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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of English Industries of the Middle Ages, by 
+Louis Francis Salzmann
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: English Industries of the Middle Ages
+       Being an Introduction to the Industrial History of Medieval England
+
+Author: Louis Francis Salzmann
+
+Release Date: March 26, 2015 [EBook #48588]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ENGLISH INDUSTRIES OF THE MIDDLE AGES ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by deaurider, MWS and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images generously made available by The
+Internet Archive)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+ENGLISH INDUSTRIES OF THE MIDDLE AGES
+
+
+
+
+ENGLISH INDUSTRIES
+OF THE MIDDLE AGES
+
+Being an Introduction to the Industrial History
+of Medieval England
+
+BY
+
+L. F. SALZMANN B.A. F.S.A.
+
+AUTHOR OF 'MEDIEVAL BYWAYS'
+
+LONDON
+CONSTABLE AND COMPANY LTD.
+1913
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+The title of this book indicates at once its aim and its limitations.
+It makes no pretence to be a complete history of the early industrial
+life of England, but at the same time it does claim to be an
+introduction to the study of that subject. It is my hope, and indeed
+my belief, that from it the general reader, equipped with interest in
+the history of his country rather than with technical knowledge, will
+obtain something more than a bare outline of industrial conditions in
+pre-Elizabethan days. The student who is anxious to go more deeply
+into the subjects here treated may use this book as a road map and the
+footnotes as finger-posts to guide him to the heights of completer
+knowledge.
+
+From the nature of my subject it was inevitable that the book should
+be full of technicalities, figures, and statistics, but it has been my
+endeavour to render the technicalities intelligible, and to prevent
+the significance of the statistics being obscured by an excess of
+detail. The scheme which I have adopted is to treat the leading
+medieval industries one by one, showing as far as possible their chief
+centres, their chronological development, the conditions and the
+methods of working. With the disposal of the finished products through
+intermediaries, merchants, or shopkeepers, I have not concerned myself,
+deeming such matters rather to belong to the realms of trade and
+commerce than of industry; and for this same reason, and also because
+it has been dealt with by other writers, I have not dealt with the
+great source of England's wealth—wool. Agriculture, also, and fishing I
+have excluded from my definition of industry. A more culpable omission,
+which I think calls for a word of explanation, is shown in the case
+of building. This, however, is not omitted by an oversight, nor yet
+through any desire to save myself trouble. I had collected a great
+mass of material for an intended section on the Building Industry,
+but after careful consideration I came to the conclusion that the
+material available was so exceedingly technical, and the obscurity of
+the details so greatly in excess of their value when elucidated, as to
+render such a section rather a weariness and a stumbling-block to the
+student than a help. The subjects treated in the several sections are
+thoroughly representative, if not completely exhaustive, of English
+industrial life, and a general survey of the subject is contained in
+my last chapter, where I have outlined as broadly as possible the
+general principles that governed the Control of Industry—the typical
+regulations made by, or for, the craftsmen in the interest of the
+employer, the workman, or the consumer. This last section might, of
+course, easily have been extended to cover more pages than this whole
+volume, but it is questionable whether multiplicity of detail tends to
+ease of assimilation. A single typical instance of a prevalent custom
+or regulation is as significant as a list of a dozen local variations,
+and far easier to remember. A rule is more easily remembered by
+one example than by a score, and with such a wealth of material as
+exists the risk of obscurity is greater from amplification than from
+concentration.
+
+As to defining what is meant by the medieval period, it is not easy to
+lay down any hard and fast rule, for the change from old methods or
+conditions to new, which practically constitutes the division between
+the medieval and the modern periods, occurred at a different date in
+each industry. The crucial point in gunfounding was the invention of
+solid boring in the time of Henry VIII.; in the cloth industry it was
+the introduction of the 'new draperies' by Protestant refugees in
+the reign of Elizabeth; for iron mining it was the adoption of pit
+coal for smelting in the seventeenth century; for coal mining, the
+application of steam power to solve the problems of drainage at great
+depths early in the eighteenth century. Yet, taking one thing with
+another, the sixteenth century may be considered to be the period of
+transition. The rise of the capitalist and the monopolist, the social
+revolution of the Reformation, with the abolition of the monastic
+houses and the beginnings of the Poor-Law system constituted a new
+era for the working classes even when unaccompanied by any startling
+change in methods or mechanical media. Moreover, from the middle of
+the sixteenth century documents and records relating to industrial
+matters become more numerous and more accessible, and this is therefore
+the usual starting-point for those who write upon these subjects. For
+these reasons my accounts of the various selected industries will be
+found to end at such dates within the sixteenth century as have seemed
+convenient, though I have not slavishly refrained from taking out of
+the seventeenth century occasional details applicable to the earlier
+period.
+
+Such, then, are the lines upon which I have built my book. If any
+critic considers that the subject should have been dealt with on
+another plan, he is at liberty to prove his contention by so treating
+it himself.
+
+As to the sources from which my information is taken: I believe
+that every statement will be found to be buttressed by at least
+one reference, and I may add that the reference is invariably to
+the actual source from which I obtained my information. Of printed
+sources much the most valuable have been the series of articles on
+local industries printed in the _Victoria County Histories_, those
+on mining and kindred subjects by Mr. C. H. Vellacott being of
+exceptional importance. In very few cases have I found any published
+history of any industry dealing at all fully with the early period:
+the one conspicuous exception was Mr. G. Randall Lewis's book on _The
+Stannaries_, second to which may be put Mr. Galloway's _Annals of Coal
+Mining_. The various volumes of municipal records published by, or with
+the consent of, the public-spirited authorities of some of our ancient
+boroughs, notably those of Norwich, Bristol, Coventry, and Leicester,
+have been of great value to me, as have Mr. Riley's _Memorials of
+London_ and his editions of the _Liber Albus_ and _Liber Custumarum_.
+To such other printed works as I have drawn upon, acknowledgment is
+made in the footnotes, but so far as possible I have made use of
+unpublished manuscript material at the British Museum and still more at
+the Record Office. Needless to say, I collected far more material than
+it was possible to use, and I can only hope that my selection has been
+wise, as it certainly was careful, and that I have not overlooked or
+omitted any evidence of essential importance. It had originally been my
+intention to compile a series of transcripts of industrial records on
+lines similar to the _Documents relatifs à l'Industrie_ of M. Fagniez,
+but the enormous mass of material available for such a work, coupled
+with the fact that in England such original research has to be carried
+out at the sole expense of the unfortunate researcher, put an end to
+the project, and deprived this work of what would have been a valuable,
+if formidable, companion volume.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAP.      PAGE
+
+I. MINING—COAL      1
+
+II.   "    IRON      20
+
+III.  "    LEAD AND SILVER      38
+
+IV.   "    TIN      62
+
+V. QUARRYING—STONE, MARBLE, ALABASTER, CHALK      76
+
+VI. METAL-WORKING      92
+
+VII. POTTERY—TILES, BRICKS      114
+
+VIII. CLOTHMAKING      133
+
+IX. LEATHER WORKING      171
+
+X. BREWING—ALE, BEER, CIDER      184
+
+XI. THE CONTROL OF INDUSTRY      200
+
+INDEX      241
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+MINING—COAL
+
+
+Coal is so intimately connected with all that is essentially
+modern—machinery, steam, and the black pall that overhangs our great
+towns and manufacturing districts—that it comes almost as a surprise
+to find it in use in Britain at the beginning of the Christian era.
+Yet excavation has proved beyond all doubt that coal was used by the
+Romans, ashes and stores of the unburnt mineral being found all along
+the Wall, at Lanchester and Ebchester in Durham,[1] at Wroxeter[2]
+in Shropshire and elsewhere. For the most part it appears to have
+been used for working iron, but it was possibly also used for heating
+hypocausts, and there seems good reason to believe that it formed the
+fuel of the sacred fire in the temple of Minerva at Bath, as Solinus,
+writing about the end of the third century, comments on the 'stony
+balls' which were left as ashes by this sacred fire.[3] That such coal
+as was used by the Romans was obtained from outcrops, where the seams
+came to the surface, is more than probable. There appears to be no
+certain evidence of any regular mining at this period.
+
+With the departure of the Romans from Britain coal went out of use, and
+no trace of its employment can be found prior to the Norman Conquest,
+or indeed for more than a century after that date. It was not until
+quite the end of the twelfth century that coal was rediscovered,
+and the history of its use in England may be said for all practical
+purposes to begin with the reign of Henry III. (1216). In the 'Boldon
+Book'[4] survey of the see of Durham, compiled in 1183, there are
+several references to smiths who were bound to make ploughshares
+and to 'find the coal' therefor, but unfortunately the Latin word
+_invenire_ bears the same double meaning as its English equivalent 'to
+find,' and may imply either discovery or simple provision. In view of
+the fact that the word used for coal (_carbonem_) in this passage is
+unqualified, and that _carbo_, as also the English 'cole,' practically
+always implies charcoal, it would be unsafe to conclude that mineral
+coal is here referred to. The latter is almost invariably given a
+distinguishing adjective, appearing as earth coal, subterranean coal,
+stone coal, quarry coal, etc., but far most frequently as 'sea coal.'
+The origin of this term may perhaps be indicated by a passage in a
+sixteenth-century account of the salt works in the county of Durham:[5]
+'As the tide comes in it bringeth a small wash sea coal which is
+employed to the making of salt and the fuel of the poor fisher towns
+adjoining.' It is most probable that the first coal used was that thus
+washed up by the sea and such as could be quarried from the face of
+the cliffs where the seams were exposed by the action of the waves.
+The term was next applied, for convenience, to similar coal obtained
+inland, and as an export trade grew up it acquired the secondary
+significance of sea-borne coal.
+
+No references to purchases of sea coal occur in the Pipe Rolls of Henry
+II., nor, so far as I am aware, in those of Richard I. and John, but it
+would seem that its existence was known before the end of the twelfth
+century, as Alexander Neckam in his treatise, _De Naturis Rerum_,[6]
+has a curious and puzzling section, '_De Carbone_,' at the beginning
+of his discourse on minerals, parts of which seem applicable to sea
+coal, though other parts appear to refer to charcoal. So far as can be
+gathered, he considered sea coal to be charcoal found in the earth;
+he comments on the extreme durability of coal and its resistance to
+the effects of wet and the lapse of time, and makes the interesting
+statement that when men were setting up boundary stones they dug in
+below them a quantity of coal, and that in the event of a dispute as
+to the position of the stone in later years the presence of this coal
+was the determining factor. Whether there is any corroborative evidence
+of this alleged custom I have not been able to ascertain, but it is
+at least a proof that mineral coal was known, though evidently not
+extensively used for fuel at this period. Coal was apparently worked
+in Scotland about 1200,[7] and it would seem that about a quarter of a
+century later it was being imported into London, as a mention of Sea
+Coal Lane, just outside the walls of the city, near Ludgate, occurs in
+1228.[8] As property in this lane belonged to William 'de Plessetis,'
+it is probable that the coal was brought from Plessey, near Blyth, in
+which neighbourhood the monks of Newminster were given the right to
+take coal along the shore about 1236.[9] The monks also obtained leave
+from Nicholas de Aketon about the same time to take sea coals in his
+wood of Middlewood for use at their forge of Stretton, near Alnwick.
+It may be remarked that at this time, and for the greater part of the
+next three centuries, the use of coal was restricted to iron-working
+and lime-burning, the absence of chimneys rendering it unsuitable for
+fuel in ordinary living rooms. So particularly was it associated with
+lime-burning that we find Sea Coal Lane also known as Lime-burners
+Lane, and references in building accounts to purchases of sea coal for
+the burning of lime are innumerable.
+
+It is in 1243 that we get our first dated reference to an actual
+coal working. In that year Ralf, son of Roger Wlger, was recorded
+to have been drowned 'in a delf of sea coals' (_in fossato carbonum
+maris_).[10] The use of the word _fossatum_ is interesting, as clearly
+indicating an 'open cast working,' that is to say, a comparatively
+shallow trench carried along the seam where it comes close to the
+surface, a step intermediate between the mere quarrying of outcrop
+and the sinking of regular pits. An indication of the spread of coal
+mining is to be found in one of the articles of inquiry for the Forest
+Assize of 1244, which relates to 'sea coal found within the forest,
+and whether any one has taken money for the digging of the same.'[11]
+It is probable that special reference was intended to the Forest of
+Dean, coal being worked about this time at Blakeney, Stainton, and
+Abinghall; from the last named place a penny on every horse-load of
+coal was paid to the Constable of St. Briavels, as warden of the
+Forest.[12] By 1255 the issues of the Forest of Dean included payments
+for digging sea coals, and customs on all sea coal brought down the
+Severn.[13] Some of this latter may have been quarried in Shropshire,
+as about 1260 Walter de Clifford licensed Sir John de Halston to dig
+for coals in the forest of Clee,[14] and there are other indications of
+the early exploitation of the Shropshire coal-field. The Midland field
+of Derbyshire and Notts was also working, coal being got in Duffield
+Frith in 1257,[15] the year in which Queen Eleanor was driven from
+Nottingham Castle by the unpleasant fumes of the sea coal used in the
+busy town below,[16] a singularly early instance of the smoke nuisance
+which we are apt to consider a modern evil. Half a century later, in
+1307, the growing use of coal by lime-burners in London became so
+great a nuisance that its use was rigorously prohibited, but whether
+successfully may be questioned.[17]
+
+By the end of the thirteenth century it would seem that practically
+all the English coal-fields were being worked to some extent. In
+Northumberland so numerous were the diggings round Newcastle that
+it was dangerous to approach the town in the dark, and the monks of
+Tynemouth also were making good use of their mineral wealth;[18] in
+Yorkshire coal was being got at Shippen at least as early as 1262,[19]
+and in Warwickshire and at Chilvers Coton in 1275.[20] The small
+Somerset field near Stratton on Fosse and the Staffordshire coal
+measures may be possible exceptions, but in the latter county coal was
+dug at Bradley in 1315 and at Amblecote during the reign of Edward
+III.[21] The diggings were still for the most part open-cast works, but
+pits were beginning to come in. These 'bell pits,' of which numbers
+remained until recently in the neighbourhood of Leeds,[22] at Oldham in
+Lancashire,[23] and elsewhere, were narrow shafts sunk down to the coal
+and then enlarged at the bottom, and widened as far as was safe—and
+sometimes farther, if we may judge from a number of instances in
+Derbyshire in which miners were killed by the fall of their pits.[24]
+When as much coal as could safely be removed had been obtained, the
+pit was abandoned and a fresh pit sunk as near to it as possible. As a
+rule the old pit had to be filled up, and at Nuneaton we find this very
+properly enforced by the bailiff in 1343,[25] and at later dates. Open
+coal delfs were a source of considerable danger to men and animals,
+especially when water had accumulated in them, and a number of cattle
+were drowned at Morley in Derbyshire in 1372,[26] while it was probably
+in an abandoned working at Wingerworth that a beggar woman, Maud
+Webster, was killed in 1313 by a mass of soil falling on her as she
+was picking up coal.[27] From the pits the coal was raised in corves,
+or large baskets, and as early as 1291 we have a case of a man being
+killed at Denby in a 'colpyt' by one of these loaded corves falling
+upon his head.[28]
+
+A case of some interest is recorded in Derbyshire in 1322, when Emma,
+daughter of William Culhare, while drawing water from the 'colepyt' at
+Morley was killed by 'le Damp,' _i.e._ choke damp.[29] This is one of
+the very few early references to choke damp, or 'stithe,' as it was
+often called, and the case is also interesting because, as water from a
+coal pit could hardly be good for either drinking or washing purposes,
+she must have been engaged in draining the pit, and this suggests a
+pit of rather exceptional dimensions. A more certain indication of a
+considerable depth having been attained is given forty years later in
+the case of another pit at Morley Park, said to have been drowned, or
+flooded, 'for lack of a gutter.'[30] This may only refer to a surface
+drain, but there is abundant proof that regular drainage by watergates,
+soughs, or adits had already come into use, and that coal-mining had
+reached the 'pit and adit' stage. In this system of working, the
+water, always the most troublesome enemy of the miner, was drawn off
+by a subterranean drain leading from the bottom of the pit. It need
+hardly be pointed out that the system was only practicable on fairly
+high ground, where the bottom of the pit was above the level of free
+drainage: in such a case a horizontal gallery, or adit, could be
+driven from a suitable point on the face of the hill slightly below
+the bottom of the pit to strike the latter, and a wooden sough,[31] or
+drain, of which the sections were known in Warwickshire as 'dearns,'
+could be laid to carry the water from the pit to a convenient point
+of discharge. In 1354 the monks of Durham, when obtaining a lease of
+coal mines in Ferry, had leave to place pits and watergates where
+suitable,[32] and ten years later a lease of a mine at Gateshead
+stipulated for provision of timber for the pits and water-gate.[33]
+During the next century a certain number of pits were sunk in lower
+ground, or to a greater depth, below the level of free drainage, and in
+1486 we find the monks of Finchale, active exploiters of the northern
+coal measures, erecting a pump worked by horse power at Moorhouse,[34]
+but it is not until the second half of the sixteenth century, nearly
+at the end of the medieval period, that we find such pumps, 'gins,' or
+baling engines, and similar machines in common use.
+
+Piecing together information afforded by scattered entries, we can
+obtain some idea of the working of a coal pit about the end of the
+fifteenth century. After the overseer, or a body of miners, had
+inspected the ground and chosen a likely place, a space was marked out,
+and a small sum distributed among the workers as earnest money. The
+pit was then sunk at such charge as might be agreed upon: at Heworth
+in 1376 the charge was six shillings the fathom,[35] at Griff in 1603
+six shillings the ell.[36] A small 'reward' was paid when the vein
+of coal was struck, the pit was then cleaned up and timbered, and a
+water-gate or adit driven to afford drainage and ventilation. Over the
+mouth of the pit was erected a thatched 'hovel' with wattled sides to
+keep the wind and rain from the pit, and in this was a windlass for
+raising the corves. The workmen consisted of hewers, who cut the coal,
+and bearers who carried it to the bottom of the pit and filled the
+corves: they were under the control of the 'viewer,' whose duty it was
+'to see under the ground that the work was orderly wrought,' and the
+'overman,' who had 'to see such work as come up at every pit to be for
+the coal owner's profit.'[37] Their wages do not appear to have been
+much, if at all, above those of the ordinary labourer or unskilled
+artisan. Owing no doubt to the comparatively late rise of the industry
+and the simplicity of the work, no refining or skilled manipulation
+being required as in the case of metallic ores, the coal miners
+never acquired the privileged position of the 'free miners' of Dean,
+Derbyshire, Cumberland, and Cornwall.[38] The work was not attractive,
+and the supply of labour seems occasionally to have run dry. So
+much was this the case after the Black Death in 1350 and the second
+epidemic of 1366 that the lessees of the great mines at Whickham and
+Gateshead had to resort to forced labour, and obtained leave to impress
+workmen.[39] Much later, about 1580, the Winlaton pits were hampered
+by lack of workmen and the owners, having sent into Scotland for
+more hands with little success, had to hire women and even then were
+short-handed, to say nothing of being troubled with incompetent men who
+for their negligence and false work had to be 'laid in the stocks,' and
+even 'expulsed oute of their worke.'[40]
+
+The question of mineral rights as regards coal is complicated by the
+variety of local customs. In some cases, as at Bolsover,[41] the
+manorial tenants had the right to dig sea coal in the waste and forest
+land for their own use; but it was probably usual to charge a fee for
+licence to dig, and this was clearly the practice at Wakefield.[42] So
+far as copyhold lands were concerned the lord of the manor, or his
+farmer, appears as a rule to have had the power to dig without paying
+the tenant compensation. This was certainly being done at Houghton,
+in Yorkshire, and in the adjacent manor of Kipax in 1578, and the
+undoubted injury to the copyholders was held to be counterbalanced by
+the advantage to the neighbourhood of a cheap supply of coal.[43] The
+uncertainty of the law and the conflicting claims of ground landlords,
+tenants, and prospectors led to a plentiful crop of legal actions. For
+the most part these were actions for trespass in digging coal without
+leave, occasionally complicated by counter appeals.[44] In the first
+half of the sixteenth century, for instance, Nicholas Strelley, being
+impleaded for trespass by Sir John Willoughby, set forth that he had a
+pit in Strelley from which he obtained much coal, to the advantage of
+the neighbourhood and of 'the schyres of Leicestre and Lincoln, being
+very baren and scarce contres of all maner of fuell'; and no doubt,
+though he omitted to say so, to his own advantage; now, owing to the
+deepness of the mine and the amount of water, the old pit could only be
+worked if a sough or drain were constructed at an unreasonable expense;
+he had therefore dug a fresh pit on the borders of Strelly close to
+Sir John's manor of Wollaton, purposing to use an old sough running
+through Sir John's ground. Sir John had promptly blocked the sough
+with a 'counter-mure' and brought actions for trespass, and Nicholas
+Strelley, much aggrieved, invoked the aid of the Star Chamber.[45]
+The same court was also invoked a few years later by William Bolles,
+who complained that by the procurement of Sir William Hussey certain
+persons came to Newthorpe Mere in Gresley and 'most cruelly and
+maliciously cutt in peaces brake and caste downe dyvers frames of
+tymbre made upon and in one pitte made and sonken to gett cooles, and
+cutt in peaces dyvers greate ropes loomes and tooles apperteyninge to
+the said woorke at the said pitte,' the offenders being unidentified
+as the outrage took place 'in the night tyme when every good trew and
+faithful subjecte ought to take their reste.'[46]
+
+Presuming an undisputed title, the owner of coal measures could exploit
+them in a variety of ways. He might work them himself; the outlay would
+be small, provided extensive drainage operations were not required,
+for wages, as we have said, were low and the equipment of the mine,
+consisting of a few picks, iron bars or wedges, wooden shovels shod
+with iron and baskets, buckets, and ropes, inexpensive, and there was
+a steady sale for the coal, though the price of coal varied so greatly
+and was so much affected by cost of carriage that it is not possible
+to give even an approximate average value for the medieval period; the
+question being further complicated by the extraordinary variety of
+measure employed. Coal is quoted in terms of the 'hundredweight,' the
+'quarter' (valued at Colchester in 1296 at 6d.),[47] the 'seam' (or
+horse-load), the 'load,' which may be either horse or wain load, the
+'scope,' which appears to be equivalent to the 'corf,' or basket, the
+'roke' or 'rowe,' the 'rod' or 'perch' (a measure apparently peculiar
+to Warwickshire),[48] the 'butress' and the 'three-quarters' (of a
+buttress), and most commonly in the Tyne district by the 'fother,'
+'chalder,' or 'chaldron' and 'ten,' and also by the 'keel' or barge
+load. Where the owner did not work the coals himself he could either
+issue annual licences to dig coal or lease the mines for a term of
+years.[49] The earliest leases give a vague general permission to dig
+coal wherever found within the lands in question, but it soon became
+usual to limit the output either by fixing the maximum amount to be
+taken in one day, or more usually in early leases by restricting the
+number of workmen to be employed. In 1326 Hugh of Scheynton granted to
+Adam Peyeson land at Benthall with all quarries of sea coal, employing
+four labourers to dig the same, and as many as he chose to carry the
+coals to the Severn.[50] Slightly before this date we find that payment
+was made at Belper according to the number of picks employed, the
+royalty on one pick in 1315 being over £4.[51] In 1380 the prior of
+Beauvale in leasing a mine of sea coal at Newthorpe to Robert Pascayl
+and seven other partners,[52] stipulated that they should have only got
+two men in the pit, a viewer (_servaunt de south la terre_), and three
+men above ground. The lessees of a pit at Trillesden in 1447 were 'to
+work and win coal every day overable [_i.e._ working day] with three
+picks and ilk pick to win every day 60 scopes,'[53] and at Nuneaton,
+in 1553, the lessees were not to employ more than six workmen at the
+time.[54] In this latter case there was a further stipulation that the
+pits when exhausted should be filled up with 'yearthe and slecke,'
+while at Trillesden the pit was to be worked workmanlike and the miners
+were to 'save the field standing,' pointing to a fairly elaborate
+system of galleries and pillars liable to subsidence if not properly
+planned.[55] But the most important lease was that of five mines in
+Whickham, made in 1356 by Bishop Hatfield of Durham to Sir Thomas Gray
+and the Rector of Whickham for the enormous rent of 500 marks (£333,
+6s. 8d.).[56] In this case the lessees were limited to one keel (about
+twenty tons) daily from each mine; but on the other hand the bishop
+agreed never to take their workmen away, and not to open any fresh pits
+in the district, and not to sell the coal from his existing pits at
+Gateshead to ships. A century later Sir William Eure leased some of the
+most important Durham coal mines, his daily output being restricted to
+340 corves at Raly, 300 at Toftes, 600 at Hartkeld, and 20 at any other
+mines, with the right of making up from one mine any deficiency in
+another, and also of making up any deficiency caused by delays due to
+'styth' or choke-damp, which appears to have been so troublesome in the
+hot season as to cause a complete suspension of work. Under this lease
+Sir William obtained at Raly in one week of 1460, some 1800 corves,
+each of 2½ bushels, making rather over 140 chalders, paying 5d. a day
+to each of the three hewers, the three barrowmen, who brought the coal
+to the foot of the shaft, and the four drawers who raised and banked
+it.[57]
+
+In the Whickham lease of 1356 it will be noticed that the bishop
+undertook not to allow coals from his own pits to be exported by sea.
+The sea-borne trade in coals from Newcastle and the Tyne was obtaining
+considerable dimensions; ten years later, in 1366, a large purchase of
+coal was made at Winlaton for the king's works at Windsor. The sheriff
+of Northumberland accounted for £165, 5s. 2d. expended on the purchase
+and carriage to London of 576 chalder of coals, reckoning by the
+'great hundred' of six score, so that there were actually shipped 676
+chalder, but of this 86 chalder had to be written off, partly through
+some being jettisoned during a sudden storm at sea, and partly because
+the London chalder was much bigger than that used in Northumberland,
+the difference amounting to about five per cent.[58] The chalder,
+or chaldron, seems to have been originally about eighteen to twenty
+hundredweight, and from early times twenty of these made the load of a
+keel, or coal barge, but in order to evade the export duty of 2d. on
+every keel, or at least to compensate for it, it became the practice
+to build keels of twenty-two or twenty-three chalder burden. This was
+forbidden in 1385,[59] but the prohibition being evaded, an Act was
+passed in 1421[60] by which the actual capacity of each keel had to
+be marked upon it. This in turn was evaded by a rapid increase in the
+size of the chalder, until by the time of Elizabeth it had doubled
+its original weight, and the 'ten' (chalder) was the equivalent of
+the keel of twenty tons.[61] Returning to the fourteenth century,
+the customs accounts of the port of Newcastle[62] show that between
+Michaelmas 1377 and Michaelmas 1378 as much as 7338 chalder of coal,
+valued at 2s. the chalder, was exported to foreign countries. For the
+most part this went to the Low Countries—Sluys, Bremerhaven, Flushing,
+and Dunkirk being amongst the ports mentioned, though in a number of
+cases ships of 'Lumbardye' occur, the average quantity taken by each
+vessel being a little less than fifty chalder. Of the home trade for
+this period no record is obtainable, and it is not until the time
+of Elizabeth that we can compare the exports to home and foreign
+ports. For the seven years 1591-7, the amount sent abroad was 95,558
+chalder, rising from 10,000 in 1591 to 18,000 in 1593, and then falling
+gradually back to 10,000, while the home trade amounted to 418,200
+chalder, increasing steadily from 45,700 up to over 70,000.[63] The
+supremacy of Newcastle is shown by a comparison of the amounts of coal
+exported to foreign countries from the chief English ports in 1592.[64]
+Newcastle comes first with 12,635 chalder, then Bristol with 580, Wales
+with 464, and Liverpool with 448.
+
+The expansion of the home trade noticed in the returns for 1591-7
+is borne out by an abundance of corroborative evidence, and may be
+largely attributed to the great increase at this period in the use of
+chimneys. Practically the chimney was an Elizabethan invention so far
+as the smaller houses were concerned, and 'the multitude of chimnies
+lately erected' was one of the changes most remarked upon by Harrison's
+old friends at the time that he wrote his _Description of England_,
+published in 1577. The reign of Elizabeth, therefore, when the rapid
+increase in the demand for house coal, coupled with a rise in the
+price, resulted in a rapid expansion of the industry in all parts of
+the country, marks the end of the medieval period of coal mining and
+the initiation of a new epoch with which we are not concerned.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+MINING—IRON
+
+
+Iron has been worked in Britain from the earliest historical times,
+and flint implements have been found at Stainton-in-Furness and at
+Battle in Sussex in positions suggesting that ironworks existed in
+those places at the end of the Stone Age.[65] Julius Cæsar relates
+that iron was produced along the coast of Britain, but only in small
+quantities, its rarity causing it to be considered as a precious metal,
+so that iron bars were current among the natives as money. The coming
+of the Romans soon changed this. They were not slow to see the value
+of the island's mineral wealth and to turn it to account. Ironworks
+sprang up all over the country: at Maresfield in Sussex they were
+apparently in full swing by the time of Vespasian (died A.D. 79), and
+in the neighbourhood of Battle fifty years later. Even more important
+were the workings in the West, on the banks of the Wye and in the
+Forest of Dean. Near Coleford have been found remains of Roman mines
+with shallow shafts and adits, while round Whitchurch, Goodrich, and
+Redbrook are enormous deposits of 'cinders,' or slag, dating from
+the same period.[66] Ariconium, near Ross, was a city of smiths and
+forgemen; and Bath (Aquae Sulis) is often said to have had a 'collegium
+fabricensium,' or gild of smiths, as one of its members, Julius
+Vitalis, armourer of the 20th Legion, dying after nine years' service,
+was given a public funeral here by his gild; but it seems more probable
+that the seat of the gild was at Chester, and that Julius had come to
+Bath for his health.[67]
+
+It is a most remarkable fact that although abundant circumstantial
+evidence of the Roman exploitation of British iron exists in the shape
+of coins and other relics found upon the site of the works, there is
+practically no trace of any such working during the Saxon period until
+shortly before the Conquest. The furnaces must have been still in blast
+when the Saxons landed; they were a warlike race, possessing a full
+appreciation of iron and something of the Scandinavian admiration for
+smithcraft, yet there is hardly a trace of their having worked iron
+in this country. Few, if any, objects definitely assignable to this
+period have been found upon the site of iron works, and documentary
+evidence is almost non-existent. There is a charter of Oswy, King of
+Kent, given in 689, by which he grants to the abbey of St. Peter of
+Canterbury land at Liminge 'in which there is known to be a mine of
+iron';[68] and there is the legend that about 700 A.D. Alcester, in
+Warwickshire, was the centre of busy ironworks, peopled with smiths,
+who, for their hardness of heart in refusing to listen to St. Egwin,
+and endeavouring to drown his voice by beating on their anvils, were
+swallowed up by the earth;[69] but the rest is silence, until we come
+to the time of Edward the Confessor. The Domesday Survey shows that
+in the time of the Confessor, Gloucester rendered as part of its
+farm 36 dicres of iron, probably in the form of horseshoes, and 100
+rods suitable for making bolts for the king's ships,[70] while from
+Pucklechurch in the same country came yearly 90 'blooms' of iron.[71]
+The same Survey mentions that there were six smiths in Hereford,
+each of whom had yearly to make for the king 120 horseshoes, and it
+also refers to iron mines on the borders of Cheshire, in Sussex and
+elsewhere.
+
+During the twelfth century the industry appears to have expanded. In
+the North, at Egremont, we read of the grant of an iron mine to the
+monks of St. Bees,[72] and at Denby a similar grant was made about
+1180 by William FitzOsbert to the abbey of Byland.[73] In Derbyshire,
+towards the end of the century, Sir Walter de Abbetoft gave to the
+monks of Louth Park wood at Birley in Brampton and two smithies, namely
+one bloomery and one forge, with the right to take beech and elm for
+fuel.[74] But it was in the south-west that the greatest development
+took place. During the whole of this century the Forest of Dean was the
+centre of the iron industry, and played the part that Birmingham has
+played in more recent times. All through the reign of Henry II. the
+accounts of the sheriffs of Gloucester[75] tell of a constant output
+of iron, both rough and manufactured, iron bars, nails, pickaxes, and
+hammers sent to Woodstock, Winchester, and Brill, where the king was
+carrying out extensive building operations, horseshoes supplied to the
+army, arrows and other warlike materials despatched to France, spades,
+pickaxes, and other miners' tools provided for the Irish expedition
+of 1172, iron bought for the Crusade which Henry projected, but did
+not live to perform, and 50,000 horseshoes made for the actual Crusade
+of Richard I. Throughout the thirteenth century the Forest of Dean
+retained its practical monopoly of the English iron trade, so far at
+least as the southern counties were concerned, and during the whole of
+that time members of the family of Malemort were employed at a forge
+near the castle of St. Briavels turning out enormous stores of bolts
+for cross-bows and other war material.[76] But a rival was now growing
+up in the Weald of Sussex and Kent. As early as 1254 the sheriff of
+Sussex had been called upon to provide 30,000 horseshoes and 60,000
+nails, presumably of local manufacture,[77] and in 1275 Master Henry
+of Lewes, who had been the king's chief smith for the past twenty
+years,[78] purchased 406 iron rods (_kiville_) 'in the Weald' for £16,
+17s. 11d.,[79] while a year or two later he obtained another 75 rods
+from the same source and paid £4, 3s. 4d. 'to a certain smith in the
+Weald for 100 iron rods.'[80]
+
+The Wealden works had the advantage, a great advantage in the case
+of so heavy a material as iron, of nearness to London, and soon
+obtained a footing in the London markets with the imported Spanish
+iron at the expense of Gloucestershire, which at the beginning of
+the reign of Henry III. had been sending its iron to Westminster and
+into Sussex.[81] It must not be imagined that the northern counties
+were neglecting their mineral wealth all this time; they were on the
+contrary very active, and were exploiting their iron with vigour and
+success. On the lands of Peter de Brus in Cleveland in 1271 there
+were five small forges each valued at 10s., and two larger worth £4
+each:[82] these sums may not sound very imposing, but it must be borne
+in mind that the best land in that district was then worth only 1s. an
+acre. Twenty years later the forges belonging to Furness Abbey yielded
+a profit of £6, 13s. 4d., as compared with a profit on flocks and herds
+of only £3, 11s. 3d., and it is probable that the Abbey had at least
+forty forges then working on their lands.[83] The great quantity of
+iron obtained at Furness, also, formed the most valuable part of the
+booty carried off by the Scots in their raid in 1316.[84] But the large
+production of iron in the northern counties was absorbed by their own
+local requirements, and this was still more the case with the smaller
+quantities smelted in Northamptonshire and Rutland. Derbyshire must
+have been another important centre, for as early as 1257 four or five
+forges in the Belper ward of Duffield Frith were yielding about £10
+each yearly, and in 1314 two forges in Belper accounted for £63, 6s.
+8d. in thirty-four weeks, and there was a third, yielding nearly £7,
+10s. for only eleven weeks' work,[85] but there is nothing to show
+that Derbyshire iron was ever sent south, and from the middle of the
+fourteenth century such English iron as was used in London was almost
+entirely drawn from the Weald.
+
+In order to understand how Sussex and Kent, where no iron has been
+worked for the last hundred years, came to be the centres of a great
+iron industry in medieval times, it must be borne in mind that charcoal
+was the only fuel used for iron working[86] until Dud Dudley discovered
+a method of using pit coal, about 1620, a date which may be considered
+to mark the end of the medieval period in iron mining. The earliest
+and most primitive method of smelting iron was by setting a hearth
+of wood and charcoal on a wind-swept hill or in some other draughty
+position, heaping upon it alternate layers of ore and charcoal, and
+covering the whole with clay, to retain the heat, leaving vents at
+the base for the wind to enter and the iron to come out.[87] A slight
+advance on this substituted a short cylindrical furnace of stone for
+the containing layer of clay, and an ingenious device for increasing
+the draught was used by the Romans at Lanchester, in Durham, where two
+narrow tunnels were made on the side of a hill, with wide mouths facing
+to the west, the quarter from which the wind blows most frequently in
+this valley, tapering to a narrow bore at the hearth.[88] Even under
+the most favourable conditions such a furnace would reduce a very small
+percentage of the ore to metal,[89] and the use of an auxiliary blast,
+produced by bellows, must have been resorted to at a quite early date.
+Prior to the fifteenth century such bellows were almost invariably
+worked by hand, or rather by foot, for the blowers stood upon the
+bellows, holding on to a bar, but during the fifteenth century water
+power was introduced in many parts of the country, and the bellows
+were driven by water-wheels. Such was apparently the case in Weardale
+in 1408,[90] probably in the Forest of Dean about the same date, and
+clearly in Derbyshire by the end of the century.[91]
+
+In several early charters granting mineral rights to Furness Abbey,
+mention is made of the privilege of using water from the grantor's
+streams; but where particulars are given, as in the case of the charter
+of Hugh de Moresby made in 1270, the water is always stated to be for
+the washing of the ore, and not for power.[92] The ore, or 'mine,' to
+use the more common medieval term, was sometimes dug on the 'open-cast'
+system, but more usually by a series of bell or beehive pits.[93] It
+was then roughly cleansed by washing on a coarse sieve, and was next
+subjected to a preliminary burning, or 'elyng,'[94] as it was termed at
+the Tudeley forge in the fourteenth century.[95] The burnt ore was then
+broken and carried to the furnace. In the sixteenth century this was a
+building in the shape of a truncated cone, about twenty-four feet in
+diameter, and not more than thirty feet high, in the base of which was
+a cupped, or bowl-shaped, hearth of sandstone, and such we may assume
+the earlier furnaces also to have been. Alternate charges of mine and
+charcoal were fed into the furnace from the top, the iron settling
+down into the bowl of the hearth, from which it was taken as a lump or
+'bloom.' From the sixteenth century, when by the use of a more powerful
+blast a higher temperature was obtainable and cast iron was produced,
+the molten iron was drawn off from time to time through a vent at the
+bottom of the hearth into a bed of sand. In Sussex and Gloucestershire
+it seems to have been usual to form in the sand one large oblong
+depression in the direct course of the flow of the iron with a number
+of smaller depressions at right angles to the first, the large mass of
+iron thus moulded being known as a 'sow,' and the smaller blocks as
+'pigs.'
+
+There were in the earlier periods of the industry a very large number
+of smelting hearths, consisting practically of an ordinary blacksmith's
+forge with a cup-shaped hearth, or crucible, in the bottom of which the
+imperfectly molten iron accumulated. Such were the itinerant forges
+(_fabricæ errantes_) in the Forest of Dean, of which there were as
+many as sixty in blast at the end of the thirteenth century.[96] The
+buildings attached to such a forge would naturally be merely temporary
+sheds, such as were referred to by the Earl of Richmond in 1281, when
+he gave leave to the monks of Jervaux to cut wood in his forest to
+smelt iron and to make two small sheds (_logias_) 'without nail, bolt,
+or wall,' so that if the smelters moved to another place (as these
+itinerant forges did when the ore or the fuel became exhausted) they
+should pull down the sheds and erect others.[97] In this instance the
+grant of two sheds may imply two smelting-houses, but it seems more
+probable that one was the 'bloomery,' or smelting forge, and the other
+the smithy, which invariably accompanied the bloomery.[98] With this
+simple type of forge the product was a lump of malleable iron, which
+was purified by hammering and worked up at the smithy, but the pig
+iron produced by the larger high blast furnace required more elaborate
+treatment. The sow was carried from the furnace to the forge, 'finery'
+or 'strynghearth,' where it was heated on an open hearth and reduced
+by the sledge, or by the water-hammer[99] when available, to a large
+ingot or 'bloom.'[100] The latter was, as a rule, reheated, divided
+and worked into bars, the completion of which was usually carried out
+in the seventeenth century at a third hearth, the 'chafery,' but this
+appears to have been an elaboration of post-medieval date. The sows
+naturally varied in size according to the capacity of the furnace, and
+this, it may be observed, was much greater at the end of a 'blowing'
+than at the beginning, owing to the fire eating away the hearth,
+especially if too large a proportion of intractable 'hot' ore were
+used;[101] but the blooms were made of standard weight. At the same
+time the weight of the bloom, though constant in any given district,
+varied in different parts of the country. In Weardale it seems to have
+been about two hundredweight, being composed of fifteen stones, each
+of thirteen pounds;[102] and in Furness it was about the same weight,
+but contained fourteen stones of fourteen pounds.[103] On the other
+hand, we find blooms selling at the Kentish ironworks of Tudeley for
+3s. 4d. in the reign of Edward III.,[104] when iron bought for repairs
+to Leeds Castle cost about 7s. the hundredweight,[105] which, allowing
+for cost of carriage, agrees fairly well with the three quarters of
+a hundredweight attributed to the Sussex bloom in the seventeenth
+century.[106] As regards the price of iron, it was always high during
+the medieval period, but naturally varied with conditions of demand
+and supply, cost of carriage, and the quality of the iron. To take
+a late instance: in Staffordshire in 1583, 'coldshear,' or brittle
+iron, fetched only £9 the ton when tough iron fetched £12.[107] In
+Sussex[108] in 1539 iron sold on the spot for from £5 to £7 the ton,
+allowing a profit of 20s. the ton, and ten years later £8 at the forge
+and about £9, 5s. in London, the cost of carriage to London being 9s.
+the ton.[109]
+
+The number of workmen employed at the different works naturally
+varied, but the surveyor of the iron mills in Ashdown Forest in 1539
+laid down the rule:[110] 'That to melt the sowes in ij forges or
+fynories there must be iiij persones, and at the forge to melt the
+blomes there must be ij persones. So are there at every forge ij
+persones wherof the oone holdeth the work at the hamo^r and the second
+kepeth the work hot. M^d that oone man cannot kepe the hamo^r bicause
+the work must be kept in such hete that they may not shifte handes.'
+
+At the Bedburn forge in 1408,[111] there were a 'blomer' or 'smythman,'
+a smith and a foreman, as well as a 'colier' or charcoal burner. The
+blomer was paid 6d. for every bloom smelted, of which the average
+production was six in a week, the largest output recorded in any week
+being ten blooms. For working up the bloom at the forge, the smith
+received 6d. and an extra penny for cutting it up into bars, while
+the foreman, who in spite of his name does not seem to have had any
+staff of workmen under him, received 2d. a bloom when he assisted at
+the smelting, and 3d. at the reworking. Such additional labour as was
+required was supplied by the wives of the smith and foreman, who did
+odd jobs, breaking up the ore, attending to the bellows, or helping
+their husbands, earning wages paid at first on a vague but rather
+high scale, but falling afterwards to the settled rate of a halfpenny
+a bloom. An allowance of one penny a week was made for ale for the
+workmen; and a similar munificent allowance was made 'for drink for the
+four blowers' at Tudeley in 1353.[112] At this Tudeley forge in 1333,
+the workmen were paid in kind, receiving every seventh bloom,[113] a
+payment roughly equivalent to 6d. a bloom, but by 1353 this system had
+been dropped, and they were paid from 7½d. to 9½d. a bloom. In addition
+to the 'seventh bloom,' we find mention in 1333 of a customary payment
+to the 'Forblouweris'[114] of 2¼d. a bloom, and in the 1353 account we
+find 'rewards' paid to the master blower and three other blowers; no
+other workmen are mentioned by name, and as the whole process of making
+the blooms is here referred to as 'blowyng' we may probably assume that
+the staff of these Kentish works consisted of four men. The Sussex iron
+mills at Sheffield in Fletching in 1549 employed one hammerman and
+his assistant,[115] two fyners and their two servants, a founder, and
+a filler,[116] the business of the latter being to keep the furnace
+charged. Here the founder was paid 8s., and the filler 6s. for each
+'foundye,' or working week of six days, and the hammerman and fyners
+received between them 13s. 4d. a ton, about three tons being produced
+each 'foundye.'
+
+In addition to the actual ironworkers every forge afforded employment
+to a number of charcoal-burners and miners. For the most part these
+latter, as was the case with the coal miners, ranked as ordinary
+labourers, but in the Forest of Dean they formed a close corporation
+of 'free miners,' possessing an organisation and privileges of
+considerable importance and antiquity.[117] So far as can be judged the
+customs of the free miners were traditional, based on prescription,
+recognised as early as the time of Henry III., and officially confirmed
+by Edward I. By these customs the right of mining was restricted to the
+free miners resident within the bounds of the Forest, and they had also
+control of the export of the iron ore, all persons carrying the same
+down the Severn being bound to pay dues to the miners under penalty
+of forfeiture of their boat. The free miners had also the right of
+digging anywhere within the Forest, except in gardens, orchards, and
+curtilages; the lord of the soil, who might be the king or a private
+landowner, being entitled to a share as a member of the fellowship,
+almost always consisting of four 'verns' or partners. Besides the
+right thus to open a mine the miners had a claim to access thereto
+from the highway, and to timber for their works. In return, the king
+received from every miner who raised three loads of ore in a week one
+penny, which was collected by the 'gaveller' every Tuesday 'between
+Mattens and Masse,' and he had also the right to certain quantities of
+'law-ore' from the different mines every week, for which the miners
+were paid at the rate of a penny a load, and if he was working an
+itinerant forge they were bound to supply ore therefor at the same
+rate, and finally there was a royal export duty of a halfpenny on every
+load of ore taken out of the Forest.[118]
+
+The right of mining within the forest was restricted, as we have
+already said, to the resident free miners, and they might only employ
+the labour of their own family or apprentices. These rights to their
+mines, or shares therein, were definite, and could be bequeathed by
+will; and in order to prevent trespass the rule was laid down that no
+man should start a fresh working near that of another miner 'within so
+much space that the miner may stand and cast ridding[119] and stones
+so far from him with a bale, as the manner is.' When disputes arose
+between the miners, they were settled at their own court, held every
+three weeks at St. Briavels, under the presidency of the Constable,
+appeals being made, if necessary, from the normal jury of twelve
+miners to juries of twenty-four or forty-eight. These Mine Law Courts
+continued to be held until the latter half of the eighteenth century;
+but we are not here concerned with their later proceedings and constant
+endeavours to maintain restrictions which had long passed out of date;
+endeavours which seem to have resulted chiefly in promoting 'the
+abominable sin of perjury,' so that it was found necessary to ordain
+that any miner convicted thereof should be expelled and 'all the
+working tooles and habitt burned before his face.' What those tools
+and costume were in the fifteenth century, and until modern times, may
+be seen on a brass in Newland Church, whereon is depicted a free miner
+wearing a cap and leather breeches tied below the knee, with a wooden
+mine-hod slung over his shoulder, carrying a small mattock in his right
+hand, and holding a candlestick between his teeth.[120]
+
+Although not so intimately connected with iron working as the smiths,
+smelters and miners, the charcoal-burners were auxiliaries without whom
+the industry could not have existed, and who in turn derived their
+living largely from that industry. The amount of wood consumed by the
+iron works was enormous. As an example we may take the case of the two
+Sussex mills of Sheffield and Worth for 1547-9.[121] At Sheffield 6300
+cords of wood were 'coled' for the furnace, and 6750 cords for the
+forge; at Worth the amounts were respectively nearly 5900 and 2750
+cords; the cords being 125 cubic feet, this represents an expenditure
+of about 2,175,000 cubic feet of timber for these two works alone in
+less than two years. Later, in 1580, it was stated that a beech tree
+of one foot square 'at the stubbe' would make one and a half loads of
+charcoal, and the ironworks at Monkswood, near Tintern, would require
+600 such trees every year,[122] while some thirty years later Norden
+referred to the fact that there were in Sussex alone about 140 forges
+using two, three, or four loads of charcoal apiece daily. Acts were
+passed in 1558, 1581, and 1585 regulating the cutting of wood for
+furnaces and prohibiting the use of timber trees for charcoal, but
+they were evaded, and the destruction of trees continued until in the
+eighteenth century charcoal was supplanted by mineral coal, the first
+successful use of which for iron smelting, by Dud Dudley in 1620,
+marks, as we have said, the termination of the medieval period.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+MINING—LEAD AND SILVER
+
+
+The lead-mining industry in England is important and interesting from
+its antiquity, the value of its produce, large quantities of silver
+being obtained from this source during the medieval period, and the
+organisation of its workers. Although lacking the completeness of
+organisation which rendered the tinners of Cornwall and Devon almost
+an independent race, the lead miners of Alston Moor, Derbyshire, and
+the Mendips, the three great mining camps of England, were more highly
+organised than the iron miners of Dean, who form the lowest class of
+privileged 'free miners.'
