhdumi Nura+--mentioned 641 n. 1. - - +Makhdum-sultan Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Mahmud and Zuhra--in Badakhshan (_cir._ 935) 48. - - +Makhdum-sultan Begim+ _Qara-guz_, wife of 'Umar Shaikh--particulars - 18, 24. - - +Malik-dad+ _Kararani_ (_Karani_)[2908]--reprieved (932) 477-8; - on service (933) 540, 582, (935) 682; - in the right wing at Kanwa (933) 557. - - +Malik-i-muhammad Mirza+ _Miran-shahi_, nephew of Abu-sa'id--aspires - to rule (899) 41; - murdered 41; - his wife 47; - his house 146; - [d. 899 AH.-1494 AD.]. - - +Maliks of Alangar+--their garden a halting-place (926) 424. - - +Malik of Fan+--stingy to Babur (906) 130. - - +Malik-quli+ _Kunari_--Babur halts at his son's house (926) 423 (where - read quli for "'Ali"). - - +Malik Sharq+--returns from service (935) 683. - - +Mallu Khan+ of Malwa--his tank at Chanderi 597 n. 8, 598. - - +Mamaq Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban Chingiz-khanid_, son of Hamza--takes - service with Babur (901) 58, 59; - -> his death 353; - [d. 917 AH.-1511-2 AD.]. - - +Mamum Khalifa+, _'Abbasi_, son of Harunu'r-rashid--his Observatory - and Tables, Author's Note 79; - [d. 218 AH.-833 AD.]. - - +Manik-chand+ _Chauhan Rajput_--killed at Kanwa 573; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - Raja +Man-sing+ _Gualiari_, _Tunwar Rajput_--his buildings 607, 608; - his son Bikramajit _q.v._; - [d. 924 AH.-1518 AD.]. - - Shah +Mansur+ _bakhshi_--helps Shaibani to take Herat (913) 325; - given Khadija Begim to loot 326. - - Shah +Mansur+ _Barlas_--on service (932) 465-6, 475, 530, (933) 545; - in the right centre at Panipat (932) 472, 473, - and at Kanwa (933) 565, 569; - his untimely praise of the Rajput army 548, 550. - - Sultan +Mansur Khan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, eldest son of Ahmad, - Alacha Khan-- -> defeats his half-brother Sa'id (914) 349; - -> mentioned as Khaqan of the Mughuls, Sa'id as Khan in Kashghar 427; - [d. 950 AH.-1543 AD.]. - - +Mansur Mirza+ _Bai-qara_, _'Umar-shaikhi Timurid_, _Barlas - Turk_--mentioned in his son Husain's genealogy 256; - his not-reigning 256; - his wife Firuza and their children 256, 257; - his beg Wali _q.v._ - - +Mansur+ _Turkman_--in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335. - - Malik Shah +Mansur+ _Yusuf-zai Afghan_, son of Sulaiman--envoy of his - tribe to Babur (924) 371; - his daughter's - marriage with Babur (925) 375, App. K; - waits on him 399, 400; - his brother Taus Khan and cousin Ahmad _q.v._; - a follower 377. - - +Maqsud+ _suchi_, _sharbatchi_, _karg_--in the left centre at Qandahar - (913) 335, 338; - his tossing by a rhinoceros (_karg_) 400. - - +Marghub+ _qul_--in Mahawin (932) 523. - - Mian +Ma'ruf+ _Farmuli Afghan_[2909]--disaffected to Ibrahim and - (later) to Babur (932) 523; - his opposition 530; - flees 533-4; - his son Muhammad (?) leaves him (934) 598; - his sons Muhammad and Musa _q.v._ - - +Ma'ruf+ _Yaq'ub-khail Dilah-zak_ (_Dilazak_) _Afghan_--waits on Babur - at 'Ali-masjid (925) 394. - - Shaikh +Maslahat+ _Khujandi_--his birthplace 8; - dreamed of by Babur (906) 132; - his tomb visited by Timur (790) 132 n. 2. - - +Masti+ _chuhra_--deals with a drunken man (925) 415; - intoxicated by beer (926) 423. - - Sultan +Mas'ud+ _Ghaznawi_--his tomb 218. - - Sultan +Mas'ud Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Mahmud and Khan-zada I--particulars 47, 48; - holding Hisar (900) 52; - opposes Husain _Bai-qara_ and flees (901) 57-8, 130; - one of three besieging Samarkand; retires with his desired Barlas - bride 64; - quarrels with Khusrau Shah (902) 71, - and with the Hisar begs (903) 93; - takes refuge with Husain _Bai-qara_ 93, 95, 261, 265; - returns to Khusrau and is blinded by him 95, 50; - goes back to Husain 95, 266; - mentioned as older than Bai-sunghar 110; - meets Babur in Herat (912) 302; - murdered by Auzbegs (913) 267; - his wives Saliha-sultan _Miran-shahi_, and Sa'adat-bakht - _Bai-qara_ _q.v._; - his betrothed (?) Kichik Begim _Bai-qara_ _q.v._; - [d. 913 AH.-1507 AD.]. - - Sultan +Mas'ud Mirza+ _Kabuli_, _Shah-rukhi_, _ut supra_--particulars - 382; - his cherished followers, sons of Mir 'Ali Beg _q.v._; - his son 'Ali _asghar_ _q.v._; - [deposed 843 AH.-1439-40 AD.]. - - Mulla +Mas'ud+ _Sherwani_, of Husain _Bai-qara's_ Court--no particulars - 284. - - +Ma'suma-sultan Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Ahmad and Habiba-sultan, and wife of Babur--particulars 36, - -> 711; - her marriage arranged (912) 306, -> 714; - brought from Herat (913) 330; - married 339; - dies in child-bed and her name at once given to her child 36; - [d_cir._ 915 AH.-1509 AD.]. - - +Ma'suma-sultan Begim+, _ut supra_, daughter of Babur - and Ma'suma-sultan (_supra_)--her birth 36; - with her father in the Transoxus campaign (916-920) 358; - her marriage (or betrothal) to Muhammad-i-zaman _Bai-qara_ - (923 or 924) 365; - gifts made to her servants (935) 633; - -> in the family-list 705, 706. - - +Maulana Sayyidi+, or _Mashhadi_--his chronogram on Humayun's birth - (913) 344. - - Shaikh +Mazid Beg+, Babur's first guardian--particulars 26, 27; - [d before 899 AH.-1494 AD.]. - - Mir +Mazid Taghai+ _Kunji Mughul_, brother or uncle - of Aisan-daulat--takes part in a sally from Samarkand (906) 142; - wounded at Akhsi (908) 168; - rebels (921) 363, 397; - his relations, 'Ali-dost, Sherim, Qul-nazr _q.v._; - [d_cir._ 923 AH.-1517 AD.]. - - +Mazid Beg Tarkhan+ _Arghun_, son of Amir Tarkhan Junaid (H.S. lith. - ed. iii, 359)--his retainer Khusrau Shah 49; - his action in 873 AH. 51; - his brother 'Ashiq-i-muhammad _q.v._ - - Shaikh +Mazid Kukuldash+--envoy of Muhammad-i-zaman to Babur (925) 402. - - +Medini Rao+ var. Mindi _etc._--particulars 593 n. 5; - his force at Kanwa (933) 562; - holding Chanderi (934) 483, 593; - Babur negociates with him 594; - his house the scene of a supreme rite 595. - - +Mihr-angez Begim+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_--married as a - captive (913) 329 n. 1. - - +Mihr-ban Khanim+ (see _infra_)--gifts to and from Babur (935) 631, - 632, 641; - her husband Kuchum _Auzbeg_ and their son Pulad _q.v._; - a verse seeming to be addressed to her (925) 402. - - +Mihr-banu Begim+ _Miran-shahi_, half-sister of Babur (perhaps the - Khanim last entered)--particulars 18. - - +Mihr-nigar Khanim+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, daughter of - Yunas--particulars 21, 149; - joins Babur in Kabul (911) 246; - visited by him after her disloyalty (912) 315; - goes to Badakhshan (913) 341; - dies a prisoner 21. - - +Milli Surduk+--reprieved from death (932) 477, 478. - - +Mingli Bi Aghacha+, a mistress of Husain _Bai-qara_--particulars 269; - her sons and daughters 262-3, 266. - - +Minglik Kukuldash+--leaves Samarkand (907) 147. - - +Minuchihr Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, brother - of Abu-sa'id--an attributed descendant 24; - his son Malik-i-muhammad _q.v._ - - +Minuchihr Khan+ _Turk_--delayed in waiting on Babur by a forcible - marriage (925) 386, 388; - on Babur's service in Bhira 389; - leading Darya-khanis (934) 589; - his relation Nazar-i-'ali _Turk_ _q.v._ - - +Mirak+--entrusted with building work (935) 642. - - +Mirak Kur Diwan+ (or Gur)--in Ala-qurghan when Shaibani took Herat - (913) 328. - - +Miran-shah Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Aulugh - Beg _Kabuli_--rebels against his father and goes to Khusrau Shah 95; - sent to Bamian 96. - - +Miran-shah Sultan Mirza+ _Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, 3rd son - of Timur--mentioned in a genealogy 14; - his daughter's son Ahmad _Bai-qara_ _q.v._; - [d. 810 AH.-1407-8 AD.]. - - +Mir Buzurg+ _Tirmizi_--his daughter and granddaughter, wives of Mahmud - _Miran-shahi_ 47-8, 49. - - +Mirim+--Mir Muhammad?[2910]--adopted son of Auzun Hasan--killed - fighting against Babur 170; - [d. 908 AH.-1502 AD.]. - - +Mirim Diwan+--_ut supra_--captured serving Babur (904) 106; - released (905) 119; - discovers a rebel (912) 319. - - +Mirim+ _Laghari_--_ut supra_--leaves Babur for home (903) 91; - captured serving Babur (904) 106; - killed 167; - [d. 904 AH.-1499 AD.]. - - +Mirim-i-nasir Beg+--_ut supra_--enters Babur's service (904) 103; - one of a household-party (906) 131; - in the left centre at Qandahar (913) 335, 338; - at social gatherings (925) 385, 388; - on service 389, 391; - receives his dead brother's district 397. - - +Mirim Tarkhan+--_ut supra_--drowned while serving Bai-sunghar - _Miran-shahi_ 74; - [d. 903 AH.-1497 AD.]. - - +Mir Khurd+ _bakawal_--one of a boat-party (925) 388; - ordered to catch pheasants 404; - made Hind-al's guardian 408; - on service (935) 640. - - +Mir Mughul+, son of 'Abdu'l-wahhab _shaghawal_--helps to defend - Andijan (903) 122; - his son killed (904) 102 (here Mughul Beg); - sent by Tarkhans to invite Babur to Samarkand (905) 122, 123; - on service (925) 389 (here Beg Muhammad _Mughul_); measures - Babur's marches (935) 658 (here Mughul Beg); - in the battle of the Ghogra 673-4 (here Mughul-i 'Abdu'l-wahhab). - - +Mir Sang-tarash+--entrusted with building-work (935) 642. - - +Mirza Beg+ _firingi-baz_--in Husain _Bai-qara's_ service (901) 58. - - +Mirza Beg Kai-khusrawi+--in Ala-qurghan when Shaibani took Heri - (913) 328. - - +Mirza Beg Taghai+, see Sl. 'Ali M. Taghai _Begchik_. - - +Mirza Beg Tarkhan+--in the left centre at Panipat (932) 472. - - Wais +Mirza Khan+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_--Khan Mirza--son - of Mahmud and Sultan-nigar _Chaghatai_--particulars 47; - sent by The Khan (Mahmud _Chaghatai_) against Samarkand (905) 122; - in Tashkint (908) 159; - at Khusrau Shah's audience of submission (910) 193; - demands vengeance on him 194; - on service 234; - disloyal (912) 313-20; - captured and banished 320; - rejoins Babur from Herat (913) 331; - in the right wing at Qandahar 334; - his loot 338; - goes to Badakhshan on Shah Begim's insistance 340-1, 342; - his claim to rule in it 698 nn. 1-3; - serves as a refuge for Sa'id _Chaghatai_ (915) 349 - and Haidar _Dughlat_ 350; - sends Babur news of Shaibani's defeat at Merv (916) 350; - invites his help in recovering their ancestral lands _ib._; - messenger of Babur to Isma'il _Safawi_ 352; - helps him to defend Hisar (918) 359; - receives him plundered 362; - sends him an envoy (925) 402; - loses lands to Sa'id _Chaghatai_ 695; - -> mentioned 427; - his death announced to Babur (927) 433, 621 n. 5; - his titles 21 n. 5; - his guardians 26, 122; - [d. 927 AH.-1521 AD.]. - - +Mir-zadas+ of Khwast--wait on Babur (925) 399. - - +Mirza-i-malu+ _Qarluq_?--his son Shah Husain or Hasan _q.v._ - - +Mirza Mughul+, son of Daulat-qadam-i-turk--conveys letters - (932) 526-7. - - +Mohan+ _Mundahir Rajput_-- -> a punitive expedition against him - (936) 700-1; - [d. 936 AH.-1529 AD.?]. - - The +Mother+ of the Head-man of Dikh-kat--particulars 150. - - Ibrahim _Ludi's_ +Mother+--receives an allowance from Babur (932) 478; - attempts to poison him (933) 541; - started under guard for Kabul 543; - her grandson sent to Kamran 544; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - +Mirza-quli Kukuldash+ (Mirza's servant?)--with Jahangir (_aet._ 9) - in Akhsi (899) 32; - one of three with Babur (908) 166, 396; - fights for him in Akhsi 174-5; - one of eight in flight 177; - his horse fails 178; - at social gatherings (925) 385, 387, 388; - out with Babur 403; - behaves in his own fashion 407. - - +Muatukan+ _Chaghatai Chingis-khanid_--mentioned in Yunas Khan's - genealogy 19. - - Bibi +Mubaraka+ _Yusuf-zai Afghan_, a wife of Babur--referred - to 367 n. 3; - her courtship App. K; - asked and given in marriage 375, 376; - a couplet suiting her 411; - accompanies Mahim to Agra (935) 689 n. 5; - -> her probable charge of conveying Babur's body to Kabul 709-10; - her brother Jamal App. K, xli; - [d early under Akbar 963 AH.-1556 AD.]. - - +Mubarak Khan+ _Jilwani_--killed serving Biban (935) 685. - - +Mubarak Shah+ _Muzaffari_--rises in Badakhshan against Shaibani - (_cir._ 910) 242; - invites Nasir _Miran-shahi_ 242, 243; - defeats Auzbegs (912) 294-5; - defeats Nasir 321; - in force (913) - Author's Note 340; - invites Mirza Khan to Qila'i-zafar 21; - [d_cir._ 913 AH.-1508 AD.]. - - +Mughul Beg+, amir of Husain _Bai-qara_--particulars 275. - - A +Mughul servant+--aims an arrow at Babur (912) 316. - - +Muhammad+, the Prophet--reference to 75; - a saying on travel 184; - his edicts do not include the imposition of the _tamgha_ 555; - on the duty of a wazir 556; - mentioned in the _farman_ and the _fath-nama_ (933) 553, 559-574. - - Khwaja +Muhammad+, an old tailor of 'Umar Shaikh's--allays anxiety - for Babur (899) 30. - - Mir +Muhammad-i-Mahdi Khwaja+--on service (925) 381. - - Pahlawan Haji +Muhammad+--gifts made to him (935) 633. - - Ustad Sultan +Muhammad+, a Kabul builder--orders for his work - (935) 646-7. - - +Muhammad 'Ali+, son of Haidar _kikabdar_--brings a gift (925) 418; - summons Humayun (933) 537-8; - sent out for news (935) 661, 662. - - +Muhammad 'Ali+ _bakhshi_--on Abu-sa'id's service and defeated - by Husain _Bai-qara_ (868) 259. - - +Muhammad 'Ali+ _Jang-jang_--in the centre at Bajaur (925) 370; - at boat-parties 387, 388; - his servant's service 391, 392; - his districts 392-3, 530; - reinforced 412; - waits on Babur 403, 419, (932) 458; - at Milwat (932) 460, 461; - at Hisar-firuza 465-6; - wounded 471; - in the van at Panipat 472; - on service 530, (933) 549, 550, 576, 582; - in the left wing at Kanwa 557; - acts unsuccessfully against Biban and Bayazid (934) 589, 594, 598; - pursues from near Qanuj 601; - sent against Baluchis (935) 638; - his brother Arghun and sons Tardi-muhammad and Nan-roz _q.v._ - - Khwaja +Muhammad 'Ali+ _kitabdar_--messenger to Khwaja Yahya - (905) 124; - confuses a pass word (908) 164 (here _sairt-kishi_ = _sart_); - captured by Tambal 168; - fights against rebels (912) 315; - in the left centre at Qandahar (913) 335; - in charge of treasure 338; - at entertainments (925) 410, 411, 413; - -> at Kalanur (930) 442 (here Tajik = Sart). - - +Muhammad 'Ali+ _Mubashir-beg_--stays with Babur at a crisis - (903) 91; - at Khuban (905) 113; - in the flight from Akhsi (908) 163; - captured by Tambal 168; - killed on service 252; - his servant Sulaiman 175; - [d. 911 AH.-1506 AD.]. - - +Muhammad 'Ali+ _piada_--deserts Nasir _Miran-shahi_ (913) 343. - - Khwaja +Muhammad 'Ali Taghai+--'Asas--brother of Mahim Begim?--in the - van at Qandahar (913) 335; - meets Babur at a crisis (914) 346; - waits on Babur (925) 399, 403; - answers a military summons 408; - the first to follow Babur in renouncing wine (933) 552; - at various entertainments (925) 387, 388, 400, 412, (926) 423, - (935) 683; - on his identity 522 n. 4; - -> in charge of Babur's Agra tomb (937) 709. - - Khwaja +Muhammad-amin+--out with Babur (910) 230; - deserts from Qandahar (913) 343; - at a garden-wine-party (925) 418; - his servant Imam-i-muhammad _ib._ - - +Muhammad-amin Khan+ _Qazani_, _Jugi Chingiz-khanid_--Shaibani sends - him a Herat musician 292; - [d. 925 AH.-1519 AD.]. - - Ustad +Muhammad-amin+ _jibachi_--attention for him desired from Khwaja - Kalan (935) 647. - - +Muhammad+ _Andijani_--sent to Kabul (912) 313-4. - - +Muhammad+ _Arghun_--with Mughuls against Babur (904) 106. - - Sayyid +Muhammad-i-aurus+ _Arghun_, son of Aurus--particulars 279. - - Shah Sultan +Muhammad+ _Badakhshi_--his claim to Greek descent and his - six daughters 22. - (Cf. T.R. trs. p. 107.) - - Miir +Muhammad+ _Badakhshi_ of Ishkimish--particulars 288-9; - waits on Babur (917) 289. - - +Muhammad+ _bakhshi_--on service at Qandahar (913) 338. - - +Muhammad Baqir Beg+ _Andijani_--with Jahangir (899) 32; - disloyal to Babur (900) 44; - with Bai-sunghar (902) 65; - leaves Babur for home (903) 91; - in Akhsi and seen in the flight (908) 189, 181; - -> 182; - his son Dost _q.v._ - - +Muhammad Baranduq Beg+ _Barlas Turk_--particulars 270; - on Husain _Bai-qara's_ service (901) 58; - retorts on Khusrau Shah (910) 243; - retainer of Muzaffar-i-husain _Bai-qara_ (911) 274, 293; - acts against Shaibani (912) 296, 297; - at a feast 298; - concerning Babur's reception at the Heri Court 299; - presses him to winter in Heri 307; - his plan of defence rejected (913) 326. - - +Muhammad Beg+ _Begchik_, brother of Ayub--in the right wing - at Qandahar (913) 334. - - Pahlawan +Muhammad Bu-sa'id+--particulars 292. - - Shah +Muhammad+ _diwana_, receives a fugitive Bai-qara 263; - his son brings Babur news of Biban and Bayazid (935) 681. - - +Muhammad-dost Taghai+ _Kunji Mughul_, son of 'Ali-dost--with Babur - (900) 53; - remains at a crisis (903) 91; - captured by Tambal (904) 106; - released (905) 119; - his self-aggrandizment 119; - deserts to Tambal 125; - negociates for him with Babur (908) 173; - blinded by the Auzbegs 125. - - Sayyid +Muhammad+ _Dughlat Hisari_--enters Babur's service (901) 58, - 59; - his Mughuls desert Babur (904) 105; - conspires against Tambal and goes to The Khan (Mahmud) (907) 154; - sent with Babur against Tambal (908) 161. - - Sultan +Muhammad+ _Duldai_, _Barlas Turk_--Babur's messenger to Husain - _Bai-qara_ (912) 294; - returns with news of Husain's death 295; - in the right centre at Qandahar (913) 335; - waits on Babur from Bajaur (925) 401; - overtakes him at Jui-shahi 410; - at a wine-party _ib._; - at Hisar-firuza (932) 465-6; - in the right-wing at Panipat 472; - given Qanuj 530; - abandons it (933) 557; - unwilling to return there 582; - sent against Baluchis (935) 638; - ordered to Agra 676. - - Shah +Muhammad+ _Farmuli Afghan_, son of Ma'ruf--particulars 675; - Babur gives him Sarun (934) 603, 675; - waits on Babur (935) 675, 679. - - Sultan +Muhammad+ _Galpuk_, _Itarachi Mughul_--opposing Babur - (908) 165. - - Shaikh +Muhammad+ _Ghaus_--particulars 539; - helps Babur to gain Gualiar (933) 539-40; - intercedes for Rahim-dad (936) 688, 690. - - +Muhammad Haidar Mirza+ _Dughlat_, see Haidar. - - +Muhammad Husain Mirza Kurkan+ _Dughlat_, receives Aura-tipa - (900) 56; - effects Qasim _quchin's_ dismissal (903) 90; - sent by The Khan (Mahmud) to help Babur 92; - lends him Pashaghar (904) 97, - and Dikh-kat (907) 148; - sent against Samarkand (905) 122; - keeps back Aura-tipa from Babur (907) 149; - goes to him in Kabul (911) 246; - incites a Mughul revolt against him (912) 313-17; - captured and banished 319; - ungrateful for leniency _ib._; - Shaibani avenges Babur _ib._; - his son Haidar's excuses for him 317 n. 3; - his wife Khub-nigar, son Haidar, daughter Habiba _q.v._; - [d. 914 AH.-1508 AD.]. - - +Muhammad Husain+, brother of Abu'l-hasan _qur-begi_--joins Mirza Khan - (912) 315; - on Babur's service (925) 413 (here _qurchi_). - - +Muhammad-i-husain Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Husain and Mingli--particulars 262, 268; - hostile to his father (903) 94; - his flight into 'Iraq 262. - - Mir +Muhammad+ _jala-ban_--examines a ford through the Sind-water - (Indus) (925) 378; - selects a site for a pontoon-bridge across the Ganges (934) 599; - examines fords above Aud (Oudh) 602; - advises about crossing the Saru (Goghra) 674; - rewarded for his pontoon-bridge (935) 635; - his raft-mishaps (925) 407, 423. - - +Muhammad Jan+, Najm Sani's Lord-of-the-Gate-- -> envoy to Babur and - discontented with his reception (917) 355. - - +Muhammad Khalil+ _akhta-begi_--sent raiding (933) 538; - at Kanwa (933) 569. - - +Muhammad Khan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_--mentioned in Yunas Khan's - genealogy 19. - - +Muhammadi Kukuldash+, kinsman of Baba Qashqa (?--_q.v._)--seen with - Babur by Khan-zada (before 907 and in 916) 18; - on service at Milwat (932) 458, 460; - in the right centre at Panipat 472, 473, 475; - sent against Dulpur 530; - receives Samana 528; - in the right wing at Kanwa (933) 566, 569, 576; - sends news of a second[2911] Baluchi incursion (935) 605 n. 3, 638; - reports action 675; - ordered to Agra 676; - at various entertainments (925) 385, 388, 412. - - +Muhammad-i-makhdumi+--his son Mahmud _q.v._ - - +Muhammad Ma'sum Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Husain and Mingli--particulars 264, 269; - his wife Bega _Miran-shahi_ _q.v._; - [d. 907 AH.-1501-2 AD. See HS. iii, 290]. - - Mulla +Muhammad+ _Mazhab_--profers support to Babur (932) 463; - Babur's envoy to Bengal (935) 637. - - +Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan+ _Arghun Chingiz-khanid_, son of - Aurdu-bugha--particulars 39; - has charge of Nasir _Miran-shahi_ (899) 32; - leaves Samarkand after the Tarkhan rebellion (901) 62; - displeases 'Ali _Miran-shahi_ (905) 121; - plotted against _ib._; - invites Mirza Khan and Babur 122, 123; - welcomes Babur 40, 124; - joins Khusrau Shah (906) 129; - fights for Babur at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 139; - takes refuge with Khusrau Shah 141; - at Kul-i-malik (918) -> 357; - killed there 39; - his house a post of Babur's 143; - [d. 918 AH.-1512 AD.]. - - Sultan +Muhammad Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_--parentage - 257. - - Sayyid +Muhammad Mirza+ _Dughlat_, uncle of Haidar--sent to help Babur - (906) 139; - envoy of Sa'id _Chaghatai_ to him (917) 22; - escorts his niece to Kashghar _ib._ - - Sultan +Muhammad Mirza+ _Miran-shahi_, grandson of Timur--his son - Abu-sa'id _q.v._ - - Sultan +Muhammad Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_--his father Abu-sa'id - _q.v._ - - +Muhammad+ _miskin_, _Duldai Barlas_, son of Hafiz--captured - by Babur's men (903) 72. - - +Muhammad Muhsin+ _Bai-qara_, see Kupuk. - - +Muhammad Muqim Beg+ _Arghun_, son of Zu'n-nun--takes possession - of Kabul (908) 195 n. 3; - loses it to Babur (910) 198, 199, 227, 246 n. 3; - loses Qalat-i-ghilzai to him (911) 248-9; - seeks his co-operation against Shaibani (913) 330; - withdraws and fails in etiquette 331-2; - opposed to Babur at Qandahar 333-7; - flees in defeat 339. - - Khwaja +Muhammad Muqim+ _Herawi_, father of Nizamu'd-din Ahmad the - historian-- -> mentioned 691 n. 1, -> 692; - -> his story of a plan to supersede Humayun as Padshah - in 937 AH. 703; - discussion of it 704-7; - its incredibility as told 704-5. - - +Muhammad Mumin+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son - of Badi'u'z-zaman--Astarabad claimed for him (902) 69; - defeated by an uncle 71 (where _delete_ the _'ain_ from his name); - his murder attributed to Khadija Begim 268. - - Shaikh +Muhammad+ _Musalman_, ancestor of the Farmuli Shaikh-zadas--his - tomb and descendants 220. - - Sultan +Muhammad Muzaffar+ _Gujrati_, _Tank Rajput_--particulars 481-2; - his death 481; - his sons Sikandar Shah and Bahadur Khan _q.v._; - [d. 932 AH.-1526 AD.]. - - +Muhammad+ _Nuhani_, see Bihar Khan. - - Mulla +Muhammad+ _Parghari_--loquacious (932) 453. - - +Muhammad-i-qasim+ _Barlas_--comes accidentally on Babur (925) 417. - - +Muhammad-i-qasim Mirza+ _Arlat_, son of Abu'l-qasim - (H.S. iii, 327)--his Bai-qara wife and their child 265; - his sons (?) Babur and Murad _q.v._ - - +Muhammad-i-qasim Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, son of Husain - and Papa--parentage 265. - - +Muhammad-i-qasim+ _Nabira_, grandson of Muhammad _Sighal_--made - prisoner when opposing Babur (903) 72. - - +Muhammad-i-qasim+ _Qibchaq Turk_, son of Baqi _Chaghaniani_--leaves - his family in Ajar (910) 191; - father (?) of Ahmad-i-qasim _q.v._ - - +Muhammad-quli+ _quchin_--Mir Shah _quchin_--helps Bai-sunghar's escape - from Samarkand (901) 62; - with Babur at Samarkand and wounded (902) 68; - stays with him at a crisis (903) 91; - captured (904) - and released by Tambal (905) 119; - in the van at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139; - besieged in Samarkand 142-144; - with Babur when surprised by Tambal (908) 163; - in the left wing at Qandahar (913) 334; - in a raid (925) 403. - - +Muhammad+ _qurchi_, retainer of Khusrau Shah--rises against the Auzbeg - occupation of Badakhshan (910) 242; - expels Nasir _Miran-shahi_ (912) 321; - keeping up his head (913) 340. - - Ustad +Muhammad+ _sabz-bana_--his son Bana'i _q.v._ - - Maulana +Muhammad Sadru'd-din+ _Andijani_--his six sons' service - to Babur 370 n. 2; - his sons Khwajaka Mulla-i-sadr, Kichik Khwaja, Khwaja Kalan _q.v._ - - +Muhammad Salih Mirza+ _Khwarizmi_, author of the _Shaibani-nama_--in - Khwaja Yahya's service[2912] and waits on Babur (901) 64; - leaves Samarkand with the Tarkhans (905) 121; - enters Shaibani's service 65 n. 3; - on Shaibani's service (910) 196 n. 5; - couplets of his quoted by Babur 120-1, 448; - [d. 941 AH.-1534-5 AD.]. - - Ustad Shah +Muhammad+ _sang-tarash_--cuts an inscription (913) 343; - receives orders for work (933) 585, 606, (935) 642. - - +Muhammad Shah+ _Khilji Turk_, son of Nasiru'd-din of Malwa--takes - Chanderi and seeks Ibrahim _Ludi's_ protection (916) 593; - his young son Ahmad _q.v._; - [d. 931 AH.-1524 AD.?]. - - +Muhammad Shah Padshah+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_--his - change of name for an orange 511 n. 4; - [d. 1161 AH.-1748 AD.]. - - +Muhammad+ _Shaibani_, see Shaibani. - - Shaikh +Muhammad-i Shaikh Bhakari+ (?)--on service (933) 382. - - Shah +Muhammad Shaikh-zada+ _Farmuli Afghan_, son of Ma'ruf--leaves his - Afghan associates (934) 598 (no name here); - favoured by Babur 603, 675; - compelled to act with Biban and Bayazid (935) 675; - writes dutifully to Babur _ib._; - waits on 'Askari and Babur _ib._ and 679. - - +Muhammad Sharif+ _munajjim_ (astrologer)--comes to Kabul (925) 399 - and to Agra (933) 551; - augurs defeat at Kanwa 551, 576; - offers congratulations on victory, blamed and banished with - a gift 576. - - Sultan +Muhammad+ _Sighal_, _Chaghatai_--his descendants - Muhammad-i-qasim and Hasan _q.v._ - (Cf. 66 n. 4 and H.S. lith. ed. iii, 275 for tribe and title resp.). - - +Muhammad Sultan+ _bakhshi_--left behind to catch pheasants (925) 404; - in a night-attack on Ibrahim's camp (932) 471; - in the left wing at Panipat 472; - has custody of the cook who poisoned Babur (933) 542; - staff-officers at Kanwa 568; - host to Babur (935) 629; - introduces a Kabul messenger 644; - brings news of Mahmud _Ludi_ 653-4; - writes that Babur's family is on its way from Kabul 657; - waits on Babur 606; - his servant Shah Qasim _q.v._ - - Sultan +Muhammad Sultan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_--Sultanim - and Khanika--eldest son of The Khan (Mahmud)--sent to help Babur - (903) 92; - his guardian and he oppose Babur (905) 116; - his part in acclaiming the standards (907) 155; - goes out to meet his uncle Ahmad (Alacha Khan) (908) 159; - -> murdered 350; - [d. 914 AH.-1508 AD.]. - - +Muhammad Sultan-i-jahangir Mirza+ _Jahangiri Timurid_, - _Barlas Turk_--Samarkand given to him by his grandfather Timur 85; - his college 78. - - +Muhammad Sultan Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Wais - and Sultanim--particulars 265; - waits on Babur at Kalanur (932) 458; - on Babur's service 468, 471, 475, 530, 534, (933) 545, 548, 582, - (934) 589, (935) 682; - in the left wing at Panipat (932) 472 - and at Kanwa (933) 567, 570; - gifts to him 527; - given Qanuj 582; - joins Babur (935) 651; - in the battle of the Ghogra 671, 672, 674; - -> mentioned 706 (where wrongly classed with half-Timurids); - once owner of the Elphinstone Codex 706 n. 3. - - Beg +Muhammad+ _ta'alluqchi_--conveys gifts to Humayun (Muh. 934) - and returns (Rabi'I, 935) 621; - Babur complains of his detention. - - +Muhammad Tahir+--captured (903) 74. - - Muhammad +Timur Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban_, _Chingiz-khanid_, son of - Shaibani--at Samarkand (906) 128; - at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 139; - defeats and kills two Bai-qara Mirzas (913) 263, 329-30; - leaves Samarkand on Babur's approach (917) 354; - at Ghaj-davan (918) 360; - his marriages with captives 24, 36, 328 n. 1. - - Mulla +Muhammad+ _talib-mu'ammai_--an enigmatist of Husain - _Bai-qara's_ Court--particulars 201 n. 7[2913]; - a couplet of his quoted 201-2; - [d. 918 AH.-1512 AD.]. - - Pahlawan Haji +Muhammad+ _tufang-andazi_--receives gifts (935) 633. - - Mulla +Muhammad+ _Turkistani_, retainer of Khusrau Shah--makes Qunduz - safe for Shaibani Khan (910) 192. - - +Muhammad-i-'ubaidu'l-lah+, son of Ahrari, see Khwaja Khwaja. - - Sultan +Muhammad Wais+--waits on Babur (902) 66; - runs away and is suspected (907) 156; - serving Babur at Akhsi (908) 174; - his retainer Kichik 'Ali _q.v._ - - +Muhammad Wali+ Beg--particulars 277; - on Husain Bai-qara's service (901) 57, (902) 70, (903) 94. - - +Muhammad-i-yusuf+ _Aughlaqchi_, elder son of Yusuf--waits on Babur - (905) 125. - - Mir +Muhammad-i-yusuf+--particulars 285; - waits on Babur in Herat (912) 285; - Shaibani instructs him in exposition (913) 329. - - +Muhammad+ _Zaitun_[2914]--opposing Babur (932) 523; - written to and makes false excuse 529, 530; - waits on Babur (933) 540; - sent out of the way before Kanwa 547. - - Khwaja +Muhammad Zakariya+,[2915] son of Yahya--murdered 128; - [906 AH.-1500 AD.]. - - +Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, grandson - and last surviving heir of Husain--particulars 261, 269 n. 6, 279; - spared by Shaibani 263; - his wanderings and association with Khwand-amir 364-5, 463 n. 3; - sent to Babur and married to his daughter Ma'suma-sultan (923-4) 365; - in Balkh 365, 522; - dutiful letters and tribute sent by him to Babur (925) 385, 402, - -> 427, -> (926-932) 428; - with Babur (935) 606, 631, 639, 659; - objects to the Bihar command 661-2; - does homage for it and is given _insignia_ of royalty 662, -> 706; - starts for Bihar but is recalled 663, 664; - in the battle of the Ghogra 668, 669, 671; - -> given Junpur 682; - pursues Biban and Bayazid 682; - grounds for surmising in Babur the intention to leave him as ruler - in Hindustan 705-7; - -> of his later uprisings against Humayun 714 n. 1; - [ddrowned at Chausa 946 AH.-1539 AD.]. - - +Muhibb-i-'ali Khan+ _Barlas Turk_, son of Khalifa-- -> marries Nahid - Begim (930) 443; - in a night-attack (932) 471; - in the left centre at Panipat 472, 473 - and at Kanwa (933) 565; - unhorsed in 'Abdu'l-'aziz' discomfiture 549-50; - on service (934) 601. - - +Muhibb-i-'ali+ _qurchi_--on Khusrau Shah's service (901) 60, (902) 71; - joins Babur (910) 188; - Babur's praise of him (912) 307, 308; - loyal 313, (914) 346; - in the van at Qandahar (913) 335; - collector of an impost (925) 384; - at Hisar-firuza (932) 465-6; - at an entertainment 410. - - +Muhibb-sultan+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Mahmud--particulars 48, 49. - - Saqi +Muhsin+--wrestles (935) 660. - - +Muhsin+ _Duldai Barlas_--at Chanderi (934) 590. - - +Muinu'd-din al Zamji+--omitted (or lost) from Babur's list of Herat - celebrities 283 n. 1. - - +Mujahid Khan+ _Multani_--on Babur's service (933) 540. - - The +Mulla+, see 'Abdu'r-rahman _Jami_. - - +Mulla Baba+ _Farkati_--brings Babur news of Shaibani (913) 343. - - +Mulla Bihishti+--conveys gifts to Hind-al (935) 642. - - +Mulla Baba+ _Pashaghari_, _Chaghatai_--comes into one of Babur's - dreams (906) 132; - at Sar-i-pul 141; - envoy for Babur to Khusrau Shah (910) 188; - loyal (912) 313, (914) 346; - -> disloyal in Ghazni (921) 363; - deserts Humayun (932) 545; - joins the Auzbegs; - his proceedings 546; - his brother Baba Shaikh _q.v._; - his Kabul garden 315. - - +Mulla Hijri+, a poet--waits on Babur (907) 153. - - +Mulla Kabir+--his devious route to wait on Babur (925) 399. - - +Mulla Khwajaka+--prescribes for Babur (925) 399 (where read - Khwajaka). - - +Mulla Khwaja-i Sayyid Ata+--his Bai-qara wife 265-6. - - +Mulla Tabrizi+--conveys gifts (935) 642. - - +Mulla Taghai+--envoy to Babur of Abu-sa'id _Auzbeg_ (935) 631, 632, - 641. - - +Mumin+--suspected of the death of Nuyan Kukuldash (907) 151-2. - - +Mumin-i-'ali+ _tawachi_--conveys orders (932) 451; - conveys the Kanwa Letter-of-victory to Kabul (933) 580. - - +Mumin Ataka+--out with Babur (925) 404; - on service (932) 465, 534; - in the left wing (_tulghuma_) at Kanwa (933) 568, 569; - his brethren (935) 679. - - Khwaja +Munir+ _Aushi_--incites attack on Bukhara (902) 65. - - Sayyid +Murad+ _Aughlaqchi_[2916]--referred to as father of Yusuf 39 - and Hasan 279; - [d. 874 AH.-1469-70 AD.]. - - +Murad Beg+ _Bayandari Turkman_--his joining Husain _Bai-qara_ - (908) 280, 336. - - +Murad Mirza+ _Arlat_, son of Muhammad-i-qasim and Rabi'a-sultan - _Miran-shahi_--his Bai-qara (?) marriage 266.[2917] - - +Murad+ _Qajar Turkman_, _qurchi_--'Iraqi envoy to Babur (935) 666, - 688, 689, n. 4. - - Mulla Khwaja +Murshid+ _'Iraqi_--envoy of Babur to Ibrahim _Ludi_ - (925) 385, -> 427 n. 3; - made Diwan of Bihar (935) 661, 662. - - Mir +Murtaza+--particulars 284. - - +Musa Khwaja+--whispers of Mughul rebellion (914) 346. - - Malik +Musa+ _Dilah-zak (Dilazak) Afghan_--receives gifts (925) 394; - brings tribute 409. - - +Musa Sultan+ _Farmuli_, son of Ma'ruf--waits on Babur (935) 685; - in the battle of the Ghogra 669. - - +Mustafa Shaikh-zada+ _Farmuli Afghan_--on service for Ibrahim _Ludi_ - (932) 527; - his brother Bayazid _q.v._; - [d. 932 AH.-1525-6 AD.]. - - +Mustafa+ _Rumi_, _tawachi_--his culverin-discharge at Panipat - (932) 474; - has carts made for defence at Kanwa (933) 550; - at Kanwa 550, 568-9; - at the Gangas bridge (934) 599; - in the battle of the Ghogra (935) 668, 669, 670. - - +Mu'yad+--leading Darya-khanis for Babur (933) 582. - - Shah +Muzaffar+--particulars 291; - his artist-training owed to Nawa'i 272. - - +Muzaffar+ _Barlas_--particulars 270-1. - - Sultan +Muzaffar+ _Gujrati_--his death and successor 534 (where for - [Jumada II] "and" read 932); - [d. 932 AH.-1526 AD.]. - - +Muzaffar-i-husain Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son - of Husain and Khadija--particulars 262, 268; - serving under his father (901) 58, (902) 71; - given Astarabad (902) 61, 69; - made joint-ruler in Heri (911) 292-3; - combines in action against Shaibani (912) 296-7 - and withdraws 301; - fails in etiquette 297; - in social relation with Babur 298, 299, 300, 302-3; - plain speech to him from Qasim Beg 304; - a false report of him in Kabul 313; - irresolute in opposing Shaibani (913) 326; - his army defeated 327; - flees (to Astarabad) abandoning his family _ib._; - his wife Khan-zada Khanim _q.v._ - - Sultan +Muzaffar Shah+ _Habshi_, mentioned in illustration of a - Bengal custom 483. - - - Mirza Yar-i-ahmad +Najm Sani+, wazir of Isma'il _Safawi_--his killing - Sohrab _Bai-qara_ 262; - -> his commission to correct Babur (918) 355, 359; - -> his massacre in Qarshi 360; - -> slain at Ghaj-dawan 262 n. 4, 361; - Babur's alleged failure to support him 361; - his retainer Muhammad Jan _q.v._; - [d. 918 AH.-1512 AD.]. - - +Nadir Shah+ _Afsharid_--his birthplace (mod.) Qalat-i-nadiri 329 - n. 4; - [d. 1160 AH.-1747 AD.]. - - +Nahar+, son of Hasan Khan _Mewati_--released by Babur from capture - (933) 545; - returns to Court 578; - escapes 581. - - Nahid Begim-- -> her marriage (930) 443. - - +Na'man Chuhra+--captured by Tambal (908) 168; - at a wine-party (925) 385. - - Guru +Nanak Shah+--his relations with Daulat Khan _Yusuf-khail_ and - traditionally with Babur 461 n. 3; - [d. 946 AH.-1539 AD.]. - - Napoleon-- -> his problem of creed in Egypt less difficult than that of - Babur with Shi'a support 356. - - +Narpat Hara+ _Chauhan Rajput_--his force at Kanwa (933) 562. - - +Nasir Beg+--makes over Andijan to Babur (904) 103; - counsels him (908) 165; - captured by Tambal 168; - his sons Dost-, Mirim-, and Shahim-i-nasir; his brother-in-law Auzun - Hasan _q.v._ - - +Nasir Khan+ _Nuhani Afghan_--particulars 659 n. 4; - disaffected to Ibrahim _Ludi_ and unsubmissive to Babur (932) 523; - discussion of his movements 530; - assembles a force but flees before Babur's 533-4, 544; - his son Farid _q.v._ - - +Nasir Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - 'Umar Shaikh--particulars 17; - in Kasan (_aet._ 8) (899) 32; - taken to his uncle Ahmad 32; - meets Babur (908) 172, 178; - at the capture of Kabul (910) 198, 199; - Zurmut hostility 220; - given Ningnahar 227; - misconduct 229, 241-2; - accepts an invitation to Badakhshan 242-3; - has an imbroglio with Khusrau Shah 243; - clans which had left him 255; - defeats Auzbegs (912) 295; - defeated by Badakhshis and goes to Babur 321; - Babur's reflections on the situation 322; - out with Babur (913) 324; - in the van at Qandahar 335; - his loot and command and beleaguerment in Qandahar 339-40; - goes to Ghazni 343, 344; - -> given Kabul (917) 363; - -> returns it to Babur (920) 363; - dies in Ghazni (921) 363; - his sister Mihr-banu and wife Qara-guz _Bai-qara_ _q.v._; - [d. 921 AH.-1515 AD.]. - - Khwaja +Nasiru'd-din+ _Tusi_--his Astronomical Tables 79; - [d. 672 AH.-1274 AD.]. - - Sultan +Nasiru'd-din+ _Khilji Turk_, Sultan of Malwa--events following - his death 593; - his son Mahmud _q.v._; - [d. 916 AH.-1510 AD.]. - - +Nasrat Shah+ _Husain-shahi_, Sultan in Bengal--particulars 482-3; - reported friendly to Babur (935) 628, 637; - sends him an envoy 637; - negociations with him 661, 664, 676; - referred to as at peace with Babur 665; - mentioned 667, 677, 679; - his troops defeated on the Ghogra 671-4; - peace made 676; - [d. 939 AH.-1532 AD.]. - - +Nasrat Shah+ _Tughluq Turk_--receives Dihli from Timur 481 n. 4. - - +Naurang Beg+-- -> punishes the Mundahirs (936) 700, 701. - - +Nau-roz+, brother of Muhammad-'ali _Jang-jang_--at Bajaur (925) 370. - - +Naukar Hindu+, see Tuka. - - +Nazar-i-'ali+ _Turk_--on Babur's service (925) 389; - his relation Minuchihr _q.v._ - - +Nazar Bahadur+--killed on Khusrau Shah's service 93, 94, 279; - [d. 903 AH.-1497-8 AD.]. - - +Nazar Bahadur+ _Auzbeg_--one of five champions worsted by Babur in - single combat (914) 349 n. 1. - - Shah +Nazar+ _Turkman_--in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335; - rebels (914) 345. - - +Ni'amat+ _Arghun_--his defeat 34. - - Mulla +Ni'amat+--killed in a surprise by Sanga 549; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - Khwaja +Ni'amatu'l-lah+--his son Asafi 286 n. 2. - - +Nigarsi+, see Dankusi. - - +Nizam Khan+ _Biana'i_--not submissive to Babur (932) 523; - receives letters and a quatrain from him 529; - defeats Babur's troops (933) 538-9; - waits on Babur 539; - in the left wing at Kanwa 567; - on service (935) 678. - - Khwaja +Nizamu'd-din Ahmad+, the author of the _[T.]abaqat-i-akbari_, - son of Muhammad Muqim-- -> discussion of his story of the intended - supersession of Babur's sons 702-8; - [d. 1003 AH.-1594 AD.]. - - Sayyid +Nizamu'd-din 'Ali Khalifa+ _Marghilani_, _Barlas Turk_ - son of Junaid--escapes from prison and death (900) 55; - driven from Babur's presence (903) 90, (905) 119; - defends Kabul (912) 313; - mediates (914) 345; - hears rumours of Mughul revolt 346; - in the left centre at Bajaur (925) 369 - and at Panipat (932) 473; - given charge of Ibrahim's corpse 474 n. 1; - at Kanwa (933) 556, 558, 564-5; - on service 384, 395, 666; - communicates bad news at Chanderi (934) 594 and (935) 639; - mediates for Rahim-dad 689; - -> declines the Badakhshan government (936) 697; - -> discussion of his plan to set Humayun aside (in Hindustan?) - 702-8; - his seat at a feast 631; - host to Babur 408; - his sons Muhibb-i-'ali, Husamu'd-din-i-'ali, Hamza and daughter - Gul-barg _q.v._ - - Shaikh +Nizamu'd-din Auliya+--his tomb visited by Babur (932) 475; - [d. 725 AH.-1325 AD.]. - - +Nizamu'l-mulk+ _Khawafi_, Diwan in Heri--arrested and put - to death 282; - [d. 903 AH.-1497-8 AD.]. - - Hazrat +Nuh+ (Noah)--his father Lam _q.v._ - - +Nur Beg+ (perhaps Sayyid Nuru'd-din _Chaghaniani_ _infra)_--disobeys - the Law, plays the lute (925) 395; - joins Babur in an autumn garden 418; - his brethren on service (932) 446; - with Babur in the East (935) 653; - in the battle of the Ghogra 673; - sent to allay Rahim-dad's fears 688-9; - his brother Shaham _q.v._ - - Sayyid +Nuru'd-din+ _Chaghaniani_--Sayyid Amir--a son-in-law of Babur - and father of Salima-sultan -> 713; - perhaps Nur Beg _supra_. - - Shaikh +Nuru'd-din Beg+ _Turkistani_, _Qibchaq Turk_--grandfather, - through a daughter, of Yunas _Chaghatai_ 19 (see T.R. trs. p. 64). - - +Nuru'l-lah+ _tamburchi_--his experience in an earthquake (911) 247. - - Sayyid +Nuyan Beg+ _Tirmizi_--particulars 273; - his son Hasan-i-ya'qub _q.v._ - - +Nuyan Kukuldash+ _Tirmizi_--makes a right guess (906) 131-2; - on service against Shaibani 142; - his sword sent as a gift to Tambal (907) 150; - that sword wounds Babur's head (908) 151, 167, 396; - his suspicious death 151-152; - Babur's grief 152; - Nuyan's uncle Haq-nazar _q.v._; - [d. 907 AH.-1502 AD.]. - - - +Padmawati+, wife of Rana Sanga--in Rantanbhur (935) 612; - mentioned 613 n. 1; - her son Bikramajit and kinsman Asuk-mal _q.v._ - - +Pahar Khan+ _Ludi_, see Bihar. - - +Pahar Mirza+, a father-in-law of Jahangir _Miran-shahi_--his daughter - brings her son Pir-i-muhammad to Babur (913) 331. - - +Pahlawan+ _Audi_ (_Oudhi_)--wrestles (935) 683, 688. - - +Pahlawan+ _Lahori_, a boatman--wrestles (935) 656. - - +Papa Aghacha+, a mistress of Husain _Bai-qara_--particulars 266, - 268-9; - her five sons and three daughters _ib._[2918] - - +Papa-aughuli+, of Babur's household--out with Babur (910) 234; - at Qandahar (913) 335. - - +Parbat+ _Kakar_--conveys tribute to Babur (925) 391, 392, 393. - - +Pasha Begim+ _Baharlu_, _Aq-quiluq Turkman_, daughter of 'Ali-shukr - Beg--particulars 49; - her nephew Yar-'ali Balal _q.v._[2919] - - +Payanda-muhammad+ _Qiplan_--out with Babur (925) 404. - - +Payanda-sultan Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Abu-sa'id and wife of Husain _Bai-qara_--particulars 263, 265, - 268; - her son Haidar and her daughters _ib._; - visited in Herat by Babur (912) 301; - arranges a marriage for him 306; - captured by Shaibani (913) 327. - - +Pietro della Valle+--an illustration drawn from his recorded - morning-draught (1623 AD.) 395. - - Khwaja +Pir Ahmad+ _Khawafi_--his son 281. - - +Pir Budagh Sultan+, Khaqan in Desht Qibchaq (H.S. iii, 232)--his - Bai-qara marriage 258 n. 2. - - Mir +Pir Darwesh+ _Hazar-aspi_--in charge of Balkh (857) 50; - fights there _ib._ - - +Piri Beg+ _Turkman_--joins Babur (913) 336; - particulars Author's Note, 336. - - +Pir Kanu+ of Sakhi-sarwar--Babur halts at his tomb (910) 238. - - +Pir Muhammad+ _Ailchi-bugha_, _quchin_--particulars 50 and nn.; - drowned 48 n. 4, 50; - [895 AH.-1490 AD.]. - - +Pir Muhammad+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_,_ Barlas Turk_, son of - Jahangir--brought by his widowed mother to Babur (913) 331. - - +Pir-quli+ _Sistani_--in the right wing at Panipat (932) 472, and at - Kanwa (933) 566; - on service (932) 530. - - +Pir Sultan+ _Pashai_--one of Babur's guides (912) 308. - - Prester John, Wang Khan [T.R. trs. 16], Ong Khan [Abu'l-ghazi, - Desmaisons' trs. p. 55]--his title 23 n. 3. - - +Pulad Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban Chingiz-khanid_--son of Kuchum--Babur - sends him his earliest-mentioned Diwan (925) 402, 632 n. 3; - at Jam (934) 622; - an envoy goes from him to Babur (935) 631, 632, 641. - - +Puran+ (Allah-birdi or Allah-quli)--out with Babur (910) 234; wounded - (913) 342; - his father-in-law Qasim _quchin_ _q.v._ - - - +Qabil+ (Cain)--Babur goes alone to his tomb (925) 415. - - +Qadir-birdi+ _Ghaini_--spoken to by Babur when in hiding (908) 180-1. - - +Qaitmas+ _Turkman_, retainer of Jahangir--drowned (910) 237.[2920] - - +Qalandar+ _piada_--on Babur's service (932) 529. - - +Qambar-i-'ali+ _Arghun_--on Babur's service (935) 688. - - +Qambar-i-'ali Beg+--mobilizes the Hindustan army by Abu-sa'id's order - (873?) 46; - expelled from Khurasan with Mahmu _Miran-shahi_ 47. - - +Qambar-i-'ali Beg+ _quchin_, son of Qasim--races with Babur (?) - (907) 147; - wounded, brings Babur a message (908) 174; - one of the eight in flight from Akhsi 177; - gives Babur his horse 177-8; - beats down snow for a road (912) 308-9; - fights rebels in Kabul 315; - at Qandahar (913) 334; - wounded 336; - hurries from Qunduz against rebels in Ghazni (921) 364; - brings Babur a letter from Balkh (?) (925) 385. - - +Qambar-i-'ali Be+g _Silakh_, _Mughul_--particulars 28; - his inconvenient absence (904) 106; - recalled (905) 108; - goes away 110; - returns 112; - in the van at Khuban 113; - goes away 115; - returns and is ill-tempered 117; - his districts 115, 124; - his ill-timed pacificism 118; - his misconduct 123; - goes to Tambal, made prisoner, escapes to Babur 124; - on Babur's service (906) 130, 131; - at Sar-i-pul 138, 139; - sends his family out of Samarkand 141; - ? races with Babur (907) 147; - ? leaves Babur in Dikh-kat 150 n. 3; - conspires against Tambal and goes to The Khan (Mahmud) 154; - serves Babur against Tambal (908) 161, 162, 165, 166; - counsels Babur distastefully and flees 168, 170; - talks to him of peace with Tambal 173; - made prisoner in Akhsi against Babur's wish 174; - leaves Khusrau Shah for Babur (910) 189; - dismissed by Babur and why 192, 532 n. 1; - his son 'Abdu'-shukur _q.v._ - - +Qambar Bi+ _Auzbeg_--blamed by Shaibani for three murders (906) 128; - on service for him (910) 242, 244; - defeated by Tahmasp _Safawi's_ men (934) 622. - - +Qara Ahmad+ _yurunchi_--Babur's messenger to the Kabul begs (912) 314. - - +Qara Barlas+--leaves Samarkand with the Tarkhans (905) 121; - fights for Babur at Sar-i-pul (906) 139; - besieged and holds out to the end 143, 144. - - Sayyid +Qara Beg+ _Kohbur Chaghatai_--remains with Babur at a crisis - (903) 91; - invited into Akhsi (for Babur) (904) 101; - escapes after defeat 106; - at Khuban (905) 113; - released 119[2921]; - his (?) hasty retreat to entrenchments (906) 138, 232 n. 4; - his son 'Abdu'l-qadus _q.v._ - - +Qara Bilut+--surrenders Qalat-i-ghilzai to Babur (911) 248-9. - - +Qaracha Khan+--punished for disobedience (925) 390-1; - on service (934) 602, (935) 638; - his messenger with news of Mahim's journey 650, 659. - - +Qara-guz Begim+ _Arlat_--her marriage with Nasir _Miran-shahi_ 265. - - +Qara-guz Begim+, see (1) Makhduma, (2) Rabi'a-sultan. - - +Qara-quzi+--on Babur's service (932) 471; - in the left-wing [_tulghuma_] at Panipat 473. - - +Qarlughach Bakhshi+ kills Mughul Beg's son (904) 102. - - +Qashqa Mahmud+ (or Qashqa), Beg of the Chiras _tuman_ of Mughuls--sent - to help Babur (906) 138; - quarrels with a Begchik for the military post of honour (907) 155. - (He may be "Baba Qashqa" _q.v._) - - Mulla +Qasim+--building work given to him (935) 642. - - Sayyid +Qasim+ (p. 96), see Sayyid Kamal. - - +Qasim-i-'ajab Beg+--remains with Babur at a crisis (903) 91; - promoted to beg's rank (904) 104; - captured by Tambal's men (905) 115-6; - released 119. - - +Qasim-i-'ali+ _tariyaki_--musician at entertainments (925) 385, 387, - 388. - - +Qasim Beg+ _quchin_--particulars 26; - supports Babur (899) 30, (900) 43; - his appointments 43, 44 (where delete Sayyid as his title); - punishes misconducted Mughuls (902) 66-7, 153 and has to leave - Babur (907) 27, 67; - on missions (903) 90, (904) 100, 101; - remains with Babur at a crisis (903) 91; - defeated by Mughuls (904) 105-6; - in the centre at Khuban (905) 113; - banished from Andijan by 'Ali-dost 119; - rejoins Babur for Samarkand 123, (906) 130; - suspects Bana'i 136; - in the centre at Sar-i-pul 139; - defending Samarkand 141, 142, 143, 144; - races with Babur (907) 147; - advises a tactful gift 150; - out with Babur (910) 234; - rewarded (911) 252; - goes with a punitive force to Nigr-au 253; - a saying of his twisted for ill 254; - defeats Auzbegs (912) 295; - insists in Herat on ceremony due to Babur 298; - angered by Babur's being pressed to drink wine 304; - mistaken as to a route 308-9; - mistakenly compassionate 313; - allowed to keep his Fifth of spoil (913) 324; - in the left wing at Qandahar 334, 335; - wounded 336; - retainers allotted to him 339; - his counsel 339-40; - mediates for suspects (914) 345; - waits on Babur returned from Hindustan (925) 395; - mediates for Tramontane clans to leave Kabul 402; - Babur breaks fast at his house 408; - his sons Hamza, Tingri-birdi, Qambar-i-'ali _q.v._; - his ill-conducted nephew 414; - a servant 313; - a father-in-law Banda-i-'ali _q.v._; - [d. 928 AH.-1522 AD.]. - - +Qasim+ _Duldai_, _Barlas Turk_--serving Bai-sunghar _Miran-shahi_ - (902) 65; - joins Babur 66. - - +Qasim-i-husain+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban_, son of Qasim and 'Ayisha-sultan - _Bai-qara_--particulars 267, 298; - joins Babur (933) 550; - at Kanwa 556, 559; - receives Badaun 582; - on service 582, (934) 589, (935) 682; - in the battle of the Ghogra (935) 669; - mentioned 631 n. 4, -> 706. - - Sayyid +Qasim+ _Jalair_--wins the Champion's Portion at Asfara - (900) 53; - takes it at Shahrukhiya 53; - stays with Babur at a crisis (903) 91; - joins him for Samarkand (905) 123-4; - at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) (906) 139; - his strange doings in Pap (908) 171; - his unseasonable arrival in Akhsi 174; - defeats an Auzbeg raider (910) 195; - out with Babur 234, (925) 403; - drunk 415; - Babur pays him a consolation-visit 418; - a party in his country-house (926) 420; - assigned to reinforce Khwaja Kalan in Kabul (935) 647. - - +Qasim Khan+ _Qazzaq_, _Juji Chingiz-khanid_--his marriage with - Sultan-nigar _Chaghatai_ 23; - his good administration 23-4; - [d. 924 AH.-1518 AD.]. - - +Qasim+ _Khitka (?) Arghun_, (var. _Jangeh_)--in Akhsi (908) 171. - - +Qasim Khwaja+--succeeds in his brother Yakka's appointments (935) 674; - on service 682. - - +Qasim Kukuldash+--at a household party (906) 131 (his name is omitted - from the Hai. MS. f. 83 and from my text); - helps Babur at his mother's burial (911) 246; - at Qandahar (913) 335; - his Arghun marriage 342, 199 n. 1, -> 443. - - +Qasim Mir-akhwur+--stays with Babur at a crisis (903) 91; - on service (933) 548. - - Malik +Qasim+ _Mughul_, brother (p. 568) of Baba Qashqa--in the - right-wing [_tulghuma_] at Panipat (932) 473, and at Kanwa - (933) 568; - on service with his brethren (932) 528, (933) 558, 582, (934) 589; - his good service near Qanuj and his death 599; - his kinsmen, see _s.n._ Baba Qashqa; - [d. 934 AH.-1528 AD.]. - - Shah +Qasim+ _piada_--sent on a second mission to Babur's kinsfolk - in Khurasan (935) 617. - - +Qasim+ _Sambhali_--not submissive to Babur (932) 523; - surrenders 528, 529; - sent out of the way before Kanwa (933) 547 (where the Hai. MS. adds - "Beg", by clerical? error). - - +Qasim Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban Chingiz-khanid_--his Bai-qara - marriage 267; - at a reception (912) 298; - his son Qasim-i-husain _q.v._ - - +Qataq Begim+, wife of Ahmad _Miran-shahi_--particulars 36; - of Ahmad's escape from her dominance 36 n. 1. - - +Qayyam Beg+--Aurdu (Urdu) Shah--out with Babur (925) 403; - waits on Babur as Governor of Ningnahar (926) 421; - joins him in Hindustan (933) 550 (here Qawwam Aurdu-shah); - at Kanwa 556, 569. - - +Qazi Bihzadi+--Babur forbids unlawful drinks in his house (925) 398. - - +Qazi Ghulam+--escapes death by pretending to be a slave (904) 102. - - +Qazi Jia+--waits on Babur (932) 527; - on service 530, (933) 544, (935) 639; - joins Babur 667; - on service 668, 682. - - +Qazi of Kabul+--waits on Babur (925) 395. - - +Qazi of Samana+-- -> complains of Mundahir attack (936) 693, 700. - - +Qismatai Mirza+--on Babur's service in Hindustan (932) 474, (933) 545, - 546-7, 548; - his untimely praise of the Rajput army 548, 550. - - +Qilka+ _Kashghari_--escapes death (904) 102. - - +Qizil+ _tawachi_--messenger of Shah Beg _Arghun_ to Babur (925) 395. - - +Qublai Khan+, great-grandson of Chingiz Khan--his building at Qarshi - 84 n. 2; - [d. 693 AH.-1294 AD.]. - - +Quch Beg+ (Quj), son of Ahmad _qarawal_--in the left wing at Khuban - (905) 113; - his courage at Bishkharan 118; - leaves Babur for Hisar (906) 129; - ? reprieved at Qasim _quchin_'s request (914) 345; - on Babur's service (925) 374, (925) 384; - at Parhala 390; - comes on summons to Kabul 409; - referred to as dead (933) 565; - his brother Tardi Beg _q.v._ - - +Quch+ _Arghun_--allotted in Qalat to Qasim _quchin_ (913) 339. - - +Quch Beg+ _Kohbur Chaghatai_, son of Haidar-i-qasim--at Sar-i-pul - (906) 139; - in Samarkand besieged 142, 143, 144. - - +Qul-aruk+--drowned in the Sind-water (910) 237. - - +Qul-bayazid+ _bakawal_--particulars 237; - swims the Sind-water (910) 237; - at Qandahar (913) 335, 338; - his son Tizak _q.v._; - his tomb near Kabul 198. - - +Quli Beg+ _Arghun_--known as attached to Babur (913) 337; - returns from an embassy to Kashghar (925) 415; - his brother Ahmad-'ali Tarkhan _q.v._ - - +Qulij Bahadur+ _Auzbeg_--mentioned in Tahmasp _Safawi_'s account - of Jam (935) 636 n. 2. - - Mirza +Quli Kukuldash+, see Mirza-quli. - - +Quli-muhammad+ _Bughda quchin_--particulars 40. - - Ustad +Qul-muhammad+ _'Audi_--particulars 291; - his musical training owed to Nawa'i 272. - - +Qul-nachaq+--holding Balkh for the Bai-qaras (912) 294, 296; - surrenders it to Shaibani 300. - - +Qul-nazar+ of Taghai Beg--sallies out from Samarkand (906) 142; - does well 144. - - +Qurban+ _Chirkhi_--sent into Bhira (925) 381; - a false rumour about him as invited into Balkh (935) 625; - gifts to his - servants 633; - in the battle of the Ghogra 669; - on service 678. - - +Qusam ibn 'Abbas+, one of the Companions--his tomb at Samarkand 75. - - +Qusum-nai (?)+--on service (932) 534. - - +Qutb Khan+ _Sarwani_--not submissive to Babur (932) 523; - Mahdi Khwaja sent against him in Etawa 530; - takes Chandwar (933) 557; - abandons both places 579, 582; - defeated 587. - - Khwaja +Qutbu'd-din+ _Aushi_ (_Ushi_)--his birthplace in Farghana - 475 n. 6; - Babur visits his tomb in Dihli (932) 475; - [d. 633 AH.-1235 AD.]. - - +Qutluq Khwaja Kukuldash+--with Babur in Samarkand (906) 143, 144; - host to Babur (925) 398, 407; - held up as an example 406. - - +Qutluq-muhammad Kukuldash+, foster-brother of Daulat-sultan - Khanim--brings Babur letters from Kashghar (925) 409 (where for - "Daulat" read Qutluq). - - +Qutluq-nigar Khanim+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, mother - of Babur--particulars 21; - mentioned 17, 19; - in Andijan (900) 43; - entreats her son's help (903) 88, 89; - sent to join him in Khujand 92, and in Aura-tipa (905) 136; - her Mughuls rebel (904) 105; - with Babur in Samarkand (906) 136; - leaves the town with him (907) 147; - hears of a sister's death 148-9; - goes to her own family in Tashkint 149; - her dangerous illness _ib._; - her safety leaves Babur free (908) 157, 158; - -> with him in Sukh 184; - uses his tent in the exodus from Farghana (910) 188; - left in Kahmard 189; - crosses Hindu-kush and rejoins him in Kabul 197; - her death (911) 21, 246; - her treatment as a refugee in Tashkint (908) contrasted with that - of her refugee-relations in Kabul (912) 318; - her concern for her son's marriage affairs (905) 120, (910) 48; - her old governess 148; - [d. 911 AH.-1505 AD.]. - - +Qutluq-qadam+ _qarawal_--out with Babur (910) 236-7; - in the left-centre at Qandahar (913) 335; - on service (925) 403, (932) 458, 460, 468, 471, 530; - in the left wing at Panipat 472 and at Kanwa (933) 567, 570; - on service 475; - host to Babur (926) 424; - his tomb and bridge near Kabul 198, 204; - [d. 934 AH.-1528 AD.?]. - - +Qutluq-sultan Begim+, daughter of Miran-shah son of Timur--wife - of Husain _Qanjut_ 256 n. 5. - - - +Rabi'a-sultan Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_--Qara-guz - Begim--daughter of Ahmad--particulars 13, 35. - - Sayyid +Rafi'u'd-din+ _Safawi_--Mulla Rafi'--mediates for Nizam Khan - with Babur (933) 539; - concocts tonic powders (935) 606; - at a feast 631. - - Khwaja +Rahim-dad+, paternal-nephew of Mahdi Khwaja--receives - and obtains possession of Gualiar (933) 539, 540, 547; - his quarters and constructions there (935) 607, 610, 613; - Babur sleeps in his flower-garden 612, 613; - action against him as seditious 688-9, (936) 690; - his son held as hostage and escapes (935) 688-9; - -> Ibn Batuta's account of him 692 n. 1; - -> no sequel of his rebellion mentioned in the _Akbar-nama_ 692. - - +Rahmat+ _piada_--conveys letters to Kabul (932) 466. - - +Raja of Kahlur+-- -> waits on Babur (936) 699. - - +Rajab-sultan Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Mahmud--particulars 48, 49. - - +Ramzan+ _luli_--a musician at parties (925) 387, 388. - - +Rao+ _Sarwani_, see Daud. - - Sultan +Rashid Khan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, son of Sa'id - and Makhtum _Qaluchi_ (T.R. trs. p. 187)--his Qazzaq marriage 23. - - Mr. Thomas +Rastel+--an illustration drawn from his morning-draught - recorded [1623 AD.] 395. - - +Rana Ratan-si+--successor of his father Sanga in Chitor 613; - mentioned in connection with the Khilji jewels _ib._; - his younger brother Bikramajit _q.v._ - - +Rauh-dam+--musician at entertainments (925) 385, 387, 388; - in a raft-misadventure 407. - - +Rawu'i+ _Sarwani_ (Rao)--serving Babur (933) 538 (here read as Daud), - (935) 682; - host to Babur (934) 588. - - +Rinish+ (var. Zinish) _Auzbeg_--his defeat by Tahmasp _Safawi_ - (934) 618, 622 (where in n. 1 for "934" read 935 as the date - of the battle of Jam); - [d. 934 AH.-1528 AD.]. - - A +Rumi+ prescribes for Babur (935) 657, 660. - - Raja _Rup-narain_--included in Babur's Revenue List 521. - - +Ruqaiya Agha+, wife of Badi'u'z-zaman _Bai-qara_--captured in Herat - and married by Timur _Auzbeg_ 328. - - +Ruqaiya-sultan Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of 'Umar Shaikh--particulars 18, 19; - [d_cir._ 935 AH.-1528 AD.]. - - +Rustam-i-'ali+ _Turkman_--in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335; - on service (925) 377, (933) 538; - in the _tulghuma_ of the left-wing at Kanwa 568, 569. - - +Rustam Khan+--Ilias (p. 576)--captures Babur's commander at Kul (Koel) - (933) 557, 576; - captured and flayed alive 576. - - - +Sa'adat-bakht Begim++--Begim Sultan+--_Bai-qara Timurid_, - _Barlas Turk_, daughter of Husain--particulars 266-7. - - Nasiru'd-din +Sabuktigin+ _Ghaznawi Turk_--the humble status of his - capital 217; - a legend concerning him 219; - his son Mahmud _q.v._; - [d. 387 AH.-997 AD.]. - - +Sadharan+ _Tank Rajput_--his acceptance of Islam 481 n. 5. - - Pahlawan +Sadiq+--made to wrestle (935) 650; - forbidden as an antagonist 653; - wrestles 688. - - Mulla +Sa'du'd-din Mas'ud+ _Taftazani_--a descendant of 283; - [d. 792 AH.-1390 AD.]. - - Sultan +Sa'id Khan+ _Ghazi_, _Chaghatai Chinqiz-khanid_, son of - Ahmad--particulars 698 nn. 2, 3, 349; - meets Babur (908) 159; - stays with him in Kabul (914) 318, 349-50; - receives Andijan from him (916) 318, 357; - loyal to him 344 n. 2, -> 351-2; - sends an envoy to him (917) 22; - Haidar _Dughlat_ goes from Babur to Sa'id (918) 362; - two kinswomen take refuge with him (923 and 924) 24 (where in n. 1 - _delete_ the second sentence); - reported to have designs on Badakhshan (925) 412; - an envoy to him returns 415; - -> named as a principal actor between 926 and 932 AH. 427; - writes and sends gifts to Babur (932) 446; - -> invades Badakhshan (936) 695-6; - -> gist of a letter from Babur to him 697-8; - -> Babur moves menacingly for the North-west 698; - his full-brother Khalil, his son Rashid, his wife Habiba, and - _kukuldash_ Yangi Beg _q.v._; - [d. 939 AH.-1533 AD.]. - - +Sa'idliq Sa'd+ _Turkman_--defeated by Husain _Bai-qara_ (873?) 260. - - +Saif-i-'ali Beg+ _Baharlu Qara-quiluq Turkman_, father of Bairam - Khan-i-khanan--particulars 91 n. 3.[2922] - - Maulana +Saifi+ _Bukhari_--'Aruzi--particulars 288; - [d. 909 AH.-1503-4 AD.]. - - +Saif Khan+ _Nuhani_, son of Darya Khan--deserts 'Alam Khan _Ludi_ - (932) 457. - - +Saifu'd-din Ahmad+, Shaikhu'l-islam in Herat--particulars 283; - takes the keys of Herat to Shaibani (913) 328; - his pupil Muhammad-i-yusuf _q.v._; - killed by Shah Isma'il 283; - [d. 916 AH.-1510 A.D.]. - - Haji +Saifu'd-din Beg+, ? uncle of Timur--his descendant Wali Beg 272. - - +Sakma+ _Mughul_--rebels against Babur (914) 345. - - +Salahu'd-din+ (_Silhadi_)--particulars 562 n. 3, 614 n. 2; - his force at Kanwa (933) 562; - attack on him planned and abandoned (934) 598; - Babur visits village near his birthplace (935) 614; - mentioned 628 n. 2. - - +Saliha-sultan Begim+ _Miran-shahi_, daughter of Mahmud and Pasha, - wife of Babur--(name not now in the Turki text) 47; - -> the likelihood that she and "Dil-dar" were one 713 (where read - Saliha). - - +Saliha-sultan+ _Miran-shahi_--Aq Begim--daughter of Ahmad - and Qataq--particulars 35; - gifts from her wedding reach Babur (900) 43. - - +Salima-sultan Begim+-- -> her parentage 713. - - Sultan +Salim+ _Rumi_--takes Badi'u-z-zaman _Bai-qara_, a captive, - to Constantinople (920) 327 n. 5; - -> defeats Isma'il _Safawi_ at Chaldiran (920) 443, 469; - [d. 926 AH.-1520 AD.]. - - +Samad+ _Minglighi_--wounded and dies 106; - [d. 904 AH.-1499 AD.]. - - Mehtar +Sambhal+, slave of Shah Beg _Arghun_--particulars 338 n. 2; - captured at Qandahar and escapes (913) 338; - -> Commander in Qandahar and revictuals it for Shah Beg 432. - - Sultan +Sanjar+ _Barlas Turk_, son of 'Abdu'l-lah--incites a Mughul - revolt in Kabul (912) 313-17; - spared on family grounds 317. - - Sultan +Sanjar Mirza+ _Mervi_--his daughter Bega Sultan Begim's - Bai-qara marriage (_cir._ 860) 267. - - Rana +Sanga+ _Mewari_--particulars 483, 558 n. 2; - his capture of Chanderi 593; - proffers Babur co-operation against Ibrahim _Ludi_ (931?) 426, 529; - fails him (932) 529; - takes Kandar 530, 539; - Babur's attack on him deferred 530-1 - and determined (933) 538; - his strength and approach 544, 547; - defeated at Kanwa 559-574; - escapes 576; - references to the battle 267, 533, 579, 582, 583, 599, 600, 630 - n. 4, 637, 663; - his lands not invaded, on climatic grounds 577, 578; - Babur's planned attack on him in Chitor frustrated (934) 598; - his wife Padmawati and sons Ratan-si and Bikramajit _q.v._; - his trusted man Medini Rao _q.v._; - [d. 934 AH.-1528 AD.].[2923] - - +Sangur Khan+ _Janjuha_--waits on Babur (925) 383; - on service 389, 419; - killed in a sally from Biana 548; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - Mir +Sar-i-barhana+, see Shamsu'd-din Muhammad. - - +Sarigh-bash Mirza+ _Itarachi_--sent by The Khan (Mahmud) to help Babur - (908) 161, 170. - - Mulla +Sarsan+--Kamran's messenger and custodian of Ibrahim _Ludi's_ - son (933) 544. - - +Sar-u-pa+ _Gujur_--Babur's guide to Parhala (925) 389, 391. - - +Satrvi Kachi+--his force at Kanwa (933) 562. - - Sultan +Satuq-bughra Khan Ghazi Padshah+ (b. 384 AH.-994 AD.).--a - surmised descendant 29 n. 8; - his style Padshah 344 n. 2. - - +Sayyid Amir+, see Nuru'd-din _Chaghaniani_. - - +Sayyid Dakkani+--Shah Tahir _Khwandi Dakkani_--present at a feast - (935) 631.[2924] - - +Sayyid Dakni+ _Shirazi_, or Rukni, or Zakni--receives honours - and orders (935) 619; - on his name and work _ib._ n. 2, 634 n. 1; - (see _supra_). - - +Sayyidi Beg Taghai+, see Sherim Taghai. - - +Sayyidim 'Ali+ _darban_ (? Muhammad-'ali), son of Baba - 'Ali Beg--particulars 307; - serving Khusrau Shah (901) 60-1; - leads the Rusta-hazara to join Babur (910) 196; - a follower punished 197; - takes Bai-qara service (912) 307; - drowned by Badi'u'z-zaman 307-8; - [d_cir._ 913 AH.-1507 AD.]. - - +Sayyid Mashhadi+ (var. Masnadi)--brings Babur news of Khwaja - Rahimdad's sedition (935) 688. - - +Sayyid Mirza+ _Andikhudi_, ? brother of Apaq Begim--his two Bai-qara - marriages 267. - - +Sayyid Rumi+--at a feast (935) 631. - - +Sayyid Tabib+ _Khurasani_--attends Babur's mother (911) 247. - - +Shad Begim+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_--particulars 263-4; - her husband 'Adil Sultan _Auzbeg_ _q.v._ - - +Shadi+, a reciter--his son Ghulam-i-shadi 292. - - +Shadi Khan+ _Kiwi Afghan_--fights and submits to Babur (910) 233. - - +Shadman+ _chuhra_--wrestles (935) 660. - - +Shah Baba+ _bildar_--entrusted with building work (935) 642. - - +Shah-baz+ _qalandar_--his tomb destroyed by Babur (925) 377. - - +Shah-baz+ _Qarluq_--serving Tambal (908) 170. - - +Shah Beg+ _Arghun_--Shuja' Beg--son of Zu'n-nun--his close association - with his father 274; - mentioned as with him in Qandahar (902) 71, (910) 198, 227; - they give refuge to Badi'u'z-zaman _Bai-qara_ (902) 71, (913) 307; - act with the Mirza (903) 94, 95; - favoured by Husain _Bai-qara_ 264; - his dominance _ib._; - proffers and renounces co-operation with Babur against Shaibani - (913) 330, 331-2; - loses Qandahar to him 337-8; - -> released from Safawi imprisonment by his slave Sambhal's devotion - (917) 338 n. 2, 365; - news of his taking Kahan reaches Babur (925) 395; - his interpretation of Babur's reiterated attack on Qandahar 365, - -> 427; - other suggestions for the attack of 926 AH. 430; - -> action of his checks an expedition into Hindustan (926) 428, 429, - 430; - -> his position and political relations 429; - Babur's campaign against Qandahar (926-928) 366, 430-436, App. - J. xxxiv; - -> final surrender to Babur (928) _ib._; - -> his death 437, 443; - his son Shah Hasan, brother Muhammad Muqim, slave Mehtar, commissary - Qizil _q.v._; - [d. 930 AH.-1524 AD.?]. - - +Shah Begim+ _Badakhshi_, wife of Yunas Khan _Chaghatai_--particulars - 22-3; - visited by Babur (903) 92, (907) 149, (908) 157; - delays to accept his plans 158; - meets her younger son Ahmad 159; - -> ordered by Shaibani to stay in Tashkint 184; - comes to Babur in Kabul (911) 246; - disloyal (912) 317; - his reflections on her conduct 318-9; - goes to Badakhshan (913) 21, 35, 341; - captured by Aba-bikr _Kashghari_; - her sons Mahmud and Ahmad, her daughter Daulat-sultan, her nephew - Sanjar _Barlas_; - her grandsons Mirza Khan and Sa'id (and his brothers) _q.v._ - - +Shah-i-gharib Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Husain - and Khadija--particulars 261, 268; - his retainer Ahi the poet 289 n. 3; - [d. 902 AH.-1496-7 AD.--H.S. lith. ed. iii, 260]. - - +Shahi+ _qalandar_--plays the _ribab_ (925) 417. - - +Shahi+ _tamghachi_--appointed clerk (935) 629. - - +Shahim+ (Shah Muhammad?)--sent for news (932) 454; - climbs into Chanderi (934) 595 (here _yuz-bashi_); - his brother Nur Beg _q.v._ - - +Shahim-i-nasir+--one of eight fugitives from Akhsi (908) 177. - - +Shah-jahan Padshah+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_-- -> 184; - his imitation of Babur (1030) 298 n. 3; - -> his work in Babur's burial-garden 710, App. V, lxxx; - [d. 1076 AH.-1666 AD.]. - - +Shah Muhammad+ _muhrdar_, son of Baba Qashqa--on Babur's service - (925) 388, (935) 688; - his kinsmen _see_ _s.n._ Baba Qashqa; - [d. 958 AH.-1551 AD.].[2925] - - +Shah-quli+ _ghichaki_--a guitar-player--particulars 291. - - +Shah-quli+ _Kul-abi_--goes into Hisat (935) 640; - his brother Wais _q.v._ - - +Shah-quli+, ? servant of Div Sultan (p. 635)--sent to give Babur - a report of the battle of Jam (935) 649; - conveys from Babur an acceptance of excuse to Tahmasp _Safawi_ 649. - - +Shahrak+--conveys letters and a copy of Babur-nama writings - (935) 652, 653. - - +Shahr-banu Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Abu-sa'id--particulars 268; - married to Husain _Bai-qara_ (_cir._ 873) and divorced - (876) 21 n. 1, 268. - - +Shahr-banu Begim+ _Miran-shahi_, (_ut supra_), daughter - of 'Umar Shaikh, wife of Junaid _Barlas_--particulars 18. - - +Shahrukh Mirza+ _Barlas Turk_, son of Timur--mentioned - in a genealogy 14; - ruling in Herat when Husain _Bai-qara_ was born there (842) 256; - his wazir serves Husain (after 873) 281; - [d. 850 AH.-1447 AD.]. - - +Shahrukh-Sultan+ _Afshar Turk_--commands a reinforcement for Babur - from Isma'il _Safawi_ (917) 354. - - +Shah Sufi+--does well in Samarkand (906) 144. - - +Shah Sultan Begim+ (? _Arghun_), wife of Abu-sa'id _Miran-shahi_ - and mother of 'Umar Shaikh--her parentage not stated 13 n. 5,[2926] - 45 n. 1; - goes from Akhsi to Andijan when widowed (899) 32; - a mediator (905) 113; - her death announced (907) 149; - [d. 906 AH.-1501 AD.]. - - +Shah-suwar+ _Mughul_--fights in single combat (904) 106. - - +Shah Tahir+ _Khwandi Dakkani_, see Sayyid Dakkani. - - +Shah-zada+, ? Shah Hasan _Arghun_--(926) 417, 418. - - +Shah-zada+ _Mungiri_, son of Nasrat Shah--negociates with Babur - (935) 676 (where the note reference "5" should follow Mungir). - - +Shaibak+ _piada_--brings news of Hind-al's birth (925) 385. - - A +Shaiban-Auzbeg Sultan's+ marriage 23. - - Muhammad +Shaibani Khan+--Shaibaq Khan[2927]--_Auzbeg-Shaiban - Chingiz-khanid_--his relations with Hamza and Mahdi Sultans _q.v._; - invited to help Bai-sunghar (903) 73; - raids Shiraz 92; - defeats Tarkhans in Dabusi (905) 40, 124, (906) 137; - takes Bukhara 125; - is given Samarkand by 'Ali _Miran-shahi_ 125; - murders the Mirza (906) 128; - his men murder Khwaja Yahya and two sons 128; - loses Samarkand by Babur's surprise attack 131, 132, 134; - Babur's comparison of this capture with Husain _Bai-qara's_ - of Herat 135; - Babur's estimate of Shaibani's position 137-8; - defeats Babur at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 138-141; - besieges Samarkand and effects its surrender (906) 142-7; - receives an envoy from Husain _Bai-qara_ 145; - crosses the frozen Saihun and raids Shahrukhiya 151; - plunders Aura-tipa 152-3; - referred to (908) 158, 168; - invited into Farghana 172; - defeats the Chaghatai Khans and Babur at Archian 18, -> 183; - captures Andijan (909?) 192; - beheads Wali _Qibchaq_ (910) 196; - takes Khwarizin (911) 242, 255-6; - co-operation against him invited by Husain _Bai-qara_ (910) 190, - (911) 255; - his men beaten in Badakhshan (911-2) 294-5; - takes Balkh 300; - his capture of Herat (913) 263, 275, 296-7, 325-330; - besieges Nasir _Miran-shahi_ in Qandahar and retires 339-40, 343; - a recognized menace to Kabul 21 n. 4, 340, 342; - orders Sa'id _Chaghatai's_ death (914) 349; - -> murders Chaghatai and Dughlat chiefs 350; - war begun with Shah Isma'il (915) 350; - defeated and killed at Merv 350; - his wives Mihr-nigar _Chaghatai_, Khan-zada _Miran-shahi_, - Zuhra _Auzbeg_ _q.v._; - his sons Timur and Khurram _q.v._; - Bana'i his retainer (906) 136; - creates a Tarkhan 133; - [d. 915 AH.-Dec. 1510 AD.]. - - +Shaikhi+--receives gifts (935) 633. - - +Shaikhim Beg+, amir and poet of Husain _Bai-qara_--particulars 277, - 286; - [d. 918 AH.-1512-3 AD.]. - - +Shaikhim Mirza+ _Auzbeg_--holding Qarshi for his nephew - 'Ubaidu'l-lah (918) 360. - - +Shaikhim+ _mir-shikar_--loses one of Babur's good hawks (925) 394. - - +Shaikhi+ _nayi_, flautist in Husain _Bai-qara's_ Court--particulars - 291; - owed his training to Nawa'i 272. - - Shaikh +Sharaf+ _Qara-baghi_--his arrest for sedition (935) 687-8. - - Shaikh +Sharafu'd-din+ _Muniri_--his father Shaikh Yahya _Chishti_ 666; - his writings read aloud to Akbar 666 n. 7; - [d. 782 AH.-1380 AD.]. - - +Shami+ (Syrian)--deserts from Qandahar (913) 343. - - +Sher-afgan+, brother of Tardi and Quj Begs--on Babur's service - (933) 538. - - +Sher-i-ahmad+--belittled as good company (935) 648. - - +Sherak Beg+ _Argun_ (var. Sher, Sherka)--serving Muqim _Arghun_ - (910) 195; - defeated and takes service with Babur 196, 198; - in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335. - - +Sher-i-'ali+ _Aughlan_,[2928] _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_--mentioned - in Yunas Khan's genealogy 19. - - +Sher-i-'ali+ _chuhra_ (a brave?)--deserts Babur (906) 129; - put to death under suspicion (911) 248. - - Mir +Sher Haji Beg+ _Kunji Mughul_--his daughter's marriage with Yunas - Khan 20 (where for "'Ali-sher" read Sher Haji). - - +Sherim+ (Sher-i-muhammad?) _chuhra_, a brave?--defends Hisar (910) 244; - killed at Qunduz _ib._; - [d. 910 AH.-1505 AD.]. - - +Sherim Taghai+ _Kunji Mughul_--Taghai Beg--maternal uncle of Babur's - mother--supports Babur (899) 29, (903) 91, 98; - captured by Tambal (905) 110; - released 119; - in Samarkand (906) 141, 143, 188; - Babur's reflections on his conduct 141, 188; - thinks of leaving Babur (910) 188; - on his service 194, 197, 234; - loses an index-finger 235; - his post against rebels (912) 314; - an opinion on game (_kiyik_) (913) 325; - in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 334, 337; - counsels a retreat to Badakhshan from Kabul 340; - -> disloyal (916) 351; - heads Mughul revolt in Ghazni (921) 363; - defeated 364, 397; - takes refuge with Babur 364; - his son Tuqa _q.v._; - his (and other) abbreviated names 29 n. 2. - - +Sherim Zikr Beg+--put to death in Kabul under 'Abdu'r-razzaq - (909?) 195 n. 3. - - +Sher Khan+ _Ludi Afghan_, son of 'Alam Khan--on his father's service - (932) 455. - - +Sher Khan Sur+ _Afghan_--Farid Khan--Sher Shah--favoured by Babur - (934) 652; - serving Mahmud _Ludi_ (935) 652; - co-guardian of Jalal Khan _Nuhani_ with Dudu Bibi 652 n. 1, 664 n. 2; - writes dutifully to Babur 659; - his training, cognomen and one of his marriages 664 n. 2, 659 n. 4; - his victory over Humayun (1540) 652 n. 3. - - +Sher Khan+ _Tarkalani_--host to Babur (926) 424. - - +Sher-quli+ _qarawal Mughul_--loyal to Babur (912) 315; - at Qandahar (913) 333, 335; - rebels (914) 345. - - Baba +Sher-zad+, _see_ Baba Sher-zad. - - Mulla +Shams+--very riotous (932) 453. - - Sultan +Shamsu'd-din+ _Ailtmish_[2929] (_Altamsh_) of the Slave - dynasty in Dihli--his buildings in Gualiar 610, 611; - [d. 633 AH.-1236 AD.]. - - Sayyid +Shamsu'd-din Muhammad+--Mir Sar-i-barahna--particulars 280. - - +Shamsu'd-din Muhammad+--bearer of letters between Khwaja Kalan - and Babur (935) 644, 645, 649. - - Maulana +Shihab+ _mu'ammai_--arrives in Agra from Herat (935) 605; - invited in verse by Babur 683; - [d. 942 AH.-1535 AD.]. - - Khusrau's +Shihabu'd-din+--on Babur's service (935) 689, (936) 690. - - Shaikh +Shihabu'd-din+ _'Arab_--at a feast (935) 631. - - Mu'zzu'd-din +Shihabu'd-din Muhammad+ _Ghuri_--his capital Ghazni 217; - mentioned as a conqueror of Hindustan 479; - his position contrasted with Babur's 479-80, 481; - [d. 602 AH.-1206 AD.]. - - Shah +Sikandar+--on Babur's service (932-3) 546; - sent to Bihar (935) 664. - - +Sikandar-i-Filkus+--Alexander of Macedon--Badakhshi chiefs claim - of descent from him 22; - a surmise that he founded Samarkand 75; - his supposition that the Indus was the Nile a probable root of - a geographical crux 206 n. 3; - [d. 327 B.C.]. - - Sultan +Sikandar Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, nephew - of Husain--parentage 257; - his wife Sultan-nizhad _q.v._; - [d. 908 AH.-1502-3 AD.]. - - Sultan +Sikandar+ _Ludi Afghan_, son of Buhlul--over-lord in Bhira - (910) 382, 383; - his treasure 470, exhausted (935) 617; - his siege of Gualiar 477; - his capture of Junpur and Dihli (881) 481, 571 n. 5; - Babur visits his tomb (932) 476; - his brother 'Alam Khan and sons Ibrahim and Mahmud _q.v._; - -> his death and its date 427 and n. 3; - [d. 923 AH.-1517 AD.]. - - +Sikandar Shah+ _Gujrati_--his accession and murder 534-5 (where for - "2nd" read 932); - [d. 932 AH.-1526 AD.]. - - +Siktu+ _Hindu_--father of Diwa _q.v._ - - +Siunduk+ _Turkman_--his hands frost-bitten (912) 311; - in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335; - rebels against Babur (914) 355. - - +Siunjuk Sultan Khan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban_, _Chingiz-khanid_, - son of Abu'l-khair-- -> besieges Tashkint (918) 358, 396; - his son Baraq at Jam (935) 622. - - +Sohrab Mirza+ _Bai-qara_, son of Abu-turab--particulars 262. - - The +Spanish Ambassadors+--the place of their first interview with - Timur 78 n. 2. - - +Sulaiman+--offers his horse to a wounded man (908) 175. - - +Sulaiman Aqa+ _Turkman_--envoy of Tahmasp _Safawi_ to Babur - (933) 540, 583; - in the right wing at Kanwa 566. - - +Sulaiman Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Mirza - Khan (Wais)[2930]-- -> brought to Kabul on his father's death - (927) 433 n. 1; - in the right centre at Panipat (932) 472, and at Kanwa (933) 565; - -> sent to govern Badakhshan (936) 697-8, 699; - -> Babur's protective warning to Sa'id _Chaghatai_ 697-8 (here styled - Shah Mirza); - on his descent 698 nn. 2, 3; - meets his rebel grandson Shahrukh (_cir._ 983) 191 n. 2; - [d. 997 AH.-1589 AD.]. - - Mian _Sulaiman Shaikh-zada_ _Farmuli Afghan_--reinforces 'Alam Khan - _Ludi_ (932) 456; - gives him 4 _laks_ 457; - Babur dismounts at his Dihli home 476. - - Malik Shah +Sulaiman+ _Yusuf-zai Afghan_--murdered by Aulugh Beg - _Kabuli_ App. K, xxxvi; - his sons Mansur and Taus, his nephew Ahmad _q.v._ - - +Sultan-bakht Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Abu-sa'id--her daughter visited by Babur (935) 616. - - +Sultanim Begim+ _Miran-shahi_ (_ut supra_), daughter of Ahmad - and Qataq--particulars 36. - - +Sultanim Begim+ _Bai-qara_ (_ut supra_), daughter of Husain - and Chuli Begim--particulars 265; - arrives in Kabul (925) 397; - dies on her way to Agra (933) 265; - her husbands Wais _Bai-qara_ and 'Abdu'l-baqi _Miran-shahi_, - her son Muhammad - Sultan Mirza and grandson Aulugh Mirza (265 n. 5) _q.v._; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - +Sultan Malik+ _Kashghari_, _Duldai Barlas Turk_--his sons Hafiz - Muhammad and Ahmad Haji Beg, his brother Jani Beg _q.v._ - - +Sultan-nigar Khanim+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, daughter of Yunas - Khan and Shah Begim--particulars 23; - long parted from a half sister (907) 149; - meets her brother Ahmad (908) 159; - mentioned in Babur's reflection on disloyal kinsfolk (912) 318; - writes to him from Kashghar (932) 446 n. 2; - her son Wais [Mirza Khan] and grandson Sulaiman _q.v._[2931]; - [d. 934 AH.-1527-8 AD.]. - - +Sultan-nizhad Begim+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Husain and Papa--particulars 266; - her husband Sikandar _Bai-qara_ _q.v._ - - +Sultan-quli+ and +Sultan 'Ali+, see Baba-quli and Baba 'Ali. - - +Sultan-quli+ _chunaq_, _Mughul_--his fidelity (904) - and treachery(?) (914 and 921) 105, 109 n. 5; - falls into a pit outside Kabul (910) 198; - does a bold deed 236; - out with Babur (911) 252-3; - rejoins Babur from Herat (913) 330-1; - in the Mughul rebellion at Ghazni (921) 364 n. 1. - - Sultan +Suyurghatmish Mirza+ _Shah-rukhi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, - son of Shah-rukh--mentioned in his son Mas'ud's genealogy 382. - - - +Taghai Beg+, see Sherim Taghai. - - +Taghai Shah+ _bakhshi_--put in charge of Shah Beg's treasury - (913) 338. - - +Taham-tan+ _Turkman_--particulars 279; - his grandson Muhammad-i-zaman _q.v._ - - +Tahir Beg+ _Duldai Barlas Turk_, son of Hafiz-i-muhammad--joint - governor of Mirza Khan (905) 122; - feeds the famished Babur (907) 148. - - +Tahir+ _tibri_--finds Ibrahim _Ludi's_ body (932) 475; - surprised by Rajputs (933) 549. - - Shah-zada[2932] +Tahmasp+ _Safawi 'Arab_, son of Isma'il-- -> mentioned - as reigning from 930-932 AH. 427; - Babur's envoy to him (930) returns with gifts (933) 540, 560 n. 2, - 538, -> 712; - his campaigns against the Auzbegs (934) 618, (935) the battle - of Jam 617 n. 3, 622-4 (where on p. 622 n. 1 read 935 for "934"), - 625 n. 4, 635-6; - his own account of the battle 635-6; - desires peace 639 n. 3; - his envoys in Agra 630, 632; - his friendship enjoined on Kamran 645; - [d. 984 AH.-1576 AD.]. - - +Taj Khan+ _Sarang-khani Afghan_--sends Babur news that Mahmud - _Ludi's_ army has broken up (935) 654; - waits on Babur 657; - brings news which prevents hunting 658; - sent on service 682; - superseded in Chunar by Junaid _Barlas_ 683. - - +Taju'd-din Mahmud+ _Arghun_--holding Qalat for Muqim (913) 339; - waits on Babur (925) 418. - - Sultan Ahmad +Tambal+ _Itarachi Mughul_--with Babur at Asfara - (900) 53; - wounded near Samarkand (902) 67; - promoted (903) 86; - deserts Babur under privation 86, 87; - joins Auzun Hasan in supporting Jahangir in Farghana 87-8; - induces The Khan (Mahmud) to withdraw support from Babur 91; - his tyranny (904) 100-1; - brings Jahangir against Babur in Marghinan 101; - his men drubbed out of Akhsi and defeated at the ferry 101-2; - loses Andijan 103; - is joined by anxious Mughuls 105; - takes Jahangir against Andijan and retires 106-7; - Babur's campaign against him (905) 108-110, 112-5; - defeated at Khuban 113; - helped feebly by The Khan 115-6; - opposes Babur at Archian 117 - and at Bishkaran 118; - terms made 118-9; - waits on Babur 119; - his ill-influence 119, 125; - makes Qambar-i-'ali prisoner 124; - deserters to him 118, 125, 156; - moves against The Khan (906) 145, 154; - an uncle's rough comment on him 145; - is sent Nuyan's sword by Babur (907) 150-1; - conspiracy against him 154; - the two Khans join Babur against him (908) 161-176; - wounds Babur with Nuyan's sword 166-7, 396; - terms with him repudiated by Babur 169, 171; - invites Shaibani into Farghana 172; - occupies Akhsi citadel 173; - left by Jahangir 173-174; - mentioned to Babur in the flight from Akhsi 178, 182; - -> helped by Shaibani 183; - defeated by him and killed 244 and n. 3; - a couplet of Muhammad Salih's about him 289; - his brothers Beg Tilba, Khalil, Muhammad and Bayazid _q.v._; - [d. 909 AH.-1504 AD.]. - - +Tang-atmish Sultan+ _Auzbeg-Shaiban?_--at a feast (935) 631; - his descent 631 n. 4; - in the battle of the Ghogra 669. - - +Tardi Beg+, brother of Quj (Quch) and Sher-afgan--in the left centre - at Panipat (932) 472, 473, - and at Kanwa (933) 565; - on service 538-9, 582, (934) 590, 602; - [d. 946 AH.-1539 AD.]. - - +Tardi Beg+ _khaksar_--Babur visits him (925) 417-8; - makes verse dropping down the Kabul-river (932) 448; - praises a spring and receives a district 467, 581; - returns to the darwesh-life (933) 583; - conveys a gift to Kamran in Qandahar 583. - - +Tardika+--Tardi _yakka_ (568 n. 1)--on service (932) 462; - in the right wing [_tulghuma_] at Kanwa (933) 568, 579; - joins Babur at Dugdugi (935) 651; - on service 678. - - +Tardi-muhammad+ _Jang-jang_, son of Muhammad _Jang-jang_--sent into - Bhira (935) 661, 664. - - +Tardi-muhammad+ _Qibchaq_--at entertainments (925) 386, 400. - - +Tarkhan Begim+ _Arghun Chingiz-khanid_, daughter - of 'Abdu'l-'ali--particulars 36. - - +Tarsam Bahadur+--punishes the Mundahirs (936) 700-1. - - +Tarsun-muhammad Sultan+--serving Humayun (935) 640. - - Malik +Taus+ _Yusuf-zai Afghan_--escorts his sister Mubaraka to her - wedding with Babur (925) 375. - - +Tatar Khan+ _Kakar_ (or _Gakar_)--particulars 387; - detains one travelling to Babur (925) 386; - killed by his cousin Hati 387, 389; - Babur dismounts at his house in Pauhala 390; - [d. 925 AH.-1519 AD.]. - - +Tatar Khan+ _Sarang-khani Afghan_--Khan-i-jahan--in Gualiar and not - submissive to Babur (932) 523; - surrenders (933) 539-40; - on Babur's service (935) 582 (here Khan-i-jahan). - - +Tatar Khan+ _Yusuf-khail Ludi Afghan_--particulars 382, 383; - his son Daulat Khan _q.v._; - [da few years before 910 AH.-1504-5 AD.]. - - Amir +Timur Beg+ _Barlas Turk_--Sahib-i-qiran--mentioned in genealogies - 14, 256; - his birthplace Kesh 83; - Samarkand his capital 75, 77, 78; - his description of Soghd 84; - his removal of the body of Sayyid Barka to Samarkand 266 n. 4; - circumambulates Shaikh Maslahat's tomb (790) 132 n. 2; - and Ahmad _Yassawi's_ (799) 356; - captures of Qarshi 134 n. 1; - his example followed in the bestowal of Farghana 14; - his gifts of the governments of Dihli 487 and Samarkand 85; - his descendants styled Mirza down to 913 AH. 344; - Husain _Bai-qara_ the best swordsman of his line 259 - and greatest in his lands 191; - a descendant 567; - favoured begs 19, 39; - one of his old soldiers 150; - a descendant effects the migration of fowlers to Multan 225; - Babur's victory where his had been at Pul-i-sangin 352; - his and his descendants rule in Hindustan 382; - their loss of lands to the Auzbegs 340; - his builders and Babur's numerically compared 520; - [d. 807 AH.-1405 AD.]. - - +Timur 'Usman+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_--mentioned 280. - - +Tingri-birdi+ _Bashaghi_ (?) _Mughul_--in the left wing [_tulghuma_] - at Panipat (932) 473. - - +Tingri-birdi Beg+, son of Qasim _quchin_--helps to beat down snow for - a road (912) 308-9; - in the left wing at Qandahar (913) 334, 336; - his servant at Bajaur (925) 361; - entertains Babur 401; - returns to his districts Khwast and Andar-ab 403; - overtakes Babur at Jui-shahi 410; - acts swiftly for him (932-3) 546. - - +Tingri-quli+, a musician--plays at Babur's entertainments (925) 385, - 386, 388; - upset into the Parwan-water 407; - first given wine 415. - - +Tirahi Sultan+--takes a letter to Khwaja Kalan (925) 411. - - Mulla +Tirik-i-'ali+ (= Pers. Jan-i-'ali ?)--fights for Babur - at Bajaur (925) 368 and (on his name) n. 5; - on service (933) 551 (where read Tirik). - - +Tizak+, son of Qul-i-bayazid _bakawal_--captured as a child and kept - 4 years (910) 197. - - +Tufan+ _Arghun_--joins Babur and so creates a good omen (913) 333. - - Sayyid +Tufan+--on Babur's service (932) 453. - - +Tughluq-timur Khan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_--mentioned in Yunas - Khan's genealogy 19. - - +Tuka+ _Hindu_ (var. Nau-kar)--given charge of gifts for Kabul - (932) 525. - - +Tukhta-bugha Sultan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, son of Ahmad - (Alacha Khan)--waits on Babur (934) 601; - at a feast (935) 631; - referred to as serving Babur 318; - works magic 654; - in the battle of the Ghogra 672, 673; - receives praise, thanks, and guerdon 674, 677; - on service 682; - [d_cir._ 940 AH.-1533-4 AD.]. - - +Tulik Kukuldash+[2933]--Tambal strikes him with Babur's sword - (912) 316; - defeats Auzbegs in Badakhshan (925) 408; - on Humayun's service (935) 640; - his servant Barlas Juki _q.v._ - - +Tulmish+ _Auzbeg_--in the battle of the Ghogra (935) 669; - on service 678. - - +Tulun Khwaja Beg+, _Barin Mughul_--particulars 87; - on Babur's service (902) 66, (903) 88; - killed 88; - [d. 903 AH.-1498 AD.]. - - +Tun-sultan+ (var. Yun) _Mughul--ghunchachi_ of 'Umar Shaikh 24. - - +Tuqa Beg+, son of Sherim Taghai--captured by Tambal when serving - Babur (904) 106; - killed as a prisoner 107; - [d. 904 AH.-1499 AD.] - - - Khwaja +'Ubaidu'l-lah+ _Ahrari Naqshbandi_--his righteous influence - in Samarkand 42; - his intervention for peace between 'Umar Shaikh and kinsmen - 62 and n. 1; - Pashaghar once his village 97; - disciples named by Babur, Ahmad and 'Umar Shaikh _Miran-shahi_, - Darwesh Beg Tarkhan, and Maulana-i-qazi _q.v._; - held in slight esteem by Mahmud _Miran-shahi_ 46; - his family ill-treated by Mahmud (899) 41; - dreamed of by Babur (906) 132; - his _Walidiyyah-risala_ versified by Babur 619-20, 468 n. 4, -> 604; - his sons [Muhammad 'Ubaidu'l-lah] Khwajaka Khwaja and Yahya _q.v._; - [d. 895 AH.