+
+The lead mines of Britain were worked by the Romans from the earliest
+days of their occupation of the island, pigs of lead having been found
+in the Mendips stamped with the titles of Britannicus (A.D. 44-48)
+and Claudius (A.D. 49).[123] Mines of this period exist at Shelve and
+Snailbeach in Shropshire and elsewhere, and smelting-hearths have been
+found at Minsterley in the same county and at Matlock.[124] Nor was
+the industry discontinued after the departure of the Romans. Lead mines
+at Wirksworth in Derbyshire were leased by the Abbess of Repton to a
+certain Duke Humbert in 835,[125] and a 'leadgedelf' at Penpark Hole
+in Gloucestershire is mentioned in 882,[126] though that county was
+not a great centre of lead production at a later date. In the time of
+Edward the Confessor the Derbyshire mines of Bakewell, Ashford, and
+Hope yielded £30, besides five wainloads of lead, but in 1086 their
+yearly value had fallen, for some reason, to £10, 6s. Besides these
+three mines Domesday Book alludes to others at Wirksworth, Metesford,
+and Crich.[127]
+
+During the twelfth century the output of lead was considerable. The
+'mines of Carlisle,' that is to say of Alston Moor, on the borders of
+Cumberland, Yorkshire, and Northumberland, occur on the Pipe Roll of
+1130, and were farmed during the reign of Henry II.[128] at an average
+rent of £100; during the same reign large quantities of lead from
+Derbyshire were carried across to Boston and shipped to London and the
+Continent: the Shropshire mines were also active, one hundred and ten
+loads of lead being sent down to Amesbury in 1181 alone. King Stephen
+granted to the Bishop of Durham certain mines in Weardale, probably
+of silver-bearing lead, as the non-precious minerals already belonged
+to the bishopric, and during the vacancy of the see of Durham in
+1196 considerable issues of silver were accounted for.[129] A similar
+grant of lead mines in Somerset was made to Bishop Reginald of Bath by
+Richard I.[130] How soon the three great mining camps acquired their
+privileges and organisation cannot be definitely stated: some of the
+regulations seem to have been traditional from very early times, even
+in the case of the Mendip mines, of which the laws were largely based
+upon the Derbyshire code. So far as the northern mines are concerned,
+we find Henry III. in 1235 confirming to the miners of Alston the
+liberties and privileges 'which they used to have.'[131]
+
+Of the regulations in force at Alston Moor[132] we have but few
+details, but of the laws of Derbyshire[133] and the Mendips[134] we
+have ample information. In each case there was a mine court, known
+in Derbyshire as the 'berghmote' or 'barmote,' of which the ordinary
+meetings were held every three weeks and special sessions twice a year,
+at Easter and Michaelmas. The 'body of the court' consisted of twelve,
+or in the 'great courts' twenty-four, miners of good standing and the
+presiding officer was in Derbyshire the barmaster and in Somerset the
+lead-reeve: at Alston[135] he appears as bailiff, 'king's serjeant,'
+and steward. Associated with this official was the coroner:[136] the
+two offices indeed seem to have been combined at Alston during the
+thirteenth century as in 1279 complaint was made that the coroners of
+the Scottish king's liberty of Tindale (that portion of the present
+county of Northumberland which adjoins Alston Moor) were acting in
+the mine 'where the serjeant of the mine appointed by the English
+king ought to exercise the office of coroner in all things':[137] by
+1356, however, it was the custom for the Alston miners to elect a
+coroner separate from the bailiff or king's serjeant.[138] The exact
+degree of independence possessed by these mine courts is difficult to
+determine. During eyres in Cumberland it was customary to send special
+justices to Alston to hold the pleas of the Crown. This was already an
+old-established custom in 1246,[139] and we find that Robert de Vipont,
+who about the beginning of the reign of Edward I. had formed a manor
+out of what had been moor and waste, had usurped the right to try
+thieves in his manor court, when they ought only to be tried in the
+mine court.[140] Even in Derbyshire there was a tendency to use the
+courts of the Duchy of Lancaster instead of, or to overrule, the mine
+courts, at least in the sixteenth century.[141]
+
+By the Derbyshire mine law a small trespass was punishable by a fine
+of 2d., but if this was not paid at once the fine was doubled each
+successive day until it reached the sum of 5s. 4d. This same sum of 5s.
+4d. (doubled in a similar way up to 100s.) was the fine for bloodshed,
+or for the offence of encroaching upon another man's claim underground.
+For a thrice-repeated theft of ore the offender's hand was pinned
+with a knife to the uprights of his windlass, and if he succeeded in
+getting free he had to forswear the mine for ever. A similarly savage
+and primitive measure of justice was meted out to the Mendip miner who
+stole lead worth 13½d.: his property was forfeited, and the bailiff was
+to bring him 'where hys howse or wore [_i.e._ ore] hys, hys work and
+towlls with all instruments belongyng to that occupacyon and then put
+hym in hys howss or working place and set fyer yn all together about
+hym—banyshe hym from that occupacyon for ever by fore the face of all
+the myners there.' Both methods of punishment are clearly of early
+origin, and it seems probable that they originally involved the death
+of the thief, though a later and more humane generation connived at his
+escape while retaining the ancient form of punishment. If the burnt
+thief did not dread the fire, but returned and stole again, he was
+handed over to the sheriff's officers and committed to prison, being
+no longer one of the privileged community. It is worth noting that the
+great mining camp on the borders of Cornwall and Devon, though not
+apparently possessing any mine court, had, as we might expect, certain
+control over the excesses of the miners, as in 1302 there was made 'a
+pit in the mine by way of prison to frighten (_ad terrorem_) evildoers
+and bad workmen.'[142] The Devon miner, as we have just said, had no
+code of laws or privileges; at Alston the code applied only to the
+miners actually living in the collection of 'shiels,' or huts on the
+Moor; in Derbyshire the full system of regulations was confined to the
+royal 'field,' though a few private owners of mining fields established
+barmotes on similar lines;[143] but the customs of the Mendips appear
+to have applied throughout the district, whoever might be lord of the
+soil.
+
+By mining law the miner had the right to prospect anywhere except in
+churchyards, gardens, orchards, and highways; on the Mendips, however,
+he had first to go through the formality of asking leave of the
+lord of the soil, or of his lead-reeve, who could not refuse their
+permission; he might then pitch where he pleased and break ground
+as he thought best. In Derbyshire, when the prospector had struck a
+promising 'rake' or vein, he cut a cross in the ground and went to the
+barmaster, who came and staked out the claim into 'meers,' each being
+four perches of twenty-four feet: the first two meers were given to
+the finder, the third to the king, as lord of the soil, and the others
+to those miners who first demanded them. Within three days the owner
+of a meer must set up a 'stow,'[144] a wooden frame with two uprights
+joined by a bar or spindle placed at the top of the shaft, and serving
+as a windlass. If the claim was not then worked, the barmaster nicked
+the spindle, and if this were done three times, and the claim was still
+unworked, it was declared forfeit and granted to the first applicant.
+The regulations in use on the Mendip field were rather different. There
+the pitches or claims, instead of being of one standard size, were
+decided by the throw of the 'hack' or small pick, weighing 3 lbs. 14
+oz. 'Every man when he doth begyn hys pyt, otherwyse callyd a grouff,
+shaull have hys haks throw ij weys after the rake,[145] so that he
+do stand to the gyrdyl or wast in the gruff'; while this decided the
+limits of the pitch along the line of the vein the pitcher had always
+eighteen feet on either side of his 'grooffe or gribbe.' The hack,
+however, was not thrown unless another party wished to pitch in the
+neighbourhood; in that case the newcomer, or 'younger pitcher,' could
+demand that the hack be thrown by the 'elder pitcher' and his partners,
+'when they have their chine, rake or course,' that is to say, when they
+have struck the vein. The lead-reeve then proffered the hack to one
+of the elder pitchers, and if they failed to throw it within fourteen
+days the younger pitcher had the throw.[146] The rules for reserving a
+claim were probably founded on those in use in Derbyshire. 'The first
+pytcher in any grounde muste make yt perfecte wyth a caddel of tymber
+and a payre of styllyngs within fowre and twentie howers next after
+the pyching.' Although this was the strict law, custom seems to have
+been content with the making of the 'caddel,' some sort of framework of
+timber, the first day, and to have allowed a month for the 'styllyngs,'
+or stow. If a claim lay unworked for four weeks, the lead-reeve caused
+proclamation to be made, and if the old partners did not turn up within
+fourteen days, it was forfeited.
+
+Besides the right of prospecting where they chose, the miners had
+right of access to the nearest high-road, and in Derbyshire if this
+were refused them the barmaster and two assistants might walk abreast
+with arms stretched out, and so mark out a way direct from the mines
+to the road, even through growing corn. They were also privileged to
+take timber from the neighbouring woods for use in the mines, and in
+Cumberland, where fuel was scarce, they might even prevent the owners
+of the woods from cutting them until they had obtained a sufficient
+supply for the furnaces. Their proprietary rights in their mines were
+recognised, and they could dispose of them, wholly or in part, without
+licence. They might also take their ore to what 'myndry' they pleased,
+to be smelted, and the only restriction upon the sale of the ore or
+lead was that in some places the king, or other lord of the soil, had
+'coup,' that is to say pre-emption, the right of buying the ore at the
+market price before it was offered to any other purchaser, and in 1295
+we find the Derbyshire miners paying 4d. a load in respect of 'coup'
+for licence to sell to whom they pleased.[147]
+
+The terms upon which the miners held their mines varied. On private
+lands, when the owner did not work the mines himself by hired labour,
+he usually bargained for some proportion, an eighth, a tenth, or
+a thirteenth, of the produce. On the Mendips the lord of the soil
+received the tenth part as 'lot'; on the royal field of Derbyshire the
+king had the thirteenth, and at Alston the ninth dish of ore, the dish
+in the latter case being 'as much ore as a strong man can lift from the
+ground.'[148] At Alston the king had in addition the fifteenth penny
+from the other eight dishes, but had to provide at his own expense a
+man called 'the driver,' who understood how to separate the silver from
+the lead.[149] This method of paying a proportion of the produce was
+clearly the fairest to all concerned, for, as the Cumberland miners
+said in 1278, though they knew that there was ore enough to last to
+the end of time, no one could tell the yearly value of the mines, as
+it depended upon the richness of the ore they struck,[150] and in
+the same way when Robert de Thorp was made warden of the Devon mines
+in 1308,[151] it was expressly stated that no definite sum was to be
+demanded of him, because the silver-bearing ore, the refined lead,
+and the reworked slag all had 'diversetez de bonntez et quantitez
+de respouns.' In addition to the payment of lot ore, the miners had
+to give tithes to the Church. In some cases these tithes originated
+in a definite grant, more often they seem to have been regarded as
+compensation for the tithes of crops which would otherwise have grown
+on the ground taken by the mines; but the strangest reason for claiming
+them was that lead was itself a titheable crop, because it 'grew and
+renewed in the veins.'[152]
+
+While many small mines were worked by parties of free miners under
+these conditions, for their own profit, and at their own risk, there
+must have been from very early times a large number of poor men who
+worked for the king, the lord of the soil, or capitalist adventurers,
+receiving wages either by piece or by time. The regulations for the
+payment of these hired miners in the royal mines of Beer Alston, in
+Devonshire, drawn up in 1297 are of considerable interest.[153]
+
+'As to the piecework of the miners, those who can find ore in their
+diggings shall receive for piecework as before, that is to say 5s.
+for the load,[154] as well of black as of white ore, if the white
+cannot reasonably be put lower. And those who are engaged in "dead"
+[_i.e._ unremunerative] work, and cannot find ore in their diggings,
+and yet work more, for some dead work is harder than (digging in) the
+vein, shall be at wages (_a lour soutz_) until they reach the ore, so
+that all piecework be undertaken by two or three gangs who divide the
+profits between themselves, as well to those doing dead work as to the
+others.'
+
+That the price of 5s. a load was calculated to pay the miners for
+their preliminary unproductive 'dead' work, may be gathered from the
+fact that 'tithe ore,' that is to say the ore paid to the Church, was
+bought back from the rector of Beer at 2s. the load, and a further 9d.
+was deducted from this sum for washing the ore.[155] At the same time
+it is clear that where the 'dead' work was exceptionally heavy or the
+eventual yield small this system of payment would not work; and in 1323
+we find that the 'dead work' of clearing, searching, and digging into
+an old mine in Devon was paid at the rate of 3s. 4d. the fathom, and
+that two gangs of six men were paid at the daily rate of 7d.-9d., about
+1½d. a head, for searching for the vein and for piercing the hard rock
+to follow up the vein in hope of finding a richer vein.[156]
+
+By the Ordinance of 1297 wages were to be paid every Saturday, though
+as a matter of fact we find that they were constantly falling into
+arrears.
+
+'All the ore of each week shall be measured before the Saturday and
+carried to the boles or other places where it is to be smelted. And
+knowledge shall be taken each Saturday or Sunday of the issues of each
+week in all things. And the payments shall be made to the miners and
+other workmen the same Saturday. And no miner shall remain in a market
+town under colour of buying food, or in other manner after the ninth
+hour on Sunday, without leave.'
+
+Besides their wages the miners received such iron, steel, and ropes
+as they required, free of charge, and had the use of a forge for the
+repair of their tools.[157] At Beer, in 1297, there were three forges,
+one for each of the three mines into which the field was divided,[158]
+and each worked by a man and a boy. In addition to the smiths[159]
+there would be, as auxiliaries, one or more candlemakers, carpenters,
+charcoal-burners, and woodcutters. In many mines it was also necessary
+to employ a number of hands in baling water out of the pits with
+leathern bodges or buckets; during April 1323 an average of twenty
+persons were so engaged at Beer Alston, and during one week the number
+rose to forty-eight.[160] So greatly did the accumulation of water in
+the pits interfere with work, that in early times the Devon mines were
+closed down during the winter,[161] and it was not until about 1297
+that means were found of dealing with this evil. About that date the
+plan of draining the pits by means of 'avidods' or adits, that is to
+say horizontal galleries driven from the bottom of the pits to a level
+of free drainage on the surface, already in use in the tin mines, was
+introduced into the lead mines. The ordinances of 1297 arranged for one
+hundred tinners to work in 'avidods,' and the accounts of the working
+of these mines for the same year show payments averaging £12, 10s.
+to 'William Pepercorn and his partners,' and to six other gangs 'for
+making avidods.'[162] It was probably in the following year that Walter
+de Langton, Bishop of Chester, reported that the yield of the Beer mine
+had been doubled by the new method of draining, as they could now work
+as well in the winter as in the summer.[163]
+
+The ore having been raised was broken up with a hammer, no mechanical
+stamps being used apparently before the sixteenth century, if then,
+though there is mention in 1302 of a machine (_ingenium_) for breaking
+'black work' or slag.[164] It was then washed in 'buddles' or troughs,
+with the aid of coarse sieves, women being frequently employed for
+this process. The washed ore, separated as far as possible from stone
+and other impurities, was then carried to the smelting furnace. The
+commonest type of furnace was the 'bole,' a rough stone structure
+like a limekiln, with an opening at the top, serving as a chimney,
+and also for charging the furnace, and one or more vents at the base
+for the blast. These boles were usually built in exposed and draughty
+positions, and could only be used when the wind was favourable. At
+an early date they were supplemented by 'slag-hearths' or furnaces
+(_fornelli_) possessing an artificial blast and closely resembling
+blacksmiths' forges. The bellows of these hearths were usually driven
+by the feet of men or women, but a water mill was in use in Devon at
+least as early as 1295,[165] and at Wolsingham, in Durham, in 1426
+water power was used when available, the footblast being used during
+dry seasons.[166] The fuel of the boles was brushwood, and that of
+the hearths charcoal, with peat and, for the remelting of the lead,
+sea-coal. In Devon mention is made of a third type of smelting house,
+the 'hutte,' the nature of which is obscure. The huttes are usually
+classed with the boles;[167] thus it was noted in 1297 that 'from each
+load of black ore smelted at the huttes and boles there come 3½ feet of
+silver-lead, each foot containing 70 lbs. of lead, each pound weighing
+25s. sterling. And from a load of black ore smelted by the mill furnace
+come 3 feet of silver-lead. And from a load of white ore smelted by
+the furnace or elsewhere come 1½ feet of silver-lead. Moreover a pound
+of lead made from black ore smelted by the boles and huttes and by
+their furnaces yields 2 dwt. of silver; a pound of lead from black ore
+smelted by the mill furnace yields 3 dwt. of silver; and a pound made
+from white ore 1½ dwt.' In the same way the 'black work' or slag of
+both boles and huttes were reworked at the furnaces.[168] A possible
+hint is found in the fact that large quantities of refined lead had to
+be put into the hutte when it was first lit,'as the huttes cannot burn
+ore or smelt lead without the addition of sufficient melted lead at the
+start to roast (_coquenda_) the ore in the lead so added.'[169] This
+certainly suggests some sort of cupellation furnaces. Yet another type
+of furnace was the 'turn-hearth' used in the Mendips; the construction
+of this, again, is obscure, but it seems to have derived its name from
+some portion of the hearth being movable and adjustable to changing
+winds, while it would seem that the ordinary furnace could only be used
+when the wind blew from a particular quarter.[170] There are references
+in 1302 to a '_fornellus versatilis_' used in the Devon mines, and one
+entry speaks of making the furnace 'upon the turning machine' (_super
+ingenium versatile_).[171]
+
+The bolers and furnacemen, who were paid about 12d. to 16d. a week,
+their assistants receiving about half those amounts, having cast the
+lead into pigs and stamped it, handed it over to the wardens of the
+mine. The next process was the refining of the silver from the lead
+by cupellation. When an alloy of silver and lead is melted on an open
+hearth with free access of air, the lead is oxidized and, in the form
+of litharge, can be removed either by skimming it off or by absorption
+by the porous body of the hearth, leaving the silver in a more or less
+pure form. By adding more lead and repeating the process the silver can
+be further refined. In England it seems to have been usual to remove
+the litharge by absorption; in the case of the Romano-British refinery
+at Silchester,[172] the absorbent material used was bone ash, but in
+the medieval refineries at the Devon mines charred 'tan turves,'[173]
+or refuse blocks of oak bark from the tanneries, were used, and
+probably the same material was used in Derbyshire, the southern mines
+being largely worked by Derbyshire miners. A thick bed of this tan-ash
+was made with a dished hollow in the middle, in which was placed the
+fuel and the lead; the hearth was then fired and blast supplied from
+the side: when the whole was melted the fire was raked aside and the
+blast turned on to the upper surface of the molten metal, which was
+thus rapidly oxidized and so refined.
+
+But first, as soon as the mass of silver-lead was in a fluid state,
+'before the ash has absorbed any of the lead, the lead is to be stirred
+and mixed so that it is of equal quality throughout, and a quantity of
+the lead amounting to about 6s. weight shall be taken out, and this
+shall be divided into two parts, half being given to the refiner,
+ticketed with his name, and the date and sealed by the wardens, and
+the other half shall be assayed by the king's assayer in the presence
+of the wardens and of the refiner, and the refiner shall answer for
+the whole of that refining at the rate of the assay, as nearly as is
+reasonable, having regard to the fact that there is greater waste and
+loss in the big operation of refining than in the assay. And when the
+silver has been fully refined it shall be given by the refiners to the
+wardens for a tally (or receipt) of the weight, so that there shall
+be neither suspicion nor deceit on either side.... And the lead that
+remains in the ash after the refining shall be resmelted at a suitable
+time.'[174] These ordinances of 1297, just quoted, arranged for there
+being five skilled refiners at the Devon mines, and the account rolls
+show that they received from 18d. to 2s. a week.
+
+The silver seems to have been cast into plates or ingots varying from
+ten to twenty pounds in weight and value (for the monetary pound was
+simply the pound weight of standard silver). Its purity probably
+varied, for while in 1296 the pound of refined silver was mixed with
+14d. of alloy to bring it to the standard,[175] a few years later
+silver weighing £132, 5s. was worth only £131, 13s. 7¼d. in coined
+money,[176] and 370 lbs. of silver sent up from Martinstowe in 1294 had
+to be further refined in London before it could be made into silver
+vessels for the Countess of Barre.[177] In the case of the lead we
+have the usual medieval complexity of weights. An early entry[178]
+records that 'a carretate (or cartload) of lead of the Peak contains
+24 fotinels, each of 70 lbs., and the fotinel contains 14 cuts[179] of
+5 lbs. A carretate of London is larger by 420 lbs.' The London weight
+appears to have gained the day, as a later entry gives 13½ lbs. to a
+stone, 6 stones to a foot, and 30 feet (or 2430 lbs.) to a carretate
+'according to the weight of the Peak.'[180] In Devon we find in 1297
+carretates of 24 feet and 32 feet in use simultaneously, the foot being
+70 lbs. here as in Derbyshire.[181]
+
+In no other part of England had the lead-mining industry so continuous
+a history of steady prosperity as in Derbyshire. The Devon mines
+seem to have been richer and more productive during a short period,
+but the half century, 1290-1340 practically covers the period of
+their boom. During the five years, 1292-1297, these mines produced
+£4046 of silver, and about £360 worth of lead; next year the silver
+amounted to £1450. Then in April 1299 the king leased the mines to the
+Friscobaldi, Italian merchants and money-lenders, with whom he had many
+dealings.[182] They agreed to pay 13s. 4d. a load for the ore, but
+after about a year, during which time they drew some 3600 loads of
+ore,[183] they found that they were losing heavily, the ore not being
+worth more than 10s. a load, and the costs of working being higher
+than they had expected.[184] The mines, however, continued to yield
+well when worked by the king for his own benefit, as much as £1773
+of silver and £180 from lead being obtained in 1305: this, however,
+seems to have been the highwater mark, the yield for 1347 being only
+£70.[185] After this the mines were let to private adventurers from
+time to time; but such records as we have do not suggest that many
+fortunes were made from them: in 1426 the yield for the previous two
+and a half years had been 39 ounces of silver,[186] for the year 1442
+it was £17,[187] but for the six years, 1445-51, the average output
+rose to 4000 ounces.[188] At the beginning of the boom, in 1295, it
+was found necessary to recruit labour from the older lead-mining
+districts, and commissioners were appointed to select miners for Devon
+from Cheshire, Earl Warenne's liberty of Bromfield in Shropshire, the
+Peak, Gloucester, Somerset, and Dorset.[189] The ordinances of 1297
+stipulated for 150 miners from the Peak, and an equal number of local
+men from Devon and Cornwall, though the accounts show that there were
+that year 384 miners from the Peak, and 35 from Wales.[190] On the
+other hand, in 1296, while we have over 300 miners coming from the
+Peak, a twelve days' journey, we also find four picked men sent from
+Devon to the king's court, and thence to Ireland to prospect on the
+king's behalf.[191]
+
+The prosperity of the Devon mines caused an increase of activity in
+those of Somerset, where a number of fresh strikes were reported
+during the early years of the fourteenth century, about one of which
+an optimistic lead reeve wrote to the Bishop of Bath and Wells as
+follows:[192]—
+
+'Know, my lord, that your workmen have found a splendid mine[193] of
+lead on the Mendips to the east of Priddy, and one that can be opened
+up with no trouble, being only five or six feet below the ground. And
+since these workmen are so often thieves, craftily separating the
+silver from the lead, stealthily taking it away, and when they have
+collected a quantity fleeing like thieves and deserting their work,
+as has frequently happened in times past, therefore your bailiffs are
+causing the ore to be carried to your court of Wookey where there is
+a furnace built at which the workmen smelt the ore under supervision
+of certain persons appointed by your steward. And as the steward,
+bailiffs, and workmen consider that there is a great deal of silver
+in the lead, on account of its whiteness and sonority, they beg that
+you will send them as soon as possible a good and faithful workman
+upon whom they can rely. I have seen the first piece of lead smelted
+there, of great size and weight, which when it is struck rings almost
+like silver, wherefore I agree with the others that if it is faithfully
+worked the business should prove of immense value to yourself and to
+the neighbourhood, and if a reliable workman is obtained I think that
+it would be expedient to smelt the ore where it is dug, on account of
+the labour of carrying so heavy material such a distance. The ore is in
+grains like sand.'
+
+There is no evidence that this mine fulfilled the sanguine expectations
+of its discoverers, but about the same time, in 1314, we find Herman
+de Alemannia and other adventurers working a mine in Brushford, near
+Dulverton.[194] The Germans were for many centuries the most skilled
+miners, and English mining owes much to their enterprise. As an
+instance of their greater skill we may take the case of Thomas de
+Alemaigne, silver finer,[195] who being out of work petitioned the king
+to grant him the refuse and slag (_les aftirwas et les remisailles_)
+thrown aside at the mines in Devonshire, which had been refined so
+far as those at the mines could refine them: no one else would touch
+them, so the king would get no gain unless he granted them to Thomas,
+who was willing to pay 20s. a year for the right to rework them. This
+same Thomas de Alemaigne was appointed in 1324 to dig, cleanse, and
+examine the king's mines in Cumberland and Westmoreland.[196] Probably
+these mines had not been worked for some time previous, as in 1292
+the total issues of the Alston mines for the last fourteen years were
+said to have been £4, 0s. 2d., possibly owing to the absence of fuel,
+which is given as the reason for an iron mine there being worth only
+15s. a year.[197] Later, in 1359, Tilman de Cologne was farming the
+Alston mines, and in 1475, as a result apparently of a report by George
+Willarby[198] that there were in the north of England three notable
+mines, one containing 27 lbs. of silver to the fodder of lead with a
+vein half a rod broad, another 18 lbs. with a vein five rods broad, and
+the third 4 lbs. with a vein 1¼ rods broad, the mines of Blaunchlond in
+Northumberland, Fletchers in Alston, Keswick in Cumberland, and also
+the copper mine near Richmond, were granted for fifteen years to the
+Duke of Gloucester, the Earl of Northumberland, William Goderswyk, and
+John Marchall.[199] The two noblemen were presumably sleeping partners,
+and appear to have abandoned the arrangement, as soon afterwards, in
+1478, William Goderswyk, Henry Van Orel, Arnold van Anne, and Albert
+Millyng of Cologne, and Dederic van Riswyk of England, received a
+grant for ten years of all mines of gold, silver, copper, and lead in
+Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, paying one-fifteenth of
+the profits.[200]
+
+Although gold is mentioned in this last entry and in a number of other
+grants of mines in the fifteenth century, and though Galias de Lune
+and his partners were licensed in 1462 to dig ores containing gold in
+Gloucestershire and Somerset,[201] gold does not appear to have been
+worked in paying quantities in England. In 1325 John de Wylwringword
+was sent down to the mines of Devon and Cornwall to seek for gold:
+he obtained from the Devon mines 22 dwt., of which he refined 3 dwt.
+at Exeter; this yielded 2½ dwt. of pure gold.[202] The remainder was
+sent up to the Exchequer and eventually refined at York; but this is
+almost the only note we have of gold being found, though no doubt small
+quantities were found from time to time in the Cornish stream tinworks.
+
+In 1545 one St. Clere declared that certain gold called 'gold hoppes
+and gold oore' in every stream tinwork in Devon and Cornwall was by
+ignorance of the tinners molten with the tin, and so conveyed abroad;
+certain persons were appointed to test his statement.[203]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+MINING—TIN
+
+
+Tin mining claims an antiquity unsurpassed by any other industry in
+this country, but with what degree of justice may well be doubted. The
+claim of the western promontory of Britain, later known as Cornwall
+and Devon, to be the Cassiterides or Tin Islands whence the Phœnicians
+obtained their stores of that metal at least five hundred years before
+the Christian era rests upon rather shadowy grounds.[204] Diodorus
+Siculus, who wrote about B.C. 30, is the first writer definitely to
+connect Britain with the tin trade, and his statements appear to be
+based rather upon a doubtful understanding of earlier topographers than
+upon actual knowledge. According to him the tin was produced in the
+promontory of 'Bolerium' and brought to the island of 'Ictis,' whence
+it was transported to Gaul. If 'Bolerium' is Cornwall, then there is no
+reason to doubt that 'Ictis' is 'Insula Vectis,' or the Isle of Wight,
+which was at that date still connected to the mainland by a narrow
+ridge of rock, covered at highwater, but dry at low water, as 'Ictis'
+is said to have been.[205] It is certainly strange, if an ancient
+and well-established trade in tin really existed in Britain when the
+Romans came over, that that race, with its keen eye for metallic
+wealth, should have made no use of the tin mines of Cornwall. Yet
+there is no reference to these mines in the literature of the period
+of the Roman occupation, nor are there traces of anything approaching
+an occupation of Cornwall by the Romans, who appear to have ignored
+this corner of Britain completely. After the departure of the Romans,
+and before the Saxons conquered this district, which did not happen
+till the middle of the tenth century, there is some evidence of tin
+being worked here, as Cornish tin is said to have been carried over to
+France in the seventh century, and in a life of St. John of Alexandria,
+who died in 616, there is a story of an Alexandrian galley coming to
+Britain for tin.[206] That the Saxons worked the tin seems probable
+from the discovery of Saxon remains in the St. Austell tin grounds and
+elsewhere,[207] but the industry can hardly have been of any great
+importance at the time of the Norman Conquest, as there is no reference
+to it in the Domesday Survey.
+
+While the history of tin mining in Britain prior to the middle of the
+twelfth century is problematical, there is from that time onwards an
+immense mass of material bearing upon the subject. This material has
+been patiently examined by Mr. George Randall Lewis, and summarised in
+his work on _The Stannaries_,[208] a book so full and complete that I
+have saved myself much labour by basing this chapter almost entirely
+upon it.
+
+There are, as might be expected, many analogies between the mining
+of tin and the mining of lead. The processes were very similar, and
+the laws governing the workers had much in common, but it is in the
+case of the Stannaries that we find the full development of the 'free
+miner,' so far as England is concerned. Certain initial differences in
+the methods employed are observable owing to the form in which tin is
+obtained. Tin, like other metals, exists in veins or lodes embedded in
+the rock at various depths; where these veins outcrop on the banks of
+a stream they are broken up by the action of the water and climatic
+variations, the resultant pile of stanniferous boulders being known as
+'shode'; the waters of the stream constantly wear away small pieces of
+the tin ore and carry it downwards until, owing to its heavy specific
+gravity, the tin sinks, forming a deposit in the bed of the stream
+which may sometimes be as much as twenty feet thick. It was this third
+class of alluvial tin which was alone worked in prehistoric and early
+medieval days. This might safely be assumed, but rather remarkable
+confirmation is obtained from an account of tin worked for Edmund of
+Cornwall in 1297. From this it appears that twenty-eight and a half
+'foot-fates' of ore produced a thousand-weight (1200 lbs.) of 'white
+tin,' the proportion corresponding pretty closely with those—three
+'foot-fates' of ore to yield 105 lbs. of metal—given in the sixteenth
+century by Thomas Beare for alluvial or 'stream' tin, which was far
+richer than mine tin.[209] It cannot have been very long before the
+miners realised that the stream tin was carried down by the water, and
+started to search for its source. The 'shode,' or boulder tin, must
+therefore have been worked almost as early as the alluvial deposits,
+and the final stage was the working of the 'lode.' In this lode mining
+the first workings were no doubt shallow trenches and confined to
+places where the ore lay close to the surface; a somewhat greater
+depth was obtained by 'shamelling,' the trench being carried down in
+stages, a 'shamell' or platform being left at each stage at the height
+to which the miner could throw his ore; finally came the deep shaft
+with galleries. But here, as in all mining, the question of drainage
+came in. Where the workings were quite shallow the water could be baled
+out with wooden bowls, or a 'level,' or deep ditch, could be dug. For
+greater depths the adit, or drainage gallery (see above, p. 50), was
+available, and although Mr. Lewis[210] cannot find any instance of the
+use of the adit in tin mining before the seventeenth century, it does
+not seem reasonable to doubt that it was in use much earlier. Exactly
+when pumps and other draining machines were introduced into the tin
+mines is not clear, but probably they were little used during our
+medieval period, when few of the mines were of any great depth.[211]
+
+The primitive miner, when he had got his ore with the aid of his simple
+tools, a wooden shovel and a pick, also in earliest times of wood,
+but later of iron, constructed a rough hearth of stones on which he
+kindled a fire. When it was burning strongly he cast in his ore and
+afterwards collected the molten tin from the ashes. The next stage was
+to construct a regular furnace, exactly similar in type to the boles
+or furnaces used for lead-melting (see above, p. 51). These furnaces
+were enclosed in a building, the 'blowing-house,' in early times a
+rough thatched shanty, which was burnt from time to time to obtain
+the metallic dust which had lodged in the thatch, but afterwards more
+substantial. The cost of a 'melting howse' (80 feet by 20 feet) built
+at Larian in Cornwall by Burcord Crangs, a German, in the time of Queen
+Mary, was about £300, composed as follows:[212]—
+
+  For the ryddyng, clensing and leveling of
+  the ground for setting of the foundacon
+  therof                                        £23  6 8
+
+  For making foundacon of the walls and
+  the poynyons of the meltyng howse             120  0 0
+
+  For making of the audit[213] to build the
+  fornas and meltyng chymney upon                30  0 0
+
+  For tymbering and covering the howse
+  with esclattes                                 50  0 0
+
+  For dores, windows, locks, and barres           6  0 0
+
+  The whele, exultree and the stampers           10  0 0
+
+  For 4 paire of grete bellowes wt their
+  geames and other necessaryes                   20  0 0
+
+  For makyng of the Colehouse                    15  0 0
+
+  For makyng of the Rostingehowse[214]           20  0 0
+
+  For makyng of the lete and dyke comyng
+  to the meltynghowse                            66  0 0
+
+  For the hatt and the crane                     20  0 0
+
+The lumps of ore were first broken up with hammers or in a mill;
+the powdered ore was then washed to free it as far as possible from
+earthy impurities. Sometimes this was done with a 'vanne,' or shovel,
+the heavy ore remaining at the point of the shovel and the lighter
+impurities being washed away. An elaborate process was also used, in
+which the water containing the powdered ore was allowed to run over
+pieces of turf, the metallic portion sinking and becoming entangled
+in the fibres. The usual method, however, was by means of troughs
+or 'buddles.' This washing was not only a necessary preliminary to
+the smelting, but had an economic importance, as it was at the wash
+that the ore was divided when a claim was worked by partners, and the
+tribute or share due to the lord of the soil was apportioned; it was
+also, towards the end of the medieval period, the only place where the
+ore might be bought by dealers.[215] To prevent fraud it was therefore
+enacted that due notice should be given of washes, and no secret
+buddles should be used.
+
+When we first get any details of tin-working, in 1198, it was usual
+for the tin to be smelted twice, the first being a rough process
+performed near the tinfield, but the second, or refining, being only
+permitted at special places and in the presence of the officers of the
+stannaries. The tin from the first smelting had to be stamped by the
+royal officers within two weeks of smelting, a toll being paid to the
+king at the same time of 2s. 6d. per thousand-weight in Devon, and of
+5s. in Cornwall. Moreover, by the regulations of 1198, within thirteen
+weeks the tin had to be resmelted and again stamped, this time paying
+a tax of one mark.[216] The double smelting possibly ceased before the
+end of the thirteenth century. In any case the fiscal arrangement was
+altered, and in 1302, not long after the stannaries had reverted to
+the Crown, after being in the hands of the Earls of Cornwall from 1231
+to 1300, we find the stampage dues consolidated into a single coinage
+duty. Under this system of coinage all the tin smelted had to be sent
+to certain specified towns, those for Cornwall being Bodmin, Liskeard,
+Lostwithiel, Helston, and Truro; and for Devon, Chagford, Tavistock,
+Plympton, and Ashburton. Here the tin remained until the two yearly
+visits of the coinage officials, at Michaelmas and Midsummer, when
+each block, weighing roughly 200 to 300 lbs., was assayed, weighed,
+and taxed: it was then stamped and might be sold. To prevent fraud
+an elaborate system of marking was gradually introduced during the
+sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the use of private marks by
+the owners of the blowing-houses was probably of much earlier origin.
+The use of these marks was designed not only to protect the merchant,
+but also to act as a check on smuggling, of which an immense amount
+undoubtedly went on.[217]
+
+One result of the coinage system, by which tin might not be sold until
+stamped, and could only be stamped twice a year, was that the smaller
+tin-workers inevitably fell into the hands of the capitalists. The
+small independent tinner, with no reserve of capital to draw upon,
+had almost always to pledge his tin in advance to the adventurers
+and tin-dealers, and as a result he was often worse off with his
+theoretical independence than he would have been as a recognised
+wage-labourer. The wage work system must have been introduced into the
+stannaries at quite an early period. Even in 1237 there are references
+to servants who worked the mines for the tinners.[218] In 1342 certain
+of the wealthier Cornish tinners endeavoured to force their poorer
+brethren to work for them at a penny a day, when they had been working
+tin worth 20d. or more daily, and it is said that Abraham the tinner in
+1357 was actually employing three hundred persons on his works. Side
+by side with these hired workmen were the independent tinners, working
+either separately or, more usually in partnerships; but from the small
+amounts which many of these tinners presented for coinage, Mr. Lewis
+has concluded that they may have been only partly dependent upon their
+mining.[219] There is, however, the complication that the small amounts
+presented may in part have been due to their having sold their ore to
+the larger dealers, but it is clear that some of the tinners did also
+carry on farming.
+
+While the economic position of the smaller tinners must often have
+been little, if at all, superior to that of ordinary labourers, their
+political position was remarkable. They constituted a state within
+a state; the free miner 'paid taxes not as an Englishman, but as a
+miner. His law was not the law of the realm, but that of his mine. He
+obeyed the king only when his orders were communicated through the
+warden of the mines, and even then so long only as he respected the
+mining law. His courts were the mine courts, his parliament the mine
+parliament.'[220] The tinner was a free man and could not be subjected
+to the system of villeinage. He had the right of prospecting anywhere
+within the two counties, except in churchyards, highways, and gardens,
+and might 'bound' or stake out a claim by the simple process of cutting
+shallow holes and making piles of turf at the four corners of his
+claim, and such claim would be his absolute property provided that he
+worked it (the exact amount of work necessary to retain a claim varied
+in different places and at different periods). For his claim he paid
+to the lord of the land, whether it were the king or a private lord,
+a certain tribute of ore, usually the tenth or the fifteenth portion.
+He had, moreover, the right to divert streams, either to obtain water
+for washing his ore, or to enable him to dig in the bed of the stream,
+and the important privilege of compelling landowners to sell him fuel
+for his furnace. Further, he had his own courts, and was under the
+sole jurisdiction of the warden-officers of the stannaries. Each
+stannary, of which there were five in Cornwall and four in Devon,
+had its own court, presided over by a steward, and no tinner might
+plead or be impleaded outside his court, from which the appeal lay
+to the warden, or in practice to the vice-warden. How and when these
+privileges were obtained must remain a matter for speculation, but
+they can be traced when William de Wrotham was appointed warden in
+1198, and were definitely confirmed to the tinners by King John in
+1201. By development, apparently, from the two yearly great courts
+of the stannaries, arose the 'stannary parliaments.' The parliament
+for Cornwall consisted of twenty-four members, six being nominated
+by the mayor and council of each of the four towns of Lostwithiel,
+Launceston, Truro, and Helston; that of Devon contained ninety-six
+members, twenty-four from each of the stannaries. Those parliaments
+were summoned, through the lord warden, by the Duke of Cornwall,
+in whom the supreme control of the stannaries was vested from 1338
+onwards, and had power not only to legislate for the stannaries, but
+to veto any national legislation which infringed their privileges.
+When the parliaments originated is not known, but they were certainly
+established before the beginning of the sixteenth century, prior to
+which date all records of their proceedings are lost.
+
+With all these privileges, to which may be added exemption from
+ordinary taxation and military service, though the tinners were
+liable to be taxed separately and enrolled for service under their
+own officers, it was natural that the exact definition of a tinner
+should have given rise to much dispute. On the one hand, it was
+argued that these exemptions and privileges applied only to working
+tinners actually employed in getting ore; on the other, the tin
+dealers, blowers, and owners of blowing-houses claimed to be included.
+Eventually the larger definition was accepted, and, indeed, it was
+almost entirely from the capitalist section of the industry that the
+parliaments were elected, from the sixteenth century, if not earlier.
+
+It is rather remarkable that when the stannaries first come into
+evidence, in the reign of Henry II., the chief centre of production
+appears to have been Devon rather than Cornwall.[221] So far as can be
+estimated the output during this reign rose gradually from about 70
+tons in 1156 to about 350 in 1171. Richard I., with his constant need
+of money, reorganised the stannaries in 1198, and at the beginning of
+John's reign the output was between 400 and 450 tons. The issue of
+the charter to the stannaries in 1201 does not seem to have had any
+immediate effect on the industry, but about ten years later there was
+increased activity, the output rising in 1214 to 600 tons.[222] During
+the early years of Henry III. the tin revenues were farmed out, and
+no details are available either for these years, or from the period
+1225-1300, during which time the stannaries were in the hands of the
+Earls of Cornwall. Two things only are clear, that the total output
+had fallen off, and that Cornwall had now far outstripped Devon. The
+grant of a charter confirming the privileges of the stannaries in 1305
+seems to have marked the beginning of a more prosperous era, and by
+1337 the output had reached 700 tons. The Black Death, however, in 1350
+put an end to this prosperity, and with the exception of a boom during
+the reign of Henry IV. tinning did not recover until just at the end
+of our medieval period. Even at its worst, however, the industry was a
+source of considerable revenue, the coinage duties[223] never falling
+below £1000, and amounting in 1337 and 1400 to over £3000, in addition
+to which there were other smaller payments and perquisites.[224] The
+royal privileges of pre-emption was also of value to needy kings who
+frequently availed themselves of it to grant this pre-emption, or
+virtual monopoly, to wealthy foreign merchants and other money-lenders
+in return for substantial loans.
+
+Before leaving the subject of the tin mines of Cornwall and Devon, it
+is perhaps worth while noting that there is virtually no documentary
+evidence of the working of the copper deposits of Cornwall prior to the
+late sixteenth century, and it would seem that most of the copper used
+in medieval England must have been imported.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+QUARRYING—STONE, MARBLE, ALABASTER, CHALK
+
+
+Stone-quarrying is an industry to which the references in medieval
+records are more numerous than enlightening. It would be easy to fill
+pages with a list of casual references to the working of quarries
+in all parts of England, and after struggling through the list the
+reader would know that stone was dug in quite a lot of places at
+different times, which he might have assumed without the documentary
+evidence. It is natural that when a castle, an abbey, a church, or
+other stone building is to be erected the stone, whose cost lies mainly
+in transport, should be obtained from the nearest possible source.
+Founders of monasteries frequently made grants either of existing
+quarries or of the right to dig stone for the monastic buildings, and
+the discovery of a bed of suitable stone close to the site selected
+for the Conqueror's votive abbey of Battle was so opportune as to be
+deemed a miracle.[225] When a monastery was founded in a district where
+stone could not be found, it was almost essential that its supplies
+should be drawn if possible from some place from which the stone could
+be carried by water, and it was no doubt the position of Barnack
+between the Welland and the Nene that made its quarries so important
+to the monks of the Fenland.[226] The abbeys of Peterborough, Ramsey,
+Crowland, Bury St. Edmund and Sawtry all held quarries in Barnack and
+quarrelled amongst themselves over their respective rights. The monks
+of Sawtry, for instance, had made a canal for carrying stone to their
+abbey by way of Wittlesea Mere by permission of the abbey of Ramsey, a
+permission which they seem to have abused, as in 1192 orders were given
+to block all their lodes except the main one leading to Sawtry, and
+they had to promise to put up no buildings except one rest house for
+the men on their stone barges.[227]
+
+For York Minster[228] stone was brought from the quarries of
+Thevesdale, Huddleston, and Tadcaster down the Wharfe, and from
+Stapleton down the Aire into the Ouse, and so up to St. Leonard's
+wharf, whence it was carried on sleds to the mason's yard. Westminster
+and London were mainly supplied from Surrey, from the Reigate and
+Chaldon quarries, and Kent, from the Maidstone district. The tough
+'Kentish rag,' which was used by the Romans for the walls of London,
+was much in demand for the rougher masonry,[229] and in a contract
+for building a wharf by the Tower in 1389, it was stipulated that the
+core of the walls should be of 'raggs,' and the facing of 'assheler
+de Kent.'[230] The Reigate stone, on the other hand, was of superior
+quality and more suited for fine work, and we find it constantly used
+for images, carved niches, and window tracery.[231]
+
+The most accessible stone not always being the most suitable for the
+varying requirements of architecture, it was necessary to find other
+stone possessing the desired qualities, and certain quarries at an
+early date acquired renown. Setting aside the famous Norman quarries
+of Caen, whose stone appears in greater or less quantities in hundreds
+of buildings and of records, there are a number of English quarries
+of more than local repute in medieval times. Such were the quarries
+of Beer in Devonshire, from whose labyrinthine galleries stone was
+carried to Rochester in 1367,[232] to St. Stephen's Westminster in
+1362,[233] and elsewhere. The fine limestone, later known as Bath
+Stone, was quarried to a large extent at Haslebury in Box in Wiltshire,
+from which place it was sent in 1221 to the royal palace at Winchester
+for the columns of the hall and for chimney hoods,[234] Richard Sired
+receiving 23s. 4d. for cutting 105 blocks of stone in the quarry of
+Hesalburi.[235] For these same works at Winchester much stone was
+brought from the Hampshire quarry of Selebourne, and from the better
+known quarries of the Isle of Wight, while a stone-cutter was sent to
+procure material from the quarry of Corfe. This latter was no doubt
+the same as the 'hard stone of Corfe,' bought for Westminster in
+1278.[236] With Corfe and Purbeck is associated Portland stone, which
+attained its greatest fame in the hands of Wren after the Fire of
+London, but was already appreciated in the fourteenth century, when
+it was used in Exeter Cathedral and at Westminster.[237] Further east
+Sussex possessed a number of quarries of local importance,[238] and the
+quarry of green sandstone at Eastbourne, from which the great Roman
+walls of Pevensey and the medieval castle within them were alike built,
+probably provided the '28 stones of Burne, worked for windows of the
+vault under the chapel' at Shene in 1441.[239] Another Sussex quarry,
+that of Fairlight, near Hastings, supplied large quantities of stone
+for Rochester Castle in 1366 and 1367.[240] The list of stone brought
+in the latter year at Rochester is of interest as showing the various
+sources from which it was derived.[241] There were bought 55 tons of
+Beer freestone at prices varying from 9s. to 10s. the ton,[242] 62 tons
+of Caen stone at 9s., 45 tons of Stapleton freestone[243] at 8s., 44
+tons of Reigate stone at 6s., 195 tons of freestone from Fairlight at
+3s. 4d., 1850 tons of rag from Maidstone at 40s. the hundred tons, and
+a large quantity[244] of worked stone from Boughton Mounchelsea.
+
+The Kentish quarries seem to have been especially favoured for the
+manufacture of the stone balls flung by the royal artillery, in early
+days by mangonels, balistae, and other forms of catapults, and in later
+days by guns. Thus in 1342 the sheriff of Kent accounted for £13, 10s.