-1491 AD.]. - - +'Ubaidu'l-lah Sultan Khan+ _Auzbeg_, _Shaibani Chingiz-khanid_, - son of Mahmud and nephew of Shaibani--defeats two pairs of Bai-qara - Mirzas (913) 263, 329-30; - defeated at Merv (917) 354; - defeated north of Bukhara _ib._; - his vow and return to obedience 348, 356; - victorious over Babur at Kul-i-malik (918) 201 n. 7, 357-8; - routs Najm Sani at Ghaj-davan 360-1; - avenges Mughul tyranny in Hisar 362; - attacks Herat (927) 434; - takes Merv (932) 534, 617 n. 2; - takes Mashhad (933) 534, 623 n. 3; - attacked by Tahmasp _Safawi_ (934) 618, 622; - defeated at Jam (935) 622 (where in n. 1 for "934" read 935), 635-6; - Tahmasp's description of him 636 n. 2[2934]; - his wives by capture Habiba _Dughlat_ and Mihr-angez - _Bai-qara_ _q.v._; - [d. 946 AH.-1539 AD.]. - - Rawal +Udai-singh+ _Bagari_--his force at Kanwa (933) 562; - his death 573; - [d. 933 AH.-1527 AD.]. - - +Ulugh, Ulus+, see Aulugh, Aulus. - - Mir +'Umar Beg+ _Turkman_--particulars 279; - his sons Abu'l-fath and 'Ali Khan _q.v._ - - +'Umar Mirza+ _Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of Miran-shah--mentioned - 262 n. 3. - - +'Umar Shaikh Mirza I+, son of Timur--mentioned 14 (where in l. 3 for - "and" read who); - receives Farghana 14; - [d. 797 AH.-1395 AD.]. - - +'Umar Shaikh Mirza II+ _Miran-shahi_, father of Babur--particulars - 16-19, 24-28; - his lands 17, 24, 50, 55, 95 n. 2, 103; - Akhsi his capital 10; - his ambition 12; - his family relations 12; - betroths Babur 35, 120; - Farghana invaded (899) 13; - his death 13, 29, 32, App. A, i, iii; - his house used by Babur (908) 172 - and his tomb visited (900) 54, (908) 173; - his mother Shah Sultan Begim _q.v._; - his retainers Tulun Khwaja, 'Abdu'l-wahhab, Khwajaki Khwaja _q.v._; - his old tailor 30; - mentioned 6; - [d. 899 AH.-1494 AD.]. - - +Umid Aghacha+ _Andijani_, _ghunchachi_ of 'Umar Shaikh--her son Nasir - _q.v._; - [dbefore 899 AH.-1494 AD.]. - - +'Usman+, the Third Khalif--Babur surmised that Samarkand became - Musalman in his reign 75; - [dmurdered 35 AH.-665 AD.]. - - Mulla-zada Mulla +'Usman+--particulars 284; - his birthplace Chirkh 217. - - - Amir +Wahid+--his tomb in Herat visited by Babur (912) 306; - [d. 35 AH.-655-6 AD. ?] - - Beg +Wais+--brings news from Kabul to Agra (933) 536. - - Pir (or Mir) +Wais+--stays with Babur at a crisis (903) 91; - released (905) 119; - leaves Samarkand during the siege (906-7) 146. - - Shaikh +Wais+--stays with Babur at a crisis (903) 91; - leaves Samarkand during the siege (906-7) 146. - - +Wais Ataka+--his canal at Kabul 200. - - +Wais Khan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, father of Yunas - Khan--mentioned 19; - his sons Yunas and Aisan-bugha _q.v._; - [d. 832 AH.-1428-9 AD.]. - - Sultan +Wais+ _Kulabi_--his friendship recommended to Humayun - (935) 627; - -> reinforces Qila'-i-zafar (935 or 936) 696; - his daughter Haram Begim _q.v._ - - +Wais+ _Laghari_ +Beg+ _tughchi_--particulars 28; - joins The Khan (Mahmud) (899) 32; - safe-guards his ward Nasir _Miran-shahi_ _ib._; - on service for Bai-sunghar (902) 65; - waits on Babur 66; - stays with him at a crisis (903) 91; - on his service (904) 98, 100, 101, 106; - at Khuban (905) 113; - advises 117; - plundered by 'Ali-dost 119; - leaves Samarkand during the siege (906-7) 146; - his son (?) Beg-gina _q.v._ - - +Wais+ _Miran-shahi_, see Mirza Khan. - - Sultan +Wais Mirza+ _Bai-qara Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, son of - Bai-qara II--parentage 257; - his cousin and wife Sultanim _q.v._ - - Sultan +Wais+ _Sawadi_--mentioned 372; - sent to collect a tax he had fixed (925) 374; - receives gifts and leave 376.[2935] - - Sultan +Walama+ _Taklu_--mentioned in Shah Tahmasp's account - of the battle of Jam (935) 626 n. 2. - - Pir +Wali+ _Barlas Turk_-- -> loses Siwistan to Shah Beg (_cir._ 917) - 429 n. 1. - - +Wali Beg+ _Barlas_--particulars 272-3; - his son Muhammad-i-Wali _q.v._; - [d. 973 AH.]. - - +Wali Beg+ _Qibchaq Turk_, brother of Khusrau Shah[2936]--particulars - 51; - on his brother's service (901) 60, 64, (902) 71, (903) 93-4; - mentioned (906) 129, (910) 191 by Husain _Bai-qara_; - inquired for from Khusrau by Babur 193; - defeated by Aimaqs 196; - his death 51, 196; - his former followers gathered together 242; - [d. 910 AH.-1504 AD.]. - - +Wali+ _khazanchi_, _Qara-quzi_--captured by Tambal in Akhsi (908) 181; - in the left centre at Qandahar (913) 335; - his matchlock shooting at Bajaur (925) 369; - on service 391, (932) 458, 465-6, 471; - in the right wing at Panipat 472, 475, - and at Kanwa (933) 566; - his ill-behaviour in the heats 524. - - +Wali+ _parschi_ (cheeta-keeper)--receives a gift (935) 633. - - +Wali Qizil+ _Mughul_--rebuked (932) 453; - in the right-wing [_tulghuma_] at Panipat 473; - made _shiq-dar_ of Dihli 476; - on service (934) 601, (935) 638. - - - +Yadgar-i-muhammad+[2937] +Mirza+ _Shah-rukhi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, - son of Muhammad--his capture of Herat referred to 278; - his defeat by Husain _Bai-qara_ at Chanaran (874) 260; - his loss of Herat to Husain (875) 260, 279, - compared with Shaibani's of Samarkand to Babur (906) 134-5; - the date of his death referred to 259 n. 1; - his Master-of-horse Mir (Qambar-i-)'ali _q.v._; - [d. 875 AH.-1470-1 AD.]. - - +Yadgar-i-nasir Mirza+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, - son of Nasir--gifts made to him (935) 632; - [d. 953 AH.-1546 AD.]. - - +Yadgar-i-sultan Begim+ _Miran-shahi_ (_ut supra_), daughter of - 'Umar Shaikh--particulars 18; - her Auzbeg marriage (908) 18, 356; - her return to Babur (917) 356. - - +Yadgar Taghai+--his daughter Bega Begim _q.v._ - - Khwaja +Yahya+, younger son of 'Ubaidu'l-lah _Ahrari_--his part in - the Tarkhan revolt (901) 63; - treats with Babur (904) 98; - welcomes him to Samarkand (905) 124; - waits on Shaibani (906) 127; - banished by him and murdered with two sons 128, 147 n. 4; - his house mentioned 133; - his sons Muhammad Zakariya and Baqi, his grandsons 'Abdu'sh-shahid - and Khwaja Kalan _q.v._; - [d. 906 AH.-1500 AD.]. - - Shaikh +Yahya+ _Chishti_--his tomb visited by Babur (935) 666; - his son Sharafu'd-din _Muniri_ _q.v._ - - +Yahya+ _Nuhani_, at the head of Hindustan traders--allowed to leave - Kabul (925) 416. - - +Yahya Nuhani+ (perhaps the man last entered)--waits on Babur - (935) 676; - a grant and leave given 683; - his younger brother (no name) 683. - - +Yakka Khwaja+--on Babur's service (934) 598; in the battle - of the Ghogra (935) 671; drowned 674; his brother Qasim _q.v._; - [d. 935 AH.-1529 AD.]. - - +Yangi Beg Kukuldash+--brings Babur letters and gifts from Kashghar - (932) 445-6. - - +Ya'qub-i-ayub+ _Begchik_, son of Ayub--on Husain Bai-qara's service - (901) 58; - proffers Khusrau Shah's service to Babur (910) 192-3. - - Sultan +Ya'qub Beg+ _Aq-quiluq Turkman_--a desertion to him 275; - affords refuge to Bana'i 287; - his beg Timur 'Usman _Miran-shahi_ _q.v._; - [d. 896 AH.-1491 AD.]. - - Maulana +Ya'qub+ _Naqshbandi_--his birthplace Chirkh 217; - [d. 851 AH.-1447 AD.]. - - +Ya'qub+ _tez-jang_-- -> one of five champions defeated in single combat - by Babur (914) 349 n. 1. - - +Ya'qub Sultan+--mentioned as at Jam 636 n. 2. - - Mulla +Yarak+--plays one of his compositions and incites Babur - to compose (926) 422. - - +Yarak Taghai+ (var. Yarik)--stays with Babur at a crisis (903) 91; - _locum tenens_ in Akhsi (905) 116; - retaliates on Turkman Hazaras (911) 253; - takes charge of sheep raided by Babur (912) 313; - in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 334. - - +Yar-i-'ali+ _Balal_, _Baharlu Qara-quiluq Turkman_, grandfather - of Bairam Khan-i-khanan--stays with Babur at a crisis (903) 91; - wounded (905) 109 (where in n. 5 for "father" read grandfather); - rejoins Babur (910) 189; - on his Tramontane service (932-3) 546. - - +Yar-i-husain+, grandson of Mir (Shaikh) 'Ali Beg--waits on Babur - (910) 228; - asks permission to raise a force in Babur's name 231; - kills Baqi _Chaghaniani_ (911) 250-1. - - +Yarim Beg+--Yar-i-muhammad?--on Babur's service (913) 337. - - +Yili-pars Sultan+ _Auzbeg-shaiban_--his brother Aisan-quli - (_q.v._) 265. - - +Yisun-tawa Khan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_--mentioned in Yunas - Khan's genealogy 19. - - +Yul-chuq+--conveys a message to Babur (904) 99. - - +Yunas-i-'ali+, son of Baba 'Ali Lord-of-the-Gate--surprised at a - Tuesday's fast (925) 398; - on Babur's service 278, 468 (where read his name in l. 3) 475, 521; - in the right centre at Panipat (932) 472, 473 - and at Kanwa (933) 565, 569; - has charge of Ibrahim's mother 543, 545; - makes a garden (932) 532; - in social charge of Tahmasp _Safawi's_ envoys (935) 631; - inquires into Muhammad-i-zaman _Bai-qara's_ objections to Bihar - 661, 662; - in the battle of the Ghogra 671; - at entertainments (925) 400, (935) 683; - his kinsman Ibrahim _qanuni_ _q.v._ - - +Yunas Khan+ _Chaghatai Chingiz-khanid_, Babur's maternal - grandfather--particulars[2938] 19-24; - made Khan of the Mughuls by Babur's grandfather 20, 344 n. 2, 352; - his friendly relations with Babur's father 12; - receives Tashkint from him 13; - defeats him 16; - his sons Mahmud and Ahmad _q.v._ and daughters 21-4; - his servant Qambar-i-'ali _q.v._ mentioned 92 n. 1, 149, 565 n. 1; - [d. 892 AH.-1487 AD.]. - - Khwaja +Yunas+ _Sajawandi_--his birthplace in Luhugur (Logar) 217. - - +Yusuf-i-'ali+--musician at entertainments (925) 385, 387, 388, - 418. - - +Yusuf-i-'ali+ _bakawal_--on Babur's service in Bajaur (925) 375. - - +Yusuf-i-'ali Kukuldash+--made joint-_darogha_ in Herat (911) 293; - Babur's cicerone in Herat (912) 304; - his good dancing 303. - - +Yusuf-i-'ali+ _rikabdar_--conveys a letter concerning Hind-al's - pre-natal adoption (925) 374; - receives a gift for swimming 401; - meets Babur 418; - (?) in Sambhal (934) 587; - (?) dies there 675, 687 (here 'Ali-i-yusuf); - [d. 935 AH.-1529 AD.].[2939] - - Khwaja +Yusuf+ _Andijani_, a musician--particulars 4. - - +Yusuf-i-ayub+ _Begchik_, son of Ayub--Babur warned against him - (910) 190; - takes service with Babur 196; - winters with Nasir 241; - leaves Babur for Jahangir (911) 190, 254. - - +Yusuf+ _badi_'[2940]--particulars 289; - [d. 897 AD.-1492]. - - Sayyid +Yusuf Beg+ _Aughlaqchi_, son of Murad--particulars 39; - waits on Babur from Samarkand (903) 72; - holding Yar-yilaq for 'Ali _Miran-shahi_ (904) 98; - dismissed from Khurasan on suspicion 98; - joins Babur (910) 196; - advises him 197; - his death 241; - his brother Hasan and sons Muhammad-i-yusuf and Ahmad-i-yusuf - _q.v._; - [d. 910 AH.-1505 AD.]. - - +Yusuf darogha+ of Akhsi?--interviews Babur during the flight - (908) 181-2. - - Sayyid +Yusuf+ _Machami_--particulars 118; - opposes Babur (905) 118, 117 n. 2. - - - +Zahid Khwaja+--abandons Sambhal (933) 557; - on service (935) 682; - [d. 953 AH.-1546 AD.]. - - Shaikh +Zain+ _Khawafi_--verse-making on the Kabul-river (932) 448; - his account of Babur's regretted couplet 448 n. 5; - goes into Dihli for the Congregational Prayer 476; - makes a garden at Agra 532; - recalls a vow to Babur (933) 553; - his _insha_ on Babur's renunciation of wine and of the _tamgha_ - 553-6; - his _Fath-nama_ of Kanwa 559-574, and chronograms of victory 575; - in the left centre of the battle 565; - prefers requests for Muhammad-i-zaman _Bai-qara_ (935) 662; - invited in verse by Babur 683; - his maternal uncle Abu'l-wajd _q.v._; - [d. 940 AH.-1533-4 AD.]. - - +Zainab-sultan Begim+--her granddaughter met by Babur near Agra - (935) 616. - - +Zainab-sultan Begim+ _Miran-shahi Timurid_, _Barlas Turk_, daughter - of Mahmud--particulars 48; - married to Babur (910) 48, 711; - [d_cir._ 912 AH.-1506-7 AD.]. - - +Zard-rui+--on Babur's service (935) 668, 669. - - +Zar-dusht+ ("Zoroaster")--mentioned in a verse 85. - - Bibi +Zarif Khatun+--her daughter Mah-chuchuq 199 n. 1, 342 n. 3. - - +Zubaida Aghacha+ _Jalair_--particulars 267, 273 n. 2; - [dbefore 911 AH.-1506 AD.]. - - +Zubaida Khatun+, wife of Khalifa Harunu'r-rashid--a surmise - concerning her 306 n. 1; - [d. 216 AH.-831 AD.]. - - +Zubair+ _Raghi_--revolts against Auzbeg rule in Badakhshan (910) 242, - (912) 295; - defeats Nasir _Miran-shahi_ 321; - standing firm (913) 340; - [d. 914 AH.-1508 AD.]. - - +Zuhra Begi Agha+ _Auzbeg_, concubine of Mahmud - _Miran-shahi_--particulars 47, 49; - intrigues disastrously with Shaibani (905) 125-6, (906) 127-8. - - Mir Shaikh +Zu'n-nun Beg+ _Arghun_--particulars 274-5; - captures Shal (Quetta) (884) 429 n. 1; - his ward-ship of 'Ali _Miran-shahi_ (900) 55; - imprisons Khalifa 55; - surrenders Aura-tipa 56; - serving Husain _Bai-qara_ (901) 57, 60 n. 3; - becomes an ally of the rebel Badi'u-z-zaman (902) 71, (903) 94-5, - 260; - invited by Husain to co-operate against Shaibani (910) 190, 191; - goes for refuge to Husain 243; - dealings with his son Muqim 198, 227, 248; - his title Lion-of-God 281; - part of the coalition government in Herat (911) 293; - defeats Auzbegs (912) 296; - social matters 298, 299, 307; - hears plain speaking from Qasim Beg _quchin_ 304; - his futile opposition to Shaibani (913) 326; - defeated and killed 275, 327; - his retainer Jan-airdi; - [d. 913 AH.-1507 AD.]. - - -Index II. Geographical. - - - Abapur (S.E. of Agra), Babur at 642-3. - - Aba-quruq (Kabul), Babur at 197. - - Ab-burdan (Upper Zar-afshan), description of 152; - spring and pass of 152; - a route through 40 n. 4. - - Ab-dara (Hisar-shadman), Babur takes up good ground at 353. - - Ab-dara (Hindu-kush), a winter-route through 205, 242, 321, 351. - - Ab-i-khan (Farghana), Tambal in 110, 112. - - Ab-i-rahmat = Qara-su _q.v._ (Samarkand), mentioned to locate - Kan-i-gil 78, 81. - - Ab-istada (S.E. of Ghazni) described 239; - Babur at 218, 239. - - Abiward (Khurasan), Anwari's birthplace 260 n. 1. - - Ab-i-yar-quruq (Samarkand), Babur in 66. - - Abuha or Anuha (N.W.F.P. India), limits Sawad 400. - - Abun- or Atun-village (Kabul), Babur at 407. - - Adampur or Arampur-_pargana_ (U.P. India), Babur at 650, 684; - 682 n. 1; - location of 650 n. 3; - 684 n. 3. - - Adinapur (Kabul), on the Surkh-rud 209; - of the name 207, App. E, xxi; - a darogha's head-quarters 208; - the Bagh-i-wafa near 421, 443; - Babur at 229. - - Adusa-and-Muri (U.P. India), Babur at 645. - - Afghanistan, Babur's limitation of the name 200; - demerits of its mountains 223. - - Agra, revenue of 521; - 'Alam Khan plans to attack 455-6, 474; - estimate of Panipat casualties made in 474; - submits to Babur 523; - exhaustion of treasure in 617; - a military rendezvous 676; - supplies from 685; hot season in 524; - measurement of Kabul-Agra road 629; - water-raising in 487; - Babur takes oleanders to 610; - his workmen in 520, 630, 642; - keeps Ramzan in 584; - receives letters from 639; - comes and goes to and from 478, 548, 581, 606, 686; - others ditto 475, 526, 540, 576-8, 606, 621-4, 650; - mentioned to locate places 529, 531 (2), 588, 597, 641, 650-8, 680. - - Ahangaran (on the Heri-rud, Khurasan), 308 n. - - Ahangaran-julga[2941] (S.E. of Tashkint), Babur at 90, 152, 161. - - Ahar-passage (Ganges), Babur's troops at 528. - - Aibak, mod. Haibak, Fr. map Boukhara, Hai-bagh (Kabul-Balkh route), - Babur at 189; - a rebel near 546, and for location 546, n. 2. - - Aikari-yar (Kabul), Babur's scouts fight near 196. - - Aiki-su-ara[2942] = Miyan-du-ab = Between-the-two-waters (Farghana) - an alternative name Rabatik-aurchin 88; - located 88, n. 2; - Mughuls in 88, 105; - Babur in 114; - Tambal in 116. - - Ailaish- or Ailamish-darya, ? Qara-darya (Farghana), Babur's men - defeated on, 105; - game near 114. - - Ailak-yilaq (Hisar-shadman), Babur at 187-8, 194. - - Ailchi (E. Turkistan), of the name 50, n. 2. - - Aindiki var. (Kabul), Babur gathers tooth-picks near 407. - - 'Aish-pushla (Farghana), Tambal near 106; - Babur near 165. - - Aitmak-daban (Samarkand) described 83; - a boundary 84; - 64 n. 1; - 80 n. 2. - - Ai-tughdi (Kabul) position of 253 n. 3; - Babur at 253. - - Ajar Fort (in Kahmard, or Kahmard _q.v._ Fr. map Maimene), Babur's - and his followers' families left in 189; - various occurrences in 197, 243, 293; - a plan to defend 191; - gifts to its peasantry 633 n. 5. - - Akhsi, Akhsikit (Farghana), described 9; - book-name of 9 and n. 4; - position of 13; - --'Umar Shaikh's capital 10; - exploit at 16; - death at 13; - --a rebel at 26; - a death in 40; - appointments to 32, 115; - a notable of 110; - a village of 171; - a melon of 82; - besieged 31-2, 54; - threatened 44; - army of, called up against Babur 110; - comings and goings from and to 87, 90, 101-3, 124, 161, 176, 180, - 182, 183; - river-fight below 102; - Babur at 54, 116, 170-1-2; - apportioned to Jahangir 118-9; - an army hostile to Babur near 162; - promised to Babur 168; - his attempt to defend 173-6; - his flight from 176, 396; - Shaibani defeats the Chaghatai Khans near 18, 182, 351-6. - - Akriada-_pargana_ (Panj-ab), a holder of 453. - - Alai-tagh (Farghana), on a Hisar--E. Turkistan route 129; - sub-districts of 162. - - Alangar-_tuman_ (Kabul), described 210; - a constituent of the true Lamghanat 210; - a holder of 241; - Babur in 424. - - Ala-qurghan = Ikhtiyaru'd-din (Herat), Babur reported captive in 313; - the Bai-qara households in 327; - captured by Shaibani 328. - - Ala-sai-_buluk_ (Kabul), described 220-1; - wines of 221. - - Ala-tagh (s. of Qalat-i-ghilzai, Afghanistan), over-run 249.[1] - - Alexander's Iron-wall (Darband _q.v._ Caspian Sea), mentioned - in metaphor 564; - purpose of 564 n. 3. - - Alexandria ad Caucasum (Kabul), site of 214 n. 7. - - Alghu-tagh var. Aulugh-tagh (mid-Oxus valley), a Bai-qara arrival - near 60. - - 'Ali-abad (Samarkand), Shaibani in 135. - - 'Ali-masjid (Khaibar-route), Babur passes 394, 411-2, 450; - description of its spring 412 n. 1. - - 'Ali-shang-_tuman_ (Kabul), described 210; - a constituent of the tune Lamghanat 210; - a holder of 241; - Babur in 342, 424. - - Allahabad (India), _see_ Piag. - - Almaligh (E. Turkistan), depopulation of 1; - located 2 n. 1; - referred to 162 n. 2. - - Almar (s. of Maimene, Fr. map), Babur passes through, 296. - - Almatu (E. Turkistan), depopulation of 1; - located 2 n. 1; - referred to 162 n. 2; - *a battle near 349. - - Alti-shahr (E. Turkistan), an occasional name of Yiti-kint 11 n. 6. - - Alwar, Alur (Rajputana), a rebel leaves 545; - an arrival from 687; - mentioned to fix limits 577-8-9; - gift made of its treasure 519; - an appointment to 578. - - Ambahar (N.W.F.P. India?), on a suggested route 376; - pass of 376. - - Ambala (Panj-ab), Babur at 465. - - 'Ambar-koh (Qunduz), a fight on 61. - - Amla (Kabul), Babur at 422. - - Amroha (U.P. India), revenue assigned of 685. - - Amu-darya, Oxus, Babur on 48, 189, 249, others on 57, 74, 193, 244, - *359[2943]; - of Trans-Amu tribes 242; - limits territory 49; - *Babur's fortunes lost beyond 426; - --ferries of, Aubaj, 93, 95 (where for Aubaj read Char-jui), 110, - 189, Charjui (which read for Aubaj), Kilif 57, 191, Kirki 191, - Tirmiz 191. - - Andar-ab (n. of Hindu-kush), a n. boundary of Kabul 200; - mountains of 221; - roads from 205; - a holder of 403; - comings through 51, 193 (Babur's), 196. - - Andaraba (Panj-ab), Babur at 391-2. - - Andijan (Farghana), description of 3-4; - the capital, sport in, pure Turki in, climate of 4 - --its water 5, - mountains of 15, 55, 102, 118, 125; - tribes of 162; - a grass of 221; - its Char-bagh 29; - celebrities of 4, 280; - mentioned to locate places, etc., 4, 8, 10, 16, 113, 396; - its railway 30 n. 5; - given to 'Umar Shaikh I and II, 14; - people of led into captivity 20, 22; - Babur its governor 29 n. 1; - succeeds in it 29; - attacks on 27, 30, 54, 87-8, 106-8, 161-8, 171, 192; - captures of 18, 20, 89, 90, 122, 192, 244; - demanded from Babur 87, 168, 318, 351-2; - Auzbeg chiefs wait on Babur in 58; - lost by Babur 89-90, 122; - his attempts to regain 92-7-8, 162-5; - succeeds, 103-4, 115; - proposed disposition of 118; - the cause of his second exile from 105; he - compares it with Samarkand 123; - a raid near 164; - its army on service, 48, 87, 101, 171-2; - occupied by Sa'id Khan 351-7, 362; - commandants of 25, 32, 44; - gifts sent to 633; - comings and goings to and from 32, 58, 64, 102-3-6-8-9, 113, 145, - 150, 165-8, 170, *183, 399; - Babur's comings and goings to and from 55, 66, 71, 114-9, 174; - hint of another visit 358 and n. 2; - (_see_ Farghana). - - Andikan (Farghana), 161 _see_ Andijan. - - Andikhud (w. of Balkh, Khurasan), fighting near 46, 260; - plan to defend 191; - Sayyids of 266-7-8; - a commandant of 279; - a traitor in 325. - - Anwar, ? Unwara (near Agra), Babur at 589, 641. - - Aqar-tuzi (Samarkand), a battle near 34. - - Aq-bura-rud (Farghana), rapid descent of 5 n. 3. - - Aq-kutal (between Soghd and Tashkint), a force passes 111. - - Aq-qachghai (Aura-tipa, Samarkand), a rapid message through 25. - - Aq-su (Aura-tipa, Samarkand), Ahmad _Miranshahi_ dies on 33. - - Aq-su (Eastern Turkistan), 20 n. 5, 29 n. 5. - - 'Arabia, a bird of 497. - - Arat (Kabul), App. G. xxv. - - Archa-kint (Farghana), a road through 116. - - Archian-qurghan (Farghana), Tambal enters 117; - scene of the Chaghatai Khans' defeat 117 n. 2, *182, *351 (where - read Archian for "Akhsi"), 356 (here read near Akhsi). - - Argand-ab (Qandahar) irrigation off-takes of 332 n. 4, 333 n. 4. - - Ari-_pargana_, Arrah (Bihar, India), Babur in 664-6. - - Arind-water, Rind (U.P. India), Babur on 684. - - Arupar (U.P. India), _see_ Rupar. - - Arus-, Urus-, Arys-su (W. Turkistan), a battle near 16. - - Asfara (Farghana), described 7; - Persian-speaking Sarts of 7 and n. 3; - a holder of 115; - Babur takes refuge in 7 and sends gifts to Highlanders of 633 - and n. 4; - Babur captures 53; - Babur in a village of 123. - - Asfiduk (Samarkand), Babur in 131-2. - - Aspara or Ashpara (Mughulistan), Abu-sa'id _Miran-shahi_ leads an army - to 20. - - Astar-ab (e. of Pul-i-chiragh, Fr. map Maimene), tribes in 255. - - Astarabad (Khurasan), partridge-cry in 496; - oranges of 510; - a poet of 290 n. 3; - Husain _Bai-qara_ and 46, 95, 259, 260, 261, 272; - assignments of 61-9, 70, 94; - commandants in 272 (Nawa'i), 275; - two Bai-qaras put to death in 262, 266. - - Atak, "Attock" (on the Indus), locates Nil-ab 206 n. 3, and Baba Wali - _Qandahari's_ shrine 332 n. 4. - - Atar (Kabul), located 211; - Babur at 343, 422-3. - - Auba, Ubeh, "Obeh" (on the Heri-rud), a holder of 274. - - Aud (U.P. India), _see_ Oude, Oudh. - - Aulaba-tu (Ghazni), Babur at 323. - - Aulia-ata (E. Turkistan), 2 n. 1. - - Aulugh-nur (Kabul), located 209; - a route past 209; - on the "nur" of the name App. F, xxiii; - Babur at 421-5. - - Aunju- or Unju-tupa (Farghana), Babur at 110. - - Aurangabad (Haidarabad, Dakhin, India), a grape of 77 n. 2. - - Aura-tipa (between Khujand and the Zarafshan, Samarkand), its names - Aurush and Aurushna 77; - an alp of 25; - Dikh-kat a village of 149, 154; - locates Khwas 17; - escapes to 124, 141, 156; - transfers of, to 'Umar 'Shaikh 17, - to Ahmad 27, 30, 35, - to Muh. Husain _Dughlat_ 97; - Ahmad dies in 33; - The Khan in 92; - Babur's family in 136; - Babur in 98-9, 124, 149 (2); - enemies of Babur in 152, 154. - - Aurganj or Urgenj (Khwarizm), a claim to rule in 266. - - Aurgut (Samarkand), surrenders to Babur, 68. - - Aush, Ush (Farghana), described 4; - a trick of the ragamuffins of 6; - course of its water 10; - appointments to 32, 65; - a raid near 25; - an arrival from 112; - fugitive to 168; - dependencies of 109, 110; - Tambal and 103-7, 123; - Babur's men in 114; - oppression of 172; - good behaviour at 176; Babur at 108, 161-2-4-7-9 (advice to go to). - - Autrar, Utrar, "Otrar" (W. Turkistan), _see_ Yangi. - - Autruli, Atrauli (U.P. India), Babur at 587. - - Auz-kint (Farghana), refuge in planned, for the child Babur, 29; - Mughuls take refuge in 105; - Jahangir, with Tambal, and 103, 114-6-8, 123; - Babur and 29, 108-9, 118, 161-2-9; - Babur's note on 162. - - Awighur (Farghana), a holder of 118, 125 n. 2. - - Azarbaijan (on the Caspian), taken by White Sheep 49; - cold of 219; - a comer from 280; - Timur's workmen in 520. - - - Baba Hasan _Abdal_, _i.e._, Baba Wali _Qandahari_ (Qandahar), - irrigation-channels towards 332-6; - shrine of the saint near Atack (Attock) 332 n. 4. - - Baba Ilahi (Herat), Husain _Bai-qara_ dies at 256; - (_see_ Fr. map Herat, Baboulei). - - Baba Khaki (Herat), a rapid message from - Farghana to 25; - an army at 326; - located 25 n. 2, 326 n. 1. - - Baba Luli (Kabul), Babur advances towards 315. - - Baba Qara (Bajaur _q.v._), spring of 371; - ?identical with Khwaja Khizr 371 n. 1; - valley of 367 n. 3. - - Baba Tawakkul's Langar (Farghana), the younger Khan halts at 168. - - Baba Wali (Atak, Attock), _see_ Baba Hasan. - - Babur-khana (Panj-ab), 450 n. 5. - - Baburpur (U.P. India), Babur at 644 n. 6. - - Bachrata var. (Farghana), a ferry crossed near 116, 170 (by Babur). - - Badakhshan, Farghana's s. boundary 1; - Hindu-kush divides Kabul from 204; - trees of 221; - locates Kafiristan 46; Kabul trade of 202; - Babur sends sugar-cane to 208; - a poet of 288; Rusta Hazara of 196; - unprofitable to Babur 480; - reference to his conquest of 220; - Greek descent of its Shahs 22, 242; - a series of rulers in 47-9, 208 n. 8, 243, 340, *426, *433, *697; - a plan for defence of 191; - Auzbegs and 242, 294; - considered as a refuge for Babur 340; - various begims go to 21-2-4, 48; - Nasir's affairs in 242-3, 321-2; - a letter of victory sent to 371; - Babur plans going to 412; - Babur and Mahim visit Humayun in 426, 436; - Sa'id _Chaghatai's_ affairs with 412, *695-6; - *Humayun's desertion of 690, 707; - *offered to Khalifa 697 and n. 1; - *contingent disposition of 706. - - Badam-chashma (Kabul), climatic change at pass of 203; Babur at 229, - 409, 445. - - Badayun (U.P. India), appointments to 267, 582. - - Badghis (Khurasan, n. of Herat), Auzbegs defeat Bai-qaras in 275; - Babur in 296, 307. - - Bad-i-pich-pass, Bad-pakht? (Kabul), a route through 209; Babur goes - through 343, 421; - places an inscription in 343. - - Badr-au-_buluk_, Tag-au (Kabul), described 221; - water of 227 n. 1; - a route through 209; - Babur in 421. - - Badru-ferry (Ghogra, Saru); 667 n. 5. - - Badshah-nagar (U.P. India), Babur's visit gives the name to 678 n. 1. - - Bagar (Rajputana), a holder of 573; - identified 573 n. 2. - - "Baghdad," a variant for Bughda 40 and n. 2. - - Baghlan (Qunduz), nomads leave Kabul for 402. - - Bahar or Bihar (Kabul), seat of a tribe 413; - Babur at 414. - - Bahat, Bihat, Jhelum-river (Panj-ab), course of 485; - Babur on 382, *441, 453; - crossed in fear of him 382. - - Bahraich (U.P. India), revenue of 521; - locates Ghazra crossings 669. - - Bajaur (N.W.F.P. India), concerning its name 367 n. 4, 571 n. 3; - once a Kabul dependency 207; - wines and fruit of 372, 510-1; - monkeys and birds of 492-3-4; - beer made in 423; - a test of women's virtue in 211; - Babur and 367 to 370, 371-3, 377, *429; - repopulation of 375; - tribute of 400; - Dost Beg's valour at 370, 397; - Khwaja Kalan and 370, 411, 422-3; - Bibi Mubarika left in 376; - arrivals from 401. - - Bakkak-pass (between Yaka-aulang and the Heri-rud valley), Babur's - perilous crossing of 309; - an alternative pass (Zirrin) 310 n. 2. - - Baksar _sarkar_ (U.P. India), revenue of 521. - - Baksara (U.P. India), Babur at *603, 660. - - Baladar, Biladar (U.P. India), Babur at 686. - - Bala-hisar (Kabul), present site of 198 n. 4; - (_see_ Citadel). - - Bala-jui (Kabul), maker and name of 200 and n. 5. - - Ballia (U.P. India), sub-divisions of 637 n. 1, 664 n. 8, 667 n. 2. - - Balkh (Oxus valley), border-countries of 76, 261, 204; - heat in 520; - a melon-grower of 686; - its trade with Kabul 202; - holders of 18, 61-9, 257, 263, 275; - exploits at 50, 93, 270; - Husain _Bai-qara_ and 70, 191; - Khusrau Shah and 93-4, 110, 270; - Shaibani and 294-6, 300, *363; - Kitin-qara and 545-6; - 'Ubaid and 622; - *Isma'il _Safawi_ and 359, 363; - Muhammad-i-zaman and *364, 385, *428; - Babur and 220, *359, *426-7, *442-4-5-6, 463 and n. 3, 546 n. 1, - 625. - - Balkh-ab, headwaters of 216; Babur crosses 295. - - Balnath Jogi's hill (Panj-ab), Babur near 452. - - Bamian (Khurasan ? w. of Ghur-bund, Kabul), mountains of 215; - how reached from Kabul 205; - Khusrau Shah and 96 (where for "Qasim" read Kamal); - Babur and 189, 311, *351, 409. - - Bam-valley (Herat), a _langar_ in 308 n. 1; - Babur in 296, 297 n. 1. - - Banakat, Fanakat = Shahrukhiya (Tashkint) 2 n. 5, 76. - - Banaras, Benares (U.P. India), crocodiles near 502; - threatened 652-4; - Babur near 657. - - Banas-river (India), course of 485. - - Bandir, Bhander (C. India), a fruit of 507; - Babur at 590-8. - - Band-i-salar Road (Farghana), Babur on 55, 116. - - Bangarmawu, Bangarmau (U.P. India), Babur near 601. - - Bangash _tuman_ (Kabul), described 220, 209, 233, 405; - a holder of 27, 252; - plan of attack on 229, 231-3, 382. - - Bannu plain (N.W.F.P. India), a limit of Kabul territory 200; - a waterless plain near 234; - date of the modern town 232 n. 5; - Babur and 218, 231-2, 382, 394. - - Banswara (Rajputana), an old name of 573 n. 1. - - Banur (Patiala, Panj-ab), Babur on (Ghaggar) torrent of 464. - - (The) Bar (Panj-ab), 380 n. 4. - - Baraich (U.P. India), _see_ Bahraich. - - Barak or Birk (?N.W.F.P. India), mentioned as between Dasht and Farmu - l 235. - - Barakistan, Birkistan (Zurmut, Kabul), a tomb in 220; - ? tongue of 207. - - Bara-koh (Farghana) described 5; position of 5 n. 2. - - Baramula (Kashmir), a limit of Sawad territory 372 n. 3. - - Baran-su,[2944] Panjhir-su (Kabul), affluents to 210-1; - the bird-migrants' road 224; - migration of fish in 225; - bird-catching on 228; - routes crossing 209, 342; - locates various places 207 n. 5, 215, App. E, xvii; - --passers along 195, 242; - Babur and 254, 420, _see_ Koh-daman. - - Baran _wilayat_ (Kohistan, Kabul), Babur in 253, 320, 405. - - Bara (N.W.F.P. India), road of 411; - Babur fords the water of 230. - - Bari (Rajputana), hills of 486; - hunting-grounds in 509 n. 2; - Babur at 509, 585. - - Barik-ab (affluent of the "Kabul-river"), Babur on 409, 414, 446. - - Bast, Bost, Bust (on the Helmand, Afghanistan), Husain _Bai-qara's_ - affairs at 94, 260. - - Bastam ('Iraq), a w. limit of Khurasan 261 (where read Bastam); - captured 622. - - Bateswar (U.P. India), ferry of 643 n. 3. - - Bazar and Taq (India), _see_ Dasht. - - Bazarak (Hindu-kush), described 205. - - Beg-tut (Kabul), earthquake action near 247. - - Benares (India), _see_ Banaras. - - Bengal, Bangala (India), particulars of the rules and customs in 482; - envoys to and from 637, 640, 665; - army of 663; Babur at ease about 677, 679 n. 7; - traversed by the Ganges 485; - a bird of 495; - fruits of 504. - - Between-two-waters (Farghana), _see_ Aiki-su-ara. - - Betwi-river, Betwa (C. India) described 597. - - Bhander (C. India), _see_ Bandir. - - Bhilsan (C. India), Sanga's 483; - Babur's plan against 598. - - Bhira (Panj-ab), history of 382; - revenue of 521; - tribes of 387; - Baluchis in 383; - locates places 379, 380, 381; - limit of Ludi Afghan lands 481, - and of Babur's in Hindustan 520; - servants from 616, 678; - arrivals from 228, 391, 419; - local soldiery 389, 539, - rhinoceros in 490, Babur and 377-8, 382-3-7, *429, 478; - he stays in the fort of 384; - safeguards people of 383, 478; - sends prisoners into 461; - summons by Mahim of an escort from 650; - a governor 386-8, 392-9. - - Bhujpur (Bihar, India), Babur at 662. - - Biah-su, Beas (Panj-ab), course of 485; Babur crosses 458. - - Biana, Bayana (Rajputana), mountains in 486; - red-stone of 532, 611; - water-raising in 487; - a dependency of 563; - locates places 539, 613; - disaffection to Babur of 523-9; - taken 530-8, 540-5; - a gun made to use against it 537; - praise of its soldiers 548, 550; - an appointment to 579; - asked for 613; - Babur at 577, 581; - his workmen in 520; - revenue from assigned to support his tomb *709. - - Bianwan _pargana_ (U.P. India), assignment on 540. - - Bibi Mah-rui (Kabul), Babur at 314. - - Bigram, Bikram (Panj-ab), four ancient sites so-named 230 n. 2; - Babur at 230, 394, 450-1. - - Bihar (India), a limit of Afghan lands in Hind 480-1, - and of Babur's 520; - revenue of 521; - Babur and 639, 656, 677-9; - an assignment on 676; - mentioned as if Babur's 561; - Muhammad-i-zaman and 661-3-4; - an earlier Ludi capture of 675; - a diwan of 661. - - Bihiya (Bihar, India), Babur at 662-7 n. 2. - - Bih-zadi (Kabul), Babur at 398, 416-8; - wine fetched from 417; - 19th century vinegar of 417 n. 2. - - Bijanagar, Vijaynagar (Dakhin, Deccan, India), a ruler of 483. - - Biladar (U.P. India), _see_ Baladar. - - Bilah (Panj-ab), Babur at 237. - - Bilkir? (Kabul), Babur at 420. - - Bilwah ferry (Ganges), Babur at 658. - - Bimruki _pargana_ (Panj-ab), a holder of 453. - - Birk and Birkistan, _see_ Barak. - - Bishkharan (Farghana), good fighting at 28; - Babur at or near 117-8, 170. - - Bish-kint (on the Khujand-Tashkint road), Tambal at 145, 154; - Babur at 151. - - Bi-sut (Kabul), Bi-sutis migrated to Bajaur 375. - - Bolan-pass (Baluchistan), *Shah Beg's entrance to Sind 429. - - "Bottam" (? debouchement of the Zar-afshan), a word used by Ibn Hankal - 76 n. 6. - - Budana-_quruq_ (Samarkand), described 82; - Babur at 131 (here Quail-reserve). - - Buhlulpur (Panj-ab), Babur at 454. - - Bukhara (Transoxiana), described 82; - w. limit of Samarkand 76, - and of Soghd 84; - deficient water-supply of 77; - trade with Kabul 202; - wines of 83; - melons of 10, 82; - bullies in 7; - Babur sends sugar-cane to 208; - various rulers of 35, 38, 112; - governors in 40, 52, 121; - taken by Shaibani 125; - various attacks on 63-5, 124, *356-7-9, *354, *359, *360; - Babur's capture of 21, 704 n. 3; - Mahdi Khwaja and 704 n. 3; - various comings and goings from and to 62-3-4, 135, 534. - - Bulan (Kabul), a route through 209. - - Buli (Rajputana), revenues of 521. - - Burhanpur (C. India), Babur on water of 592-8. - - Burh-ganga (Old Ganges), its part in the battle of the Ghogra 667 - n. 2, 674 n. 6, 667 n. 2. - - Burka-yilaq (Aura-tipa _q.v._), Babur at the fort of 92, 124. - - Busawar (Rajputana), Babur at 548 (where read Busawar) 581. - - Bu-stan-sarai (Kabul), Babur at 251-4. - - Bu-stan-sarai (Samarkand), 62; - Babur at 74, 134. - - But-khak (Kabul), damming of its water 647; - Babur at 409, 446 n. 4. - - Buz-gala-Khana (Samarkand), _see_ Aitmak-daban. - - - Chach, _see_ Tashkint. - - Chachawali (U.P. India), Babur at 649. - - Chach-charan (on the Heri-rud), a holder of 274; - Babur at 308. - - Chaghanian (Hisar-shadman), located 48 n. 5; - an earlier extension of the name 188 n. 4; - Nundak dependent on 471; - a meadow (_aulang_) of 129; - a ruler in 47; - Khusrau Shah at 93; - Babur in 188. - - Chaghan-sarai _buluk_, Chighan-sarai (Kabul), described 212; - water of 211-2; - name of 212 n. 2; - a governor of 227; - Babur's capture of 211 (where for "920" _read_, *366-7 n. 3.) - - Chahar _see_ Char. - - *Chak-chaq pass (Hisar-shadman), Babur traverses 359. - - Chaldiran (Persia), cart-defence in the battle of 469 n. 1. - - Chambal-river (C. India), course of 485; - Babur on 509, 585-9, 607, 614; - Shah-i-jahan pours wine into 298 n. 3. - - Champaran (Bihar, India), revenue of 521. - - Chanaran (n.w. of Mashhad), Husain _Bai-qara's_ victory at 260; - located 260 n. 1 - and Ferte _q.v._ p. 39 n. 2. - - Chandawal (Bajaur, N.W.F.P.), of its name 367 n. 3; - torrent of 372; - Babur hunts near 372. - - Chandawar, Chandwar (U.P. India), correct name of 642 n. 8; - water-raising in 487; - comings and goings from and to 531, 552, 582; - Babur at 589, 642-3; - he loses it 557, 581. - - Chandiri (C. India), described 582-3-6; - hills of 486; - death of a holder of 573; - mentioned to fix dates 269, 483, 605; - Babur's capture of 589, 590-2-4-8. - - Chapar-kuda (U.P. India), identity of with Chaparghatta 650 n. 1; - a start from 659 n. 5; - Babur at 650. - - Char-dar _col_ (Hindu-kush), 204 n. 4. - - Char-dih plain (w. of Kabul-town), the Kabul-river traverses 200 n. 4; - *overlooked from Babur's tomb 710. - - Charikar, Char-yak-kar (Kabul), altitude of 204 n. 4; - name of _ib._ 295 n. 1; - Judas-trees of 216 n. 3. - - Char-jui ferry (Oxus), 95 (where "Aubaj" is wrong). - - Char-shamba = Wednesday (Oxus valley _see_ Fr. map Maimene), 71 n. 2. - - Char-su (Samarkand), an execution in 196. - - Char-yak (Fr. map Maimene), over-run 295, 94 (where for "San-chirik" - _read_ San and Char-yak). - - Chashma-i-tura pass (Kabul), Babur at 403-4. - - Chash-tupa (Kabul), Babur at 320. - - Chatsu (Rajputana), revenue of 521. - - Cha-tu var. Jal-tu (Kabul), Babur at 228. - - Chatur-muk (U.P. India), a Ghogra-crossing at 669, 677. - - Chaupara (N.W.F.P. India), an Indus ferry at 206; - a limit of Bannu 233; - Babur near 234. - - Chaupara (U.P. India), ferry of 677-9. - - Chausa (Bihar, India), a death at 273 n. 3; - Babur at *603, 659, 660. - - Chausa or Jusa (C. India), Babur at 581. - - Chichik-tu (Balkh-Herat road), located 300; - Babur at 296. - - Chihil-dukhtaran (Farghana), 107, 162; - (Heri) 296, 301; - (Kabul), 107 n. 1. - - Chihil-qulba (Kabul), Babur hunts near 420. - - Chikman-sarai (Andikhud, Oxus valley), a defeat at 46, 260, 268. - - Chin, China, Kabul trade with 203; - a Chini cup 407; - [for "China" _see_ Khitai]. - - Chin-ab, Chan-ab, tract and river (Chen-ab, Panj-ab), course of 485; - the Bar in 380 n. 4; - a Turk possession 380-2; - Babur resolves to regain 380; - he on the river *441, 453; - envoys to him from 386; - his family reach 659; - an appointment to 386. - - China-qurghan (Kabul), Babur at 407. - - Chiniut or Chiniwat (Panj-ab), a Turk possession 380-2; - Babur resolves to regain 380. - - Chiragh-dan (Upper Heri-rud), Babur at 309; - _see_ Add. Note p. 309 for omitted passage. - - Chirkh (Kabul), described 217; - a mulla of 284; - a soldier of 669, 678. - - Chir-su, Chir-chik (Tashkint lands), Ahmad _Miran-shahi's_ disaster at - 17, 25, 31-4-5. - - Chitr (Panj-ab), Babur at 645. - - Chitur, Chitor (Rajputana), hills of 486; - Babur's plan against 598; - Rana Sanga's 483, 617. - - Chunar (U.P. India), advance on 652-4; - arrival from 657; - appointments 682-3; - Babur at 658; - road measured from 659; - question of identity 682 n. n. - - Chupan-ata (Samarkand), 72 n. 3, 76 (Kohik), 76 n. 4; - Babur crosses 124; - [_see_ Kohik]. - - Chutiali (Duki, Qandahar), Babur at 238-9. - - Cintra (Portugal), oranges of 511 n. 4. - - Citadel (_arg_) of Kabul, 201; - Bala-hisar 198 n. 4; - --of Samarkand, 77; - position of 78 n. 6; - Babur in 134, 141. - - - Dabusi (Samarkand), Auzbeg victories at 40, 124, 137. - - Dahanah (_see_ Fr. map Maimene), corn from 295; - traversed 194-7, 243, 295. - - Dakka (Kabul), App. E. xx; - [_see_ note to Baran-su]. - - Dakkan, Dakhin, Deccan (India), rulers in 482; - ? Dakni = Dakkani 619, 631, Add. Note pp. 619, 631. - - Daman (N.W.F.P. India), _see_ Dasht. - - Damghan (Persia), a w. limit of Khurasan 261; - Bai-qaras captured in 263; - Auzbegs defeated at 618, 622. - - Dandan-shikan pass (Khurasan), Babur crosses 294. - - Dara-i-bam (Badghis, Khurasan), Babur in 296. - - Dara-i-gaz (s. of Balkh), a recall from 14. - - Dara-i-Ghazi Khan (Panj-ab), 233 n. 3. - - Dara-i-khwush (Kabul), Babur in 27, 251-3. - - Dara-i-nur (Kabul) described 210; - unique character of 210, 241, App. F; - wines of 210, 410, App. G, xxv; - monkeys of 211, 492; - name of App. F, xxiii, xxiv; - a holder of 227, 344; - attacked 241; - Babur in 422. - - Dara-i-pur-amin (Kabul), Babur at 342 (where for "anim" _read_ amin). - - Dara-i-suf (Khurasan), character of 222.[2945] - - Dara-i-zang (Khurasan), defence for planned 191. - - Dara-i-zindan (Kabul-Balkh road), mountains of 222; - located 189 n. 6; - Babur in 189. - - Darband (Caspian Sea), 564 n. 5. - - Darband-i-ahanin (Hisar-shadman), a limit of territory 47; - a name of Qulugha, Quhqa, 194; - *Babur at 353; - Najm Sami near 359. - - Dar-i-gham canal (Samarkand) described 76, 84; - Babur on 124-5; - (_see_ Kohik-water). - - Daruta (Kabul), Babur at 421-2. - - Darwaza (Bajaur ? N.W.F.P. India), a road through 376. - - Dasht (Plain), Daman, Bazar and Taq (N.W.F.P. India), names of 229 - n. 1, 233 and n. 1; - (Mehtar Sulaiman) mountains of 223; - limits Bannu 233; - a route through 206; - Babur and 229, 235-7, 394. - - Dasht-i-shaikh, Kurrat-taziyan (Kohistan, Kabul) described 215. - - Dawar (Kohistan, Kabul), Babur at 421; - perhaps Dur-nama 421 n. 5. - - Dhar (C. India), observatory in 79. - - Dibalpur (Panj-ab), revenue of 521; - water-wheels in 486, 532; - commandants in 442-3, 463; - Babur captures 208, *441, 575-8. - - Dih-i-afghan (Kabul), a rebel in 345; - a goer to 402. - - Dih-i-ghulaman (Kabul), Babur at 413. - - Dih-i-yaq'ub (Kabul), narrows of 200; - water of 241; - Babur at 409, 445. - - Dihli, mountains of 485; - the capital of Hindustan 463; - a Ludi possession 481; - revenue of 521; - Miwat and 577; - 'Alam Khan and 455-6; - Ibrahim marches from 465; - Sanga gives Babur rendezvous near 529; - Babur takes possession of 475; - appointments to 476; - submissive 523; - mentioned as Babur's 561; - Khwaja Kalan's inscription in 525; - an arrival from to Babur 526; - treasure of 583, *695 n. 1, 617. - - Dikh-kat (Aura-tipa, Samarkand), described 149, 152; - an arrival in 151; - Babur in 149, 150, 633 n. 4. - - Dilmau var. (U.P. India), comings and goings from and to 534-7, 681-4; - variants of name of 681 n. 3. - - Din-kot, Dhankot (N.W.F.P. India), location and name of 206 n. 6; - limit of Koh-i-jud 380 - and of Bannu 233; - routes through 206, 399. - - Dirapur (U.P. India), Babur in 649. - - Diri pass (Kabul), a route through 209. - - Diyul (Samarkand), allies of Babur in 138. - - Dizak (Samarkand), Babur a fugitive in 148; - a governor of 26. - - "Doab," _see_ Miyan-du-ab. - - Du-aba (U.P. India), Gangetic changes in 667 n. 2. - - Dugdugi (U.P. India), Babur at 651-2. - - Dughaba river (Khurasan), head-waters of 216. - - Duki (Qandahar), mountains of 223, 236; - Babur in 218, 238, 382. - - Dulpur, "Dholpur" (Rajputana), mountains of 486; - Ibrahim _Ludi's_ begs in 593; - Babur and 520, 552, 585, *603-6, 614, 634-5-9, 689; - accounts of work in 606, 634, 642; - a view from 610. - - Dun (Jaswan, Panj-ab); 'Alam Khan in 457; - Babur in 461-2. - - Dungarpur (Rajputana), old name of 573 n. 1. - - Dur-nama or -nama'i (Kohistan, Kabul), described 215; - Babur at 420; - (_see_ Dawar). - - Durrin- or Diurrin-tangi (Kabul), a limit of Shah-i-Kabul 200, 417. - - Du-shamba (Badakhshan), Humayun at 621. - - Dushi (n. of Hindu-kush), Khusrau Shah submits to Babur at 51, 191-5. - - - Egypt, _see_ Misr. - - Etawa, Itawa (U.P. India), hostile to Babur 523-9, 530; - appointments to 530-3, 579, 582; - comings and goings from and to 541, 645, 689; - Babur at 644, 686. - - - Faizabad (Badakhshan), *? Babur and Mahin at 436. - - Fakhru'd-din-aulum (Balkh-Herat road), Babur at 296; - (_see_ Fr. map Maimene). - - Fanakat, Banakat = Shahrukhiya (Tashkint), passed by the Sir-darya 2; - identity of 2 n. 5, 7 n. 5. - - Fan-tagh (Hisar-shadman), Lake Iskandar in 129; - Babur in 130. - - Farab (W. Turkistan?), a mulla of 643. - - Faraghina (Farghana), Babur at 168. - - Farghana mod. Kokand, description of 1 to 12; - extent of 2 n. 3; - included in Trans-oxiana 76; - Alps of 223; - nick-name of 289; - winter-route into 2, *183; - capitals of 3, 10, 162; - an e. limit of Samarkand 76; - Kabul trade of 202; - celebrities of 4, 7, 76, 90, 289; - 'Umar Shaikh's (I and II) 14-7, 24; - Babur succeeds in 1, 29; - invasions of 13, 20-9, 54, *183; - proposal to dispossess Babur 168; - an arrival in 28; - an exit from 190; - Babur's loss of 19 n. 1, *183; - Babur's leaving 187; - (_see_ Andijan). - - Far-kat (n. of Kindir-tau _q.v._), a refugee in 149; - a mulla of 343; - reached from Ghawa (Farghana, Fr. map, Gava), 179. - - Farmul _tuman_ (Kabul), described 220; - a s. limit of Kabul 200; - Urghun in 206 n. 2; - roads through 206, 231-3-5; - Shaikh-zadas of 220, 679 n. 7. - - Fathpur (U.P. India), Babur at 643, 686. - - Fathpur or Nathpur (U.P. India), a dependency of 680; - lake of 681. - - Fathpur-Aswa (U.P. India), Babur at 651. - - Firuzabad (U.P. India), 643 n. 3. - - Firuz-koh (Ghur-Kabul road), Babur on 365. - - Firuzpur (-jhirka; Gurgaon, Panj-ab), described 580 n. 1; - Babur at 580. - - Fulul (Badakhshan), Khusrau Shah and 60; - Mughuls from, join Babur 192 (where _read_ Fulul). - - - Gagar, Ghaggar, Kakar river (Patiala, Panj-ab), Babur visits and - describes 464-5; - called _rud_ (torrent) of Banur and Sanur 464. - - Gagar, Kakar (U.P. India), a constituent of the Gogra, Ghogra _q.v._; - the word Gagar or Kakar used 602. - - Gamb(h)ir-water (India), Babur crosses 606. - - Gandak river (India), course of 485; - defence of 663. - - Gandamak (Kabul), Babur at 394, 414, 446. - - Gang-river, Ganges (India), course of 485; - changed course of 667 n. 2, 674 n. 6-7 n. 2, 682 n. 1; - bridged by Babur 495, 599, 633; - lands and chiefs east of 523, 628, 638, 651; - various crossings made of 530, 544, 583-7, 598, 669, 681-4; - Babur on 598 to 665, 666-7; - a battle-station east of 371; - Babur swims 603-5, 655, 660. - - Garm-chashma (Kabul), Babur at 229, 411, 448. - - Garm-sir (S. Afghanistan), *432; a bird of 496. - - Garzawan (Khurasan, Fr. map Maimene, Ghourzistan), mountains of 222; - locates a place 69; - a plan for defence of 191; - Babur at 296 (where mis-spelled "Gurzwan"). - - Gau- or Kau-water (Kabul), Kafiristan the source of 210. - - Gawar or Kawar (Kabul), position of 210. - - Ghain (Kabul), a punitive force against 253. - - Ghaj-davan (Bukhara), *besieged 360; *battle of 361, 279: - a fugitive from 363. - - Gharjistan, Ghurjistan (Khurasan), mountains of 222; - Babur near 308; - Muhammad-i-zaman in 365.[2946] - - Ghawa (Farghana, Fr. map, Gava), Babur seeks the road to 179, - 180-1-*2. - - Ghazipur (U.P. India), crocodiles of 502; - an assignment on 527; - a holder of 669; - threatened 544, 680; - Babur at 659; - his boats sent to 679. - - Ghazni = Kabul and Zabulistan, Ghaznin (Kabul); describes 217, 321; - a N.W. limit to Hindustan 481; - cold of 219, 526; game in 224; - no honey from 203; - firewood of 223; - highwaymen on road to 228; - wines of, taken to Hindustan 461, 551; - repairs of a dam at 219, 646; - a route to 206; - locates Zurmut 220; - a Shahrukhi's 382 (here Kabul); Aulugh Beg and 95 n. 2; - Dost Beg buried at 396; - various governors of 227, 253-4, 307, 343-4, 363, 397, 525; - not subjected to Babur (912 AH.) 300; - rebellion in (912 AH.) 363; - Khwaja Kalan and 447, 526; - Babur and 199, 228, 239, 240, 330, 526. - - Ghur (Khurasan), mountains of 222; - w. limit to Kabul 200; - road from Kabul to 214; - a holder of 274. - - Ghuram (Panj-ab), an assignment of 525. - - Ghur-bund _tuman_ (Kabul), described 214; - Nil-ab (Naulibis) in 206 n. 3; - roads from 205; - a tulip of 215; - Babur in 195, 294, 314. - - Ghuri (Khurasan), position of 409; - a route through 94; - corn from 295; - a failure in 546. - - Ghurjistan, _see_ Gharjistan. - - Ghwaliri pass (on the Gumal _q.v._, India), a surmised route through - 235 n. 2. - - Gibrik or Kibrik (Kafiristan), people of 207. - - Ginguta (Panj-ab), described 462; - an occupation of 457. - - Girdiz (Kabul), head-quarters in Zurmut 220; - tribesmen on road to 228, 403; - a road for 405; - locates a place 403; - Khwaja Kalan's 525; - Tang-i-waghchan a name for its pass 403 n. 1. - - Gogra, Ghogra, Gagar, Kakar river (U.P. India), _see_ Saru. - - Gosfand-liyar (n. of Bannu-plain), a sheep-road travelled by Babur - 233. - - Goshta (Kabul), 206 n. 4. - - Gualiar, Gwalior (C. India), described 607 to 612, 613-4; - Babur's building in 520; - hills of 486; - revenue of 521; - forms of the name 486; - ruler of killed at Panipat 477; - hostile to Babur 523-9 (where add "Gualiar" after Dulpur, l. 4 fr. - foot), 539; - assigned 539; - gained 540; - reinforced 547, 557; - Babur's visit to 605, 552, 607 to 614; - on envoy from 612; - sedition in 688-9, 690, *692 n. 1. - - Gui-water, Gumti (U.P. India), course of 485 (where for "Gumti" _read_ - (Babur's) Gui); - Babur on 601, 658, 683-4. - - Gujrat (Panj-ab), a tree of; - a ruler in 481; - affairs of 534-5. - - Guk-sarai (Samarkand), described 41 n. 2, 63, 77; - ascension-stone in 77 n. 5; - a Mirza sent to 41. - - Gul-i-bahar (Kohistan, Kabul), described (without name) 214-5; - fish-catching in 226, Babur at 320-1, 406-7. - - Gumal valley and river (N.W.F.P. India), Babur and 235-6. - - Gumbazak pass (Khurasan; _see_ Fr. map Maimene), Babur at 294. - - Gumhaz-i-chaman (Farghana), Babur at 176. - - Gura-khattri (Panj-ab), Babur and 230, 294. - - Gurgan-su (s.e. of the Caspian), Husain _Bai-qara_ swims 259, - 260 n. 6. - - Guzar var. (Qandahar?), Babur at 332. - - - Ha-darwesh waste (Farghana), described 9, 9, 151; - *birthplace of Babur's legendary son 358 n. 2. - - Haft-bacha pass (Hindu-kush), described 205. - - Haji-ghat pass (Hindu-kush), turns Hindu-kush 205 n. 2. - - Hajipur (Bihar, India), Babur and 674; - a governor of 663 n. 6. - - Haji-tarkhan = Astrakhan (on the Caspian), a chief of 258. - - Haldi-guzr (U.P. India), location of 668 n. 2, 669 n. 1, 671 n. 1; - Babur's men cross 668-9, 675. - - Halwa-chashma (Khurasan), a victory at 260. - - Hamadan (Persia), a saint of 211; *a soldier of 700. - - Hamtatu pass (Panj-ab), Babur crosses 381. - - Hangu (N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 231-2. - - Harmand-, Halmand-river (Afghanistan), source of 216; - a drowning in 307. - - Haru, Kacha-kot water (Panj-ab), Babur crosses 379, 452; - an Indus-ford near 206 n. 5. - - Hash(t)-nagar (N.W.F.P. India), a limit of Kabul 200; - desolate 207; - rhinoceros in 490; - birds of 497, 500; - locates a place 376; - Babur advised to raid 410-1. - - Hasht-yak (W. Turkistan), Babur near 151. - - Hatya (Panj-ab), limit of a clan 452 n. 5. - - Hazarasp (Khwarizm), a holder of 50. - - Heri, Herat (Khurasan), description of 304 to 306; - Husain _Bai-qara's_ birthplace 256, - conquest of 134, - splendid rule in 273, - ease in 261, - feast in 264, - delay of a pilgrim in 284, - reception of fugitives 243, - burial in 293; - --joint-rule in 293, 326; - weakness before Auzbeg attack on 296-9, 326; - --Shaibani's capture of 207, 326-8-9; - --Isma'il _Safawi's_ capture of *350-5; - --'Ubaidu'l-lah _Auzbeg_ and *434; - --'Ali-sher _Nawa'i_ in 4, 271, 286-7; - Bana'i and 286-7; - *Shah Beg and 365, 429, 430; - Khwand-amir and *432, 605; - fugitives from 331; - governors of 24, 37, 274 (Koh-daman), 275, *633; - envoys to Babur from *436; - a Begim comes from 267; - Mas'uma brought from 330; - Babur at 300-1-2, 302 to 307; - his marriage with Mahim in *704; - --locates a place 25; - fixes a date 258. - - Himar or Khimar (? Khurasan), a passer through 260. - - Hind, Hindustan, Hindustanat--a northern limit of Kabul 200; - routes between it and Kabul 206; - a journey to Makka made from Kabul through 26; - trade and traders 202, 331, 416; - Jats and Gujurs in 454; - a saint honoured in 238; - a raja of 219; - comings and goings to and from 250, 265, 267, 368; - Khwand-amir in *432, 605 and n. 6; - --Astronomical Tables in 79; - names for outside places used in 202; - gold from 446; - titles in 537; - building style in 609; - greetings in 640; - mentioned by Babur in a verse 584; - Hind-al named from 385; - of Biana in 529; - of the Betwa 597; - --a seemingly limited use of the name Hindustan 386; - of its three names used by Babur, Hind 26, 219, 385, 525, 532, 577, - 577 n. 6, 578, - Hindustanat 485, - Hindustan usually; - --Hindustan the Less (?) 46 and 46 n. 4; - --Ludi rise in 383; - Ludi possessions in 463, 480; - Ibrahim's accession in 385; - *torn by faction 439; - envoys to Babur from *426, *436; - Babur's comments on its chiefs 219, 385, 459; - Farmuli ascendancy in 220; - begs in 387; - armies in 547; - --Timur's conquest of 382; - his employment in Samarkand of workmen from 77; - pictures of his victories in 78; - tradition of a soldier in his army of 150; - --Babur's persistent wish to regain Turk possessions in 340, 377, - 380-1-2, 478-9; - working-out of his desire for *426; - varied opposition to his aims 478; - *his five expeditions to:-- - - 910 AH.--39, 229, 382; - 925 AH.--378 et seq., 478, 480; - 926 AH.--*428, *429; - its frustration *429, *430, *441; - 930 AH.--575, *442; - its frustration 442; - 932 AH.--*444, 445, 479; - - --one start frustrated in Kabul 913, AH. 341-3; - 'Alam Khan asks and obtains help in *439, *441, 455; - Daulat Khan proffers allegiance *440; - *Babur's prayer for a sign of victory *440; - his fifth expedition fixes dates 269, 545; - indications that only the fifth aimed at Dihli *429, *444, 480; - his decisive victories, at Panipat 475, - at Kanwa 574; - references to his conquest 220, 561; - some of his Begs wish to leave 524-5, 579, 584; - his Hindustan poems 642, App. Q; - his ease in and hints at leaving 617, 645, 686; - his family brought to 646, 686; - --the *_Akbar-nama_ chronicles no public events of 936-937 AH. - in 682; - *Babur's journey to Lahor (936 AH.) may point to his leaving - Hindustan 707; - *Humayun's arrival in 696, 707; - *on Babur's intended disposal of Hindustan 702 to 708; - *burial of his body in 709 - and later removal from 709-710; - --Babur's description of Hindustan 478 to 531, - _viz._:--Introduction, on earlier Tramontane expeditions into 478 - to 480, - boundaries and capital of 480, - rulers in 932 AH. 481, - varied climate, - character of and northern mountains 484; - rivers and Aravalli range 485; - irrigation 486, - other particulars 487, - --mammals 488, - birds 493, - aquatic animals 501, - fruits 503, - flowers 513; - --seasons of the year 515, - days of the week 516, - division of time 516, - weights and measures 517, - modes of reckoning 518; - --Hindus in 518; - --defects and advantages of 518-9, 531, 532, - revenues 520-1. - - Hindu-kush mountains, n. boundary of Kabul 200-4; - connected ranges 210, 380; - called Hindu-kush in Kabul 485; - account of their prolongation in Hind (_i.e._ Himalayas), 485; - roads and passes of 204-5; - the clouds a hindrance to bird-migration 224; - limits of territory fixed by 47-9, 194; - an episode on 270 *Babur's crossing 930 AH. 442. - - Hisar-firuza (Panj-ab), revenue of 521; - given to Humayun 465, 466, 528; - opposition near 540. - - Hisar (-shadman; Transoxiana), mountains of 222; - clans from 228; - Kabul trade with 202; - --Aba-bikr and 51; - Mahmud and 47-9; - Mas'ud and 52, 64, 71, 93-5, 261; - Bai-sunghar and 52, 61, 96, 110-2; - Husain and 48, 57-8-9, 61, 130, 191, 260-3, 275; - Babur traverses 128, 130, 187-8, - moves for *352, - takes 37, 262, *352-3, - defends *358, 471, - attacked in 345, *361-2, - leaves 362-3; - --Mughuls leave 58 - and rebel 105; - goers to 104, 141; - Shaibani and 192, 244, *362; - abandoned by the Auzbegs 622-4; - Khusrau Shah and _see s.n._; - *threefold catastrophe in 362; - Humayun ordered to attack 625; - Qasim _quchin_ and 66; - a governor in 46-7; - occupied for Babur 640. - - Hormuz (Persia), Farghana almonds imported to 9. - - Huni (Kabul), Babur at 405. - - Hupian pass, Upian (Kabul), Babur crosses 195; - locates a place 647 n. 3. - - Hurur (Panj-ab), taken from Babur 464. - - Hushiar (Farghana), a subdivision of Asfara 7; - Babur a refugee in 7, *181; - his gifts to envoys from 633. - - - Ilyak-su, Kafirnighan (Hisar-shadman), locates a place 48 n. 5. - - Indri (U. P. India), an arrival at 456. - - Indus, _see_ Sind-darya. - - 'Iraq (Persia), Kabul trade with 202; - various captures of 49, 51, 280, 336; - envoys to and from 540, 583, 666; - other comings and goings from and to 20, 46, 260-2-8, 275, 282-7, - 291-4 n. 3, 622; - Babur's gifts to kinsfolk in 522. - - 'Iraqain, _i.e._ 'Iraq-i-'ajam and 'Iraq-i-'arabi, places noted for - cold in 219. - - 'Iraq-pass (n. w. of Kabul), a presumed crossing of 294 n. 3. - - Irij or Irich (C. India), Babur at 590. - - Ishkimish (Qunduz?), not in Badakhshan 288; - on a named route 321; - military action at 60, 192, 243. - - Ispahan (Persia), a governor of 635 n. 6. - - Istalif (Kabul), described 216; - a garden at 246; - fishing at 226; - Babur at 246, 406, 416-8. - - - Jagdalik pass (Kabul), Babur crosses 229, 341, 414. - - Jahan-nama fort (Bhira, Panj-ab), Babur in 384 (where for "numa" - _read_ nama). - - Jahan-nama hill (Dihli district), 485. - - Jahan-nama'i (Kabul), Babur at 421; - _see_ Jui-shahi. - - Jajmau or Jajmawa (U. P. India), rebels in 533; - a submission near 534. - - Jakin _pargana_ (U. P. India), Babur in 644. - - Jalandhar (Panj-ab), an appointment to 442. - - Jalisar, Jalesar (on the Jumna, U. P. India), Humayun at 531; - Babur at 589, 640 (in both places _read_ Jalisar). - - Jalisar, Jalesar (on the Ghogra, U. P. India), Babur at 681; - perhaps Chaksar 681 n. 4. - - Jalmish (w. frontier, Kabul), 205 n. 2. - - Jal-tu var. Cha-tu (Kabul), Babur at 228. - - Jam, mod. Jam-rud (N. W. F. P. India), Babur at 229, 230, 412. - - Jam (Khurasan), Hatifi's birthplace 288; - how marked in maps 623 n. 8, *714; - Jami the cognomen of Maulana 'Abdu'r-rahman _q.v._; - Auzbeg defeat near 622 n.1, 625 n. 4, 635, 636 n. 2, - details as to location of the battle 623 n. 8, 635 n. 4. - - Janara or Chanara (U. P. India), rebels take refuge in 682; - not identified 682 n. 1. - - Janglik (Kabul), Babur at 251-3, 311-4 n. 1. - - Jaswan-dun (Panj-ab), described 462; - Babur in 461-3. - - Jaunpur (U. P. India), _see_ Junpur. - - Jauz-wilayat (Khurasan), 46 n. 3. - - Jihlam, Jilam, Jhelum (Panj-ab), Babur near 453; - _see_ Bahat for Jhelum river. - - Jud mountains (Panj-ab), _see_ Koh-i-jud. - - Juduk (Samarkand), Babur at 147. - - Jui-shahi (Kabul), Babur at 229, 394, 410, 422; - (_see _Jahan-nama'i). - - Jumandna, mod. "Jumoheen" ? (U. P. India), Babur at 649. - - Jun-river, Jumna (India), course of 485; - locates a place 532; - a drowning in 582; - Babur on or crossing 467, 475, 531, 605, 616, 638-9, 640, 650-5, - 684-6; - he bathes in 644; - orders his officers to cross 684; - in flood 685. - - Junahpur, Junapur (U. P. India), an old form of Junpur or Jaunpur - 676 n. 4; - used by Babur 276 (where read it for "Jaunpur"), 544, 636, 676, 682; - _see infra_ Junpur. - - Junpur, Jaunpur (U. P. India), water of 658; - formerly a Sharqi possession 481; - revenue of 521; - taken by Humayun 544; - an assignment on 527; - appointments to 276, 538, 544, 676, 682; - arrivals from 636, 667. - - Jurgha-tu (Kabul), _see_ Qurgha-tu. - - Jusa or Chausa (C. P. India), Babur at 581. - - - Kabul town and country, description of 199 to 227, - --position and boundaries 199, 481, - town and environs 200, fort 201, 344, - bridges 198, 314, 417, - trade 202, - climate 77, 201-3, 223, 314, 584, - snow in 208-9, 223, 314, - dividing line between hot and cold climates 208, 220, 229, - fruits 202, 510, - cultivated lands 243, - meadows 204, - Hindu-kush roads 204, - Lamghanat roads 201, - Khurasan road 205, - Hindustan roads 205, 206 n. 3, 231, 308, 629; - highwaymen 205, 341, - peoples 207, 221, - subdivisions 207 to 221, - dependencies 214-5, - revenue 221, - mountain-tracts 221, - firewood 223, - fauna 223, 496-8, - bird-catching 224, fishing 225; - --rivers of, Baran _q.v._--Kabul, Luhugur (Logar); - _garm-sil_ 208, 484; - unfitness for nomads 228, 402; - use "Hindu-kush" in 485; - use of "Kabul" in Agra 532; - a mulla of 284; - --given to 'Umar Shaikh 14; - Aulugh Beg _Kabuli_ and 95 and n. 2 (where "2" should follow "Mirza" - and not "son"), *185; - Aba-bikr and 260; - 'Abdu-r-razzaq and 195; - Muqim _Arghun_ and 195, 198-9, 227; - Khusrau Shah and 192; - --Babur's move to win it 7, 189, 191-7; - his capture of 198-9; - dates fixed, by the capture of, 19 n. 1, 21, 26, 39, 48, 227, 251, - 274, 282, 377, 383, 394, - and by his possession of 27, 529; - a sequel of its capture 243; - reserved by him for himself 227, 227 n. 5, 627, 645-6; - --his comings and goings to - and from 27, 229, 241, 248-9, 294, 323, 325, 330, 339, *350, - *363-4-5, 389, 395, - 403-4-5-7-8, 415-18-19,441-2-3; - other comings and goings 51, 196, 228, 321, 349, 364-5, 385, 399, - 531, 539, 544, *696, 687, 699; - men sent to 343, 413, 466, 476; - various Begims arrive in or leave 36, 306, 339--265, - 397--21--264--267--269--606, 616; - family journey from 646-7, 650-5-7-8, 686-7-9 n. 5; - followers delay to go to 307; - *landless men in 706; - excess levy of grain on 228; - its _sir_ (weight) 632; - officers in 250, 270, 273, 382, 646 n. 3; - newly-made begs of 458, 524; - --anxiety for 300, 307; - disloyalty in 313-320, 331, 345; - *tranquil 349; - *Mughuls of 357; - of its troops 375, 550, 579, 625; - --Babur in it the last ruling Timurid 340, *427; - envoys to him in *439-440, *441, 529; - his poverty in 525; - learns the word _sangur_ in 232; - family affairs in *603-4; - --letters of victory sent to 371, 466, 580; - other letters to and from 374, 541, 618, 639, 644-5, 6; - gifts 463, 523, 642; - Babur's seeming intention of return to 698 n. 5, *705-6-7; - his chosen centre *705; - the taking of his body to *709-10; - his burial-garden and grave *710-11. - - Kabul-water, Nil-ab a name of 206 n. 3; - fords of 206, 345, 411; - App. E xvii, xix, xx; - Babur on 451. - - Kabud (Soghd, Samarkand), 73, 98. - - Kacha-kot (Panj-ab), a holder of 250; - Babur crosses water of (Haru) 379, 403, 452. - - Kachwa (C. India), described 590; - Babur at 590-2. - - Kafiristan, mountains connecting with its own 480; - former extent of 212 n. 3; - borderlands of 210-1-2; - wines of 211-2, 372; - highwaymen of 205, 214; - a _ghazi_ raid into 46. - - Kahadstan (Heri), Babur at 305; - Shaibani at 329. - - Kahan (Sind, India), Shah Beg's capture of 398, *430-5. - - Kahlur (Simla Hill-state, India), taken for Babur 464; - *its Raja visits him, 692-9. - - Kahmard or Kalmard (Kabul-Balkh route, Fr. map Maimene), a plan for - defence of 191; - a governor in 409, 546 n. 2; - exposed to Auzbeg attack 409; - various occurrences in it 239, 250, 295; - Babur in 48, 189; - households left in 189, 194-7; - Babur loyal to Jahangir in 190, 239; - he sends gifts to peasants of 633; - (_see_ Ajar). - - Kahraj (N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 373-4. - - Kakar river (N. India), _see_ Gagar, Ghaggar. - - Kalabagh (Panj-ab), locates Dinkot 206, n. 5. - - Kalanjar (Panj-ab), perverted allegiance of 387 (where in n. 3 - _delete_ the second sentence). - - Kalanjar (U.P. India), revenue of 521; - Mahuba a dependency of 685 n. 3. - - Kalanur (Panj-ab), a governor of 442; - Babur and 451-8. - - Kalda-kahar (Panj-ab), described 381; - Babur at 381-9, 391. - - Kalpi (U.P. India), revenue of 521; - elephants in 488; - dependencies of 649, 686; - locates places 544, 590, 659; - hostile to Babur 523; - Babur in 590; - boats from 598, 684. - - Kalpush (Khurasan), 622 n. 3. - - Kama _buluk_ (Kabul), described 213; - water of 211. - - Kamari (Kabul), meadow of 204; - Babur at 244; - (on the Indus), Babur at 230. - - Kam-rud valley (Hisar-shadman), a flight through 58; - Babur in 129-30. - - Kanar ferry (Jumna U.P. India), Babur at 589, 590-8. - - Kan-bai (Samarkand), locates places 52, 64; - Mahmud (Khan) at 53, 111. - - Kandar, Kuhandar (Rajputana), besieged by Sanga, surrenders 530-9. - - Kand-i-badam (Farghana), described 8, - locates a place 20; - a governor of 115; - passers through 44, 172; - Babur at 92, *358 n. 2 (a legendary visit). - - Kandla or Kundla (U.P. India), revenue of 521; - an assignment on 679. - - Kangra (Panj-ab), a "Bajaur" north of 511 n. 3. - - Kanhpur, "Cawnpore" (U.P. India), 649 n. 7. - - Kaniguram (Dasht-Kabul route), 235 n. 2. - - Kanwa, Kanwaha (Rajputana), Babur's victory of 549, 557 to 574, - 523 n. 3. - - Kanwahin (Panj-ab), Babur at 458. - - Karal (Panj-ab), Babur at 464. - - Kara-su, Qara-su? (Kabul), a tribe on 413. - - Karg-khana, _see_ Sawad. - - Kark ? (Kabul), Babur at 395. - - Karman ('Iraq), surrenders 51; - an intruder in 260. - - Karma-na['s]a river (Bihar, India), ill-repute of 659; - Babur on 659-60. - - Kar-mash mountain (Kabul), located 403; - Babur near 403-5. - - Karmina (Samarkand), mentioned as a _wilayat_ 84. - - Karnal (U.P. India), *Babur at 701. - - Karnan (Farghana), a village of 161; - locates place 162, 168 (where in section heading for "Kasan" _read_ - Karnan); - a _darogha_ of 179-80; - Babur and 179, *182. - - Karrah (U.P.I.), a dependency of 651; - Babur at 652. - - Karrah-Manikpur (U.P. India), revenue of 521; - elephants in 488; - Humayun near 544. - - Kasan (Farghana), described 10; - fixes a date 28; - a raid near 26; - a departure to 32; - a holder of hostile to Babur 170; - Babur at 104, 116. - - Kashghar (E. Turkistan), an e. limit of Farghana 1, of Samarkand 76; - a border tribe of 55; - *Kashghar-Farghana road 183; - trade with Kabul 202, - Andijani captives in 20 n. 3; - rulers in 21, 29 n. 5, 32-7, 318, 415, 427, 695-6; - Mughuls in *184, 351, 364; - arrivals from 399, 415-6; - Babur's kinsfolk in 21-4, 318, 409, 522; - a devious journey through 399; - a return from 408, - and to 590. - - Kashmir, mountains of 380-7, 481; - a bird of 494; - lost dependencies of 484; - Babur on name of 484, - *sends an expedition to 692-3-8 n. 5, 701. - Additional Note p. 693. - - Katlang (N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 377. - - Kattawaz-plain (Ghazni ?), torrent of 240; - Babur in 323-5. - - Kawari-water (C. India), Babur crosses 607, 614. - - Kechef-dara (Khurasan), leads down to Mashhad 622 n. 3. - - Kesh = Shahr-i-sabz (Samarkand), described 3, 83; - a blinded refugee in 95; - Bana'i dismissed to 136; - an arrival from 137; - Babur and 125-8, 138. - - Keshtud (Hisar-shadman tract), Babur at 130. - - Khaibar-mountains (Kabul), route through 206; - crossings of 250, 260, 492; - Babur's crossings of 229, 382, 411-3. - - Khairabad (U.P. India), revenue of 521; - Babur's army at 583. - - Khakan-ariq (Farghana), Babur on 165-7. - - Khalila (Soghd, Samarkand), Babur at 148. - - Khalishak (Qandahar), a water-head 332; - Babur at 333. - - Khamalangan (Badakhshan), a holder of 242. - - Khamchan (Badakhshan), military move to 321. - - Khan-yurti (Samarkand), described 82; - Babur at 67-8, 82, 124, 131. - - Kharabuk (Farghana), Babur near 163-8. - - Kharbin (s.e. of Ghazni), 323 n. 3. - - Khari (U.P. India), Babur at 580. - - Kharid _pargana_ (on the Saru = Ghogra), formerly on both banks of the - river 561 n. 2, 664 n. 8, 674 n. 6; - present limits 637, n. 1; - position of town of 679 and n. 1; - a (now) Bihar pargana of 674; - Humayun plunders 544; - capture of mentioned 561; - Babur's man in 637; - position of its army opposing Babur 664, 676 n. 5. - - Khartank (Samarkand), a celebrity of 76. - - Khasban plain (Farghana), Babur crosses 124. - - Khaslar (W. Turkistan), Babur at 151. - - Kawak road (Hindu-kush), 205; - height of its pass 204, n. 4. - - Khawal-i-quti (_see_ Zirrin pass), Babur in 309. - - Khinjan (n. of Hindu-kush), roads to 205. - - Khirgird or Khirjard (Khurasan), Jami'sbirthplace 623, n. 8; - battle of Jam fought near 623, 635. - - Khirs-khana (Kabul), Babur passes 417. - - Khitai = N. China, a caravan from 15; - porcelain, etc. from 80, 157-9, 160; - trade profits in 202. - [N. B.--For all instances Babur's word is Khitai and not "China".] - - Khozar or Khuzar (Samarkand), mentioned as a _wilayat_ 84; - lost by Auzbegs, 135, 359. - - Khuban or Khunan (Farghana), approx. site of Babur's first ranged - battle 113. - - Khujand var. (Farghana), described 7; - not counted by all as in Farghana 17; - locates a place 55; - holders of 35, 115; - Ahmad _Miran-shahi_ takes 30; - surrender to Babur of 53; - Babur's first marriage made in it 35, 120; - he in it 89, 90-1-2; - a "poor place" 97-8; - he halts in a village of 100; - his legendary transit of 358 n. 2; - a follower's compulsory journey to 124. - - Khujand-water, Saihun, Sir-darya _see_ Saihun. - - Khulm (Kabul-Balkh road, Fr. map Bokhara), vine-culture in 210 n. 6; - places on its river 546 n. 2. - - Khuqan (Farghana), an arrival at 44; - Babur at 161. - - Khurasan, Khurasanat (219), - Hindustani use of the name 202; - Kabul roads from 205, 300; - Kabul trade with 202, 225; - melons and oranges of 203, 510, - compared with Kabul Koh-daman 216; - _hammams_ in 79; - medical practice in 246; - refined manners of Khurasanis 303; - nomads of 221; - *enforced migration of Mughuls to 351; - --Mahmud _Ghaznawi_ and 479; - Abu-sa'id's Cadet Corps of 28, 50, App. H, xxvi, xxvii; - Yunas Khan in 20; - Aba-bikr defeated in 260; - Mahmud expelled from 46; - Mas'ud "did not stay in" 95 (where add the quoted words, l. 12, - after "service"); - Badi'u'z-zaman returns to 70; - Husain _Bai.qara_ and 57, 94, 259-60-80-3; - Babur and 185-7-8, 255, 285-6, 295, 300, 330-2; - Ma'suma in 36, 339; - --troops of 61, 296; - dismissals to 98, 128, 194-7, 319, 320; - comings and goings from and to 15, 194, 197, *243, 264, 270, 331, - 363; - distinguished men of 280-2-4, 291; - Babur's kinsfolk in 246, 253, 522, 617; - a verse well known in 328. - - Khurd (Khwurd)-Kabul (Kabul), wild asses in 224; - river-dam of 647; - Babur in 341. - - Khurram (Kabul-Balkh route), traitors to Babur near 546 (Fr. map - Maimene, Khouram). - - Khush-ab (Panj-ab), Aba-bikr in 260; - Babur regards it as his own 380-2; - Baluchis in 383; - an enemy to 383-4, 388; - a governor of 388; - a fugitive through 399. - - Khutan, Khotin (E. Turkistan), Ailchi the capital of 50 n. 2; - Gurkhan a title of rulers in 84 n. 2; - a ruler in 32. - - Khutlan (Hisar-shadman territory), river and alps of 60, 222; - a saint's burial in 211; - a ruler and holders of 47, 58, 93, 191-6; - Babur's victory in 18. - - Khwaja 'Abdu's-samad (Kabul), 201. - - Khwaja Basta (Kabul), a water-course near 647. - - Khwaja Bikargan (Farghana), water of 99 n. 4. - - Khwaja Changal (Tahqan), 61; located 60 n. 4. - - Khwaja Char-taq (Qunduz) 244. - - Khwaja Didar (Samarkand), Babur's winters in 73-4; - Shaibani near 130-1-5; - Babur passes 147. - - Khwaja Hasan (Kabul), Babur passes 398, 418. - - Khwaja 'Imad (Hisar-shadman), Babur at 188. - - Khwaja Isma'il _Siriti_ (s.e. of the Kabul territory), mountains - of 223; - Babur at 323-4. - - Khwaja Kafshir (Samarkand), escapes by 62, 144. - - Khwaja Kardzan var. Kardzin (Samarkand), 65, 128; - Shaibani at 138. - - Khwaja Khawand Sa'id (Kabul), wines of 203, 215. - - Khwaja Kitta (Farghana), Babur at 165. - - Khwaja Khizr (N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 372-6. - - Khwaja Khizr's Qadam-gah (Kabul), 201, 407. - - Khwaja Khizr's Mosque (Samarkand), 142. - - Khwaja-rabat (Samarkand), 73, 97, 127-8, 130-1. - - Khwaja Raushana'i's _Chashma_ (Kabul), 201. - - Khwaja Reg-i-rawan (Kohistan, Kabul), described 215; - Babur at 420. - - Khwaja Riwaj (Kabul), rebels go to 245, 345. - - Khwaja Rustam (Kabul), Babur near 447. - - Khwaja Shabab (Kabul), Babur at 418. - - Khwaja Shamu's tomb (Kabul), 201. - - Khwaja Sih-yaran (Kabul), described 216; - names of the "Three friends" 216, n. 4; - Babur at 398, 405-6-20. - - Khwaja Zaid (n. of Hindu-kush), Babur at 195. - - Khwas (Samarkand border?), 'Umar Shaikh defeated at 17, 34; - located 17 and n. 1. - - Khwarizm = Khiva, w. limit of Samarkand 76; - and northern of Khurasan 261; - cold in 219; - Mahmud _Ghaznawi's_ over-rule in 479; - Chin _Sufi_ defends 242, 255-6; - Khusrau Shah's head sent to 244; - a Bai-qara refugee in 397; - governors of 256, 274; - Muhammad _Salih_ of it 289 n. 4. - - Khwast, "Khost" (n. of Hindu-kush), mountains of 221; - name and character of 221 n. 4; - a mulla of 368; - Mir-zadas of 412; - comers and goers from and to 399, 403, 196 n. 5; - piety of Khwastis 523 n. 1; - *Mahim Begim's connection with 714; - Babur at *363, 408. - - Kila-gahi (n. of Hindu-kush), a fugitive through 321. - - Kilirah? (U.P. India), Babur at 680. - - Kilif ferry (Oxus), Husain _Bai-qara_ and 57, 191. - - Kindir-tau, Kurama (Farghana's n.w. border-mountains), 8n. 5, 11 n. 6; - --Kindirlik pass, when open 2 n. 4, *183; - distinguished 116 n. 2; - The Khans and 90, 161, 172; - Babur crosses 54, 90, 161. - - Kind-kir (Kabul), described 424; - (_see_ Masson, iii, 193). - - Kintit (U.P. India), identified 657 n. 2; - Babur at 657. - - Kirki ferry (Oxus), 191. - - Kishm (Badakhshan), Auzbeg defeat at 295; - Humayun near 621, 624 n. 1; - ? *Babur winters in (919 AH.), 362. - - Kisri-taq (below Baghdad), height of 83. - - Kitib or Kib (Panj-ab), an appointment to 393. - - Koel, Kul, Kuil (U.P. India), _see_ Kul. - - Kohat (Panj-ab), Babur in 218-31-33-50, 382-94. - - Koh-bacha (var. ? a common noun; Kabul), tooth-picks gathered on 407. - - Koh-daman (Herat), an appointment to 274. - - Koh-daman (Kabul), described 215 to 217; - Babur on 320, 405, 416, 420. - - Koh-i-jud, Salt-range (Panj-ab), described 379; - places connecting with 381, 452; - a note of Erskine's on 380 n. 2. - - Koh-khiraj (U.P. India), Babur at 653. - - Kohik, Chupan-ata _q.v._ (Samarkand), described 76 n. 4; - gardens on 78, 80; - bounds a meadow 82; - Babur near 72. - - Kohik-su = Zar-afshan (Samarkand), course and name 76, 76 n. 4; - bounds a meadow 82, - and a _tuman_ 84; - suggested drowning in 128 n. 2; - Babur and 64, 130-1; - swims it in flood 140. - - Koh-i-nur, Rocky-mountain (Kabul), _see_ Kunar. - - Koh-i-safed, Spin-ghur (Kabul), described 209; - Pushtu name of 209 n. 2; - App. E, xvii, xix, xx. - - Kohistan (Badakhshan), begs of 296; - --(Kabul), villages of described 214 and n. 7; - a _tuman_ of 213; - _rara avis_ of 213 n. 7. - - Kohtin mountains (s. of Samarkand), limits possessions of territory 47. - - Kufin (Samarkand), 65. - - Kukcha-su (Badakhshan), 321. - - Kul, Kuil, Koel (U.P. India), a governor of 176; - Babur's building-work in 520 (here Kuil), - his envoy to 526, - loss of 557, 576, visit to 586-7. - - Kul-ab (Badakhshan), a chief of 627 n. 2, *696. - - Kula-gram (Kunar, Kabul), Babur at 423. - - Kuldja (E. Turkistan), Almaligh the former capital of 2 n. 1; - *The Khans escape after defeat by its road 183 (where _read_ Kuldja). - - Kul-kina or Gul-kina (Kabul), a place of revel 200-1, 395. - - Kul-i-malik (Bukhara), Babur defeated at 40, *357. - - Kunar with Nur-gal (Kabul), described 211; - is Koh-i-nur (Rocky-mountain), the true name of, App. F, xxiii, xxiv; - torrent of 212; - beer made in 423; peacocks in 493; - a test of woman's virtue in 212, - governors in 227, 344; - Babur in 343, 376, 423. - - Kundi (Lamghanat, Kabul), _see_ Multa-kundi. - - Kundih or Kundbah (Bihar, India), Babur at 674-7, 687 n. 5 (where read - the name as above). - - Kura pass (Kabul), divides the hot and cold climates 220; - Babur at 421. - - Kurarah (U.P. India), Babur at 651. - - Kurdum-daban (Farghana), 5 n. 3. - - Kuria (U.P. India), Babur at 651. - - Kurrat-taziyan (Kabul), _see_ Dasht-i-shaikh. - - Kusar (U.P. India), Babur at 652. - - Kushan (Persia), locates Radagan 622 n. 4. - - Kutila (Panj-ab), Babur gains 462; - strength of 463. - - Kutila-lake, mod. Kotila-jhil (Gurgaon, Panj-ab), Babur at 580 and - n. 1. - - Kuy-payan, Low-lane (Samarkand), 146. - - - Lahur, Lahor (Panj-ab), revenues of 446, 521; - snows seen from 485; - water-wheels of 486, 532; - locates Sialkot 429; - Daulat Khan and 382-3, *428, *441-2-3, 451; - Babur's envoy detained in 385; - 'Alam Khan and 444, 455-8; - Babur's begs in 443, 453-4; - sedition in 688; - *Babur's visit to (936 AH.) 604 n. 1, *692-3-7-8-9, 707; - Mahim and 650-9; - *taken by Kamran (where for "935" _read_ 938). - - Lak-lakan (s. of Tashkint), a hostile meeting at 145. - - Laknau, Lakhnau, Luknau, "Lucknow" (U.P. India), a bird of 495; - abandoned by Babur's men 594; - Babur at 601; - ? Biban and Bayazid approach it 677; - ? news of capture of 679 and n. 2, 681; - variants in name of 677 n. 3, 678 n. 1, 582 n. 6, App. T; - _see_ Luknur. - - Lamghanat _tumans_ (Kabul), described 207-13; - true use of the name 210; - classification of 200; - a tuman of 318; - mountains of 222; - tribes in 229, 242; - fruits of 203, 424, 510-1; - birds of 494-5, 500; - fishing in 226; - routes into 206-9; - locates 208, 211; - Babur in 414-19-21-*29; - (_see_ Lamghan). - - Lamghan _tuman_ (Kabul), the name of 200 n. 1, 210; - a fruit and tree of 508; - limits a tribe 341; - Babur's retreat to 21, 340; - Babur in 407-14-19-21-*29. - - Lar (Persia) a native of 284. - - Laswaree, Battle of (1803 AD.) 578 n. 1. - - Lat-kint (Farghana), Babur at 108. - - Lawain (U.P. India), Babur at 656. - - Lombardy (Italy), wine culture in 210 n. 5. - - Luhugur, mod. Logar (Kabul), described 217; - Chirkh its one village 217; - a celebrity of 184, 217; - vine-culture in 210 n. 6. - - Luknur (Rampur, U.P. India), revenue of 521; - besieged by Biban 582; - ? approached by Biban and Bayazid 677; - ? news of its capture 679 and n. 2, 681. - - - Macha (Upper Zar-afshan), located 149, 152; - 'Ali _Miran-shahi_ takes refuge in 55; - Babur in 27, 67, 152-3. - - Macham (Farghana), a foot-hill 118, 125 n. 2. - - Madan-Banaras, Zamania (U.P. India), Babur at 658. - - Madina (Arabia), Babur sends gifts to 523. - - Madu, Mazu (Farghana), Babur takes 109. - - Madhakur (U.P. India), Babur at 548, 616 (where read as here). - - Maghak-pul (Samarkand), Babur at 68, 132. - - Mahan (Farghana), Babur at 123. - - Mahawin (Muttra; U.P. India), not submissive to Babur 523. - - Mahuba (U.P. India), rebels take flight to 685, 682 n. 1. - - Mahura-sangur (N.W.F.P. India), locates a tribe 376. - - Mahyar (N.W.F.P. India), 373 n. 6. - - Maidan (Kabul), the road to 228; - earthquake action near 247; - white marble of 710. - - Maidan-i-Rustam (Kabul), Babur at 405. - - Maing (U.P. India), Babur near 683. - - Makka (Arabia), Babur sends money gifts to 522, - and a Qoran in his script 228 n. 3; - pilgrims to 26, 267 n. 2, _etc._ - - Malabar, a succession-custom in 482 n. 5. - - Malarna (Rajputana), revenue of 521. - - Malot, _see_ Milwat. - - Malwa (C. India), an observatory at 79; - known in Babur's day as Mandau _q.v._ 79. - - Mama Khatun (Kabul), 405. - - Manas-ni (nai; Rajputana), other names of 578 n. 1; - reputed outfall of 580; Babur on 578-9. - - Mandaghan (Khurasan), Babur at 295. - - Mandau, Mandu (C. India), capital of Malwa 482 n. 2; - Malwa known as 79, 482; - hills of 486; - a ruler of 482; - a holder of 593, 688 n. 2, - downfall of sultans of 483; - [Elphinstone Codex _passim_ and Haidarabad Codex, except on p. 79 - where "Mandu" occurs, write Mandau]. - - Mandish, Mandesh (N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 375. - - Mandrawar _tuman_ (Kabul), described 210; - one of the three constituents of the true Lamghanat 210; - a village of 424; - holders of 229, 344; - Babur in 321, 421. - - Manikpur (U.P. India), revenue, of 521; - elephants in 489. - - Maqam (N.W.F.P. India), perhaps mod. Mardan 377 n. 2; - Babur near 377-8. - - Maragha (Azar-bayigan, Caspian Sea), astronomical Tables constructed - at 79. - - Marghinan (Farghana), described 6; - bullies of 7[2947]; - a celebrity of 7, 76; - locates a place 7; - comings and goings from and to 30, 97 n. 2, 173; - lost to Babur 30; - recovered by him 99-100; - rebel attack on 101-2; - Babur in 103, 123, 162-9, 172. - - Maruchaq (on the Murgh-ab, Khurasan), Auzbeg raiders defeated at 296. - - Marwar (Rajputana), Sanga's approach from 544 n. 5. - - Mashhad (Khurasan), a celebrity of 285; - a Bai-qara holder of 263, 296, 329-30; - held by Auzbegs 534, 623; - Tahmasp's route to 622 n. 3. - - Masht (Ghazni?), a tribe in 323. - - Masjid-i-jauza (Farghana), described 5. - - Masjid-i-laqlaqa (Samarkand), described 80. - - Masjid-i-maquta' (Samarkand), described 79. - - Mastung, Quetta (Baluchistan), Shah Beg and 337, *427 (where read - Mastung). - - Matarid (Samarkand), a celebrity of 75. - - Mawara'u'n-nahr, Transoxiana, name of the country of Samarkand 74; - name includes Farghana 76; - melons and wines of 82-3; - bullies in 7 (_see s.n._ Marghinan for an omission); - Leaders of Islam born in 7, 75-6; - three strong forts in 3; - an appointment in its interests 61, 85; - in Auzbeg hands 427, 480, 618; - *Babur's desire to regain 697 n. 1 (and _s.n._ Babur). - - Mehtar-Sulaiman range (Afghan border), a shrine on 238; - Babur and 236-8. - - Merv, Marv (Khurasan), comings and goings from and to 135-7, 296, 301, - *357, 623; - chiefs of 261, 244; - 'Ali-sher winters in 287; - Babur's sister in 18, *352; - Shaibani defeated and killed near 318, *350; - 'Ubaid and 534, 618, 622. - - Mewat, Miwat (Rajputana), revenue of 521; - hills of 486; - account of 577-8-9; - holders of 523, 551; - Babur orders a raid on 551; - Kanwa casualties on the road to 577; - Babur at 578. - - Mian-du-ab, "Doab" (between Ganges and Jumna), revenue of 521; - archers of 526-8, 551-7; - a _pargana_ bestowed in 539; - 'Alam Khan goes to 457; - Ibrahim advances into 467; - Babur puts down a rebel in 576. - - Mian-kal, Miyan-kal (Samarkand), returns to Babur 135; - Auzbegs in 622. - - Mian-kalai (N.W.F.P. India), Babur in 373; - ? a du-ab 373 n. 6. - - Mian-wilayat, Miyan-wilayat (U.P. India), revenue of 521. - - Mich-gram (Kabul), a tribe in 413; - Babur at 414. - - Mil (Kafiristan), position of 210. - - Milwat, Malot (Panj-ab), prisoners sent to 461. - - Milwat, Malot (U.P. India), Babur's capture of 457-8, 461. - - Minar-hill (Kabul), Babur crosses 314. - - Mir Ghiyas-langar (Khurasan), Babur at 307-8. - - Mirza-rabat, (Farghana), w. wind over 9 n. 2, *183. - - Misr, Egypt, compared with a Samarkand _tuman_ 84; - *Napoleon's task in 356. - - Mita-kacha (Kohistan, Kabul), described 214. - - Mughulistan, mountains of 222; - game in 325; - Aspara in 20; - Yunas Khan in 12; - a Mughul _tuman_ enters 20; - *Mughuls forced to go far from 351; - a dweller in 114; - Babur thinks of going to 158, *184. - - Muhammad Agha's village (Kabul), Babur at 405. - - Muhammad Chap's Bridge (Samarkand), 72. - - Muhammad-fajj (N.W.F.P. India), meaning of the name 229 n. 5; - Babur at 231. - - Multa-kundi (Kabul), defined 211. - - Multan (Panj-ab), the Five-rivers meet near 485; - a dependency of 237; - fowlers migrated from 225; - Aba-bikr at 260; - Daulat Khan and 441-2; - 'Askari recalled from *603, 605; - Kamran and 645, 699. - - Mungir (Bengal), Babur's envoy to 676. - - Munir (Bihar, India), Babur at 666-7, 670. - - Munughul-tagh (Farghana), variants in name of 8 n. 5; - mines and malarial influence of 8; - surmised action on wind of (here Mogol-tau) 9 n. 2; - (_see_ Abu'l-ghazi, Desmaisons p. 12). - - Muqur (Afghanistan), Babur at 345. - - Mura-pass (Hisar-shadman), 58 n. 1; - Babur crosses 129 (not named). - - Murgh-ab river and fort (Khurasan), Husain _Bai-qara_ and 191, 260; - Babur on 285, 297-9, 300; - Shaibani at 327. - - Murghan-koh (Qandahar), position of 332 n. 4; - Babur at 336. - - Muri and Adusa, Baburpur (U.P. India), Babur at 644. - - Muttra (U.P. India), _see_ Mahawin. - - - Naghr or Naghz (Kabul), a s. limit of Kabul 200; - position of 206, 231-3. - - Nagur, Nagor (Rajputana), revenue of 521. - - Nakhshab (Samarkand), _see_ Qarshi. - - Namangan (Farghana), new canal of App. A, ii, n. 1; - Babur near 117. - - Nanapur (U.P. India), Babur at 657. - - Nani (Ghazni), Babur at 240; - old Nani plundered 254. - - Napoleon's* task in Egypt compared 356. - - Nardak* (U.P. India), a hunting-ground 701. - - Narin (n. of Hindu-kush), a fugitive through 321. - - Narin-river (n. arm of Saihun), 88 n. 2, App. A, ii. - - Narnul (U.P. India), an assignment on 677. - - Nasukh (Farghana), Babur at 92. - - Nathpur or Fathpur (U.P. India), Babur near 680-1. - - Naugram (U.P. India), Babur meets his sister at 689 n. 3. - - Nijr-au _tuman_ (Kabul), described 213; - mountains of 222; - products of 203, 213; - boiled wine in 213; - a dependency of 220; - locates Ala-sai 220; - Babur in 253, 420-1, - his frontier-post of 213 n. 2. - - Nil-ab (Indus), various instances of the name 206 n. 3; - a tribal limit 378, 387; - routes to Kabul from 206; - old Nil-ab located 392; - comings and goings from and to 250, 265, 399, 419, 422, 647, 659; - given to Humayun 391; - Babur at 392, - counts his army at 451. - - Nile (The),* used as an illustration 9 n. 2; - Alexander takes the Indus for 206 n. 3. - - Ning-nahar _tuman_ (Kabul) described 207-9; - its book-name Nagarahar 207; - meaning of the name 208, App. E; - not included in the Lamghanat 210; - a dependency of 213; - waters of 209, App. E; - wintering tribes 242; - a bird of 493; - division of hot and cold climates n 229; - Bagh-i-wafa laid out in 208; - holders of 227, 317, 344, 421; - an arrival from 345; - Babur at 342. - - Nirah-tu or Tirah-tu, Kaliun (Heri), Shaibani's family in 343. - - Nirhun (Bihar, India), Babur at 674. - - Nirkh-pass, Takht-pass (Kabul), Babur crosses 228. - - Nishapur (Khurasan), mentioned as on a route 622 n. 3. - - Nishin-meadow (Heri), Husain _Bai-qara_ and 95, 261. - - Nu-kint (Farghana), locates an enemy 116; - threatened 170. - - Nuliba (U.P. India), Babur at 657. - - Nundak, H.S. Nawandak (Chaghanian _q.v._), located 471; - Barlas family of 51 (where "Badakhshan" is wrong); - Babur near 129; - Auzbegs retire to 471. - - Nur-gal (Kabul), described 211; - meaning of its name, App. F, xxiii; - holders of 227, 334; - Babur at 343, 423. - - Nur-lam (Kabul), _see_ App. F, xxiii. - - Nur-valley (Kabul), _see_ Dara-i-nur. - - Nush-ab (Farghana), Babur near 114. - - - Otrar (W. Turkistan), _see_ Autrar. - - Oude, Oudh, Aud, Adjodhya (U.P. India), revenue of 521; - river-crossings to 669; - locates places 601-2, 679 n. 2; - army of 684-5; - a bird of 495; - appointment to 544; - ? Babur at 680 and n. 2; - his Mosque in App. U. - - - Pakli, Pakhli (Panj-ab), formerly part of Kashmir 484. - - Palghar (Samarkand), limit of Samarkand on upper Zar-afshan 152. - - Pamghan range and village, Paghman (Kabul), described 215-6; - village destroyed by earthquake 247; - Shah Begim's 318; - *snows seen from Babur's burial-garden 710. - - Pamir routes, *spring re-opening of 695. - - Pani-mali or -mani (N.W.F.P. India), the road to 376. - - Panipat (Panj-ab), battles at 472 n. 1; - Babur's victory