+spent on 300 stones dug in the quarry of Folkestone and drawn out of
+the sea in various places, and afterwards cut and hewn into round
+balls for the king's machines; one hundred weighing 600 lbs. each, and
+the same number 500 lbs. and 400 lbs. respectively; and a further £7,
+10s. for another 300 stone balls of various weights.[245] It is true
+that some years earlier, in 1333, similar balls had been obtained in
+Yorkshire, the sheriff buying 19 damlades[246] and 3 tons of stone
+in the quarry of Tadcaster, and setting 37 masons to work, the result
+being 606 stone balls weighing 9 damlades,[247] but casual references
+point to Kent as the great centre of manufacture. In 1418 as many as
+7000 such balls were ordered to be made at Maidstone and elsewhere, and
+the Maidstone quarries were still turning out stone shot for bombards
+during the early years of Henry VIII.[248]
+
+So far we have been dealing with what may be called block stone, but
+there were also in many parts of the country stones that from the
+ease with which they could be split into thin slabs were suitable for
+roofing purposes. How early, and to what extent the true slates of
+Cornwall and Devon were worked it is difficult to say, but in 1296,
+when certain buildings were put up for the miners at Martinestowe
+23,000 'sclattes' were quarried at Birlond, and another 10,000 at
+'Hassal.'[249] For the roofing of buildings at Restormel in Cornwall
+in 1343 slates were employed, 19,500 being bought 'between Golant and
+Fowey,' at 11d. the thousand, and 85,500 dug in the quarry of Bodmatgan
+at a cost of 6d. the thousand.[250] So also in 1385, at Lostwithiel,
+it is probable that the 'tiles,' of which 25,400 were bought 'in the
+quarry' at 3s. 4d. the thousand were true slates.[251] But besides the
+real slates, which in their modern uniformity of perfection render so
+many towns hideous, there were many quarries of stone slates, of which
+the most famous were at Collyweston in Northants.[252] The Collyweston
+stone after being exposed to the influence of frost could easily be
+split into thin slabs,[253] and seem to have been used for roofing
+purposes as early as the times of the Romans. During the medieval
+period there are numerous references to these Collyweston slates, and
+about the end of the fourteenth century they seem to have fetched from
+6s. to 8s. the thousand.[254] Other similar quarries of more than local
+fame were situated round Horsham in Sussex,[255] and Horsham slates
+continued in demand from early days until the diminished solidity
+of house construction made a less weighty, and incidentally less
+picturesque, material requisite for roofing.
+
+The work of quarrying stone counted as unskilled labour, and the rate
+of pay of quarriers is almost always that of the ordinary labourer. At
+Martinstow in 1296, men 'breaking stone in the quarry' received 1½d. to
+2d. a day, and women, always the cheapest form of labour, 1d. a day
+for carrying the stones from the quarry.[256] The Windsor accounts for
+1368 show quarriers at Bisham (Bustesham) receiving 3½d. a day, and
+one, no doubt the foreman, 4d., while 65,000 blocks of stone were cut
+at 'Colingle' at 10s. the thousand, and 3500 at Stoneden at 20s.[257]
+Those employed upon shaping the rough blocks were naturally paid at
+a higher rate, and in 1333, while the quarriers at Tadcaster were
+paid 1s. 4d. a week, the masons employed there in making stone balls
+earned 2s. 6d., and their foremen 3s. a week.[258] Often, however,
+the payment was by piece work, and in the case of the stone wrought
+at Boughton Monchelsea in 1366 for Rochester Castle, we have a list
+of the rates of payment: 'rough ashlar' worked at 10s. the hundred,
+'parpainassheler'—for mullions—cut to pattern 18s. the hundred, newel
+pieces 12d. each, jambs 3d. the foot, 'scu' or bevelled stones 2d. the
+foot, voussoirs (_vausur_) 5d. the foot, and so on.[259] The tools used
+were of a simple nature; the inventory of tools at Stapleton quarry
+in 1400[260] shows a number of iron wedges, iron rods, 'gavelokes' or
+crowbars, iron hammers, 'pulyng axes,'[261] 'brocheaxes' and shovels.
+
+So far we have been dealing with stone as a building material, but
+there were two varieties of stone worked in England in medieval times
+whose value was artistic rather than utilitarian. These were marble
+and alabaster. PURBECK MARBLE,[262] a dark shell conglomerate capable
+of receiving a very high polish, came into fashion towards the end
+of the twelfth century, and continued in great demand for some two
+hundred years. Not only was it used in 1205 at Chichester Cathedral,
+but it would seem that some thirty years earlier it was sent to Dublin
+and to Durham. All the evidence goes to show that the marble was not
+only quarried at Purbeck, but worked into columns and carved upon
+the spot, and it is probable that most, if not all, of the scores of
+marble effigies which still remain in churches, such as the figures of
+knights in the Temple Church and the tomb of King John at Worcester,
+were carved by members of the Purbeck school[263] and usually at the
+quarries, though in some cases it would seem that the carver was called
+upon to do his work at the place where it was to be used, and under
+the eye of his patron. But however much we may admire the execution
+of these Purbeck effigies, we must not hastily assume that they bear
+any particular resemblance to the persons whom they commemorate;
+for although the Purbeck carvers were no doubt capable of executing
+portrait sculpture, a large proportion of their work was undoubtedly
+conventional. Thus in 1253 we find Henry III. ordering the sheriff of
+Dorset to cause 'an image of a queen' to be cut in marble and carried
+to the nunnery of Tarrant Keynston, there to be placed over the tomb of
+his sister, the late Queen of Scots.[264]
+
+Corfe was the great centre of the Purbeck marble industry. William of
+Corfe who executed the tomb of 'Henry the King's son,' at Westminster
+in 1273,[265] was probably William le Blund, brother of Robert le
+Blund, also called Robert of Corfe, who supplied marble for the Eleanor
+crosses at Waltham, Northampton, and Lincoln; and one Adam of Corfe
+settled in London early in the fourteenth century, and died there
+in 1331. This Adam 'the marbler' seems to have carried out several
+large contracts, including the paving of St. Paul's, and in 1324
+supplied great quantities of marble for the columns of St. Stephen's,
+Westminster, at 6d. the foot.[266] The same price was paid in 1333 for
+similar columns bought from Richard Canon,[267] one of a family which
+for a century and a half played a prominent part as carvers and marble
+merchants, particularly in connection with Exeter Cathedral.
+
+By the sixteenth century, and probably for some time earlier, the
+'Marblers and Stone Cutters of Purbeck' had formed themselves into
+a company. By their rules the industry was restricted to freemen
+of the company, and regulations were laid down as to the number of
+apprentices that might be employed. These apprentices, in turn, could
+become freemen at the end of seven years upon payment to the court
+held at Corfe Castle on Shrove Tuesday of 6s. 8d. and the render of
+a penny loaf and two pots of beer. The wives of freemen were also
+allowed to join the company on payment of 1s., and in that case might
+carry on the trade, with the assistance of an apprentice, after their
+husband's death. At the time, however, that this company was formed,
+it is probable that the greater part of their business was concerned
+with building stone, as the marble had gone out of fashion and been
+largely superseded by alabaster in the fifteenth century for sepulchral
+monuments.
+
+ALABASTER appears to have been dug in the neighbourhood of Tutbury
+in very early times, some of the Norman mouldings of the west door of
+Tutbury church being carved in this material.[268] It is in the same
+neighbourhood, at Hanbury, that the earliest known sepulchral image
+in alabaster is to be found: this dates from the early years of the
+fourteenth century, but it was not until the middle of that century
+that the vogue of alabaster began. From 1360 onwards there exists a
+magnificent series of alabaster monuments which bear striking testimony
+to the skill of the medieval English carvers,[269] and it is clear
+from records and the evidence of such fragments as have survived the
+triple iconoclasm of Reformers, Puritans, and Churchwardens that these
+monuments found worthy companions in the statues and carved reredoses
+scattered throughout the churches of England.[270] One of the finest
+of these reredoses must have been the 'table of alabaster' bought in
+1367 for the high altar of St. George's, Windsor. For this the enormous
+sum of £200 (more than £3000 of modern money) was paid to Peter Mason
+of Nottingham, while some idea of its size may be gathered from the
+fact that it took ten carts, each with eight horses, to bring it from
+Nottingham to Windsor, the journey occupying seventeen days.[271]
+
+All the evidence points to Nottingham having been the great centre of
+the industry, the material being brought from the Derbyshire quarries
+of Chellaston. The stone and the workmanship alike found favour
+outside this country, and in 1414, when the abbot of Fécamp required
+alabaster he sent his mason, Alexander de Berneval, to England to
+procure it; and it was from Thomas Prentis of Chellaston that the
+stone was bought.[272] The alabaster tomb of John, Duke of Bretagne,
+which was erected in Nantes Cathedral in 1408, was made in England by
+Thomas Colyn, Thomas Holewell, and Thomas Poppehowe,[273] but it is not
+certain that they belonged to Nottingham. Various customs accounts[274]
+show that carved alabaster figures were often exported to the
+Continent, and Mr. Hope has shown that a number of carvings still to
+be seen in the churches of France, and even of Iceland,[275] have the
+green background, with circular groups of red and white spots, peculiar
+to the Nottingham school.[276]
+
+Thomas Prentis, who is mentioned above, is found in 1419 in company
+with Robert Sutton[277] covenanting to carve, paint, and gild the
+elaborate and beautiful tomb of Ralph Green and his wife, which may
+still be seen in Lowick Church, Northants, for a sum of £40. An
+examination of this tomb makes it almost certain that the glorious
+monuments of the Earl and Countess of Arundel at Arundel, Henry IV.
+and Queen Joan at Canterbury, and the Earl of Westmoreland and his
+two wives at Staindrop, were all from the same workshop. During the
+last twenty years of the fifteenth and the first thirty years of the
+sixteenth century, we have the names of a number of 'alablastermen'
+and 'image-makers' in Nottingham,[278] Nicholas Hill in particular
+being prominent as a manufacturer of the popular St. John the
+Baptist heads,[279] and during the same period we find a number of
+'alblasterers' at York.[280] At Burton-on-Trent, also, where Leland in
+the sixteenth century mentions 'many marbellers working in alabaster,'
+the trade was evidently established in 1481, when Robert Bocher and
+Gilbert Twist were working for a number of religious houses; and it
+still flourished there in 1581 and 1585, when Richard and Gabriel
+Royley undertook contracts for elaborate tombs of alabaster,[281] but
+for all practical purposes the English school of alabaster carvers
+ceased to exist when the Reformation put an end to the demand for
+images and carven tables.
+
+The alabaster, or gypsum, when not suitable for carving, was still
+valuable for conversion into plaster by burning, the finer varieties
+yielding the so-called Plaster of Paris and the coarser the ordinary
+builders' plaster. References to the actual burning of plaster seem
+practically non-existent, but it is noteworthy that one of the places
+from which Plaster of Paris was obtained for the works at York Minster
+was Buttercrambe,[282] where there is a large deposit of gypsum
+which probably furnished the York alabasterers with their material.
+In the same way CHALK, though to some extent used for masonry, was
+most in demand for conversion into lime. When building operations of
+any importance were undertaken, it was usual to build a limekiln on
+the spot for the burning of the lime required for mortar. In earlier
+times the kiln seems to have taken the form of a pit, 'lymeputt' or, in
+Latin, _puteus_, being the term usually employed, but in 1400 we find a
+regular kiln (_torale_) built, 3300 bricks and 33 loads of clay being
+purchased for the purpose.[283] Where lime was burnt commercially, that
+is to say for sale and not merely for use on the spot, the kilns would
+naturally be larger and more permanent, and a sixteenth-century account
+of the erection of eight such kilns[284] at a place unnamed—probably
+Calais—shows that each kiln was 20 feet high, with walls 10 feet thick,
+and an average internal breadth of 10 feet, and cost over £450.
+
+When wood was plentiful it was naturally employed for burning the lime,
+and a presentment made in 1255 with regard to the forest of Wellington
+mentions that the king's two limekilns (_rees calcis_) had devoured
+500 oaks between them.[285] But it was soon found that pit coal was
+the best fuel for the purpose, and it was constantly used from the end
+of the thirteenth century onwards, as much as 1166 quarters of sea
+coal being bought in 1278 for the kilns (_chauffornia_) in connection
+with the work at the Tower.[286] For the most part, chalk and lime
+required for work at London or Westminster was brought from Greenwich.
+Kent has indeed always been one of the great centres of the trade, both
+home and foreign, and in 1527,[287] to take but one instance, we find
+six ships from Dutch ports taking out of Sandwich port chalk to the
+value of £20.[288] In the chalk hills round Chislehurst labyrinthine
+galleries of great extent bear witness to the flourishing state of
+chalk-quarrying in this district in former times;[289] smaller quarries
+of a similar type exist in the 'caverns' at Guildford. Kent, Surrey,
+and Sussex[290] were indeed busily employed in quarrying chalk during
+the medieval period, and for long afterwards, down to the present day.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+METAL WORKING
+
+
+The English craftsmen were renowned for their metal work from the days
+of St. Dunstan downwards. St. Dunstan was the patron of the goldsmiths,
+his image being one of the chief ornaments of their gild hall in
+London, and a ring attributed to his workmanship was in the possession
+of Edward I. in 1280,[291] while his tools, including the identical
+tongs with which he pulled the devil by the nose, may still be seen
+at Mayfield. Coming to later times and the less questionable evidence
+of records, we may probably see in Otto the Goldsmith, whose name
+occurs in the Domesday Survey of 1086, the progenitor of the family
+of Fitz-Otho, king's goldsmiths and masters of the Mint from 1100 to
+1300.[292] The names of many early goldsmiths[293] have survived, and
+the beautiful candlestick given to St. Peter's Abbey at Gloucester in
+1110, and now in the South Kensington Museum, is evidence of their
+mastery of the art. The great religious houses were foremost patrons
+of the craft, many of them, as the Abbey of St. Albans, numbering
+amongst their inmates artists of great repute. The famous college of
+Beverley included a goldsmith in its household,[294] but in 1292, when
+it was determined to erect a new shrine for the relics of St. John of
+Beverley, the chapter did not entrust the work to their own craftsman,
+but sent up to London to the establishment of William Faringdon, the
+greatest goldsmith of that time. The contract between his servant,
+Roger of Faringdon, and the Chapter of Beverley is still extant.[295]
+By it the chapter were to provide the necessary silver and gold; Roger
+was to refine it, if needful, and to supply his own coals, quicksilver,
+and other materials. The shrine was to be 5 ft. 6 in. long, 1 ft. 6 in.
+broad, and of proportionate height: the design was to be architectural
+in style, and the statuettes, the number and size of which were to be
+at the discretion of the chapter, were to be of cunning and beautiful
+work, the chapter reserving the right to reject any figure or ornament
+and cause it to be remade. For his work Roger was to receive the weight
+in silver of the shrine when completed, before gilding. No very general
+rule can be laid down as to the proportion between the intrinsic value
+or weight of metal and the cost of workmanship, but roughly in the case
+of simple articles of plate the cost of manufacture may be set at
+approximately half the weight. Thus in the case of the plate presented
+by the city to the Black Prince on his return from Gascony in 1371[296]
+we find six chargers, weight £14, 18s. 9d., amounting with the making
+to £21, 7s. 2d.; twelve 'hanappes,' or handled cups, weight £8, 12s.,
+amounting to £12, 7s. 7d.; and thirty saltcellars, weighing £15, 6s.
+2d., amounting to £21, 17s. 8d. The charge for making silver basins
+and lavers in the same list amounts to about two-thirds of the weight.
+The rate appears to have remained fairly constant, as in 1416 William
+Randolf made four dozen chargers and eight dozen dishes of silver for
+King Henry V. at 30s. the pound.[297]
+
+The demand for silver plate during the later medieval period must
+have been brisk, for every house of any pretension had its service of
+plate standing on the cupboard or dresser. Nothing more astonished
+the Venetian travellers in England in 1500 than this extraordinary
+profusion and display; they noted that,[298] 'In one single street,
+named the Strand, are 52 goldsmiths' shops so rich and full of silver
+vessels, great and small, that in all the shops in Milan, Rome, Venice,
+and Florence put together I do not think there would be found so many
+of the magnificence that are to be seen in London. And these vessels
+are all either saltcellars or drinking-cups or basins to hold water
+for the hands, for they eat off that fine tin which is little inferior
+to silver.' Although the home of the goldsmiths is here stated to be
+the Strand, their chief centre was in Lombard Street and in Cheapside,
+where, just about the time that this Venetian account was written,
+Thomas Wood built Goldsmiths' Row with its ten fair houses and fourteen
+shops and its four-storied front adorned with allusive wild men of the
+wood riding on monstrous beasts.[299] Even as late as 1637 efforts were
+made to compel the goldsmiths to remain in Cheapside for the greater
+adornment of that thoroughfare.[300]
+
+The Venetian reference to the 'fine tin' used for plates and dishes
+serves to remind us that gold and silversmiths had no monopoly of
+metal-working. Pewterers, founders, and such specialised trades as
+bladesmiths and spurriers played an important part in the realm of
+industry, and if the materials upon which they worked were less
+valuable in themselves, the finished products were not to be despised
+even from a purely artistic point of view. The figures of Queen Eleanor
+of Castile and Henry III., both cast by William Torel, and those of
+Edward III. and Queen Philippa, by Hawkin of Liége—to name but a few
+obvious examples—are magnificent examples of the founder's work.
+Mention may also be made of the tomb of Richard II. and his queen, at
+which Nicholas Croker and Godfrey Prest, coppersmiths, worked for four
+years, and for which they received £700.[301] To deal at all fully with
+all the many branches of metal-working is outside the scope of this
+book, but two particular branches, the founding of bells and of cannon,
+are worth treating in considerable detail.
+
+References to BELLS[302] during Saxon times are not infrequent, but
+probably the earliest notice connected with their manufacture is
+the entry amongst the tenants of Battle Abbey in the late eleventh
+century of 'Ædric who cast the bells (_qui signa fundebat_).'[303] It
+is likely that most early monastic peals were cast in the immediate
+neighbourhood of the monastery by, or under the supervision, of the
+brethren. But in the twelfth century, when Ralph Breton gave money to
+Rochester Cathedral Priory for a bell, in memory of his brother, the
+sacrist sent a broken bell up to London to be recast.[304] Possibly
+the craftsman who recast this bell was the Alwold 'campanarius' who
+was working in London about 1150.[305] Another early bell-founder was
+Beneit le Seynter, sheriff of London in 1216.[306] Mr. Stahlschmidt is
+no doubt right in interpreting this founder's name as 'ceinturier'
+or girdler,[307] for there was at Worcester in the thirteenth century
+a family whose members bore indifferently the name of 'Ceynturer' and
+'Belleyeter.'[308] The demand for bells could hardly have been large
+enough to enable a craftsman to specialise entirely in that branch, and
+a bell-maker would always have been primarily a founder, and according
+as the main portion of his trade lay in casting buckles and other
+fittings for belts, or pots or bells, he would be known as a girdler, a
+potter, or a bell-founder.[309]
+
+The medieval English term for a bell-founder was 'bellyeter'
+(surviving in London as 'Billiter Street,' the former centre of the
+industry), derived from the Anglo-Saxon _geotan_, to pour: the word
+is occasionally found used independently as a verb, the agreement for
+casting a bell for Stansfield in 1453 stipulating that it should be
+'wele and sufficiantly yette and made.'[310] So far as the process
+itself is concerned,[311] it remained unchanged in its main features
+until comparatively recent times and a considerable number of records
+relating to bell-founding have survived and throw a little light upon
+the details of the art. The first step was the formation of the 'core,'
+an exact model of the inside of the bell, formed of clay. When this
+had been hardened by baking, the 'thickness,' corresponding exactly to
+the projected bell itself, was built up upon the core; finally, over
+the 'thickness' was built a thick clay 'cope.' Originally, it would
+seem, it was usual to make the 'thickness' of wax, which, melting upon
+the application of heat, ran out and left the space between the core
+and cope vacant for the molten metal to flow into: possibly some of
+the early uninscribed bells which still exist may have been formed in
+this fashion, but it seems clear that from the end of the thirteenth
+century the use of wax was abandoned in England, the 'thickness' being
+made of loam or earth.[312] The clay cope, moulded over this, was
+carefully raised by a crane, the 'thickness' destroyed, and the cope
+readjusted, after any inscription or other decoration had been stamped
+on its inner surface. In order that the metal might flow directly from
+the furnace into the mould the latter lay in a pit in front of the
+furnace. The furnace doors being opened, the metal, consisting of a
+mixture of copper and tin, flowed into the mould. If the metal was not
+in a sufficiently fluid state, or if any check occurred the caster
+would 'lose his labour and expense,' as happened to Henry Michel when
+he recast the great bell of Croxden Abbey in 1313, and the work would
+have to be done all over again.[313] But if the work had been properly
+carried out the completed bell had to be tuned, unless, as was the case
+at St. Laurence's, Reading, in 1596, 'not so much the tune of the bell
+was cared for as to have it a loud bell and heard far.'[314]
+
+The tuning was done by grinding, or cutting, down the rim of the bell
+if the note was too flat, or by reducing its thickness, filing down
+the inner surface of the sound bow, if the note was too sharp. In
+order to reduce the amount of tuning required it was necessary to know
+approximately the relation between size, or weight, and tone, and as
+early as the reign of Henry III. a monk of Evesham, Walter of Odyngton,
+devised a system by which each bell was to weigh eight-ninths of the
+bell next above it in weight.[315] This system, delightfully simple
+in theory, could not have yielded satisfactory results in practice,
+and it is probable that most founders had their own systems, based
+upon experience and practical observation. The question of whether
+a bell was correctly in tune with the others of the peal was one
+which naturally led to occasional disputes. When Robert Gildesburgh,
+brazier, of London, a fifteenth-century bell-founder, cast two bells
+for Whitchurch in Dorset, the vicar refused to pay for them, as he
+said they were out of tune. Gildesburgh requested that they should be
+submitted to the judgment of Adam Buggeberd, rector of South Peret, who
+accordingly came over and heard them rung, and decided that there was
+no fault in them.[316] In the case of the bells recast for the church
+of St. Mary-at-Hill, London, in 1510,[317] we have first an entry of
+6½d. paid 'for Reves labour and his brekefast for comyng from Ludgate
+to Algate to here the iiij bell in tewne'; and then, as apparently the
+churchwardens were not satisfied with his report, 8d. paid 'for wyne
+and peres at Skran's howse at Algate for Mr. Jentyll, Mr. Russell,
+John Althorpe, John Condall and the clarkes of saynt Antonys to go
+and see whether smythes bell wer tewneabill or not.' Possibly the
+decision in the case of this fourth bell cast by William Smith was
+not satisfactory, as the 'great bell' seems to have been entrusted to
+William Culverden, a contemporary founder, many of whose bells, bearing
+his rebus of the culver or wood pigeon, still exist.
+
+The bell having been fitted with an iron clapper, swung from a staple
+inside the crown of the bell by a leathern baudrick, was fastened on
+to a massive wooden stock furnished at its ends with gudgeons, or iron
+pivots, to work in the bronze sockets of the frame, and was now ready
+to be hung in the belfry. But although it was now a finished 'trade
+article,' there was yet one more process to be undergone before it
+could summon the faithful to church: it was usual, though apparently
+by no means universal, for the bells to be blessed. Thus the bells
+of St. Albans Abbey were consecrated in the middle of the twelfth
+century by the Bishop of St. Asaph;[318] and a detailed account of the
+dedication of the great bell called 'Jesus' at Lichfield Cathedral in
+1477 has been preserved.[319] In the case of the five bells of St.
+Michael's, Bishop's Stortford, recast by Reginald Chirche of Bury St.
+Edmunds in 1489 at a cost of £42, an extra 17s. 6d. was paid 'for
+their consecration (_pro sanctificacione_).'[320] That the dedication
+ceremony included a form analogous to baptism is clearly shown by an
+entry in the accounts of St. Laurence, Reading, where, in 1508, we find
+'paid for hallowing the great bell named Harry 6s. 8d. And over that
+Sir William Symys Richard Clich and Mistress Smyth being godfather and
+godmother at the consecracyon of the same bell, and bearing all the
+costs to the suffragan.'[321]
+
+Of the early centres of the industry London was naturally the most
+important. Two early bell-founders of this city have already been
+mentioned, but it is noteworthy, as showing that to a certain extent
+a man might be 'jack of all trades' even if he was master of one,
+that several bells were cast for Westminster Abbey by Edward Fitz
+Odo, the famous goldsmith of Henry III.[322] That monarch, a patron
+of all the arts, granted 100s. yearly to the Bell-ringers' gild
+of Westminster for ringing the great bells.[323] Mr. Stahlschmidt
+has shown that the centre of the bell-founding trade was round
+Aldgate and in the neighbourhood of St. Andrew Undershaft and St.
+Botolph-without-Aldgate,[324] while amongst the more prominent early
+founders were the family of Wimbish at the beginning of the fourteenth
+century and the Burfords at the end of the same century. Contemporary
+with these last was William Founder, whose trade stamp, bearing his
+name and a representation of two birds on a conventionalised tree,
+occurs on a number of bells and hints at his real surname, which,
+although it has hitherto eluded historians, was clearly Wodeward.
+Mr. Stahlschmidt[325] noticed the entry on the Issue Rolls of 1385
+recording the purchase of twelve cannon from William the founder, but
+did not notice that the very next year sixty cannon were bought from
+William Wodeward,[326] while in 1417 other cannon were provided by
+William Wodeward, founder.[327]
+
+Amongst the provincial centres we may notice Gloucester, where Hugh
+Bellyetare occurs about 1270, and John Belyetere in 1346,[328] the
+latter being presumably the Master John of Gloucester, who with his
+staff of six men came to Ely in 1342 to cast four bells for Prior
+Walsingham.[329] A later bell-founder of some eminence at Gloucester
+was William Henshawe, who was mayor in 1503, 1508, and 1509.[330]
+Another of the craft who obtained more than local reputation was
+John de Stafford, mayor of Leicester in 1366 and 1370,[331] who was
+called in by the chapter of York to cast bells for the Minster in
+1371.[332] This is the more remarkable as York was itself a centre of
+the industry, the most famous of its founders being Richard Tunnoc,
+who represented the city in Parliament in 1327, and dying in 1330,
+left behind him as a worthy memorial 'the bell-maker's window' in
+York Minster.[333] In the central panel of this window Richard Tunnoc
+himself is shown kneeling before a sainted archbishop; the two other
+panels show the process of bell-making. In the one the master workman
+is supervising the flow of the metal into the mould from a furnace, the
+draught of which is supplied by bellows worked by two young men, the
+one standing upon them with one foot on each and the other holding the
+handles. The remaining panel is usually said to represent the moulding
+of the clay core, but it seems to me more likely to represent the
+finishing, smoothing, and polishing of the completed bell.[334] Richard
+Tunnoc is shown seated holding a long crooked instrument (resembling a
+very large boomerang), and applying it with great care to the surface
+of the bell, or core, which an assistant is rotating on a primitive
+lathe consisting of two trestles and a crooked handle. The space round
+each panel is filled with rows of bells swinging in trefoiled niches.
+
+The number of churches in the larger towns being much greater in
+medieval times than at the present day, and few of these churches being
+content with a single bell, most of the chief towns, and in particular
+those possessing cathedrals or important monasteries, had their
+resident bell-founders. In the case of Exeter, Bishop Peter de Quivil,
+about 1285, assured the proper care of the bells of the cathedral by
+granting a small property in Paignton to Robert le Bellyetere as a
+retaining fee, Robert and his heirs being bound to make or repair,
+when necessary, the bells, organs, and clock of the cathedral, the
+chapter paying all expenses, including the food and drink of the
+workmen, and these obligations were duly fulfilled for at least three
+generations, Robert, son of Walter, son of the original Robert, still
+holding the land on the same terms in 1315.[335] Canterbury was another
+local centre of the trade, and from Canterbury came the founder who in
+1345 cast a couple of bells at Dover, the one weighing 3266 lbs., and
+the other 1078 lbs., for each of which he was paid at the rate of a
+halfpenny the pound.[336] In East Anglia there was an important foundry
+at the monastic town of Bury St. Edmunds, one of the fifteenth-century
+founders using as his trade mark a shield, which is interesting as
+bearing on it not only a bell, but also a cannon with a ball issuing
+from its mouth. Norwich, again, with its seventy churches and its
+cathedral priory, was a busy centre of the industry. One of the later
+Norwich founders, Richard Brasier, seems to have been more skilful
+than straightforward and to have devoted some of his skill to evading
+his obligations. In 1454 the churchwardens of Stansfield bargained
+with him to cast a bell for their church, half payment to be made on
+delivery and the other half at the expiration of a year and a day if
+the bell proved satisfactory, but if it did not he was to cast a new
+bell for them; he, however, taking advantage of their being unlearned
+men caused the latter clause to be omitted from the indenture, and
+when the bell proved unsatisfactory refused to make a fresh one.[337]
+A few years later, in 1468, the parishioners of Mildenhall brought an
+action against him for breach of contract. It had been agreed that the
+great bell of Mildenhall should be brought by the parishioners to 'the
+werkhous' of the said Richard Brasier and weighed by them, and that
+Brasier should then cast from the metal of the old bell a new tenor
+bell in tune with the others then in the church steeple, and should
+warrant it, as was customary, for a year and a day, and if it were not
+satisfactory should at his own expense take it back to Norwich 'to be
+yoten.' They had duly carried the bell to his workshop, but he had not
+cast it; in defence his counsel urged that although they had brought it
+they had not weighed it, and that until they did so he was not bound to
+cast it. On the other side it was argued that the point was frivolous,
+that he could have weighed it himself, and that indeed the indenture
+implied that it was to be weighed and put into the furnace by his men
+in the presence of the men of Mildenhall.[338] A jury was summoned,
+but did not appear, and the case was adjourned.
+
+The suppression of the monasteries, followed by the seizure of Church
+goods, including large numbers of bells, formed the rude termination
+of the medieval period of the industry, and may be symbolised by the
+death of William Corvehill, formerly subprior of Wenlock, 'a good bell
+founder and maker of the frame for bells,' at Wenlock in 1546.[339]
+
+We have seen that a cannon is shown on the shield used as a trade
+mark by a fifteenth-century Suffolk bell-founder, and the casting
+of ORDNANCE may rank with the casting of bells as one of the most
+interesting and important branches of the founder's craft. Cannon seem
+to have been introduced into England at the beginning of the reign of
+Edward III. In 1339 there were in the Guildhall 'six instruments of
+latten called gonnes and five roleres for the same. Also pellets of
+lead weighing 4½ cwt. for the same instruments. Also 32 lbs. of powder
+for the same.'[340] This same year guns are recorded to have been
+used by the English at the siege of Cambrai, and they were also used
+at Creçy in 1346. Two large and nine small 'gunnes' of copper were
+provided for Sheppey Castle in 1365;[341] but whether any of these were
+of native manufacture may be doubted, though a small gun sent over to
+Ireland in 1360 is said to have been bought in London,[342] which does
+not, of course, necessarily imply that it was made there. In 1385,
+however, the sheriff of Cumberland included in his account of repairs
+to the Castle of Carlisle 'costs incurred in making three brass cannons
+which are in the said castle,'[343] and in the same year 'William
+Founder,' as we saw when considering his work as a bell-founder,
+provided twelve guns. Next year the same William Wodeward made no less
+than sixty cannon for Calais.[344] As he was still providing ordnance
+in 1416,[345] we may probably identify him with 'Master William
+Gunmaker,' who made several small cannon in 1411, two of them being of
+iron.[346]
+
+The early cannon were made of bronze of a similar composition to
+that used for bells, and when iron was introduced the cannon of that
+material were made in the form of a tube composed of long iron bars,
+arranged like the staves of a barrel, bound round with iron bands.
+They were all breech-loaders, consisting of two separate parts, the
+barrel and the chamber; the latter being a short cylinder, usually
+detachable, in which the charge of gunpowder was placed, and which was
+then fastened into the base of the barrel by means of a stirrup or
+similar apparatus. Double-barrelled cannon appear to have been fairly
+common, as in 1401 eight single cannon and six double (_duplices_)
+were sent to Dover Castle, and the same numbers to Scotland.[347]
+An inventory of the artillery at Berwick-on-Tweed taken at the same
+time[348] distinguishes between guns 'imbedded in timber bound with
+iron' and 'naked' guns; it also mentions 'two small brass guns on
+wooden sticks, called handgonnes,' an early instance of small arms. The
+same inventory refers to 'quarells for gonnes'; and in the previous
+year Henry Robertes, serjeant, dwelling near the Guildhall, was paid
+£8, 8s. for twenty-four 'quarell gunnes,'[349] these being guns which
+threw quarrels, or bolts similar to those used with crossbows.[350] The
+usual projectiles employed in the larger guns were round stone balls,
+such as had been in use for mangonels and catapults since the days of
+the Romans, and these were supplied from the quarries of Maidstone
+and elsewhere down to the time of Henry VIII. Iron 'gunstones' do not
+seem to have been made much before the end of the fifteenth century,
+and the 'wooden balls for cannon,' of which there were 350 at Dover in
+1387,[351] can hardly have proved successful, but lead was commonly
+employed for the smaller guns from an early date.
+
+London was the chief centre of the manufacture of ordnance, but an
+iron cannon was made at Bristol in 1408,[352] and five years later
+John Stevenes of Bristol was ordered to supervise the making of
+another.[353] In 1408 'a certain great cannon newly invented by the
+king himself' was made;[354] this presumably was 'the great iron cannon
+called Kyngesdoughter,' which, shortly after its birth, was broken at
+the siege of 'Hardelagh.'[355] The 'Kyngesdoughter' was probably made
+at the Tower, as were three other iron cannon at the same time, four
+more being made in Southwark and two smaller ones by Anthony Gunner,
+possibly at Worcester as one of them was tested there and broke during
+the trial; of six bronze cannon made at the same time the largest, the
+'Messager,' weighing 4480 lbs., and two small ones were broken at the
+siege of Aberystwyth. The life of a gun in those days seems to have
+been short, and that of a gunner precarious.[356] In 1496, when the
+government range was at Mile End, 13s. 4d. was given to Blase Ballard,
+gunner, 'towards his leche craft of his hands and face lately hurte at
+Myles ende by fortune shoting of a gunne,'[357] and this is not the
+only hint we have that these weapons were sometimes as dangerous to
+their users as to the enemy.
+
+The Germans and Dutch were particularly expert in the manufacture
+of guns, and we find Matthew de Vlenk 'gonnemaker' in the service of
+Richard II.,[358] while Godfrey Goykyn, one of four 'gunnemeystres'
+from Germany, who were serving Henry V. during the last years of his
+reign,[359] was employed in 1433 to finish off three great iron cannon
+which Walter Thomasson had begun to make.[360] These cannon threw balls
+of fourteen, sixteen, and eighteen inches diameter, respectively,
+so that presumably they were 'bombards' or mortars, and probably
+similar in type to one found in the moat of Bodiam Castle, and now at
+Woolwich;[361] the core of this specimen, which is of 15-inch calibre,
+is of cast-iron, the outer casing being formed of a series of bands
+of wrought iron, and it was probably made in Sussex. It was in this
+county, at Newbridge in Ashdown Forest, that Simon Ballard in 1497 cast
+large quantities of iron shot,[362] those for 'bombardells' weighing
+as much as 225 lbs. each, so that they had to be placed in the guns by
+means of 'shotting cradles':[363] for 'curtows' the shot weighed 77
+lbs., for 'demi-curtows' 39 lbs., for 'great serpentines' 19 lbs., and
+for ordinary 'serpentines' 5 lbs. This same Simon Ballard was enrolled
+amongst the gunners at the time of the Cornish rising under Perkin
+Warbeck.[364] In the same way we find 'Pieter Robard alias Graunte
+Pierre,' ironfounder of Hartfield,[365] described as a 'gonner,' and
+casting 'pellettes' at 6d. a day in 1497.[366] In this same year ten
+'faucons' (small guns which fired balls of about 2 lbs.) were made
+by William Frese,[367] founder, at 10s. the hundredweight, and eight
+faucons of brass were made by William Newport,[368] who was a London
+bell-founder,[369] while John Crowchard repaired an old serpentyne that
+John de Chalowne made and provided '10 claspis for the touche holes of
+diverse gonnes with 5 oliettes and fourteen staples,' weighing 53 lbs.
+at 2d. the pound, and also '7 bandes of yren made for the great gonnes
+mouthes.'[370] Cornelys Arnoldson at the same time was paid for mending
+five great serpentynes and making two new chambers to them, for '5
+forelocks with cheynes to the said gonnes,' for 'handills made to the
+chambres,' and for 'vernysshing and dressing' the guns.[371]
+
+At the beginning of the reign of Henry VIII. large purchases of cannon
+were made abroad, from Hans Popenreuter and Lewis de la Fava of
+Mechlin, from Stephen of St. Iago, from Fortuno de Catalengo, and from
+John Cavalcante of Florence, who also, in return for a grant of alum,
+agreed to import saltpetre to the value of £2400.[372] But the English
+foundries were not idle: Humphrey Walker, a London gunfounder, supplied
+fifty pieces of ordnance, at 12s. the pound, as well as much shot,[373]
+while Cornelys Johnson 'gonnemaker,' made and repaired ordnance for the
+navy.[374] John Atkynson, another founder, in 1514 was paid 2s. 'for 8
+lodes of clay to make molds for a great gun chamber' and a further 8d.
+for 5 lbs. of hair 'to temper the clay withall'; he was also supplied
+with latten and iron wire, and John Dowson made certain iron work,
+including 'a rounde plate for the bottom of the chambre, in length
+4½ feet, with 10 rounde hookes; a rounde plate with a crosse for the
+mouthe of the chambre; 36 bandes of 4 foot in length for to wrapp the
+chambre in; ... 6 pynnes of hardyron, 2 hokes, a stamme, a quespile,'
+etc.[375]
+
+The medieval period of gunfounding came to an end with the discovery,
+about 1543, of a method of casting iron cannon in the entire piece—then
+boring them. This discovery is usually attributed to Ralph Hogge of
+Buxted and Peter Baude, his French assistant, and resulted in the
+ironmaking districts of the Weald of Sussex and Kent becoming the chief
+centre of the manufacture of ordnance.[376]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+POTTERY—TILES, BRICKS
+
+
+The manufacture of earthen vessels was one of the earliest, as it
+was one of the most widespread industries. From the end of the Stone
+Age onwards wherever suitable clay was to be found, the potter plied
+his trade. The Romans, who had brought the art of potting to a high
+pitch of excellence, introduced improved methods into Britain, where
+numerous remains of kilns and innumerable fragments of pottery testify
+to the industry and the individuality of the Romano-British potters.
+Several quite distinct types of pottery have been identified and are
+assignable to definite localities. Great quantities of black and grey
+wares, consisting of articles of common domestic use, ornamented for
+the most part only with broad bands of darker or lighter shading, were
+made in Kent near the Medway, the finer specimens being associated
+with Upchurch. From the potteries in the New Forest[377] came vases of
+greater ornamental and artistic execution, but it was the neighbourhood
+of Castor in Northamptonshire that occupied in Roman times the place
+held in recent times by Staffordshire. Round Castor numbers of
+kilns have been found,[378] and the peculiar dark ware, with its
+self-coloured slip decoration, occurs all over England, and also on the
+Continent.
+
+Romano-British kilns have been found in a great number of places,
+some of the best preserved being at Castor,[379] in London,[380]
+at Colchester,[381] Radlett (Herts.),[382] and Shepton Mallet
+(Somerset).[383] Speaking generally they consisted of a circular pit,
+about 4 to 6 feet in diameter, dug out to a depth of about 4 feet:
+in this was a flat clay floor raised some 2 feet from the bottom of
+the pit by a central pedestal. Into the space between this floor, or
+table, and the bottom of the pit came the hot air and smoke from a
+small furnace built at one side of the pit, or kiln proper. On the clay
+table, which was pierced with holes for the passage of the heat and
+smoke, were ranged the clay vessels to be baked, and these were built
+up in layers of diminishing diameter into a domed or conical structure,
+the layers being separated by grass covered with clay, the whole was
+then covered in with clay, leaving only an aperture in the centre at
+the top,[384] and the furnace lighted.
+
+The early medieval kilns appear to have been very similar in
+construction to those just described, or of even simpler construction.
+If we may take literally the statement that a potter at Skipton paid
+6s. 8d. in 1323 'for dead wood and undergrowth to burn round his
+pots'[385] it would seem that here a primitive combination of furnace
+and kiln in one was in use. At a later date the usual construction was
+probably something similar to those found at Ringmer, in Sussex,[386]
+which seem to belong to the fifteenth century. Here the kilns were
+built of bricks or blocks of clay cemented by a sandy loam which
+vitrified under the influence of the heat to which it was subjected.
+The beds of the kilns enclosed longitudinal passages covered in with
+narrow arches, the spaces between which served to transmit the hot air
+to the superimposed clay vessels. The hearths were charged through
+arched openings at their ends with charcoal fuel.
+
+To render the pottery non-porous, it was necessary to glaze it,[387]
+and from an early period lead has been used for this purpose. A
+twelfth-century description of the process says[388] that the surface
+of the vase is first to be moistened with water in which flour has been
+boiled, and then powdered with lead: it is then placed inside a larger
+vessel and baked at a gentle heat. This process gives a yellow glaze,
+but if green is required—and green was the colour most often used in
+England in the medieval period—copper or bronze was to be added to the
+lead. The same authority gives a recipe for a leadless glaze: baked
+potter's earth is powdered and washed and then mixed with half its
+weight of unbaked earth, containing no sand; this is then worked up
+with oil and painted over the surface of the vase.
+
+Potters are mentioned at Bladon (Oxon.), Hasfield (Gloucs.), and
+Westbury (Wilts.), in Domesday,[389] but apart from casual references
+in place names[390] and in descriptions of individuals[391] the
+documentary history of early English pottery is scanty. Kingston on
+Thames may have been an early centre of the trade, as in 1260 the
+bailiffs of that town were ordered to send a thousand pitchers to the
+king's butler at Westminster.[392] At Graffham, in Sussex, in 1341, one
+of the sources of the vicar's income was 'a composition from the men
+who made clay pots, which is worth 12d.,'[393] but the most common form
+of entry is a record of sums paid by potters for leave to dig clay.
+Thus at Cowick in Yorkshire,[394] in 1374, as much as £4, 16s. was
+'received from potters making earthen vessels, for clay and sand taken
+in the moor of Cowick.' Similar entries occur here every year for about
+a century, while at Ringmer, in Sussex, small dues of 9d. a head were
+paid yearly by some half a dozen potters for a period of well over two
+hundred years.[395] Still earlier, in 1283, a rent of 36s. 8d., called
+'Potteresgavel,' was paid to the lord of the manor of Midhurst.[396]
+
+The type of pottery produced does not seem to have varied to any great
+extent in the different districts.[397] At Lincoln it seems to have
+been the custom to decorate some of the vessels by means of stamps:
+some of these stamps, in the form of heads, may be seen in the British
+Museum. But the use of stamps for decorating pottery is found also at
+Hastings. One distinctive variety of earthenware, however, arose about
+the beginning of the sixteenth century: it is a thin hard pottery, dark
+brown in colour, well glazed, and usually decorated with elaborate
+patterns in white slip. From its being found in large quantities in the
+Cistercian abbeys of Yorkshire—Kirkstall, Jervaulx, and Fountains—it
+has received the name of 'Cistercian ware,' but there is at present no
+direct evidence of its place of manufacture.[398]
+
+Closely connected with pottery is the manufacture of TILES, the
+material being in each case clay, and the kilns used being practically
+identical. At what period the manufacture of tiles, which had ceased
+with the Roman occupation, was resumed in England is not certain, but
+from the beginning of the thirteenth century they play an increasing
+part in the records of building operations. The frequency and
+devastating effect of fires, where thatched roofs were in use, soon
+led to the use of tiles for roofing purposes in towns even when the
+authorities did not make their use compulsory, as was done in London
+in 1212, and at a much later date, in 1509, at Norwich.[399] The
+importance, for the safety of the town, of having a large supply of
+tiles accessible at a low price was recognised, and in 1350, after the
+Black Death had sent the prices of labour and of manufactured goods
+up very high, the City Council of London fixed the maximum price of
+tiles at 5s. the thousand,[400] and in 1362, when a great tempest had
+unroofed numbers of houses and created a great demand for tiles, they
+ordered that the price of tiles should not be raised, and that the
+manufacturers should continue to make tiles as usual and expose them
+for sale, not keeping them back to enhance the price.[401] It was
+probably the same appreciation of the public advantage that led the
+authorities at Worcester in the fifteenth century to forbid the tilers
+to form any gild, or trade union, to restrain strangers from working in
+the city, or to fix a rate of wages.[402]
+
+The Worcester regulations also ordered that all tiles should be marked
+with the maker's sign, so that any defects in size or quality could
+be traced to the party responsible. Earlier in the same century, in
+1425, there had been many complaints at Colchester of the lack of
+uniformity in the size of the tiles made there,[403] and at last it
+became necessary in 1477 to pass an Act of Parliament to regulate the
+manufacture.[404] By this Act it was provided that the clay to be used
+should be dug, or cast, by 1st November, that it should be stirred and
+turned before the beginning of February, and not made into tiles before
+March, so as to ensure its being properly seasoned. Care was to be
+taken to avoid any admixture of chalk or marl or stones. The standard
+for plain tiles should be 10½ inches by 6¼ inches with a thickness of
+at least ⅝ inch; ridge tiles or crests should be 13½ inches by 6¼, and
+gutter tiles 10½ inches long, and of sufficient thickness and depth.
+Searchers were to be appointed and paid a penny on every thousand
+plain tiles, a half-penny on every hundred crests, and a farthing
+for every hundred corner and gutter tiles examined. Infringement of
+the regulation entailed fines of 5s. the thousand plain, 6s. 8d. the
+hundred crest, and 2s. the hundred corner or gutter tiles sold. 'The
+size of the tiles is probably a declaration of the custom, the fine
+is the price at which each kind was ordinarily sold in the fifteenth
+century.'[405]
+
+These regulations throw a certain amount of light upon the processes
+employed in tile-making, and further details are obtainable from the
+series of accounts relating to the great tileworks in the Kentish manor
+of Wye,[406] extending from 1330 to 1380. In 1355 the output of ten
+kilns (_furni_) was 98,500 plain, or flat, tiles, 500 'festeux'[407]
+(either ridge or gutter tiles), and 1000 'corners.' The digging of the
+clay and burning of the kilns was contracted for at 11s. the kiln,
+a thousand faggots were bought for fuel[408] at a cost of 45s., and
+another 10s. was spent on carriage of the clay and faggots. The total
+expenses were therefore £8, 5s., and as plain tiles sold here for 2s.
+6d. the thousand, festeux at three farthings each, and corners at 1s.
+8d. the hundred, the value of the output was about £14, 15s. In 1370,
+when thirteen kilns belonging to two tileries turned out 168,000 plain
+tiles, 650 festeux, and 900 corners, we have a more elaborate account.
+Wood was cut at the rate of 15d. for each kiln; clay for the six kilns
+of one tilery was 'cast' at 14d. the kiln and 'tempered' at the rate
+of 1s. 6d., but for the seven kilns of the other tilery payment was
+made in grain. The clay was carried to the six kilns for 4s., and
+prepared[409] for moulding into tiles for 7s.; the actual making and
+burning[410] of the tiles was paid for at 14s. the kiln, and an extra
+12d. were given as gratuities to the tilers. Next year the output was
+considerably reduced, because in one tilery 'the upper course of the
+kilns (_cursus furni_) did not bake the tiles fully, nor will it bake
+them until extensive repairs are done,' and in the other tilery only
+four kilns were prepared, and one of these had to be left unburnt
+until the next year, owing to the lack of workmen. It was possibly for
+the defective kiln just mentioned that a 'new vault' was made in 1373
+at a cost of 6s. 8d.—with a further 8d. for obtaining loam (_limo_)
+for the work. Two years later repairs were done to the buildings of a
+tilery, which had been blown down by the wind. But the chief blow was
+struck to the industry here by the increasing difficulty of obtaining
+workmen. The work may have been unhealthy, for it is noteworthy that
+the Ringmer potters were on more than one occasion wiped out by
+pestilence:[411] the effects of the Black Death in 1350 on the Wye
+tilers are not recorded, but in 1366 as a result, apparently, of the
+second pestilence two small tileries, one of three roods, and the other
+of 1½ acres, which had been leased for 7d. and 14d. respectively, lost
+their tenants, and in 1375 mention is made of the scarcity of workmen,
+'who died in the pestilence at the time of tile making.' In 1377 Peter
+at Gate,[412] who for the past few years had hired a number of kilns
+at 20s. a piece, only answered for four kilns 'on account of hindrance
+to the workmen, who had been assigned to guard the sea coast, and on
+account of the great quantity of rain in the autumn, which did not
+allow him to burn more kilns.' In the same year, and also two years
+later, another tilery was unworked for lack of labour.
+
+The tileries at Wye belonged to the Abbot of Battle, and there were
+tile kilns at Battle itself in the sixteenth century,[413] and probably
+much earlier, as in the adjoining parish of Ashburnham in 1362,
+there was a 'building called a Tylehous for baking (_siccandis_)
+tiles.'[414] Just about the same time, in 1363, we find 'a piece of
+land called Teghelerehelde' in Hackington,[415] close to Canterbury,
+granted to Christian Belsire, in whose family it remained for over
+a century, as in 1465 William Belsyre leased to John Appys and
+Edmund Helere of Canterbury 'a tyleoste with a workhouse' lying
+at Tylernehelde in Hackington for two years for a rent of 26s.