at 457, 469, 470-1-2, 534. - - Panj-ab (India), of the name App. E, xx; - *Babur's power in 426, 430; - *Daulat Khan's strength in 412, 443; - Babur's journey to (937 AH.), 604 n. 1, *698. - - Panj-dih, Pand-dih (Khurasan), Auzbeg raiders beaten at 296. - - Panjhir, Panj-sher _tuman_ (Kabul), described 214; - pass-roads of 195-6, 205; - highway-men of 214; - river of 407; - a _darogha_ in 250. - - Panj-kura (N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 373-4. - - Pap (Farghana), holds fast for Babur 91, 101; - affairs in 171-4-6 n. 3. - - Parandi-pass (Hindu-kush), described 205; - height of 204 n. 4. - - Parashawar, Peshawar (N.W.F.P. India), a limit of Kabul 200; - beauty of flowers near 393; - rhinoceros of 490; - partridges in 496; - Bigram near 230 n. 2; - Babur and 382, 393, 410-2. - - Parhala (Panj-ab), a Kakar stronghold 387-9; - described and taken by Babur 396-7. - - Parsaru-river (U.P. India), Babur on 682-3. - - Parsrur, Parsarur (Panj-ab), an assignment on 684; - Babur at 458; - G. of India form of name Pasrur 684 n. 1. - - Parwan (Kohistan, Kabul), described 214-5; - wind of 201, 224; - road and pass of 205; - fishing in 226, 406; - wines and flowers of 215. - - Pashaghar (Samarkand), described 97; - a native of 188; - Babur at 97-8, 148. - - Patakh-i-ab-i-shakna (Kabul), meaning of the name 403 n. 2; - Babur at 403. - - Pawat-pass (Mehtar Sulaiman range), Babur crosses 238. - - Pehlur, Phillaur (Panj-ab), Babur at 458. - - Pesh-gram (N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 373. - - Piag, Allahabad (U.P. India), Babur at 654-5; - incident of his march from 657. - - Pichghan (Kabul), bird-catching in 220; - punitive attack on 253. - - Pich-i-Kafiristan (n. of Kabul country), wines of 212; - hostile to Babur 212. - - Pir Kanu, _see_ Sakhi-sarwar. - - Pul-i-chiragh, Bil-i-chiragh (Balkh-Herat road), located 69; - a victory at 69, 260. - - Pul-i-salar (Herat), 329-30. - - Pul-i-sangin (Hisar-shadman), *Timur's and Babur's victories at 353-4. - - Pushta-i-'aish (Farghana), forces near 106, 165. - - - Qaba (Farghana), swamp of 31; - invaded 30; - Babur at 123, 162. - - Qa'badian (Hisar-shadman), Babur at 188; - taken for him 640. - - Qabil's tomb, _i.e._ Cain's (Kabul), Babur at 415. - - Qain (Khurasan), held by a Bai-qara 296, 301. - - Qaisar (s.w. of Maimene, _see_ Fr. map), Babur at 296. - - Qalat-i-ghilzai (Qandahar), Babur takes 248-9, 339; - road south from 333; - a governor of 340; - fugitives join Babur near 331; - Hindustan traders at 331. - - Qalat-i-nadiri (n. of Mashhad, Khurasan), birthplace of Nadir Shah 263 - n. 4, 329 n. 4; - Bai-qara holders of 263, 329. - - Qanauj (U.P. India), revenue of 521; - appointments in 265, 582; - hostile both to Ibrahim and to Babur 523-9; - military occurrences at 530, 557, 582-9, 594-8. - - Qandahar (Afghanistan), sometimes reckoned as part of Ghazni 217; - a s. limit of Khurasan 261; - irrigation-waters of 332-6; - heat of compared 520; - Kabul trade with 202; - routes to 206, 308; - --governors in 264, 274; - Arghuns in 71, 227, 326, 336, 429; - Husain _Bai-qara's_ failure at 94; - --Babur's campaigns against 220, 246-8, 330-9, *365, *426-28-36-39; - unremunerative to him 480; - his rock-residence (Chihil-zina) near 333-5, App. J; - Shaibani's siege of 21, 331-9, 340-3; - Nasir in 338; - Kamran in 583, *694-9, *706; - --Khwand-amir leaves 605; - a rapid journey to 621, *705; - Lord Roberts on his first view of 333 n. 1; - ruins of in 1879 AD. 430. - - Qara-bagh (Kabul), Babur at 196; - ? a rebel of 687. - - Qara-bagh-meadow (Qandahar), flood-waters of 240; - spoils shared out at 339; - ? a rebel of 687. - - Qara-bugh (Samarkand), Babur at 147. - - Qara-bulaq (Samarkand), Babur at 66-7; - a punishment at 66, 153. - - Qara-darya (s. arm of Saihun), now supplies Andijan 3 n. 6; - 88 n. 2; - App. A, ii. - - Qara-kul (Samarkand), mentioned 84; - irrigation of 76-7; - a governor of 40; - lost and regained by Auzbegs 135-7. - - Qara-kupa pass, ? Malakand (N.W.F.P. India), Babur on 376. - - Qara-nakariq ? (Kabul), a route through 209. - - Qarluq _wilayat_ (Panj-ab), a governor of 403. - - Qarshi, Nashaf, Nakhshab (Samarkand), described 84; - Tarkhans in 62, 88, 135 (here ? Kesh, p. 138); - Auzbegs and 135, *353-4; - Babur's wish to spare and Najm Sani's massacre 359-60, 361. - - Qara-rabat (n. of Herat), Bai-qara defeat at 327. - - Qara-su, Siyah-ab (Kabul), Babur fords 396; - (N.W.F.P. India), he crosses 450; - (s. arm of Zar-afshan, Samarkand) 78; - course of 82; - a meadow on 81; - known as Ab-i-rahmat 78. - - Qara-tigin (n. of Hisar-shadman), passers through 58, 112, *349; - Babur plans to go through to Kashghar 129; - *his Mughul assailants retire to 362. - - Qara-tu (Kabul), located 208-9; - Babur at 395, 409, 425. - - Qargha-yilaq (Kabul), low hills of 320. - - Qiaq-tu (Ghazni ?), Babur at 323. - - Qibchaq road and pass (Hindu-kush), described 205; - Babur on 197. - - Qilaghu (Kabul), Babur at 413. - - Qiriq-ariq (Kabul), Babur at 410, 448. - - Qila'-i-Ikhtiyaru'd-din, Ala-qurghan (Herat), Babur rumoured captive - in 313; - Bai-qara families abandoned in 327. - - Qila'-i-zafar, Shaf-tiwar (Badakhshan), former name Shaf-tiwar 242; - sends an envoy to Babur 618; - a rapid journey from 621; - offered to Mirza Khan 21, *349; - a Chaghatai fugitive through 349; - opposes the Auzbegs 242; - --Humayun's departures from (932 AH.) 545, - *(935 AH.) 694-5; - *Hind-al in charge 696-7; - *beleaguered by Sa'id 697; - *made over to Sulaiman 699. - - Qizil-su, Surkh-ab, _q.v._ (n. of Hindu-kush), locates a road 205; - a fugitive on 321; - Babur near 192-3. - - Quhlugha, Quhqa (Hisar-shadman), _see_ Dar-band-i-ahanin. - - Qulba meadow (Samarkand), described 82; - 80; - a murder in 128; - Babur in 72, 141. - - Qunduz (Badakhshan), n. limit of Kabul 200; - pass-roads 204-5; - head-waters of 216; - tribes of 228, 402; - Mughuls of 345, 361; - a ruler in 47; - Husain _Bai-qara_ and 48, 50-7, 61, 94, 191, 260, 275; - Khusrau Shah and 57, 60, 70-4, 93, 110, 141, 196, 244; - Shaibani and 192, 242-4; - goings to 270, 546; - Babur and 51, 318, *352-3, *362-3, *427-80; - letters of victory sent to 371; - his sister sent to 18, *352. - - Qurgha-tu (Kabul), a route through 376. - - Quruq-sai (Kabul), located by context 208-9, 341, 395; - Babur at 341, 395, 414. - - Qush-khana (Hisar-shadman), an encounter at 71. - - Qush-khana meadow (Qandahar), Babur in 338. - - Qush-gumbaz (Kabul), Babur at 229, 241, 447. - - Qush-nadir or nawar (Kabul), Babur at 247, 417. - - Qutluq-qadam's tomb and bridge (Kabul), position of 208; - Babur at 198, 395. - - - Rabat-i-duzd or -dudur (n. of Herat), a Bai-qara defeat at 263. - - Rabat-i-khwaja (Samarkand), head-quarters of Shavdar 97; - Babur's men in 73; - Babur in 97, 130-1, 127-8. - - Rabat-i-sarhang (Farghana), Tambal in 108, 110. - - Rabat-i-Soghd (Samarkand), a battle near 111. - - Rabat-i-surkh (Kabul), Babur at 341. - - Rabat-i-zauraq or -ruzaq (Farghana), Babur at 165, 396. - - Rabatik-aurchin (Farghana), _see_ Aiki-su-ara. - - Radagan (n.w. of Mashhad), Tahmasp at 622; - name and location of 622 nn. 4, 5, 623 nn. 4, 7. - - Ragh (Badakhshan), uprisings in 242, 321. - - Rahap river, ? Rapti (India), course of 485. - - Raising (C. India), Babur's intention against 598. - - Rant(h)ambur (Rajputana), revenue of 521; - hills of 486; Sanga's 483. - - Rapri (U.P. India), a _pargana_ of 644; - a dependency of 686; - military vicissitudes at 523-30-57-81-82-98; - Babur at 643. - - Rashdan (Farghana), birthplace of the author of the Hidayat 7, 76. - - Ravi river (Panj-ab) 458; source of 485. - - Rechna du-ab (Panj-ab), *Babur in 429. - - Rivers of Hindustan 485. - - Rohtas (Panj-ab), a tribal limit 452 n. 5. - - Rum (Turkey-in-Asia), Kabul trade with 202; - a medical remedy of 657; - Rumi defence of connected carts 469, 550, 564, 635. - - Rupar (Panj-ab), Babur at 464. - - Rusta-hazara, ? a tribe name (Badakhshan), men of join Babur 196; - (Elph. and Hai. MSS. Rusta, Ilminski, p. 153, Rustakh; - is it Rustaq _infra_ ?). - - Rustam-maidan (Kabul), described 405; - Babur at 405. - - Rustaq (Badakhshan), revolts against Auzbegs 242; - _see_ Rusta-hazara _supra_. - - - Sabzawar (Khurasan), a return from 261; - on a route 622 n. 3. - - Saf-koh (Kabul-Herat route), Babur on 295-6. - - Safed-koh (Kabul), _see_ Koh-i-safed. - - Saighan (Khurasan; _see_ Fr. map Maimene), on the summer-road by - Shibr-tu 205; - Babur in 294. - - Saihun-darya, Sir-darya, Khujand-water (Transoxiana), course of 2, 84 - n. 5, App. A, ii; - the Khans and 13, 31, 156, 172; - various crossings of 101-16; - a proposed limit of lands 118-62; - Babur's crossings of 151 (on ice), 161, 170-9, *183; - his men's success on 102; - his father's defeat on 16; - _see_ Narin and Qara-darya for constituents of. - - Sai-kal (Kabul), Babur at 342. - - Sairam (n. of Tashkint), locates Yagha 159; - holders of 17, 35; - name of used as a password 164; - *withstands the Auzbegs 358. - - Sajawand (Kabul), celebrities of 217; - Babur at 241. - - Sakan (Farghana), a ferry near 161. - - Sakhan (Ghazni), ruined dam of 219. - - Sakhi-sawar (Dara-i-Ghazi Khan, India), Pir Kanu's tomb at 238; - Babur at 238. - - Salt-range (Panj-ab), _see_ Koh-i-jud. - - Samana (Panj-ab), river of 465; - fixes a limit 638; - an appointment to 528; - *a surmised source of historic information 693; - *a complaint from to Babur and punitive results 700. - - Samarkand (mod. Asiatic Russia), description of 74-86; - names of 74, 75 and n. 4; - sub-divisions, _see_ Bukhara, Karmina, Kesh, Khozar, Qara-kul, - Qarshi = Nashaf and Nakhshab, Shavdar or Shadwar, Soghd; - meadows of 67-8, 70-77, 81-2, 128, 131; - buildings and constructions in:-- - (1) Timur's 77-8 and _s.n._ Gardens, - (2) Aulugh Beg's 78-9, 80, 133, 142-4, - (3) others 75-7 nn. 6-8; - -- Alps of 222; - cold in 202-4; - a comparison of 216; - fruits 8, 510; - bullies 7; - Aimaqs 221; - trade with Kabul 202; - name locates places or fixes dates 1, 2, 25, 44-9, 136, 150-1-2, - 244, 284, 289; - Corps of Braves 28, App. H, xxvii; - _tughchis_ 28; - rulers of 13, 35, 41-6, 52, 65, 74, 90, 111, 121-7, 147, 152, 479, - 622; - governors of 37, 131; - comings and goings to and from 15, 20-2-4, 64, 88, 136-7, 148-9, - 256, 300, 402-3; - refugees to 46, 51, 58, 95 (plan for), 271; - an execution in 51, 196; - a raid near 16; - 'Umar Shaikh and 12, 15; - Tarkhan revolt in 61-3; - besieged for a bride 64; - Abu-sa'id takes 20-8; - Mahmud _Chaghatai_ and 23, 88, 122; - -- Babur _aet._ 5, taken to 35-7; - his desire for 97-8, *706; - desired by others 64, 111-2; - his attempts on 64-6-8, 72-4, 92-3-7, 112-5-9, 131-2, *354; - invited to 122-3-4; - captures of 18, 35-9, 40, 74, 88, 132-4, 266, 277-9, *355, 471; - his surprise capture compared 134-5[2948]; - rule in 86-7, 135, 147; - leaves it to help Andijan 88-9, 190; - defeated at 133-141; - besieged in and surrenders 141-7, 168, 24; - leaves it 147, 358, 471; - -- Shaibani receives it in gift 125; - loss and gain of 74, 147, 168; - occupation of 125-8, *183, 256, 300, 325-8, 360; - -- *Haidar _Dughlat_ in 357; - Merv Mughuls near 357; - Humayun attempts to recover 625, 639; - -- envoys from to Babur 438, 630-1, 642; - gifts to 522; - Babur's 1st _Diwan_ and the _Mubin_ sent to 402, App. Q, viii, *438. - - Samnan (Persia), a fruit of 6. - - Sambhal (U.P. India), revenue of 521; - snows seen from 485; - hostile to Babur 523; - Babur's 528, 547; - abandoned by his men 557; - Babur at 586-7; - deaths of officers in 675, 683 n. 4, 687; - Humayun's fief 697, *700-2. - - Sam-sirak (s. of Tashkint), The Khan's army counted near 154; - hunting near 156; - Babur at 152. - - San (Balkh territory ?), plundered 94, 295 (p. 94 for "San-chirik", - _read_ San and Char-yak). - - Sanam (C. India), river of 465. - - Sang (Farghana), Babur at 176, *183. - - Sang-i-aina (Farghana), described 7. - - Sang-i-barida (Kabul), Babur passes 407. - - Sang-i-lakhshak (Qandahar), Babur at 333. - - Sang-i-surakh (Kabul), Babur passes 228; - and (Dasht-Farmul road) _do._ 235. - - Sangdaki pass (Panj-ab), Babur crosses 379, 392. - - Sangzar (Samarkand), Babur and 92, 124, 131; - (p. 92, l. 9, _read_ "to Sangzar by way of Yar-yilaq"). - - Sanji-taq (Kabul), a pleasure resort 200 n. 6. - - Sanjid-dara (Kabul), Babur at 196, 406. - - Sanur (C. India), torrent of 464. - - Sapan (Farghana), a hostile force at 101. - - Saqa (Farghana), Babur's victory near 113. - - Sarai Munda (U.P. India), Babur at 651. - - Sarai Baburpur (U.P. India), _see_ Muri and Adusa. - - Sarakhs (on the Heri-rud), Auzbeg capture of 534. - - Saran (Bihar, India), revenue of 521; - held by a Farmuli *602, 675; an assignment on 679; - locates troops 672 n. 4. - - Sarangpur (C. India), Sanga's 483; - Babur's intention against it 598. - - Sara-taq pass (Hisar-shadman), described 129; - mentioned on routes 40 n. 4, 58, 129; - Babur crosses 129. - - Sar-bagh (Kabul-Balkh route), traitors to Babur near 546; - (_see_ Fr. map Maimene). - - Sar-i-dih (Ghazni), dam of 218; - Babur at 240, 323. - - Sarigh-chupam (Badakhshan), *annexed to Kashghar 695; - *Haidar _Dughlat_ at 697. - - Sar-i-pul, Bridge-head (Kabul), Babur at 314; - (Samarkand), an army at 65; - Babur defeated at 18, 137-8 to 141, 188. - - Sarju affluent of the Gogra, _q.v._ 602 n. 1. - - Sarsawa spring (U.P. India), Babur at 467. - - Saru-darya, Gagar, Gogra, Ghogra (India), two constituent rivers Sird - (Sarda) and Gagar (or Kakar) 602, 1677 n. 2; - course of (Gagar) 485; - confluence and _du-ab_ with Gang (Ganges) 665-6-7, 677 n. 2; - narrowed below and above the confluence 668 n. 1, 674 nn. 1, 2; - rhinoceros and water-hogs of 490, 502; - -- various crossings of 544, 668, 671-4-5-7, 685; - Babur crosses after his victory on 674-7-9; - leaves it 682; - Battle of the Gogra 671-7. - - Saru-qamsh (Khurasan), an ascribed site of the battle of Jam 635 n. 4. - - Sarwar (U.P. India), revenue of 521; Biban and Bayazid sent towards - 642; - an assignment on 679; 682 n. 1; - Babur at ease about 679. - - Sawad (N.W.F.P. India), a limit fixed 400; - trees of 222; - various products of 492-4, 510-11; - brewing in 422; - desolate 207; - a test of women's virtue in 211; - chiefs of 372-4; - Yusuf-zai in 410, App. K, xxxvii, an arrival from 399; - Babur and 373-6-7, 411-2. - - Sawa-sang (Qandahar), Babur over-runs 249. - - Sawati, ? an adjective=of Sawad, _q.v. kargkhana_ and Babur's - rhino-hunting in 378, 450. - - Sayyidpur ? or Sidhpur (Panj-ab), Babur takes 429. - - Sehonda, Seondha (C. India), revenue of 521. - - Shaf-tiwar (Badakhshan), _see_ Qila'-i-zafar. - - Shahabad (Panj-ab), Babur at 466. - - Shah-i-Kabul mountain, Sher-darwaza (Kabul), located 200-1; - *Babur buried on 710. - - Shahmang ? (Panj-ab), once part of Kashmir 484. - - Shahr-i-sabz (Samarkand), _see_ Kesh. - - Shahr-i-safa (Hisar-shadman), a holder of 188; - (Qandahar), Babur at 332-3. - - Shahrukhiya = Fanakat _q.v._ (Tashkint), a limit of Samarkand 76; - names of 2 n. 5, 7 n. 5, 13, 76; - holders of 13, 17; - various military occurrences at 21-4, 16, 54, 7, 23, 151; - Champion's-portion taken at 53. - - Shakdan (Badakhshan), a force at 295. - - Shal = Quetta (Baluchistan), Shah Beg goes to 337, *427. - - Sham, Syria, a Samarkand _tuman_ compared with 84. - - Shamsabad (U.P. India), exchanges of 477, 594-8, 613; - an assignment on 677. - - Sham-tu (n. of Hindu-kush), on a route 192. - - Shash (W. Turkistan), _see_ Tashkint. - - Shatlut river, ? Sutlej (Panj-ab), Babur crosses 457. - - Shavdar or Shadwar _tuman_ (Samarkand), described 84; - a fort of 68; - head-quarters in 97; - a Tarkhan in 122; - joins Babur 125. - - Sherkot (Bhira, Panj-ab), a holder of 382. - - Sherukan ? (Ghazni?), a fight near 397. - - Sherwan (n.e. of Mashhad, Persia), a native of 284; - (_see_ Fr. map Maimene). - - Shibarghan (Khurasan), besieged 94; - defence planned 191; - battle near 260. - - Shibr-tu pass (Hindu-kush), described 205; - height of 204 n. 4; - meaning of name 205 n. 2; - crossed 242, 321; - Babur crosses 294, 311; - (for an omission on p. 205, _see_ Add. Note p. 205). - - Shiraz (Persia), Yunas Khan in 20; - (Samarkand), a Commandant of 130; - Babur near 64-6, 73; - raided by Shaibani 92; 98. - - Shiwa (Kabul-river), Babur at 343. - - Sniz (Kabul-Ghazni road), Babur near 248. - - Shorkach (Ghazni ?), locates a place 323 n. 3. - - Shulut (Kabul), App. F, xxiv. - - Shunqar-khana mountains (n.w. rampart of Zar-afshan valley), Babur - crosses 130. - - Shutur-gardan (Samarkand), described 142 n. 1, 143. - - Sialkot (Panj-ab), revenue of 521; - officers of 98, *442-3; - *attacked 443; - Babur and *429-52-54-58. - - Sidhpur (Panj-ab), _see_ Sayyidpur. - - Sihkana (Afghanistan), a tribe in 323. - - Sihrind, Sahrind, Sirhind (Panj-ab), revenue of 521; - names of 383 n. 1; - rivers rising n. of 485; - fixes a limit 638; - fixes a date 457; - snows seen from 485; - a holder of 383; - an assignment on 582; - Babur and *441-64, *693-9, *700-1. - - Sikandar's dam (C.P. India), described 606; - Babur at 585. - - Sikandara (U.P. India), Babur at 587. - - Sikandaraebad (U.P. India), Babur passes 588. - - Sikandarpur (U.P. India), a ferry station of 677; - an official of 668; - Babur at 679. - - Sikri (U.P. India), hills of 485; - *Babur keeps Ramzan at 351, changes name of 548 n. 2; - selects it for his camp (933 AH.) 548; - Babur at 549, 581-5-8, 600, 615-6; - revenues of support his tomb *709. - - Sind (India), *Shah Beg and 427-9. - - Sind-darya, Indus, of "Nil-ab" as a name of 206 n. 3; - fords and ferries of 206; - tributaries of 216, 485; - rhinoceros of 490; - limits lands 206 n. 6, 231-3, 380, 392, 484, 525; - -- *Shah Beg and 431; - -- *Babur's compulsion to seek territory across 706; - Babur on 230-7-8, 378-92, *452-3; - mentions it in verse 525-6. - - Singar-water, Sengar (U.P. India), Babur bathes in 649. - - Sinjid-dara (Kabul), Babur in 196, 406. - - Sir-ab or Sar-i-ab (n. of Hindu-kush), a pass-route to 205; - a defeat near 51, 196. - - Sir-auliya (U.P. India), Babur at 654. - - Sird, Sirda, Sarda (U.P. India), a constituent of the Gagar, Gogra, - Ghogra 602. - - Sirhind (Panj-ab), _see_ Sihrind. - - Sirkai, ? Sirakhs (Khurasan), Shaibani near 327. - - Sistan (Khurasan), a s. limit of Khurasan 261; - plan of defence for 326. - - Siwalik-hills, or Sawalak (N. India), Babur on the name 485. - - Siwi, Sibi (Baluchistan), an official in 238; - an incursion into 260; - Siwistan, *427. - - Siyah-ab, _see_ Qara-su. - - Siyah-koh (Kabul), located (unnamed) 209; - various names of 209 n. 3. - - Siyah-sang (Kabul), meadow of 201; - *scene of an Afghan massacre, App. K, xxvi. - - Soghd _tuman_ (Samarkand), described 84, 147; - Babur and 64, 135, 147. - - Son-water (Bihar, India), an enemy near 658; - crossed for Babur 662; - Babur on 666. - - Spin-ghur (Afghanistan), _see_ Safed-koh. - - Suf-valley (Khurasan), _see_ Dara-i-suf. - - Sugandpur (U.P. India), Babur at 686. - - Suhan-nuri, or Suhar-nuri (Kabul), App. G, xxv. - - Suhan-su (Panj-ab), a tribe on 380; - Babur on 379, 391. - - Sukh (Farghana), Babur's refuge in 7, 130 n. 1, 176 n. 1, *184-5; - gifts to envoys from 633. - - Sukhjana (C.P. India), Babur near 614. - - Sulaiman-range (Afghan border), _see_ Mehtar Sulaiman. - - Sultania (Persia), cold of 219. - - Sultanpur (Kabul), Babur at 409-13-47. - - Sultanpur (Panj-ab), founder of 442-61; - a return to 457; - *taken from Babur 443. - - Sunkar (Rajputana), Babur at 581. - - Surkh-ab (n. of Hindu-kush), _see_ Qizil-su. - - Surkh-ab, Qizil-su (Hisar-shadman), Babur's victory on 352-3. - - Surkh-ab and rud, Qizil-su (Kabul), 207 n. 5; - Bagh-i-wafa on 208, Adinapur-fort on 209; - wild-ass near 224; - Babur crosses 395; - ruins near App. E, xvii. - - Surkh-rabat (Kabul), _see_ Rabat-i-surkh. - - Susan-village (Kabul), Babur at 422. - - Sutluj and Shutlut (_sic_ Hai. MS.), Sutlej-river (Panj-ab), limits - lands 383; - course of 485; - crossed 457; - Trans-Sutluj revenues 521. - - Syria, _see_ Sham. - - - Tabriz (Persia), cold of 204-19; - Yunas Khan in 20. - - Tag-au (Kabul), _see_ Badr-au. - - Tahangar (Rajputana), hostile to Babur 538. - - Takana (? Khurasan), a fight at 260. - - "Takhta Qarachi" (Samarkand), 83 n. 2; - _see_ Aitmak-daban. - - Takht-i-sulaiman (Farghana) 5 n. 2. - - Taliqan, Taikhan (Oxus), a Bai-qara at 60; - Mughuls from 192. - - Tal Ratoi (Nathpur, U.P. India), 681 n. 1. - - Tang-ab (Farghana), Babur at 100; - located 99 n. 4. - - Tang-i-waghchan pass (Kabul), _see_ Girdiz. - - Tank, Taq (N.W.F. Province), _see_ Dasht. - - Taraz or Tarar (E. Turkistan), _see_ Yangi. - - Tarnak river (Qandahar), _see_ Turnuk. - - Tarshiz (Khurasan), Husain _Bai-qara's_ victory at 259 and n. 5 (where - _read_ p. 524). - - Tashkint, Tashkend (Russia-in-Asia), of its names 2 n. 5, 7 and n. 5, - *184; - its book-names Shash and Chach 13, 76; - ravines of App. A, ii; - holders of 32-5, 115, 154, 161; - a rebel at 36; - Khalifa sent to 90; - name of used as a pass-word 164; - Shaibani's capture of (908 AH.) 23-4, *184; - holds out for Babur (918 AH.) 356-8, 396; - its Auzbeg Sultans at Jam 622. - - Tash-rabat (n. of Heri), Babur at 301. - - Tatta (Sind, India), course of the Indus through 485; - playing cards sent to 584. - - Tazi var. Yari (Ghazni-Qalat road), Babur at 248. - - Tibet, Babur locates 485. - - Tijara (Rajputana), a chief town in Miwat 578; - given to Chin-timur 578-9, 688. - - Tika-sikritku, Goat-leap (Farghana), 'Umar Shaikh defeated at 16. - - Til, Thal (Kohat, N.W.F.P. India), Babur at 232. - - Tiimur Beg's Langar (Kabul), Babur at 313. - - Tipa (Kabul), assigned for a camp 199; - earthquake damage in 247; - an exit from 254. - - Tirak-pass (Farghana), 15 n. 5. - - Tirhut (Bihar, India), revenue of 521. - - Tirmiz (Hisar-shadman territory), a s. limit of Samarkand 76, Begims - of 37, 47-8; - Husain _Bai-qara_ and 5, 191; - a governor of 74; - Baqi _Chaghaniani's_ 188, 249; - a sayyid of *704-5; - Najm _Sani_ at 359; - entered for Babur 640. - - Tir-muhani (Bihar, India), mentioned 679, 675 n. 1, 687 and n. 2; - the _Habibu's-siyar_ finished at 687 n. 2. - - Tizin-dara (Kabul), 208 n. 4. - - Tochi-valley (N.W.F.P. India), ? to be traversed by Babur 231. - - Toda-bhim (Rajputana), Babur at 581; - Sanga at 545 (where "Agra district" is wrong). - - Tons-river, Tus-su (U.P. India), Babur on 656, 683. - - Tramontana (between the Oxus and Hindu-kush), army of 447; *706. - - Tughluqabad (Dihli), Babur at 476. - - Tul-pass and road (Hindu-kush), account of 205; - height of 204 n. 4. - - Tun (Khurasan), a Bai-qara holder of 296, 301. - - Tup (Kabul-Herat road), Babur at 295. - - Tuquz-aulum (Oxus), a defence question 191. - - Turfan (Chinese Turkistan), Babur plans going to 158. - - Turkistan, course of the Saihun in 2-3; - trade with Kabul 202; - gold-cloth of 641 n. 5; - Shaibani and 65 n. 3, 73-4, 135; - his vow in Hazrat Turkistan 356; - *'Ubaid in 354. - - Turnuk, Tarnak (Qandahar), 332 n. 3; - a holder of 340. - - Tus-su (U.P. India), _see_ Tons. - - Tus ('Iraq), an astronomer of 79; - Shaibani attacks 534. - - Tuta (U.P. India), Begims from Kabul pass 616. - - Tutluq-yul, Mulberry-road (Farghana), Babur on 165. - - Tutun-dara (Kabul), water taken from 647. - - - Udyanapura (Kabul), App. E, xxi; - _see_ Adinapur. - - Ujjain (Malwa, C. India), an observatory in 79. - - 'Uman-sea, receives the Indus 485. - - 'Umarabad (Khurasan), an ascribed site of the battle of Jam 635 n. 4. - - Unju-tupa (Farghana), _see_ Aunju-tupa. - - 'Uqabain (Kabul), site of the Bala-hisar 201. - - Urgenj (Khwarizm), _see_ Aurganj. - - Urghun (Kabul), _see_ Aurghun. - - Urus-su (W. Turkistan), _see_ Arus. - - Ush (Farghana), _see_ Aush. - - Ushtur-shahr (Kabul), Babur in 195, 294, 314. - - 'Utrar, Otrar, Autrar (W. Turkistan), _see_ Yangi. - - - Varsak (Badakhshan), position of 523 n. 1, Babur's gifts to 523. - - Vierney, Vernoe (E. Turkistan), position on site of old Almatu 2 n. 1. - - - Wakhsh (Hisar-shadman), Auzbegs at 352, 362. - - Walian pass (Hindu-kush), account of 205; - height of 204 n. 4. - - Warukh (Farghana), account of 7. - - Wasmand fort (Samarkand), Babur at 132. - - Wazr-ab (Hisar-shadman), 58 n. 1. - - - Yada-bir (Kabul), Babur at 394, 411, 448. - - Yaftal (Badakhshan), a force at 321. - - Yagha or Yaghma (n. of Tashkint), tombs at 139; - Babur at 139. - - Yai (Khurasan), tribes in 255. - - Yaka-aulang (w. of Bamian, _see_ Fr. map Maimene), Jahangir goes to - 294; - passes from Heri-rud valley to 310 n. 2; - Babur in 311. - - Yak-langa (Kabul), Babur crosses 445. - - Yam (Samarkand), Babur at 67; - 84 n. 3. - - Yan-bulagh (Kabul), Babur on road of 425. - - Yangi-hisar (Kashghar), *a death-bed repentance at 362. - - Yangi = Taraz (E. Turkistan), depopulated 2; - book-name of 2 and n. 1; - an army at 20. - - Yangi = Utrar, Otrar (W. Turkistan), a mistaken entry of in some MSS. - 2 n. 1. - - Yangi-yul pass (Hindu-kush), described 205. - - Yari (Ghazni-Qalat road), _see_ Tazi. - - Yari (Zar-afshan), Babur crosses the bridge to 130. - - Yarkand (E. Turkistan), *696. - - Yar-yilaq (Samarkand), Timur's "head" of Soghd 84; - fights near 35, 122; - villages of 97-8; - submits to Babur 98; - Babur in 64, 92, 125, 130-1. - - Yasan (Farghana), _see_ Khasban. - - Yasi-kijit (Farghana), Babur's men defeated at 27, 105. - - Yilan-auti or Yilan-aut (Samarkand), Babur at 147. - - Yilan-chaq (n. of Hindu-kush), a tribe of 196. - - Yiti-kint (Farghana), mandrake in 11; - of its position 11 n. 6; - Yunas Khan's headquarters 20 n. 5. - - - Zabul, Zabulistan, a name of Ghazni _q.v._ - - [Z.]ahaq fort, "Zohak" (s. of Bamian), Babur at 294; - (_see_ Fr. map Maimene). - - Zamania (U.P. India), _see_ Madan-Banaras. - - Zamin (Samarkand), locates places 34, 64; - Babur at 97. - - Zamin-dawar (Qandahar), Arghun chiefs in 71, 337-9; - Zu'n-nun's 274; - taken by Babur 27; - plan to defend 326. - - Zar-afshan river, Kohik-su _q.v._ (Samarkand), described 76 and nn. - 4, 5; - Macha village on 149 n. 4; - Babur crosses 67, 130; - *Najm _Sani_ crosses 360. - - Zardak-chul (w. of Balkh), over-run 94. - - Zarqan or Zabarqan (Farghana), Babur at 161. - - Zindan valley (Kabul-Balkh road), _see_ Dara-i-zindan. - - Zirrin-pass (between Heri-rud valley and Yaka-aulang), Babur misses - it 309-10. - - Zurmut _tuman_ (Kabul), described 220; - floods in 240; - Girdiz head-quarters in 220. - - - -Index III. General - - - Abbreviated names 29. - - Abdu'l-wahhab _Ghaj-davani_ see _Waqi'-nama-i-padshahi_. - - Ablution--before death 188; - reservoirs 208, 217, 580, 639, 683. - - Abu-talib _Husaini_ or Abu'l-husain _Turbati_ - _see_ _Malfuzat-i-timuri_. - - _Abushqa_, a Turki--Turkish Dict.--quotes verses as Babur's 438; - quotes Khw. Kalan 526; - the Baburi-script App. Q, lxiii. - - Account-rolls of palm leaves 510. - - Adoption--of a son 170; - prae-natal 374, App. L. - - _Afghanistan and the Afghans_, H. W. Bellew--vine-culture 210; - decoy-ducks 225 (_where_, _in n. 5_, _read title as above_). - - _Afghan Poets of the XVII Century_, C. E. Biddulph--Khush-ab _Khattak_ - mentions Babur 439. - - Afzal Khan _Khattak_--(_Raverty's Notes_ _q.v._)--Nil-ab - (_ferry-station_) 206. - - Agriculture--seed-corn and money advances 86; - young millet grazed 215; - methods of vine culture 210; - water-raising appliances 388, 486-7; - irrigation, "running waters":--Farghana 4, 5, 7, - Samarkand 76-7, 147; - Hindustan 486-7, 519-31-81, - Qandahar 332-6, - Chandiri 596; - --canals:--Farghana 67, - Samarkand 76, 147; - --grain, corn:--Farghana 2, 3, 55, 114-46, - Kabul 203, 228, 373-4, - [green corn] 394, - Qandahar 333, - Hash-nagar 410, - Bara 414, - Bhira 381; - --raft of corn seized on the Sind 392; - horse-corn fails on a march 238-9; - (rice) 342-74-94, 410. - - _Akbar-nama_, Shaikh Abu'l-fazl _'Allamiy_, (_trs. H. Beveridge_)--(_see - notes on pp. given_) +meanings+:--_bat-qaq_ 31; - _nihilam_ and _tasqawal_ 45; - Tardika 568; - Tarkhan 34; - _fil-i-darya'i_ App. M. xlvii; - --+persons+:--13, 22, 263-4, 346, 552, 562, 641, 657; - --+various places+:--191, 206, 441, 523, App. J, xxxv; - --winter access to Farghana 2; - Nizami quoted 44; - an inscription of Babur's 343; - Rumi defences 469; - the(Koh-i-nur) diamond 477; - a cognomen 566; - risks to MSS. App. D, x; - Akbar-nama material *441-5, *691-3; - Babur supplemented 639; - length of work on it *692 n.; - Mubin passage translated in the "Fragments" (_q.v._) *437-8; - Babur's self-devotion *701; - his choice of a successor *702 to 705, - mentioned Preface xxxiii; - translated from by Jahangir (?) xlv. - - 'Ali-sher _Nawa'i's_ comforts 287. - - _Allgemeine Erdkunde_, Carl Ritter--Bara-koh 5; - Babur's _farsi-gui_ useful 7; - Akhsi distances App. A, v. - - _'Amal-i-salih_, Muh. Salih--Shah-jahan's destruction of wine 298; - _tuigun_ (bird) 418. - - _Amanitates exoticae_, Engelbertus Kaempfer--_Ijtihad_ 284. - - Amusements _see_ Games. - - _Ancient Geography of India_, Major-Gen. Sir Alex. Cunningham--(_see - nn. on pp. named_) Shibr-tu 205; - Nil-ab 206; - Kohistan villages 214; - Gurkhattri 230; - Bigram 230; - Udyan-apura App. E, xxi. - - _Annals and Antiquities of Rajastan_ Col. James Tod--Sanga's force 547; - negociations with Babur 550; - appearance 558; - Salahu'd-din (Silhadi) 562. - - Antidotes--lime-juice 511, - Lemnian earth 543. - - _Anwar-i-suhaili_, Husain Wa'izu 'l-kashifi--quoted 22; - Firdausi quoted 557, - Add. N, P. 557. - - Apostates 577-8, 590-1. - - Arabic Sciences 283-5. - - _'araq_ see fermented drinks, _s.n._ Wine. - - Archery[2949]--[_see nn. on pp. named_], _good bowmen_ 16, 22, 26, - 34 (2), - cross-bowman 53, 263; - remarkable feats 276, 279; - --_archer's marks_:--_ilbasun_ (duck), _qabaq_ (gourd), _tuquq_ (hen) - 34, - _takhta_ (target); - _qabaq-maidan_ 276;-- - _arrows_:--_auq_ 22, 34, 255, - _etc._, _giz_ 213, 225, - _khadang_ (white poplar) 13, - _tir-giz_ 11 - (_where preface n. 2 by the name_), 34; - arrow-barb, _paikan_ 22, - -notch, _gosha_ App. C, -flight 8, 140; - flights of arrows 52; - rain of, 138; - quiver T. _saghdaq_ 160, 166, - P. _tarkash_ 526; - an arrow-borne letter 361; - --_bows_:--Chachi bow (_kaman_) 13; - cross-bow _takhsh-andaz_, _kaman-i-guroha_ 55, 263; - _narmdik yai_, an easy-bow 420; - _qatiq yai_, a stiff-bow 490; - --bows ruined by Hindustan climate 519, *700; - --_various_:--_chapras_, _daur_, _gosha_, _kaman-khana_, _kardang_ - explained App. C; - _gosha-gir_, a repairing-tool 166, App. C; - Turkish bow-making a fine craft App. C, ix; - dismounting to shoot 52; - --_to bow-string_ (T. _kirish salmaq_) 110. - - Architecture Timuriya and Timurid Pr. xxxi. - - _Archiv fuer Asiatische Litteratur_ H. J. Klaproth (_q.v._)--Kasan - gardens 10; - his extracts from the Bukhara Compilation MSS. Pr. xxxix, xlvii. - - _Ariana Antiqua_, H. H. Wilson--_Masson's art. Actinapur Region_ 227, - Nagarahara App. E, xvii. - - _Army of the Indian Moghuls_, W. Irvine--trepanning 109; - misled 470; - on _muljar_ (_q.v._) 592; - "_shatur_" explained 593; - _firingi_ (gun) 473, - pontoon-bridges 600. - - _'Aruz-i-saifi_, Maulana Sayyid Mahmud _Saifi_ - of Bukhara, (_trs. Blochmann and Ranking_)--a note by Rieu 288; - Saifi's pupil Bai-sunghar 111; - his high number of ruba'i measures App. Q, lxvi. - - _Asia Portuguesa_, Manuel de Faria y Sousa--Habshi succession custom - 482. - - _Astronomy and Astrology_--Tables and Observatories 74, 79, Pr. xxx; - Canopus (Suhail) 195; - forecasts 139, 551; - houses of Scorpio 633; - Pole-star a guide 323, - its altitude at Chandiri 597; - Capricorn 597. - - _Ayin-i-akbari_, Abu-fazl (_trs. Blochmann, Jarrett_)--(_see nn. on pp. - named_); - Climates 1; - _qilij_ (cognomen) 29; - observatories 79; - guns 473; - clepsydra 516; - kitchen rules 541; - fruits 3, 501-3-4-5, 512; - _chalma_ 624; - hunting deer 630; - _bahri_ (falcon) 632; - _milak_ (gold, cloth) 641; - _yak-tai_ (unlined) 652; - --+(weights and measures)+ _khar-war_ 228, - _tanab_ 630, - _sang_=_tash_ 632; - --a title 209; - a child traveller 265; - Barlas begs 270; - +(places)+ Kabul 207, 221; - Kacha-kot 250; - Sidhpur 429; - Nagarahara App. E, xxiii; - Buhlulpur 454; - Kanwahin 458; - Milwat (Malot) 461; - Jahan-nama 485; - Chausath 581; - Lakhnur 582; - Sikandra Rao 587, - Godi, Gui 601; - --+(persons)+ 285, 653, 666, App. P, lvi; - --Babur's expedition to Kashmir 693. - - _Agar-i-sanadid_, Sayyid Ahmad Khan--places Babur visited 475; - Mahdi Khwaja and Amir Khusrau's tomb 704. - - - +Noticeable words+: - --P. _ab-duzd_ 109 = P. _du-tahi_ 62, 595-6; - _aiki-su-ara_ = P. _miyan-du-ab_ (Mesopotamia) _i.a_ 88; - _aimaq_ (clan) 51, 196, 207-15-55, Add. Note P. 49; M. - _alachi_ whence _Alacha_ 23; - _arghamchi_ 614; _ash-kina_ (stew) 4; - _audaliq_ (odalisque) = P. _ghunchachi_ _q.v._; - _aughlan_ (child, boy, non-regnant chief) 19; - _augh-laqchi_ 39; - _aurchin_ 44, 88; - _aung_, _ung_ (Prester John's title) 23; - _aupchin_ 176, 282; - Auz-beg, -khan, -kint, _i.a_ 162, (_see_ A.N. trs. i, 160, 170); - _ayik-aut_ = P. _mihr-giyah_ (mandrake) 11. - - - _The Babur-nama_, Zahiru'd-din Muh. Babur (Lion) Mirza and (later) - Padshah _Ghazi_. - - I. SECTIONS OF THE BOOK:--(_The record of prae-accession - years is lost Pr. xxxvi_); (1) +Farghana+ 1-182, (Trs. N. - [_bridging a gap_] 182-185); (2) +Kabul+ 187-346, (Trs. N. - 347-366), 367-425, (Trs. N. 426-444); (3) +Hindustan+ 445-602, - (Trs. N. 603-4), 605-690, (Trs. N. 691-716); - - SUB-SECTIONS:--(_a_) +Descriptions+ of Farghana 1-12, Kabul - 199-227, Herat 304-5, Hindustan 480-521, Chandiri 592, 596, - Gualiar 605-614; (_b_) +Biographies+ of Yunas Khan 19-24 (_see - infra, displacements_), of Miran-shahis _viz._ 'Umar Shaikh - 13-19, 24-28, Ahmad 33-40, Mahmud 45-51, Bai-sunghar 110-112, - of Husain _Bai-qara_ 256-292, of amirs _etc._ 24, 37, 49, 270; - - II. LACUNAE:--(_other than mentioned above_); minor in 935 AH. - _see_ dating and nn. on pp. 617, 621, 630, 636, 687, and for - surmised patching from fragments of 934 AH. 654, 655, 680; (1) - +References to events of the gaps+ _see_ nn. on pp. 105, 364 - --208, 441, 575 --381 --408, 422 --(of 934 AH.) 603, 617, 618, 621 - --an Akbar-nama indication 639; (2) +Varia concerning the - gaps+:--Causes of, Pr. xxxiv; misinterpreted xxxv; results in - present displacement xxxvi; - - III. VARIA CONCERNING THE BOOK:-- (1) +Date of composition+, - [_see nn. on pp. named_]; 48, 50, 79, 98 --102, 105 --139, 154, - 176, 190 (l. 5 fr. ft.) 198 --203-4-6-8 --214-18-19-20 (_para. - 3_), 269-76-78-85 --313 ("now" _para. 2_), 314 ("now" l. 4), - 315 (l. 2), 318 (_para._ 2), 337 (l. 16), 373 (l. 8 fr. ft.), - 374; (2) +Literary style and idiom+:-- plain diction 2, precise - wording _e.g._ 5, 79, 475, 485, appreciation of words 67, 265, - 283, 627, comments on style _e.g._ 22, 67, and pronunciation - 210, 484, early diary differs in wording from the narrative - 367; lapses into courtly Persian 445, 537, 539; (3) - +Grammatical details+:-- relatives not used Add. Note, P. 167; - uses of "we" and "I" 104, 118; distinctions of meaning - expressed by Ar. and T. plurals _e.g._ 5, 80; uses of the - presumptive tense 37, 75, 162, 167, 577 (cf. Shaw's Grammar); - examples of idiom 29, 44, 66, 75, Add. Note, P. 167 - (_gharicha_); (4) +Varied information+ _see_ Preface _passim_; - (5) +Babur's notes+: --Khwaja Maulana-i-qazi 29 --Ibrahim Saru - 52 --Champion's portion 53 --Guk-sarai 63 --Fazil Tarkhan 133 - --Auz-kint 163 --Pass-words 169 --Multa-kundi 211 --Military terms - 334 --Piri Beg 336 --Badakhshan 340 --Sl. Ma'sud M. 382 --Campaign - of 910 AH. 382 --Daulat Khan 383 --_daqiqa_ 516 --_pol_ 517 - --Mulla Apaq 526 --_kuroh_ (from the _Mubin_) 630 --_tash_ weight - 632; - - IV. WORK DONE ON THE BOOK:-- (1) +Turki Codices+ _see_ Preface, - Cap. III, Part II and Table xli; --(_a_) _Haidar Mirza's - Codex_--its importance Pr. xxxiv, xxxv, xxxviii, xli, xlii (No. - iv); (_b_) _Elphinstone Codex_--archetypes 405, Pr. xli, xlii, - xliii (No. v); its losses of pages 445; defacement 129, 325, - 415, 548; Erskine's use of it Add. Note, P. 287; reliance on - it _in loco_ 1, 187, 445; preserves Humayun's attested notes - 447-52-67, 510-14 and attributed notes 216, 494, 507 --also a - quatrain on Mughuls 140; "Rescue-passage" not in it App. D; - divergency from it in the Kasan Imprint _ib._ xiv; a former - owner 706; referred to in nn. on pp. 7, 10, 12, 14, 23-6-8, - 31-6, 44-7-8, 60-4, 75, 88, 112-3, 133 (Shaibaq), 143-8, 154 - (_dim_), 159, 161-4-9; Preface xli, xlii, xliii (No. v), - xlvii; _cf._ JRAS _Notes infra_; (_c_) _Haidarabad Codex_, - published in Facsimile by the Gibb Trust, ed. A. S. - Beveridge--basis of the _B.N. in English_ 1, 187, 445, Preface - xxvii; appears a direct copy of Babur's autograph Codex 47, - 103, 515; contains (Jahangir's?) Rescue-passage App. D; - divergency of Kasan Imprint from it _ib._ xiv; referred to in - nn. on pp. 2, 8, 9, 10, 12, 133 (Shaibaq), 14, 18, 23 (careful - pointing clears away a doubt), 28, 31, 36, 40 (Baghdad - corrected to Bughda), 60-4, 75, 88, 132, 140-6-8, 153 (a - mistake?), 154 (_dim_), 159, 164 (_sairt kishi_), 165, 168, - 177 (Pers. _dictum_), App. A, i (Akhsi); Preface xxvii, xxxiii - (title), xxxv, xli (Table), xlvi (No. x), xlvii;--[2950] - - (2) +Persian work+:-- (_a_) _Tabaqat-i-baburi_, described 445; - made known to Erskine 520; its deference to Babur App. P, - lvii; shews a date 496; shews nature of an illness (B.'s) 446; - specifies drinking-days 447, 450; gives a useful pen-name 448; - Buhlulpur 454; of a gun 489; Varsak and Khwastis 523; Naukar - or Tuka 525; Babur points "Sikri" to read _shukri_ 548; styles - him "Nawab" 560 _etc._; describes a porpoise as _bahri_ App. - M, xlvii; helps as to "Luknur" App. T, lxxiv; (_b_) - _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ (Acts of Babur), (_the first Pers. Trs. - 1583_), Payanda-hasan _Mughul_ of Ghazni and Muh-quli _Mughul_ - of Hisar--explicit 187, 198; useful variants 267, 624, 645; a - puzzling phrase 549, and passage 617; title Pr. xxxiii; - described liii (No. vi); (_c_) _Waqi'at-i-baburi_ (Acts of - Babur), (_the second Pers. Trs. 1589_), 'Abdu'r-rahim M. - _Turkman_--misleading glosses 2 n. 1, 3 n. 1; _tash_ misread - 312 _etc._; verses doubtfully Babur's 312; a gloss unsupported - 337; a difficult passage 617; a fine illustrated copy (B.M. - 3714) 155, 298, 325; Erskine's account of its diction (quoted) - Pr. xliv (No. vii); on its title xxxiii; - - (3) +Persian-English work+:--_The Memoirs of Baber_, Leyden and - Erskine (1826)--[_see nn. on pp. named_]; +Varia+:-- Leyden's - slight collaboration 287, 367, 380, Add. Note, P. 287, Pr. - xlviii, Cap. iv, [L. and E. _Memoirs_]; two notes by Leyden - 10, 219; not fully representative of Babur's autobiography 2, - Cap. iv; advance in help (MSS. and other) since Erskine worked - 347, 620-22, App. T, lxxiii; his own MSS. 680; Indian guidance - 632, 661; dating agrees with Babur's 629; misled by his - Persian source [_q.v._ 3 _etc._] and by a scribe's slip 544; - his help to Ilminski 1, 187, 326, Pr. lv; misleads by uniform - "Luknow" App. T; omissions 2, 632, 468, 559 (_important_); a - prayer reproduced in its words 316; quoted 715; --+questioned - readings+:--143, 223-5-9, 324-7, 333-7, 369, 400-16, Add. Note, - P. 416, 446-49-57-62-67 (shaving-passage), 478, - 523-34-49-55-59-61, 608-9, 617-19-26-38-40-46-47; --[_Numerous - verbal explanations and other notes are reproduced as - Erskine's and each identified_]; - - (4) +Turki-English work+:--_The Babur-nama in English_ - (_Memoirs of Babur_), Annette S. Beveridge--_see_ Preface and - other contents of these volumes. - - _Babar_, Stanley Lane Poole--the Eight Stars 139; a misled note 468. - - _Babur und Abu'l-fazl_, Teufel [_ZDMG, 1862_]--an opinion negatived - 119; - useful critique on "Fragments" (_q.v._) Preface Cap. III, Part III - and App. D; Mubin MS. used by Berezine 438; - Babur-nama title 653, Pr. xxxiii. - - _Bahar-i-'ajam_ (Pers. Dict.) _see_ Dictionaries. - - _Baz-nama_ (Book of Sport), Muhibb-i-'ali _Barlas_--its author's - descent 276; - _l_ exchanged with _n_ (_cf._ _Luhani and Nuhani_) _ib._ - - Belin M.--[_Journal Asiatique xvi, xvii_] 257-8, 271-82-92. - - _Bengali Household Stories_, Macculoch--a sign of obedience 275. - - Beveridge Annette S.--JRAS. Notes in referred to _in loco_:--MSS. of - the B.N. Turki text 1900; - Further Notes 1902, - Haidarabad Codex and all others 1905, 1906; - Elphinstone Codex 1907; - Material for a definitive text and account of Kehr's Codex and its - Persian alloy 1908; - Kehr's Latin Version of part of his source _i.e._ - the _Waqi'-nama-i-padshahi_ (Bukhara Compilation _q.v._) 1908, - Klaproth's _Archiv_ 1909, and (expected) on the confused identity - of the Bukhara Compilation with the _Babur-nama_ 1922; - --(2) Grounds for making a new translation Preface Cap. IV; - the mistaken identity of Kehr's source (_supra_) Cap. III[2951]; - of the _Babur-nama_, Preface _passim_. - - Beveridge Henry--(1) +Notes _in loco_+:--_tabalghu_ 11; - Baba-i-kabuli 14; - Quintets 15, 288; - a mistake by Firishta 15; - Lotus-eaters 42; - Daulat-shah 46; Hafiz parodied 201; - Byron's _tambourgi_ 247; - Jami plagiarized 258; - _Khazinatu'l-asfiya_ quoted 211; - Timur's burial-position 266; - syphilis 279; - an illegal marriage 329; - Babur's satirical verse and Shaikh Zain 448; - _Zafar-nama_ (?) quoted 485; - "_kaka_" 502; - Khw. Khusrau's couplet 503; - the name "Cintra" for an orange 512; - Timur on Hindustan 526; - fate of Ibrahim _Ludi's_ mother 543; - _tamgha_ 553; - a pun 571; - versus traced 571, 625-6; - - Ibn Batuta quoted 591; - date of Babur's visit to Lahor from Agra 604; - Khwand-amir 605; - Rahim-dad 608, 688; - Mahdi Khw. 704; - Scorpio and Libra 623; - Battle of Jam 635; - "bulky Oolak" 663; - Kashmir expedition 693; - a poor MS. App. P, lv; - Shaikh Zain's deference _ib._ lvii; - --(2) +Translations+: - --(_a_) Akbar-nama _q.v._ and Tuzuk-i-jahangiri _q.v._ - --(_b_) revision of Persian _farman_ 553, and the Kanwa - Letter-of-victory 559; - --(3) +Articles referred to+: - --(_a_) A.Q.R. 1899, _Babur's Diamond, was it the Koh-i-nur?_ 447; - 1901, _An Afghan Legend_ 375, App. K; - 1910, _Paper-mills of Samarkand_ 81; - 1911, _Oriental Cross-bows_ 140, 142; - _Babur's Diwan_ (Rampur MS.) 439; - _Some verses by the Emperor Babur_ 439 - --1915, Silhadi and the _Mirat-i-sikandari_ 614; - --(_b_) Calcutta Review 1884, _the Patna Massacre_ 672; - --JASB. 1898, _Bayazid Biyat_ 691; - --1905, _The Emperor Babur's legendary son_ 558; - --1884, _Authorship of the Dabistan_; - --1916, _Tarikh-i-salatin-i-afaghana_ 693; - --(_c_) JRAS. 1900, _On the word nihilam_ 45, 224 - --1901, _Pers. MSS. in Indian Libraries_ 348 - --1910, _On the word mutaiyim_ 16, 275 - --1913-14, _Coinage of Husain Bai-qara_ App. H, xxvi - --1916, _Rashahat-i-'ainu'l-hayat_ 620; - --(4) +Other related articles+:-- - (_a_) A. S. Q.--_Emperor Babur and the Habibu's-siyar_ 1906; - _Emp. B. and Khwand-amir_ 1909 (_2 parts_); - _Emp. B.'s opinion of India_ 1917; - _Attempt to poison B._ _ib._; - _Was 'Abdu'r-rahim the translator of B.'s Mems. into Persian?_ - 1900 (_2 parts_); - (_b_) JRAS.--_The B.N. "Fragments"_ 1908; - _Date of Shah Hasan Arghun's death_ 1914; - _An obscure quatrain by Bana'i_ 1917; - _The Mongol title Tarkhan_ _ib._; - _Tarkhan and Tarquinius_ 1918[2952]; - --(5) +His help+: _see_ Postscript of Thanks, Preface lxi. - - The Bible--untrimmed beard 552; - moon-stroke 608. - - _Bibliotheque Orientale_, B. d'Herbelot--(_see nn. on pp. named_), - 'Umar Shaikh 13; - Satuq-bughra Khan 29; Mahmud _Miran-shahi_ 46; - Mataridiyah and Ash'ariyah Sects 75-6; - Isma'il _Khartank_ 76; - Nasiru'd-din _Tusi_ 79; - Nil-ab 206; - "Qizil-bash" explained 630. - - _Biographie Universelle_, Langlesart. _Babour_ xlv. - - _Biographies of Ladies_ (_Sprenger's Cat._)--two women-poets 286. - - _Birds of India_, T. C. Jerdon--partridge-tippets 496; - cries _ib._; - bustard 498; - _manek_ 499; - _likhh_ (florican) App. N; - _kabg-i-dari_and _chiurtika_ (snow-cock) _ib._ - - "Blessed Ten" 562. - - Blochmann H. (_JASB. 1873_)--Babur's Mosque in Sambhal 687; - _see_ _Ayin-i-akbari._ - - Blood-ransom 461; - retaliation 64, 102, 119, 194, 251-53, 424. - - Boats--383-5-7-8, 407-10-22-23-54, 589, 652-4-5-6-8-9, 660, 662; - Babur names his Ganges flotilla 663, 669, 670-1-4-9, 681-4; - pontoon bridge 599, 633. - - Book-names--Akhsikit = Akhsi 9; - Banakat = Shahrukhiya 76; - Chach and Shash = Tash-kint 13, 76; - Galiur or Galiwar = Gualiar 605; - Nashaf and Nakhshab = Qarshi 84; - Nagarahara = Ning-nahar 207; - Taraz = Yangi 2. - - Book-room--Ghazi Khan _Ludi's_ 460. - - Books (_no titles_)--Exposition of the _Nafahat_ 284; - On Jurisprudence 285, - --prosody 271, - --rhyme 285, - --riddles 289. - - _Botany of the Afghan Delimitation Commission_, Aitchison--regional - grasses 222; - _qarqand_ = _sax-aol_(_?_) 223. - - Brahminical thread 561. - - Bridge of boats _see_ Boats. - - _Buddhist Records_, S. Beal--Greater Udyana-pura App. E, xxi; - sugarcane in Lamghan 203 (_where read Beal_). - - Browne, Professor Edward Granville--the Haidarabad Codex Facsimile, - Preface xlvi (No. x). - - Building-stone--Samarkand 83, - Kabul 710, - Chandiri 597, - Dulpur 606, - Gualiar 608, - Biana 611. - - "Bukhara Compilation," known as "_Babur-nama_" - see _Waqi'nama-i-padshahi_. - - Bullies of Marghinan (Marghilan) 7 (_where in line 1, add_, "They are - notorious in Ma-wara'u'n-nahr for their bullyings"). - - _Burhan-i-qati'_ (Pers. Dict.) _see_ Dictionaries. - - _Buried Cities of Khotan_, Sir M. Aurel Stein--Aq-bura-rud 4. - - _Bu-stan_, Sa'di--couplets quoted 139, 152, 626. - - - +Noticeable words+:-- - (P.-Ar.-T.) _baghat_, _baghlar_, _baghcha_ and _begat_, _beglar_ 5, - 80, 478; - _baghish_ 59, 69; - _bakhshi_ (in M. surgeon) 169; - _bashliqlar_ (commanders) 119; - _batman_ (a weight) 261; - _batqaq_ (slough of despond) 31; - _bai_ (rich man) 127; - _bairi_ (old servant) 30; - _bi_ = beg 127-8; - _bildurga_ 225; - _b:d-hindi_ = P. _sih-bandi_ (Byde Horse) 470; - _bilak_ 446; - _bughu-maral_ 8, 10; - _bughda_ (cutlass) 40; - _bulak_ and _baluq_ 196, 17 and 221; - _bush_ (bosh) 507. - - - _Cabool_ (Kabul), Sir Alex. Burns--(_see nn. on pp. named_); - wind and running sands 201, 215; - climate 204; - _kabg-i-dari_ 213; - Kohistan 214; - millet 215; - Babur's Burial-garden 710. - - Cadell, Jessie E.--quoted Preface xxvii. - - Cadet-corps formed 28, App. H, xxvii. - - Cairn _i.e._ "Babur Padshah's Stone-heap" 446, Preface xxxvii. - - Candles and candlesticks--none in Hind 518; - offensive substitutes _ib._ - - Canopus _see_ Suhail. - - Capitals of Farghana--Andijan 3, - Akhsi 10, - Auz-kint 162. - - Caravans--15, 202, 250, 331. - - Carruthers, Mr. Douglas--help from App. B, vii. - - Carving--Babur no carver 304. - - Caste-names--518. - - Catalogues:--(_see nn. on pp. named_); - " Coins of the Shahs of Persia (B.M.), R. S. Poole--Babur's surmised - vassal coin 355, App. H, xxx, Preface xxxv; - " Feronia Nursery Calcutta, Seth--Jack-fruit 506; - _sang-tara_ orange 511; - " Library of the King of Oudh, A. Sprenger--Biographies of Ladies 286; - _Shah u Darwesh_ 290; - Ahli 290; - " Library of Tippoo Sultan, C. Stewart--_Tabaqat-i-nasiri_ 479; - " _Manuscrits Turcs de l'Institut des langues orientales_, W. D. - Smirnov--_Malfuzat-i-timuri_ 653; - Babur's writings _ib._ - " Persian MSS. (B.M.), C. Rieu--Shash and Fanakat 2, 7; - Khw. Kamal 8; - Akhsikiti 9; - 'Abdu'l-lah _Barlas_ 51; - Saifi 111, 288; - Halwa-spring 260; - Nizami 271; - Daulat-shah 274; - _Baz-nama_ 276; - Suhaili 277; - Marwarid 278; - Amir Hamza 280; - 'Ata'u'l-lah 282; - Taftazani 283; - _Khamsatin_ 288; - Husain _Nishapuri_ 288; - Yusuf of Farghana 289; - Hilali 290; - a scribe-poet 291; - _Suluku'l-muluk_ 348; - Nawa'i's Diwans arranged 419; - Histories of Tahmasp 622; - _Habibu's-siyar_ finished 687; - _Tarikh-i-salatin-i-afaghana_ 693, 701; - --Kasan Imprint misleads 259; - a questioned reading 266; - " Persian MSS. in the I.O. Library, H. Ethe--Khw. Hijri 153; - Husain _Nishapuri_ 288; - _Shah u Darwesh_ 290; - a scribe-poet 293[2953]; - " Turki MS. in B.M., C. Rieu--the author of the _Sang-lakh_ App. - A, v; - the _Shaibani-nama_ 289. - - Catamites 26, 42-5-9, 278, 396 (_cf._ 174 n.). - - _Cathay and the way thither_, ed. Sir H. Yule (Hakluyt Society vol. - i, p. 20)--running-sands 215. - - _Caubul_ (Kabul), Hon. Mountstewart Elphinstone--millet 215; - Judas-tree 216; - Indus ford (_Nil-ab_) 378; - "Nangrahaur" App. E, xix. - - "Chaghatai Castles" 208. - - Chaghatai families--'Ali-sher _Nawa'i_ a member of one, Preface xxxi. - - Chaghatai-Osmanisches Woerterbuech _see_ Dictionaries. - - Chaghataische Sprach-studien, H. Vambery--(_mil._) pass-words - (_auran_) 219; - meaning of _gepanzert_ 221, - _bildurga_ 225, - _sighnaq_ App. Q, lxiv. - - Champion's portion won and explained 53. - - _Charikar_, T. C. Haughton--Kohistan of Kabul 214-5. - - Charles XII's sobriquet Iron-head 14. - - _Char-ulus_ (Four hordes), Aulugh Beg Mirza, Preface xxx. - - _Childe Harold's Pilgrimage_--tambourgi 247. - - _Chinese Turkistan_, P. W. Church--maral 8. - - Chingiz-tura (_ordinances_) respected 155, 298. - - _Chiniut_, D. G. Barkley [_JRAS._ 1899]--its position 380. - - Chirkas sword 65. - - Chishti order 666. - - _Chrestomathie Turque_, Berezine--the _Mubin_ quoted 438, 630. - - Chronograms 85, 135, 152, 217, 344, 427, 575, 596. - - Cider 83. - - Circumcision 14, 69. - - Coincidences 71, 123, 261, 686. - - Coins--_ashrafi_ 446-60; - _dam_ 383; - _kipki_ 296; - _sikka_ (coined money ?) 277; - _shahrukhi_ 379-83, 400, 408, 417-46-78-9, 523; - _tang_ 641; - _tanka_ "black" (_i.e._ _copper_) 521, - "white" (_i.e._ _silver_) 338-9, 344, 446, 521-7, 641, App. - P, lvii; - "red and white" (money) 522; - Babur's "vassal coins" 354-5-6, App. H, xxx. - - Confections--_ma'jun_:--used in excess 16; - gifts of 373; - parties on non-drinking-days 447; - eating of 377-83-84-88-93, 410-12-15-16-18, 420-2, 448-50, 580-8, - 615-50-59-83; - _kamali_ 373. - - Congregational Prayer--unbroken attendance at 283. - - Countermark [_Bih-bud_] on coins 277, App. H, xxv, xxvi, xxix. - - _Cross-bow_, Sir W. F. Payne-Gallwey--archers' marks 34; - bow-shot distances 140; - what may apply to Babur's _zarb-zan_ and _tufang_ 667. - - Cunningham, Maj.-Gen. Sir Alex. _see_ _Indian Eras_ and Reports on - Arch. Survey. - - Customs--Musalman scruples about burial-places 246; - the Champion's-portion 53; - circumambulation of tombs 54, 285, 301-5-6, 475, - and of the sick 701; - amongst combatants' wives 22, 268; - dipping 16 times in bathing 151; - levirate marriage 23; - mourning rites 32, 246, 293; - a nativity-feast 344; - nine a mystic number _see s.n._ nine; - an ordeal of virtue 211; - divining from sheep-blade-bones 233; - pillars of heads 232, _i.a._ 573-6; - rock-inscription 153; - signs of submission 53, 232-3, 248; - succession in Bengal 482-3 n. 5; - unveiling a bride 37; - gifts from those marrying 43, 400; - gifts by wives _q.v._ - - Cyclopaedia of Archery _see_ _Kulliyatu'r-rami_. - - Czar Vassili III--Babur's embassy to, App. Q, lxiii. - - - +Noticeable words+:--_Chachi_ 13; - _chaghir_ 83, 298; - _chapuk_, slash-face 68; - P. _char-dara_ 80, 629; - _chaughan_ (polo) 26; - P. _chalma_ 624; - H. _chaukandi_ = Ar. _ghurfat_ and P. _char-dara_ (?) 629-63; - _chapkun_ 324; - _chiqar_ (exit) 44; - _yinka-chicha_ 616; - _chuhra-jirga_ 50, 227, - App. H, xxvi-vii. - - - _Dabistan_, Mir Zu'l-fiqar 'Ali'u'l-husaini (_pen-name Mubad_)--Nanak - founder of the Sikh religion 461; - Radiyan sect 622; - [concerning the authorship of the book _see_ JRAS. H.B.'s art. - _q.v.s.n._]. - - Darwesh-life--soldiering abandoned for 262; - return to 583. - - Dating by events:--Battle of the Goat-leap 16, - Dispersion of Airzin 20, - Battle of Kanbai 111-2 [_T.R. trs._ 119]; - the dating of 935 AH. 605, App. S. - - Defremery C.--[_J. des Savans_ 1873], art. _Les Memoires de Baber_ - (P. de C.) 562. - - _De Paris a Samarcande_, Madame Ujfalvy--(_see nn. on pp. named_); - Bara-koh 5, 6; - Samarkand 74-5; - _qara yighach_ (hard-wood elm) 81; - paper-pulping mortars 81. - - De Sacy, A. L. Silvestre (_Nat. et Ex._ 265, 285)--Husain Shaikh Timur - 273 (_cf._ _Daulat-shah_ (Browne) 538-9); - date of Hilali's death 290. - - _Dialects of the Hindu-kush_, Col. J. Biddulph--Khowari 211; - forms of "nine" App. E, xix. - - Dictionaries, Lexicons, Vocabularies:--[_see nn. on pp. named_]; - " of Antiquities, W. W. Smith--clepsydra 516; - " Arabic-English Lexicon, E. W. Lane--_akhmail_ 336; - " _Arabes, Supplement aux Dictionnaires_, R. Dozy--_bahri_ (a falcon) - App. M, xlvi; - " _Bahar-i-'ajam_ (Pers. Dict.), Rai Tikchana Bahar--a sign of fear - 232; - the Taftazani Shaikhs of Islam 283; - " _Burhan-i-qati'_ (Pers. Dict.), Muh. Husain b. - Khalfa'u't-tabrizi--_izara_ (dado) 80; - " _Chaghatai-osmanisches Woerterbuch_, Shaikh Sulaiman Effendi - (ed. Kunos)--_tunqitar_ 464; - _qutan_ App. N, 1; - _sighnaq_ App. Q, lxiv; - " English-Persian, A. N. Wollaston--a rare meaning 648; - " Hindustani-English, D. Forbes--changed name of an orange 511; - "needle-melting" citron 513; - great millet (maize?) 514; - names of days 516; - gongman _ib._; - " Hindustani-English, J. Taylor [ed. W. Hunter]--"sang-tara" and - "Cintra" App. O lii; - " of Islam, J. P. Hughes--turbans 15; - eating of food 44; - _mazhab_ 463; - the Eight Paradises 646; - legal endowment 701; - " Oriental Biographical, T. W. Beale [_ed._ _Keene_]--Khw. Nasir - _Tusi_ 79; - " of Oriental Quotations, C. Field--a common couplet 22; - " Persian-English, F. Steingass--176, 202, 286, (_metres_) 514, 527, - 630; - _qizil-bash_ 643; - " Persico-Latinum Lexicon, I. A. Vullers--_shash-par_ 160; - _kaka_ 502; - _gharau_ 514; - _rad_ (_whence Radagan_) 622; - " Pushtu-English, H. J. Raverty--Multakund 211; - " _Sang-lakh_ (Turki-Persian), Muh. Mahdi Khan--described App. B, v; - _kharpala_ (the "Qarshi birdie") _ib._; - contains verses entered as by Babur 439; - " Sanscrit-Bengali-English, Haughton--a stork 499; - gula-prawn 502; - " of Towns (_Majama'u'l-buldan_), Yaqut--"Akhsikis" 9, 10; - " _Turc Orientale_, A. Pavet de Courteille--Babur's verses quoted - 439, 526; - a wag-tail 501; - a meaning 626; - Babur's script App. Q, lxiii; - " Turki Vocabulary, R. B. Shaw--_kuk-bura_ (a game) 39; - _qurugh_, reserved land 81; - _aupchinlik_, 4 horse-shoes and their nails 176; - _charuq_, brogues, and _chapan_, long coat 187; - _qalpaq_, felt wide-awake 258; - _qush-begi_, a Court official 278; - _shaghawal_ ib. 463; - _jiran_, a deer 491; - _qin_, scabbard 503; - _akhta-begi_, master-gelder 538; - _buljar_, a rendezvous _etc._ 592; - --Part II. J. Scully--_qodan_, water-hen 224; - _kiklik_ (_caccabis_, _chikur_) 496; - _'aqqa_, magpie 501; - _qirich_, swift 501; - _buia_, a plant 505; - _aman-qara_ (perhaps maize) 504; - _airkak-qumush_, male-reed 514. - - Diseases and accidents:--(_a_) +Babur's+ saddle turns 147; - sciatica 253-4; - boils 254, 657-60; - dislocated wrist 409-13-20; - tooth breaks 424; - ear-ache 310, 601-8-15; - fall of river bank 655; - fall of tent 678; - wounds of head 150-167, - --leg 167-9, - --arm-pit 176; - +his illnesses+:--unspecified (923) 365; - catarrhal discharge (_rezandalik_) 446-49-51; - fever (903 AH.) 88-9, (911) 247, (925) 399 to 401, (934) 585-6-8, - 603-4, (935) 619-20, (937) 702-3-5; - (_b_) +Of others+:--child-birth 36; - small-pox 48; - "violent illness" 45; - frost-bite 116, 311; - cold 151; - ulcerated hand 125; - siphylis 279; - pestilence 524; - paralysis 620; - malarial fever 4, 8; - fever 33, 246. - - Diversity of place-names through trs. _see_ (_e.g._) Qizil = Surkh, - Safed = Spin. - - Dividing line of the Afghans and Khurasan 200. - - Divorces 267-8, 329. - - _Diwan-i Babur Padshah_, [_ed. Sir E. D. Ross_]--not Babur's earliest - collection 438-9, 447; - appears referred to 642; - verses suiting his moods and deeds 604, 626-44, 705; - verses of the Diwan in the B.N. 526-75-84-89; - the _Walidiyyah-risala_ and B.'s new ruler 643; - Elizabethan conceits 645; - concerning the Rampur MS. App. Q, (illustration); 585; 635. - - _Diwan-i Khwaja Hafiz_ [_ed. H. Brockhaus, trs. W. Clarke_]--a couplet - 411. - - _Diwan-i Nuru'd-din 'Abdu'r-rahman Jami_--a quatrain plagiarized 257. - - Diwan-writers mentioned by Babur--Ahi 289; - Ahli 290; - 'Ali-sher _Nawa'i_ (Pers.) 272; - Husain _Bai-qara_ (_Turki_) 259; - Kami 290; - Saifi 288; - Suhaili 277; - Mahmud _Barlas_ 51; - Mahmud _Miran-shahi_ 46. - - Domestic animals--ass 144; - buffalo 231, 393, 454, 490; - camel:--_khachar_ 74, 249, - _tiwa_ 232-5, 240, 376-91; - camels counted 391; - flesh eaten 251; - cost of keep 489; - gift of 382; - --cattle 150, 231-4-5-8, 333-96, 454; - symbol of submission 232; - --dog 144, 224; - elephant _s.n._ Nat. Hist.; - horse _see s.n._; - mule 194, 338; - sheep 50-5, 71, 228, 234-5-8-9, 249-50, 394; - swine 211; - yak 55, 490 (here _bahri-qutas_) App. M; - --fowls 82, 213; - goose 82; - pigeon 13, 259, 401. - - Domestic appliances--china 80, 195, 407; - festal ornament 304, App. I; - drinking cups 489, 298 and 552; - fuel 223, 311; - goatskins 371, 421; - gong 515; - knife 44; - lamp 518; - litter 254 and 401, 331 n. 3, 268; - rope 509; - spoon 44, 73 n. 1, 407, 509; - table-cloth 44, 132; - tooth-pick 407; - torch 213-34, 387-8, 518. - - Dreams--Babur's 132, (attributed) 132 n. 2, App. D, xi; - another's App. D, xii. - - Dress, articles of--_bash-ayaq_ = _sar-u-pa_ (head to foot) _i.a._ - 159, 393; - bathing-cloth (_futa_) 275, 527; - brogues (_charuq_) 187; - caps:--black lambskin (_qara-quzi burk_) 258, - ermine (_as burk_) 150, - _Mughul burk_ 15, 179; - _muftul_ or _muftunluq Mughul burk_ 159; - helm-cap (_duwulgha burk_) 167; - --_char-qab_ 304, 527; - clasp (_qulab_) 156; - girdle (_tak-bund_) 156, (_bil-bagh_ lit. waist-band) 298, - (_kamr-bund_) 642; - cymar (_khimar_) 561; - coats and tunics:--_jama_ 652, - surtout (_jiba_) 303, 632, - long coat (_chapan_) 187, - sheep-skin coat (_postin_) 181; - short tunic (_nimcha_) 652; - tunic and coat (_tun_) 14, 51, 159, 166, 371, 400; - clothes-in-wear (_artmaq_, _artmaq_) 339; - torque (_tauq_) 561; - head-wear (_bashliq_) 632; - _lung_ (_dhoti_) 519; - rain-cloak (_kiping_) 389; - feather tippet 496; - turban 14, 33, 101, 258; - turban-aigrette 225, 325; - wide-awake (_qalpaq_); - vest (_kunglak_) 171. - - Drums--nagaret 144, 155, 250, 337, 369, 628; - of departure 235, morning 392, saddle 163-4; - drumming sound [at the Running Sands] 315; - dismissal of 595; - tambour-player 247. - - _Durch Asien's Wuesten_, Sven Hedin--Farghana wind 9. - - Dynasties--Bahmani 482; - Qilich 29; - Tughluq 451; - Shaibani's destruction of 39; - "Mughul - Dynasty" a misnomer in Hind 158 (_see s.nn. Turk and Mughul_). - - - +Noticeable words:+-- - _daban_, a difficult defile; - _dada_ 157 (_see taghai_); - Ar. _daur_, warp of a bow, App. C; - _dim_ [_T root de_, _telling_] = P. _san_, numbering 154[2954], 161, - 468, Add. Note, P. 54. - - - Ear-rings 510 (_where add (in l. 5) an omitted passage entered in App. - O, liv_). - - _Economic Products of India_, Watts--date-plum 210; - fish-drugs 226; - oranges var. 512. - - Editors mentioned _in loco_--A. S. Beveridge, G. B.'s _Humayun-nama_, - and Fac-simile of the Haidarabad Codex; - H. Brockhaus, _Die Lieder des Hafis_; - E. G. Browne, _Tazkiratu'sh-shu'ara_ (Memoirs of Poets), - _Tarikh-i-guzida_ (Select History); - C. M. Fraehn, _Shajarat-i Turk_ (Genealogical Tree of the Turk); - N. I. Ilminski, _Baber-nama_ (Kasan Imprint); - I. Kunos, Shaikh Sulaiman _Effendi's_ Vocabulary; - D. C. Phillott, _Tazkirat-i Tahmasp_; - E. D. Ross, _Babur's Diwan_ (Rampur MS.), and Three Turki MSS. from - Kashghar; - C. Schafer, _Siyasat-nama_; - R. C. Temple, _Peter Munday's Travels_; - F. Veliaminof-Zernov, _Abushqa_; - H. Yule, Wood's _Journey_. - - _Einblicke in das Farghana Thal_--A. I. v. Middendorf--winds 9. - - Elphinstone, Hon. M.--his Codex _see s.n. Babur-nama_. - - Embassy from Babur to Moscow App. Q, lxiii. - - _Embassy to Timur_, Ruy Gonsalves di Clavigo (_trs. Sir C. - Markham_)--Hindustan the Less 46; - kneeling in greeting 54; - Samarkand 74-5-8; - Kesh 83. - - _Encyclopaedia Britannica_--range of temperature 204; - Faridu'd-din _'Attar_ 271; - rhinohorns 408; - maize when first in Asia 509. - - _Encyclopaedia of Islam_--Rene Basset's art. Al-busiri 620. - - Erskine William--Preface xxxiii, xliii-iv-viii-ix, Cap. IV, - [_see Memoirs of Baber and History of India_]. - - _Essays_, Lord Bacon--Isma'il _Safawi's_ personal beauty 441. - - Etiquette and decorum--well-mannered 45, 271-3-6, 303; - knees not crossed 33; - feet hidden 34; - deference to elders 303; - epistolary 332; - farewell 330; - --+Interviews+:--kneeling 61-9, 301, 408; - looking one another in the eyes (_i.a._) 54, 64; - embrace 160; - +--Meetings+:--The Khans with Babur 54, 159, 169; - the two Khans 160; - Timuriya reception 59; - Babur and the Bai-qara Mirzas 297-8-9, and elder Begims 301-97; - his reception of Khusrau Shah 193, - Daulat Khan 459, - Nasrat Shah's envoy 640-1. - - Exemplars of Babur--Preface, Cap. I. - - _Expedition scientifique Francaise_, C. E. Ujfalvy--_yighach_ - (_measure_) 4; - Aush (Ush) 5; - Bara-koh 5; - Babur's serviceable "Farsi-gui" 7; - misreading (?) App. A, ii; - distances near old Akhsi _ib._ v; - Samarkand 74; - Ab-burdan 152. - - _Explorations in Turkistan_, R. Pumpelly--Aq-bura-rud (_Huntingdon's - art._) 5; - Akhsi App. A, i, v. - - - _Fair at Sakhi-sarwar_, Michael Macauliffe--238. - - _Famous Monuments of Central India_, Sir Lepel H. Griffin--Gualiar 605. - - _Fan-valley_, W. R. Rickmers--[_JRGS. 1907_], Sara-taq-daban 129; - Ab-burdan 152. - - _Farhang-i-azfari_ [_Turki-Pers. Dict._] _nihilam_ explained 45. - - _Fauna of British India_, Oates and Blanford--flying-squirrel and - snow-cock 213 nn. 5, 6, 7; - various birds 495, 497, 501. - - Festivals--Babur's Ramzan rule 584; - Id-i-fitr 66, 235, 311, 351, 410, 584, 683, 689; - Id-i-qurb-an 154; - Nu-roz 236; - approximation of Nu-roz and Id-i-fitr 236. - - Fifth-share (_Khams_) 324. - - Five-days' World 50, 128, 328. - - _Flora Indica_, W. Roxburgh--spikenard 392; - _mahuwa_ 505; - _gular_ 508; - _chirunji_ _ib._; - _kiura_ 514. - - "Florio Beg _Beneveni_", Secretary to a Russian Mission, Preface xliv. - - Folk-lore--test of a dead woman's virtue 212; - blizzard-raising spring 219; - "commerce with the Spheres" 275; - eye-bewitchment 664; - omen as to sex of an unborn babe App. L; - succession customs 482. - - Food (_ex. birds and fruits_)--bread 148 (_cf. A.N. trs. i, 421 for - spiced bread, also Memoirs p. 144 n._); - brochettes (_kabab_) 148, 415; - betel 440; - camel-flesh 493; - carrots 542; - cheese 394; - meat cold 411; - date-palm cheese 508; - dried meat 542; - fritters 541; - haggis 506; - hare 542; - honey 203, 409, 440; - lotus seed 660; - mango preserve 440; - millet porridge 181; - pistachio nuts 508 (cf. _s.n._ Nat. Hist.). - - _A Frontier Campaign_, Lord Fincastle--_khahr_ = _shahr_ 367; - Katgola and Panj-kura 374. - - Frontier-posts 213. - - - Games and amusements--acrobats 635; - cards 584; - chess 38, 275-84-87; - dancing 276-99, 303; - dancing-girls 522, 634; - dice 16, 275-8; - draughts 16, 278; - feats of archery _q.v._; - fights of cocks 259, rams 259, elephants 631, camels 631; - improvisation and recitation of verse 16, 26, Preface xxx; - _kuk-bura_ 39; - leap-frog 26; - pigeon-flying 13, 259; - polo (_chaughan_) 26; - wrestling 292, 660-83, Index I. _s. nn._ Dost-i-yasin, Sadiq; - hawking and fowling _see s.n._ - - Gardens--+Andijan+:--Char-bagh 29, - Hafiz Beg's 108, - Birds' 168, - Aush 5, - Asfara 7, - Kasan 10; - Tashkint:--Haidar Kukul-dash's 54, - Poplar 145, 146; - +Samarkand+:--Heart-expanding 78, 82, - New 62, 138, - North, Paradise, Plane-tree 78, - Plain's 92, - Porcelain, World-picture 78, - Darwesh Tarkhan's 80, 81; - +Kabul+:--Almshouse 315, - Avenue 647, - Babur's Burial-garden 709 _see_ illustrations, - Char-bagh 249-51-54, 346-97-98, 416-7-8, - Haidar _Taqi's_ 198, 401, - Khalifa's 315, - Little 198, - Paradise 315-6-7, - Plane-tree 401, 418, - Private 346-97, - Rendezvous (?) 346, - Violet 395, 415-7; - +Koh-daman+:--Istalif 216-7, 398, 416, - New Year's 246, Royal 418; - +Ning-nahar+:--447, - Adinapur 207 and n. 5, - Char-bagh, Fidelity 207 n. 5, 208, 394, 409, 414-21-22, 443-7; - Qara-tu 395; - +Herat+:--'Ali-sher's 305, - Marigold, Town, White 306, Raven's 134, 306; - +Hindustan+:--_Safa_ (purity) 381, 665, - (Agra), Char-bagh, Eight-paradises 531-3-7, 543-4, 548, 616-34-86, - Gold-scattering 640-41, 689 n. 3, *708, - Garden of Rest 709, - (+Dulpur+) Char-bagh 603-6-15, - Lotus 639, (on the Gagar) 465, - (Sikri) 581-4, - (+Gualiar+) 607-10-12-13-14. - - Gardening _see_ "Indian" and "Manual". - - The Gate--Lordship in 24; - Babur's 26, 32; - the place of judgment 24, 197, 259; - Gate-house 43; - between-the-doors 24, 100, 133; - waiting in 277; - gate-ward post 166. - - _Gates of India_, Sir T. H. Holdich--a Central Asian claim to Greek - descent 22; - headwaters in Koh-i-baba 216; - a route 310. - - Gazetteers:--[_see nn. on pp. named_]; - - " of India [ed. 1908-9]--Observatories 79; - Nil-ab 206; Gur-khattri 230; - Pir Kanu 238; - Sawati 378; - Parhala 387; - Nagarahara App. E, xvii, xx (Bellew); - the Gagar (Kakar, Ghagghar) 465; - Bagar 573; - Chandawar, Chandwar 581-9, 643; - Lukhnur 582; - Sarwan 587; - Sikandra Rao _ib._; - Gualiar 605, 610, 611; - Parsarur 684;--Gujur 250; - Kakar 386; - Luhani (var.) 455; - Mundahir 700; - --brackish streams 384; - a ruined range 486; - a hunting-ground (Bari) 509; - Juna(h)pur = Junpur 676; - --tree squirrel 492; - frogs 503; - _yak_ App. M, xlvii. - - District Gs. of India:--Allahabad, (H. G. Neville), 653; - 'Azamgarh, ("), 680; - Ballia, ("), 664, 667; - Etawa, (Drake-Brockmann), 644 nn. 2, 6; - Fathpur, (H. G. Neville), 651; - Fyzabad, (") 656, App. U; - Ghazipur, (Drake-Brockmann), 658; - Gualiar, C. E. Luard, 590-4-7, 605-9, 610-12-13-14; - Gurgaon, (F. Cunningham), 578-80; - Jihlam, ("), 452, 461; - Mainpuri, (E. R. Neave), 643-4; - Rawalpindi, (F. A. Robertson), 452; - Saran, (L. L. S. O'Malley), 664; - Shahabad (D. B. Allen), 664; - Sultanpur, (H. G. Neville), 683; - Ulwar, Alwar (P. W. Powlett), 557-8. - - Gazetteers of the Province of Oude, App. T, lxxv, lxxvi. - - " of the Turkistan Region, Col. L. F. Kostenko - --+Farghana:+--passes 2; - fruits 3; - cooking recipe 4; - fever 4; - running-waters 5; - Aq-bura-rud 5; - Khujand 7, 8; - Mogol-tau 8; - Sang-ferry 176; - --+Samarkand:+--74; - extent of town 75, 145; - Kohik-su 76; - paper-making 81; - Ab-burdan 15; - three passes 83, 90, 129; - Lake Iskandar 129; - --distances 4, 6, 75, 84; - ravines App. A, ii; - various _ib._ v; - rapid riding 25; - _kuk-bura_ 37; - Sarts and their tongues 6, 7; - Central Asian claim to Greek descent 22. - - _Geographie_, Abu'l-feda [_trs. Reinaud_]--land cultivated by the - Zar-afshan (Kohik) 76; - Nasir _Tusi_ 79; - names of Qarshi 84. - - _Geography and History of Bengal_, H. Blochmann--Habshi - succession-customs 452. - - " _of the Qandahar Inscription_, T. Beames [JRAS. 1898]--revision - incomplete App. T. xxxiv. - - " _Oriental_ [_Ashkalu'l-bilad_] Ibn Hauqal, - [_trs. Ouseley_]--absorption of the Sir 3; - "Banakas" 9; - Akhsi App. A, ii, iii; - Kohik irrigation 76; - Samarkand Gates 77; - Qarshi names 84. - - Geographical unit, [_village and its cultivated land_] 3. - - _Geschichte von schoenen Redekuenste Persiens_, Freiherr v. - Hammer-Purgstall--Hilali 290; - _Shah u Darwesh_ 290; - Sam Mirza's jeer 648. - - _Ghiyasu'l-lughat_ (Pers. Dict.), Muh. Ghiyasu'd-din - _Rampuri_--_kardi_-peach 504. - - Ghulam-i-muhammad (_collaborator with Raverty_)--Nijr-au 213; - Nil-ab 206; - Babur's frontier-posts 213; - a route 208. - - Gibb, E. J. Wilkinson, Memorial Trust--Preface xlvii. - - _Glossary of Terms_, H. H. Wilson--_ser_ (_sir_)-measure 517; - _tanab_-measure 630. - - _The Golden Bough_, T. G. Frazer--a succession custom 482. - - _Goswara Inscription_, Kittoe and Kielhorn [_I.A. 1888_]--App. E, - xviii-ix, xxii. - - Grant, Mr. Ogilvie--his help App. B, vii. - - _Great Diamonds of the World_, E. W. Streeter--its Koh-i-nur account - incomplete 477. - - Greek descent, 22, 341. - - Guest-begs 141, 227. - - Gul-badan Begim (_Lady Rosebody_) _see_ H. N. - - _Gulistan_, Sa'di [_trs. Eastwick_]--quoted 42, 152-8, 190, 313. - - _Gulzar-i-Bihar_, Ajodhya Prasad--rulers in Tirhut and Darbanga App. - P, lvii; - varied by Sir G. A. Grierson (_I. A._ 1885) _ib._ n. 1. - - - +Noticeable words:+-- - P. _gosha_, bow-tip and notch App. C; - P. _gosha-gir_, an archer's repairing-tool 160-6, App. C, = - _chapras_ and _kadang_; P. _ghunchachi_ 17. - - - _Habibu's-siyar_, Khwand-amir--[_see nn. on pp. named_]; - relations with the _Babur-nama_ 57, 127, 256, 328; - value as a source 70, 348, 426; - not used for _The Memoirs_ 347; - used by Babur 11, 256-91; - completion of 687; - --Kinsmen of Babur 13,[2955] 18, 34-5, 46-8, 50, 61, 90, 111, 127; - --Babur 29, 147, 184, 297, 354-7, 432-7, 704; - --various persons 25, 38, 47, 50-4-8, 72, 98, 111, 128, 249, 396; - [Bih-bud] 227 and App. H, xxvi, 579, 621; - _varia_ 133, 244-96, 327-8-9, 463 (_n. where read Tamarisk_), 469, - 617-22; - --Herat 305; - Char-shamba 71; - _kisak_ 66; - Nizami 85 (_where in n. read l. 2_), H.S. iii, 44, 167. - - _Haft Iqlim_, Amin Ahmad _Razi_--celebrities of Chirkh 217. - - Hand-book to Dihli, H. J. Keene--places visited by Babur 475. - - " to Bengal, Murray's--observatories 79; - Dihli 475, 704. - - " to the Panj-ab, Murray's--Qandahar Inscription App. J, xxxiii. - - Hawking and fowling--experts in 31-8, 40-5, 67, 270-3-6; - birds with dogs 224; - a story 254; - lost hawk 394; - Babur's gift of a goshawk (_qarchigha_) 385; - Ahmad _Miran-shahi_ and goshawks 34, Add. Note, P. 34. - - Herat's high standard of proficiency 283, Preface xxx; - _see_ Index II. - - _Herat, On the city of_, Col. C. E. Yule [_JASB. 1887_]--280, 305-6. - - " B. de Meynard (J. A. xvi)--257, 305-6-7, 326. - - _Hidayat_, Burhanu'd-din 'Ali _Qilich_ (_trs. C. Hamilton_)--its - author's birth-place 7, 76; - held in honour 76; - his descendant 29; - _Khams_, the Fifth 324. - - _Hidayatu'r-rami_ (The Archer's Guide), Aminu'd-din (T. O. MS. - 2768)--_nawak_ 142; - _gosha-gir_ App. C, viii; - (_cf._ _AQR. 1911_, _H.B.'s art. Oriental Cross-bows_). - - _High Tartary_, R. Shaw--_tanga_, (_coin_) App. P, lvii. - - Hindu-shahi rulers in Kabul 200. - - Hindustani uses of "Khurasan" 202 and other words 455-88-91-92-99 - (_where for yak-rang read bak-ding_); - pronunciation 380, 484. - - Hinks, Mr. A. E. (_R.G.S._), estimate of distance from Kishm to - Qandahar 621. - - _Histoire de Chingiz Khan_, F. Petis de la Croix, the elder--Guk-sarai - 63, Ascension Stone 77. - - _Histoire du Khanat de Khokand_, L. Cahun--Farghana winds 9. - - " _du Khanat de Khokand_, Gen. V. R. Nalivkine--Sarts 6; - Akhsi App. A, i, iv, v; - tradition of Babur's abandoned child 358. - - " _de Timur Beg_, F. Petis de la Croix, the younger--Samarkand Gates - and walls 77 (_see Zafar-nama_). - - _Historical Sketches_, Col. Mark Wilks--_wulsa_ (flight _en masse_) - 486-7 (_where for "ulwash" read ulwan_); - Add. Notes, P. 487. - - Histories:--(_see nn. on pp. named_). - - " of Bukhara, A. Vambery--descent of chiefs 244. - - " of Gujrat, E. C. Bayley trs. _see Mirat_. - - " of India, Elliott and Dowson--Tarkhans 31 (_where add (n. 4) - references vol. i, 300, 320-1, 498_); - Farmulis 456, 675; - Bugials 452; - _varia_ 274, 440-77, 652-9, 693; - places 191, 219, 457, 582, 699; - earthquake 247; - Mian = Shaikh 457; - a B. N. source 348, 428-39, 621; - _The Malfuzat-i-timuri_ 653; - supers-session of B.'s sons proposed 703. - - " of India, Baber, W. Erskine--148-94, 247, 332-8, 343-6, 361, 440-78, - 520-2, 562, 651, 702; - gunpowder 369; - coins and Revenue List 446-78, 520-22, 627, App. P, lv; - value of the book 428. - - " of Musical Sounds, C. Carus-Wilson--215. - - " of Ottoman Poetry, E. J. Gibbs--double meaning in composition App. - Q, lxiv. - - _Hobson-Jobson_, Sir H. Yule (_ed. Crookes_)--(_see nn. on pp. - named_), Byde (_var._) Horse 470; - the Koh-i-nur 477; - black-buck 491; - gynee-cow 492; - partridge cries 496; - rock-pigeon (baghri-qara?) 498; - coucal 500; - _koel_ 501; - mango 503; - plantain 504; - "mohwa" 505; - _kishmish_ 505; - _jambu_ 506; - jack-fruit 506; - toddy 509; - an orange 511; - shoe-flower 513; - ghurry (clepsydra) 516; - _ser_ (measure) 517; - "bowly" (_baoli_) 533; - "talookdar" 621; - "cuscuss"-grass 631; - "moonaul" (monal) App. N, xlix; - "choki" App. V, lxxxi. - - Holy War--against Kafiristan 46; - Babur's against Sanga 547 _et seq._ and Chandiri 589; - references to 579-83, 637. - - Horse-accoutrement--Mughul 160; - mail 140-67, 380; - saddle-bags 338. - - Horses--_tipuchaqs_;--a breeder of 38; - mentioned 235, 303 and 336 (grey), 383 (almond-coloured), 401, - captured at Qandahar 338; - --Kabul horse-trade 202; - horses bred for sale 235; - how fed in a siege 145; - eaten on a journey 148; - swim the Zarafshan in mail 140; - in snow 253, 308-11; - single-file in snow 314; - women's use of during a battle 268; - murrians 31; - abandoned 239, 379; - invalided to Kabul 376-8; - trodden down by elephants 457; - restorative treatment 666; - --tribute in 228, _etc._; - raided by Babur 313; - galloping-ground for 222; - steps counted to estimate a distance 666; - --_qush-at_, a change-horse led by a rider 453; - corn and grass for 186, 221-2-3, 238; 311, 394; - unfit grass 222; - anatomical similarity with the rhinoceros 490. - - Hot-bath, _hamman_--Samarkand 78, - Akhsi 173, - Kabul 346, - Babur finds none in Hindustan 518, - constructs in Agra, 532, 634, - in Dulpur 614, 639. - - Households and families--various 32, 123, 125-9, 141; - Babur's sent to him 71-2, 151-3; - (B.'s) 184, 306; - marching for Kabul 189, 191-7; - Mughuls' come to B.'s army 192-4; - B. safeguards 199, 460-1; - driven like sheep 242 (2); - Bai-qaras desert 327; - Shaibani anxious about 135, 343; - B.'s come to Hind 645-6, 650-7-8, 665-75-89; - his wives and children 711-4. - - Houses--high 221, - windowed 201; - in Chandiri 597; - in Gualiar 608. - - Huma, a fabulous bird 26. - - Hunting:--circle (_jirga_) 114, 325, 424-50, 657; - Babur's hunting 296, 602, 707. - - _Humayun-nama_, Bayazid Biyat--a commanded book 691. - - _Humayun-nama_, Gul-badan Begim--(_trs. and ed. A. S. Beveridge_)--[_see - nn. on pp. named_]; - Adik Sl. 23; - a betrothal 48; - Khan-zada 147; - Mah-chuchuk 199, 342; - Apaq B. 301; - Mahdi Khw. 381, 688, 703-4, 579; - 'Asas (1) 387, (2) 552; - Mama Atun 148, 407; - various men 408 and 640, 526; - a begim's manly pursuits 263; - Mahim B. 344, 686; - Mirza Khan 433 (_where, l. 2 fr. ft. read grand-"mother"_); - Babur's sons 436, App. J, xxxv, 619, App. L, xliii, 545; - B.'s daughters 441, 522, 708, 713; - Babur's wounds 167, 524, 616, 630; - his self-devotion 701, (illustration 702, Preface xxxii;) - his death 708-9; - removal of body to Kabul 709; - --references to the H.N. 347, 689, 691-4, Pref. xxviii; - its Biographical App. 13, 705, 711. - - - Ibn Batuta _see_ Travels. - - " Hauqal _see_ Geography. - - _Illustrated London News_--fortress gun and stone ammunition 595; - rafts 673. - - _Indian Eras_, Sir Alex. Cunningham--intercalary months 515; - discrepant dates App. S, lxxi. - - _Indian Forest Trees_, D. Brandis--[_see nn. on pp. named_], - date-plum 210; - cypress 222; - weeping-willow App. I, xxxii; - "mohwa" 505; - bullace-plum 507; - orange-like fruits 510; - ebony-tree 585. - - _Indian Hand-book of Gardening_, G. T. F. Speede--_sinjid_ (jujube) 203; - _amluk_ (date-plum) 210; - _sambal_ (spikenard) 392; - "keeras" (cherry) 501; - _kamrak_ (_averrhoa carambola_) 506; - _sang-tara_ (orange) 511; - under-ground jack-fruit App. O, lii. - - Inscriptions--Babur's atAb-burdan 152, - Bad-i-pich pass 343, - Qandahar App. T; - --on Ajodhya Mosque App. U; - on B.'s tomb 710. - - _Inscriptions de Caboul_, J. Darmesteter [_J.A. 1888_]--in Babur's - Burial-garden 710. - - Intercession--Babur's, through Ahrari 620; - through Imam 'Ali, 702. - - "Islam"'s foes killed 370; - its army 564. - - Ivory 489. - - - Jogis--at Gur-khattri 230. - - _Journal of Travel_, W. Griffiths--red apple 507; - _cicadae_ s. of Ghazni App. N, l. - - _Journey from Bengal to England_, G. Forster--division of climates - 229 (_where for "Travels" read Journey_). - - _Journey to the Sources of the Oxus_, J. Wood (_ed. Yule_)--Kabul 199; - Running-sands 201, 215; - Hindu-kush passes (_Yule's Introduction_) 204; - dun sheep 224; - Nagarahara regions App. E, xxiii. - - _Journeys in Biluchistan, Afghanistan and the Panj-ab_, - E. Masson--(_see nn. on pp. named_), Kabul 199, 200, 201, - (fruits) 203-4; - Shibr 215; - Panjhir 205; - Nil-ab (in Ghur-bund) 216; - Adinapur 207; - Chaghatai castles 208; - a meaning of "Lam" 210; - Running-sands 215; - Judas-tree 216; - --places 405, 412-17-45, 647; - routes 231, 417; - sign of submission 232; - Nagarahara App. E, xvii; - "Babur Padshah's stone-heap" (cairn) 416; - Preface p. xxxviii. - - _Journey to India overland_, A. Conolly--Kabul 199; - _rawaj_ (rhubarb) 203. - - - Kabul _see_ "Cabool" and "Caubul". - - "Kafir"--uses of the word 481-3; 518, 577. - - _Kafirs of the Hindu-kush_, Robertson--their wines 212. - - _Kaiser Akbar_, Count F. v. Noer (_trs. A. S. Beveridge_)--finance - reform 282. - - Kehr, Dr. G. J. [_scribe of the Pet. F. O. School Codex of the - "Bukhara Babur-nama"_] see _Waqi'-nama-i-padshahi_. - - The _Khamsatin_ (Two Quintets)--a reader of 15; - imitated 288. - - _Khazinatu'l-asfiya_ [Treasury of Saints], Ghulam-i-sarwar--Khwajaki - Khw. 67; - Mir Sayyid 'Ali _Hamadani's_ grave 211; - Pir Kanu 238; - Jalalu'd-din _Purani_ 306; - Sharafu'd-din _Muniri_ 666. - - _Khutba_--read disloyally 52, 328; - Babur's compact 354-6; - read in Dihli for him 476. - - The (Koh-i-nur) diamond 477, 702. - - Klaproth Jules--Preface xxxix, xlvii; - [_see_ _Archiv_ and _Memoires relatifs etc._]. - - _Kulliyatu'r-rami_ (Cyclopaedia of Archery), Muh. Budha'i--_nawak_ 142; - _gosha-gir_ App. C, viii; - (_cf. Oriental Cross-bows, H.B. AQR. 1911_). - - - +Noticeable words:+--_khachar_ 74, 249; _khak-bila_ - (leap-frog) 26; _Khan-dada_; _kisak_ (old person) 66; _kim_ - (yeast) 423; _kiyik_ 6, 8, 10, 224, 491; _khimar_ = cymar - (scarf) 561; _kuilak_ syn. _kunglak_ (pullover vest, jersey) - 171-5; _kukbura_ see _aughlaqchi_; _kur-khana_; Qarshi = Ar. - _qasr_ 84; _kurush_, looking in the eyes, interviewing _i.a._ - 54, 64, 640 (_cf. quchush_, embracing); _kusaru_[?] 369; - _kushluq_ 250. - - - _La Grande inscription de Qandahar_, J. Darmesteter (_JAS. 1890_), - App. J, xxxiii-iv. - - _Lahor to Yarkand_, Hume and Henderson--_yak_ App. M, xlvii. - - Laidlaw (_JASB 1848_)--nasal utterance App. E. - - Lane's Lexicon _see_ Dictionaries. - - Langles art. Babour Preface xiv. - - Law (Muhammad's)--on blood-vengeance 194, 251-8; - Shaibani's disregard of 329; - Husain _Bai-qara's_ regard for 258; - Babur's orthodox observance shown _e.g._ 25, 44, 111, 262, 370-7, - 483, 547-51-74-89-96, and in the _Mubin and Walidiyyah-risala_ - _q.v._; - his orthodox reputation (_epitaph_) 711; - his observance as to intoxicants 302, beyond his 23rd year 299, - 302-3-4; - his return to obedience (933) in 44th year 551-5; - referred to 203 (_verse_) 645-7-8; - his breaches of Law:--against types of verse 447, - repented 448; - against wine, _see s.n._ Wine. - - _Les Mosquees de Samarcande_, Pet. Archeol. S.--74-8-7. - - _Les six voyages en Turquie, en Perse, et aux Indes_, Jean Baptiste - le Tavernier--the coin _casbeke, kipki_ 296. - - _Letters of Lady Mary W. Montagne_--lovers' marks 16. - - Letters--Nawa'i's imitation of Jami's collection 271; - Babur keeps a letter of 910 to 935 AH. 190; - his royal-letters (_farman_) 463-4, 526, 617 (_with autograph - marginal couplet_), others (_khat_t) 331-2; - to Khw. Kalan 411 (_with autograph couplet_), 603 n. 3, 627, and - (_reproduced_) 645; - to Humayun (_reproduced_) 624; - to Kamran 645-6, Preface xxxv, xliii; - to Mahim 374, 541; - Letters-of-victory:--Kabul 319, - Bajaur 371, - Hisar-firuza 466, - Kanwa 559-74, 580. - - Levirate marriage 23, 267. - - Levy on stipendiaries 617. - - Lexicon Persico-Latinum, I. A. Vullers _see_ Dictionaries. - - Leyden John--tentative trs. of the Bukhara Compilation, Preface - xlvii-viii-ix, lviii. - - _Life and Letters of Ogier G. de Busbecq_ [_trs. - Forster & Daniel_]--explains "Sultanim" 29. - - _L'Inde des Rajas_, L. Rousselet--Gualiar 605. - - _Linguistic Survey of India_, Sir G. A. Grierson--forms of "nine" - App. E, xviii. - - Loess 3, 30, App. A, ii. - - Looting of assigned individuals 328. - - Lord [JASB 1838]--Ghurbund 205; - Running-sands 215. - - "Lords of the Elephant" 563-73. - - Lordship in the Gate _see_ Gate. - - _Lotophagi_, a fruit they ate 210; - quoted 42. - - Lover's-marks 16, Add. Note, P. 16. - - _Lubbut't-tawarikh_, Yahya _Kazwini_--an early (brief) source 349; - dates the battle of Ghaj-davan 361. - - - +Noticeable words+:-- - _lam_ (fort) 210; - _likh_, _luja_, _lukha_ (a bird) 498, App. N, xlvii. - - - _Ma'asir-i-rahimi_ (a Life of 'Abdu'r-rahim Mirza _q.v._), - 'Abdu'l-baqi _Nahavandi_--Babur's wife Salha 713. - - _Ma'asiru'l-'umra_, Shah-navaz-Khan--Mu'azzam-nagar = Din-kot 206. - - McGregor, Col. H. G.--meaning of "_ningrahar_" and - "_nungnihar_" = 9 streams, App. E, xix. - - Magic--rain making with the jade-stone (_yada-tash_) 27, 67, 654; - the stone used to ensure victory 623; - Babur's talisman to stop rain 423. - - _Majalis-i-nafa'is_, 'Ali-sher _Nawa'i_--mentions 'Abdu'l-lah - _Barlas_ 51. - - _Making of a Frontier_, A. G. A. Durand--Greek descent 22. - - _Malfuzat-i-timuri_ (Timur's Turki Annals)--not discredited by - no-mention in the mutilated B.N. 653; - Yunas Khan and the book Preface xxix; - an incentive to Babur xxx, - perhaps also at xxxii; - their acceptance in a Persian translation by Shah-jahan xlvi.[2956] - - _Mammals of India_, T. E. Jerdon--hog-deer 491. - - _Manners and customs of the modern Egyptians_, E. W. Lane--drinkables - 298. - - _Manual of Gardening_, Firminger--cherries 203; - _kamrak_ fruit 506; - an orange 511; - _sada-fal_ 512. - - Manufactures of Samarkand, cramoisy and paper 81, 305. - - _Marmion_ (_Scott's Notes to_), wild geese checked in flight 214. - - Marriage, compelled 386; - levirate 23, 267; - legitimate 269; - illegal 329. - - The _Masnawi_ of Jalalu'd-din _Rumi_ (_trs. E. H. Whinfield_)--read - by 'Umar Shaikh 15, Preface xxx. - - _Materials for the History of India_, Nassau Lees--amongst the sources - for filling out Babur-nama gaps 428. - - _Matla'u's-sa'dain_, 'Abdu'r-razzaq (_N. et Ex. xiv_)--Timurid - suzerainty acknowledged in Dihli [in 814-1411] 459. - - Meal-hours--big breakfast 389; - nooning 614-861. - - Measures--+Linear+:--_ailik_ (finger-breadth) 489, 630; - _arghamchi_ (rope) 614; - arrow's-flight (_i.a._ bow-shot), _i.a._ 8, 640; - from gate-ward to Gate 316; - _gaz_ 611 n. 3; - _kuroh_ _i.a._ 76; - _qadam_ (step, pace) 75, 630, (of a horse) 666; - _qari_ 7, 208-9, 489, 550, 611-29-30-31; - _qarish_ (inch) 489; - _qulach_ 406-93; - _shar'i_ 76, 200; - spear's length 196, 377, 474; - _tanab_ (rope) 630; - _tutam_ (hand-breadth) 630; - _yighach_ (Prs. trs. _farsang_) 4, 7, 9, 10, 25, 55, 76, 82-3-4, - 99, 138, 208-17-18, 323, App. A, v. n. 1; - --+Time+:--Hindustan divisions of the year 515 to 517; - boiling of milk 175, 237; - --+Weight+:--batman 263, 276; - _man_ 699; - misqal 421-77, 632; - _rati_ 477 n. 6, 517; - _tash_ (stone, silver & gold) 632; - Kabul _sir_ (_ser_) 632, 546; - Table of weights of Hind 517-8; - _tula_ 517-41; - --ass-load (_kharwar_) 228, 338-9, 374; - --+Numeration+ (Indian) 518; - --+Capacity+:--_x_ mills water-power _i.a._ 208, 216, 462-5, 581; - (coins by the) quiverful 632. - - Medical and surgical remedies:--dried plums (_prunes_) 82; - water dropped from cotton 89; - trepanning 106-9; - seton, bandage (_yildiz_) 169; - powder for bone-growing 169; - water-melon and narcissus 246, 399, 401; - rose-water (_jul-ab_) 400; - antidotes to poison 511, 543; - tonic powders 606; - opium 608, 661; - quicksilver 618; - pepper-steaming 657, 660. - - _Mediaeval geography and history of Central and Western Asia_, - E. Bretschneider--Almaligh and other old towns 2; - Simiz-kint [_Fat-village_], a name of Samarkand 75; - _Nuyan_ explained 131. - - _Memoires relatifs a l'Asie_ (_ii, 134_), J. Klaproth--its valuable - extracts from the Bukhara Compilation, Preface, Cap. III, - Part III; - Babur's letter to Kamran, App. J, xxxv, (_see Archivs_). - - Memory, retentive, 290. - - _Merv Oasis_, O'Donovan--Radagan 622. - - _Metamorphoses_, Ovid--Scorpio and Libra 623. - - Migration enforced--of Mughuls of the Horde 20, 350-1; - of Tramontane tribes 202-70, 322; - of villagers to Bajaur 375, - and planned to Sialkot. - - Military:--+Armies, size of+:--Mahmud (Ghazni) 479; - Shihabu'd-din _Ghuri_ 480; - Auz-beg 480; - Daulat Khan _Ludi_ 451; - Babur, Qandahar 334, - Bhira 480, - Panipat 452-80; - Ibrahim _Ludi_ 463-80; - Sanga 547; - Tahmasp at Jam 635; - --Babur's force in various encounters (200 to 300) 91; - (240) 100; - (1000) 87; - (240) 334-7; - (10 to 15) 140; - (100) 147; - (10 to 15) 166; - (3) _ib._; - (1) 167; - (100) 173; - (20 to 25) 177; - (1) 178; - --+Commands+:--Mingligh (1000) 52; - Nuyan (_Mughuli_) 151; - Tuman-begi (10,000) 17; - Yuz-atlik (_Centurion of horse_) 143; - Quchin 32; - --+Army array:+--108-13-55-98; - 234-381; - 468-71, 557-8; - Babur's organization and terms 334; - flanking-movement (_tulghuma_) 139, - described 140, 473, 568; - rallying-point 547; - rendezvous (_buljar_) 122-3, 592, 638; - at the Sind-ferry 461-2; - postings 113-39, 372, 595, 662-68; - --+Various+:--A.S. Corps 674; - army-list 451-2; - camp-bazar 67-8; - Corps of Braves 28, App. H, xxvii; - discipline 66-7; - necessaries for holding a fort 145; - numbering (_dim_) 154-61, 468, (_san_) 451-2; - pass-words 164; - pillars of heads 232, 324-71, 404; - war-cries 138-44-55-63-66; - ways and means 228, 617; - --Rajput fighting customs 595; - massacres of "Pagans" 370, 484, 596; - --+Appliances and constructions+:--axe (tool) 108, 379; - catapult 59; - camp defence:--ditch and branch 60-1, 110-17, 138, (908 AH.) 162, - Rumi defence of linked carts _infra_ (932 AH.) 469-70, 550-58; - draw-bridge (_pul-i-rawan_) 171-76; - flaming-fire 595; - guns _see_ fire-arms; - ladders (_shatu_) 130-31-43-71, 368-70, 593; - mantelet (_tura_) 108-13-55, 368, 469, 593; - mines 53-9, 343-70; - moat 10; - pit 198; - head-strike (_sar-kob_) 53-9; - spade or shovel (_kitman_) 108; - smoke 59; - wheeled-tripod 550-7; - --+Armour+:--helm 166-7, 396; - cuirass (mail or wadded) _i.a._ 195, 315-96; - the word _jiba_ 495; - Qalmaq _jiba_ 175; - coat of mail (_joshan_) 195; - horse-mail (_kichim_) _see_ horse; - arm-protector, the 4 plates of mail, attachment (_gharicha_) 167, - 315, 396; - --+Arms+:--battle-axe (_baltu_) 160, 370; - broad dagger (_jamdar_) 528; - hanger (_khanjar_) 528; - Hindu knife (_kard_) 528; - lance (_neza_) 370; - six-flanged mace (_shash-par_) 160; - rugged mace (_piyazi_, _Sanglakh Dict. f. 312b_, _kisgin_) 160; - _casse-tate_ mace (_kistin_) 160; - scabbard (_qin_) 167; - sword (_qilich_) 160-61-67, 315-70-96, 453; - broad sword (_yasi qilich_) 150; - (_see Archery_); - --+Carts+ (_araba_) for Rumi defence:--(Panipat) ordered collected - 468; - 700 brought and used as described 468-9; - --misleading omission from (E.'s) _Memoirs_ 468 n. 3; - --progress of the defences 469-70; - mantelets used 469; - (position of guns 473-74); - --(Kanwa) carts supplemented by wheeled tripods 550; - place of carts in the march out 550-57-58; - carts the frontal protection 550-58; - well-made in Rumi fashion 550; - [posts of matchlockmen and canoneers along the line of carts - 569]; - carts in the battle 564-697, 471; - centre troops move from behind them 570-71; - carts advanced in front of Babur 571; - --(Jam) Tahmasp's Rumi defence 623, 635-36; - --+Fire-arms+:--_firingi_ (swivel-gun, _pierrier_) 472, 667; - mortars (_qazan_) 59 - --the Ghazi cast 536, - tested 547 - --used 570-99 - --ineffective at Chandiri 592-5 - --its elephant-traction 489; - mortars and (_add_) carts landed 651 - --used in the Gogra battle (_where "tope"_) 669-70-71; - a larger mortar made, bursts 588; - --_zarb-zan_ (culverin) 473 - --used at Panipat 474, - Kanwa 564-9, 71, - the Ganges-bridge 599, - Eastern campaign 651-6; - --_tufang_, _tufak_ (matchlock) used 368-9, 466-9, 558-64-70-71-73, - 599, 628-67-8-9; - Tahmasp's 622-35; - --gunners and matchlockmen 368, - their pay 617 - and wellbeing 647; - "fire-working" Bengalis 672; - --_muljar_ (gun emplacement) 593, 628 - (_for buljar_?), 668; - --+Stone-missiles+:--hurled by hand 109, 370, 595; - legendary dropping of by birds 563; - discharged from catapults 59, - from mortars and matchlocks 109, 369, 431-73, 571-88-93-95-99, - 617-67-70-79; - --+Transport:+--pack animals 235; - camels 232-5, 378, (_counted_) 391, 601-56 - (_see Domestic animals_); - elephants 489; - carts (_baggage_) 237, 376-77, 468, 636, 700, - (_gun_) 592-99, - (_unspecified_) 601-51-56. - - Minerals:--ribbon jasper 6; - turquoise 8, 12; - iron 12; - jade 27, 67; - ruby 194; - silver and lapis-lazuli 214; - lead and copper 485. - - _Mirat-i-jahan-numa_, Shaikh Muh. _Baqa_--Khwand-amir's journey to - Hind 505. - - _Mirat-i-sikandari_, 'Ali Muh. Khan (_trs. E. Clive Bayley_)--Gujrat - affairs 535; - persons 562 and 614, 612; - Gualiar jewels 613. - - Mirror-stone, (_Farghana_) 7. - - _Miscellaneous Works_, Greaves--Observatories 79. - - Mohl, Jules--date of revision of _Tarikh-i-firishta_ 694 (_E. and D.'s - Hist. of India iv, 209_). - - _Mongolia_, N. Prejevalsky (_trs. E. Delmar-Morgan_)--_aimaq_ 49, - explained Add. Notes P. 49. - - Moon-stroke 608. - - _Mountain-passes leading into the valley of Bamian_, Lt.