+8d.[416] With the 'tyleoste' William Belsyre handed over 15,000 'tyle
+standardes'—worth 18d. the thousand, eighty 'palette bordes and three
+long bordys for the kelle walles.'[417] Various building accounts
+show that there were extensive tileries at Smithfield; for Guildford
+Castle the tiles came from Shalford, and for Windsor chiefly from 'la
+Penne.' In the north tiles were made before the end of the thirteenth
+century at Hull, amongst other places, but one of the chief centres
+was Beverley. About 1385 the monks of Meaux complained that 'certain
+workmen of Beverley who were called tilers, makers and burners of the
+slabs (_laterum_) with which many houses in Beverley and elsewhere are
+covered,' had trespassed on the abbey's lands at Waghen and Sutton,
+taking away clay between the banks and the stream of the river Hull
+without leave, to convert into tiles. The monks seized their tools,
+their oars, and finally one of their boats, but the Provost of
+Beverley, on whose fee the tileries were, supported the tilers in their
+claim to dig clay in any place covered by the waters of the Hull at its
+highest.[418] Some thirty years earlier, in 1359, the list of customary
+town dues at Beverley included 'from every tiler's furnace fired
+½d.,'[419] and in 1370 Thomas Whyt, tiler, took a lease of the tilery
+of Aldebek from the town authorities for four years, at a rent of 6000
+tiles.[420]
+
+So far we have been dealing with roofing tiles, or 'thakketyles,' but
+from the middle of the fourteenth century onwards with increasing
+frequency, we find mention of 'waltyles' or bricks. For building
+a new chamber at Ely in 1335 some 18,000 wall tiles (_tegularum
+muralium_) were made at a cost of 12d. the thousand.[421] They seem
+to have been introduced from Flanders, and are frequently called
+'Flaundrestiell,'[422] as, for instance, in 1357, when a thousand were
+bought for a fireplace at Westminster at 3s. 2d.[423] At Beverley, in
+1391, three persons acquired from the gild of St. John the right to
+take earth at Groval Dyke, paying yearly therefor 3000 'waltyles,'[424]
+and in 1440 Robert Collard, tile-maker, took 'le Grovaldyke on the west
+side of le demmyng' at a rent of 1000 'waltyl.'[425] It was probably
+more particularly with regard to brick kilns than to ordinary tile
+kilns that the regulations drawn up in 1461[426] ordered that, 'on
+account of the stench, fouling the air and destruction of fruit trees,
+no one is to make a kiln to burn tile nearer the town than the kilns
+now are, under penalty of a fine of 100s.' The term 'brick' does not
+seem to have come into common use much before 1450, about which time
+the use of the material became general.
+
+In addition to roof tiles and wall tiles, there were floor tiles.
+References to these occur in many building accounts. At Windsor, in
+1368, 'paven-tyll' cost 4s. the thousand, and a large variety 2s.
+the hundred, while plain roof tiles were 2s. 6d. the thousand.[427]
+These were probably plain red tiles, but at Westminster in 1278 we
+have mention of the purchase of 'a quarter and a half of yellow tiles'
+for 7d.[428] Tiles with a plain yellow or green glazed surface are
+of common occurrence in medieval buildings, and in many churches and
+monastic ruins pavements of inlaid, so-called 'encaustic,' tiles remain
+more or less complete.[429] In the case of these inlaid tiles the
+pattern was impressed or incised before baking, and then filled in with
+white slip, the whole being usually glazed. Some of the patterns thus
+produced were of great beauty and elaboration, and it would seem that
+they were often designed, if not actually made, by members of monastic
+houses. The finest known series are those discovered at Chertsey Abbey,
+and it is possible that the remarkable examples in the chapter-house
+of Westminster Abbey,[430] which date from _c._ 1255, are by the same
+artist. In the case of the Abbey of Dale in Derbyshire,[431] and the
+priories of Repton and Malvern,[432] the kilns used for making these
+inlaid tiles have been discovered, and similar kilns, not associated,
+so far as is known, with any religious establishment, have also been
+found at Hastings.[433] The manufacture of these inlaid tiles in
+England gradually died out towards the end of the fifteenth century,
+and has only been revived in recent years.
+
+It is curious that although there is abundant circumstantial evidence
+of GLASSMAKING in England, during the medieval period, direct
+records of the manufacture are extremely scarce, and practically
+confined to a single district. From the early years of the thirteenth
+century, Chiddingfold and the neighbouring villages on the borders
+of Surrey and Sussex were turning out large quantities of glass.
+Laurence 'Vitrarius' (the glassman) occurs as a landed proprietor in
+Chiddingfold about 1225, and some fifty years later there is a casual
+reference to 'le Ovenhusfeld,' presumably the field in which was the
+oven or furnace house, of which the remains were uncovered some years
+since.[434] It is possible that in the case of glassmaking, as in
+the case of many other industries, improvements were introduced from
+abroad, for in 1352 we find John de Alemaygne[435] of Chiddingfold
+supplying large quantities of glass for St. Stephen's Chapel,
+Westminster.[436] In one batch he sent up three hundred and three weys
+(_pondera_) of glass, the wey being 5 lbs., and the hundred consisting
+of twenty-four weys, being, that is to say, the 'long hundred' of 120
+lbs. A little later he sent thirty-six weys, and soon after another
+sixty weys were bought at Chiddingfold, probably from the same maker.
+The price in each case was 6d. the wey, or 12s. the hundred, to which
+had to be added about 1d. the wey for carriage from the Weald to
+Westminster. In January 1355-6 four hundreds of glass were bought from
+the same maker for the windows of St. George's Chapel, Windsor, at 13s.
+4d. the hundred.[437]
+
+Towards the end of the fourteenth century the family of Sherterre, or
+Shorter, became prominent in the Chiddingfold district,[438] and on the
+death of John Sherterre in 1380 his widow engaged John Glasewryth, of
+Staffordshire, to work the glass-house for six years, receiving 20d.
+for every sheaf (_sheu_)[439] of 'brodeglass' (_i.e._ window glass),
+and 6d. for every hundred of glass vessels made. This is interesting as
+showing that glass vessels were made here; the evidence of inventories,
+however, seems to show that glass was as a whole very little used for
+table purposes, though a few pieces of the beautiful Italian glassware
+might be found in the houses of the wealthy. The family of Shorter were
+succeeded by the Ropleys, and they in turn by the Peytos, who carried
+on the trade during the whole of the sixteenth century, and as late as
+1614, thus well overlapping the modern period of glassmaking, which
+began with the coming of the _gentilshommes verriers_ from France early
+in the reign of Elizabeth.[440]
+
+Glass must have been made in many other districts where fuel and sand,
+the chief requisites for the manufacture, were plentiful, but it is
+difficult to identify any sites of the industry. In 1352 John Geddyng,
+glazier, was sent into Kent and Essex to get glass for St. Stephen's,
+Westminster,[441] but where he went and whether he was successful, is
+not known. 'English glass' is found in use at Durham in 1397,[442] and
+at York in 1471.[443] For York Minster sixteen sheets (_tabulae_) of
+English glass were bought from Edmund Bordale of Bramley buttes for
+14s. 8d. in 1478,[444] and at an earlier date, in 1418, we find three
+seams, three weys of white glass bought from John Glasman of Ruglay
+(Rugeley) at 20s. the seam of twenty-four weys,[445] but whether these
+men were glass makers, or merely glass merchants, cannot be determined.
+That the industry, so far at least as real stained glass is concerned,
+was not flourishing in England in the fifteenth century is shown by the
+fact that Henry VI., in 1449, brought over from Flanders John Utynam to
+make glass of all colours for Eton College and the College of St. Mary
+and St. Nicholas (_i.e._ King's) Cambridge. He was empowered to obtain
+workmen and materials at the King's cost, and full protection was
+granted to him and his family. He was also allowed to sell such glass
+as he made at his own expense, and 'because the said art has never
+been used in England, and the said John is to instruct divers in many
+other arts never used in the realm,' the King granted him a monopoly,
+no one else being allowed to use such arts for twenty years without his
+licence under a penalty of £200.[446] Most glass of which we have any
+account was bought through the glaziers of the larger towns; but to
+what extent they made their own glass we cannot say. A certain amount,
+especially of coloured glass, was imported, and the York accounts
+show 'glass of various colours' bought in 1457 from Peter Faudkent,
+'Dochman' (_i.e._ German), at Hull,[447] 'Rennysshe' glass bought in
+1530, Burgundy glass in 1536, and Normandy glass in 1537,[448] while
+in 1447 we find the executors of the Earl of Warwick stipulating
+that no English glass should be used in the windows of his chapel at
+Warwick.[449]
+
+To any one who knows the beauty of English stained glass this
+stipulation may seem strange, but it must be borne in mind that our
+cathedral windows derive their glories not from the maker, but from the
+painter, and that the glass is but the medium carrying the designs of
+the artist. English glass as a rule, prior at any rate to the fifteenth
+century, was white and received its decoration after it had left the
+glass-house. The process may be gathered from the account of St.
+Stephen's in 1352. Here we find John of Chester and five other master
+glaziers employed at a shilling a day drawing designs for the windows
+on 'white tables,' presumably flat wooden tablets, which were washed
+with ale,[450] which served no doubt as a size or medium to prevent the
+colours running. About a dozen glaziers were employed at 7d. a day to
+paint the glass, and some fifteen, at 6d. a day, to cut or break the
+glass and join it,[451] which they apparently did by placing it over
+the painted designs, this being presumably done before it was painted.
+The glass thus cut into convenient shapes was held in place over the
+design by 'clozyngnailles,' and when it had been painted was joined
+up with leads, lard or grease being used to fill the joints. For the
+painting silver foil, gum arabick, jet (_geet_), and 'arnement' (a kind
+of ink) were provided.[452] Possibly the stronger colours were supplied
+by the use of pieces of stained glass, as purchases were made of ruby,
+azure, and sapphire glass.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+CLOTHMAKING
+
+
+Important as was the wool trade, for centuries the main source of
+England's wealth, its history, pertaining to the realms of commerce
+rather than of industry, does not concern us here, and we may ignore
+the raw material to deal with the manufactured article. To treat at
+all adequately the vast and complicated history of clothmaking would
+require a volume as large as this book, even if the line be drawn at
+the introduction of the New Draperies by Protestant refugees in the
+time of Elizabeth, and all that is possible here is briefly to outline
+that history.
+
+The weaving of cloth is of prehistoric antiquity, implements employed
+therein having been found in numbers in the ancient lake-village of
+Glastonbury, and on other earlier sites, but documentary evidence
+may be said to begin with the twelfth century. By the middle of that
+century the industry had so far developed in certain centres that
+the weavers of London, Winchester, Lincoln, Oxford, Huntingdon, and
+Nottingham, and the fullers of Winchester, had formed themselves
+into gilds, which were sufficiently wealthy to pay from 40s. to £12
+yearly to the king for various privileges which practically amounted
+to the monopoly of cloth-working in their several districts.[453]
+If these were the principal they were by no means the only centres
+of the industry. Stamford,[454] on the borders of Lincolnshire and
+Northants., was another; and Gloucester,[455] while dyers are found at
+Worcester[456] in 1173, and at Darlington[457] ten years later.
+
+To the twelfth century also belong the remarkable 'laws of the weavers
+and fullers' of Winchester, Marlborough, Oxford, and Beverley.[458]
+These, which all closely resemble one another, and were either based
+upon, or intimately related to the regulations in force in London, show
+the clothworkers in a state of subjection for which it is difficult to
+account. Briefly summarised, they lay down that no weaver or fuller
+may traffic in cloth or sell it to any one except to the merchants of
+the town, and that if any became prosperous and wished to become a
+freeman of the town, he must first abandon his trade and get rid of all
+the implements connected with it, and then satisfy the town officials
+of his ability to keep up his new position without working at his
+old trade. But the most singular provision, found in all these laws,
+was that no fuller or weaver could attaint or bear witness against a
+'free man.' Here it is clear that 'free man' is used not as opposed
+to a villein,[459] but as implying one possessing the full franchise
+of his town, in other words, a member of the governing merchant gild,
+or equivalent body. Probably the English cloth trade, which was very
+extensive during the twelfth century, was entirely in the hands of the
+capitalist merchant clothiers, at any rate so far as the great towns
+here in question were concerned, and they had combined to prevent
+members of the handicraft gilds of clothworkers from obtaining access
+to the merchant gilds. As the charter granted to the London weavers by
+Henry II. early in his reign confirms to them the rights and privileges
+which they had in the time of Henry I., and orders that no one shall
+dare to do them any injury or despite,[460] it may be suggested that
+these restrictive regulations were drawn up in the time of Stephen. For
+the date at which they were collected, evidently as precedents for use
+in London, we may hazard 1202, in which year the citizens of London
+paid sixty marks to King John to abolish the weavers' gilds.[461]
+
+It is curious that most modern writers assume the English cloth trade
+to have practically started with the introduction of Flemish weavers
+by Edward III. It is constantly asserted[462] that prior to this the
+cloth made in England was of a very poor quality and entirely for home
+consumption. Both statements are incorrect. A very large proportion
+of the native cloth was certainly coarse 'burel,' such as that of
+which 2000 ells were bought at Winchester in 1172 for the soldiers
+in Ireland,[463] or the still coarser and cheaper Cornish burels
+which were distributed to the poor by the royal almoner about this
+time.[464] At the other end of the scale were the scarlet cloths for
+which Lincoln and Stamford early attained fame. Scarlet cloth, dyed if
+not actually made on the spot, was bought in Lincoln for the king in
+1182 at the prodigious price of 6s. 8d. the ell, about £7 in modern
+money. At the same time 'blanket' cloth and green say cost 3s. the
+ell, and grey say 1s. 8d.[465] Thirty years later the importance of
+the trade is indicated by the inclusion in Magna Carta of a section
+fixing the breadth of 'dyed cloths, russets, and halbergetts' at two
+ells 'within the lists.'[466] Infringements of the 'assize of cloth'
+were of constant occurrence, and were amongst the matters inquired
+into by the justices holding 'pleas of the Crown'; for instance, in
+Kent, in 1226, some thirty merchants and clothiers are presented as
+offenders in this respect,[467] Henry III. at the beginning of his
+reign, in May 1218, had ordered that any cloths of less than two ells
+breadth exposed for sale should be forfeited,[468] but this order was
+not to take effect before Christmas so far as burels made by the men
+of London, Marlborough, and Bedwin (Wilts.) were concerned, and in
+1225 the citizens of London were exempted from keeping the assize,
+provided their burels were not made narrower than they used to be.[469]
+In 1246 the sheriff of London was ordered to buy one thousand ells of
+cheap burel to give to the poor;[470] and in 1250 we find the king
+discharging an outstanding bill of £155 due to a number of London
+burellers, whose names are recorded;[471] amongst them was one Gerard
+le Flemeng, but otherwise they appear to have been native workmen. The
+burellers seem to have already separated off from the weavers, and had
+certainly done so some time before 1300, at which date disputes between
+the two classes of clothmakers were common.[472]
+
+Apart from the burels, which were probably very similar wherever made,
+the cloths made at different centres usually possessed distinctive
+characteristics. In the list of customs paid at Venice on imported
+goods in 1265,[473] we find mention of 'English Stamfords,' 'dyed
+Stamfords,' and of 'Milanese Stamfords of Monza,' showing that
+this particular class of English cloth was sufficiently good to
+be copied abroad. It is rather a noticeable feature of the cloth
+trade that so many of the trade terms were taken from the names of
+the places in which the particular wares originated. A prominent
+instance of this occurs in the case of 'chalons,' which derived
+their name from Chalons-sur-Marne, but were made in England from an
+early date. 'Chalons of Guildford' were bought for the king's use at
+Winchester Fair in 1252.[474] Winchester itself was an early centre
+of the manufacture of chalons, which were rugs used for coverlets
+or counterpanes, and in the consuetudinary of the city,[475] which
+dates back at least to the early years of the thirteenth century, the
+looms are divided into two classes, the 'great looms' used for burel
+weaving paying 5s. a year, and the 'little looms' for chalons paying
+6d. or 12d., according to their size. The chalons were to be of fixed
+dimensions, those 4 ells long being 2 yards in breadth (_devant li
+tapener_), those of 3½ yards 1¾ yards wide, and those of 3 ells long
+1½ ells wide. Coverlets formed also an important branch of the Norfolk
+worsted[476] industry; in this case the ancient measurements were said
+in 1327 to have been 6 ells by 5, 5 by 4, or 4 by 3.[477] At a later
+date, in 1442, we find worsted 'beddes' of much greater dimensions, the
+three 'assizes' being 14 yards by 4, 12 by 3, or 10 by 2½,[478] but
+presumably these were complete sets of coverlet, tester and curtains,
+such as those of which a number are valued at from 6s. 8d. to 20s.
+a piece in the inventory of the goods of the late King Henry V. in
+1423.[479] Besides bedclothes the worsted weavers made piece cloth,
+and amongst the exports from Boston in 1302 figure worsted cloths and
+worsted seys.[480] Boston, as we might expect from its nearness to
+Lincoln, exported a good deal of scarlet cloth, while the amount of
+'English cloth' sent out is proof of a demand for this material abroad:
+a ship from Lubeck took 'English cloth' worth £250 for one merchant,
+Tideman de Lippe, and two other ships carried cargoes of the same
+material worth more than £200. 'Beverley cloths' are also represented
+amongst these exports, and coloured cloths of Lincoln and Beverley
+are found about this time at Ipswich paying the same tolls as foreign
+cloths.[481] At Ipswich also cloths of Cogsall, Maldon, Colchester,
+and Sudbury are mentioned as typical 'clothes of Ynglond' exported[482]
+and are classified as 'of doubele warke that men clepeth tomannyshete,'
+and a smaller kind 'of longe webbe that they call omannesete,'[483] or
+'oon mannys hete.' The origin of these terms appears to be unknown, but
+as these were probably the narrow cloths afterwards known as 'Essex
+straits,' there was possibly some connection with the narrow 'Osetes'
+of Bristol.[484]
+
+So far as London is concerned, the skill of the weavers at the end
+of the thirteenth century is shown by the variety of types of cloth
+which are referred to in the regulations of 1300.[485] Here we find
+mention of cloths called andly, porreye, menuet, virli, lumbard,
+marbled ground with vetch-blossom, hawes, bissets, etc. But it would
+seem that the English cloth makers failed to keep pace[486] with their
+Continental rivals, and instead of improving the quality of their
+goods endeavoured to keep up prices by restricting their output.[487]
+Edward III., seeing the need for new blood, took measures to attract
+foreign clothworkers[488] to England, and at the same time, in 1337,
+absolutely prohibited the use or importation of foreign cloth.[489] In
+order to stimulate the output he even withdrew all restrictions as to
+measures, and licensed the making of cloths of any length and breadth;
+but this excess of freedom soon proved unworkable. The newcomers were
+not very popular with the native weavers, and in 1340 the king had to
+send orders to the Mayor of Bristol to cease from interfering with
+Thomas Blanket and others who had set up machines for making cloth, and
+had brought over workmen.[490] The vexation against which Blanket had
+appealed seems to have been the regulation that every new weaving loom
+was to pay 5s. 1d. to the Mayor, and 40d. to the aldermen; this rule
+was confirmed in 1346, but annulled in 1355.[491]
+
+Before dealing with the various ordinances by which the manufacture
+of cloth was controlled, it may be as well to consider the processes
+through which the wool passed before it reached the market, for
+
+    'Cloth that cometh from the weaving is not comely to wear
+    Till it be fulled under foot or in fulling stocks;
+    Washen well with water, and with teasels cratched,
+    Towked and teynted and under tailor's hands.'[492]
+
+Having dropped into verse, we may perhaps continue in that medium, and
+set out the various stages of the manufacture in a poem,[493] written
+in 1641, but equally applicable to earlier times:—
+
+ '1. First the Parter, that doth neatly cull
+      The finer from the courser sort of wool.[494]
+  2.  The Dyer then in order next doth stand,
+      With sweating brow and a laborious hand.
+  3.  With oil they then asperge it, which being done,
+  4.  The careful hand of Mixers round it runne.
+  5.  The Stockcarder his arms doth hard imploy
+      (Remembring Friday is our Market day).
+  6.  The Knee-carder doth (without controule)
+      Quickly convert it to a lesser roule.
+  7.  Which done, the Spinster doth in hand it take
+      And of two hundred roules one threed doth make.
+  8.  The Weaver next doth warp and weave the chain,
+      Whilst Puss his cat stands mewing for a skaine;
+      But he, laborious with his hands and heeles,
+      Forgets his Cat and cries, Come boy with queles.[495]
+  9.  Being fill'd, the Brayer doth it mundifie
+      From oyle and dirt that in the same doth lie,
+  10. The Burler[496] then (yea, thousands in this place)
+      The thick-set weed with nimble hand doth chase.
+  11. The Fuller then close by his stock doth stand,
+      And will not once shake Morpheus by the hand.
+  12. The Rower next his armes lifts up on high,
+  13. And near him sings the Shearman merrily.
+  14. The Drawer last, that many faults doth hide
+      (Whom merchant nor the weaver can abide)
+      Yet is he one in most clothes stops more holes
+      Than there be stairs to the top of Paul's.'
+
+The first process, then, was the sorting of the wool. The better
+quality was used for the ordinary cloths, and the worst was made up
+into coarse cloth known as cogware and Kendal cloth, three-quarters
+of a yard broad, and worth from 40d. to 5s. the piece.[497] The term
+cogware seems to have sprung from its being sold to cogmen, the crews
+of the ships called cogs; but whether for their own use, or for export
+is not quite clear. The alternative name of Kendal cloths was derived
+from the district of Kendal in Westmoreland, a seat of the industry, at
+least as early as 1256.[498] The mixing of different qualities of wool
+in one cloth was prohibited; and as it was forbidden to mix English
+wool with Spanish,[499] so was the use of flocks, or refuse wool, in
+ordinary cloth,[500] except in the case of the cloth of Devonshire, in
+which, owing to the coarseness of the wool, an admixture of flock was
+necessary.[501]
+
+In dyeing two mediums are required, the colouring matter and the
+mordant which fixes the dye in the wool. The mordant most in use in
+the Middle Ages was alum,[502] and at Bristol in 1346 we find that
+only 'Spyralym, Glasalym, and Bokkan' might be used and that any one
+using 'Bitterwos' or 'Alym de Wyght,' which must have derived its name
+from the Isle of Wight, or even found with any in his possession, was
+liable to be fined.[503] Far the commonest dye-stuff was the blue
+woad, of which enormous quantities were used. The plant (_Isatis
+tinctoria_) from which this was prepared is indigenous (the ancient
+Britons, indeed, wore the dye without the intervention of cloth), but
+practically all the woad used commercially in England was imported,
+Southampton being one of the great centres of the trade.[504] In 1286
+the authorities at Norwich came to an agreement with the woad merchants
+of Amiens and Corby as to the size of the packages in which woad and
+weld, a yellow dye in much demand, might be sold,[505] and at Bristol
+some sixty years later elaborate regulations were drawn up for the
+preparation of the woad, of which two varieties are mentioned, that of
+Picardy and that of Toulouse.[506] The woad was imported in casks in
+the form of dry balls; these had to be broken up small, moistened with
+water, and then heaped up to ferment; after a few days the top layer
+became so hot that it could hardly be touched with the hand; the heap
+was then turned over to bring the bottom to the top, and left till this
+in turn had fermented; a third turn usually sufficed to complete the
+process.[507] In Bristol special 'porters' were appointed to undertake
+and supervise this seasoning and the subsequent storing of the woad,
+and a further regulation compelled the merchant to sell his woad within
+forty days after it had been stored and assayed.[508] The setting of
+the woad, that is to say its conversion into dye, was also an art in
+itself, and it would seem that in Bristol it was the custom for dyers
+to go to the houses of their customers and prepare the woad-vats.
+Through undertaking more jobs than they could properly attend to,
+much woad was spoilt, and in 1360 they were forbidden to take charge
+of more than one lot of dye at one time.[509] Further abuses arose
+through the ignorance and incapacity of many of the itinerant dyers,
+and in 1407 it was enacted that only those dyers who held a certificate
+of competency should ply their trade in the town.[510] At Coventry,
+another great centre of the trade, complaints were made in 1415 that
+the dyers had not only raised their prices, charging 6s. 8d. instead
+of 5s. for a cloth, 30s. instead of 20s. for 60 lbs. of wool, and 6s.
+instead of 4s. for 12 lbs. of the thread for which the town was famous,
+but were in the habit of taking the best part (_la floure_) of the woad
+and madder for their own cloths, and using only the weaker portion
+for their customers' cloths. A petition was therefore made that two
+drapers, a woader and a dyer, should be elected annually to supervise
+the trade.[511] Some fifty years later we have at Coventry a notice of
+what appears to have been a medieval instance of a quarrel between a
+'trade union,' the Dyers Company, and 'blackleg' firms.[512] Thomas de
+Fenby and ten other dyers of Coventry complained against John Egynton
+and William Warde that they had assembled the members of their trade
+and had compelled them to swear to various things contrary to the law
+and their conscience, as that no one should buy any woad until it had
+been viewed and appraised by six men chosen for the purpose by the
+said Egynton and Warde, and that no dyer should make any scarlet dye
+(_grene_) at less than 6s. (the vat?), or put any cloth into woad for
+less than 4d. or 5d. Warde and Egynton had also adopted the medieval
+form of picketing, by hiring Welshmen and Irishmen to waylay and kill
+the complainants on their way to neighbouring markets.
+
+A list of cloths made in York in 1395-6[513] gives some idea of the
+colours in general use. For the first three months, September-December,
+blue largely predominated, but for some unexplained reason this
+colour almost disappeared from January to May, its place being taken
+by russet. Red, sanguine, morrey (or orange), plunket,[514] green,
+and motleys, white, blue, and green occur; also 'paly,' which was
+presumably some striped material, and in a very few cases black. By the
+regulations drawn up in London in 1298,[515] no dyer who dyed burnets
+blue[516] or other colours might dye 'blecche' or tawny: the reason
+does not appear, but this uncertain tint, 'blecche,' occurs again as
+reserved specially for Spanish wool.[517] For blue, as we have seen,
+woad was used, and for yellow weld, a combination of the two yielding
+green; scarlet was derived from the grain (_greyne_),[518] and reds
+and russets from madder, which was imported in large quantities.
+Several varieties of lichen were probably included under the head of
+'orchal,' and afforded shades of brown and red. Fancy shades were
+formed by double dyeing, and apparently were not always reliable, as a
+statute[519] passed in 1533 ordered that none should dye woollen cloth
+'as browne blewes, pewkes, tawnyes, or vyolettes,' unless they were
+'perfectly boyled, greyned, or madered upon the wode, and shotte with
+good and sufficient corke or orchall.' At this time brazil, or logwood,
+was being adopted as a dye, and its use was absolutely forbidden.
+
+Carding, or combing, and spinning are processes which need not detain
+us long. They were both home industries, and spinning, in particular,
+was the staple employment of the women, and accordingly regulations
+were not infrequently made to ensure a good supply of wool for their
+use. At Bristol, in 1346, no oiled wool ready for carding and spinning
+might be sent out of the town until the carders and spinners had had
+a chance of applying for it; moreover, it might only be exposed for
+sale on a Friday, and no middleman might buy it.[520] Similarly at
+Norwich, in 1532, the butchers were ordered to bring their woolfells
+into the market and offer them for sale to the poor women who lived by
+spinning.[521] When the clothmaking trade got into the hands of the big
+capitalist clothiers, who gave out their wool to be carded and spun, it
+became necessary to pass laws[522] to ensure on the one hand that the
+workers should do their work faithfully, and not abstract any of the
+wool,[523] and on the other, that the masters should not defraud the
+carders and spinners by paying them in food or goods[524] instead of
+in money, or by the use of false weights, making women, for instance,
+comb 7½ lbs. of wool as a 'combing stone,' which should only contain 5
+lbs.[525]
+
+Weaving was, of course, the most important of all the processes in
+clothmaking. Reduced to its simplest form, the weaver's loom consists
+of a horizontal frame, to the ends of which the warp threads, which
+run longitudinally through the cloth, are fastened in such manner that
+they can be raised and depressed by heddles, or looped threads, in
+alternate series, leaving room between the two layers of warp for the
+passage of the shuttle, charged with the woof.[526] The shuttle, flying
+from side to side across the alternating warp threads, covers them
+with woof, which is packed close by a vertical frame of rods, the lay
+or batten, swinging between the warp threads. To weave tight and close
+required considerable strength, and at Norwich women were forbidden to
+weave worsteds because they were 'not of sufficient power' to work them
+properly.[527] The cloth as it was woven was wound on a roll, bringing
+a fresh portion of the warp within the weaver's reach, but while its
+length was thus limited merely by custom or convenience, its breadth
+was obviously controlled by the width of the loom, and when Henry IV.,
+in 1406, ordered that cloth of ray should be made six-quarters of a
+yard broad instead of five-quarters, as had always been the custom,
+the order had to be revoked as it would have necessitated all the ray
+weavers obtaining new looms.[528] For the right to use looms payments
+had often to be made to authorities of the town. At Winchester in
+the thirteenth century, every burel loom paid 5s. yearly, the only
+exceptions being that the mayor, the hospital, and the town clerk might
+each work one loom free of charge.[529] Nottingham was another town
+where duties were paid on looms,[530] and at Bristol, as we have seen,
+prior to 1355, the erection of a 'webanlam' entailed payments of 8s.
+5d. in all.
+
+To guard against false working, it was the rule at Bristol that all
+looms must stand in shops and rooms adjoining the road, and in sight
+of the people, and the erection of a loom in a cellar or upstair
+room entailed a fine.[531] It was possibly for the same reason that
+weavers were forbidden to work at night,[532] though an exception
+was made at Winchester in favour of the period immediately preceding
+Christmas.[533] On the other hand, the London jurors in 1320 coupled
+this ordinance against working by candle light with the enforced
+holiday which the weavers' gild compelled its members to take between
+Christmas and the Purification (2nd February)[534] as measures
+prejudicial to the commonalty, and intended to restrict the supply
+and so maintain the price of cloth.[535] A further device for the
+same purpose was the rule that no cloth of Candlewick Street was to
+be worked in less than four days, though they might easily be made in
+two or three days.[536] Thanks to these methods, and to the way in
+which admission to the gild was limited, the looms in the city had
+been reduced in thirty years or so from 380 to 80, and the price of
+cloth had risen accordingly. The authorities throughout the country
+were constantly in the dilemma of having on the one hand to permit the
+restriction of the numbers of the weavers, with a consequent rise in
+the cost of their wares, or, on the other hand, running the risk of
+inferior workmanship 'to the grete infamie and disclaundre of their
+worshipfull towne.' Not only were the unauthorised weavers often
+ignorant of their art, not having served their apprenticeship, but
+they used flock and other bad material, and bought stolen wool and
+'thrummes.'[537] The latter were the unwoven warp threads left over
+at the end of the cloth, and as there was no export duty on thrums,
+the weavers contrived to cut them off as long as possible, and in
+this way much woollen yarn was sent out of the country without paying
+customs, until the practice was made illegal by an Act of Parliament in
+1430.[538]
+
+The cloth on leaving the loom was in the condition known as 'raw,' and
+although not yet ready for use was marketable, and many of the smaller
+clothmakers preferred to dispose of their products at this stage rather
+than incur the expense of the further processes. This seems to have
+been the case on the Welsh border, as Shrewsbury claimed to have had
+a market for '_pannus crudus_' from the time of King John.[539] Much
+raw cloth was also bought up by foreign merchants and sent out of the
+country to be finished; and at the beginning of the sixteenth century
+Parliament, with its usual terror of foreign trade, seeing only that
+the finishing processes would be carried out by foreign workmen instead
+of English, forbade the export of unfinished cloth. It had then to
+be pointed out that, as most of these cloths were bought to be dyed
+abroad, and as after dyeing all the finishing processes would have to
+be repeated, the cost of the cheaper varieties would be so raised that
+there would be no sale for them; cloths below the value of five marks
+were therefore exempted.[540]
+
+Raw cloth had next to be fulled, that is to say, scoured, cleansed,
+and thickened by beating it in water. Originally this was always
+done by men trampling upon it in a trough, and the process was known
+as 'walking,' the fuller being called a 'walker' (whence the common
+surname), but during the thirteenth century an instrument came into
+general use called 'the stocks,' consisting of an upright, to which was
+hinged the 'perch' or wooden bar with which the cloth was beaten. The
+perch was often worked by water power and fulling, or walking, mills
+soon became common. By the regulations of the fullers' gild of Lincoln
+recorded in 1389,[541] no fuller was to 'work in the trough,' that is
+to say to walk the cloth, and a further rule forbade any man to work
+at the perch with a woman, unless she were the wife of a master or her
+handmaid. Probably the intention of this last rule was to put a stop to
+the employment of cheap female labour 'by the whiche many ... likkely
+men to do the Kyng servis in his warris and in the defence of this his
+lond, and sufficiently lorned in the seid crafte, gothe vagaraunt and
+unoccupied and may not have thar labour to ther levyng.'[542] About
+1297 a number of London fullers took to sending cloths to be fulled at
+certain mills in Stratford, and as this was found to result in much
+loss to the owners of the cloths, orders were given to stop all cloths
+on their way to the mills, and only allow them to be sent on at the
+express desire of the owners.[543] This seems to point to mill fulling
+being inferior to manual labour, while possibly the fulling being
+conducted outside the control of the city may have tended to bad work.
+At Bristol in 1346, one of the rules for the fullers forbids any one
+to send 'rauclothe' to the mill, and afterwards receive it back to be
+finished,[544] and in 1406 the town fullers were forbidden to make good
+the defects in cloths fulled by country workmen.[545]
+
+For cleansing the cloth use was made of the peculiar absorbent earth
+known as Fuller's earth, or 'walkerherth,'[546] as it was sometimes
+called. Fuller's earth is only found in a few places, the largest
+deposits being round Nutfield and Reigate,[547] and on account of its
+rarity and importance its export was forbidden.
+
+The cloth, having been fulled, had to be stretched on tenters to dry,
+and references to the lease of tenter grounds are common in medieval
+town records.[548] A certain amount of stretching was legitimate and
+even necessary,[549] but where the cloth belonged to the fuller, and
+it was a common practice for fullers to buy the raw cloth, there was a
+temptation to 'stretch him out with ropes and rack him till the sinews
+stretch again'[550] so as to gain several yards. As a result of this
+practice, which greatly impaired the strength of the cloth, 'Guildford
+cloths,' made in Surrey, Sussex, and Hampshire, lost their reputation,
+and in 1391 measures had to be taken to restore their good name by
+forbidding fullers, or other persons, to buy the cloth in an unfinished
+state.[551] Several other Acts were passed dealing with this offence,
+and during the sixteenth century ordinances were issued against the
+use of powerful racks with levers, winches, and ropes. Infringements
+of these Acts were numerous,[552] and as an example of the extent
+to which cloths were stretched we may quote a return from Reading in
+1597, which mentions one cloth of thirty yards stretched with 'a gyn
+and a leaver with a vice and a roape' to thirty-five yards, and another
+stretched with a rope 'to the quantitye of three barrs length—every
+barr contayneth about 2½ yards.'[553]
+
+On leaving the fuller the cloth passed into the hands of the rower,
+whose business it was to draw up from the body of the cloth all the
+loose fibres with teazles. Teazles, the dried heads of the 'fuller's
+thistle,' are mentioned amongst the goods of some of the Colchester
+cloth-workers in 1301,[554] were used from the earliest times, and
+have never been supplanted even in these days of machinery. Several
+unsuccessful attempts have been made to invent substitutes, and in
+1474 the use of iron cards, or combs, instead of teazles, had to be
+forbidden.[555] The loose portions of the cloth thus raised by the
+teazles were next cut off by the shearman, upon whose dexterity the
+cloth depended for the finish of its surface, and, after the drawer had
+skilfully repaired any small blemishes, the cloth was ready for sale.
+
+In view of the multiplicity of processes involved, it is obvious that
+the manufacture of cloth must have afforded employment to an immense
+number of persons. An account written in Suffolk just over the borders
+of our medieval period, in 1618, reckons that the clothier who made
+twenty broad cloths in a week would employ in one way and another
+five hundred persons.[556] But even at that time, when the capitalist
+clothier was firmly established, there were not very many with so large
+an output as twenty cloths a week, and in earlier times there were
+very few approaching such a total. The ulnager's accounts[557] of the
+duties paid on cloths exist for most counties for the last few years of
+Richard II., and throw considerable light on the state of the trade. In
+the case of Suffolk for the year 1395, we have 733 broad cloths made
+by about one hundred and twenty persons, of whom only seven or eight
+return as many as twenty cloths; the chief output, however, was narrow
+cloth, made in dozens (pieces of 12 yards, a 'whole cloth' being 24
+yards); of these 300 makers turned out about 9200, fifteen of their
+number making from 120 to 160 dozens each. In the case of Essex there
+is more evidence for the capitalist clothier, as at Coggeshall the
+1200 narrow cloths are assigned to only nine makers (the largest items
+being 400, 250, and 200 dozens), while Braintree, with 2400 dozens had
+only eight makers, of whom two pay subsidy on 600 dozens each and one
+on 480. The great clothiers, however, at this time are found in the
+west, at Barnstaple, where John Parman paid on 1080 dozen, and Richard
+Burnard on 1005, other nine clothiers dividing some 1600 dozens between
+them. For the rest of Devonshire, sixty-five makers account for 3565
+dozens, or rather over fifty a piece. If Devon stood at one end of
+the scale its next-door neighbour was at the other, for Cornwall's
+total output was only ninety cloths, attributed to thirteen makers. At
+Salisbury the year's output of 6600 whole cloths was divided between
+158 persons, only seven of whom accounted for more than 150 each,
+while at Winchester, where over 3000 cloths are returned, only three
+clothiers exceeded the hundred, and men of such local prominence as
+Robert Hall and 'Markays le Fayre'[558] had only eighty and forty to
+their respective accounts. Throughout Yorkshire the average does not
+seem to have been above ten cloths, and in Kent, a stronghold of the
+broad cloth manufacture, only one clothier exceeded fifty dozens, and
+only three others passed twenty-five. The whole evidence seems to limit
+the spheres of influence of the capitalist clothiers to a few definite
+towns prior to the beginning of the fifteenth century. But the latter
+half of the fifteenth century saw the rise of the great clothiers such
+as John Winchcombe,[559] the famous 'Jack of Newbury,' and the Springs
+of Lavenham,[560] employers of labour on a scale which soon swamped
+the small independent clothworkers, and drew them into a position of
+dependence.
+
+Skill and industry in the cloth trade had always been assured of a good
+return, and when combined with enterprise had often led to wealth; but
+there have always in all times and all places been men who would try
+the short cut to fortune through fraud; and the openings for fraud
+in the cloth trade were particularly numerous. 'Certayne townes in
+England ... were wonte to make theyre clothes of certayne bredth and
+length and to sette theyre seales to the same; while they kept the
+rate trulye strangers dyd but looke over the seale and receyve theyre
+wares, wherebye these townes had greate vente of theyre clothes and
+consequently prospered verye welle. Afterwards some in those townes,
+not content with reasonable gaynes but contynually desyrynge more,
+devysed clothes of lesse length, bredthe and goodnes thanne they were
+wonte to be, and yet by the comendacioun of the seale to have as myche
+monye for the same as they had before for good clothes. And for a tyme
+they gate myche and so abused the credythe of theyr predecessours to
+theyre singulere lukere, whiche was recompensede with the losse of
+theyre posterytye. For these clothes were founde fawltye for alle
+theyre seale, they were not onelye never the better trustede but myche
+lesse for theyre seale, yea although theyre clothes were well made. For
+whanne theyr untruth and falshede was espyede than no manne wolde buye
+theyre clothes untylle they were enforsede and unfoldede, regardynge
+nothynge the seale.'[561]
+
+This complaint, written in the time of Henry VIII., is borne out in
+every detail by the records of Parliament and of municipalities.
+Regulations were constantly laid down for ensuring uniformity, and
+officials called ulnagers[562] were appointed to see that they were
+obeyed, no cloth being allowed to be sold unless it bore the ulnager's
+seal. The assize of cloth issued in 1328[563] fixed the measurements of
+cloth of ray at 28 yards by 6 quarters, and those of coloured cloths
+at 26 yards by 6½ quarters, in the raw state, each being 24 yards when
+shrunk. The penalty for infringement of the assize was forfeiture.[564]
+This assize, which was confirmed in 1406, repealed next year, but
+reaffirmed in 1410,[565] applied only to broad cloths, but in 1432 it
+was laid down[566] that narrow cloths called 'streits' should be 12
+yards by 1 yard, when shrunk; if smaller they were not forfeited, but
+the ulnager cut the list off one end, to show that it was not a whole
+cloth, and it was sold as a 'remnant' according to its actual measure.
+In the case of the worsteds or serges of Norfolk, four different
+assizes were said in 1327 to have been used from time immemorial,
+namely, 50, 40, 30, and 24 ells in length;[567] but as early as 1315
+merchants complained that the cloths of Worsted and Aylesham did not
+keep their assize, 20 ells being sold as 24, 25 ells as 30, and so
+on.[568] In the western counties, Somerset, Gloucester, and Dorset,
+fraudulent makers were in the habit of so tacking and folding their
+cloths that defects in length or quality could not be seen, with the
+result that merchants who bought them in good faith and took them to
+foreign countries were beaten, imprisoned and even slain by their angry
+customers 'to the great dishonour of the realm.' It was therefore
+ordered in 1390 that no cloth should be sold, tacked, and folded, but
+open.[569] The frauds in connection with stretching Guildford cloths
+have already been referred to, and in 1410 we find that worsteds which
+had formerly been in great demand abroad were now so deceitfully made
+that the Flemish merchants were talking of searching, or examining, all
+the worsted cloths at the ports of entry. To remedy this 'great slander
+of the country,' the mayor and his deputies were given the power to
+search and seal all worsteds brought to the worsted seld, or cloth
+market, and regulations were made as to the size of 'thretty elnys
+streites' (30 ells by 2 quarters), 'thretty elnys brodes' (30 ells by
+3 quarters), 'mantelles, sengles, doubles et demy doubles, si bien les
+motles, paules, chekeres, raies, flores, pleynes, monkes-clothes et
+autres mantelles' (from 6 to 10 ells by 1¼ ell), and 'chanon-clothes,
+sengles, demy doubles et doubles' (5 ells by 1¾), the variety of trade
+terms showing the extent of the industry.[570] A similar complaint of
+the decay in the foreign demand for worsteds owing to the malpractices
+of the makers was met in 1442 by causing the worsted weavers of Norwich
+to elect annually four wardens for the city, and two for the county to
+oversee the trade.[571] Half a century later, in 1473, English cloth
+in general had fallen into disrepute abroad, and even at home, much
+foreign cloth being imported: to remedy this general orders were issued
+for the proper working of cloth, the maintenance of the old assize, and
+the indication of defects, a seal being attached to the lower edge of
+any cloth where there was any 'raw, skaw, cokel or fagge.'[572]
+
+The last-mentioned statutes of 1473 give the measurements of the cloths
+as by the 'yard and inch.' Originally it would seem to have been
+customary when measuring cloth to mark the end of each yard by placing
+the thumb on the cloth at the end of the clothyard, and starting again
+on the other side of the thumb. Readers of George Eliot will remember
+that the pedlar, Bob Salt, made ingenious use of his broad thumb in
+measuring, to the detriment of his customers; and the London drapers in
+the fifteenth century claimed to buy by the 'yard and a hand,' marking
+the yards with the hand instead of with the thumb, and thereby scoring
+two yards in every twenty-four.[573] Although this was forbidden in
+1440, the use being ordered of a measuring line of silk, 12 yards and
+12 inches long, the end of each yard being marked an inch, it evidently
+continued in practice, as the 'yarde and handfull' was known as London
+measure at the end of the sixteenth century.[574]
+
+The last years of the medieval period of the woollen industry, which
+we take as terminating with the introduction of the 'New Draperies' by
+foreign refugees early in the reign of Elizabeth, are chiefly concerned
+with the rise of the town clothiers at the expense of the small country
+cloth workers, assisted by Acts which restricted, or at least aimed at
+restricting, the industry to corporate boroughs and market towns, and
+prohibited any from setting up in trade without having passed a seven
+years' apprenticeship.[575] Infringements of these laws were frequent,
+and, thanks to the system of granting a portion of the fines inflicted
+to the informer, accusations were constantly levelled against clothiers
+for breaking the various regulations with which the trade was hedged
+about.[576] Many of the charges fell through, and in some cases they
+look like blackmail, but that offences were sufficiently plentiful is
+clear. For the one year, 1562, as many as sixty clothiers from Kent
+alone, mostly from the neighbourhood of Cranbrook and Benenden, were
+fined for sending up to London for sale cloths deficient in size,
+weight, quality, or colour.[577] An absolute fulfilment of all the
+regulations was possibly no easy thing, for although cloths which had
+been sealed by the ulnager in the district where they were made were
+not supposed to pay ulnage in London the makers preferred as a rule to
+pay a halfpenny on each cloth to the London searchers rather than risk
+the results of too close a scrutiny.[578]
+
+Of the many local varieties of cloth made in England that which derived
+its name from the village of Worsted in Norfolk was, on the whole, the
+most important. We have seen that by the end of the thirteenth century
+worsted weaving was well established in Norfolk, and particularly in
+Norwich, and that worsted serges and says were articles of export,
+while a century later the forms in which these cloths were made up
+were very varied. Norwich continued to hold the monopoly of searching
+and sealing worsteds, wherever made, until 1523, when the industry
+had grown to such an extent in Yarmouth that the weavers of that town
+were licensed to elect a warden of their own to seal their cloth; the
+same privilege was granted to Lynne, provided there were at least ten
+householders exercising the trade there; but in all cases the cloths
+were to be shorn, dyed, coloured, and calendered in Norwich.[579] When
+the art of calendering worsteds, that is to say giving them a smooth
+finish by pressing, was introduced in Norwich is uncertain, but in
+the second half of the fifteenth century the 'fete and misterie of
+calendryng of worstedes' in London was known only to certain Frenchmen.