-Gen. E. Kaye, - C.B. [PRGS. 1879]--birds 213. - - _Mubin_ (Exposition), Babur--date of composition (928 AH.) 426, 437; - described 437-8; - Babur's choice of its title 630, 653; - thought during its composition 449; - quoted 630; - sent to Samarkand 653. - - +Mughuls and Babur+:--a faithful Mughul 87-8; - Mughuls enter his service 58-9, 189, 190-2-4, 245; - support Jahangir against him _see i.a. snn._ Tambal, 'Ali-dost; - offer to supplant him by Sa'id _Chaghatai_ 351; - sent to help him 101-4, - oppose him 115; - desert him 86-7, 104-5; - Five Rebellions against him 105, 208, 313-4, 345-9, 361-2-3, 397; - his following purged of them 427; - his comments on them 66, 104-5, 115-40, 172; - a Mughul chief's dying comment on them 363; - "Mughul dynasty" a misnomer 158. - - _Muhammadan Dynasties_, Stanley Lane-Poole--Table of Timurids 262; - various 479-82; - certain Auzbeg deaths 636. - - Mu'inu'd-din al Zamji (_J.A. xvi, 476, de Meynara's art._)--Kichik - Mirza's Egyptian information 257. - - _Muntakhabu'l-lubab_, Muh. Hashim _Kh(aw)afi_ Khan--[_see nn. on pp. - named_], a source for filling Babur-nama gaps 208; - Sihrind, Sar-i-hind 383; - siege of Chandiri 596; - varies Babur's chronogram of the victory 596. - - _Muntakhabu't-tawarikh_, 'Abdu'l-qadir _Badayuni_ (_trs. Ranking, - Lowe_) Hasan _Hijri_ 153; - Babur's Script 228, App. Q, lxii, arrow-sped couplet 361; - _Mubin_ 437-8; - Chronogram of Sikandar _Ludi's_ death 427; - the haunted field of Panipat 472; - Hasan _Miwati_ 523; - Shaikh Guran 526; - Farighi 621; - Muh. _Ghaus_ 690; - quotes Babur's Funeral Ode 709. - - "Musalman" as used by Babur 99, 104, 268, 481, - and by Shaikh Zain 553-5. - - _Musalman Numismatics_, O. Codrington--various coins 632 [_see JRAS. - 1913-4_]. - - Music--+instruments+:--'_aud_ (lute) 292, 395; - _chang_ (jews'-harp) 303; - drum _see s.n._; - _ghachak_ (guitar) 291; - _nai_ (flute) 291, 303; - _qanum_ (dulcimer) 278; - _qubuz_ (guitar) 39; - --+modes+:--76 n. 5, 136, 287, 422; - --+performers+:--39, 278, 286-7, 291, 292, 422 (Babur); - at entertainments _passim_; - --Bana'i's rapid progress as a musician 287. - - - +Noticeable words+:-- - _aimaq_ 51 _etc._ Add. Note P. 51; - _ming_ = P. _hazara_ 52; - _ming-begi_ see _quchin_; - _mihman-beg_ 227. - - - Nadir Shah Pref. xlvii. - - _Nagarahara_, Simpson [JASB. xiii?]--App. E. xxiii. - - _Narrative of the Journey of the Embassy to Kashghar_ (_Yarkand_), - H. W. Bellew--Satuq-bughra Khan 29. - - Nasal utterance--its seeming products "_ning_" (var.) = nine, App. E, - xviii, xix, and "Tank" = Taq 233. - - Natural History--+Beasts+:--those common to Kabul and Hind 222; - wild ass 224, 325; - wild buffalo 490, 657; - _bughu-maral_ 8, 10, 114, 373, 491, 500; - --elephant described 488, - encounters with rhino and camel 451, 631, 657, - in battle 463-70, 457-66-68, 529, 668, - in hunting 657, - killed by a fleeing foe 662, - killed in Makka 563, - statues of, at Gualiar 609, - various 590, 628-58; - --ermine-weasel 492; - yellow fox 114; - flying-fox (bat) 500 (_and n. 6 where read f. 135_); - _gaini_ cattle 492; - goat 16, 83; - hare 10, 114; - --_kiyik_:--black buck, hog-deer and a smaller deer 222, 491, - _aq kiyik_ (white) 6, 8, 10, 491, - _qizil kiyik, arqarghalcha_ (dun sheep) 224, 491; - --tree-mouse 492; - monkey, ape 211, 222, 492; - musk-rat 214; - _nil-gau_ 222, 490; - pig 114; - _quchqar_ (ram) 492; - _karg_ (rhinoceros) 378, 450-1-89, 557; - squirrel 492; - flying squirrel 213[2957]; - tiger 393, 664; - _yak_ (_qutas_) 55, 155, - _bahri qutus_ 485, 490, App. M. - --+Birds+:--migration 220-4; - catching 220-4-5; - common to Hind and Kabul 220; - decoy-birds 225; - impeded flight 214, 496; - special notes on App. B and N; - combined sex-name 500; - _ding_ (adjutant) 398, 498; - _bak-ding_[2958] (adjutant) 499; - _baghri-qara_ _see_ sand-grouse and App. N.; - Indian bustard and Great bustard 498; - Large _buzak_ (black ibis) 499; - white _buzak_ 499, 500 l. 2; - buzzard (T. _sar_) 499, 500[2959]; - chameleon-bird _see lukha_; - cranes var. 224, 499; - crow var. 500; - ducks var. 224, 500; - egret (_qarqara_) 224; - golden eagle (_burgut_) 373, 500; - florican 498[2960]; - goshawk (T. _qarchigha_ and _qirghicha_) 34, Add. Note, P. 34, - 385; - grey heron (_auqar_) 224, 499; - jungle-fowl var. 497; - _kabg-i-dari_ 214, 496-7, App. N, xlix (_see lukha_); - kuil, koel 501; - Indian loriquet 494 n. 5; - _lukha_ var. 213, 222, 496, Add. Note, P. 496 - (_see kabg-i-dari_); - magpie 500; - green magpie 501; - _manek_ (beef-steak bird) 499; - _monal_ 496, 497, App. N, _phul-paikar_ 497; - _bulbul_ (nightingale) 420, 501; - northern-swallow 495; - parrot var. 493-4; - partridge var. 421-93-96-97; - peacock 493; - pelican (_qutan_) 224, App. N, 1; - pheasant (_qir-ghawal_) 3, 8, 10, 34, 114, 493-97 (_chir_); - _qil-quyirugh_ (_Qarshi-birdie_) 84, App. B; - quail var. 34, 497-8; - sand-grouse (_baghri-qara_) 84, 498,[2961] App. B; - _sarigh-aush_[2962] 373; - _sharak_; - --Himalayan starling? 495 n. 3; - _pindawati_ 495; - house-_mina_ 495 (_add n. ref. 5_); - pied-_mina_ _ib._--sparrow (_chuchuq_) 8; - snow-cock 213, 421, App. N, 1, (_see_ _lukha_ and _chiurtika_ - _ib._); - white stork 499; - _karcha_ (swift) 501; - wag-tail 498, 501; - wild fowl 497; - little green wood-pecker 501; - _zummaj_ 500 ("eagle," _add_ Its colour is black); - --+Fish and amphibia+:--migration 225; - catching 225-7, 406, 682; - of Hindustan fish 503; - cray fish 502; - unnamed 663; - frog 503; - porpoise 502; - crocodile var. 501-2, 663; - --+Various+:--lizard 501-2; - locust (_chiurtika_) 421, App. N, 1; - mosquito 204; - snakes, 8, 147, 406; - +Flowers+:--Farghana 5, 10; - Kabul 215-7; - Peshawar 393; - Hind 513-5; - --_arghwan_ (red, the Judas-tree) 216-7, 305, - (yellow) 217; - hibiscus 513; - jasmine 515; - oleander 514, 580, 610; - roses 5, 321 (couplet), 513; - screw-pine 516; - tulips 5, 215, 321; - violets 5; - --+Fruits+:--Farghana 2, 3, 6, 8, 10; - Samarkand 77, 82-4; - Kabul 202-3-8-9-10-12-16-18-20-21; - Hind 503 to 513, App. O; - --'_ain-alu_ 506; - almond 6, 7, 9, 223, 507-8; - _alu-balu_ 203; - apple 2, 8, 77, 202-20, 507; - apricot 6, 202; - _badrang_ 203; - plantain (banana) 208, 504; - cherry 203; - _chirunji_ 508; - citron var. 203-8-10, 501-11; - clustered-fig 508; - coco-nut 509; - colocynth-apple (_wild gourd_) 410-11 (_where for khuntal read - hunzal_); - coriander 211; - corinda 507; - date-palm 410-24, 506-8; - date-plum (T. _qara-yimish_) 203-10; - fig 508; - grape 3, 77, 202-3-10-12-18-21, 507-8, 646-86-87; - jack-fruit 506; - _jaman_ 506, 606; - _jilghuza_ (pine-seeds) 203-13; - jujube (_sinjid_) 196, 203; - _chikda_ 506; - _kamrak_ 506 (_where add, It has no stone_); - lemon 512, 614; - lime var. 512; - lote-fruit 507; - lotus-seed (_dudah_) 666; - mango 503; - melon var. 10, 82-4, 92, 411, 645-6, 686-7; - mimusops 505; - myrobalan 508; - _nashpati_ 3; - orange var. 203-10-11, 414, 510, 512, Add. N. P. 512, 614, App. - O, liii; - pear 203; - peach 203; - pistachio 508; - plum 82; - monkey-jack 506-7; - pomegranate 6, 8, 77, 202-8, 507; - quince 202, 507-12; - tamarind 505 (_n. ref. to buia_); - walnut 203, 508; - --+Trees and plants+:--_aman-qara_, maize (?) 504, - small almond 233, - _buia_ 505, - _buta-kuh_ 221, - clover, trefoil, _sih-barga_, _yurunchqa_ 6, 209, 346, - conifers, archa, 221-2, - cypress 81, 222, - _dhak_ 472; - ebony-tree 585, 614, - hardwood-elm 81, - grass (_cuscus_) 631 n. 2, - holm-oak 213-16-23, - madder 218, - _mahuwa_ 505-8, - male-reed 514, - mandrake and its similars 11, - mastic 213-23, - millet 81, 215, - mulberry (_tut_) 248, 494, - olive 222, - palmyra palm 509, App. O, liv, - Pinus Gerardiana, _jilghuza_ 203-13, - plane 216, 398, - poplar var. 13, 15, (_turuk_) 145 and 156, 414 (_where for - "purslain" read poplar_), - _qarqand_ 223, - reed 514, - rice 210, 342, - rhubarb 203, 345, 507, - spikenard 392, - sugar-cane 208, 388, - _tabalghu_ 11, - tamarisk 14, 463 (_where, wrongly, "Tamarind"_); - --willow 217, 306, - (weeping) 304, App. I, - (_amal-bid_) 512; - --+Physical various--Climate+:--change on the Kindirlik-pass (?) 2; - meeting places of hot and cold in Kabul 208 and 229, 220; - both near the town 202; - good climate Aush 4-6, - Kasan 10, - Soghd 84, - Kabul 263; - --+Climes+:--Farghana and Samarkand in the 5th 1, 74; - Kabul in the 4th 199; - --cold, Akhsi 116, - Hasht-yak 151, - Ghazni 219, 526, - Khwarizm 219, - upper Heri-rud valley 311, - Kabul 314; - --+Various+:--dust-storm 520, 32-6; - earthquake 247, 367; - solar eclipse 659; - ice,--Sir-darya crossed on 151; - Kabul ice-houses 215; - near Parhala 452; - none had in Hind 518; - --+malaria+:--Andijan 4, - Khujand 8; - --+rain+:--384, 425; - rain-making _see_ magic; - rain-talisman 423; - rainy season (various) 405, 507, 514-19, 677-8; - --+snow+:--208, 215, 252, 314, 373; - Himalayan snows 485; - perilous journey in snow 309-11; - snowfall of Samarkand and Kabul compared 77; - --+wind:+--Farghana 9 and n. 2, 151; - Kabul 201; - upper Heri-rud valley 310; - Hind 520, pestilential 524, 532, 654-7, - does damage to Babur's writings 658. - - Nestorian Church 2. - - _New account of the East Indies_ (Edin. 1727), Alex. Hamilton--Malabar - succession customs 482. - - _Nigar-nama-i-hind_, Sayyid Ghulam-i-'ali--a British monument - at Panipat 472. - - Nine a mystic number--9 Tarkhan privileges 250; - 9 allowed offences 250; - gifts by nines; - [Cf. _Shajaratu'l-atrak, Miles trs. p. 530_, for the root of - reverence for the number nine]. - - _Notes on Afghanistan and Baluchistan_, H. G. Raverty--[_see nn. on pp. - named_], Kabul rulers and river 200; - river called Nil-ab 206; - 'Aqabain 201; - Adinapur-region 207; - Ghazni magic spring 219; - migration of fowlers 225; - Timur's pillars of heads 232; - place of Zu'n-nun's death 327; - "Kakar" 386; - "Patakh" (= _bat-qaq_ = quagmire) 403; - But -khak a vahara-site 409; - --+Various places+ 206, 220, (Gum-rahan) 236, 238-47-48 (2), - "Chariakar" (_Char-yak-kar_) 295, 345-73, 403, (Zabul) 405; - --+Routes+ 206-9, 212, 228-35-54; - book needs revision 330-67; - a collaborator 213. - - _Notes on the Chugani and neighbouring tribes of Kafiristan_, Col. - H. S. Tanner (_JRGS. 1881_)--map mentioned 209; - Dara-i-nur 210, App. F; - Ning-nahar App. E, xix. - [_Cf. Index II s.n. chiqan._] - - _Notes on some monuments in Afghanistan_, H. H. Hayden--Babur's Grave - (illustration) 710, App. V, lxxx. - - _Nouvelle Geographie_; _L'Asie Anterieure_, Reclus--[_see nn. on pp. - named_], Farghana 4, 5, 9; - distances (Akhsi) App. A, v, (Tirmiz-Hisar) 57; - Samarkand 74, 83, 88; - Mil-i-radagan 622; - Kadgar (_i.a._ Qajar) 666; - _sighnaq_ = fort App. Q, lxiv; - _daban_ and other pass-names 54. - - - +Noticeable words+:-- - P. _nabira_ 66, 72; - _nihilam_ (game-driving) 45; - M. _nuyan_ 131, 224-73. - - - Observatories _see_ Astronomy. - - Omens--of the sex of an unborn child App. L; - of success 466, 558. - - _Onau_, Sir Charles Elliot--Badshah-nagar named from Babur's halt 675. - - "Oolak" (baggage-boat), perhaps from T. _aulugh_, great 663. - - Open-table, maintainers of 39, 45-9, 119, 227. - - Opium-eater 385. - - _Oriental Biographical Dictionary_, T. W. Beale (_ed. Keene_) _see_ - Dictionaries. - - _Oriental Proverbs_, T. Roebuck--the "five-days' world" 50. - - - +Noticeable words+:-- - M. Oghlat = T. Dughlat = Qungur-at of Auzbegs 22. - - - Padshah--uses of the word 1; - title assumed by Babur 344. - - _Padshah-nama_, 'Abdu'l-hamid--_lacunae_ in an early copy of the - _Babur-nama_ App. D, x. - - _Padshah-nama_, Muhammad Amin _Kazwini_--Babur's gardens in and near - Kabul App. V; - [cf. _Malfuzat-i-timuri_]. - - Pagan _see_ Kafir. - - Painting and painters--22, 78, 111, 272-91. - - _Painting and Painters of Persia_, Martin--Bih-zad 291. - - Pargiter, Mr. F. E.--on "_wulsa_" 487-8, Add. Note, P. 487. - - Pass-names 54. - - Pass-words _see_ Military. - - Penmanship and scripts--good writers 28, 111, 278, 291; - the Baburi-script 228, 642, App. Q, lxii. - - Pen-names--'Adili 111, - Ahi 289, - Ahli 290, - 'Aruzi 288, - Badakhshi 288, - Bana'i 286, - Bayani 278, - Fani and Nawa'i 272, - Faraqi 137, - Gharbati 261, - Hatifi 288, - Hilali 290, - Husaini 259, - Kami 290, - Sharaf 448, - Suhaili 277, - Tufaili 278, - Wafa'i 38, etc. - - _Persia and the Persian Question_, Lord Curzon--its "Radkan" - explained 622. - - Persian Grammar, J. T. Platts (_ed. Ranking_) lunar months App. L, lxx. - - _Persian Poets_, Sir W. Ouseley--Khwaja Kamal 8. - - "Pharoah" used as an epithet 39. - - _Poems of Nizami_ (_Mecon and Lahor eds._)--_Haft Paikar_ quoted 6; - _Khusrau u Shirin_:--parricide 85, Add. Note, P. 85; - death inevitable 182 [_here Turki_], App. D, xi [_here Pers.; Macon - ed. iii, 1589_]; - Fate an avenging servitor 251, Add. Note, P. 251 [_f. 281 in MS. of - 317 ff._]; - swift action a maker of victory 625; - lovers' marks Add. Note, P. 16; - --the _Khamsatin_ 15, 288.[2963] - - _Poems of Nuru'd-din 'Abdu'r-rahman Jami_--an exposition of the - _Nafahat_ 284; - the metre of the _Subhatu'l-abrar_ adopted in the - _Shaibani-nama_ 289, - and in the _Walidiyyah-risala_ 620 (_where read rahman for - "rahim"_). - - _Poems of Kipling_--"My Lord the Elephant" 208; - "The Border-thief" 308; - "If----" 320. - - Poison--suspected 302, 576; - given to Babur 541; - revealed by rhino-horn 489; - antidotes, lime-juice 511, - Lemnian Earth 543. - - _Political Mission to Afghanistan and Seistan_, H. W. Bellew--birds - at Ab-istada 240; - Qandahar 430, App. J, xxxiii. - - _Polyglot List of Birds_, E. Denison Ross, Ph. D.--373, 495-6-7-8, - 500, App. M, xlvi. - - _Popular Religion of Northern India_, W. Crooks--Sarsawa 467. - - Prayers, The Five--'Umar Shaikh's observance of 15; - voluntary Sunnat-prayer 100; - Babur (_aet._ 12) less neglects the after-midnight prayer 44; - Ahmad _Miran-shahi_ observes on drinking-days 33; - a reverse case 111; - Erskine on their "performance" 258; - time expressed by their names _passim_. - - Prisoners--rebels killed 69, 113; - war-captives killed 233, 466-8; - set free 37, 237, 313, 371, 413; - traitors pardoned 317-9, 320, 345. - - _Projectile-throwing engines of the ancients_, - Sir W. F. Payne-Gallwey--stone ammunition 667. - - Promotions--to begs rank from the household-circle 104; - household beg to Great Beg 86, 104; - _yasawal_ to beg 273; - to begship 87, 114, 278; - _qurchi_ to _qur-begi_ 252; - brave to beg 396; - --a beg self-made 118; - ('Askari) to preside in Diwan 628; - (a Mirza) to royal insigna 662, 706; - to use of the _tugh_ (standard), frequent. - - Proverbs and sayings--90, 117, 24-5-8, 145-66-77-82-84-90-93, 223-7-8, - 254, 310, 453-94, 542-3, 703. - - Punishments--beard shaved off 404; - blinding 50, 63, 95, 194, 266; - bow-stringing 110, 194; - quartering 238, 454, 543; - hanging 345; - impalement 341; - nose-slitting 234, 383; - parade mutilated 404, 234; - shooting 543; - skinning alive 542; - for disloyalty 70, 113. - - Puns and Quips--44, 115, 136-7, 150, 189, 287, 391, 529, 648. - - - +Noticeable words+:-- - P. _pahr_ and _pas_ distinguished 634; - _postin_ 10. - - - _Qandahar in 1879_ AD., Le Mesurier--the old town 431; - stone-ammunition _ib._ - - _Qandahar_ see _La grande inscription de Q._ - - _Qasidatu'l-burda_, Al-busiri--Babur works from its motive 620; - [cf. Rene Basset]. - - _qibla_--discrepancy 79. - - _qizil-bash_ (red-head) 266, 618-22-30-35. - - The Qoran (_trs. G. Sale_)--quoted by Babur 194, 316, 449; - read by or to him, remedially, 401, Add. Note, P. 401, 585; - copied by him in his Script 228; - obeyed as to the Khams (5th) of booty 324; - referred to by him 517; - --'Umar Shaikh a reader of 15, Preface xxx; - transcribers of 38, 481; - recited 246, 301; - frequent quotations by Shaikh Zain 553 to -6, 559 to -74; - quoted on a Samarkand arch 77; - sworn on 179, 557; - Shaibani makes exposition of 329; - a collection of homonymous verses 285; - Sale's Intro, referred to 562-3. - - Quatremere, E.--(_N. et Ex._) 446-59, (_J. des Savans, 1843_) 605. - - _Qiranu's-sa'dain_, Amir Khusrau--a couplet quoted 503 (H.B.). - - - +Noticeable words:+-- - _qabaq_ 34; - _qachar_ (punned on) 44; - _qari_ (a measure) 7; - _qara-tiyaq_ 101, 103; - _qazaqlar_ (guerilla times) 35; - _qaptal_ (part of a saddle) 253; - _quba-yuzluq_ (fat-faced) 14; - _qurchi_ (armourer, life-guardsman) _i.a._ 188, 288; - _quchin_ = _ming-begi_ 26, 40; - _qurghan_ (walled-town) _i.a._ 3, 5, 8, 10; - _quruq_ (reserved land) 81, 168, 197; - _qushuq_ (improvised dance and song) 24; - _qumiz_ (fermented mare-milk) 155; - _quchush_ (embrace) 160; - _qulach_ (a measure) 406. - - - _Races of Afghanistan_, H. W. Bellew--Khilich 29 (_where read title - as above_). - - Raft--(Farghana) 161, 180; - (Kabul) 410-11-12-21-22-23, 447-8. - - _Ramacarita_, H. Sastri (_Memoirs, AS Bengal_) Nagarahara App. E, - xxiii. - - Rampur MS. of Babur's Diwan, Preface 1, App. Q. - - Rapid travel--Aura-tipa to Baba Khaki 25; - Kishm to Qandahar 621; - Kabul to Agra 621. - - _Rashahat-i-'ainu'l-hayat_ [_Tricklings from the Fount of Life_] - 'Ali _Kashifi_-- Khwajaki Khwaja 62; - Ahrari 620; - [_not known to Erskine_]. - - _Rauzatu's-safa_, Mir Khwand--referred to (?) 11; - Baba-i-kabuli 14; - Hazaraspi 50; - a chronogram 85; - the Chaghatai Khans (908 AH.) 161. - - _Recueils d'Itineraires_, Th. Radloff--fruit as food in C. Asia 3, 114; - position of Yiti-kint 11; - elevation to Khanship 21; - Pul-i-mougak 68 (Khorochkine's art.); - battle-cries 163. - - Reports:-- - " _on the Ghilzai country_, J. S. Broadfoot [ed. W. Broadfoot]--birds - at Ab-istada 240; - " _of the Indian Archeological Survey_, Cunningham & Ferguson--[_see - nn. on pp. named_], places Babur visited 475-6; - a Gualiar dynasty's term of rule 477; - Chandiri 592-7, App. R, (plan); - Gualiar 605-7 to 13; - App. R, (plan); - Sambhal 687; - --Annual Report 1914--_kos-minar_ 629; - " _on Karnal_, D. Ibbetson--Mundahirs 700; - " _of Mission to Kashghar_, Col. J. Biddulph's art.--_maral_ 8; - " _Persian Boundary Commission_, W. T. Blanford's art.--_Pteroclas - arenarius_ App. B, vi; - --A. Gerard's art.--irrigation-channels of Aush (Ush) 4; - " _Settlement Operations etc._, Reid--old alluvium on the Gogra - 667; - narrowing of the river 669; - Reports (_I. O. Library_) I, VI, VII, J. Wood--vine-culture 210; - Ghur-bund 214; - _bootr_ (a plant) 222; - climate-shed 229; - --VI, VII, D. Leach--204-5-6-13-38; - --IX, X, Alex. Burnes--Kabul 199; - unchanging trade-habits of Luhanis 235. - - "Rescue-passage" 182, App. D; - Preface xlv (No. viii). - - _Revenue Accounts_ (_Bengal_), F. Gladwin--dating of 935 AH. 629, - App. S; - _tanab_-measure 630. - - _Revenue resources of the Mughal Empire_, E. Thomas--coin-values 446; - _tamgha_ 553; - Sikandari _tanka_ 577. - - Revenues various--Farghana 12, - Tatar Khan _Ludi's_ 383, - Kabul-town 250, - Hindustan 520, App. P. - - _Rhetorique_, Garcin de Tassy--_combinaisons enigmatiques_ 202. - - _Ride from Samarkand to Herat_, N. Grodekoff (_trs. - Marvin_)--Pul-i-chiragh 69; - Char-shamba 71. - - _Riyazu's-salatin_, Ghulam-i-husain--a Ludi alliance 482. - - Roads measured--Agra-Kabul 629; - Munir to camp by horse-paces 666; - Chunar eastwards 659. - - ruler, _mistar_--a new one for copying the _Walidiyyah-risala_ 643. - - _Russian Policy in Central Asia_, Grigorief (_Schuyler's Turkistan_ - App. IV)--Babur's embassy to Moscow App. Q, lxiii; - Peter the Great's embassy to Bukhara Preface p. liii. - - - Sachau, C.--on the _Malfuzat-i-timuri_ 653. - - _Sahih-i-bukhari_, Isma'il _Khartank_--his native land 76. - - Sainthood--courage a witness to 90. - - _Siyaru'l-muta'akhirin_, Ghulam-i-husain Khan--trepanning 105. - - Salt, fidelity to 125, 440. - - Samarkand begs--action of 52, 62, 86, 124-5. - - Samarkandis--displeased with a Mirza 42; - overjoyed at his death 52; - no scarcity in a siege 64; - move against Bukhara 65; - oppose Babur 72; - their orthodoxy 75; - joy at Babur's return 131-3. - - Sanctuary 63. - - _Sang-lakh_ _see_ Dictionaries. - - Sart, Sairt--Babur's serviceable use of the name 6, 7, 149; - a "Sairt"'s blunder 169. - - _Science of Language_, Max Mueller--guest-tribes 227. - - Scottish service for the _Babur-nama_, Preface xlvii, xlviii. - - _Second Afghan War (Official Account)_--its maps 201-6, 229, 314-32; - Char-dih 200; - Qandahar App. J, xxxiii; - 'Ali-masjid 450; - a valuable book in following Babur's campaigns, 333. - - _Second Journey through Persia_, J. J. Morier (Haji Baba)--a bird App. - B, vi. - - Sects, Muhammadan--Mataridiyah, Ash'ariyah, Abu Hanifa's 75-6, - Shafi'i 283; - Radiyan 625. - - _Shahi Kings of Kabul_, Sir Aurel Stein--200. - - _Shah-nama_, Firdausi [_trs. Warner_] Chachi bow, _khadang_ arrows 13; - much read 15; - Baqi Tarkhan sketched 40; - a couplet 557; - a quatrain 571. - - _Shaibani-nama_, Muh. Salih Mirza [_ed. Vambery_]--[_see nn. on pp. - named_], writes "Shaibani" not Shaibaq 12; - Sh.'s marriages, with Babur's sister 17-8, 147, - and with Zuhra _Auzbeg_ 126-8; - his dealings with Zuhra's son 'Ali 126-8, - with Babur 144-6-7, - with the Chaghatai Khans 182-3-4; - later action 191-2; - --Tambal 145, 244; - others 40, 62, 101, 196; - Chin Sufi 242-56; - Khusrau Shah's jewels 144; - Oghlat (Dughlat) 22; - Chirkas sword 65; - Khwast a hell 221, - _baghri qara_ App. B, v, vii; - the book and its author 64, 120-1-7 [_cf. Tuhfa-i-Sami I.O. 655, - f. 342_]. - - _Shajarat-i Turk_, Abu'l-ghazi Mirza [_ed. Fraehn, trs. - Desmaisons_]--[_see nn. on pp. named_], "Nurim" Sherim _etc._ 29; - an archer's mark 34; - _san_ = _dim_ 154; - _tughai_, _tuqai_ (bend of a river) 643; - a Shaban sultan 265; - of Babur's descent _see_ its Introduction. - - _Shajaratu'l-atrak_, Aulugh _Beg Shahrukhi_ (trs. Miles)--Babur's - descent _see_ its Introduction. - - _Sharaf-nama_, Sharaf Khan (_trs. F. E. Charmoy_)--Battle of Jam 635. - - Sharafu'd-din 'Ali _Yazdi_--his book on enigmas 201; - his _Zafar-nama_ (see _s.n._) Preface xxix. - - Shaving--Babur's first 187; - Humayun notes his in the B.N. 466; - beard shaved as punishment 404; - untrimmed by vow 552; - head shaved 408, 649. - - Shi'a heresy--instances 258-62-86, 111 (and return); - Babur's fatal Shi'a alliance, 347-54-55-61, Preface xxxv. - - Sikh religion--Nanak's exposition to Babur 461; - Nanak and Daulat Khan _ib._ - - _Siyasat-nama_ [_Traite de gouvernement_], Wazir Nizamu'l-mulk, [_ed. - C. Schefer_]--use of a whip in making count of an army 154. - - Slaves--slave-women retaliate on their owner's murderers 63, - are captured at the Samarkand ditch 73, - taken by crocodiles 502; - slave-agents in poisoning Babur 541; - --Shah Beg's faithful slave _see_ Sambhal; - the chief-slave 346; - slave-trade between Hind and Kabul 202; - --Mingli Bibi, a slave-woman 269. - - Song by Wordsworth recalled--the "undying fish" 305. - - _Spanish Literature_, Ticknor--Montalvan on Lope de Vega 287. - - _Sport and politics under an Eastern sky_, Lord Ronaldshay--_maral_ 8. - - _" and Travel_, F. C. Selous--_maral_ 8. - - Square seal--Abu-sa'id's 28. - - Standards (_tugh_, _qutas-tugh_)--acclaimed 155; - bestowed 372 _etc._; - Babur's 140-66 _etc._ - - _Suluku'l-muluk_, Fazl b. Ruzbahan _Isfahani_--value as a source 348; - supports the form "Babur" 356. - - _Supplement etc._, R. Dozy _see_ Dictionaries. - - Swimming--man and horse in mail 140, 237; - man and horse bare 237; - competition 401; - on bundles of reeds 673; - Babur's (in mail) 140, 603-55-660-61. - - - +Noticeable words+:-- - P. _sar-i-sabz_, green-head 66, 703; - P. _sar-kob_ 53-9[2964]; - _sangur_ 232; - _sighnaq_, a script App. Q, lxiii. - - - _Tabaqat-i-akbari_, Nizamu'd-din Ahmad--[_see nn. on pp. named_], - Baburi Script 228, App. Q, lxii; - _Jang-jang_ 370; - date of Shah Beg's death 437; - Hazaras serve Babur 457; - Gujrat affairs 535; - Multan affairs 699; - Babur's Kashmir force 692-8; - the author's father 691; - proposed supersession in Hind of Babur's sons 644-88-92-93, - discussed 702 ff.; - the book plagiarized 693. - - " _-i-baburi_, Shaikh Zainu'd-din _Khawafi_ _see_ B.N. and Zain. - - " _-i-nasiri_, Minhaj [_trs. Raverty_] Satuq-bughra Khan 29 [_where - read Tabaqat_]; - Chandwal 537; - quoted by Babur 479; - described by Erskine 279; - used in Appendix E, xxiii. - - _tamgha_ (_lit. stamp_), a transit or customs duty 250; - forms the revenue of Kabul town _ib._; - Husain _Bai-qara_ marks his stamps _Bih bud_ (_valid_) 271; - remission of 553-95; - a _tamghachi_ clerk 629. - - _Tarikh-i-'alam-arai_, Mir Sikandar--[_see nn. on pp. named_], its - Safawi outlook 349; - Tahmasp's Auzbeg campaign 622; - Battle of Jam 623; - insignificant appearance of 'Ubaidu'l-lah 636. - - " _-i-badayuni_ see _Muntakhabu't-tawarikh_. - - " _-i-daudi_, 'Abdu'l-lah--"Shaikh" and "Mian" interchangeable titles - 457. - - " _-i-firishta_, Muh. Qasim _Firishta_ [_trs. Major-Gen. - J. Briggs_]--'Umar Shaikh 13; - a mistake 15; - Babur's reluctance to rank himself with Timur 134; - his single combats 329; - his sobriquet Qalandar 523; - his Embassy to Persia 540; - his siege of Chandiri 596; - --Yar-i-'ali _Balal_ 91; - Ghazi Khan's literary culture 460; - the cognomen _jan-dar_ 566; - Badru-ferry over Gogra 667; - --value of the book as a source 208, 349, 694; - date of its revision 694. - - _Tarikh-i-Gualiarwar_, Jalal _Hisari_ and Hira-man--Gualiar 605; - Khw. Rahim-dad 607, 688, 704. - - " _-i-Haji Muh_. _'Arif Qandahari_--account of Qandahar 348. - - " _-i-Khan-i-jahan Ludi_, Ni'amatu'l-lah--helped in his book by Haibat - Khan 693. - - " _-i-rashidi_, [Muh. ] Haidar Mirza _Dughlat_ [_ed. Ney Elias, trs. - E. D. Ross_]--+Places+:--Almaligh 2; - Yiti-kint 11; - Qilat-i-nadari 263; - Qila'-i-zafar 21; - Herat 306; - Qandahar [Insc.] App. J, xxxv; - +Tribes _etc._+:--tuman-begs 17; - _quchin_ 26; - _chuhra-jirga_ App. H, xxvii; - Chaghatais and Mughuls distinguished 320; - Chaghatai or Timurid supremacy 344, - Begchiks 50, 712 - or Chiras 155; - Tarkhans 31; - Greek descent 317; - Jigraks 55; - Turkman Hazaras 311; - +Persons+:--12--App. A, iii; 21, 23, 32, 48, 62; - Jahangir 183, 254-94-302, 195-242-56, 249-272, 273; 330-41-96-7, - 409; 641; 694-6; - +Varia+:--fruit as food 3; - _yak_, _qutas_ App. M, xlvii; - on joint-rule 293; - epoch-making events 20, 35, 158, 182, 350; - +Babur+:--name 17; - character 194, 320; - Script App. Q, lxii; - disastrous expedition (910 AH.) 241; - relationships 246; - single combats 349; - Tramontane campaign 349 to 366; - hospitality to exiles 350; - a frontier affair 412; - onset of last illness 706; - +Haidar+:--his life saved 21; - descent and other particulars 22; - excuses his father 317; - his list of tribes and chiefs valuable 415; - his book of great and, perhaps, unique value for Babur's - _lacunae_ 347-8; - referred to Preface xxxiv, xxxviii; - his Codex xli, xlii (No. iv). - - " _-i-salatin-i-afaghana_, Ahmad Yadgar [_part-trs. E. & D. vol. - I_]--Hindustan in 929 AH. 439-40; - Panipat 474; - Babur's visit to Lahor (936 AH.) 604-98 to 700, 703-6; - Mundahirs 700; - anachronism 707; - Babur's "selection" of a successor 707; - importance of its contribution for filling a _lacuna_ 693, 702-6. - - " _-i-shahrukhi_, Niyaz Muh. _Khukandi_--tradition of a babe abandoned - 358. - - " _-i-sher-shahi_, 'Abbas Khan _Sarwani_--"Shaikh" and "Mian" 457; - 'Azam Humayun 477; - Sher Khan _Sur_ 659, 664. - - " _-i-Sind_, Muh. Ma'sum _Bhakkari_--a chief authority 336, 428; - Shah Beg 338, 427, (death) 437; - sieges of Qandahar 431 to 436; - the Inscription App. J, xxxiii. - - Tarkhan--suitable meaning 31 [where add ref. E. & D.'s H. of I. i, - 300, 20, 21, 498] - privileges nine 250; - not given to all Arghun chiefs 249 n. 2; - a merchant Tarkhan 133; - marriages 49, Preface xxviii; - revolt 61 to 64, 86, 112; - see _s.n. Nine_ & H. Beveridge's note on Etruscan names. - - _Tarkhan-nama_ or _Arghun-nama_, Sayyid Jamal--a useful source 428. - - _Tawarikh-i-guzida_--(Select Histories)--fashions of sitting and - kneeling 33, 54-9; - Tulun Khwaja _Mughul_ 66; - supplements the B. N. 127. - - " _-i-hafi-i-rahmat-khani_ (_part-trs. H. Beveridge_ AQR. - 1901)--Bibi Mubar-ika's marriage with Babur 375, App. K, - _An Afghan Legend_. - - _Tazkiratu'sh-shu'ara_ (_Memoirs of Poets_) Daulat-shah - (_ed. Browne_)--[_see nn. on pp. named_], Akhsikiti 9; - dates of Mahmud _Miran-shahi's_ boyhood 46; - Ahmad _Mushtaq_ 47; - Hazaraspi 50; - a couplet 85; - Husain _Bai-qara_ 259-60-73; - Gazur-gahi's good birth 281; - Rabat-i-sangbast 301-30; - Bih-bud Beg App. H, xxvi-vii; - Radagan-(town) 622; - Jami's birthplace 623; - --the author in the battle of Chikman-sarai 46; - one of his collaterals 274. - - " _-i-Sultan Satuq-bughra Khan_--a seeming descendant 29. - - " _-i-Tahmasp_, Shah Tahmasp _Safawi_ (_ed. D. C. Phillott_)--Div - Sultan 635; - battle of Jam 636. - - " _-i-Waqi'at_ (_var._) Jauhar (_trs. C. Stewart_)--outside literary - criticism 619; - a date at which Babur's body lay near Kabul 709. - - +Tents+--_alachuq_ 188; - _autagh_ 339; - _aq-awi = chadar_ 169-88, 239, (flooded) 339, 678; - _char-taq_ 264; - _khar-gah_ ( = _kibitka_, and _alachuq_ ?) 239, 678; - --_shamiana_ (awning) 358; - _tungluq_ (roof-flap) 678; - _pesh-khana_ 678. - - _Thesaurus_, Meninsky--_baghriqara_ cry App. B, vi; - _bahri-qutas_ App. M, xlvi. - - Thomas, F. W., Ph.D.--his help App. J, lxxiv with Preface lii. - - Thorn-defences 487. - - Timur-pulad, buys a Codex of the _W'aqi'nama-i-padshahi_ _q.v._ - - _Three (Turki) MSS. from Kashghar_ [_ed. Sir E. Denison Ross_]--the - title _Jun-wang_ 567. - - _Through unknown Pamirs_, O. Olufsen--yak App. M, xlvii. - - The Times--on diverse names of a single place 209. - - Tongues and utterance--Andijan Turki 4; - Farsi (Persian)-speaking Sarts of Asfara 7; - Kabul's polyglot tongues 207; - Mughuli-speaking Hazaras; - Babur on clipped Hindustani utterance 380, - and on the words Kas and Sawalak 485. - - Trade--202-35, 331, 416-85. - - Traditions--4, 5; - one versed in 283-4. - - Translators:--Babur [_Wal.-ris._]; - E. C. Bayley (_Mirat_); - A. S. Beveridge [_s.n._]; - H. Beveridge [_s.n._]; - H. Blochmann [_s.n._]; - H. S. Jarrett [_Ayin_]; - J. Briggs [_Tar.-i-fir._]; - F. C. Charmoy [_Sharaf-n._]; - W. Clarke [Diwan-i-H.]; - A. P. de Courteille [_Mems._]; - Delmar-Morgan [_Mong._]; - Desmaisons [_Shaj.-i-Turk_]; - E. B. Eastwick [_Gul._]; - H. M. Elliot and J. Dowson [_H. of I._]; - Forster & Daniel [_Life of O. de B._]; - C. Hamilton [_Hidayat_]; - W. H. Lowe & G. S. A. Ranking [_Munt._]; - H. E. Lloyd [_Travels_]; - G. du Laurens [_Voyages_]; - C. E. Markham [_Embassy_]; - R. Marvin [_Ride_]; - W. Ouseley [_Or. Geo._]; - F. Pelis de la Croix, _elder & younger_ [_Histoire_]; - G. S. A. Ranking [see _Lowe; and 'Aruz_]; - H. G. Raverty [_Tab.-i-n._]; - M. Reinaud [_Geo._]; - G. Sale [_Qoran_]; - B. R. Sanguinetti & T. Lee [_Travels_]; - H. Sastri [_Rama._]; - C. Stewart [_Taz._]; - A. Vambery [_Shai.-n._]; - Warner [_Shah-n._]; - E. H. Whinfield [_Mas. and 'Umar_]. - - Transliteration 2. - - Transmigration 518. - - _Travels in Bukhara_, Sir Alex. Barnes--[_see nn. on pp. named_], - _nuzla_, a Panj-ab disease 446; - water-fall fishing 227; - - " _in Europe and Asia_, Peter Mundy (_ed. Sir R. Temple_)--_baoli_ - (a well) 533; - Gualiar 605. - - " _in India_, Pietro della Valle--the morning-draught 395. - - " _of Ibn Batuta_ (_trs. Sanguinetti & Lee_)--Samarkand the Protected - City 75, Add. N.P. 75; - Kajwarra 590; - Rahim-dad 693; 704. - - " _in Kashmir_, G. T. Vigne--_yak_ and _kosh-gau_ App. M, xlv-vii. - - " _in Panj-ab_ (_etc._), Mohan Lall--Herat 305-6; - Qandahar Insc. App. J; - Babur's burial-place 710. - - " _of the Russian Mission_, G. Timkovsky [_trs. H. E. Lloyd_] fruit as - food 3. - - " _on the Upper and Lower Amoor_, T. W. Atkinson--_maral_ 8. - - _Tribes and Castes of the N. W. P. and Oude_, W. Crooke--Jats 454; - Nuhani (or Luhani) 455; - Jaghat (serpent) 456; - Tank 481. - - Tribes and other groups:-- - +Afghan+:--'Abdu'r-rahman 403; - Afridi 411-2; - Aughan 217-20; - Auruq-zai 526; - Bilut 248; - Birki 207; - Dilah-zak 231, 367-94, 412-3; - Dilah-zak Ya'qub-khail 394; - Gagiani 251; - Ghilji 323-31; - 'Isa-khail 233; - Jasawal _var._ Jaswan 462; - Jalwani _see_ Index I; - Khattak 439; - Khirilchi 208-20-49-413; - Khizr-khail 413; - Khugiani 220; - Kiwi 233; - Kurani, Karani, Kararani 233, 477; - Landar 220; - Ludi 481, Index I; - Ludi _khasa-khail_ _i.e._ Sahu-khail 465; - Ludi Sarang-khani 540, 654; - Luhani _see_ Nuhani; - Mahmand 221, 323-31-45; - Muhammad-zai 376 (_where read as here_); - Nia-zai 233; - Nuhani 235 (_cf. 455 n. 3_), Index I; - Pani 540; - Pashai(?) 207; - Samu-khail (Khirilchi?) 412; - Sur 233; - Tarkalani 242, 424; - Turi 220; - Waziri 413; - Yusuf-zai 231, 371-3-5-6, 400-10-19; - --Afghans of Bhira 399, - Ghazni 218, - Sind riverain 218-36, - Kabul 207-21; - --Afghan thieves 208, 341; - Afghan warrings in Hind 426, - and power 480-1; - serving Babur 522; - bad-mannered 451;-- - +Auz-beg+ ("_Uzbeg_"):--2, 37, 135, 622, Index I; - Auz-beg Qazzaq ("_Cossack_") 23; - Auz-beg Mankfit 195;-- - +Chaghatai+ (_i.e._ Chaghatai Khan's tribal appanage):--extinct but - for their Khans in 1547 (953 AH.) _Tar. Rash._ trs. 149; - near Heri 320, 689; - its Kohbur clan 55; - high families in, Sighal 66, 72, Nawa'i's (_Index I_); - distinguished from Mughuls 320, 351, - Turks 340;-- - +Mughuls of the Horde+:--105-92; - _tumans_ (_groups of 10,000_):--Barin 19, 473; - Begchik 155; - Chiras 158; - Sagharichi 20; - _sub-divisions_ (?):--Bishaghi (_var._) 473; - Darban 60; - Itaraji 161, 415; - Jalair 91; - Kunchi 20; - Qalmaq 23; - Manghit 101[2965]; - --Mughul devastation 2, 98, 172, 362; - faithlessness 105, 140 _etc._; - conduct on the Chir 17, 31-4; - the Horde divided 19; - its dislike for cultivated lands 12; - its _aimaqs_ in open land 221-54-55; - return from enforced migration 20, 350-1;-- - +Turk+:--Afshar 354; - Auighur (_Awighur_, _Uighur_) 40, 118; - its Ishrit clan 40, 65; - Barlas 51, 429, Index I; - Barlas Duldai 25, 37; - Darya-khani 231, 589; - Istilju 353; - Khilij 482; - Qipchaq 19, 49; - --Turks of Andijan 4, - Kabul-lowlands 207-15-21; - early Turk rulers of Kabul 200; - contrasted with Sarts 149; - --Uses of the name, "Mughul and Turk" 158, 402, - "Chaghatai and Turk" 340; - "Turk and Timurid" one 380-2-4-8-9; - probable statement of B.'s descent 320; - his claim to rule in Hind, based on Turk descent 380-2-4, 476-9; - Turk warning to Biana 529;-- - +Turkman+:--White-sheep Horde 49 (_where read White for "Black"_); - --its Baharlu clan 49; - its Balal 911 and Bayandar 279; - --Black-sheep Horde 10; - Qajar 666; - Turkmans serve Babur 47, 279, 361; - --features 111; - --Hazaras (_infra_); - Turuq-shar 101;-- - - +Various+:--'Arab 207, 522, 631; - Arlat (Turk?) 265; - Ashpari 101; - Asiqanchi [_var._ Saqanchi] 197; - Baluchi 383, 459, 522; - Bengali (race) 482; - Bugial 452; - Kafir 212-3, 342-72, 421; - Kakar (_var._) 387-9; - Kas 484; - Kib (or Kitib) 393; - Meos 577; - Farsi (Persian, race) 7, 207, 507-55; - Ghiyas-wal (or -dal) 393; - Gujur 250, 379-87, 454; - Habshi 483; - Janjuha-khail and Jud-khail 379-80-87; - Jats 250, 387, 454; - Jigrak (_var._) 55, 101; - Nikdiri (_var._) 196-7, 200-1-7, 275, 326, 430 (_cf. E. & D. iv, - 304, Tukdari_) - Nil-abi 379 (_see Index II_); - Paraji 207;-- - Rajput;-- - Chuhan 573, - Tank sept 481;-- - Tajik 6, 207, 420, 535;-- - +Hazara+ (1000):--Gadai or Kidi 250, - Qarluq 391-3, 403; - Rustaq [or Rusta] 196; - Sl. Mas'udi 221-8, 525; - Turkman 27, 214-51, 311 to 313; - +Hazaras+:--w. of Kabul 200-7-22, 430; - e. of the Sind 457, 522; - in the open country of Ghazni 218, - Kabul 221, - Heri-rud valley 308; - refuge taken amongst 95; - traversed 254. - - Tribute--Jigrak 55, - Ghazni 240, - Yusuf-zai 375, - Bhira 384, - Kakar 391, - Bajaur and Sawad 400, - Balkh 402; - Nijr-au 421; - Koh-i-jud 379. - - _Tuhfa-i-sami_ (_a Turki anthology_), Sam M. _Safawi_--Marwarid 278; - syphilis 279; - a jeer 648. - - The twelve Imams, 258, 354. - - Turki tongue, Preface xxvii, Cap. iv. - - _Turkistan_, Alex. Petzhold--Sarts 6. - - " E. Schuyler--[_see nn. on pp. named_], - +Farghana+:--extent of 2, - various 5, 6, 8; - (wind) 9; - (out-of-doors life) 29; - _kuk-bura_ (a game) 39; - Old Akhsi App. A; - Sarts 6;-- - +Samarkand+:--67, 74-5-7, 83, - (Aurgut) 68; - Kesh 83; - +Various+:--Sara-taq pass 129; - Lake Iskandar _ib._ Hazrat Turkistan (shrine) 356; - a distance 9; - a lizard 501;-- - Babur's Moscow Embassy App. Q, lxiii; - Gregorief's _Russian Policy_, (_App. iv trs._) Preface, liii. - - " Franz v. Schwarz--autumn fever 4; - running-waters 4, - recipe for _ma'jun_ 16; - _yighach_ (measure) 4; - a Kirghis measure 196; - loess constructions 30; - _charkh_ (a hunting bird) 224; - Mogol-tau 8; - duties of the Lord of the Gate 24; - _kuk bura_, _baiga_ 39; - Greek descent 22; various App. A, v. - - _Tuzuk-i-jahangiri_, Jahangir Padshah (_trs. Rogers and - Beveridge_)--Bugials 452; - Daulat Khan _Ludi_ 461; - measures 189; - birds 497; - _kishmish_ 515; - couplet 670; - metrical amusement App. Q, lxvi-vii; - its titles for Babur varied _ib._ lxi; - Jahangir's additions to the B.N. App. D, xiii, Preface xlv - (No. viii), lii; - his pilgrimage to B.'s burial-garden App. V, lxxx; - his stay in B.'s Garden _ib._ - - - +Noticeable words+:-- - _tabalghu_, a tree 11; - _tash-chantai_, outside bag (?) 160; - _tash_, stone confused with _tash_, outer 3, 43, 78, 80, 160; - _tauri_, complete, enclosed 109, 280, 501 (_where this better - describes the koel's song_); - _tipuchaq_ a horse and its points 38; - _tir-giz_, arrow 34; - _tirik_ 36, 362; - P. _tu_, turn of a hill 205-8 _etc._; - _tuluk_ vegetable food, other than grain 114; - _tun-yarim_, half-dark 100; - _tura_ (ordinances) 38; - _tura_ (army mantelets) 108-13-55, 368, 469, 593; - _tuman_, 10,000, a district command 17; - _tuq-bai_, one using a standard 313; - _tulghuma s.n._ Military; - _tusqawal_ 224, 314; - _tughai_ and _tuqai_ 643. - - - _'Umar Khayyam's Quatrains_ (_trs. E. H. Whinfield_)--a couplet Babur's - words recall 203. - - _Upper Basin of the Kabul-river_, Sir C. Markham (_PRGS. - 1879_)--Hindu-kush passes 204, - maps of Koh-i-baba 216. - - - Veliaminof-Zernof, editor of the _Sharaf-nama_ 635 and _Abushqa_ - App. Q, lxiii. - - _Vergleichunge-Tabellen des Muh. and Christlichen Zeitrechnung_, - F. Wuestenfeld--dates of 935 AH. 629, App. S. - - Verses:--of untraced authorship 332, 316 and 670; - verse-making 15, 22, 38-9, 46, 54, 111, 136-7, 154; - Babur's opinion of Nawa'i's Turki verse 271; - Shaibani's verses made public 329; - composition on a model 448;-- - Metrical amusements 585-6, App. Q, lxv-vi. - - Vikramaditya Era 79 (where _read_ began). - - Virgil--citron-juice as an antidote 511; - Scorpio and Libra 623. - - _Visit to Ghuzni_ (_etc._), G. T. Vigne--[_see nn. on pp. named_], - boundary between Afghans and Khurasan 200; - Kabul-river _ib._; - 'Uqabain 201; - rhubarb 203; - sahibi-grapes 203; - Dur-nama 215; - Running-sands 215; - Pamghan villages 216; - _arghwan_ 217;-- - various:--218-9, 224, 227; - "Tank" for Taq 233; - routes 208, 235; - Bilah on the Indus 237; _see_ App. E, xxiii. - - _Visit to Kafiristan_, W. W. Macnair (_PRGS. 1884_)--Ning-nahar App. - E, xxiii. - - _Voyage dans le Turkistan_, Fedtschenko (_trs. G. - du Laurens_)--Sang-aina, Mirror-stone, 7. - - " _dans l'Asie septentrionale_, P. S. Pallas--_aq kiyik, argali_ - (Ovis poli) 6. - - " _des Pelerins Bouddhistes_, S. A. Julien--Nanganahara App. E, xviii. - - _Voyages en Perse et autres lieux d'Orient_, Jean - Chardin--lovers'-marks 16; - square seal 28; - Sikiz-yilduz, Eight-stars 139; - _kipki_ "casbeke" (a coin) 296; - epistolary etiquette 332. - - - _Waqi'-nama-i-padshahi_ (Record of Royal Acts), 'Abdu'l-wahhab - _akhund_ of Ghajdavan (1709)--(_found mentioned as the Babur-nama, - the "Bukhara Babur-nama" and the "Bukhara Compilation"_)--for its - seeming author's colophon JRAS. 1900, p. 474 and Preface lvii; - its divergence from the true text Preface xxxix, - its element of true text (Kamran's tattered Codex) li; - its dual purpose xxxix, lxii; - its character xl; - its stop-gaps xlv; - its use by Leyden xlviii; - +Described+ (_as it is in Kehr's transcript_):--Preface, Cap. III, - Parts I and III; its history liii, author and colophon lvii, - (_cf._ JRAS. 1900, p. 474); - its identity confused with Babur's true text Preface, Cap. III, - Part III; - ITS DESCENDANTS AND OFFTAKES Table lvii;-- - (_a_) Petrograd F. O. Codex (_an indirect copy_ (?)), described - by purchaser as _Babur-nama_, Preface xliii-iv; - (_b_) Pet. F. O. School of Oriental Languages Codex, entitled - _Babur-nama_, scribe G. J. Kehr--referred to _in - loco_:--diction of the Farghana Section 1, of the Kabul - Sect. 187, of the Hindustan Sect. 445; - its Persified character exemplified 147, 150, 167, and Add. - Note, 177, (_cf. JRAS. 1908, pp. 76, 88_); - its Latin version App. J, xxxv, Preface liv;-- - Other references 9, 18, 19, 44-8, 88, 164, 169; - +Full contents+:--Preface lii; - their reconstruction by Ilminski lii-iv, (_cf. his own Preface - JRAS. 1900 and a separate form in B.M., I.O., R.A.S. Libraries, - etc._); - the "Fragments" Preface xlv (No. viii), lii, (_in loco_) 438, - 549, (_a discussion_) 574, 630, 640 (_cf._ JRAS. 1900-6-8); - (_c_) The "_Babur-nama_" Imprint (_constructed and edited by_) - N. I. Ilminski--referred to _in loco_, App. D, 227-59, 336, - 420, App. I, xxxii; - modelled on the L. and E. _Memoirs of Baber_ 326, 337, App. T, - lxxiv, Preface lii (_cf. Ilminski's Preface ref. supra_), 574; - Preface:--its Kasan publication li; - its deviation from its sole basis (_Kehr's Codex_) lii; - Ilminski's work and some results lii, with n. 1 mid-page, liv; - his doubts and achievement of a Turki reading book _see_ hi - s own Preface ref. _supra_; - (_d_) _Memoires de Baber_, (_French trs. of Ilminski's - Babur-nama_) A. Pavet de Courteille--referred to _in - loco_, 215, 227, 346, 347, 407, 446, 478, 489, 559, 632, - App. T, lxxviii, App. M, xlv;-- - the _Mubin_ not recognized 449, 630; - an illness 619; - mistakenly controverted 468; - surmised ground on which it accepted the "Rescue Passage" App. - D, xiv; - its help in considering Shaikh Zain's compositions 553, 559;-- - questioned readings 223-5, 327-33-69, 421 (_chiurtika_), 462-70, - 534, 617-19-38-40-47; - a surmise discussed 574;-- - reviewed by Defremery 562; - its title Preface xxxiii, translation li, source liv, diction - lix. - - Water--water-thief 109, - -road 595; - dug for 234; - under-ground courses of 417. - - Wedding-gifts--43, 400. - - Wednesday (_Char-shamba_)--coincidences of the day 71. - - Wells--chambered (_wain_, _baoli_) 532-3; - dug 548, 552; - purified when new 634. - - White cloth--traded 202; - booty 233-4-5-7-8. - - Whiteway, Mr. R. S.--his help App. B, vii. - - Wilayat = Kabul 414. - - _With the Kuram Field-Force_, J. A. S. Colquhoun--a route 231. - - Wine (_i.e. any fermented liquor_)--_'araq_ (spirit) 385-6-7-8, - 453-61-76; - mahuwa-flower 505; - beer 423; - cider (_chagir_) 83, Add. Note, P. 83; - wines of Bukhara 83, - Heri 265, - Kabul:--Ala-sai 221, - Dara-i-nur 210, 410, App. G; - Ghazni 461, - Kabul-_tuman_ 203, - Nijr-au 213;-- - Kafiristan 211-12, 372;-- - +rules in use+:--drinking-days 33-4, 111, 447; - one liquor only 386; - no-pressure on a non-drinker 406-10; - +wine-parties+:--Babur protests against excess 398; - excludes drunkards 419, - is disgusted by drunken uproar 386 - and by beer-intoxication 423; - gives his followers freedom to do as Heratis did 304; - givers of "wines", Khw. Kalan 371-5, 461, - Shah Beg 400, - the Bai-qara Mirzas 299, 302, - Khw. Muh. 'Ali 411 (a business-party), 413;-- - +Babur's breaches of Law+ not committed till _cir._ his 28th year - 83, 355; - resisted temptation in Herat 299, _etc._-- - his parties associated with beauty of scene, _e.g._ autumnal - 414-16-18; - in his gardens 412, 406 and 420; - under a plane-tree 405, - at Istalif 406, - near an illuminated camp 450; - after and before long marches (_frequent_); mention made of - (925 AH.) 375-85-88, 408-10-14-15-16-17-19; - (926 AH.) 420-1-2-3-4; - (932 AH.) 447, 450-53-61; - (933 AH.) 537;-- - drinks a few cups to console 418, - out of courtesy in a charmless place 424; - "morning" 395-8, 415-20-22; - gallops when not sober 388-98;-- - +Other Law-breakers+ Preface xxix, 16, 33-4, 45, 70, 134, 259-68-73, - (woman) 36, 417; - Heratis 259, - Hisaris 42, - Pich-Kafirs 22;-- - +Parties accompanied+ by improvisation 26, - dancing 299, music (_usually_); - (_for return to obedience see Law and Index I s.n. Babur_). - - Wordsworth's "undying fish" recalled 305. - - Workmen--Timur's 77, 520; - Babur's 520, 634. - - Wray, Mr. Cecil and Mr. Leonard--their help 495, 502. - - - Yajuj and Majuj (_Gog and Magog_) 560. - - Yaqut _see_ Dictionary of Towns. - - - +Noticeable words+:-- - _Yada-tash_, jade-stone _see_ Magic; - _yaghrunchi_, divination from sheep's-blades 233; - _yighach_, tree, wood 11, 81; - _yighach_ _see_ Measures; - _yigit_, a brave 16, 53, 70, App. H, xxvii; - _yilaq_, alp see _i.a._ Yar- and Burka-; - _yinka-chicha_, maternal-uncle's mother-in-law (?); - _yinkalik_, levirate 23, 267, 306, 616; - _yukunmak_, to bend the knee 301; - _yusunluq_, hereditary 23. - - _Zafar-nama_ (Book of Victory _i.e._ Timur's) Maulana Sharafu'd-din - 'Ali _Yazdi_--[_see nn. on pp. named_], places 10, 74-8, 83-4; - persons 39, 272; - meaning of Sawalak 485; - Timur's capture of Qarshi 134; - his burial at a saint's feet 266; - his workmen 77, 520; - partly translated in _Histoire de Timur Beg q.v._; - the book and its main basis, the _Malfuzat-i-timuri_ Preface xxix, - xxx, - its author xxxiii. - - Zainu'd-din _Khawafi_ (Shaikh Zain)'s writings-- - (1) _Tabaqat-i-baburi q.v._; - (2) _Mubin_, a Commentary on Babur's _Mubin_ 438; - (3) _Farman_ announcing Babur's renouncement of wine and remission - of _tamgha_-tax 553; - (4) _Fath-nama_ of the victory at Kanwa 559 to 574; - Babur's reason for inserting it (4) in his book 559; - the sole Letter of victory so preserved 561; - grounds against supposing Babur wrote a plain Turki account of the - battle 574. - - -OMISSIONS FROM TRANSLATION AND FOOTNOTES. - - p. 7 l.1 "turbulent" _add_ They are notorious in Mawara'u'n-nahr for - their bullyings. - - p. 27 l.5 "(1504)" _add_ when, after taking Khusrau Shah, we besieged - Muqim in Kabul. - - p. 31 l.1 "paid" _add_ no (attention). - - p. 43 l.9 _enter_ f. 24_b_. - - _ib._ l.8 fr. ft. "Taghai" _add_ and Auzun Hasan. - - p. 45 Sec. c, l.2 "good" _add_ he never neglected the Prayers. - - p. 48 l.16 "grandmother" _add_ Khan-zada Begim. - - p. 52 l.4 fr. ft. "childhood" _add_ and had attained the rank of Beg. - - p. 88 l.9 Hasan _add_ and Sl. Ahmad Tambal. - - p. 92 l.8 "on" _add_ to Sang-zar. - - p. 95 l.12 "service" _add_ did not stay in Khurasan but. - - p. 128 l.18 "two" _add_ young (sons). - - p. 131 l.12 "Jan-wafa" _add_ Mirza. - - p. 134 l.7 fr. ft. "that" _add_ night that. - - _ib._ l.3 fr. ft. "was" _add_ in my 19th (lunar) year. - - p. 136 l.5 "was" _add_ in my 19th (lunar) year. - - p. 139 l.11 fr. ft. _read_ Jani Beg Sultan. - - p. 141 l.10 "Khusrau Shah" _add_ my highly-favoured beg Qambar-i-ali - _the Skinner Mughul_, not acting at such a time as this according - to the favour he had received, came and took his wife from - Samarkand; he too went to Khusrau Shah. - - p. 143 l.16 "that" _add_ near Shutur-gardan. - - p. 152 l.12 fr. ft. "dead" _add_ A few days later we went back - to Dikh-kat. - - p. 164 Sec. d, l.6 fr. ft. "for" _add_ Sairam. - - p.201 l.12 _read_ Kabul-fort. - - p. 205 l.10 fr. ft. _read_ "are closed for" 4 or 5 months in winter. - After crossing Shibr-tu people go on through Ab-dara. In the heats, - when the waters come down in flood, these roads have the same rule - as in winter ("because" _etc._). - - p. 217 l.11 "Sih-yaran" _add_ It became a very good-halting-place. - I had a vineyard planted on the hill above the seat. - - p. 221 Sec. h, at the beginning _insert_ The mountains to the eastward - of the cultivated land of Kabul are of two kinds as also are those - to its westward ("Where the mountains" _etc._). - - p. 230 last line "men" _add_ Khusrau _Gagiani_. - - p. 247 l.1 "Qush-nadir" _add_ meadow. - - p. 308 l.14 "ground" _add_ Moreover it snowed incessantly and after - leaving Chiragh-dan, not only was there very deep snow but the road - was unknown. - - p. 391 March 18th "darogha-ships" _add_ Sangur Khan Qarluq and - Mirza-i-malui Qarluq came leading 30 or 40 men of the Qarluq elders, - made offering of a horse in mail, and waited on me. Came also the - army of the Dilah-zak Afghans. - - p. 393 March 25th l.2 "out" _add_ from the river's bank. - - p. 454 l.5 "boat" _add_ There was a party; some drinking _'araq_, some - beer. After leaving the boat at the Bed-time Prayer, there was more - drinking in the _khirgah_ (tent). For the good of the horses, we - gave them a day's breathing on the bank of this water. - - p. 468 l.3 "sent" _add_ Yunas-i-'ali and Ahmadi and ("'Abdu'l-lah"). - - p. 484 l.1 "Rao" _add_ with four or five thousand Pagans. - - p. 498 (_s.n._ florican), "colour" _add_ The flesh of the florican is - very delicate. As the _kharchal_ (Indian buzzard) resembles the - _tughdaq_ (great buzzard) so the _charz_ (florican) resembles the - _tughdiri_. - - _ib._ (_s.n._ sand-grouse) "Tramontana" _add_ the blackness of its - breast is less deep, its cry also is sharper. - - p. 500 after l. 11 "eagle" _add_ (new para.) Another is the buzzard - (T. _sar_); its tail and back are red. - - p. 506 (_s.n._ _kamrak_) "long" _add_ It has no stone. - - p. 507 n. 3 "name" _add_ also; "plantain" _add_ (banana). - - p. 510 l. 5 see App. O, p. liv for _addendum_. - - p. 529 l. 4 fr.ft. "Dulpur" _add_ Gualiar. - - p. 595 l. 19 "other" read 2 or 3 (places); the Pagans in the _du-tahi_ - began to run away; "the _du-tahi_ was taken." - - p. 603 l. 7 fr.ft. "(366_b_)" _add_ and between Ghazipur and Banaras - (p. 502). - - p. 674 l. 2 "river" _add_ in his mail. - - p. 678 l. 2 "amirs" _add_ Sultan. - - p. 679 l. 8 fr.ft. "given" _add_ It was settled that a son of each of - them should be always in waiting in Agra; l. 7 fr.ft. "Araish" - _add_ and two others; l. 2 fr.ft. "Saru" _add_ towards Oude. - - p. 689 l. 2 fr.ft. "laks" _add_ and a head-to-foot (dress). - - App. Q l. 1 "interpret" add those of. - - -CORRIGENDA. - - _To ensure notice many of these are entered in the Indices._ - - Pages - - 6 l.4 "meadow" _read_ plain (_maidan_). - - 11 n.4, "siyar" unaccented; (H.S.) ii _read_ iii n.n. pp. 18, 38, 48, - 244. - - 12 n.4 l.3 "attack in" _read_ attacking. - - 14 l.3 "and" _read_ who. - - 16 l.10 n. ref. "3" _tr. to_ "amorous". - - 24 n.1 "932" _read_ 923. - - 27 para. 2 _read_ "Baba 'Ali Beg's Baba-quli". - - 28 l.8 "leaders" _read_ Mughul mirzadas. - - 29 n.6 l.5 "then" _read_ his. - - 37 l.8 "916" _read_ 917; and tr. nn. 2 and 3. - - 38 l.9 "favour" _run on_ to Ahmad. - - 44 l.9 55 l.12 _delete_ "Sayyid". - - 46 l.12 _read_ Chikman. - - 49 l.3 "Black" _read_ White. - - 51 l.12 fr. ft. "Badakhshan" _read_ Hisar. - - 55 "f. 34" _read_ f. 32_b_. - - 57 l.1, enter f. 33 and _move_ "f. 33_b_" to 58 l.2. - - 61 l.4 "Beg" _read_ Baba-quli Beg. - - 68 l.10 fr. ft. _tr._ n. ref. 4 to "Aurgut". - - 69 n.2, read _aunutung_; and _tr._ _nakunid_ and _bakunid_. - - 79 l.5 tr. n. ref. 3 to _qibla_; in author's n. _read_ Batalmius; - and in n.4 _read_ _Ayin_. - - 85 l.9 _read_ 851 A.H.-1447 A.D.; l.3 fr. ft. _move_ "Jumada I, 22, - 855 A.H." to p.86 l.1, after "years". - - 94 l.6 "Chirik" _read_ Char-yak. - - 95 l.2 fr. ft. "Aubaj" _read_ Char-jui. - - 96 last line "Qasim" _read_ Kamal (or Kahal). - - 109 l.16 "qasim" _read_ qadus. - - _ib._ n.5 l.3 _read_ grand "father". - - 117 n.2 "909" _read_ 908. - - 122 n.4 "_bulghar_" _read_ _buljar_. - - 129 l.14 "_daban_" _read_ _kutal_. - - 131 ll.3-4 fr. ft. _read_ Khan-quli and Karim-dad. - - 134 l.3 fr. ft. and 136 l.5 _read_ in my 19th (lunar) year. - - 144 para. 3 "rain" _read_ grain. - - 148 n.2 "f. 18" _read_ f. 118. - - 149 l.17 _read_ Khanim. - - 154 n.3 "f. 183_b_" _read_ f. 103_b_ and for f. 264_b_ _read_ f. 264. - - 168 Sect. heading "Kasan" _read_ Karnan. - - 175 l.11 _read_ Mirza-quli. - - 183 last line "Kulja" _read_ Khuldja. - - 192 l.3 _read_ Taliqan. - - 194 l.12 _read_ Quhlugha. - - _ib._ n.3 _read_ Bai-sunghar. - - 204 l.16 _read_ Curriers'. - - 205 l.5 _read_ Sir; l.13 _read_ Wa(lian); l.14 _read_ Qibchaq. - - 205 l.10 fr. ft. "three or four" _read_ four or five (cf. omissions - p. 205). - - 211 para. 3, end, "920" _read_ 924. - - 212 n.2 l.2 _read_ _chiqmaq_. - - 213 n.5 "_parwan_" _read_ _parran_; and nn.5, 6, 7 _read_ Blanford. - - 244 ll.8 and 25 "page" _read_ preferably, brave; l.19 _read_ - gallopers. - - 273 n.2 _read_ grand-"daughter". - - 282 n.3 l.2 "345" _read_ 348-9. - - 289 l.5 "wonderful" _read_ metaphorist. - - 342 mid-page _read_ Pur-amin. - - 344 last line "Appendix" _read_ Trs.' note 711. - - 351 l.15 "Akhsi" _read_ Archian. - - 387 n.3 _delete_ sentence 2. - - 410 last line "_khuntul_" _read_ _hunzal_. - - 414 l.2 "18th" _read_ 13th; and l.2 fr. ft. "purslain" _read_ poplar. - - 438 l.15 "son" _read_ grandson. - - 447 n.3 para. 2 l.1 "month" _read_ week. - - 470 n.l. 5 fr. ft. "p.66" _read_ p. 166. - - 482 n.3 "Gujrat" _read_ Malwa. - - 485 sec. e l.7 "Gumti" _read_ Gui. - - 499 l.17 "_yak-rang_" _read_ _bak-ding_ (see Add. Note P. 499). - - 500 l.15 _s.n._ crow "_qarcha_" _read qargha_; n.6 "f. 136" - _read_ f. 135. - - 505 l.6 tr. n. ref. "2" to, _buia_. - - 520 n.1 "1854" _read_ 1845. - - 534 l.2 fr. ft. "and" _read_ 932. - - 535 l.2 fr. ft. _delete_ "others". - - 579 l.8 "April 13th" _read_ April 3rd. - - 591 n.2 "_qurughir_" _read_ _quruqtur_. - - 604 n.l.1 _read_ _Afaghana_. - - 616 l.5 _read_ Madhakur; and Sect. m "_qara-su_" _read_ _darya - qaraghi_ or _qaraghina_. - - 620 l.7 _rahim_ _read_ _rahman_. - - 621 l.11 after "servants" _read_ Beg-gina "had come". - - 622 l.12 _read_ Siunjuk; l.13 Tashkint. - - 631 l.13 _delete_ the parenthesis (see Add. Note P. 631). - - 632 l.4 _read_ Farrukh. - - 636 l.7 "rest" _read_ eight others. - - 640 l.1 _read_ quli. - - 643 (Feb. 4th) "Muhammad" _read_ Mahmud. - - 644 n.5 "323" _read_ 232. - - 699 l.13 "935" _read_ 938. - - 713 l.3 _read_ Saliha; and l.11 fr. ft. - Miran-shahi. - - -ADDITIONAL NOTES - - P. 16 l. 11.--Nizami mentions "lover's marks" where a rebel chieftain - commenting on Khusrau's unfitness to rule by reason of his - infatuation for Shirin, says, "_Hinoz az'ashiqbazi garm dagh ast._" - (H.B.) - - P. 22 n. 2.--Closer acquaintance with related books leads me to delete - the words "Chaghatai Mughul" from Haidar _Dughlat's_ tribal - designations (p. 22, n. 2, l. 1). (1) My "Chaghatai" had warrant (now - rejected) in Haidar's statement (T.R. trs. p. 3) that the Dughlat - amirs were of the same stock (_abna'-i-jins_) as the Chaghatai - Khaqans. But the Dughlat off-take from the common stem was of earlier - date than Chingiz Khan's, hence, his son's name "Chaghatai" is a - misnomer for Dughlats. (2) As for "Mughul" to designate Dughlat, and - also Chaghatai chiefs--guidance for us rests with the chiefs - themselves; these certainly (as did also the Begchik chiefs) held - themselves apart from "Mughuls of the horde" and begs of the horde--as - apart they had become by status as chiefs, by intermarriage, by - education, and by observance of the amenities of civilized life. To - describe Dughlat, Chaghatai and Begchik chiefs in Babur's day as - Mughuls is against their self-classification and is a discourtesy. A - clear instance of need of caution in the use of the word Mughul is - that of 'Ali-sher _Nawa'i Chaghatai_. (Cf. Abu'l-ghazi's accounts of - the formation of several tribes.) (3) That "Mughul" described for - Hindustanis Babur's invading and conquering armies does not - obliterate distinctions in its chiefs. Mughuls of the horde followed - Timurids when to do so suited them; there were also in Babur's armies - several chiefs of the ruling Chaghatai family, brothers of The Khan, - Sa'id (_see_ Chin-timur, Aisan-timur, Tukhta-bugha). With these must - have been their following of "Mughuls of the horde". - - P. 34 l. 12.--"With the goshawks" translates _qirchigha bila_ of the - Elph. MS. (f. 12_b_) where it is explained marginally by _ba bazi_, - with the falcon or goshawk. The Hai. MS. however has, in its text, - _piazi bila_ which may mean with arrows having points (_Sanglakh_ f. - 144_b_ quoting this passage). Ilminski has no answering word (_Mems._ - i, 19). Muh. _Shirazi_ [p. 13 l. 11 fr. ft.] writes _ba bazi - miandakhtan_. - - P. 39.--The _Habibu's-siyar_ (lith. ed. iii, 217 l. 16) writes of - Sayyid Murad _Aughlaqchi_ (the father or g.f. of Yusuf) that he (who - had, Babur says, come from the Mughul horde) held high rank under - Abu-sa'id Mirza, joined Husian _Bai-qara_ after the Mirza's defeat - and death (873 A.H.), and (p. 218) was killed in defeat by Amir 'Ali - _Jalair_ who was commanding for Yadgar-i-muhammad _Shah-rukhi_. - - P. 49.--An _Aimaq_ is a division of persons and not of territory. In - Mongolia under the Chinese Government it answers to khanate. A Khan - is at the head of an _aimaq_. Aimaqs are divided into _koshung_, - _i.e._ banners (_Mongolia_, N. Prejevalsky trs. E. Delmar Morgan, ii, - 53). - - P. 75 and n. 1.--For an explanation, provided in 94 AH., of why - Samarkand was called _Baldat-i-mahfuza_, the Guarded-city, see - Daulat-shah, Browne's ed. _s.n._ Qulaiba p. 443. - - P. 85 n. 2.--The reference to the _Habibu's-siyar_ confuses two - cases of parricide:--'Abdu'l-latif's of Aulugh Beg (853-1447) to which - H.S. refers [Vol. III, Part 2, p. 163, l. 13 fr. ft.] with (one of - 7-628) Shiruya's of Khusrau Parviz (H.S. Vol. I, Part 2, p. 44, l. 11 - fr. ft.) where the parricide's sister tells him that the murderer of - his father (and 15 brothers) would eventually be punished by God, and - (a little lower) the couplet Babur quotes (p. 85) is entered (H.B.). - - P. 154 n. 3.--The Persian phrase in the _Siyasat-nama_ which describes - the numbering of the army (T. _dim kurmak_) is _ba sar-i-taziana - shumurdan_. Schafer translates _taziana_ by _cravache_. I have - nowhere found how the whip was used; (cf. S.N. Pers. text p. 15 l. - 5). - - P. 171 n. 1.--Closer acquaintance with Babur's use of _darya_, _rud_, - _su_, the first of which he reserves for a great river, casts doubt - on my suggestion that _darya_ may stand for the Kasan-water. But the - narrative supports what I have noted. The "upper villages" of Akhsi - might be, however, those higher up on the Saihun-darya (Sir-darya). - - P. 189 and n. 1.--A third and perhaps here better rendering of _bi - baqi_ is that of p. 662 (_s.d._ April 10th), "leaving none behind." - - P. 196.--The _Habibu's-siyar_ (lith. ed. iii, 250 l. 11 fr. ft.) - writes of _baradaran_ of Khusrau Shah, Amir Wali and Pir Wali. As it - is improbable that two brothers (Anglice) would be called Wali, it - may be right to translate _baradaran_ by brethren, and to understand - a brother and a cousin. Babur mentions only the brother Wali. - - P. 223 ll. 1-3 fr. ft.--The French translation, differing from - 'Abdu'r-rahim's and Erskine's, reads Babur as saying of the ranges - separating the cultivated lands of Kabul, that they are _comme des - ponts de trefle_, but this does not suit the height and sometimes - permanent snows of some of the separating ranges.--My bald "(great) - dams" should have been expanded to suit the meaning (as I take it to - be) of the words _Yur-unchaqa pul-dik_, like embankments (_pul_) - against going (_yur_) further; (so far, _uncha_). Cf. Griffiths' - _Journal_, p. 431. - - P. 251.--Nizami expresses the opinion that "Fate is an avenging - servitor" but not in the words used by Babur (p. 251). He does this - when moralizing on Farhad's death, brought about by Khusrau's trick - and casting the doer into dread of vengeance (H. B.). - - P. 266 n. 7.--On p. 266 Babur allots three daughters to Papa Aghacha - and on p. 269 four. Various details make for four. But, if four, the - total of eleven (p. 261) is exceeded. - - P. 276 para. 3.--Attention is attracted on this page to the unusual - circumstance that a parent and child are both called by the same - name, Junaid. One other instance is found in the _Babur-nama_, that - of Babur's wife Ma'suma and her daughter. Perhaps "Junaid" like - "Ma'suma" was the name given to the child because birth closely - followed the death of the parent (_see_ _s.n._ Ma'suma). - - P. 277.--Concerning Bih-bud Beg the _Shaibani-nama_ gives the - following information:--he was in command in Khwarizm and Khiva when - Shaibani moved against Chin _Sufi_ (910 AH.), and spite of his name, - was unpopular (Vambery's ed. 184, 186). Vambery's note 88 says he is - mentioned in the (anonymous) prose _Shaibani-nama_, Russian trs. p. - lxi. - - P. 372 l. 2 fr. ft.--Where the Hai. MS. and Kasan Imp. have _mu'araz_, - rival, E. and de C. translate by representative, but the following - circumstances favour "rival":--Wais was with Babur (pp. 374-6) and - would need no representative. His arrival is not recorded; no - introductory particulars are given of him where his name is first - found (p. 372); therefore he is likely to have joined Babur in the - time of the gap of 924 AH. (p. 366), before the siege of Bajaur-fort - and before 'Ala'u'd-din did so. The two Sawadi chiefs received gifts - and left together (p. 376). - - P. 393 l. 4.--In this couplet the point lies in the double-meaning of - _ra'iyat_, subject and peasant. - - P. 401.--Under date Thursday 25th Babur mentions an appointment to - read _fiqah sabaqi_ to him. Erskine translated this by "Sacred - extracts from the Qoran" (I followed this). But "lessons in theology" - may be a better rendering--as more literal and as allowing for the use - of other writings than the Qoran. A correspondent Mr. G. Yazdani - (Gov. Epigraphist for Muslim Inscriptions, Haidarabad) tells us that - it is customary amongst Muslims to recite religious books on - Thursdays. - - P. 404 l. 7 fr. ft.--Baba Qashqa (or Qashqa)'s family-group is - somewhat interesting as that of loyal and capable men of Mughul birth - who served Babur and Humayun. It must have joined Babur in what is - now the gap between 914 and 925 AH. because not mentioned earlier and - because he is first mentioned in 925 AH. without introductory - particulars. The following details supplement _Babur-nama_ - information about the group:--(1) Of Baba Qashqa's murder by - Muhammad-i-zaman _Bai-qara_ Gul-hadan (f. 23) makes record, and - Badayuni (Bib. Ind. ed. i, 450) says that (_cir._ 952 AH.) when - Baba's son Haji Muh. Khan _Kuki_ had pursued and overtaken the rebel - Kamran, the Mirza asked, as though questioning the Khan's ground of - hostility to himself, "But did I kill thy father Baba Qashqa?" - (_Pidrat Baba Qashqa magar man kushta am?_).--(2) Of the death of Baba - Qashqa's brother "Kuki", Abu'l-fazl records that he was killed in - Hindustan by Muhammad Sl. M. _Bai-qara_ (952 AH.), and that Kuki's - nephew Shah Muh. (_see_ p. 668) retaliated (955 AH.) by - arrow-shooting one of Muh. Sl. Mirza's sons. This was done when Shah - Muh. was crossing Minar-pass on his return journey from sharing - Humayun's exile in Persia (_see_ Jauhar).--(3) Haji Muh. Khan _Kuki_ - and Shah Muhammad Khan appear to have been sons of Baba Qashqa and - nephews of "Kuki" (_supra_). They were devoted servants of Humayun - but were put to death by him in 958 AH.-1551 AD. (cf. Erskine's _H. - of I. Humayun_).--(4) About the word _Kuki_ dictionaries afford no - warrant for taking it to mean foster-brother (_kokah_). Chingiz Khan - had a beg known as Kuk or Kouk (or Guk) and one of his own grandsons - used the same style. It may link the Baba Qashqa group with the - Chingiz Khanid Kuki, either as descendants or as hereditary - adherents, or as both. (_See_ Abu'l-ghazi's _Shajarat-i-Turk_, trs. - Desmaisons, Index _s.n._ _Kouk_ and also its accounts of the origin - of several tribal groups.) - - P. 416.--The line quoted by 'Abdu'l-lah is from the _Anwar-i-suhaili_, - Book II, Story i. Eastwick translates it and its immediate context - thus:-- - - "People follow the faith of their kings. - My heart is like a tulip scorched and by sighings flame; - In all thou seest, their hearts are scorched and stained - the same." (H.B.) - - The offence of the quotation appears to have been against Khalifa, - and might be a suggestion that he followed Babur in breach of Law by - using wine. - - P. 487 n. 2.--The following passages complete the note on _wulsa_ - quoted by Erskine from Col. Mark Wilks' _Historical Sketches_ and - show how the word is used:--"During the absence of Major Lawrence from - Trichinopoly, the town had been completely depopulated by the removal - of the whole _Wulsa_ to seek for food elsewhere, and the enemy had - been earnestly occupied in endeavouring to surprise the garrison." - (Here follows Erskine's quotation _see in loco_ p. 487). "The people - of a district thus deserting their homes are called the _Wulsa_ of - that district, a state of utmost misery, involving precaution against - incessant war and unpitying depredation--so peculiar a description as - to require in any of the languages of Europe a long circumlocution, - is expressed _in all the languages of Deckan and the south of India - by a single word_. No proofs can be accumulated from the most - profound research which shall describe the immemorial condition of - the people of India with more precision than this single word. It is - a bright distinction that the _Wulsa_ never departs on the approach - of a British army when this is unaccompanied by Indian allies."--By - clerical error in the final para. of my note _ulvash_ is entered for - _ulvan_ [Molesworth, any desolating calamity]. - - P. 540 n. 4.--An explanation of Babur's use of Shah-zada as Tahmasp's - title may well be that this title answers to the Timurid one - Mir-zada, Mirza. If so, Babur's change to "Shah" (p. 635) may - recognize supremacy by victory, such as he had claimed for himself in - 913 AH. when he changed his Timurid "Mirza" for "Padshah". - - P. 557.--Husain _Kashifi_, also, quotes Firdausi's couplet in the - _Anwar-i-suhaili_ (Cap. I, Story XXI), a book dedicated to Shaikh - Ahmad _Suhaili_ (p. 277) and of earlier date than the _Babur-nama_. - Its author died in 910 AH.-1505 AD. - - P. 576 n. 1.--Tod's statement (quoted in my n. 1) that "the year of - Rana Sanga's defeat (933 AH.) was the last of his existence" cannot - be strictly correct because Babur's statement (p. 598) of intending - attack on him in Chitor allows him to have been alive in 934 AH. - (1528 AD.). The death occurred, "not without suspicion of poison," - says Tod, when the Rana had moved against Irij then held for Babur; - it will have been long enough before the end of 934 AH. to allow an - envoy from his son Bikramajit to wait on Babur in that year (pp. 603, - 612). Babur's record of it may safely be inferred lost with the - once-existent matter of 934 AH. - - P. 631.--My husband has ascertained that the "Sayyid Dakni" of p. 631 - is Sayyid Shah Tahir _Dakni_ (_Deccani_) the Shiite apostle of - Southern India, who in 935 AH. was sent to Babur with a letter from - Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, in which (if there were not two - embassies) congratulation was made on the conquest of Dihli and help - asked against Bahadur Shah _Gujrati_. A second but earlier mention of - "Sayyid _Dakni_" (_Zakni_, _Rukni?_) _Shirazi_ is on p. 619. Whether - the two entries refer to Shah Tahir nothing makes clear. The - cognomen Shirazi disassociates them. It is always to be kept in mind - that preliminary events are frequently lost in gaps; one such will be - the arrivals of the various envoys, mentioned on p. 630, whose places - of honour are specified on p. 631. Much is on record about Sayyid - Shah Tahir _Dakni_ and particulars of his life are available in the - histories by Badayuni (Ranking trs.) and (Firishta Nawal Kishor ed. - p. 105); B.M. Harleyan MS. No. 199 contains his letters (_see_ Rieu's - Pers. Cat. p. 395). - - P. 699 and n. 3.--The particulars given by the _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ - about Multan at this date (932-4 AH.) are as follows:--After Babur - took the Panj-ab, he ordered Shah Hasan _Arghun_ to attempt Multan, - then held by one Sl. Mahmud who, dying, was succeeded by an infant - son Husain. Shah Hasan took Multan after a 16 (lunar) months' siege, - at the end of 934 AH. (in a B.N. _lacuna_ therefore), looted and - slaughtered in it, and then returned to Tatta. On this Langar Khan - took possession of it (H.B.). What part 'Askari (_aet._ 12) had in the - matter is yet to learn; possibly he was nominated to its command and - then recalled as Babur mentions (935 AH.). - - -FOOTNOTES - - [2861] The fist indicates Translator's matter. - - [2862] See Abu'l-ghazi's _Shajarat-i-turki_ on the origin and - characteristics of the tribe (Desmaisons trs. Index _s.n._ - Ouighur, especially pp. 16, 37, 39). - - [2863] This date is misplaced in my text and should be - transferred from p. 83, l. 3 fr. ft. to p. 86, l. 1, there to - follow "two years". - - [2864] A fuller reference to the H.S. than is given on p. 85 - n. 2, is ii, 44 and iii, 167. - - [2865] Cf. _s.n._ 'Abdu'l-lah Mirza _Shah-rukhi_ for a date - misplaced in my text. - - [2866] The date 935 AH. is inferred from p. 483. - - [2867] Cf. Badayuni's _Muntakhabu't-tawarikh_ and Ranking's - trs. i, 616 and n. 4, 617. - - [2868] Ferte translates this sobriquet by _le devoue_ (_Vie de - Sl. Hossein Baikara_ p. 40 n. 3). - - [2869] At p. 22 n. 8 fill out to Cf. f. 6_b_ (p. 13) n. 5. - - [2870] For an account of his tomb see Schuyler's _Turkistan_, - 1, 70-72. - - [2871] Or Aigu (Ayagu) from _ayagh_, foot, perhaps expressing - close following of Timur, whose friend the Beg was. - - [2872] Daulat-shah celebrates the renown of the Jalair section - (_farqa_) of the Chaghatai tribes (_aqwam_) of the Mughul - horde (_aulus_, _ulus_), styles the above-entered 'Ali Beg a - veteran hero, and links his family with that of the Jalair - Sultans of Baghdad (Browne's ed. p. 519). - - [2873] See H. S. lith. ed. iii, 224, for three men who - conveyed helpful information to Husain. - - [2874] Later consideration has cast doubts on his - identification with Darwesh-i-'ali suggested, p. 345 n. 4. - - [2875] On p. 69 n. 2 for _aunulung_ read _aunutung_ and - reverse _bakunid_ with _nakunid_. - - [2876] On p. 49 l. 3 for "Black Sheep" read White Sheep. - - [2877] Like his brother Hind-al's name, Alur's may be due to - the taking (_al_) of Hind. - - [2878] See the _Tabaqat-i-akbari_ account of the rulers of - Multan. - - [2879] On p. 85 l. 9 for "872 AH.-1467 AD.", read 851 AH.-1447 - AD. - - [2880] On p. 79 transfer the note-reference "3" to _qibla_. - - [2881] See Daulat-shah (Browne's ed. p. 362) for an - entertaining record of the Mirza's zeal as a sportsman and an - illustrative anecdote by Shaikh 'Arif _'azari_ _q.v._ (H.B.). - - [2882] I have found no statement of his tribe or race; he and - his brother are styled Khwaja (H.S. lith. ed. iii, 272); he is - associated closely with Ahmad Tambal _Mughul_ and Mughuls of - the Horde; also his niece's name Aulus Agha translates as Lady - of the Horde (_ulus_, _aulus_). But he may have been a - Turkman. - - [2883] The MS. variants between 'Ali and -quli are confusing. - What stands in my text (p. 27) may be less safe than the - above. - - [2884] Baba Qashqa was murdered by Muhammad-i-zaman - _Bai-qara_. For further particulars of his family group see - Add. Notes under p. 404. - - [2885] Sultan Baba-quli Beg is found variously designated Quli - Beg, Quli Baba, Sl. 'Ali Baba-quli, Sultan-quli Baba and - Baba-quli Beg. Several forms appear to express his filial - relationship with Sultan Baba 'Ali (_q.v._). - - [2886] Down to p. 346 Babur's statements are retrospective; - after p. 346 they are mostly contemporary with the dates of - his diary--when not so are in supplementing passages of later - date. - - [2887] He may be the father of Mun'im Khan (Blochmann's - Biographies A.-i-A. trs. 317 and n. 2). - - [2888] See note, Index, _s.n._ Muhammad Zakaria. - - [2889] He is likely to have been introduced with some - particulars of tribe, in one of the now unchronicled years - after Babur's return from his Trans-oxus campaign. - - [2890] His wife, daughter of a wealthy man and on the mother's - side niece of Sultan Buhlul _Ludi_, financed the military - efforts of Bayazid and Biban (_Tarikh-i-sher-shahi_, E. and D. - iv, 353 ff.). - - [2891] My translation on p. 621 l. 12 is inaccurate inasmuch - as it hides the circumstance that Beg-gina alone was the - "messenger of good tidings". - - [2892] In taking Biban for a Jilwani, I follow Erskine, (as - inferences also warrant,) but he may be a Ludi. - - [2893] For the same uncertainty between Bihar and Pahar see E. - and D.'s History of India iv, 352 n. 2. - - [2894] Firishta lith. ed. i, 202. - - [2895] For "Mu'min" read Mumin, which form is constant in the - Hai. MS. - - [2896] He may be Hamida-banu's father and, if so, became - grandfather of Akbar. - - [2897] Ilminsky, _anlu_, Erskine, _angu_. Daulat-shah mentions - a Muhammad Shah _anju_ (see Brown's ed. Index _s.n._). - - [2898] On p. 22 n. 2 delete "_Chaghatai Mughul_" on grounds - given in Additional Note, Page 22. - - [2899] For Humayun's annotation of the _Babur-nama_, see - General Index _s.n._ Humayun's Notes. - - [2900] For a correction of dates, see _s.n._ Aulugh Beg. - - [2901] On p. 279 l. 3 from foot read "There was also Ibrahim - _Chaghatai_" after "Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza". - - [2902] _Addendum_:--p. 49 l. 4, read "wife" of Muhammadi "son" - of Jahan-shah. - - [2903] His name might mean Welcome, _Bien-venu_. - - [2904] Khusrau-shah may be the more correct form. - - [2905] The "afterwards" points to an omission which - Khwand-amir's account of Husain's daughters fills (lith. ed. - iii, 327). - - [2906] No record survives of the Khwaja's deeds of daring - other than those entered above; perhaps the other instances - Babur refers to occurred during the gap 908-9 AH. - - [2907] This may be a tribal or a family name. Abu'l-ghazi - mentions two individuals named "Kouk". One was Chingiz Khan's - grandson who is likely to have had descendants or followers - distinguishable as _Kuki_. See Add. Note P. 673 on Kuki fate. - - [2908] Cf. E. and D. for "Karani" (_e.g._ vol. iv, 530). The - Hai. MS. sometimes doubles the _r_, sometimes not. - - [2909] See _Waqi'at-i-mushtaqi_, E. and D. iv, 548. - - [2910] Shaikhim _Suhaili_ however was named Ahmad (277) not - Muhammad. - - [2911] The record of the first appears likely to be lost in - the _lacuna_ of 934 AH. - - [2912] See _Shaibani-nama_, Vambery's ed. Cap. xv, l. 12, for - his changes of service, and Sam Mirza's _Tuhfa-i-sami_ for - various particulars including his classification as a - Chaghatai. - - [2913] He died serving Babur, at Kul-i-malik (H.S. iii, - 344).--Further information negatives my suggestion (201 n. 7) - that he and Mir Husain (p. 288 and n. 7) were one. - - [2914] "Zaitun is the name of the Chinese city from which - satin was brought (_hodie_ Thsiuancheu or Chincheu) and my - belief is that our word satin came from it" (Col. H. Yule, E. - and D. iv, 514). - - [2915] My text omits to translate _yigit_ (_aughul_) and thus - loses the information that Yahya's sons Baqi and Zakaria were - above childhood, were grown to fighting age--braves--but not yet - begs (see Index _s.n._ _chuhra_). - - [2916] See Add. Notes under p. 39. - - [2917] See Add. Notes under p. 266. - - [2918] For emendation of 266 n. 7, see Add. Notes under P. - 266. - - [2919] On p. 49 l. 3 for "Black" read White; and in l. 3 read - ("wife of") Muhammadi son of ("Jahan-shah"). - - [2920] Cf. H.S. Ferti's trs. p. 70 for the same name Qaitmas. - - [2921] His capture is not recorded. - - [2922] He joined Babur with his father Yar-i-'ali _Balal_ - (_q.v._) in 910 AH. (Blochmann's Biographies, A.-i-A. trs. - 315). - - [2923] Concerning the date of his death, see Additional Notes - under p. 603. - - [2924] Since my text was printed, my husband has lighted upon - what shows that the guest at the feast was an ambassador sent - by Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar to congratulate Babur on - his conquest of Dihli, namely, Shah Tahir the apostle of - Shiism in the Dakkan. He is thus distinguished from Sayyid - Dakni, (Rukni, Zakni) _infra_ and my text needs suitable - correction. (See Add. Notes under p. 631 for further - particulars of the Sayyid and his embassy.) - - [2925] For further particulars see Add. Note under p. 688. - - [2926] For "H.S. ii" read iii (as also in some other places). - - [2927] Down to p. 131 the Hai. MS. uses the name Shaibani or - Shaibani Khan; from that page onwards it writes Shaibaq Khan, - in agreement with the Elphinstone MS.--Other names found are - _e.g._ Gulbadan's Shahi Beg Khan and Shah-bakht. (My note 2 on - p. 12 needs modification.) - - [2928] The title "Aughlan" (child, boy) indicates that the - bearer died without ruling. - - [2929] This cognomen was given because the bearer was born - during an eclipse of the moon (_ai_, moon and the root _al_ - taking away); _see_ Badayuni Bib. Ind. ed. i, 62. - - [2930] Here _delete_ "Sultan-nigar Khanim", who was his - grandmother and not his mother. - - [2931] On p. 433 n. 1 her name is mistakenly entered as that - of Sulaiman's mother. - - [2932] Concerning this title, see Add. Notes under p. 540. - - [2933] He may be the Tulik Khan _quchin_ of the - _Ma'asiru'l-umra_ i, 475. - - [2934] Haidar Mirza gives an interesting account of his - character and attainments (T.R. trs. p. 283). - - [2935] See Additional Note under P. 372. - - [2936] See Additional Notes under P. 51. - - [2937] Here the Hai. MS. and Ilminsky's Imprint add "Nasir". - - [2938] The natural place for this Section of record is at the - first mention of Yunas Khan (p. 12) and not, as now found, - interrupting another Section. See p. 678 and n. 4 as to - "Sections". - - [2939] The entries of 934 and 935 may concern a second man - 'Ali-i-yusuf. - - [2940] Perhaps skilled in the art of metaphors and tropes - (_'ilmu'l-badi'_). - - [2941] My text has _julgasi_, but I am advised to omit the - genitive _si_; so, too, in aiki-su-ara-si, Rabatjk-aurchin-i - _q.v._ - - [2942] Cf. _s.n._ Ahangaran-julga n. as to form of the name. - - [2943] Asterisks indicate Translator's matter. - - [2944] Babur uses this name for, Anglice, the Kabul-river as - low as nearly to Dakka. - - [2945] "The Dara-i-suf, often mentioned by the Arabian - writers, seems to lie west of Bamian" (Erskine, _Memoirs_, p. - 152 n. 1). - - [2946] Babur's itinerary gives Gharjistan a greater eastward - extent than the Fr. map Maimene allows, thus agreeing with - Erskine's surmise (_Memoirs_ p. 152 n. 1).--The first syllable - of the name may be "Ghur". - - [2947] On p. 7, l. 1, after "turbulent", _add_, " They are - notorious in Mawara'u'n-nahr for their bullying." - - [2948] On p. 134 for "(I was) 19" _read_ in my 19th (lunar) - year. - - [2949] Cf. _Life of Busbecq_ (Forster and Daniels) i, 252-7, - for feats of Turkish archery. - - [2950] For the Bukhara (Babur-nama) Compilation _see_ - _Waqi'-nama-i-padshahi_; as also for its Codices, descendants - and offtakes, _viz._ Ilminski's "_Babur-nama_" and de - Courteille's _Memoires de Baber_. - - [2951] The confusion of identity has become clear to me in - 1921 only. - - [2952] One of the nine great gods of the Etruscans was called - Turan. Etr. _Tur_ means strong, a strong place (fortress); - with it may connect L. _turma_ (troop) and the name of - Virgil's Rutulian hero Turmus may root in the Mongol tongue. - Professor Jules Marthe writes in _La Langue Etrusque_ (Pref. - vi), "Il m'a paru qu'il y avait entre l'Etrusque et les - langues finns-ougriennes d'etroites affinites" (hence with the - Mongol tongue). "Tarkhan" is "Turkhan" in Miles trs. p. 71 of - the _Shajaratu'l-atrak_ (H. B.). - - [2953] This Cat. contains the Turki MS. of the Bukhara - Compilation, once owned by Leyden. - - [2954] where, in n. 3, for f. 183_b_ and f. 264_b_ _read_ f. - 103_b_ and f. 264. - - [2955] For "H.S. ii" read H.S. iii--also on p. 244. - - [2956] On this peg may be hung the following note:--The - _Padshah-nama_ (_q.v._) calls the author and presenter of the - above translation "Abu-talib" _Husaini_ (Bib. Ind. ed. vol. i, - part 2, p. 288), but its index contains many references - seemingly to the same man as Khwaja Abu'l-husain _Turbati_. - The P. N. says the book which it entitles - _Waqi'at-i-sahib-qiran_ (The Acts of Timur), was in Turki, was - brought forth from the Library of the (Turk) Governor of Yemen - and translated by Mir Abu-talib _Husaini_; that what Timur had - done with this book of counsel (_dastan-i-nasa'ih_) when he - sent it to his son Pir-i-muhammad, then succeeding (his - brother) Jahangir [in Kabul, the Ghaznis, Qandahar, _etc._] - Shahjahan also did by sending it, out of love, to his son - Aurangzib who had been ordered to the Deccan. - - [2957] In n. 5 for "_parwan_" read _parran_, and _read_ - Blanford. - - [2958] Which _read_ (l. 17) for _yak rang_. The name - _bak-ding_ appears due to the clapping of the bird's mandibles - and its pompous strut; (cf. Ross' _Polyglot List_, No. 336). - - [2959] Following the _zammaj_ insert "Another is the buzzard - (T. _Sar_); its back and tail are red". (_Cf._ Omission List - under p. 500.) - - [2960] _See_ Omission List under p. 498. - - [2961] After "Tramontane", _add_ Its breast is less deeply - black. - - [2962] The bird being black, its name cannot be translated - "yellow-bird"; as noted on p. 373 _sarigh_ = thief; [_saragh_ - or _sarigh_ means a bird's song]. - - [2963] For references to Nizami's text, I am indebted to Mr. - Beveridge's knowledge of the poems. - - [2964] Cf. Mr. G. Murray's trs. (Euripides i, 86) suggesting - that the Wooden Horse was a _sar-kob_. - - [2965] Abu'l-ghazi classes Manghit with Mughul tribes, Radloff - with Turk tribes (_Recueils p. 325_), Erskine says, "modern - Nogais." - -_Stephen Austin and Sons, Ltd., Printers, Hertford._ - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE BāBUR-NāMA IN ENGLISH*** - - -******* This file should be named 44608.txt or 44608.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/4/4/6/0/44608 - - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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