+An enterprising merchant, William Halingbury, brought over from Paris
+one Toisaunts Burges, to teach the art to English workers, and, in
+revenge, one of the London French calenders endeavoured to have
+Halingbury arrested on his next visit to Paris.[580] At the beginning
+of the sixteenth century a process of dry calendering with 'gommes,
+oyles and presses' was introduced, by which inferior worsteds were made
+to look like the best quality, but if touched with wet they at once
+spotted and spoiled. The process was therefore prohibited in 1514, and
+at the same time the practice of wet calendering was confined to those
+who had served seven years' apprenticeship, and had been admitted to
+the craft by the mayor of Norwich or the wardens of the craft in the
+county of Norfolk.[581]
+
+In 1315 cloths of Aylsham (in Norfolk) are coupled with those of
+Worsted as not conforming to the old assize,[582] and at the coronation
+of Edward III. some 3500 ells of 'Ayllesham' was used for lining
+armour, covering cushions and making 1860 pennons with the arms of
+St. George.[583] But as Buckram and Aylsham are constantly bracketed
+together,[584] being used, for instance, in 1333 for making hobby
+horses (_hobihors_) for the king's games,[585] presumably at Christmas,
+it would seem that Aylshams were linen and not woollen, especially as
+'lynge teille de Eylesham' was famous in the fourteenth century.[586]
+
+In the adjacent county of Suffolk the village of Kersey was an early
+centre of clothmaking, and gave its name to a type of cloth which
+was afterwards made in a great number of districts. The kerseys of
+Suffolk and Essex were exempted in 1376, with other narrow cloths, from
+keeping the assize of coloured cloths,[587] and just a century later
+the measurement for kerseys was set out as 18 yards by 1 yard.[588]
+Curiously enough the chief trouble with the assize of kerseys, at least
+in the sixteenth century, was not short measure, but over long, the
+explanation being that kerseys paid export duty by the whole cloth,
+and it was therefore to the merchant's advantage to pay duty on a
+piece of 25 yards rather than to pay the same duty on 18 yards.[589]
+Kerseys were largely made for export, and a petition against
+restrictions tending to hamper foreign trade was presented, about 1537,
+by the kersey weavers of Berks., Oxford, Hants, Surrey, and Sussex,
+and Yorkshire.[590] These counties were the chief centres of the
+manufacture, though Devonshire kerseys were also made; in Berkshire,
+Newbury was then the great seat of the industry, and the kerseys of
+John Winchcombe ('Jack of Newbury') in particular had a more than local
+fame. Hampshire kerseys was the generic name applied to these made in
+Hampshire, Sussex, and Surrey, but in earlier times the Isle of Wight
+had almost a monopoly of the manufacture in the district. The ulnage
+accounts for Hampshire in 1394-5 give ninety names of clothiers for the
+Isle of Wight,[591] who made 600 kerseys, and no other kind of cloth,
+and about a century later we find a draper complaining that when he had
+bargained with a London merchant for a certain number of 'kersys of
+Wyght' worth £6 he had been put off with Welsh kerseys worth only £4,
+13s. 4d.[592]
+
+Suffolk did a considerable trade in a cheap, coarse variety of cloth
+known as 'Vesses or set cloths' for export to the East; and, as it
+was the recognised custom to stretch these to the utmost, and they
+were bought as unshrunk, this class of cloth was exempted in 1523
+from the regulations as to stretching cloth.[593] Possibly these
+Vesses were connected with the 'Western Blankett of Vyse (Wilts.) and
+Bekinton.'[594] Blanket is found in 1395 as made at Maldon and, on the
+other side of England, at Hereford, while at an earlier date, in 1360,
+Guildford blanket was bought for the royal household.[595] As Norwich
+had its 'monk's cloth' and 'canon cloth,' presumably so called from its
+suitability for monastic and canonical habits, unlike the fine cloth
+of Worcester, which, we are told, was forbidden to Benedictines,[596]
+so we find that the newly made knight of the Bath had to vest himself
+in 'hermit's array' of Colchester russet.[597] Most of the cloths made
+in Essex were 'streits,' or narrow cloths, of rather a poor quality,
+being often coupled with the inferior cloths such as cogware and
+Kendal cloth. Of the latter a writer of the time of Henry VIII. says,
+'I knowe when a servynge manne was content to goo in a Kendall cote in
+sommer and a frysecote in winter, and with playne white hose made meete
+for his bodye.... Now he will looke to have at the leaste for Somere
+a cote of finest clothe that may be gotten for money and his hosen of
+the finest kerseye, and that of some straunge dye, as Flaunders dye or
+Frenche puke, that a prynce or a greate lorde canne were no better if
+he were [wear] clothe.'[598]
+
+By the sumptuary law of 1363 farm labourers and others having less than
+40s. in goods were to wear blanket and russet costing not more than
+12d. the ell.[599] In a list of purchases of cloth in 1409, narrow
+russet figures at 12d. the ell, while of the other cheap varieties
+short blanket, short coloured cloth, rays, motleys and friezes varied
+from 2s. to 2s. 4d. the ell.[600] Of friezes the two chief types in use
+were those of Coventry and Irish friezes, which might either be made in
+Ireland or of Irish wool: these seem to have come into use about the
+middle of the fourteenth century, as in 1376 Irish 'Frysseware' was
+exempted from ulnage,[601] and about the same time purchases of Irish
+frieze for the royal household become more common, as much as nearly
+3000 ells of this material being bought in 1399.[602]
+
+With such local varieties as Manchester cottons, Tauntons, Tavistocks,
+Barnstaple whites, Mendips, 'Stoke Gomers alias thromme clothes,'[603]
+and so forth, space does not permit of our dealing, while by the
+limitation which we have set ourselves the 'new draperies' are
+excluded, and we may thankfully leave on one side 'arras, bays,
+bewpers, boulters, boratoes, buffins, bustyans, bombacyes, blankets,
+callimancoes, carrells, chambletts, cruell, dornicks, duraunce, damask,
+frisadoes, fringe, fustyans, felts, flanells, grograines, garterings,
+girdlings, linsey woolseyes, mockadoes, minikins, mountaines,
+makerells, oliotts, pomettes, plumettes, perpetuanas, perpicuanas,
+rashes, rugges, russells, sattins, serges, syettes, sayes, stamells,
+stamines, scallops, tukes, tamettes, tobines, and valures.'[604]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+LEATHER WORKING
+
+
+The dressing of skins and preparation of leather must have been one
+of the most widely diffused industries in medieval times, even if it
+is a little exaggeration to claim that it was a by-product of most
+villages.[605] Two different processes were employed, ox, cow, and
+calf hides being tanned by immersion in a decoction of oak bark, while
+the skins of deer, sheep, and horses were tawed with alum and oil, and
+the two trades were from early times kept quite separate, tanners and
+tawyers being forbidden to work skins appropriated to each other's
+trade. A certain concentration of the industry must have been brought
+about in 1184, when orders were issued that no tanner or tawyer should
+practise his trade within the bounds of a forest except in a borough
+or market town,[606] the object being to prevent the poaching of deer
+for the sake of their skins. Market towns had the further advantage of
+being well supplied with the raw material, as butchers were compelled
+to bring the hides of their beasts into market with the meat, and the
+tanners had the sole right of purchase, no regrater or middle-man
+being allowed to intervene, while on the other hand the tanners were
+not allowed to buy the hides outside the open market.[607] Towards the
+end of the sixteenth century it was said[608] that 'in most villages
+of the realm there is some one dresser or worker of leather, and ...
+in most of the market towns three, four, or five, and many great
+towns 10 or 20, and in London and the suburbs ... to the number of
+200 or very near.' Casting back, we find at Oxford in 1380 there were
+twelve tanners, twenty skinners, twelve cordwainers, or shoemakers,
+and four saddlers,[609] while in 1300 there were at Colchester forty
+householders employed in the various branches of the leather trade.[610]
+
+Originally, no doubt, the leather dresser worked up his own leather,
+and as late as 1323 it would seem that at Shrewsbury cordwainers were
+allowed to tan leather,[611] but in 1351 the tanners and shoemakers
+were definitely forbidden to intermeddle with each other's craft, and a
+series of regulations, parliamentary and municipal, served to separate
+the tanners, the curriers, who dressed and suppled the rough tanned
+hides, the tawyers, and the various branches of leather-workers.
+
+The stock in trade of the tanner was simple. The inventories of the
+goods of half a dozen tanners at Colchester in 1300 are identical in
+kind though varying in value;[612] each consists of hides, oak bark,
+and a number of vats and tubs. In the case of the tannery at Meaux
+Abbey[613] (the larger monastic houses usually maintained their own
+tanneries) in 1396 rather more details are given. There were in store
+cow and calf leather, 'sole peces, sclepe, clowthedys, and wambes'
+to the value of £14, 10s. 4d., 15 tubs and various tools, such as 3
+'schapyng-knyfes' and 4 knives for the tan; 400 tan turves (blocks of
+bark from which the tan had been extracted), and 'the tan from all the
+oaks barked this year.' The raw hides had first to be soaked, then
+treated with lime to remove the hair, and then washed again before
+being placed in the tan vat. Consequently leather-dressers settled
+'where they may have water in brooks and rivers to dress their leather;
+without great store of running water they cannot dress the same.'[614]
+In 1461 William Frankwell, when making a grant of a meadow at Lewes,
+reserved the right to use the ditch on the south side of the meadow for
+his hides,[615] and complaints of the fouling of town water supplies
+by leather workers were not unusual.[616] The process of tanning was,
+and for the best leather still is, extremely slow; the hides were
+supposed to lie in the 'wooses' (ooze, or liquor) for a whole year,
+and stringent regulations were issued to prevent the hastening of the
+process, to the detriment of the leather. The bark from which the tan
+was obtained, and which was so important a feature of the process that
+'barker' was an alternative name for tanner, had to be only of oak, the
+use of ash bark being forbidden; nor might lime or hot liquor be used,
+the imbedding of the vats in hot beds of old tan being prohibited.
+
+Hides, both raw and tanned, ranked with cloth as a leading article of
+trade, both home and foreign;[617] and, like cloth, tanned leather was
+early subject to examination by searchers, appointed either by the
+craft gild or by the town authorities. As a rule the searcher's seal
+was affixed in the market, or at the particular 'seld' or hall where
+alone leather might be sold, but at Bristol in 1415 the searchers were
+empowered to examine the hides at the curriers' houses before they were
+curried.[618] The curriers, whose business it was to dress the 'red'
+hides with tallow,[619] rendering them smooth and supple, were not
+allowed to dress badly tanned hides.[620] Several grades of tanning
+were recognised, the most lengthy and thorough workmanship being
+required for leather intended for the soles of boots and rather less
+for the uppers. When forty-seven hides belonging to Nicholas Burle, of
+London, were seized in 1378 as not well tanned, he admitted that they
+were not fit for shoeleather, but urged that he intended to sell them
+to saddlers, girdlers, and makers of leather bottles: a mixed jury of
+these various trades, however, condemned the hides as unfit for any
+purpose, and they were forfeited.[621]
+
+Although there was thus an efficient control exercised over tanned
+leather, the tawed soft leathers used by glovers, pointmakers,
+pursemakers, saddlers, girdlers, coffermakers, budgetmakers,
+stationers, etc., seem for the most part to have escaped supervision,
+with the result that at the end of the sixteenth century the markets
+were flooded with counterfeit leathers.[622]
+
+                         {    Oil, as    { Buff   } of the first and
+                         {               { Shamoys}    best sort.
+  'All Tawed leather is  { or with Alum
+       dressed with      {  and Oker as  { Bull, Ox, Steer, Cow,
+                         {  the hides of {  Horse, Stag, Hind,
+                                         {  Buck, Doe, Calf, Dog,
+                                         {  Seal, Sheep, Lamb,
+                                         {  Kid.
+
+'The leather dressed with oil is made more supple, soft and spongey,
+and is wrought with a rough cotton, as bayes and fresadoes are, the
+cotton being raised in the fulling mill where cloth is fulled, and
+serveth for the more beauty and pleasure to the wearer.
+
+'The leather dressed with alum and oker is more tough and "thight,"
+serving better for the use of the poor artificer, husbandman, and
+labourer, and a more easy price by half, and is wrought smooth or with
+cotton which is raised by hand with a card or other like tool, and as
+the alum giveth strength and toughness, the oker giveth it colour, like
+as the oil doth give colour to Buff and Shamoys.
+
+'And this diversity of dressing, with oil or alum, is to be discerned
+both by smell and by a dust which ariseth from the alum leather....
+
+'All Shamoys leather is made of goat skins brought for the most part
+out of Barbury, from the "Est countries," Scotland, Ireland, and other
+foreign parts, unwrought, and is transported again being wrought. And
+there is much thereof made from skins from Wales and other parts within
+the realm.... Being dressed with oil it beareth the name Shamoys, but
+being dressed with alum and oker, it beareth not the name or price of
+Shamoys, but of Goat skins.'
+
+'Shamoys[623] is made of goat, buck, doe, hind, sore, sorrell,
+and sheepskins. The true way of dressing is in "trayne oyle," the
+counterfeit is with alum and is worth about half.... Shamoys dressed
+in train oil can be dressed again three or four times, and seem as good
+as new, but dressed in alum it will hardly dress twice and will soon be
+spied. And when Shamoys dressed in alum cometh to the rain or any water
+they will be hard like tanned leather, and Shamoys in oil make the
+cheapest and most lasting apparel, which the "low countrie man and the
+highe Almayn" doth use.'
+
+Frauds in the preparation and sale of leather were of frequent
+occurrence, and in 1372 the mayor and aldermen of London ordained
+penalties for the sale of dyed sheep and calf leather scraped and
+prepared so as to look like roe leather. At the same time the leather
+dyers were forbidden to dye such counterfeit leathers, and also to use
+the brasil or other dye provided or selected by one customer for the
+goods of another.[624] With the same object of preventing frauds the
+tawyers who worked for furriers were not allowed to cut the heads off
+the skins which they dressed, and were also liable to imprisonment
+if they worked old furs up into leather.[625] Further penalties for
+false and deceitful work, especially in the making of leather 'points
+and lanyers,' or laces and thongs, were enacted in 1398.[626] With
+the growth of capitalism during the reign of Elizabeth the control
+exercised by the Leathersellers' Company became almost nominal, some
+half a dozen wealthy members of the company getting the whole trade
+into their own hands. By buying up the leather all over the country,
+they forced up prices; having, moreover, a practical monopoly of tawed
+leathers they were able to make the glovers and other leather workers
+take the dressed skins in packets of a dozen, which contained three or
+four small 'linings' or worthless skins.[627] They also undertook the
+dressing of the skins, and cut out the good workmen by scamping their
+work and employing men who had only served half their seven years'
+apprenticeship.[628] They also caused dogskins, 'fishe skynnes of
+zeale,' calf, and other skins to be so dressed as to resemble 'right
+Civill [_i.e._ Seville] and Spannish skynnes,' worth twice as much.
+These skins were dressed 'with the powder of date stones and of gaule
+and with French shomake that is nothinge like the Spannish shomake,
+to give them a pretie sweete savor but nothinge like to the civile
+skynnes, and the powder of theise is of veary smale price and the
+powder of right Spannish shomake grounded in a mill is wourth xxx^s
+the c^{lb} weight, which shomake is a kynd of brush, shrubb, or heath
+in Spayne and groweth low by the ground and is swete like Gale[629]
+in Cambridgshire and is cutt twise a yeare and soe dried and grounded
+into powder by milles and dresseth all the Civile and Spannish skynnes
+brought hither.'[630] To remedy these frauds there was a general
+demand that tawed leather should be searched and sealed in the same way
+as tanned, and in 1593 Edmund Darcy turned this to his own advantage
+by obtaining a royal grant of the right to carry out such searching
+and sealing. This was opposed by the leather-sellers, on the grounds
+that it would interfere with the sale and purchase in country districts
+if buyer and seller had to wait till the searcher could attend, and
+that the proposed fees for sealing were exorbitant, amounting to from
+a ninth to nearly a half of the value of the skins. They also said
+that if a seal were put on, it would almost always be pared away,
+washed out, or 'extincte by dying' before the leather reached the
+consumer.[631] Upon examination the suggested fees were found to be too
+large, and a table of the different kinds of leather and their values
+was drawn up, and fees fixed accordingly:[632]—
+
+  WHITE TAWED           VALUE                    FEE
+  Sheep skins   7s.—3s.        the doz.        2d., 1d.
+  Kid and fawn  4s. 6d.—1s. 8d.   "            2d., 1d.
+  Lambs         4s. 4d.—1s. 8d.   "            2d., 1d.
+  Horse[633]    5s.—2s. 6d.      each          2d.
+  Dogs          4s.—1s. 6d.    the doz.        2d., 1d.
+  Bucks         4s.—3s. 4d.      each          8d. the doz.
+  Does          2s. 4d.—1s. 8d.   "            8d.    "
+  Calf         12s.—4s.        the doz.        6d., 3d.
+  Goat          2s. 6d. each—3s. 6d. the doz.  6d., 2d. each.
+
+         OIL DRESSED                            VALUE          FEE
+  Right Buffe[634]                       33s. 4d.—15s. each    7d.
+  Counterfeit Buffe                      13s. 4d.—7s.      "   7d.
+  Right Shamoise                         30s. the doz.         7d.
+  Counterfeit "                          14s.    "             7d.
+  Sheep       "                          8s.     "            3½d.
+  Lamb        "                          6s.     "            3½d.
+  Right Spannish skins[635]              30s.    "             7d.
+  Counterfeit Spannish skins of goat
+    and buck                             3 li.   "             7d.
+  Counterfeit Spannish sheep skins       12s.    "            3½d.
+  Right Cordovan skins                   40s.    "            12d.
+  Seal skins dressed                     40s.    "             7d.
+  Stagge skins,[636] English, Scottish,
+    as big as buffyn, dressed like
+    buffe                                12s. each             6d.
+  Stag skins, Irish, dressed like buffe  3 li. the doz.       12d.
+  Buck and doe, dressed like buffe       40s.    "            12d.
+  Calf skins, in like sort               16s.    "             7d.
+
+A number of trades, such as glovers, saddlers, pursemakers, girdlers,
+and bottlemakers, used leather, but the most important class were the
+shoemakers. They in turn were divided into a number of branches, at
+the head of which stood the cordwainers, who derived their name from
+having originally been workers of Cordovan leather, but were in actual
+practice makers of the better class of shoes.[637] At the other end
+were the cobblers, or menders of old shoes. Elaborate regulations were
+made in London in 1409 to prevent these two classes trespassing on one
+another's preserves.[638] The cobbler might clout an old sole with new
+leather or patch the uppers, but if the boot required an entirely new
+sole, or if a new shoe were burnt or broken and required a fresh piece
+put in, then the work must be given to the cordwainer. A distinction
+was also drawn at a much earlier date, in 1271,[639] between two
+classes of cordwainers, the _allutarii_ and the _basanarii_, the
+latter being those who used 'basan' or 'bazan,' an inferior leather
+made from sheepskin. Neither was to use the other's craft, though the
+_allutarius_ might make the uppers (_quissellos_) of his shoes of
+bazan: to prevent any confusion the two classes were to occupy separate
+positions in the fairs and markets. In 1320 we find eighty pairs of
+shoes seized from twenty different persons, thirty-one pairs being
+taken from Roger Brown of Norwich, and forfeited for being made of
+bazan and cordwain mixed.[640] Fifty years later, in 1375, a heavy fine
+was ordained for any one selling shoes of bazan as being cordwain,[641]
+and a similar ordinance was in force at Bristol in 1408.[642] By
+the London rules of 1271, no cordwainer was to keep more than eight
+journeymen (_servientes_), and at Bristol in 1364 the shoemakers were
+restricted to a single 'covenant-hynd,' who was to be paid 18d. a week
+and allowed eight pairs of shoes yearly.[643] In the case of Bristol,
+however, no limit is stated for the number of journeymen, who were paid
+by piecework, the rates being, in 1364, 3d. a dozen for sewing, and
+3d. for yarking; 3d. for making a pair of boots entirely, that is to
+say, 1d. for cutting and 2d. for sewing and yarking; 2d. for cutting a
+dozen pairs of shoes, namely 1d. for the overleathers and 1d. for the
+soles, and a further 1d. for lasting the dozen shoes. The rates of pay
+were still the same in 1408, though there are additional entries of
+12d. for sewing, yarking, and finishing a dozen boots and shoes called
+'quarter-schone,' and 7d. for sewing and yarking, with an extra 1½d.
+for finishing a dozen shoes called 'course ware.'[644]
+
+The sale of the finished articles was also an object of regulations:
+in London in 1271, shoes might only be hawked in the district between
+Corveiserstrete and Soperes Lane, and there only in the morning on
+ordinary days, though on the eves of feast they might be sold in the
+afternoon.[645] Leather laces also might not be sold at the 'eve
+chepings.'[646] Possibly it was considered that bad leather might be
+more easily passed off in a bad light, but the idea may simply have
+been to prevent the competition of the pedlars and hawkers with the
+shopkeepers. At Northampton, in 1452, the two classes of tradesmen
+were separated, those who had shops not being allowed to sell also in
+the market.[647] Northampton had not at this date begun to acquire
+the fame which it earned during the seventeenth century as the centre
+of the English boot trade, but regulations for the 'corvysers crafte'
+there had been drawn up in 1402,[648] and much earlier, in 1266, we
+find Henry III. ordering the bailiffs of Northampton to provide a
+hundred and fifty pairs of shoes, half at 5d. and half at 4d. the
+pair.[649] These were for distribution to the poor; and similar orders
+in other years were usually executed in either London or Winchester:
+no particular importance can be attached to this single order being
+given to Northampton, as presumably any large town could have carried
+out the order. So far as any town can be placed at the head of the
+shoemaking industry, the distinction must be given to Oxford where the
+cordwainers' gild was in existence early in the twelfth century, it
+being reconstituted in 1131,[650] and its monopoly confirmed by Henry
+II.[651]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+BREWING—ALE, BEER, CIDER
+
+
+Malt liquors have been from time immemorial the national drink of
+England, but the ale of medieval times was quite different from the
+liquor which now passes indifferently under the names ale or beer. It
+was more of a sweet wort, of about the consistency of barley water.
+Andrew Borde,[652] writing in the first half of the sixteenth century,
+says: 'Ale is made of malte and water; and they the which do put any
+other thynge to ale than is rehersed, except yest, barme or godesgood,
+doth sofysticat theyr ale. Ale for an Englysshe man is a naturall
+drynke. Ale must have these propertyes: it muste be fresshe and cleare,
+it muste not be ropy nor smoky, nor must it have no weft nor tayle. Ale
+should not be dronke under v dayes olde. Newe ale is unholsome for all
+men. And sowre ale, and dead ale the which doth stand a tylt, is good
+for no man. Barly malte maketh better ale then oten malte or any other
+corne doth: it doth ingendre grose humoures; but yette it maketh a man
+stronge.'
+
+The supremacy of English ale was already established by the middle of
+the twelfth century, that of Canterbury being particularly famous,[653]
+and casks of ale were amongst the presents taken by Becket to the
+French court on the occasion of his embassy in 1157.[654] At this time
+it really deserved the title of 'the people's food in liquid form';
+the consumption per head of population must have been enormous, the
+ordinary monastic corrody, or allowance of food, stipulating for a
+gallon of good ale a day, with very often a second gallon of weak ale.
+It must be borne in mind that it was drunk at all times, taking the
+place not only of such modern inventions as tea and coffee, but also
+of water, insomuch that a thirteenth-century writer describing the
+extreme poverty of the Franciscans when they first settled in London
+(A.D. 1224) exclaims, 'I have seen the brothers drink ale so sour that
+some would have preferred to drink water.'[655] Such was the importance
+attached to ale that it was coupled with bread for purposes of legal
+supervision, and the right to hold the 'assize of bread and ale' was
+one of the earliest justicial privileges asserted by municipal and
+other local courts. The Assize of Ale as recorded on the Statute Rolls
+in the time of Henry III. fixed the maximum price of ale throughout
+the kingdom on the basis of the price of malt, or rather of the corn
+from which malt was made.[656] When wheat stood at 3s. or 3s. 4d. the
+quarter, barley at 20d. to 2s., and oats at 16d., then brewers in towns
+were to sell two gallons of ale for a penny, and outside towns three
+or four gallons. And when three gallons were sold for a penny in a
+town then four gallons should be sold for a penny in the country. If
+corn rose a shilling the quarter, the price of ale might be raised a
+farthing the gallon.[657] A later ordinance, issued in 1283, set the
+price of the better quality of ale at 1½d.; and that of the weaker at
+1d., and the commonalty of Bristol, fearing that they might be punished
+if the brewers of the town broke this regulation, issued stringent
+orders for its observance, infringement entailing the forfeiture of the
+offender's brewery.[658]
+
+A very casual examination of court rolls and other local records
+is sufficient to convince the student that brewing was universal,
+every village supplying its own wants, and that infringements of the
+regulations by which the trade was supposed to be controlled were
+almost equally universal. The same names are found, where any series of
+rolls exists, presented at court after court for breaking the assize
+in one way or another, and it is clear that a strict observance of the
+laws was difficult, it being more profitable to break them and pay the
+small fines extorted practically as licensing dues. At Shoreham in the
+thirteenth century, the brewers, whose trade was particularly active
+because of the numbers of foreigners who visited the port, paid 2½
+marks yearly to escape the vexations of the manorial court,[659] and in
+the same way the hundred of Shoyswell (in Sussex) paid a yearly fine
+in order that the ale-wives (trade was largely in the hands of women)
+might be excused attendance at the law-days.[660] In neither case,
+however, can we suppose that the manorial control over the brewing
+trade was appreciably relaxed, but rather that personal attendance
+at the court, with its interruption of business, was dispensed with.
+Besides these monetary payments, there were often payments in kind
+due to the lord of the manor or borough. At Marlborough every public
+brewery had to pay to the constable of the castle from each brew a
+measure, known as 'tolsester,' prior to 1232, when this render of ale
+was granted to the canons of St. Margaret's.[661] 'Tolsester' was also
+paid to the castle of Chester,[662] and in Newark and Fiskerton.[663]
+The 'sester' (_sextarius_) or 'cestron' was, in Coventry at any rate,
+13 or 14 gallons.[664] Ale was always supposed to be sold, whether in
+gross or retail, in measures of which the capacity had been certified
+by the seal or stamp of the official appointed for the purpose.[665]
+The list of standard measures kept at Beverley in 1423 shows a
+potell, quart, pint, and gill of pewter, panyers, hopir, modius,
+firthindal, piece, and half-piece of wood and a gallon, potell, third
+and quart, also of wood.[666] Court Rolls, however, show that the use
+of unstamped measures and the retailing of ale in pitchers and jugs
+(_per ciphos et discos_) was of constant occurrence,[667] mainly, no
+doubt, for the convenience of customers who brought their own jugs,
+but also occasionally with intent to deceive, as in the case of Alice
+Causton,[668] who in 1364 filled up the bottom of a quart measure with
+pitch and cunningly sprinkled it with sprigs of rosemary,[669] for
+which she had to 'play bo pepe thorowe a pillery.' It is interesting to
+notice that at Torksey in 1345, if a woman was accused of selling ale
+'against the assize,' she might clear herself by the oaths of two other
+women, preferably her next-door neighbours.[670]
+
+When a public brewer had made a fresh brew he had to send for the
+official 'ale-conner' or 'taster,' or to signify that his services
+were required by putting out in front of his house an 'ale stake,'
+a pole with a branch or bush at the end: this was also used as the
+universal sign of a tavern; and some of the London taverners, possibly
+recognising that their liquor was not sufficiently good to 'need no
+bush,' made their ale-stakes so long as to be dangerous to persons
+riding in the street.[671] No ale might be sold until it had been
+approved by the ale-conner. If the latter found the ale fit for
+consumption but not of full quality, he might fix the price at which
+it might be sold.[672] In Worcester the instructions to the ale-conner
+were, 'You shall resort to every brewer's house within this city on
+their tunning day and there to taste their ale, whether it be good
+and wholesome for man's body, and whether they make it from time to
+time according to the prices fixed. So help you God.'[673] There
+seems reason for the pious ejaculation when we find that in Coventry
+in 1520 there were in a total population of 6600 men, women, and
+children, 60 public brewers.[674] When the ale was good the task must
+have had its compensations, but when it was bad the taster must often
+have wished to make the punishment fit the crime, as was done in the
+case of a Londoner who sold bad wine, the offender being compelled
+to drink a draught of the wine, the rest of which was then poured
+over his head.[675] Our sympathy may in particular be extended to the
+ale-tasters of Cornwall, where 'ale is starke nought, lokinge whyte
+and thycke, as pygges had wrasteled in it.'[676] Oddly enough we find
+mention in Domesday Book of forty-three _cervisiarii_ at Helstone in
+Cornwall; they are usually supposed to be tenants who paid dues of ale,
+but the term is clearly used in the description of Bury St. Edmunds
+for brewers. In the sixteenth century, however, Borde[677] in an
+unflattering dialect poem makes the Cornishman say:—
+
+    'Iche cam a Cornyshe man, ale che can brew;
+      It wyll make one to kacke, also to spew;
+    It is dycke and smoky, and also it is dyn;
+      It is lyke wash as pygges had wrestled dryn.'
+
+To ensure the purity of the ale not only was the finished product
+examined, but some care was taken to prevent the use of impure water,
+regulations to prevent the contamination of water used by brewers,
+or the use by them of water so contaminated, being common.[678] On
+the other hand, owing to the large quantities of water required for
+their business, they were forbidden in London,[679] Bristol,[680] and
+Coventry[681] to use the public conduits. For the actual brewing, rules
+were also laid down. In Oxford in 1449, in which year nine brewers
+were said to brew weak and unwholesome ale, not properly prepared,
+and not worth its price, but of little or no value, the brewers were
+made to swear that they would brew in wholesome manner so that they
+would continue to heat the water over the fire so long as it emitted
+froth, and would skim the froth off, and that after skimming the new
+ale should stand long enough for the dregs to settle before they sent
+it out, Richard Benet in particular undertaking that his ale should
+stand for at least twelve hours before he sent it to any hall or
+college.[682] In London also casks when filled in the brewery were to
+stand for a day and a night to work, so that when taken away the ale
+should be clear and good.[683] This explains the regulation at Coventry
+in 1421 that ale 'new under the here syve [hair sieve]' was to sell for
+1¼d. the gallon, and that 'good and stale' for 1½d.[684] At Seaford
+there was a third state, 'in the hoffe,' or 'huff,' which sold for
+2d.[685]
+
+So far were the brewers regarded as the servants of the people that
+not only was their brewing strictly regulated, but they were compelled
+to brew even when they considered that new ordinances[686] or a rise
+in the price of malt would make their trade unprofitable;[687] and in
+1434 the brewers of Oxford were summoned to St. Mary's Church and there
+ordered to provide malt, and to see to it that two or three brewers
+brewed twice or thrice every week, and sent out their ale.[688] At
+Gloucester,[689] in the sixteenth century, the brewers were expected to
+give some kind of weak wort, possibly the scum or dregs of their brew,
+to the poor to make up into a kind of very small beer, which must have
+been something like the 'second washing of the tuns,' which formed the
+perquisite of the under brewers at Rochester Priory.[690] At Norwich
+barm or yeast was a similar subject of charity, and in 1468 it was set
+forth that 'wheras berme otherwise clepid goddisgood, without tyme of
+mynde hath frely be yoven or delyvered for brede whete malte egges or
+othir honest rewarde to the value only of a farthyng at the uttermost
+and noon warned [_i.e._ denied], because it cometh of the grete grace
+of God; certeyn ... comon brewers ... for ther singler lucre and avayle
+have nowe newely begonne to take monye for their seid goddisgood,'
+charging a halfpenny or a penny for the least amount, therefore the
+brewers were to swear that 'for the time ye or your wife exercise comon
+brewing ye shall graunte and delyver to any person axyng berme called
+goddisgood takyng for as moche goddisgood as shall be sufficient for
+the brewe of a quarter malte a ferthyng at the moost,' provided that
+they have enough for their own use, and that this do not apply to any
+'old custom' between the brewers and bakers.[691]
+
+
+About the end of the fourteenth century a new variety of malt liquor,
+beer, was introduced from Flanders. It seems to have been imported
+into Winchelsea as early as 1400,[692] but for the best part of a
+century its use was mainly, and its manufacture entirely, confined
+to foreigners. Andrew Borde,[693] who disapproved of it, says, 'Bere
+is made of malte, of hoppes and water: it is a naturall drynke for a
+Dutche man. And nowe of late dayes it is moche used in Englande to the
+detryment of many Englysshe men; specyally it kylleth them the which be
+troubled with the colycke and the stone and the strangulion; for the
+drynke is a colde drynke; yet it doth make a man fat, and doth inflate
+the bely, as it dothe appeare by the Dutche mens faces and belyes. If
+the bere be well served and be fyned and not new it doth qualify the
+heat of the lyver.' That, thanks to the large foreign settlement in
+London, beer brewing soon attained considerable dimensions in the
+city is evident from the fact that in 1418, when provisions were sent
+to Henry V. at the siege of Rouen, 300 tuns of 'ber' were sent from
+London, and only 200 tuns of ale, but the beer was valued at only
+13s. 4d. the tun, while the ale was 20s.[694] About the middle of the
+fifteenth century large quantities of hops were being imported at
+Rye and Winchelsea, and in the church of the neighbouring village of
+Playden may still be seen the grave of Cornelius Zoetmann, ornamented
+with two beer barrels and a crossed mash-stick and fork.[695] A little
+later we find beer being exported from the Sussex ports and also from
+Poole,[696] which had long done a large trade in ale to the Channel
+Islands.
+
+Such beer brewers as occur during the fifteenth century almost all
+bear foreign names. For instance, in 1473, Thomas Seyntleger and John
+Goryng of Southwark recovered heavy damages for theft against John Doys
+of St. Botolph's-outside-Aldgate and Gerard Sconeburgh of Southwark,
+'berebruers,' whose sureties were Godfrey Speryng and Edward Dewysse,
+also 'berebruers.'[697] Probably in this case the theft was an illegal
+seizure or distraint of goods for a debt for beer supplied, as although
+most of the goods said to be stolen were armour and objects of value,
+such as a book of Gower's poems and an illuminated _Sege of Troye_,
+there were also ten barrels of 'sengilbere,' thirty-five barrels of
+'dowblebere,' ten lastys of barrels and kilderkins, and two great sacks
+for 'hoppys.' There was still a prejudice against beer, and in 1471,
+at Norwich, the use of hops and 'gawle' in brewing was forbidden,[698]
+while in 1519 the authorities at Shrewsbury prohibited the employment
+of the 'wicked and pernicious weed, hops.'[699] In the same way, in
+1531, the royal brewer was forbidden to use hops or brimstone, but
+an Act of Parliament passed in the same year bore testimony to the
+establishment of the industry by exempting alien brewers from the
+penal statutes against foreigners practising their trades in England,
+and also by allowing beer brewers to employ two coopers while ale
+brewers might only employ one.[700] At the same time the barrel of
+beer was fixed at thirty-six gallons, and that of ale at thirty-two,
+the kilderkin and firkin being respectively half and quarter of those
+amounts.
+
+From this time the brewing of beer steadily prospered, the Leakes
+of Southwark[701] and other alien brewers amassing great riches,
+English brewers following in their footsteps, and the taste for beer
+spreading through the country so rapidly that in 1577 Harrison in his
+_Description of England_ could speak contemptuously of the old ale as
+thick and fulsome and no longer popular except with a few.
+
+William Harrison, writing about 1577, says: 'In some places of England
+there is a kind of drinke made of apples, which they call cider or
+pomage, but that of peares is named pirrie, and both are ground and
+pressed in presses made for the nonce. Certes, these two are verie
+common in Sussex, Kent, Worcester, and other steads where these sorts
+of fruits do abound, howbeit they are not their onelie drinke at
+all times, but referred unto the delicate sorts of drinke.'[702] A
+generation earlier Andrew Borde, whom we have already quoted for ale
+and beer, wrote: 'Cyder is made of the juce of peeres, or of the juce
+of apples; and other whyle cyder is made of both; but the best cyder
+is made of cleane peeres, the which be dulcet; but the beste is not
+praysed in physycke, for cyder is colde of operacyon, and is full of
+ventosyte, wherfore it doth ingendre evyll humours and doth swage to
+moche the naturall heate of man and doth let dygestyon and doth hurte
+the stomacke; but they the whych be used to it, yf it be dronken in
+harvyst it doth lytell harme.'
+
+Andrew Borde makes no distinction between cider and perry. We find
+mention of the latter in 1505, when a foreign ship entered Poole with
+a cargo of apples, pears, etc., and '3 poncheons de pery,' valued at
+10s.,[703] but references to perry are not numerous. Cider, on the
+other hand, we find in constant demand from the middle of the twelfth
+century onwards. It figures on the Pipe Rolls of Henry II.,[704] and
+the contemporary historian and journalist, Gerald de Barri, alleged its
+use by the monks of Canterbury instead of Kentish ale as an instance of
+their luxury.[705] A little later, in 1212, the sale of cider is one of
+the numerous sources of the income of the Abbey of Battle;[706] part of
+this cider may have come from its estates at Wye, which produced a good
+deal of cider during the fourteenth century.[707]
+
+Possibly the industry was introduced from Normandy, from which
+district large quantities of cider were imported into Winchelsea
+about 1270,[708] and this might account for the hold which it took
+upon Sussex. In the western part of the county, at Pagham, we find
+mention of an apple mill and press having been wrongfully seized by
+the escheator's officer in 1275,[709] and at the same place in 1313
+the farmer of the archbishop's estates accounted for 12s. spent on
+buying four casks in which to put cider, on repairing a ciderpress, and
+on the wages of men hired to make cider.[710] It is, however, in the
+Nonae Rolls of 1341 that the extent of the cider industry in Sussex
+is most noticeable.[711] In no fewer than eighty parishes, of which
+seventy-four were in West Sussex, the tithes of cider are mentioned as
+part of the endowment of the church, and in another twenty-eight cases
+the tithes of apples are entered. Moreover the value of these tithes
+was very considerable, reaching 100s. in Easebourne, and as much as 10
+marks (£6, 13s. 4d.) at Wisborough. In the last-named parish in 1385,
+William Threle granted to John Pakenham and his wife certain gardens
+and orchards, reserving to himself half the trees bearing fruit either
+for eating or for cider (_mangable et ciserable_), in return for which
+they were to render yearly a pipe of cider and a quarter of store
+apples (_hordapplen_); he also retained the right of access to the
+'wringehouse,' or building containing the press, and the right to use
+their ciderpress for his fruit.[712]
+
+Beyond an abundance of casual references to cider presses and to the
+purchases and sale of cider, there is little to record of the industry
+in medieval times; nor need we devote much attention to the manufacture
+of wine in England. Domesday Book shows us that the great Norman lords
+in many cases planted vines near their chief seats, and not many
+years later William of Malmesbury spoke of the Vale of Gloucester as
+planted more thickly with vineyards than any other part of England, and
+producing the best grapes, from which a wine little inferior to those
+of France was made. Vines continued to be grown by the great lords and
+monasteries, but the wine was used entirely for their own consumption,
+and in decreasing quantities. About 1500 an Italian visitor speaks
+of having eaten English grapes, and adds 'wine might be made in the
+southern parts, but it would be harsh,'[713] from which we may judge
+that such wine making as had existed was at an end by the sixteenth
+century.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+THE CONTROL OF INDUSTRY
+
+
+The control of industry is a subject for the treatment of which there
+are materials sufficient for more than one large volume. I do not,
+however, regret that I can devote comparatively small space to the
+subject, as its principles are simple and admit of broad treatment.
+There is, moreover, in the case of the student who is not a specialist,
+a danger of obscuring the outlines with a multiplicity of detail.
+And there is also the danger of selecting some puzzling and obscure
+incident or enactment, due to local causes of which we are ignorant,
+and using it as a basis for ingenious generalisations. Broadly
+speaking, the Control of Industry may be said to be either External,
+by parliamentary or municipal legislation, or Internal, by means of
+craft gilds. These two sections again admit of subdivision according
+as their objects are the protection of the consumer, the employer or
+the workman. Nor can we entirely ignore legislation for purposes of
+revenue—subsidies, customs, and _octroi_ dues.
+
+Of industrial legislation by the King's Council, the predecessor of
+Parliament, we find very little trace. The royal charters of the
+twelfth century confirming or licensing craft gilds may be more justly
+regarded as revenue enactments, their object being rather to secure a
+certain annual return from the craft to which the royal protection was
+granted than to exercise any control over the craft. The proclamation
+in the early thirteenth century of the Assize of Cloth and of the
+Assize of Bread and Ale may be considered to mark the beginning of a
+national control of industry, though in each case existing regulations
+were formally adopted rather than new rules imposed. The growth of the
+towns and the rise of a wealthy merchant class during the reign of
+Henry III. brought about the birth of Parliament, and naturally led to
+a certain amount of trade legislation. But with trade—the distribution
+of finished products by persons other than the producers—we are not
+concerned. Edward III., thanks perhaps to his queen Philippa, from the
+cloth land of Hainault, realised the possibilities of the English cloth
+manufacture, and endeavoured to foster it by a series of statutes to
+which reference has been made above. During his reign, in 1349, the
+Black Death, that great landmark in medieval history, by reducing the
+numbers of the craftsmen increased the market value of the survivors,
+who at once demanded and obtained higher wages. Parliament retorted by
+passing the Statute of Labourers,[714] according to which no smith,
+carpenter, mason, tiler, shipwright, leather-worker, tailor, or other
+artificer was to take higher wages than he had received three years
+earlier, before the pestilence. Though this was legislation in favour
+of the employer, it was not exactly a case of favouring the wealthy,
+for by imposing a penalty on the giver of excessive wages as well as
+upon the receiver, an attempt was made to prevent the small employer
+being deprived of his workmen by richer rivals. The Act was, so far
+as we can judge, inspired partly by fear that the capitalist might
+control the sources of labour, and partly by fear that those sources
+might get beyond control. Whatever its origin, the statute failed in
+its expressed intention, and wages remained, as Thorold Rogers has
+shown,[715] permanently higher. This was not due to any laxity in
+applying the Act; for many years after it was passed justices were
+appointed in every part of England to enforce it,[716] but the records
+of their proceedings, as for instance in Somerset in 1360,[717] where
+many hundreds of offenders are named, show that the workmen had no
+hesitation in demanding, and found no difficulty in getting wages
+higher than the law allowed. Wholesale imprisonment as a remedy for
+scarcity of labour was scarcely satisfactory, and the small fines which
+were inflicted proved no deterrent.
+
+As the position of the artificer had improved after the Black Death,
+so the crafts in general were assuming a greater importance in public
+estimation, and from about 1380 onwards the regulation of industries
+occupies an increasing amount of space on the Statute Rolls. With
+their growing influence, most of the crafts began to make their voices
+heard crying out for protection, which was usually given them with
+a liberal hand. But, although the pernicious effects of protective
+measures (deterioration of quality and rise of price) were to a large
+extent checked by the control kept over quality and prices by the
+national and municipal authorities, the consumer was sometimes roused
+to action. One of the best instances of the struggle between public and
+private interests is to be found in the case of the Yarmouth herring
+fishery. Edward III. had granted to Yarmouth the monopoly of the sale
+of herrings on the east coast during the season of the fishery. As a
+consequence the price of herrings had risen enormously, and the king
+was driven to cancel the privilege: the men of Yarmouth at once began
+to pull the strings, and in 1378 recovered their monopoly, with the
+same result as before. Once more the consumer made his voice heard, and
+in 1382 the Yarmouth charter was revoked, only to be restored in 1385
+on the ground that without protection of this kind Yarmouth would be
+ruined.
+
+If a large number of parliamentary enactments were protective of the
+producer, as for instance the prohibition in 1463 of the import of a
+vast variety of goods, from silk ribbands to dripping-pans, and from
+razors to tennis balls, including such incompatibles as playing cards
+and sacring bells,[718] yet still more were protective of the consumer.
+For one thing, of course, a single Act prohibiting certain imports
+might protect a dozen classes of manufactures, while the denunciation
+of one particular species of fraud would probably lead ingenious
+swindlers to invent a succession of others, each requiring a separate
+Act for its suppression. Sentimental admirers of the past are apt
+to imagine that the medieval workman loved a piece of good work for
+its own sake and never scamped a job. Nothing could be further from
+the truth. The medieval craftsman was not called a man of craft for
+nothing! He had no more conscience than a plumber, and his knowledge
+of ways that are dark and tricks that are vain was extensive and
+peculiar. The subtle craft of the London bakers, who, while making up
+their customer's dough, stole a large portion of the dough under their
+customers' eyes by means of a little trap-door in the kneading-board
+and a boy sitting under the counter,[719] was exceptional only in its
+ingenuity. Cloth was stretched and strained to the utmost and cunningly
+folded to hide defects, a length of bad cloth would be joined on to a
+length of superior quality, or a whole cheap cloth substituted for
+the good cloth which the customers had purchased; inferior leather was
+faked up to look like the best, and sold at night to the unwary; pots
+and kettles were made of bad metal which melted when put on the fire;
+and everything that could be weighed or measured was sold by false
+measure.
+
+Prior to the middle of the sixteenth century parliamentary attention
+was mainly concentrated on the cloth trade, and the preambles to the
+various statutes show that those in authority, including the more
+responsible manufacturers, realised that honesty is the best policy in
+the end. In 1390 it was pointed out that the frauds of the west country
+clothiers had not only endangered the reputations, and even the lives,
+of merchants who brought them for export, but had brought dishonour on
+the English name abroad.[720] Two years later it was the reputation
+of Guildford cloths that had been damaged by sharp practices.[721]
+The worsteds of Norfolk had early come into favour on the Continent,
+but in 1410 the Flemish merchants became exasperated at their bad
+quality,[722] and thirty years later the foreign demand for worsteds
+had been almost killed,[723] while in 1464 English cloth in general
+was in grave disrepute, not only abroad, but even in its native land,
+foreign cloth being largely imported.[724] To give them their due, the
+gilds recognised the importance to their own interests of maintaining
+a high standard of workmanship, and co-operated loyally with the
+municipal authorities to that end.
+
+Although we have classed the control of industries by municipal by-laws
+as 'external,' and control by gild regulations as 'internal,' no
+hard and fast line can really be drawn between the two. In England,
+in contrast to the experience of many Continental states, the two
+authorities worked together with very little friction, the craft
+gilds recognising the paramount position of the merchant gild or town
+council, and the latter, in turn, protecting the interest of the
+gilds and using their organisation to control the various crafts. The
+question of the origin of gilds is interesting rather than important,
+and has given rise to much discussion. It is known that the Roman
+crafts were organised into _collegia_, but while it is quite possible
+that some of the trade gilds in Constantinople, and even in Italy and
+Spain, might be able to trace their pedigrees back to Roman times,
+it is more than improbable that there was any connection between the
+Roman _collegia_ and the English craft gilds of the twelfth century.
+The gilds of which we find mention in Anglo-Saxon records were clearly
+fraternities of purely social and religious import. These gilds,
+friendly societies for the support of religious observances benefiting
+the souls of all the members, and for the mutual relief of such members
+as had met with misfortune, survived the Conquest and increased
+greatly, till by the end of the fourteenth century there could have
+been hardly a village without at least one gild. It is natural to
+suppose that in towns, where the choice of gilds was considerable,
+there would be a tendency for members of the same trade to join the
+same gild. The strength gained by such union under the common bond
+of an oath to obey the same statutes and the same officers, and the
+advantage of the Church's protection must soon have become obvious, and
+as in 1378 we find the weavers of London forming a fraternity whose
+ordinances are entirely of a religious nature and contain no reference
+to the occupation of the members,[725] so we may well believe that many
+of the early gilds, while apparently purely religious, were in fact
+trade unions. Whatever may have been the methods in which craft gilds
+came into existence, we find them increasing in numbers and influence
+from the middle of the twelfth century onwards. Meanwhile, however,
+the capitalists and wealthy traders by means of 'merchant gilds' and
+similar bodies had so firmly established an oligarchic control over
+the towns and boroughs that they were able to keep the craft gilds
+in a subordinate position. Everywhere the town authorities, whether
+they were mayor and council, or gild merchant, or governors, could
+impose regulations upon the crafts, while such rules as the crafts
+drew up for their own management were legal only if accepted by the
+town council. The case of Coventry was typical, where, in 1421, the
+mayor and councillors summoned the wardens of the crafts with their
+ordinances. 'And the poyntes that byn lawfull good and honest for the
+Cite be alowyd hem and all other thrown asid and had for none.'[726] In
+the same way at Norwich in 1449, the mayor drew up a complete set of
+ordinances for the crafts.[727] But although keeping a firm hand on the
+gilds, and taking measures to protect the interests of the consumers
+and of the town in general, the civic authorities left the gilds in
+control of the internal affairs of their crafts. So that the craftsman
+in his relations to another of the same trade was a gild brother, but
+in his relations to all other men he was a townsman.
+
+From the consumer's point of view the regulation of prices was perhaps
+the most important problem. The price of raw material was too dependent
+upon supply and demand to admit of much regulation, though in 1355
+Parliament interfered to bring down the price of iron,[728] forbidding
+its export, and ordering the Justices of Labourers (_i.e._ those
+appointed to enforce the Statute of Labourers) to punish all who sold
+it too high. The local authorities, civic and manorial, took constant
+measures to prevent the artificial enhancement of what we may call raw
+food stuffs, corn, fish, and meat, the 'regrator and forestaller,'
+that is to say, the middleman, who intercepted supplies before they
+reached the market and forced prices up for his own sole benefit,
+being universally regarded as a miscreant.[729] The economists of that
+period had not grasped the fact that the cleverness shown in buying
+an article cheap and selling the same thing, without any further
+expenditure of labour, dear, if done on a sufficiently large scale,
+justifies the bestowal of the honour of knighthood or a peerage. In the
+case of manufactured food stuffs, such as bread and ale, the price was
+automatically fixed by the price of the raw material, and in general
+prices of manufactures were regulated by the cost of the materials.
+Even in the case of such artistic work as the making of waxen images,
+it was considered scandalous that the makers should charge as much as
+2s. the pound for images when wax was only 6d. the pound, and in 1432
+the waxchandlers were ordered not to charge for workmanship more than
+3d. the pound over the current price of wax.[730] The principle that
+the craftsman should be content with a reasonable profit, and not turn
+the casual needs of his neighbours to his own benefit is constantly
+brought out in local regulations, as, for instance, in London in 1362,
+when in consequence of the damage wrought by a great storm tiles were
+in great demand, and the tilers were ordered to go on making tiles and
+selling them at the usual prices.[731]
+
+The question of prices, which were thus so largely composed of a
+varying sum for material, and a fixed sum for workmanship, is very
+intimately connected with the question of wages.[732] The medieval
+economist seems to have accepted the Ruskinian theory that all
+men engaged in a particular branch of trade should be paid equal
+wages—with the corollary that the better workman would obtain the more
+employment—as opposed to the modern practice of payment according to
+skill, which results in the greater employment of the bad workman
+because he is cheap.[733] There were, of course, grades in each
+profession, as master or foreman, workman, and assistant or common
+labourer, but within each grade the rate of payment was fixed—at least
+within the jurisdiction of any gild or town authority[734]—unless the
+work was of quite exceptional nature, as, for instance, the making
+of carved stalls for the royal chapel at Westminster in 1357, where
+the rates of pay were almost double those of ordinary workmen.[735]
+Wages were at all times paid on the two systems of piece-work and time,
+and the hours, which varied in the different trades, and at different
+places and periods, were as a rule long.[736] For the building trade at
+Beverley in the fifteenth century work began in summer (from Easter to
+15th August) at 4 A.M., and continued till 7 P.M.; at 6 A.M. there was
+a quarter of an hour's interval for refreshment, at 8 half an hour for
+breakfast, at 11 an hour and a half to dine and sleep, and at 3 half
+an hour for further refreshment. During the winter months they worked
+from dawn till dusk, with half an hour for breakfast at 9 o'clock, an
+hour for dinner at noon, and a quarter of an hour's interval at 3.
+These hours agree fairly well with those laid down by Parliament in
+1496,[737] which were, from mid-March to mid-September, start at 5 and
+stop work between 7 and 8, with half an hour for breakfast and an hour
+and a half for dinner and sleep (the siesta was only to be taken from
+beginning of May to end of July, during the rest of the time there was
+to be an hour for dinner and half an hour for lunch—'nonemete'). The
+blacksmiths of London worked, at the end of the fourteenth century,
+from dawn till 9 P.M., except during November, December, and January,
+when their hours were from 6 A.M. to 8 P.M.[738] In the case of the
+Cappers' gild at Coventry the journeymen's hours were in 1496 from 6
+A.M. to 6 P.M.;[739] but in 1520 they had been increased, being from
+6 A.M. to 7 P.M. in winter, and from 5 A.M. to 7 P.M. in summer.[740]
+Wages, of course, when paid by the day, varied in winter and summer,
+if we may use these terms for the short and long days. In London the
+determining dates were Easter and Michaelmas,[741] at Bristol Ash
+Wednesday and St. Calixtus (14th October),[742] and in the case of the
+workmen at Westminster the Purification (2nd February) and All Saints
+(1st November), giving an exceptionally short winter period.[743]
+
+Against the long hours we have to set the comparative frequency of
+holidays. On Sundays and all the greater festivals, as well as a
+variable number of local festivals, such as the dedication day of the
+Church, no work was done, and on Saturdays and the days preceding
+festivals work as a rule ceased at four o'clock or earlier. This early
+closing was enforced at Norwich[744] in 1490, on the representation of
+the shoemakers that many of their journeymen were 'greatly disposed to
+riot and idelnes, whereby may succede grete poverte, so that dyuers
+days wekely when them luste to leve ther bodyly labour till a grete
+parte of the weke be almost so expended and wasted ... also contrary to
+the lawe of god and good guydyng temporall they labour quikly toward
+the Sondaye and festyuall dayes on the Saterdayes and vigils fro iiij
+of the clock at after none to the depnes and derknes of the nyght
+foloweng. And not onely that synfull disposicion but moche warse so
+offendyng in the morownynges of such festes and omyttyng the heryng of
+the dyvyne servyce.' In the case of the founders in London,[745] while
+no ordinary metal work, such as turning, filing, or engraving, might be
+done after noon had rung, an exception had to be made in the case of a
+casting which was actually in progress; such work might be completed
+after time, as otherwise the metal would have to be remelted, even if
+it were not spoilt by the interruption. So far as Sundays and feasts
+were concerned no work was permitted except in the case of farriers,
+who were expected to shoe the horses of strangers passing through the
+town.[746] A good many shops were open on the Sunday morning until
+seven o'clock, especially shoemakers,[747] who in Bristol were allowed
+at any time of the day to serve 'eny knyght or Squyer or eny other
+straunger goyng on her passage or journee, merchant or maryner comyng
+fro the see,' or, during the six Sundays of harvest, any one else who
+required boots.[748] Markets during the early part of the thirteenth
+century were often held on Sundays, but most of these were soon shifted
+on to week days; and fairs were usually associated with a saint's day,
+but a fair was an amusement at which the ordinary craftsman was an
+interested spectator, though the chapmen and merchants were kept busy
+enough. The London rule that Saturdays and vigils counted for wages
+as complete days, but that no payment was to be made for the Sundays
+and feast days[749] was generally observed, but in the case of workmen
+engaged in building operations at Westminster and the Tower the custom
+was that wages should be paid for alternate feast days, but not for any
+Sundays.[750]
+
+Rules against working at night or after dark are constantly found in
+all classes of industries, 'by reason that no man can work so neatly
+by night as by day.'[751] There was the additional reason that in many
+trades night work was a source of annoyance to neighbours. This was
+certainly the case with the blacksmiths,[752] and was probably the
+cause of the enactment by the Council in 1398, that no leather worker
+should work by night with hammer and shears, knife or file, at making
+points or lanyers (laces or thongs).[753] Worst of all these offenders
+were the spurriers,[754] for 'many of the said trade are wandering
+about all day without working at all at their trade; and then when
+they have become drunk and frantic, they take to their work, to the
+annoyance of the sick and all their neighbourhood.... And then they
+blow up their fires so vigorously that their forges begin all at once
+to blaze, to the great peril of themselves and of all the neighbourhood
+round.' Nuisances of this nature the authorities put down by stringent
+by-laws, in the same way that they banished offensive occupations, such
+as the flaying of carcases, the dressing of skins, and the burning of
+bricks, outside the walls.[755]
+
+A third reason for the prohibition of night work was that candlelight
+not only made good work more difficult, but made bad work more easy.
+Not only was it easy to pass off faked leather and other deceitful
+goods by the uncertain, artificial light, which was one of the causes
+that moved the Council to try to put down 'evechepyngs,'[756] or
+evening markets, in London, but it also enabled fraudulent workmen
+to avoid the eye of the vigilant searcher or inspector.[757] All
+such evasion and secrecy was rightly regarded as suspicious, and
+at Bristol, to take a single instance, weavers had to work at looms
+visible from the public street, and not in cellars or upstair
+rooms,[758] the better class of furs had also to be worked in
+public,[759] and ale might not be sold in private.[760] The medieval
+system of search or inspection was very thorough, in theory and, so far
+as we can judge, in practice also. The search of weights and measures,
+provisions, cloth, and tanned leather usually belonged to the mayor or
+equivalent borough officer, or in country districts to the manorial
+lord, but usually with other manufactures, and very often in the case
+of cloth and leather, the mayor deputed the duty of search to members
+of the craft gilds elected and sworn for that purpose. They could
+inspect the wares either in the workshops, or when exposed for sale,
+and seize any badly made articles. The forfeited goods were either
+burnt or given to the poor,[761] and the offending craftsman fined, set
+in the pillory, or, if an old offender, banished from the town.[762]
+To facilitate tracing the responsibility for bad work, weavers,
+fullers, hatters, metal workers, tile-makers, and other craftsmen,
+including bakers, were ordered to put their private trademarks on their
+wares.[763]
+
+The process of search must have been much simplified by the custom
+so prevalent in medieval towns of segregating or localising the
+trades,[764] so that all the goldsmiths dwelt in one quarter, the
+shoemakers in another, the clothiers in a third, and so forth. How far
+this was compulsory, and how far a mere matter of custom it is hard
+to say, but for those who in addition to or instead of shops sold by
+barrows or chapmen, definite districts were usually assigned. So the
+London shoemakers might only send out their goods to be hawked between
+Sopers Lane and the Conduit, and then only in the morning,[765] and
+at Bristol smiths were not to send ironware through the town for sale
+in secret places, but either to sell 'in here howse opynlych' or else
+at their assigned place by the High Cross, where also all strangers
+coming with 'eny penyworthes yclepid smyth ware' were to stand.[766]
+The principle of segregation was carried out still more strictly, as
+we might expect, in the markets. A list of the stalls in the provision
+market at Norwich in 1397[767] shows forty butchers' stalls together,
+followed by forty-five fishmongers and twenty-eight stalls in the
+poulterers' market, of which nine were used for fresh fish; then there
+were fifteen shops belonging to the corporation in the wool-market,
+and the great building of the 'Worthsted Celd,' to which all worsteds
+sent in from the country had to be brought.[768] Other trades were
+localised in the same way, and the two divisions of leather-workers,
+the cordwainers and the workers of the inferior 'bazan' or sheep's
+leather, were bidden each to keep to their own set of stalls to prevent
+confusion and fraud.[769]
+
+As the trades were kept each to its own district, so was the craftsman
+restricted to his own trade. By a law issued in 1364 artificers were
+obliged to keep to one 'mystery' or craft,[770] an exception being
+made in favour of women acting as brewers, bakers, carders, spinners,
+and workers of wool and linen and silk,—the versatility of woman, the
+'eternal amateur,' being thus recognised some five centuries and a
+half before Mr. Chesterton rediscovered it. Later statutes forbade
+shoemakers, tanners, and curriers to infringe on each other's province.
+It is true that at Bristol[771] we find a puzzling regulation that
+if a man who had not been apprenticed to tanning practises the craft
+to which he was apprenticed and also uses the craft of tanning, he
+shall not pay anything to the tanner's craft but to his own craft and
+his 'maistier servaunt de tanneres-crafte' shall discharge the dues,
+etc. of a master of the craft. But probably this belongs to the later
+fifteenth century after the rise of capitalist employers; if not, it
+is certainly exceptional, the general tendency being to keep trades,
+and more especially the allied trades, separate, in order presumably
+to avoid the growth of 'combines' and monopolies. For this reason
+fishmongers and fishermen were forbidden to enter into partnership in
+London,[772] because the dealers, knowing the needs of the city, would
+be able to manipulate supplies and keep up prices. The case against
+allowing all the branches of one trade to come under single control is
+vividly set out in the case of the Coventry iron workers in 1435:[773]—
+
+'Be hit known to you that but yif certen ordenaunses of Craftes withein
+this Cite, and in speciall the craft of wirdrawerz, be takon good hede
+to, hit is like myche of the kynges pepull and in speciall poor chapmen
+and Clothemakers in tyme comeng shallon be gretely hyndered; and as
+hit may be supposed the principall cause is like to be amonges hem
+that han all the Craft in her own hondes, That is to say, smythiers,
+brakemen,[774] gurdelmen and cardwirdrawers; for he that hathe all
+these Craftes may, offendyng his consience, do myche harme. First in
+the smethyng, yif he be necligent and mysrule his Iron that he wirkithe
+be onkynd hetes or elles in oder maner, the whiche when hit is so
+spilt is not to make no maner chapmannes ware of, Neverthelater for
+his own eese he will com to his Brakemon and sey to hym:—"Here is a
+ston of rough-iron the whiche must be tendurly cherysshet." And then
+the Brakemon most nedes do his maisters comaundement and dothe all
+that is in hym; and then when the Brakemon hathe don his occupacion,
+that that the mayster supposithe wilnot in no wyse be holpen atte
+gurdell, then hit shall be solde for hoke wire. And when hit is made
+in hokes and shulde serve the Fisher to take fisshe, when comythe hit
+to distresse, then for febulness hit all-to brekithe and thus is the
+Fissher foule disseyved to hys grete harme. And then that wire that
+the mayster supposithe will be cherisshed atte gurdell, he shall com
+to his girdelmon and sey to him as he seid to the brakemon:—"Lo, here
+is a stryng or ij that hathe ben mysgoverned atte herthe; my brakemon
+hathe don his dener, I prey the do now thyne." And so he dothe as his
+maister biddethe hyme. And then he gothe to his cardwirdrawer and
+seithe the same to hym, and he dothe as his maister biddithe hym.
+And then when the Cardmaker hathe bought this wire thus dissayvabely
+wrought he may not know hit tille hit com to the crokyng,[775] and then
+hit crachithe and farithe foule; so the cardmaker is right hevy therof
+but neverthelater he sethe because hit is cutte he must nedes helpe
+hymself in eschuing his losse, he makithe cardes therof as well as he
+may. And when the cardes ben solde to the clothemaker and shuldon be
+ocupied, anon the teeth brekon and fallon out, so the clothemaker is
+foule disseyved. Wherfore, sirs, atte reverens of God in fortheryng of
+the kynges true lege peapull and in eschueng of all disseytes, weithe
+this mater wysely and ther as ye see disseyte is like to be, therto
+settithe remedy be your wyse discressions. For ye may right welle know
+be experience that and the smythier and the brakemen wern togider, and
+no mo, and the cardwirdrawers and the middlemen[776] togider, and no
+mo, then hit were to suppose that ther shuld not so myche disseyvaball
+wire be wrought and sold as ther is; for and the craft were severed
+in the maner as hit is seide above, then the cardwirdrawers and the
+myddelmen most nedes bye the wire that they shull wirche of the
+smythier, and yif the cardwirdrawer were ones or thies disseyved with
+ontrewe wire he wolde be warre and then wold he sey unto the smythier
+that he bought that wire of:—"Sir, I hadde of you late badde wire. Sir,
+amend your honde, or, in feith, I will no more bye of you." And then
+the smythier, lest he lost his custumers, wolde make true goode; and
+then, withe the grase of Godd, the Craft shulde amend and the kynges
+peapull be not disseyved with ontrewe goode.'
+
+The interests of the craftsmen, or producers, were as a whole opposed
+to those of the consumers. It is true that they co-operated, as we
+have seen, with the local authorities in maintaining the standard of
+workmanship, because the craft that did not do so would soon find
+itself 'defamed and out of employ,'[777] but it was obviously to
+their interest to keep up prices by the limitation of competition
+and of output. Their success in restricting competition varied very
+greatly in different trades and places. In Lincoln, for instance,
+no tiler might come to work in the town without joining the tilers'
+gild,[778] while in Worcester, so far was this from being the case,
+that the tilers were not even allowed to form a gild at all.[779] As
+a whole the gilds had the townsmen behind them in their opposition
+to outsiders. The traditional attitude of the Englishman towards a
+stranger has always been to 'heave half a brick at him,' and as far
+back as 1421 the authorities at Coventry had to order 'that no man
+throw ne cast at noo straunge man, ne skorn hym.'[780] The sense of
+civic, or even parochial, patriotism was more developed in those times,
+and it was generally felt that while artificers ought not to work for
+outsiders unless there was no work to be had within the town, on the
+other hand, employers ought to give the preference to their fellow
+townsmen and not send work out of the town.[781] As to encouraging
+strangers to settle within their walls, sentiment varied in different
+places. At Beverley in 1467 it was enacted that any person might come
+and set up in his craft without any payment for the first year—except
+a contribution towards the church light and the yearly pageant
+maintained by his craft—but after that he should pay yearly 12d. to
+the town and 12d. to his craft until he became a burgess and member of
+the gild.[782] But the attitude of Bristol, where no one might weave
+unless he became a burgess (and a gild brother) was more typical of
+the general feeling.[783] There was, however, at Bristol a rule that
+a stranger who had come to the town on a visit, or to wait for a ship
+might work at his trade for his support during his stay.[784] This rule
+did not hold good, apparently, at Hereford, as a London tailor, whose
+master had allowed him during an outbreak of plague to go and stay
+with relations in Hereford, was imprisoned by the wardens of the local
+tailors' gild because he did some tailoring for the cousin with whom
+he was staying, in order to pay for his keep.[785] At Norwich, by the
+ordinances of 1449, no 'foreign dweller' might have any apprentices or
+even a hired servant unless the latter was absolutely necessary for
+his business, and in that case at the end of a year he must either 'buy
+himself a freeman,' or, if too poor to buy the franchise, 'live under
+tribute to the sheriffs.'[786]
+
+One advantage that the resident manufacturer had over the foreigner
+was that his wares entered the local market without the handicap of
+paying customs or _octroi_ dues. Long lists of these dues on every
+conceivable kind of merchandise, from bears and monkeys to peppercorns,
+are to be found in the records of many towns,[787] more especially
+seaports. It is true that the burgesses of many towns, and the tenants
+of many religious houses were theoretically exempt from paying these
+dues, but it is probable that the delay and worry of proving such
+exemption was often felt to be a greater loss than payment. So far as
+the alien importer was concerned, although there was no such thing
+as a protective duty (the import of an article was either prohibited
+altogether or unrestrained), he might find himself called upon to pay
+a higher, even a double, import duty on all his merchandise. This
+policy of discriminating against the alien, combined with the continual
+harassing of the unfortunate foreign merchants, induced many alien
+settlers to take out letters of naturalisation, and the long lists of
+these in the fifteenth century[788] show how numerous and widespread
+these aliens were. Coming for the most part from Flanders and the
+Low Countries, they settled not only in London and the other great
+towns, but in the smaller market towns and villages throughout the
+country, exercising their various trades as goldsmiths, clothmakers,
+leather-workers, and so forth. In London in particular the foreign
+element was very large from an early date and, as a result of the
+invitation issued by Edward III. to foreign clothworkers and their
+exemption from the control of the native clothiers' gild, we have
+the exceptional occurrence of a gild of alien weavers. This gild,
+itself divided by the rivalries and quarrels of the Flemings and
+Brabanters,[789] was unpopular with the native weavers because, while
+competing with them for trade, they did not share in the farm or rent
+paid by the native gild to the king, and in general there was a strong
+feeling against the aliens in London, which was fanned by the craft
+gilds and occasionally culminated in rioting, the murder of some of the
+foreigners and the plunder of their shops.
+
+While the gilds were constantly coming into conflict with outside
+interests, there was also an internal conflict of interests between
+the masters, the hired servants, or journeymen, and the intermediate
+class of apprentices. This becomes more noticeable towards the end of
+our period. While there was occasional friction between employer and
+employed even before the second half of the fourteenth century, it was
+during the next two centuries that the rise of the capitalist, coupled
+with the descent of the small independent masters into the position of
+journeymen, brought about strained relations between the two classes.
+In the earlier period in most of the trades there was reasonable
+prospect for any craftsman that he would be able to set up as an
+independent master, but as time went on the difficulty of attaining
+independence increased. The growing attraction of town and craft life
+as compared with agriculture swelled the ranks of the craftsmen,
+and the gilds, whose management was in the hands of the masters,
+endeavoured to limit competition by raising their entrance fees and
+more especially by raising their 'upsets,' that is to say the fees
+which had to be paid by a craftsman upon setting up as a master. One
+of the earliest instances of this restriction of competition occurred
+in connection with the weavers' gild of London, concerning whom it was
+reported in 1321 that they had during the last thirty years reduced
+the number of looms in the city from 380 to 80.[790] In this case the
+object was to benefit all the members of the gild at the expense of
+the public, and not to protect existing masters from rivals within
+the gild, and the method employed was therefore the raising of the fee
+for entrance to the gild. This same weavers' gild was so far ahead of
+its times that it had instituted the modern trade unions' restriction
+of output, no member being allowed to weave a cloth in less than four
+days, though such a cloth could easily be woven in three if not in two
+days.[791] But this was a most exceptional move, if not absolutely
+unique.
+
+How far the desire to restrict output was at the bottom of regulations
+forbidding the employment of more than a strictly limited number of
+apprentices and journeymen, and how far such prohibitions were inspired
+by fear of the monopolisation of labour by capitalists it is difficult
+to say. Probably the dread of the capitalist was the chief incentive
+for such regulations, which are very numerous; the cobblers of Bristol,
+for instance, being restricted to a single 'covenaunt hynd,'[792]
+and the cappers of Coventry allowed only two apprentices, neither of
+whom might be replaced if he left with his master's leave before the
+end of his term of seven years.[793] The same principle of fair play
+between employers led to the ordaining of heavy penalties for taking
+away another man's servant, or employing any journeyman who had not
+fulfilled his engagement with his previous master, and to the strict
+prohibition of paying more than the fixed maximum wages. As this last
+provision was sometimes got over by the master's wife giving his
+servants extra gratuities and gifts, this practice was forbidden at
+Bristol in 1408, except that the master might at the end of a year
+give 'a courtesy' of 20d. to his chief servant.[794] As the unfair
+securing of labour by offering high wages was forbidden, so the use of
+the cheap labour of women was as a rule regarded with disfavour. The
+fullers of Lincoln were forbidden to work with any woman who was not
+the wife or maid of a master,[795] and the 'braelers,' or makers of
+braces, of London, in 1355, laid down 'that no one shall be so daring
+as to set any woman to work in his trade, other than his wedded wife
+or his daughter.'[796] A century later the authorities at Bristol went
+even further, for finding that the weavers were 'puttyn, occupien
+and hiren ther wyfes, doughtours and maidens, some to weve in ther
+owne lombes and some to hire them to wirche with othour persons of
+the said crafte,' whereby many 'likkely men to do the Kyng service
+in his warris, ... and sufficiently lorned in the seid crafte ...
+gothe vagraunt and unoccupied,' absolutely forbade the practice in
+future, making an exception only in the case of wives already so
+employed.[797] Of child labour we hear very little, one of the few
+notices being an order on their behalf made, suitably enough, by
+Richard Whittington in 1398, that whereas some 'hurers' (makers of fur
+caps) send their apprentices and journeymen and children of tender age
+down to the Thames and other exposed places, amid horrible tempests,
+frosts, and snows, to scour caps, to the very great scandal of the
+city, this practice is to cease at once.[798]
+
+Apprenticeship was from quite early times the chief, and eventually
+became the only, path to mastership. The ordinances of the London
+leather-dressers,[799] made in 1347, and those of the pewterers,[800]
+made the next year, give as alternative qualifications for reception
+into the craft the completion of a period of apprenticeship, or
+the production of good testimony that the applicant is a competent
+workman. A similar certificate of ability was required of the dyers at
+Bristol,[801] in 1407, even if they were apprentices, but as a rule the
+completion of a term of apprenticeship was a sufficient qualification.
+That term might vary considerably, but the custom of London, which held
+good in most English boroughs, eventually fixed it at a minimum of
+seven years. This would often be exceeded, and we find, for instance,
+a boy of fourteen apprenticed to a haberdasher in 1462 for the rather
+exceptional term of twelve years; but in this case the master had
+undertaken to provide him with two years' schooling, the first year
+and a half to learn 'grammer,' and the next half year to learn to
+write.[802] In a list of apprentices who took the oath of fealty to
+the king and the city at Coventry in 1494, the terms range from five
+to nine years, though the majority were for seven years; during the
+first years of their terms, they were to receive nominal wages, usually
+12d. a year, and for their last year more substantial rewards, varying
+from 6s. 8d. to 25s.[803] The oath to obey the city laws serves as a
+reminder that the apprentice, not being a full member of the gild, was
+under the charge of the city authorities to some extent. Indentures of
+apprenticeship had as a rule to be enrolled by the town clerk,[804] and
+in London the transfer of an apprentice from one employer to another
+was not legal unless confirmed by the city chamberlain.[805] Besides
+having his indentures enrolled, and paying a fee to the craft gild,
+the apprentices, or rather his friends, had to give a bond for his
+good behaviour. The rights of the apprentice, on the other hand, were
+probably always guarded by a right of appeal to the wardens of his
+craft: this was certainly the case at Coventry in 1520, the masters
+of the cappers being obliged to go once a year to all the shops of
+their craft and call the apprentices before them, and if any apprentice
+complained three times against his master for 'insufficient finding,'
+they had power to take him away and put him with another master.[806]
+As a master's interest in his apprentice was transferable to another
+master, so it was possible for an apprentice to buy up the remainder
+of his term after he had served a portion. He could not, however,
+be received into his gild as a master until the whole of his term
+had expired,[807] and although it would seem that he could set up in
+business by himself,[808] probably he might not employ workmen, and
+as a rule he no doubt spent the unexpired portion of his term as a
+journeyman.
+
+The journeymen, working by the day (_journée_), either with their
+masters, or in their own houses, as opposed to the covenant servants,
+who were hired by the year,[809] and lived in their employer's house,
+constituted the fluid element in the industrial organisation, and were
+composed partly of men who had served a full apprenticeship but lacked
+funds or enterprise to set up independently, and partly of others
+who had either served only a brief apprenticeship, or had picked up
+their knowledge of the craft in other ways.[810] Although more or
+less free to work for what employers they would, practically all gild
+regulations contained a stringent order against the employment of
+any journeyman who had broken his contract or left his late master
+without good reason.[811] In the matter of home work rules varied;
+the journeymen of the wiredrawers and allied crafts at Coventry in
+1435 were allowed to work at home and might not be compelled to come
+to their masters' houses,[812] but in London, in 1271, the shoemakers
+were not allowed to give out work, as the journeymen were found to go
+off with the goods.[813] The vagaries of this class, indeed, caused
+much heart-searching to their masters. Instead of being content with
+their holidays, and accepting their twelve hours' working day, they
+had a pernicious habit of going off on the spree for two or three
+days, and amusing themselves by playing bowls, 'levyng ther besynes at
+home that they shuld lyve by';[814] and the Coventry employers, with
+that touching regard for widows and orphans (or in this case wives
+and children) which has always distinguished the English capitalists,
+forbade them to frequent inns on workdays, 'as it is daylye seen that
+they whiche be of the pooreste sorte doo sytte all daye in the alehouse
+drynkynge and playnge at the cardes and tables and spende all that
+they can gett prodigally upon themselfes to the highe displeasure of
+God and theyre owne ympovershynge, whereas if it were spente at home
+in theyre owne houses theyre wiffes and childerne shulde have parte
+therof.'[815] Not having any voice in the craft gilds the journeymen
+were continually forming 'yeomen gilds,' 'bacheleries,' and other
+combinations, which the masters' gilds usually endeavoured to suppress.
+In 1387 the London journeymen cordwainers formed a fraternity[816]
+and endeavoured to secure it by obtaining papal protection; nine
+years later the mayor and aldermen put down a fraternity formed by
+the yeomen of the saddlers, at the same time ordering the masters to
+treat their men well in future,[817] and in 1415 the wardens of the
+tailors complained that their journeymen had combined, living together
+in companies in particular houses, where they held assemblies, and
+adopting a livery, whereupon the council, in view of the danger to the
+peace of the city from such an uncontrolled and irresponsible body,
+forbade the combination and ordered the journeymen to live under the
+governance of the wardens of the craft.[818] The fraternity of the
+yeomen tailors, however, was not so easily suppressed, and is found
+two years later petitioning for leave to hold its yearly assembly at
+St. John's, Clerkenwell.[819] In the same way at Coventry, when the
+journeymen tailors' gild of St. Anne was suppressed in 1420, they
+simply changed their patron and reappeared as the gild of St. George,
+against which measures were taken in 1425.[820] The charges against the
+yeomen saddlers in 1396 were, that they had so forced wages up that
+whereas the masters could formerly obtain a workman for from 40s. to 5
+marks yearly and his board they had now to pay 10 or 12 marks or even
+£10, and that also business was dislocated by the bedel coming round
+and summoning the journeymen to attend a service for the soul of a
+deceased brother. The clashing of religious observances with business
+led to an order at Coventry in 1528 that the journeymen dyers should
+make no assemblies at weddings, brotherhoods, or burials, nor make any
+'caves' (_i.e._ combinations), but use themselves as servants, and as
+no craft.[821] This was practically an enforcement of an order issued
+ten years earlier, that no journeymen should form 'caves' without
+the licence of the mayor and the master of their craft.[822] Such
+a licence would not as a rule be granted, unless the masters were
+unusually broadminded, or the journeymen exceptionally strong. There
+was, however, at Coventry a recognised fraternity of journeymen weavers
+in 1424; their wardens paid 12d. to the chief master for every brother
+admitted; each brother gave 4d. towards the cost of the craft pageant,
+and the chief master contributed towards the journeymen's altar lamp,
+while both masters and servants held their feasts together.[823]
+At Bristol also there was a gild of journeymen connected with the
+shoemakers' craft, sharing with the craft gild in the expenses of
+church lights and feasts.[824]
+
+The success of the London saddlers in forcing wages up is a remarkable
+tribute to the power of union; and we find that during the fourteenth
+century the strike was well known, and when a master would not agree
+with his workmen the other workmen of the craft would come out and
+cease work until the dispute was settled.[825] This practice was, of
+course, forbidden, but we may doubt with what success. At the same time
+the masters were pretty well unanimous in forbidding the employment of
+a craftsman whose dispute with his master had not been settled. So far
+as the offence of detaining wages due was concerned, penalties were
+often laid down in gild ordinances,[826] while in the case of other
+disputes the matter would be settled by the council or court of the
+craft.[827] The existence of a craft gild practically implied a court
+before which disputes between members of the craft or between craftsmen
+and customers were tried.[828] Such courts were at first directly under
+the borough authorities, the mayor or his deputies presiding over the
+weekly courts of the weavers in London in 1300,[829] and although they
+seem to have attained a greater degree of independence there seems
+usually to have been a right of appeal to the borough court.[830] It
+was probably to avoid this that some of the Coventry masters took to
+impleading craftsmen in spiritual courts, on the ground that they had
+broken their oaths in not keeping the gild rules.[831]
+
+Too much attention must not be given to the quarrelsome side of
+the gilds, for they were essentially friendly societies for mutual
+assistance. One of the rules of the London leather-dressers was that
+if a member should have more work than he could complete, and the work
+was in danger of being lost the other members should help him.[832]
+So also, if a mason wished to undertake a contract he got four or six
+responsible members of the craft to guarantee his ability, and if he
+did not do the work well they had to complete it.[833] Again, if a
+farrier undertook the cure of a horse and was afraid that it would
+die, he might call in the advice of the wardens of his company, but if
+he was too proud to do so and the horse died, he would be responsible
+to the owner.[834] The rule of the weavers at Hull, that none should
+let his apprentice work for another[835] was not an infringement of
+the principle of mutual aid, but was designed to prevent evasion
+of the order that none might have more than two apprentices; the
+fact that a fine was only exacted in the event of the apprentice so
+working for more than thirteen days actually points to the loan of
+temporary assistance being allowed. While help was thus given to the
+craftsman when in full employ, a still more essential feature of
+the gilds was their grant of assistance to members who had fallen
+ill or become impoverished through no fault of their own.[836] Nor
+did their benevolence end with the poor craftsman's death, for they
+made an allowance to his widow and celebrated Masses for the repose
+of his soul. The religious element in the organisation of gilds,
+though very strong, does not affect us very much in considering
+their industrial side, but there is one indirect effect which must be
+referred to. The custom of all the gilds and fraternities going in
+procession to the chief church of their town on certain feast days,
+carrying their banners and symbols, gradually developed during the
+fifteenth century until each gild endeavoured to outshine its rivals
+in pageantry. Payments towards the pageants were exacted from all
+members of the trade even if they were not members of the gild, but
+in spite of this the expenses were so great that the smaller gilds
+were almost ruined, and consequently we find during the latter half of
+the fifteenth century schemes to amalgamate, or at any rate to unite
+for the support of a common pageant, many of the smaller mysteries
+or crafts. An account of a pageant at Norwich[837] about 1450 is
+interesting as showing the numbers of these lesser crafts, and the
+way in which they were combined. Twelve pageants were presented: (1)
+The Creation of the World, by the mercers, drapers, and haberdashers.
+(2) Paradise, by the grocers and raffemen. (3) 'Helle Carte,' by the
+glaziers, stainers, scriveners, parchemyners, the carpenters, gravers,
+colermakers, and wheelwrights. (4) Abel and Cain, by the shearmen,
+fullers, 'thikwollenwevers,' and coverlet makers, the masons and
+limeburners. (5) 'Noyse shipp' (Noah's Ark), by the bakers, brewers,
+innkeepers, cooks, millers, vintners, and coopers. (6) Abraham and
+Isaac, by the tailors, broderers, the reders and tylers. (7) Moses
+and Aaron with the children of Israel and Pharaoh and his knights,
+by the tanners, curriers, and cordwainers. (8) David and Goliath, by
+the smiths. (9) The Birth of Christ, by the dyers, calenders, the
+goldsmiths, goldbeaters, saddlers, pewterers, and braziers. (10) The
+Baptism of Christ, by the barbers, waxchandlers, surgeons, physicians,
+the hardwaremen, the hatters, cappers, skinners, glovers, pinners,
+pointmakers, girdlers, pursers, bagmakers, 'sceppers,'[838] the
+wiredrawers and cardmakers. (11) The Resurrection, by the butchers,
+fishmongers, and watermen. (12) The Holy Ghost, by the worsted weavers.
+
+In some cases the smaller crafts seem to have been absorbed into the
+larger, but in the Norwich regulations of 1449,[839] when general
+orders were given for the annexation of the smaller crafts to the
+larger, the bladesmiths, locksmiths, and lorimers, for instance,
+being united to the smiths, it was laid down that such of the annexed
+misteries as had seven or more members should elect their own wardens,
+and that the mayor should appoint wardens for such as had fewer
+than seven members. This, which is interesting as showing how small
+some of these misteries were, points to a retention of control, the
+amalgamation being mainly concerned, no doubt, with the expenses of
+the pageant and the gild feasts. These latter became so elaborate and
+costly that many of the unfortunate members chosen as 'feast-makers'
+were ruined, and in 1495 orders were given at Norwich that the wardens
+alone should be feast-makers, and that they should provide one supper
+and one dinner, on the same day, and no more, and that should be at
+the common expense of the gild.[840] These orders had to be repeated
+in 1531, and it is rather interesting to read that in 1547[841] the
+dishes which had to be provided by the cordwainers' feast-makers were
+'frumenty, goos, vell, custard, pig, lamb, and tarte. At soper—colde
+sute,[842] hot sute, moten, douset,[843] and tarte.'
+
+With the pleasant picture of our craftsman resting from his labours and
+regaling himself in true English fashion, we may take leave of him and
+his work.
+
+
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[1] Galloway, _Annals of Coal Mining_, 5.
+
+[2] See Wright's _Uriconium_.
+
+[3] Petrie and Sharp, _Mon. Hist._, i, x.
+
+[4] Printed by the Surtees Society and, more recently, in _V. C. H.
+Durham_.
+
+[5] _V. C. H. Durham_, ii. 293.
+
+[6] _Op. cit._ (Rolls Ser.), 160.
+
+[7] Galloway, _op. cit._, 18.
+
+[8] Riley, _Mems. of London_, p. xvi.
+
+[9] Galloway, _op. cit._, 30.
+
+[10] Assize R., 223, m. 4.
+
+[11] Mat. Paris, _Chron._ (Rolls Ser.), vi. 96.
+
+[12] _V. C. H. Glouc._, ii. 218.
+
+[13] Pat., 40 Hen. III., m. 21.
+
+[14] _V. C. H. Shrops._, i. 449.
+
+[15] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 349.
+
+[16] _Ann. Mon._ (Rolls Ser.), iii. 105.
+
+[17] Pat., 35 Edw. I., m. 5d. Complaints had been made and commissions
+of inquiry appointed in 1285 (Pat., 13 Edw. I., m. 18d) and 1288 (Pat.,
+16 Edw. I., m. 12).
+
+[18] Galloway, _op. cit._, 23.
+
+[19] Colman, _Hist. of Barwick in Elmet_, 205.
+
+[20] Mins. Accts., bdle. 1040, no. 18.
+
+[21] _Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass._, xxix. 174.
+
+[22] _Proc. Soc. of Ant._, xx. 262.
+
+[23] _V. C. H. Lancs_., ii. 359.
+
+[24] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 350.
+
+[25] Add. Ch., 49516.
+
+[26] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 351.
+
+[27] _Ibid._
+
+[28] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 350.
+
+[29] _Ibid._, 351. Cf. a reference to 'le dampe' in 1316: _Hist. MSS.
+Com. Rep., Middleton MSS._, 88. This _Report_ contains a great deal of
+value for the early history of coal mining.
+
+[30] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 350.
+
+[31] A 'sowe' is mentioned at Cossall in 1316.—_Hist. MSS. Com. Rep.,
+Middleton MSS._, 88.
+
+[32] Galloway, _op. cit._, 53.
+
+[33] _Ibid._, 46.
+
+[34] _Finchale Priory_ (Surt. Soc.), p. cccxci.
+
+[35] _V. C. H. Durham_, ii. 322.
+
+[36] _V. C. H. War._, ii. 221.
+
+[37] In 1366 in the manor of Bolsover, £4, 11s. was paid in wages to 'a
+man looking after the coals and mine at Shutehoode, and keeping tally
+against the colliers and diggers of the same coals and stones.'—Foreign
+R., 42 Edw. III., m. 13.
+
+[38] Except that the coalminers in the Forest of Dean, thanks to their
+intimate association with the iron-miners there, shared in the latter's
+privileges.
+
+[39] _V. C. H. Durham_, ii. 322.
+
+[40] Exch. Dep. by Com., 29 Eliz., East. 4.
+
+[41] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 352.
+
+[42] 'Fines for digging coals in the lord's waste,' in fifteenth
+century.—Galloway, _op. cit._ 76; 'Licences to dig in sixteenth
+century,' _ibid._, 113.
+
+[43] Exch. Dep. by Com., 21 Eliz., Hil. 8.
+
+[44] See, _e.g._, _V. C. H. War._, ii. 219; _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 350;
+De Banco R., 275, m. 163d.
+
+[45] Star Chamber Proc., Hen. VIII., file 22, no. 94.
+
+[46] Star Chamber Proc., Edw. VI., file 6, no. 99.
+
+[47] _Rot. Parl._, i. 228, 229.
+
+[48] See _V. C. H. War._, ii. 219.
+
+[49] The rent was sometimes paid, partly or wholly, in kind; as at
+Shippen in 1262 (Colman, _Hist. of Barwick-in-Elmet_, 205).
+
+[50] _V. C. H. Shrops._, ii. 454.
+
+[51] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 350.
+
+[52] Such partnerships were not uncommon; _e.g._ in 1351 W. de
+Allesworth demanded 2s. 10½d. from Geoffrey Hardyng, as the seventh
+part of 20s. paid to Geoffrey and his partners for coal got at
+Nuneaton.—Add. Ch. 49532.
+
+[53] Galloway, _op. cit._, 70.
+
+[54] Add. Ch. 48948.
+
+[55] Galloway (_op. cit._, 113-14) gives a late sixteenth-century
+case in Wakefield, where the 'heads, pillars, and other works ... for
+bearing up the ground' being cut away, the ground suddenly fell in.
+
+[56] Galloway, _op. cit._, 45.
+
+[57] _V. C. H. Durham_, ii. 324.
+
+[58] Foreign R., 42 Edw. III., m. E.
+
+[59] Pat., 8 Rich. II.
+
+[60] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 148.
+
+[61] Galloway, _op. cit._, 70, 87.
+
+[62] Customs Accts., 106/1.
+
+[63] _Ibid._, 111/40.
+
+[64] _Ibid._, 171/26.
+
+[65] Kendall, _Iron Ores_, 15; _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 241.
+
+[66] _Journ. of Brit. Arch. Ass._, xxix. 121-9.
+
+[67] _V. C. H. Somers._, i. 275. There was also a 'collegium fabrorum'
+at Chichester (Regnum).—_Suss. Arch. Coll._, vii. 61-3.
+
+[68] Kemble, _Cod. Dipl._, no. 30.
+
+[69] _Chron. Evesham_ (Rolls Ser.), 26. The legend was probably
+invented as an explanation of the remains of the (Roman) town found
+below the ground here, but the tradition of the smiths had no doubt
+some foundation.
+
+[70] Dom. Bk., i. 162.
+
+[71] _Ibid._
+
+[72] _V. C. H. Cumberland_, ii. 340.
+
+[73] _Facsimiles of Charters in B. M._, no. 64.
+
+[74] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 356.
+
+[75] Pipe Rolls, quoted in _V. C. H. Gloucs._, ii. 216.
+
+[76] _V. C. H. Gloucs._, ii. 217.
+
+[77] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 241.
+
+[78] See Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, 7.
+
+[79] _Ibid._, 467, 7 (7).
+
+[80] _Ibid._, 467, 7 (7).
+
+[81] _Roy. and Hist. Letters_ (Rolls Ser.), i. 278.
+
+[82] _Furness Coucher_ (Chetham Soc.), pt. iii., Intro.
+
+[83] _Ibid._
+
+[84] Holinshed, _Chron._, sub anno.
+
+[85] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 357.
+
+[86] Peat was mixed with the charcoal in Lancashire, and doubtless
+elsewhere, when available.—_V. C. H. Lancs._, ii. 361.
+
+[87] This process was used by the Romans at Beaufort, near Battle, in
+Sussex, amongst other places.—_Suss. Arch. Coll._, xxix. 173
+
+[88] _Journ. of Brit. Arch. Ass._, xxix. 124.
+
+[89] Even after the introduction of the footblast the 'cinders' or
+slag, contained about half the original iron, according to Dud Dudley
+(_Metallum Martis_), and were worth resmelting in the improved furnaces
+of later times.
+
+[90] _Engl. Hist. Rev._, xiv. 513.
+
+[91] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 358.
+
+[92] _Furness Coucher_ (Chetham Soc.), pt. iii., Intro., and pp. 261-6.
+
+[93] See above, p. 7.
+
+[94] The same term is used in connection with burning tiles, and is no
+doubt derived from the same root as anneal.
+
+[95] This account of the process of manufacture is compiled from
+several sources, the chief being: (1) the accounts of Tudeley Forge,
+Tunbridge, for the reign of Edw. III., in the P. R. O.; (2) the
+accounts of Bedbourne Forge, Durham, in 1408, _Engl. Hist. Rev._, xiv.
+509-29; (3) several Sussex accounts summarised by the present writer in
+_V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 244-5.
+
+[96] Nicholls, _Iron Making in the Forest of Dean_, 20.
+
+[97] _Cal. Chart. R._, iii. 95-6.
+
+[98] _V. C. H. Glouc._, ii. 219, n. 5. Cf. the twelfth century grant
+to the monks of Louth Park of 'duas fabricas, id est duos focos ...
+scilicet unam fabricam blomeriam ... unam operariam.'—_V. C. H. Derby_,
+ii. 356.
+
+[99] The date of the introduction of hammers driven by water power
+is problematic: a 'great waterhamor' was working in Ashdown Forest,
+Sussex, in 1496.—Misc. Bks. Exch. T. R., 8, f. 49.
+
+[100] The unworked bloom was called a 'loop,' which appears to be
+derived from the French _loup_, a wolf, the German equivalent, _Stück_,
+being applied to such a mass of iron.—Swank, _Iron in All Ages_, 80.
+
+[101] A furnace once lit might be kept in blast sometimes for as long
+as forty weeks, in the seventeenth century, but the periods usual in
+earlier times were no doubt much shorter.
+
+[102] _Engl. Hist. Rev._, xiv. 529.
+
+[103] _Furness Coucher_, pt. iii., Intro. The word used is 'band,' but
+it is apparently equivalent to 'bloom.'
+
+[104] Exch. K. R. Accts., 485, no. 11.
+
+[105] _Ibid._, 466, no. 20.
+
+[106] _Suss. Arch. Coll._, ii. 202.
+
+[107] Exch. K. R. Accts., 546, no. 16.
+
+[108] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 246.
+
+[109] Exch. K. R. Accts., 483, no. 19.
+
+[110] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 245.
+
+[111] _Engl. Hist. Rev._, xiv. 509-29.
+
+[112] Exch. K. R. Accts., 485, no. 11.
+
+[113] Mins. Accts., 890, no. 25.
+
+[114] Latinised in one place as '_anteriores flatores_.'
+
+[115] _Suss. Arch. Coll._, xiii. 128.
+
+[116] At some iron mills near Teddesley in Staffordshire in 1583 the
+filler and fyner were identical, and there was a hammerman and a
+founder.—Exch. K. R. Accts., 546, no. 16.
+
+[117] Nicholls, _Ironmaking in the Forest of Dean_; _V. C. H. Gloucs._,
+ii. 219-23.
+
+[118] This was farmed in 1280 for £23, so that the amount exported
+annually must have been well over 10,000 loads.
+
+[119] The surface material which has to be removed before the ore is
+reached.
+
+[120] _Arch. Cambr_. (S. 3), iii. 418.
+
+[121] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 247
+
+[122] Exch. Dep. by Com., 22 Eliz., Trin. 4.
+
+[123] _Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass._, xxxi. 129-42. For a list of Roman pigs
+found in England, see _ibid._, liv. 272.
+
+[124] _Ibid._
+
+[125] Birch, _Cart. Sax._, i. 579.
+
+[126] _V. C. H. Glouc._, ii. 237.
+
+[127] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 323.
+
+[128] Pipe Rolls of Hen. II.
+
+[129] _V. C. H. Durham_, ii. 348.
+
+[130] _V. C. H. Somers._, ii. 363.
+
+[131] Pat., 20 Hen. III., m. 13.
+
+[132] _V. C. H. Cumberland_, ii. 339.
+
+[133] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 326.
+
+[134] _V. C. H. Somers._, ii. 367-9.
+
+[135] _V. C. H. Cumb._, ii. 340.
+
+[136] Pat., 15 Edw. IV., pt. i., m. 22.
+
+[137] Assize R., 143, m. 1. The Scottish king's dominial rights over
+Alston, apart from the mines, seem to have been well established.
+William the Lion granted land at Alston as 'in Tyndale,' to William
+de Vipont, and later to his son Ivo de Vipont, the latter grant being
+confirmed by King John in 1210. Finally, after the whole matter had
+been carefully examined, Edward I. gave the manor of Alston in 1282 to
+Nicholas de Vipont to hold of the King of Scotland, reserving, however,
+the liberty of the mines.—Assize Rolls, 143, m. 1; 132, m. 34; Chanc.
+Misc. 53, file 1, nos. 20, 22.
+
+[138] _V. C. H. Cumb._, ii. 340.
+
+[139] Assize R., 143, m. 1.
+
+[140] Assize R., 132, m. 34; 143, m. 1.
+
+[141] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 339.
+
+[142] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 19.
+
+[143] _e.g._ at Eyam and Litton.—_V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 338.
+
+[144] Until the nineteenth century the would-be miner had to set up a
+model stow, fastened with wooden pins and not with nails.
+
+[145] _i.e._ forwards and backwards along the line of the vein.
+
+[146] It is not quite clear whether he threw from the old pit, in which
+case he would naturally throw a very short distance, or from his own
+pit, in which case he might so throw as to cover much of the vein which
+would have belonged to the elder pitchers.
+
+[147] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 328.
+
+[148] The Derbyshire standard dish made in 1512 and still preserved at
+Wirksworth contains about sixty lbs. of ore.
+
+[149] Assize R., 132, m. 34.
+
+[150] _Ibid._
+
+[151] Memo. R., K. R., Mich., 2 Edw. II., no. 55.
+
+[152] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 332.
+
+[153] Memo. R., L. T. R., 25-26 Edw. I., m. 51.
+
+[154] The load, or lade (_lada_), contained nine dishes (_disci_,
+_scutella_).
+
+[155] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 19.
+
+[156] _Ibid._, 261, no. 25.
+
+[157] Memo. R., L. T. R., 25-26 Edw. I., m. 51.
+
+[158] In 1302 there were four mines: the South Mine, the Middle Mine,
+the Mine of Fershull, and the Old Mine.—Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 22.
+
+[159] The smiths were paid 12d.-18d. a week.—_Ibid._
+
+[160] Exch. K. R. Accts., 261, no. 25.
+
+[161] Anct. Corresp., xlviii. 81.
+
+[162] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 16.
+
+[163] Anct. Corresp., xlviii, 81.
+
+[164] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 22.
+
+[165] Pipe R., 28 Edw. I.
+
+[166] _V. C. H. Durham_, ii. 349.
+
+[167] Pipe R., 28 Edw. I.
+
+[168] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 6.
+
+[169] Pipe R., 28 Edw. I.
+
+[170] _V. C. H. Somers._, ii. 373.
+
+[171] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 22.
+
+[172] _Archæologia_, lvij, 113-124.
+
+[173] _e.g._ 'In 6510 turbis tannitis emptis ad inde faciendos cineres
+pro plumbo affinando.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 4.
+
+[174] Memo., L. T. R., 25-26 Edw. I., m. 51.
+
+[175] Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 7.
+
+[176] _Ibid._, no. 19.
+
+[177] Pipe R., 28 Edw. I.
+
+[178] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 324.
+
+[179] It is possible that 'cut' is the Celtic word '_cwt_', meaning a
+piece, and dates back to British times.—_Ibid._
+
+[180] _Ibid._
+
+[181] Pipe R., 28 Edw. I.
+
+[182] Pat., 27 Edw. I., m. 28.
+
+[183] Exch. K. R. Accts., 126, no. 9.
+
+[184] Pat., 35 Edw. I., m. 19.
+
+[185] Mins. Accts., 826, no. 12.
+
+[186] _Ibid._, no. 11.
+
+[187] Exch. K. R. Accts., 265, no. 9.
+
+[188] _Ibid._, no. 10.
+
+[189] Close 24 Edw. I., m. 11d.
+
+[190] Pipe R., 28 Edw. I.
+
+[191] _Ibid._
+
+[192] Anct. Corresp., xlviii. 177.
+
+[193] 'Minera' may also bear the sense of 'ore.'
+
+[194] Close 7 Edw. II., m. 6.
+
+[195] Anct. Pet., 13552.
+
+[196] Pat., 17 Edw. II., p. 2, m. 15.
+
+[197] Assize R., 135, m. 26d.
+
+[198] Pat., 14 Edw. IV., p. 1, m. 7d.
+
+[199] Pat., 15 Edw. IV., p. 1, m. 22.
+
+[200] Pat., 18 Edw. IV., p. 2, m. 30.
+
+[201] Pat., 2 Edw. IV., p. 1, m. 7.
+
+[202] Exch. K. R. Accts., 262, no. 2.
+
+[203] _Acts of Privy Council_, 1542-7, p. 367.
+
+[204] _Jour. of Brit. Arch. Ass._, lxii. 145-60.
+
+[205] _Archæologia_, lix. 281-8.
+
+[206] _V. C. H. Cornw._, i. 523.
+
+[207] _Ibid._
+
+[208] Vol. iii. of _Harvard Economic Studies_. The same writer has
+contributed a valuable article on tin-mining to _V. C. H. Cornwall_.
+
+[209] Lewis, _op. cit._, 5.
+
+[210] Lewis, _op. cit._, 11.
+
+[211] A case of a London goldsmith making engines and instruments
+to drain a deep tin mine near Truro occurs in first quarter of the
+sixteenth century—Early Chanc. Proc., 481, no. 46.
+
+[212] Memo. R., L. T. R., 9 Eliz., Mich., 3.
+
+[213] Either the channel by which the blast was admitted, or else the
+channel conveying water to the wheel.
+
+[214] The ore was sometimes roasted before smelting.
+
+[215] _V. C. H. Cornw._, i. 539.
+
+[216] Lewis, _op. cit._, 133-4.
+
+[217] W. de Wrotham, when appointed warden of the stannaries in 1198,
+ordered all masters of ships in Cornwall and Devon to swear not to take
+unstamped tin out of the country.—Lewis, _op. cit._, 337.
+
+[218] Lewis, _op. cit._, 190.
+
+[219] _Op. cit._, 187.
+
+[220] _V. C. H. Cornw._, i. 523.
+
+[221] Lewis, _op. cit._, 34.
+
+[222] For output, see Lewis, _op. cit._, App. J.
+
+[223] Lewis, _op. cit._, App. K.
+
+[224] _Ibid._, Apps. L-T.
+
+[225] _Chron. of Battle Abbey_, 11.
+
+[226] _V. C. H. Northants._, ii. 293-5.
+
+[227] _Ibid._, 295.
+
+[228] _Fabric R. of York_ (Surtees Soc.), _passim_.
+
+[229] _e.g._ at the Tower in 1324 'one boatload of Aylesford stone
+called rag, 6s.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 469, no. 7. And in 1362 '8
+boatloads of stone called ragg, with carriage from Maidstone, £10, 13s.
+4d.'—_Ibid._, 472, no. 9.
+
+[230] _Ibid._, 502, no. 10.
+
+[231] See the Westminster building accounts, _passim_.
+
+[232] _Arch. Cant._, ii. 112.
+
+[233] '20 tontightes de peers de Beer.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 472, no. 8.
+
+[234] Exch. K. R. Accts., 491, no. 13.
+
+[235] For some fourteenth and fifteenth century references to the
+Haslebury quarries, see _The Tropenell Cartulary_ (Wilts. Arch. Soc.),
+ii. 148-50.
+
+[236] _V. C. H. Dorset_, ii. 333.
+
+[237] _Ibid._, 339.
+
+[238] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 230.
+
+[239] Exch. K. R. Accts., 305, no. 12.
+
+[240] _Ibid._, 502, no. 3.
+
+[241] _Arch. Cant._, ii. 112.
+
+[242] The 'pondus dolii,' anglicised in other entries as 'tuntight,'
+seems to have been about 40 cubic feet.
+
+[243] Presumably from the Yorkshire quarry referred to above; it came
+_via_ London.—_Ibid._, 121.
+
+[244] Apparently about 440 tons.—_Ibid._
+
+[245] Pipe R., 16 Edw. III.
+
+[246] The term 'damlade,' of uncertain meaning, seems to be peculiar to
+Yorkshire. See _Fabric R. of York_.
+
+[247] Pipe R., 7 Edw. III.
+
+[248] Misc. Bks., Tr. of R., 4, f. 142.
+
+[249] Exch. K. R. Accts., 476, no. 5.
+
+[250] _Ibid._, 461, no. 11.
+
+[251] Exch. K. R. Accts., no. 12.
+
+[252] _V. C. H. Northants._, ii. 296-7.
+
+[253] A similar method of splitting was employed in the case of the
+slates of Stonesfield, in Oxfordshire.—_V. C. H. Oxon._, ii. 267.
+
+[254] _Ibid._; _V. C. H. Northants._, ii. 296.
+
+[255] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 230.
+
+[256] Exch. K. R. Accts., 476, no. 5.
+
+[257] _Ibid._, 494, no. 4.
+
+[258] Pipe R., 7 Edw. III.
+
+[259] Exch. K. R. Accts., 502, no. 3.
+
+[260] _Fabric R. of York_, 19.
+
+[261] A fifteenth-century account for Launceston mentions the purchase
+of 'An iron tool for breaking stones in the quarry, called a polax,
+weighing 16½ lbs., and two new wedges weighing 10 lbs.'—Exch. K. R.
+Accts., 461, no. 13.
+
+[262] For a fuller history of the Purbeck marble quarries, see _V. C.
+H. Dorset_, ii. 331-8, from which the details given below are taken
+when other references are not given.
+
+[263] See articles on 'Medieval Figure Sculpture in England,'
+_Architectural Review_, 1903.
+
+[264] Liberate R., K. R., 37 Hen. III., m. 13.
+
+[265] Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, no. 6 (2).
+
+[266] _Ibid._, 469, no. 8.
+
+[267] _Ibid._, no. 12.
+
+[268] _Arch. Journ._, x. 116.
+
+[269] _Arch. Journ._, lxi. 221-40.
+
+[270] See _e.g._ the Flawford and Breadsall figures, _ibid._; and the
+catalogue of Alabaster carvings exhibited at the Society of Antiquaries
+in 1910.
+
+[271] Pipe R., 41 Edw. III.
+
+[272] _Arch. Journ._, lxiv. 32.
+
+[273] _Ibid._, lxi. 229.
+
+[274] The numerous cases of the export of alabaster carvings from Poole
+make it probable that the Purbeck carvers, when the demand for their
+marble fell off, worked the alabaster which exists in the district.—_V.
+C. H. Dorset_, ii.
+
+[275] Some of these no doubt were sold at the time of the
+Reformation.—_Arch. Journ._, lxi. 239.
+
+[276] _Ibid._, 237-8.
+
+[277] _Ibid._, 230.
+
+[278] _Arch. Journ._, lxi. 234-5.
+
+[279] For an account of these, see Mr. Hope's article in _Archæologia_,
+xli.
+
+[280] _Arch. Journ._, lxiv. 239.
+
+[281] _Ibid._, x. 120.
+
+[282] _Fabric R. of York_, 74, 78, 84, 90, 106.
+
+[283] _Fabric R. of York_, 15.
+
+[284] Exch. K. R. Accts., 504, no. 4.
+
+[285] _Hundred R._, ii. 56.
+
+[286] Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, no. 4.
+
+[287] Customs Accts., 124/30.
+
+[288] Probably chalk may be taken at about 4d. the quarter.
+
+[289] _Brit. Arch. Ass. Journal_, lx.
+
+[290] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 231.
+
+[291] Chaffers, _Gilda Aurifabrorum_, 19.
+
+[292] _Ibid._, 23-5.
+
+[293] A long chronological list of English goldsmiths is given by
+Chaffers, _op. cit._
+
+[294] _Beverley Chapter Act Book_ (Surtees Soc.), ii., p. lxv.
+
+[295] _Cal. of City of London Letter Books_, A., p. 180.
+
+[296] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 350.
+
+[297] Foreign R., 4 Hen. V., m. A.
+
+[298] _Camden Soc._, xxxvii. 42.
+
+[299] Chaffers, _Gilda Aurifabrorum_, 38.
+
+[300] _Ibid._, 8, 9.
+
+[301] Foreign R., 3 Hen. IV., m. E.
+
+[302] _Church Bells of England_, by H. B. Walters, published since this
+was in print, contains much valuable matter.
+
+[303] _Chron. Battle Abbey_ (ed. Lower), 17.
+
+[304] Cott. MS. Vesp. A., 22, f. 88.
+
+[305] Stahlschmidt, _London Bell-founders_, 72.
+
+[306] _Ibid._, p. 3.
+
+[307] On the other hand, Fagniez (_Docts. relatifs à l'histoire de
+l'Industrie_, ii. 67) says that 'sainterius,' the title applied to
+Thomas de Claville who recast a bell for Notre Dame in 1397, is 'fait
+sur le vieux nom français des cloches _saints_ ... qui se rattache à
+_signa_.'
+
+[308] Ex. inf. Mr. C. H. Vellacott, from Assize Roll.
+
+[309] Most of the London founders recorded by Mr. Stahlschmidt as known
+or possible bell-founders used the title 'potter.'—_Loc. cit._, 72-74.
+
+[310] Early Chanc. Proc., 24, no. 138.
+
+[311] Particulars are given in Raven, _Bells of England_, on which this
+account is based.
+
+[312] To prevent the core, thickness, and cope sticking together, it
+seems to have been usual to dust them over with tan.
+
+[313] Raven, _op. cit._, 74.
+
+[314] _V. C. H. Berks._, ii. 418.
+
+[315] Raven, _op. cit._, 57.
+
+[316] Early Chanc. Proc., 68, no. 144.
+
+[317] _Ch. Ward. Accts. St. Mary-at-Hill_ (E. E. T. S.).
+
+[318] Raven, _op. cit._, 47.
+
+[319] _Ibid._, 319.
+
+[320] _Recs. of St. Michael's._ See also _Ch. Wardens Accts._ (Somerset
+Rec. Soc.).
+
+[321] _V. C. H. Berks._, ii. 416. Cf. H. B. Walters, _Church Bells of
+England_, ch. xii.
+
+[322] Toulmin Smith, _English Gilds_, 295.
+
+[323] Raven, _op. cit._, 69.
+
+[324] _London Bell-founders_, 3.
+
+[325] _Ibid._, 45.
+
+[326] _Issue R. of Exch._, 239.
+
+[327] _Ibid._, 346.
+
+[328] _Glouc. Corporation Recs._
+
+[329] _Sacrist Rolls of Ely_, ii. 114, 138, where details of the outlay
+in the purchase of tin and copper, and of clay for the moulds and other
+necessaries are given.
+
+[330] Raven, _op. cit._, 149.
+
+[331] _Ibid._, 90.
+
+[332] _Fabric R. of York_ (Surtees Soc.), 9. Details are given.
+
+[333] Raven, _op. cit._, where illustrations of the three panels are
+given.
+
+[334] If the bell-shaped object is really the core, the ornamentation
+upon it must be ascribed to 'artist's licence,' as the surface of the
+core would in reality be quite plain.
+
+[335] Inq. ad qd. damnum, File 108, no. 15.
+
+[336] Exch. K. R. Accts., 462, no. 16. Amongst the items of expenditure
+are 'For eggs and ale bought for making the inscription round the bell
+3d. For wax and cobbler's wax (_code_) for the same 5½d.' Possibly a
+mixture of eggs and ale was used to anoint the metal letter stamps and
+prevent their sticking to the clay of the cope.
+
+[337] Early Chanc. Proc., 24, no. 138.
+
+[338] De Banco, 831, m. 414; and Raven, _op. cit._, 164-6, quoting Year
+Book 9 Edw. IV., Easter Term, case 13.
+
+[339] _V. C. H. Shrops._, i. 47.
+
+[340] Ryley, _Mem. of London_, 205.
+
+[341] Enrolled Wardrobe Accts., no. 4.
+
+[342] Enrolled Wardrobe Accts., no. 4.
+
+[343] Foreign R., 9 Ric. II., m. A.
+
+[344] Foreign R., 11 Ric. II., m. H.
+
+[345] _Issue R. of Exch._, 346.
+
+[346] Foreign R., 3 Hen. V., m. C.
+
+[347] Foreign R., 3 Hen. IV., m. G.
+
+[348] _Ibid._, m. I.
+
+[349] _Issue R. of Exch._, 277.
+
+[350] An illustration of a gun firing an arrow, drawn apparently in
+1326, is mentioned in _Proc. Soc. Ant._ (xvi., 225), and at the battle
+of St. Albans in 1461 guns were used shooting 'arowes of an elle of
+length.'—_Gregory's Chron._ (Camd. Soc.), 213.
+
+[351] Foreign R., 11 Ric. II., m. G.
+
+[352] Foreign R., 3 Hen. V., m. C.
+
+[353] _Issue R. of Exch._, 332.
+
+[354] _Ibid._, 307-8.
+
+[355] Foreign R., 3 Hen. V., m. C.
+
+[356] In the Scottish expedition of 1496, five out of thirty-two
+'faucons of brasse,' and twelve out of one hundred and eighty
+'hakbusses of iren' were broken in action.—Exch. Tr. of R., Misc. Bks.,
+7, f. 140.
+
+[357] Exch. Tr. of R., Misc. Bks., 8, f. 134.
+
+[358] Early Chanc. Proc., 78, no. 81.
+
+[359] _Issue R. of Exch._, 382.
+
+[360] Foreign R., 12 Hen. VI., m. D.
+
+[361] Figured in _Suss. Arch. Coll._, xlvi.
+
+[362] He was paid at the rate of 16d. the hundredweight.—Exch. Tr. of
+R., Misc. Bks., 8, f. 139.
+
+[363] _Ibid._, f. 34.
+
+[364] Exch. Tr. of R., Misc. Bks., 8, f. 158.
+
+[365] Early Chanc. Proc., 222, no. 112.
+
+[366] Exch. Tr. of R., Misc. Bks., 8, f. 132.
+
+[367] _Ibid._, f. 81.
+
+[368] _Ibid._, f. 96.
+
+[369] Early Chanc. Proc., 376, no. 32.
+
+[370] Exch. Tr. of R., Misc. Bks., 8, f. 136.
+
+[371] _Ibid._, f. 149.
+
+[372] Exch. Tr. of R., Misc. Bks., vol. vii., _passim_, and _L. and P.
+Hen. VIII._, vol. i.
+
+[373] Misc. Bks., vol. i., ff. 32, 78.
+
+[374] _Ibid._, ff. 57, 61.
+
+[375] _Ibid._, vol. iv., ff. 166, 181.
+
+[376] See _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 246-9.
+
+[377] _Arch. Journ._, xxx. 319-24.
+
+[378] See _V. C. H. Northants._, i. 206-12.
+
+[379] _Ibid._
+
+[380] _Proc. Soc. Ant._, xvi. 42.
+
+[381] _Brit. Arch. Ass. Journ._, xxxiii.
+
+[382] _Proc. Soc. Ant._, xvii. 261-70.
+
+[383] _Somers. Arch. Soc._, xiii. (2) 1.
+
+[384] The dark colour of the Castor ware seems to have been caused
+by 'smothering' the kiln, by closing the vent, before the baking was
+complete.
+
+[385] Misc. Accts. 1147, no. 23.
+
+[386] _Suss. Arch. Coll._, xlv. 128-38.
+
+[387] A Roman glazing kiln was found at Castor.—_V. C. H. Northants._,
+i. 210.
+
+[388] Fagniez, _Docs. relatifs à l'histoire de l'industrie_, no. 133.
+
+[389] Dom. Bk., 65, 156, 168^{_b._}
+
+[390] _e.g._ 'Pottersfield' at Horsham, in which parish several finds
+of green glazed thirteenth-century vessels have been made.—_V. C. H.
+Sussex_, ii. 251.
+
+[391] _e.g._ 'Geoffrey the potter,' who occurs in 1314 at Limpsfield,
+where remains of kilns have been found.—_Proc. Soc. Ant._, iii.
+
+[392] Lib. R., 51 Hen. III., m. 10. Simon 'le Pichermakere' of Cornwall
+is found in the fourteenth century sending his wares (presumably
+pitchers) to Sussex.—Anct. Pet., 10357-8.
+
+[393] _Inq. Nonarum_, 361. Cf. the Hundred Rolls for Bucks.
+
+[394] Mins. Accts., 507, no. 8227.
+
+[395] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 251.
+
+[396] _Ibid._
+
+[397] _Arch. Journ._, lix. 1-16.
+
+[398] _Proc. Soc. Ant._, xv. 5-11.
+
+[399] _Rec. of Norwich_, ii., no. 193.
+
+[400] Riley, _Mem. of London_, 254.
+
+[401] _Ibid._, 309. The monks of Boxley got as much as 10s. the
+thousand for some of the tiles from their tilery this year.—Mins.
+Accts., 1253, no. 13.
+
+[402] Toulmin Smith, _English Guilds_, 399. At Lincoln, on the other
+hand, the tilers had formed a gild in 1346, and no tiler not belonging
+to the gild might stay in the town.—_Ibid._, 184.
+
+[403] _V. C. H. Essex_, ii. 456.
+
+[404] _Statutes_, 17 Edw. IV.
+
+[405] Thorold Rogers, _Hist. of Agriculture and Prices_, i. 490.
+
+[406] Mins. Accts., 899, 900.
+
+[407] Possibly from the French, _fétu_ = a straw, from their being
+moulded as hollow cylinders.
+
+[408] Turf was evidently used by the Cambridgeshire tilers for
+fuel.—_Sacrist Rolls of Ely_, ii. 67, 93, 137.
+
+[409] 'Pro luto tredando ad dictos vj furnos pro tegulis inde
+faciendis.' The meaning of _tredando_ is uncertain, but as the process
+is always mentioned after the clay had been carried to the kilns,
+it may have been the rolling of the clay to the right thickness for
+cutting tiles from.
+
+[410] The words used for burning, or baking, the tiles are _eleare_ and
+_aneleare_, both connected with our word 'anneal.'
+
+[411] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 251.
+
+[412] In 1373 Peter at Gate leased the pasturage of Nackholt, where the
+tileries lay, at the low rent of 15s. on condition that he should serve
+as 'the lord's workman for making tiles.'
+
+[413] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 252.
+
+[414] De Banco, 407, m. 12.
+
+[415] Harl. Ch., 76 D., 32.
+
+[416] _Ibid._, B. 50.
+
+[417] Kelle = kiln: cf. Anct. D., A 4904, for a 'tylekelle' at Woolwich
+in 1450.
+
+[418] _Chron. de Melsa_ (Rolls Ser.), iii. 179-80.
+
+[419] _Hist. MSS. Com., Beverley MSS._, 15.
+
+[420] _Ibid._, 62.
+
+[421] _Sacrist R. of Ely_, ii. 67.
+
+[422] 'Flaunderistyle vocata Breke.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 503, no. 12.
+
+[423] _Ibid._, 472, no. 4.
+
+[424] _Hist. MSS. Com., Beverley MSS._, 62.
+
+[425] _Hist. MSS. Com., Beverley MSS._, 128.
+
+[426] _Ibid._, 47. These by-laws distinguish in one place between
+'tilethakkers' and 'tile wallers,' the latter being what we should call
+bricklayers.
+
+[427] Exch. K. R. Accts., 494, no. 4.
+
+[428] _Ibid._, 467, no. 6 (6).
+
+[429] Such were, no doubt, the paving tiles, of which 185,000 were
+bought from Richard Gregory, in 1357, for Westminster Chapel at 6s. 8d.
+the hundred.—_Ibid._, 472, no. 4.
+
+[430] Lethaby, _Westminster Abbey_, 48; _Arch. Journal_, lxix. 36-73.
+
+[431] _V. C. H. Derby_, ii. 375. _Ibid._
+
+[432] _V. C. H. Worces._, ii. 275.
+
+[433] _Suss. Arch. Coll._, xi. 230.
+
+[434] _V. C. H. Surrey_, ii. 295.
+
+[435] John of London, 'glasyere,' and John, son of John Alemayn of
+Chiddingfold, were acquitted on a charge of burglary at Turwick in
+1342.—Gaol Delivery R., 129, m. 12.
+
+[436] Exch. K. R. Accts., 471, no. 6.
+
+[437] _V. C. H. Surrey_, ii. 296.
+
+[438] _V. C. H. Surrey_, ii. 296.
+
+[439] In 1404 the Sacrist of Durham had in store 'of new coloured glass
+2 _scheff_, of white glass and new 76 _scheffe_.'—_Durham Acct. R._
+(Surtees Soc.), ii. 397.
+
+[440] _V. C. H. Surrey_, ii. 297; _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 254.
+
+[441] Exch. K. R. Accts., 471, no. 6.
+
+[442] _Durham Acct. R._, ii. 393.
+
+[443] _Fabric R. of York_, 76.
+
+[444] _Ibid._, 83.
+
+[445] _Ibid._, 37.
+
+[446] _Cat. of Pat._, 1446-52, p. 255. The glorious windows now in
+King's College Chapel were made between 1515 and 1530 by four English
+and two Flemish glaziers, all of whom were resident in London.—Atkinson
+and Clark, _Cambridge_, 361.
+
+[447] _Fabric R. of York_, 69.
+
+[448] _Ibid._, 104, 108, 109.
+
+[449] Hartshorne, _Old Engl. Glass_, 129.
+
+[450] Ale is also said in one place to have been used 'pro congelacione
+vitri.'
+
+[451] 'Frangentes et conjungentes vitrum super tabulas depictas.'
+
+[452] The colours in some cases were fixed by heating, and it
+is presumably to this that an entry in an account of work at
+Guildford Castle in 1292 refers: 'In uno furno faciendo pro vytro
+comburendo—viijd.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 492, no. 10.
+
+[453] Pipe R., 2 Hen. II.
+
+[454] _V. C. H. Lincs._, ii. 302.
+
+[455] See charter of Stephen, _Cal. Chart. R._, iii. 378.
+
+[456] Pipe R., 19 Hen. II.
+
+[457] Boldon Book.—_V. C. H. Durham_, i. 338.
+
+[458] Printed by Riley, _Liber Custumarum_ (i. 130-1), and, from an
+earlier copy, by Leach, _Beverley Town Documents_ (Selden Soc.).
+
+[459] The weavers were not villeins; had they been so, the leave of
+their lords would have been necessary before they could obtain the
+freedom of their town.
+
+[460] _Liber Custumarum_, i. 33.
+
+[461] _Ibid._, lxiii.
+
+[462] _e.g._ Ashley, _Economic History_, i. 193: 'No cloth was
+manufactured for export; and a great part of the English demand for
+cloth'—indeed the whole of the demand for the finer qualities—'was met
+by importation.'
+
+[463] Pipe R., 18 Hen. II.
+
+[464] Pipe R., 27 Hen. II., and other years.
+
+[465] Pipe R., 28 Hen. II.
+
+[466] The 'list' is the strip of selvage at the edge of the cloth.
+
+[467] Assize R., 358.
+
+[468] Pat., 2 Hen. III., m. 4, 2.
+
+[469] Pat., 9 Hen. III., m. 5.
+
+[470] Lib. R., 30 Hen. III.: some years earlier cloth to be distributed
+at Worcester had been bought at Oxford.—Lib. R., 17 Hen. III.
+
+[471] Lib. R., 35 Hen. III., m. 17.
+
+[472] _Liber Custumarum_, i. 124.
+
+[473] _Cal. of S. P. Venice_, i. 3.
+
+[474] Lib. R., 36 Hen. III., m. 19.
+
+[475] _Arch. Journ._, ix. 70-1.
+
+[476] The manufacture of this cloth must have originated in the village
+of Worsted, possibly with some settlement of Flemish weavers, but soon
+spread throughout the county.
+
+[477] _Rec. of Norwich_, ii. 406.
+
+[478] _Statutes_, 20 Hen. VI.
+
+[479] _Rot. Parl._ iv. 230, 236.
+
+[480] Customs Accts., 5, no. 7.
+
+[481] _Black Book of Admiralty_ (Rolls Ser.), ii. 197. Blues of
+Beverley, scarlets and greens of Lincoln, scarlets and blues of
+Stamford, coverlets of Winchester and cloth of Totness occur in
+wardrobe accounts of 1236. Pipe R., 19, 20 Henry III.
+
+[482] _Black Book of Admiralty_ (Rolls Ser.), ii. 187, 197.
+
+[483] There was an 'omanseterowe' in the Drapery at Norwich as early as
+1288.—_Rec. of Norwich_, ii. 8.
+
+[484] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 4, 40. Narrow 'Osetes' were
+also made at Salisbury.—Exch. K. R. Accts., 344, no. 34.
+
+[485] _Liber Custumarum_, i. 125; ii. 549.
+
+[486] At Northampton the cloth trade, which in the time of Henry III.
+employed 300 men, had almost died out in 1334.—_Rot. Parl._, ii. 85.
+
+[487] _Liber Custumarum_, i. 424.
+
+[488] As early as 1331 special protection was granted to John Kempe
+of Flanders and any other clothworkers who wished to settle in
+England.—Pat., 5 Edw. III., p. 2, m. 25.
+
+[489] _Statutes_, 11 Edw. III.
+
+[490] _Rot. Parl._, ii. 449, Close 13 Edw. III., p. 3, m. 11.
+
+[491] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 3.
+
+[492] Langland, _Piers Plowman_.
+
+[493] 'A Concise Poem on ... Shepton Mallet,' by Richd. Watts; printed
+in _The Young Man's Looking Glass_, 1641. With this may be compared
+Deloney's 'Pleasant History of John Winchcombe (Jack of Newbury),'
+written some fifty years earlier.—_V. C. H. Berks._, i. 388-9.
+
+[494]
+
+    'Then to another room came they
+    Where children were, in poor array,
+    And every one sat picking wool,
+    The finest from the coarse to pull.'
+
+[495]
+
+    'Two hundred men, the truth is so,
+    Wrought in their looms, all in a row;
+    By every one a pretty boy
+    Sat making quills with mickle joy.'
+
+[496] The burler's business was to remove knots, loose ends and other
+impurities.
+
+[497] The manufacture of these cloths was licensed in 1390, provided
+the quality was not improved.—_Statutes_, 13 Ric. II.
+
+[498] Assize R.
+
+[499] _Liber Custumarum_, ii. 549. Spanish wool is prominent amongst
+the imports at Southampton in 1310.—Customs Accts., 136, no. 8, n.
+
+[500] _Statutes_, 4 Edw. IV.
+
+[501] _Statutes_, 7 Edw. IV.
+
+[502] An alkali, known as '_cineres_,' possibly a kind of _barilla_ or
+carbonate of soda (_Rec. of City of Norwich_, ii. 209) occurs fairly
+often: _e.g._ taxation of Colchester, _Rot. Parl._, i. 244.
+
+[503] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 6.
+
+[504] _e.g._ Customs Accts., 136/4, 136/12.
+
+[505] _Recs. of City of Norwich_, ii. 209.
+
+[506] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 16-22.
+
+[507] Lands. MS., 121, no. 21.
+
+[508] Cf. _Rec. Borough of Northampton_, i. 121: the compiler has
+mistaken 'wode' for wood.
+
+[509] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 39.
+
+[510] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 81-90.
+
+[511] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 75.
+
+[512] _Early Chanc. Proc._, 7, no. 23.
+
+[513] Exch. K. R. Accts., 345, no. 16.
+
+[514] Plunket appears to have been a pale blue, half the quantity of
+woad sufficing for plunkets that was used for azures, which in turn
+took half the amount required for blues.—_V. C. H. Suffolk_, ii. 258.
+
+[515] _Liber Custumarum_, i. 129.
+
+[516] There were no doubt the 'browne blewes' of later records: _e.g._
+a Benenden clothier was fined in 1563 for 'a browne blewe, being a
+deceiptfull color.'—Memo. K. R., 7 Eliz., Hil., m. 330.
+
+[517] _Liber Custumarum_, i. 125.
+
+[518] Alkermes, an insect resembling cochineal.
+
+[519] _Statutes_, 24 Hen. VIII.; cf. 4 Edw. IV.
+
+[520] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 8, 9.
+
+[521] _Rec. of City of Norwich_, ii. 119.
+
+[522] _Statutes_, 4 Edw. IV.; 3 Hen. VIII.
+
+[523] _V. C. H. Essex_, ii. 255.
+
+[524] _V. C. H. Worcs._, ii. 286.
+
+[525] _V. C. H. Essex_, ii. 383-4.
+
+[526] The use of woof in place of warp was strictly forbidden.—_Liber
+Custumarum_, i. 125; _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 2. At Worcester
+in 1497 any one bringing yarn to be spun into cloth was to bring the
+warp and the woof separate.—_V. C. H. Worcs._, ii. 285.
+
+[527] _Rec. of City of Norwich_, ii. 378.
+
+[528] _Rot. Parl._, iii. 618.
+
+[529] _Arch. Journal_, ix. 70: cf. Assize R., 787, m. 86.
+
+[530] _V. C. H. Notts._, ii. 345.
+
+[531] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 4.
+
+[532] _Liber Custumarum_, i. 134.
+
+[533] _Arch. Journ._, ix. 71.
+
+[534] The suspension of worsted weaving for a month from 15 August was
+enforced in 1511 to avoid a shortage of agricultural labour during
+harvest.—_Rec. of City of Norwich_, ii. 376.
+
+[535] _Liber Custumarum_, i. 423.
+
+[536] _Ibid._ Candlewick Street (now Cannon Street) was the centre
+of manufacture of a coarse cheap cloth used for horse trappings, and
+also bought in large quantities for the King's almoner from 1330 to
+1380.—Enrolled Wardrobe Accts., L. T. R., 2-4.
+
+[537] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 40, 123.
+
+[538] _Statutes_, 8 Hen. VI.
+
+[539] _V. C. H. Shrops._, i. 428.
+
+[540] _Statutes_, 3 and 5 Henry VIII.
+
+[541] Toulmin Smith, _Engl. Gilds_, 179. The gild was founded in 1297,
+but this regulation was probably of later date.
+
+[542] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 127.
+
+[543] _Liber Custumarum_, i. 128-9.
+
+[544] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 13.
+
+[545] _Ibid._, 79.
+
+[546] _V. C. H. Notts_., ii. 346.
+
+[547] _V. C. H. Surrey_, ii. 279.
+
+[548] _e.g._ at Nottingham; _V. C. H. Notts._, ii. 346.
+
+[549] _V. C. H. Warw._, ii. 252.
+
+[550] _Ibid._
+
+[551] _Statutes_, 15 Ric. II.
+
+[552] _e.g._ _V. C. H. Surrey_, ii. 344; _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 257.
+
+[553] Exch. Dep. by Com., 41 Eliz., East. 1.
+
+[554] _Rot. Parl._, i. 243.
+
+[555] _Statutes_, 4 Edw. IV.
+
+[556] _V. C. H. Suffolk_, ii. 262.
+
+[557] Exch. K. R. Accts., bdles. 339-345.
+
+[558] Marcus le Fair of Winchester was the only clothier not a Londoner
+from whom cloth was bought for the royal household in 1408.—Exch. K. R.
+Accts., 405, no. 22.
+
+[559] _V. C. H. Berks._, i. 388.
+
+[560] _V. C. H. Suffolk_, ii. 256.
+
+[561] _Hist. MSS. Com._, Rep. viii. 93.
+
+[562] Vlnage, or aulnage, from aulne = an ell.
+
+[563] _Statutes_, 2 Edw. III.
+
+[564] The penalty of forfeiture was withdrawn in 1354 as injurious to
+trade, deficient cloths being marked with their actual size.—_Ibid._,
+27 Edw. III.
+
+[565] _Statutes_, 7, 8, 10 Hen. IV.
+
+[566] _Statutes_, 11 Hen. VI.
+
+[567] _Rec. of City of Norwich_, ii. 407.
+
+[568] _Rot. Parl._, i. 292.
+
+[569] _Statutes_, 13 Ric. II.; 11 Hen. IV.
+
+[570] _Rot. Parl._, iii. 637.
+
+[571] _Statutes_, 20 Hen. VI.
+
+[572] _Statutes_, 4 Edw. IV.
+
+[573] _Statutes_, 18 Hen. VI.
+
+[574] Exch. Dep. by Com., 41 Eliz.
+
+[575] _Statutes_, 5 Edw. VI., 1 Mary, etc.
+
+[576] See Memoranda Rolls, K. R., _passim_.
+
+[577] Memo. R., K. R., Hil. 7 Eliz., m. 329. As an earlier instance,
+sixteen drapers in Coventry, thirteen in York, and seven in Lincoln,
+besides others elsewhere, were fined in the first quarter of 1390 for
+cloths of ray, not of assize.—_Ibid._, Hil. 13 Ric. II.
+
+[578] Exch. Dep. by Com., 30 Eliz., Hil., 8.
+
+[579] _Statutes_, 14-15 Hen. VIII.
+
+[580] Early Chanc. Proc., 141, no. 4.
+
+[581] _Statutes_, 5 Hen. VIII.
+
+[582] _Rot. Parl._, i. 292.
+
+[583] The same material was used in 1323 for the pillows of the king's
+new beds.—Enr. Ward. Accts., 3, m. 2.
+
+[584] _Ibid._, m. 10.
+
+[585] _Ibid._, 2, m. 11.
+
+[586] _Engl. Hist. Rev._, xvi. 289.
+
+[587] _Rot. Parl._, ii. 347.
+
+[588] _Statutes_, 4 Edw. IV.
+
+[589] _V. C. H. Surrey_, ii. 343.
+
+[590] _Ibid._, 343.
+
+[591] Exch. K. R. Accts., 344, no. 10. The output from Berks. for the
+same period was 1747 kerseys, of which Steventon accounted for 574 and
+East and West Hendred for 520.—_Ibid._, 343, no. 24.
+
+[592] Early Chanc. Proc., 140, no. 54.
+
+[593] _Statutes_, 14-15 Hen. VIII.
+
+[594] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 361.
+
+[595] Enr. Ward. Accts., 4, m. 3.
+
+[596] _V. C. H. Worcs._, ii. 284.
+
+[597] _V. C. H. Essex_, ii. 384.
+
+[598] _Hist. MSS. Com._, Rep. viii. 93.
+
+[599] _Rot. Parl._, ii. 278.
+
+[600] Exch. K. R. Accts., 405, no. 22.
+
+[601] _Rot. Parl._, ii. 372.
+
+[602] Enr. Ward. Accts., 5.
+
+[603] Memo. R., K. R., 21 Eliz., East., m. 106.
+
+[604] _Rep. Dep. Keeper of Recs._, xxxviii. 444; suit _re_ draperies at
+Norwich, 1601.
+
+[605] Thorold Rogers, _Six Centuries of Work and Wages_, 46.
+
+[606] The suggestion that this law caused the trade to be established
+in Norwich (_Recs. of Norwich_, II. xii.) can hardly be correct, as
+there was no forest in Norfolk.
+
+[607] For instances of the infringement of these and other regulations,
+see _V. C. H. Surrey_, ii. 331-5; _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 259.
+
+[608] Lansd. MS., 74, 55.
+
+[609] _V. C. H. Oxon._, ii. 254.
+
+[610] _V. C. H. Essex_, ii. 459.
+
+[611] _V. C. H. Shrops._, i. 433.
+
+[612] _Rot. Parl._, i. 243-65.
+
+[613] Cott. MS. Vitell., C. vi., f. 239.
+
+[614] Lansd. MS., 74, f. 52.
+
+[615] Add. Chart. 30687.
+
+[616] _e.g._ at Colchester in 1425.—_V. C. H. Essex_, ii. 459; and
+at Richmond in 1280.—Assize R., 1064, m. 32. In London the tanners
+were held partly responsible for blocking the course of the Fleet in
+1306.—_Rot. Parl._, i. 200.
+
+[617] Customs Accts., _passim_; _e.g._ those quoted in _V. C. H.
+Dorset_, ii. 327.
+
+[618] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 114.
+
+[619] The use of train oil instead of tallow was forbidden.
+
+[620] _V. C. H. Northants._, ii. 311.
+
+[621] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 421.
+
+[622] Lansd. MS., 74, f. 48.
+
+[623] Lansd. MS., 74, f. 53.
+
+[624] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 364-5.
+
+[625] _Ibid._, 331.
+
+[626] _Ibid._, 546-7.
+
+[627] Lansd. MS., 74, f. 49.
+
+[628] _Ibid._, 60.
+
+[629] _i.e._ myrtle.
+
+[630] Lansd. MS., 74, f. 53.
+
+[631] _Ibid._, f. 48.
+
+[632] _Ibid._, f. 58.
+
+[633] At Colchester in 1425 the charge for tawing a horse hide was
+14d., a buckskin 8d., doe 5d., and calf 2d.—_V. C. H. Essex_, ii. 459.
+
+[634] Right Buffe were made from 'Elke Skynnes or Iland hides brought
+out of Muscovia or from by Est'; the counterfeits were of horse, ox,
+and stag skins.—Lansd. MS., 74, f. 53.
+
+[635] The price given for Spanish skins is probably an error; possibly
+the values of the 'right' and 'counterfeit' are reversed.
+
+[636] In 1347 the London white tawyers charged 6s. 8d. for working a
+'dyker [a packet of ten] of Scottes stagges or Irysshe,' and 10s. for
+the 'dyker of Spanysshe stagges.'—Riley, _Mems. of London_, 234.
+
+[637] Corveiser was a still more common name for a shoemaker.
+
+[638] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 572-3.
+
+[639] _Liber Albus_, ii. 441-5.
+
+[640] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 136.
+
+[641] _Ibid._, 391.
+
+[642] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 108.
+
+[643] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 43.
+
+[644] _Ibid._, ii. 105.
+
+[645] _Liber Albus_, ii. 445.
+
+[646] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 547.
+
+[647] _V. C. H. Northants._, ii. 318.
+
+[648] _Ibid._
+
+[649] Liberate R., 50 Hen. III., n. 11.
+
+[650] Pipe R., 31 Hen. I.
+
+[651] _Cal. Chart. R._, ii. 34.
+
+[652] _A Dyetary of Helth_ (E. E. T. S.), 256.
+
+[653] _Giraldus Cambs._ (Rolls Ser.), iv. 41.
+
+[654] _Mat. for Hist. of T. Becket_ (Rolls Ser.), iii. 30.
+
+[655] _Mon. Franc._ (Rolls Ser.), ii. 8.
+
+[656] _Statutes_, temp. Hen. III.
+
+[657] '[A Brewer's assise] is xij^d highing and xij^d lowing in
+the price of a quarter Malte, and evermore shilling to q^a' (=
+farthing).—_Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 397. In other words, ale
+was as many farthings a gallon as malt was shillings a quarter.
+
+[658] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, 223.
+
+[659] Assize R., 912, m. 49.
+
+[660] _Hundred R._, ii. 216.
+
+[661] _Cal. Chart. R._, i. 168.
+
+[662] _Ibid._
+
+[663] _V. C. H. Notts._, ii. 364.
+
+[664] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 25, 678, 710.
+
+[665] _Ibid._, 772.
+
+[666] _Beverley Town Docts._ (Selden Soc.), liv. In 1413, 260 barrels
+(30 gallons) and firkins (7½ gallons) made for Richard Bartlot of
+unseasoned wood and under size were burnt.—Riley, _Mems. of London_,
+597.
+
+[667] _e.g._ _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 261.
+
+[668] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 319.
+
+[669] From this it would seem that it was customary to put herbs into
+ale.
+
+[670] _Borough Customs_ (Selden Soc.), i. 185.
+
+[671] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 386.
+
+[672] _Liber Albus_, i. 360.
+
+[673] _V. C. H. Worcs._, ii. 256.
+
+[674] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.). 675. There were at least
+thirty brewers in Oxford in 1380.—_V. C. H. Oxon._, ii. 159.
+
+[675] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 318.
+
+[676] Andrew Borde, _Introduction_ (E. E. T. S.), 123.
+
+[677] _Op. cit._, 122.
+
+[678] _e.g._ _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 262.
+
+[679] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 225.
+
+[680] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 229.
+
+[681] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 584.
+
+[682] _V. C. H. Oxon._, ii. 260.
+
+[683] _Liber Albus_, i. 358.
+
+[684] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 25.
+
+[685] _Suss. Arch. Coll._, vii. 96.
+
+[686] _Liber Albus_, i. 359.
+
+[687] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 637.
+
+[688] _V. C. H. Oxon._, ii. 260.
+
+[689] Exch. Dep. by Com., Mich. 18-19, Eliz., no. 10.
+
+[690] Cott. MS. Vesp., A. 22, f. 115.
+
+[691] _Recs. of Norwich_, ii. 98.
+
+[692] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 261.
+
+[693] _Dyetary_ (E. E. T. S.), 256.
+
+[694] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 666.
+
+[695] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 261.
+
+[696] _V. C. H. Dorset_, ii. 367.
+
+[697] Coram Rege 852, m. 23.
+
+[698] _Recs. of Norwich_, ii. 100.
+
+[699] _V. C. H. Shrops._, ii. 422.
+
+[700] _V. C. H. Surrey_, ii. 382.
+
+[701] _Ibid._, 382-4.
+
+[702] _Dyetary_ (E. E. T. S.), 256.
+
+[703] _V. C. H. Dorset_, ii. 369.
+
+[704] Pipe R., 6 Hen. II., Essex; 13 Hen. II., Windsor.
+
+[705] _Giraldus Cambr._ (Rolls Ser.), iv. 41.
+
+[706] Pipe R., 13 John.
+
+[707] Mins. Accts., bdle. 899.
+
+[708] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 263.
+
+[709] _Ibid._
+
+[710] Mins. Accts., 1128, no. 4.
+
+[711] _V. C. H. Sussex_, ii. 263.
+
+[712] Memo., K. R., 17 Ric. II., Hil.
+
+[713] _A Venetian Relation of the Island of England_ (Camden Soc.), 9.
+
+[714] _Statutes_, 23 Edw. III.
+
+[715] _Six Centuries of Work and Wages_, 233.
+
+[716] _Engl. Hist. Rev._, xxi. 517.
+
+[717] Assize R., 773.
+
+[718] _Statutes_, 3 Edw. IV.
+
+[719] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 163.
+
+[720] _Statutes_, 13 Ric. II.
+
+[721] _Ibid._, 15 Ric. II.
+
+[722] _Parly. Rolls_, iii. 637.
+
+[723] _Statutes_, 20 Hen. VI.
+
+[724] _Statutes_, 4 Edw. IV.
+
+[725] Unwin, _Gilds of London_, 139.
+
+[726] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 32.
+
+[727] _Norwich Recs._, ii. 278-310.
+
+[728] _Statutes_, 28 Edw. III. Is iron raw material? Much labour has
+been expended on it before it reaches the market—but the same would
+apply to corn.
+
+[729] _e.g._ Riley, _Mems. of London_, 255.
+
+[730] _Statutes_, 11 Hen. VI.
+
+[731] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 308.
+
+[732] For an exhaustive examination of all that concerns wages, see the
+works of Professor Thorold Rogers.
+
+[733] From the end of the fifteenth century the gradation of payments
+to workmen becomes more pronounced, marking the institution of the
+modern system.
+
+[734] In the case of carpenters, etc., employed in country districts
+there appear to have been considerable variations.
+
+[735] Exch. K. R. Accts., 472, no. 4.
+
+[736] _Beverley Town Docts._ (Selden Soc.), 50.
+
+[737] _Statutes_, 11 Hen. VII.
+
+[738] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 538.
+
+[739] _Coventry Leet Bk._, 574.
+
+[740] _Ibid._, 673.
+
+[741] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 253.
+
+[742] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, 15.
+
+[743] Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, no. 7.
+
+[744] _Norwich Recs._, ii. 104.
+
+[745] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 513.
+
+[746] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 185.
+
+[747] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 227.
+
+[748] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 168.
+
+[749] _Liber Cust._, i. 99.
+
+[750] Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, no. 7.
+
+[751] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 226, 243. It is exceptional to
+find that at Leicester in 1264 the weavers were allowed to work at
+night.—_Borough Recs. of Leicester_, i. 105.
+
+[752] _Ibid._, 538.
+
+[753] _Borough Recs. of Leicester_, i. 547.
+
+[754] _Ibid._, 226.
+
+[755] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, 98; _Coventry Leet Bk._, 302;
+_Beverley MSS._ (Hist. MSS. Com.), 47.
+
+[756] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 532, 246.
+
+[757] _Ibid._, 226, 239.
+
+[758] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 4.
+
+[759] _Ibid._, 97.
+
+[760] _Ibid._, 30.
+
+[761] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 573.
+
+[762] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 638.
+
+[763] For reproductions of some of the marks used by worsted weavers,
+see _Norwich Recs._, ii. 153.
+
+[764] See the maps of medieval Bruges, Paris, and London in Unwin's
+_Gilds of London_, 32-4.
+
+[765] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 392.
+
+[766] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 182.
+
+[767] _Norwich Recs._, ii. 237.
+
+[768] Cf. Blackwell Hall in London, the sole market for 'foreign'
+cloth.—Riley, _Mems. of London_, 550.
+
+[769] _Liber Albus_, ii. 444.
+
+[770] _Statutes_, 37 Edw. III.
+
+[771] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 117.
+
+[772] _Liber Cust._, i. 118.
+
+[773] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 180-3.
+
+[774] The 'brakeman' reduced the bar iron to rods, ready to be drawn
+into wire.
+
+[775] _i.e._ bending.
+
+[776] _i.e._ girdlers; middle = waist.
+
+[777] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 85.
+
+[778] Toulmin Smith, _English Gilds_, 184.
+
+[779] _Ibid._
+
+[780] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 27.
+
+[781] _Borough Recs. of Leicester_, i. 105; _Coventry Leet Bk._, 95;
+_Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 7, 8.
+
+[782] _Beverley Town Docts._ (Selden Soc.), 53.
+
+[783] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, 5.
+
+[784] _Ibid._, 98.
+
+[785] Early Chanc. Proc., 61, no. 478.
+
+[786] _Norwich Recs._, ii. 289.
+
+[787] _e.g. Ibid._, 199, 234; Woodruff, _Hist. of Fordwich_, 32-5.
+
+[788] See _e.g._ _Cal. of Pat. Rolls 1419-36_, 537-88.
+
+[789] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 346.
+
+[790] _Liber Cust._, i. 423.
+
+[791] _Liber Cust._, i. 423.
+
+[792] A servant engaged by the year.—_Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii.
+43.
+
+[793] _Coventry Leet Bk._, 573.
+
+[794] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 106.
+
+[795] Toulmin Smith, _English Gilds_, 179.
+
+[796] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 278.
+
+[797] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 127.
+
+[798] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 549.
+
+[799] _Ibid._, 234.
+
+[800] _Ibid._, 244.
+
+[801] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 84.
+
+[802] Early Chanc. Proc., 19, no. 491.
+
+[803] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 560-1.
+
+[804] _e.g._ _Norwich Recs._, ii. 290; _Little Red Book of Bristol_,
+ii. 125.
+
+[805] Early Chanc. Proc., 66, no. 244.
+
+[806] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 672.
+
+[807] Early Chanc. Proc., 66, no. 244.
+
+[808] _Ibid._, 38, no. 40.
+
+[809] An ordinance of the fullers in 1418 forbade any master to take a
+stranger to serve him by covenant for more than fifteen days unless he
+engaged him for a whole year.—_Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 142.
+
+[810] In the case of the London founders an intending journeyman had
+to satisfy the masters of his skill; if he could not, he must either
+become an apprentice or abandon the craft.—Riley, _Mems. of London_,
+514.
+
+[811] They had to give, and were entitled to receive, eight days'
+notice.—_Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 573.
+
+[812] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 185.
+
+[813] _Liber Albus_, ii. 444.
+
+[814] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 106; _Norwich Recs._, ii. 104;
+_Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 656.
+
+[815] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 786.
+
+[816] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 495.
+
+[817] _Ibid._, 542.
+
+[818] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 609-12.
+
+[819] _Ibid._, 653.
+
+[820] _Hist. MSS. Com. Coventry_, 117-18.
+
+[821] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 694.
+
+[822] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 656.
+
+[823] _Ibid._, 95.
+
+[824] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 151.
+
+[825] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 248, 307; cf. _Acts of P. C., 1542-7_,
+p. 367.
+
+[826] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 307, 514; Lambert, _Two Thousand Years
+of Gild Life_, 216.
+
+[827] _e.g._ _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 13.
+
+[828] See the proceedings of the court of the tailors at
+Exeter.—Toulmin Smith, _English Gilds_, 299-321.
+
+[829] _Liber Cust._, i. 122; cf. _Borough Recs. of Leicester_, i. 89.
+
+[830] _Little Red Book of Bristol_, ii. 14.
+
+[831] _Coventry Leet Bk._ (E. E. T. S.), 302.
+
+[832] Riley, _Mems. of London_, 232.
+
+[833] _Ibid._, 281.
+
+[834] _Ibid._, 293.
+
+[835] Lambert, _Two Thousand Years of Gild Life_, 205.
+
+[836] Toulmin Smith, _English Gilds_, passim.
+
+[837] _Norwich Recs._, ii. 230.
+
+[838] Makers of 'skeps,' or baskets.
+
+[839] _Norwich Recs._, ii. 280-2.
+
+[840] _Norwich Recs._, ii. 111.
+
+[841] _Ibid._, 173.
+
+[842] Sute, probably = course.
+
+[843] Douset = a sweetmeat of cream, eggs, and sugar.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+  Abbetoft, Sir Walter de, grant to monks of Louth Park, 23.
+
+  Aberystwyth siege, guns broken, 110.
+
+  Abinghall, Forest of Dean, coal-working, 5.
+
+  Adam of Corfe, marble-worker, 85.
+
+  Adits: coal pits drained by, 8-9;
+    lead mines drained by, 50;
+    tin mines drained by, 65-6.
+
+  Aketon, Nicholas de. See Nicholas de Aketon.
+
+  Alabaster industry, 86-90.
+
+  Alcester, legend of punishment of iron-workers, 22.
+
+  Aldebek, tilery, 125.
+
+  Ale: brewing and trade regulations, 186-93;
+    national drink, 184-5;
+    price fixed by ordinance, 185-6;
+    used in stained glassmaking, 132.
+
+  Ale-conner or taster, duties of, 189.
+
+  Ale stakes, use of, 189.
+
+  Alston Moor: lead mines, 39, 40-8, 60;
+    Scottish king's rights over, 41.
+
+  Alum, use as a mordant in dyeing wool, 144.
+
+  Alwold, 'campanarius,' 96.
+
+  Amblecote, coal-mining, 7.
+
+  Amesbury, lead sent to, from Shropshire, 39.
+
+  Amiens, agreement of woad merchants with Norwich, 144-5.
+
+  Apprenticeship regulations, 229-31.
+
+  Appys, John, lease of tileries, 124.
+
+  Ariconium, near Ross, iron industry, 21.
+
+  Arnoldson, Cornelys, repair of guns, 112.
+
+  Arundel, alabaster tomb at, 88.
+
+  Ashburnham, tile manufacture, 123-4.
+
+  Ashburton, tin sent to, for coinage duty, 69.
+
+  Ashdown Forest, labour employed in iron mills, 32;
+    water-hammer in, 30.
+
+  Ashford, Derbyshire, lead mine, 39.
+
+  Assize of Bread and Ale, Assize of Cloth, etc. See Bread and Ale,
+      Assize of;
+    Cloth, Assize of.
+
+  Alkynson, John, gun-founder, 113.
+
+  Aylesham, clothmaking industry, 161, 166.
+
+
+  Bakers: frauds practised by, 204;
+    use of trademarks ordered, 216.
+
+  Bakewell, Derbyshire, lead mine, 39.
+
+  Ballard, Blase, gunner, grant to, for injuries caused by gun accident,
+      110.
+
+  Ballard, Simon, iron shot made by, at Newbridge, 111-12.
+
+  Barbary, leather imported into England, 176.
+
+  Bark for tanning, 174.
+
+  Barmaster, of mine court, 40.
+
+  Barmote. See Berghmote.
+
+  Barnack, stone quarries, 77.
+
+  Barnstaple, clothmaking industry, 158.
+
+  Barri, Gerald de, cider mentioned by, 197.
+
+  Bath: gild of smiths at, alleged, in Roman times, 21;
+    Roman use of coal in temple of Minerva probable, 1.
+
+  Bath Stone, quarries at Haslebury in Box, 78-9.
+
+  Battle, Sussex, early iron-works at, 20.
+
+  Battle Abbey: cider a source of income, 197;
+    reference to bell casting, 96;
+    stone quarry near, 76;
+    tile manufacture, 123.
+
+  Baude, Peter, discovery of method of casting cannon in entire piece,
+      113.
+
+  Beare, Thomas, on alluvial tin, 65.
+
+  Beauvale, prior of, lease of coal mine at Newthorpe, 15.
+
+  Becket, Thomas, ale taken to French Court, in 1157, 185.
+
+  Bedburn forge, conditions of labour, 32.
+
+  Bedwin, Wilts., clothmaking industry, 137.
+
+  Beer Alston, Devon, royal lead mines, 48-51.
+
+  Beer, Devon, stone quarries, 78, 80.
+
+  Beer, introduction into England and development of trade, 193-5.
+
+  Bellows, method of using in iron smelting, 27.
+
+  Bell pits, in coal-mining, 7;
+    in iron-mining, 27.
+
+  Bells: dedication ceremony, 101;
+    manufacture of, 96-107;
+    tuning of, 99-100.
+
+  Bellyeter, term for a bell-founder, 97.
+
+  Belper: iron industry, 25;
+    terms of lease of coal mine, 15.
+
+  Belsire, tileries owned by family, 124.
+
+  Beneit le Seynter, early bell-founder, 96.
+
+  Benthall, lease of coal working, 14-15.
+
+  Berghmote or Barmote, mine court in Derbyshire, 40.
+
+  Berkshire, clothmaking industry, 167.
+
+  Berneval, Alexander de, sent to England for alabaster, 87.
+
+  Berwick-on-Tweed, inventory of artillery, in 1401, 109.
+
+  Beverley: building trade, hours of work, 211;
+    clothmaking industry, 134, 139;
+    list of standard measures for ale kept at, 188;
+    regulations for control of industry, 223;
+    tile manufacture, 124-5.
+
+  Beverley, College of, new shrine for relics of St. John of Beverley,
+      93-4.
+
+  Billiter Street, origin of name, 97.
+
+  Birley in Brampton, grant of wood to monks of Louth Park, 23.
+
+  Birlond, quarrying of slates at, 81.
+
+  Bisham, stone quarries, 83.
+
+  Bishop's Stortford, consecration of bells of St. Michael's, 101.
+
+  Black Death, effect on industries, 11, 74, 201.
+
+  Black Prince. See Edward, Black Prince.
+
+  Blacksmiths, control of industry, 211-12, 217.
+
+  Blakeney, Forest of Dean, coal-working, 5.
+
+  Blanket, Thomas, cloth-weaver in Bristol, 141.
+
+  Blanket cloth, manufacture, 168.
+
+  Blaunchlond, Northumberland, lead mine, 60.
+
+  Bloom, in iron-working, meaning of term, 28, 30;
+    variations in weight, 30-31.
+
+  Bloomery, meaning of term, 29.
+
+  Blund, William and Robert le, probable identity with William and Robert
+      of Corfe, 85.
+
+  Bocher, Robert, alabaster-worker, 89.
+
+  Bodiam Castle, gun found in moat, 111.
+
+  Bodmatgan quarry, slates from, 81.
+
+  Bodmin, tin sent to, for coinage duty, 69.
+
+  'Boldon Book,' 1183, references to use of coal, 2-3.
+
+  Bole furnace, type used in lead mines, 51.
+
+  Bolerium of Diodorus Siculus, question of identity, 62.
+
+  Bolles, William, legal action, 13.
+
+  Bolsover, Manor of, 10, 11.
+
+  Bordale, Edmund, of Bramley, glass purchased from, 130.
+
+  Borde, Andrew, on ale, 184, 190;
+    beer, 193;
+    cider and perry, 196.
+
+  Boston, Lincs., clothmaking industry, 139.
+
+  Boughton Monchelsea, stone worked at, 80, 83.
+
+  Boundary stones, custom of burying coal under, 3-4.
+
+  Brabant weavers in London, 225.
+
+  Bradley, Staffordshire, coal-mining, 7.
+
+  Braintree, clothmaking industry, 157.
+
+  Brasier, Richard, bell-founder of Norwich, 105-7.
+
+  Bread and ale, assize of, beginning of national control of industry,
+      201.
+
+  Bremerhaven, export of coal to, 18.
+
+  Breton, Ralph, gift of money for bell to Rochester Cathedral Priory, 96.
+
+  Brewing: ale, universal and regulation of, 186-93;
+    beer, 193-5;
+    cider, 196-8.
+
+  Bricks, manufacture of, 125-6.
+
+  Brill, iron sent to, from Forest of Dean, 23.
+
+  Bristol: clothmaking industry, 141, 144, 145-6, 148, 150-1, 154;
+    coal exported, in 1592, 18;
+    gun-founding industry, 110;
+    leather trade, 174;
+    regulations for control of industries, 181, 182, 191, 216-19, 223,
+      227-9, 235.
+
+  Bromfield, Shropshire, lead-miners recruited from, for Devon, 57.
+
+  Brown, Roger, of Norwich, shoemaker, 181.
+
+  Brushford, near Dulverton, lead mine, 59.
+
+  Buggeberd, Adam, rector of South Peret, dispute over Whitchurch bells
+      referred to, 100.
+
+  Building industry: hours of work at Beverly, 211;
+    reasons for not treating subject, vi.
+
+  Burel cloth, manufacture of, 136-7.
+
+  Burford family, bell-founders, 102.
+
+  Burges, Toisaunts, brought to England to teach art of calendering
+      worsteds, 165.
+
+  Burle, Nicholas, of London, seizure of hides, 175.
+
+  Burnard, Richard, clothier of Barnstaple, 158.
+
+  Burton-on-Trent, alabaster-workers, 89.
+
+  Bury St. Edmunds: bell-founding industry, 105;
+    quarry in Barnack owned by abbey of, 77.
+
+  Buttercrambe, Plaster of Paris obtained from, 89-90.
+
+  Byland, Abbey of, grant of iron mine to, 1180, 23.
+
+
+  Caen, stone quarries, 78, 80.
+
+  Calendering worsteds, introduction of art, 165-6.
+
+  Cambrai, Siege of, 1339, guns used, 107.
+
+  Cannons. See Gun-founding.
+
+  Canon, Richard, carver and marble-worker, 85.
+
+  Canterbury: ale famous, 185;
+    bell-founding industry, 105.
+
+  Canterbury Cathedral, alabaster tomb of Henry IV. and Queen Joan, 88.
+
+  Capitalists, conflict of interests in the gilds, 226-36.
+
+  Cappers of Coventry, regulations for control of industry, 227, 231.
+
+  Carlisle, Castle of, brass cannons for, in 1385, 108.
+
+  Carretate, weight for lead, varieties, 56.
+
+  Carving, English skill in Middle Ages, 87.
+
+  Cassiterides or Tin Islands, question of identification, 62.
+
+  Castor, Northants., Roman British pottery, 114-15.
+
+  Causton, Alice, punished for selling short measure of ale, 188.
+
+  Cavalcante, John, of Florence, cannon and saltpetre supplied by, 112-13.
+
+  Chafery, in iron-smelting, 30.
+
+  Chagford, tin sent to, for coinage duty, 69.
+
+  Chalder or chaldron, measure, 17-18.
+
+  Chaldon, stone quarries, 77.
+
+  Chalk, quarrying for conversion into lime, 90-1.
+
+  Chalons, cloth, origin of name and manufacture in England, 138.
+
+  Chalons-sur-Marne, cloth manufacture, 138.
+
+  Chamois (shamoys) leather, trade regulations, 176-7.
+
+  Charcoal: confused with sea coal by Alexander Neckam, 3;
+    only fuel used for iron-working, 26.
+
+  Charcoal-burners employed in iron industry, 36-7.
+
+  Cheapside, goldsmiths' shops, 95.
+
+  Chellaston, alabaster quarries, 87.
+
+  Chertsey Abbey, inlaid tiles discovered, 127.
+
+  Cheshire, lead-miners recruited for Devon, 57.
+
+  Chester: brewing-trade dues paid to castle of, 187;
+    gild of smiths at, in Roman times, 21.
+
+  Chichester Cathedral, Purbeck marble used, 84.
+
+  Chiddingfold, glassmaking industry, 127-9.
+
+  Child labour, order restricting, in 1398, 229.
+
+  Chilvers Coton, coal-mining, 6.
+
+  Chimneys, increase in number, in sixteenth century, 19.
+
+  Chirche, Reginald, bell-founder, 101.
+
+  Chislehurst, chalk quarries, 91.
+
+  Choke damp, 8, 16.
+
+  Cider industry, 196-8.
+
+  Cistercian ware, distinctive features, 118.
+
+  Clee, forest of, coal-working, 6.
+
+  Cleveland, iron industry, 25.
+
+  Clifford, Walter de, licence to Sir John de Halston (c. 1260), 5-6.
+
+  Cloth, Assize of, beginning of a national control of industry, 201.
+
+  Clothmaking industry: development and principal centres, 133-41;
+    Edward III.'s efforts to improve, 140-1, 201;
+    frauds and regulations against, 159-64, 204-6;
+    legislative control, 136-7, 160-4, 201, 205, 216;
+    numbers employed and output of cloth, 156-9;
+    processes used, 141-56;
+    quality of English cloth prior to time of Edward III., 136;
+    subjection of workers evidenced by restrictive regulations, 134-5;
+    varieties of cloth made, 164-70.
+
+  Coal: burying under boundary stones, 3-4;
+    discovery in 1620 of method of using for iron-works, 26, 37;
+    early significance of the word, 2-3;
+    restriction of use to iron-working and lime-burning, 4-5, 90-1;
+    Roman use of, in Britain, 1-2;
+    smoke nuisance complained of, 6;
+    trade returns, 18-19;
+    value, 13-14;
+    weighing of, measures employed, 14, 17-18.
+
+  Coal-mining: bell pits described, 7;
+    choke damp mentioned, 8, 16;
+    early methods of working, 7-11;
+    first references to actual workings, 5-6;
+    mineral rights, 11-18;
+    terms of leases, 14-16.
+
+  Coggeshall, clothmaking industry, 140, 157.
+
+  Cogware, origin of term, 143.
+
+  Coinage duty on tin, 68-9, 74.
+
+  Colchester: clothmaking industry, 140, 156, 168;
+    leather trade, 172, 173;
+    Roman pottery manufacture, 115;
+    tile industry regulations, 120-1.
+
+  Coleford, Roman iron-works at, 20.
+
+  Collard, Robert, tilemaker, 125.
+
+  Collyweston, stone slates, 82.
+
+  Colyn, Thomas, alabaster-worker, 88.
+
+  Competition, efforts to restrict, 222-5, 226-7.
+
+  Control of industry: gild regulations, 206-40;
+    legislation for, 200-12.
+
+  Cope, in bell-founding, 98.
+
+  Corby, agreement of woad merchants with Norwich, 144-5.
+
+  Cordwainers: journeyman fraternity formed, 233;
+    origin of name, 180;
+    trade regulations, 181-3.
+
+  Core, in bell-founding, 98.
+
+  Corfe, Dorset: Purbeck marble industry, 85;
+    stone quarry, 79.
+
+  Cornwall, Duke of, vested with supreme control of the stannaries, 72.
+
+  Cornwall: brewing trade, 190;
+    clothmaking industry, 158;
+    gold, search for, 61;
+    slate quarrying, 81-2;
+    tin-mining, 62-74.
+
+  Corvehill, William, bell-founder, 107.
+
+  Costume of miners, depicted in Newland Church, 36.
+
+  Courts. See Law Courts.
+
+  Coventry: brewing trade and regulations for, 187-9, 191;
+    Cappers' gild regulations, 212, 227, 230-1;
+    clothmaking industry, 146-7, 169;
+    gilds controlled by civic authorities, 208;
+    iron-workers, trade restrictions, 219-21, 232;
+    journeyman gilds or confraternities, 234, 235;
+    treatment of strangers, 222;
+    trial of trade disputes in spiritual courts, 236.
+
+  Cowick, Yorkshire, payment by potters for digging clay, 118.
+
+  Crangs, Burcord, melting-house at Larian in Cornwall, 66-7.
+
+  Créçy, battle of, guns used by English, 107.
+
+  Crich, Derbyshire, lead mine, 39.
+
+  Croker, Nicholas, coppersmith, 96.
+
+  Crowchard, John, gun repaired by, 112.
+
+  Crowland Abbey, quarry in Barnack, 77.
+
+  Croxden Abbey, bell recast, in 1313, 99.
+
+  Culhare, Emma, killed by choke-damp, 8.
+
+  Culverden, William, bell-founder, 100.
+
+  Cumberland, lead-mining, 46, 60-1.
+
+  Customs and Duties: alien merchandise, on, 224-5;
+    coal, 5, 18;
+    coinage on tin, 68-9, 74.
+
+
+  Dale, Abbey of, Derbyshire, inlaid tile manufacture, 127.
+
+  Damlade, uncertain meaning of the word, 81.
+
+  Darcy, Edmund, royal grant to, for searching and sealing leather, 179.
+
+  Darlington, clothmaking industry, 134.
+
+  Dean, Forest of: coal-mining, 5, 11;
+    iron industry, 23, 29, 34-6.
+
+  Dearns, meaning of term, 9.
+
+  De la Fava, of Mechlin. See La Fava.
+
+  Denby: coal-mining accident, in 1291, 8;
+    iron mine, 22-3.
+
+  Derbyshire: alabaster quarries, 87;
+    coal-mining, 6-8;
+    iron industry, 25, 27;
+    lead-mining, 39-48, 54, 56, 57-8.
+
+  Devon: clothmaking industry, 144, 158, 167;
+    gold discovered, 61;
+    lead-mining, 43, 48-9, 50-8;
+    slate quarrying, 81;
+    stone quarry at Beer, 78;
+    tin-mining, 62-74.
+
+  Dewysse, Edward, beer brewer, 194.
+
+  Diodorus Siculus, statements respecting British tin trade, 62.
+
+  Dorset: clothmaking industry, frauds practised, 161;
+    lead-miners recruited for Devon, 57;
+    Purbeck marble industry, 84-5;
+    stone quarries, 79.
+
+  Douset, term explained, 240.
+
+  Dover: bells cast for, 105;
+    cannon for castle, in 1401, 108-9.
+
+  Dowson, John, gun-founder, 113.
+
+  Doys, John, beer brewer, case of theft against, 194.
+
+  Dudley, Dud, discovery of methods of using coal for iron-works, in 1620,
+      26, 37.
+
+  Duffield Frith: coal obtained from, in 1257, 6;
+    iron industry, 25.
+
+  Dunkirk, export of coal to, 18.
+
+  Dunstan, St., patron of the goldsmiths, 92.
+
+  Durham: coal-mining, 9;
+    lead mines granted to bishop by King Stephen, 39-40.
+
+  Dutch: beer a natural drink for, 193;
+    expert gun-founders, 111.
+
+  Duties. _See_ Customs and Duties.
+
+  Dyeing industry: processes employed for cloth, 144-8;
+    regulations for control of, 229, 234.
+
+
+  Eastbourne, green sandstone quarry, 79.
+
+  Ebchester, Durham, discovery at, of Roman use of coal, 1.
+
+  Edmund of Cornwall, tin worked for, in 1297, 65.
+
+  Edward III.: efforts to improve cloth trade, 140-1, 201;
+    metal cast figure of, 95.
+
+  Edward, the Black Prince, plate presented to, 94.
+
+  Egremont, iron mine, 22.
+
+  Egwin, St., legend of punishment of iron-workers of Alcester, 22.
+
+  Egynton, John, dyer, trade dispute, 146-7.
+
+  Eleanor, Queen: driven from Nottingham Castle by coal smoke, 6;
+    metal cast figure of, 95.
+
+  Eleanor Crosses, Purbeck marble supplied for, 85.
+
+  Ely: bells cast, 103;
+    wall tiles or bricks for, 125.
+
+  Elyng, meaning of term, 28.
+
+  Encaustic tiles, process of manufacture, 126-7.
+
+  Essex, clothmaking industry, 157, 166, 168.
+
+  Essex, straits, narrow cloths, 140.
+
+  Eton college, stained glass for, 130.
+
+  Eure, Sir William, lease of coal mines, 16.
+
+  Exeter Cathedral: marble work for, 85;
+    Portland stone used, 79;
+    resident bell-founders appointed, 104-5·
+
+
+  Fairlight Quarry, near Hastings, stone for Rochester castle, 79, 80.
+
+  Faringdon, William, renowned goldsmith, 93.
+
+  Farriers: allowed to shoe on Sundays and feast days, 213;
+    mutual assistance regulations, 237.
+
+  Faudkent, Peter, Dochman, stained glass purchased from, 131.
+
+  Fécamp Abbey, alabaster procured from England by abbot, 87.
+
+  Fenby, Thomas de, dyer of Coventry, trade dispute, 146-7.
+
+  Ferry, coal mines, 9.
+
+  Finchale monks, coal-mining operations, 9.
+
+  Fishmongers, regulation of trade, 219.
+
+  Fiskerton, brewing-trade dues, 187.
+
+  Fitz Odo, goldsmiths. See Fitz Otho.
+
+  Fitz Osbert, William, grant to abbey of Byland, 1180, 23.
+
+  Fitz Otho, Edward, goldsmith of Henry III., bells cast by, 102.
+
+  Fitz Otho family, king's goldsmiths and masters of the mint, 92.
+
+  Flanders: beer introduced into England from, 193;
+    glassmaker brought to England, in 1449, 130-1;
+    settlement in England of craftsmen from, 225.
+
+  Fletcher's lead mine in Alston, 60.
+
+  Flushing, export of coal to, 18.
+
+  Folkestone, stone quarry, 80.
+
+  Forest Assize of 1244, references to coal-mining, 5.
+
+  Forges, itinerant, in Forest of Dean, 29.
+
+  Fortuno de Catalengo, purchase of cannon from, 112.
+
+  Fotinel, weight for lead, 56.
+
+  Founders of metal, notable examples of work, 95-6.
+
+  Fountains Abbey, ware found in, 118.
+
+  Franciscans in London, poverty evidenced by quality of their ale, 185.
+
+  Frankwell, William, water for tanning at Lewes, 173.
+
+  Frese, William, gunmaker, 112.
+
+  Friezes, types manufactured, 169-70.
+
+  Friscobaldi, Italian merchants, lease of Devon lead mines, 56-7.
+
+  Fuller's earth, used for cleansing cloth, 154-5.
+
+  Fulling of cloth: process employed, 153-5;
+    use of trademarks ordered, 216.
+
+  Furnaces, types employed, 28, 51-3, 66.
+
+  Furness Abbey, iron industry, 25, 27, 31.
+
+
+  Galloway, Mr., his _Annals of Coal Mining_, ix.
+
+  Gateshead, coal-mining, 9, 11.
+
+  Geddyng, John, glazier, 129.
+
+  Gerard le Flemeng, cloth weaver, 137.
+
+  Germans: expert gun-founders, 111;
+    skilled miners, 59.
+
+  Gildesburgh, Robert, dispute over tuning of bells, 99-100.
+
+  Gilds: clothweavers, alien weavers in London, 225;
+    charters granted by Henry I. and Henry II., 135;
+    enforced holidays, 151;
+    payments to the king, in twelfth century, 133-4;
+    restriction of competition, 226-7.
+
+  —— conflict of class interests in, 225-36.
+
+  —— control of industry by regulations, 206-40.
+
+  —— cordwainers at Oxford, 183.
+
+  —— fullers of Lincoln, regulations, 153-4.
+
+  —— journeymen's efforts to form, 233-5.
+
+  —— origin of, 206-7.
+
+  —— religious element in organisation, 237-40.
+
+  Glasewryth, John, glassmaker in Chiddingfold district, 129.
+
+  Glassmaking industry, 127-32.
+
+  Glastonbury, lake village, evidences of weaving discovered, 133.
+
+  Glaze, for pottery, process, 116-17.
+
+  Gloucester: bell-founding industry, 103;
+    brewing-trade regulations, 192;
+    clothmaking industry, 134, 161.
+
+  Gloucestershire: iron industry, 22, 24, 28;
+    lead-mining, 39, 57.
+
+  Gloucester, vale of, vine cultivation, 198.
+
+  Goderswyk, William, mining grant to, 60-1.
+
+  Gold-mining, 61.
+
+  Goldsmiths, early records of, 92-4.
+
+  Goldsmiths' Row, London, built by Thomas Wood, 95.
+
+  Goodrich, Roman iron-works at, 21.
+
+  Goryng, John, case against beer brewers, 194.
+
+  Goykyn, Godfrey, English guns made by, 111.
+
+  Graffham, Sussex, potteries, 117.
+
+  Gray, Sir Thomas, lease of Whickham coal mines, 16.
+
+  Green, Ralph, alabaster tomb in Lowick Church, 88.
+
+  Greenwich, chalk and lime sent to London, 91.
+
+  Griff, charge for sinking coal pits, 10.
+
+  Guildford: chalk quarries, 91;
+    clothmaking industry, 138, 168.
+
+  Guildford Castle, tiles from Shalford, 124.
+
+  Guildford cloths, reputation injured by frauds, 155, 205.
+
+  Guildhall, London, ordnance at, in 1339, 107.
+
+  Gun-founding industry: account of, 107-13;
+    discovery of method of casting cannon in entire piece, 113;
+    projectiles used, 80-81, 109.
+
+  Gypsum, conversion into Plaster of Paris, 89-90.
+
+
+  Hackington, tileries, 124.
+
+  Halingbury, William, promotion of art of calendering worsteds, 165.
+
+  Hall, Robert, clothier of Winchester, 158.
+
+  Halston, Sir John de, licensed to dig for coals in Clee forest, 5-6.
+
+  Hammers, water, for iron industry, 30.
+
+  Hampshire: clothmaking industry, 167;
+    stone quarries, 79.
+
+  Hanbury, earliest sepulchral image in alabaster at, 86.
+
+  Harrison, William: ale disparaged by, 195;
+    cider and perry mentioned by, 196;
+    his _Description of England_, 19.
+
+  Hartkeld, coal mines, 16.
+
+  Haslebury quarry, 78-9.
+
+  Hassal, slate-quarrying at, 81.
+
+  Hastings: kilns for making inlaid tiles discovered, 127;
+    pottery, stamp decoration, 118.
+
+  Hatfield, Bishop of Durham, lease of coal mines, 16.
+
+  Hatters, use of trademark ordered, 216.
+
+  Hawkin of Liége, metal-founder, 95.
+
+  Helere, Edmund, lease of tileries, 124.
+
+  Helston: brewing trade, 190;
+    nomination of members for stannary parliament, 72;
+    tin sent to, for coinage dues, 69.
+
+  Henry III., metal cast figure of, 95.
+
+  Henry IV., alabaster tomb at Canterbury, 88.
+
+  Henry V., inventory of goods quoted, 139.
+
+  Henry of Lewes, the king's chief smith, 24.
+
+  Henshawe, William, bell-founder at Gloucester, 103.
+
+  Hereford: blankets made at, 168;
+    iron industry, 22;
+    regulations for control of industry, 223.
+
+  Hermann de Alemannia, lead mine worked by, 59.
+
+  Herrings, Yarmouth monopoly of sale on east coast, 203.
+
+  Heworth, charge for sinking coal pits, 10.
+
+  Hides, trade regulations, 174-5.
+
+  Hill, Nicholas, alabaster-worker, 89.
+
+  Hogge, Ralph, discovery of method of casting cannon in entire piece,
+      113.
+
+  Holewell, Thomas, alabaster-worker, 88.
+
+  Holidays, regulations, 212-14.
+
+  Hope, Derbyshire, lead mines, 39.
+
+  Hops, restrictions on use, 194-5.
+
+  Horsham, stone slate quarries, 82.
+
+  Houghton, Yorkshire, customs respecting mineral rights, 12.
+
+  Hours of labour, regulations, 211-12.
+
+  Huddleston, stone quarries, 77.
+
+  Hugh of Scheynton, lease of coal mine, 14-15.
+
+  Hull: tile manufacture, 124;
+    weaving trade regulations, 237.
+
+  Humbert, Duke, lease of lead mines at Wirksworth, 39.
+
+  Huntingdon, clothmaking industry, 133.
+
+  Hussey, Sir William, action against, 13.
+
+
+  Ictis of Diodorus Siculus, question of identity, 62-3.
+
+  Industry, control of. See Control of Industry.
+
+  Inspection of goods in Middle Ages, 216-17.
+
+  Ipswich, tolls on English cloth, 139-40.
+
+  Irish friezes, manufacture of, 169-70.
+
+  Iron, price of, and parliamentary attempt to regulate, 31, 208-9.
+
+  Iron-mining: free miners of the Forest of Dean, their privileges, 34-6;
+    methods of working, 26-30;
+    numbers employed and conditions of labour, 31-6;
+    places noted for, 22-6;
+    Roman activity in Britain, 20-1;
+    weight of the bloom, variations in, 30-1;
+    wood consumption in sixteenth century, 36-7.
+
+
+  Jack of Newbury. See Winchcombe, John.
+
+  Jervaulx Abbey: grant to, by Earl of Richmond, 1281, 29;
+    ware found at, 118.
+
+  John, King, tomb at Worcester, in Purbeck marble, 84.
+
+  John de Alemaygne, of Chiddingfold, glassmaker, 128.
+
+  John de Stafford, mayor of Leicester, bell-founder, 103.
+
+  John, Duke of Bretagne, alabaster tomb at Nantes, 88.
+
+  John Glasman of Ruglay, glass purchased from, 130.
+
+  John of Chester, glazier, designs for stained glass, 131-2.
+
+  John of Gloucester, bell-founder, 103.
+
+  John, St., of Alexandria, mention in life of, of British tin trade, 63.
+
+  John, St., of Beverley, new shrine for relics, in 1292, 93-4.
+
+  Johnson, Cornelys, gun-founder, 113.
+
+  Journeymen, regulation of employment, 231-5.
+
+  Julius Cæsar, on iron in Britain, 20.
+
+  Julius Vitalis, armourer of the 20th Legion, funeral at Bath, 21.
+
+
+  Keel or coal barge, regulation of capacity, 17.
+
+  Kendal, clothmaking industry, 143, 169.
+
+  Kent: chalk-quarrying, 91;
+    clothmaking industry, 137, 158;
+    gun-founding, 113;
+    iron industry, 24, 26;
+    Roman British pottery in, 114;
+    stone quarries, 77-8, 80-1;
+    tile manufacture, 121-4.
+
+  Kentish rag, stone, demand for, 77-8, 80.
+
+  Kersey, village, clothmaking industry, 166.
+
+  Kerseys, manufacture of, 166-8.
+
+  Keswick, lead mine, 60.
+
+  Kilns, types used, 90, 115, 116, 126.
+
+  King's College, Cambridge, stained glass for, 130-1.
+
+  Kingston on Thames, pottery manufacture, 117.
+
+  Kipax, Yorkshire, customs respecting mineral rights, 12.
+
+  Kirkstall Abbey, ware found at, 118.
+
+
+  Labour, control of. See Control of Industry.
+
+  Labourers, Statute of, enactments, 201-2.
+
+  La Fava, Lewis de, of Mechlin, purchase of cannon from, 112.
+
+  Lanchester, Durham: discovery at, of Roman use of coal, 1;
+    Roman method of smelting iron at, 26.
+
+  Langton, Walter de, bishop of Chester, on yield of Beer Alston mine, 51.
+
+  Larian in Cornwall, cost of a melting-house at, 66-7.
+
+  Launceston, nomination of members for stannary parliament, 72.
+
+  Laurence Vitrarius, glassmaker at Chiddingfold, 128.
+
+  Law Courts: miners, 35-6, 40, 72;
+    settlement of trade disputes, for, 236.
+
+  Lead-mining: methods of working, 50-5;
+    organisation of miners, 40-8;
+    payments to the king and to the lord of the soil, 46-8;
+    principal localities, 39-40;
+    productiveness of mines, 56-61;
+    prospecting regulations, 43-6;
+    Roman workings, 38-9;
+    wages and number of hands employed, 48-51.
+
+  Leadreeve, of mine court, 40.
+
+  Leakes of Southwark, beer brewers, 195.
+
+  Leather industry: account of, 171-83;
+    frauds in preparation and sale, 177-9, 205;
+    night work prohibited, 215;
+    regulations for control of, 215-16, 229, 237-8;
+    shoemaking, regulations, 180-3;
+    table of values of different kinds of leather, 179-80.
+
+  Leathersellers' Company, inefficiency of control over trade, 177-8.
+
+  Leeds, bell pits near, 7.
+
+  Leeds Castle, cost of iron for repairs in time of Edward III., 31.
+
+  Lewis, George Randall, indebtedness to acknowledged, ix, 64.
+
+  Lichfield Cathedral, dedication of bell, 1477, 101.
+
+  Lime-burning, 4-5, 90-1.
+
+  Limekilns, kind used, 90.
+
+  Liminge, land at, granted to Abbey of St. Peter of Canterbury, 22.
+
+  Lincoln: clothmaking industry, 133, 136, 139, 153-4;
+    pottery, stamp decoration, 118;
+    Purbeck marble for Eleanor cross, 85;
+    regulations for control of industry, 222, 228.
+
+  Liskeard, tin sent to, for coinage duty, 69.
+
+  List, in cloth, term explained, 136.
+
+  Liverpool, coal exported, in 1592, 18.
+
+  Logwood, use as a dye forbidden, 148.
+
+  London: ale brewing, regulations, 190-1;
+    beer brewing in, 193-5;
+    bell-founding industry, 101-2;
+    cloth making industry, 133, 137, 140, 147, 154;
+    regulations for control of industries, 204, 207-15, 219, 225-33, 236;
+    roofing with tiles made compulsory, 1212, 119;
+    shoemaking trade regulations, 181-3;
+    walls built of Kentish rag, 77.
+
+  Loop, in iron working, meaning of term, 30.
+
+  Lostwithiel: nomination of members for stannary parliament, 72;
+    slates probably quarried at, 81-2;
+    tin sent to, for coinage duty, 69.
+
+  Louth Park, grant to monks, 23.
+
+  Low countries, settlement in England of craftsmen from, 225.
+
+  Lowick Church, Northants., alabaster tomb in, 88.
+
+  Lune, Galias de, mining grant to, 61.
+
+  Lynne, clothmaking industry, 165.
+
+
+  Madder, use in dyeing wool, 148.
+
+  Magna Carta, cloth trade regulations in, 136.
+
+  Maidstone, stone quarries, 77, 80, 81, 109.
+
+  Maldon, clothmaking industry, 140, 168.
+
+  Malemort family, employment in iron-works at St. Briavels, 24.
+
+  Malvern Priory, manufacture of inlaid tiles, 127.
+
+  Marble, Purbeck. See Purbeck marble.
+
+  Marchall, John, mining grant to, 60.
+
+  Marcus le Fair, clothier of Winchester, 158.
+
+  Maresfield, Sussex, iron-works in Roman times, 20.
+
+  Markets: held on Sundays in thirteenth century, 214;
+    segregation of trades, 217-18.
+
+  Marlborough: brewing-trade regulations, 187;
+    clothmaking industry, 134, 137.
+
+  Martinstowe: silver sent to London, in 1294, 55;
+    slates used for roofing, 81;
+    stone quarries, pay of workers, 82-3.
+
+  Mason, Peter, payment to, for alabaster for St. George's Chapel,
+      Windsor, 87.
+
+  Matlock, lead workings of Roman period, 38.
+
+  Meaux Abbey: dispute with tilers of Beverley, 124-5;
+    tannery at, details given, 173.
+
+  Mendips, lead mines: methods of working, 53;
+    organisation of miners, 40-8;
+    productiveness, 58-9;
+    worked by the Romans, 38.
+
+  Metal-working: bell-founding, 96-107;
+    gun-founding, 107-13;
+    payment for workmanship, 93-4;
+    regulation of hours of work in London, 213;
+    use of trademark ordered, 216.
+
+  Metesford, Derbyshire, lead mine, 39.
+
+  Michel, Henry, bell-founder, 99.
+
+  Middle Ages, definition of period, vii.
+
+  Middlewood, sea coal at, 4.
+
+  Midhurst, payment by potters to the lord of the manor, 118.
+
+  Mildenhall, recasting of bell and dispute over, 106-7.
+
+  Mile End Range, 110.
+
+  Millyng, Albert, of Cologne, mining grant to, 60-1.
+
+  Mine Law Courts. See Law Courts, miners.
+
+  Mining of coal, iron, lead, etc. See coal, iron, lead, etc.
+
+  Minsterley, Shropshire, lead workings of Roman period, 38.
+
+  Monkswood, near Tintern, timber consumed at iron-works, 37.
+
+  Moorhouse, coal-mining at, 9.
+
+  Mordant, in dyeing, those used in Middle Ages, 144.
+
+  Moresby, Hugh de, charter to Furness Abbey, 27.
+
+  Morley, Derbyshire, coal-mining accidents, 7-8.
+
+
+  Nantes Cathedral, alabaster tomb of John of Bretagne, 88.
+
+  Naturalisation, letters of, numerous in fifteenth century, 224-5.
+
+  Neckam, Alexander, on coal, 3.
+
+  Newark, brewing-trade dues, 187.
+
+  Newbridge, in Ashdown Forest, iron shot manufactured, 111.
+
+  Newbury, clothmaking industry, 167.
+
+  Newcastle, coal-mining and trade, 6, 18-19.
+
+  New Forest, Roman British pottery from, 114.
+
+  Newland Church, brass depicting a free miner, 36.
+
+  Newminster, use of coal by monks, 4.
+
+  Newport, William, guns made by, 112.
+
+  Newthorpe, coal mine, terms of lease, 15.
+
+  Newthorpe Mere, Gresley, outrage at coal mine, 13.
+
+  Nicholas de Aketon, grant to monks of Newminster, 4.
+
+  Night work, rules against, 214-15.
+
+  Norfolk, clothmaking industry, 138-9, 161, 164-6, 205.
+
+  Northampton: Purbeck marble for Eleanor cross, 85;
+    shoemaking regulations, 183.
+
+  Northamptonshire: Roman British pottery, 114-15;
+    stone slates quarried at Collyweston, 82.
+
+  Northumberland: coal-mining, 6;
+    lead-mining, 60-1.
+
+  Norwich: bell-founding industry, 105;
+    brewing trade regulations, 192-3, 195;
+    clothmaking industry, 144-5, 148-9, 150, 162, 165, 168;
+    gilds controlled by civic authorities, 208;
+    holidays, regulations, 212;
+    market regulations, 217;
+    pageants and gild feasts, 238-40;
+    roofing with tiles made compulsory, 119;
+    strangers, restrictive regulations, 223-4.
+
+  Nottingham: alabaster industry, 87-9;
+    clothmaking industry, 133, 150;
+    smoke nuisance, in 1257, 6.
+
+  Nottinghamshire, coal-mining, 6.
+
+  Nuneaton, coal-mining, 7, 15.
+
+  Nutfield, Fuller's earth deposits, 155.
+
+
+  Oldham, Lancs., bell pits at, 7.
+
+  Ordnance, casting of, 107-13.
+
+  Osetes of Bristol, cloths, 140.
+
+  Oswy, king of Kent, grant to Abbey of St. Peter of Canterbury, 21-2.
+
+  Otto, the goldsmith, 92.
+
+  Oxford: brewing-trade regulations, 191-2;
+    clothmaking industry, 133, 167;
+    leather-trade industries, 172, 183.
+
+
+  Pageants of gilds and fraternities, 238-40.
+
+  Pagham, Sussex, cider industry, 197.
+
+  Pakenham, John, cider orchard at Wisborough, 198.
+
+  Parman, John, clothier of Barnstaple, 158.
+
+  Pascayl, Robert, lease of coal mine, 15.
+
+  Peak, Derbyshire, lead-miners recruited for Devon, 57.
+
+  Penpark Hole, Gloucs., lead mine mentioned, in 882, 39.
+
+  Pepercorn, William, draining of Beer Alston mine, 51.
+
+  Perry drunk in Middle Ages, 196.
+
+  Peter at Gate, tiles manufactured by, 123.
+
+  Peter de Brus, forges on lands in Cleveland, 1271, 25.
+
+  Peterborough Abbey, quarry in Barnack, 77.
+
+  Pevensey, walls and castle built of green sandstone from Eastbourne, 79.
+
+  Pewter-work, 95;
+    apprentices, 229.
+
+  Peyeson, Adam, lease of coal mine, 14-15.
+
+  Peyto family, glassmakers, 129.
+
+  Philippa, Queen, metal cast figure of, 95.
+
+  Phœnicians, tin trade with Britain doubtful, 62.
+
+  _Piers Plowman_, quoted, 141.
+
+  Plaster of Paris, conversion of alabaster into, 89-90.
+
+  Playden, village, grave of Cornelius Zoetmann, 194.
+
+  Plessey, near Blyth, early mention of coal from, 4.
+
+  Plympton, tin sent to, for coinage duty, 69.
+
+  Poole, Dorset, beer and ale export trade, 194.
+
+  Popenreuter, Hans, purchase of cannon from, 112.
+
+  Poppehowe, Thomas, worker in alabaster, 88.
+
+  Portland stone, fame in Middle Ages, 79.
+
+  Potteresgavel, rent paid by potters, 118.
+
+  Pottery manufacture, 114-18.
+
+  Prentis, Thomas, alabaster-worker, 87-8.
+
+  Prest, Godfrey, coppersmith, 96.
+
+  Prices, regulation of, 208-10.
+
+  Projectiles, 80-1, 109.
+
+  Protection of industries, effect of, 203-4.
+
+  Pucklechurch, Gloucs., iron industry, 22.
+
+  Punishments by mine law, 42-3.
+
+  Purbeck marble industry, 84-6.
+
+
+  Quarell guns, 109.
+
+  Quarrying, 76-91.
+
+  Quivil, Bishop Peter de, care of bells of Exeter Cathedral, 104.
+
+
+  Radlett, pottery manufacture by Romans, 115.
+
+  Raly, coal mine, 16.
+
+  Ramsey, Abbey of, quarry in Barnack, 77.
+
+  Randolf, William, payment to, for metal-work, 94.
+
+  Reading, clothmaking industry, 156.
+
+  Redbrook, Roman iron-works at, 21.
+
+  Reginald, Bishop, of Bath, lead mines granted to, 40.
+
+  Reigate: Fuller's earth deposits, 155;
+    stone quarries, 77-8, 80.
+
+  Repton: lease of lead mines at Wirksworth by Abbess, 39;
+    manufacture of inlaid tiles, 127.
+
+  Restormel, Cornwall, slates used for roofing, 81.
+
+  Richard I., reorganisation of the stannaries, 1198, 73.
+
+  Richard II., metal-work of tomb and payment for, 96.
+
+  Richmond, Earl of, 1281, grants to the monks of Jervaulx, 29.
+
+  Richmond, Yorks., copper mine, 60.
+
+  Ridding, in iron-mining, meaning of term, 35.
+
+  Riley, Mr., indebtedness to, acknowledged, ix.
+
+  Ringmer, in Sussex, potteries, 116, 118, 123.
+
+  Robard, Pieter, alias Graunte Pierre, iron-founder, 112.
+
+  Robert le Bellyetere, care of bells of Exeter Cathedral, 104-5.
+
+  Robert of Corfe, worker in Purbeck marble, 85.
+
+  Robertes, Henry, Serjeant, quarell guns provided by, 109.
+
+  Rochester stone sent to, from Beer in Devon, 78.
+
+  Rochester Castle, list of stone for, in 1367, 79-80.
+
+  Rochester Priory: bell recast in twelfth century, 96;
+    perquisites of under brewers, 192.
+
+  Roger of Faringdon, maker of shrine at Beverley, 93-4.
+
+  Rogers, Thorold, on effect of Statute of Labourers, 202.
+
+  Romans in Britain: coal used by, 1-2;
+    iron-mining, 20-1;
+    lead mines, 38-9;
+    pottery manufacture, 114-15.
+
+  Roofing: slates worked for, 81-2;
+    tiles manufactured for, 119.
+
+  Ropley family, glassmakers, 129.
+
+  Royley, Richard and Gabriel, alabaster-workers, 89.
+
+  Rye, hops imported, 194.
+
+
+  Saddlers, 233-35.
+
+  St. Albans Abbey: consecration of bells, 101;
+    metal workers among monks, 93.
+
+  St. Austell, Cornwall, Saxon remains discovered in tin grounds, 63.
+
+  St. Bees, grant of iron-mine to monks, 22.
+
+  St. Briavels: forge at castle for construction of war materials, 24;
+    Mine Law Courts, 35-6;
+    payment to Constable for loads of coal, 5.
+
+  St. Clere, statement respecting gold in Devon and Cornwall, in 1545, 61.
+
+  St. George's Chapel, Windsor: alabaster reredos, 87;
+    glass supplied from Chiddingfold, 128.
+
+  St. Laurence, Reading, dedication of bell, 101.
+
+  St. Mary-at-Hill, London, bells recast, in 1510, 100.
+
+  St. Paul's Cathedral, contract for paving, 85.
+
+  St. Peter of Canterbury, Abbey of, grant to, of land at Liminge, in
+      689, 22.
+
+  St. Peter's Abbey at Gloucester, candlestick in South Kensington
+      Museum, 92.
+
+  St. Stephen's Chapel, Westminster: glass from Chiddingfold, 128;
+    marble for columns, 85;
+    stained glass, process employed, 131-2;
+    stone sent from Beer in Devon, 78.
+
+  Salisbury, clothmaking industry, 158.
+
+  Sandwich, export of chalk, 91.
+
+  Sawtry Abbey, quarry in Barnack and disputes over, 77.
+
+  Saxons: few traces of iron-works in Britain, 21-2;
+    tin worked in Cornwall, 63.
+
+  Sconeburgh, Gerard, beer brewer, case of theft against, 194.
+
+  Sea coal: origin of term, 2-3;
+    references to use of, 4-5.
+
+  Sea Coal Lane, London, mention, in 1228, 4.
+
+  Seaford, brewing trade, 191.
+
+  Search, system of. See Inspection of goods.
+
+  Selebourne, Hants, stone quarries, 79.
+
+  Sester, in brewing trade, 187-8.
+
+  Severn, customs on sea coal brought down, 5.
+
+  Seyntleger, Thomas, case against beer brewers, 194.
+
+  Shalford tileries, 124.
+
+  Shamelling, meaning of term, 65.
+
+  Shamoys leather. See Chamois.
+
+  Sheffield in Fletching, Sussex, iron-mills, 33, 36-7.
+
+  Shelve, Shropshire, lead mine of Roman period, 38.
+
+  Shene Chapel, stone from Eastbourne for, 79.
+
+  Sheppey Castle, guns for, 107.
+
+  Shepton Mallet, pottery manufacture by Romans, 115.
+
+  Sherterre family. See Shorter.
+
+  Shippen, Yorks, coal-mining, 6.
+
+  Shode, meaning of term, 64.
+
+  Shoemaking: districts assigned to, in London, 217;
+    gild of journeymen connected with craft, 235;
+    regulation of trade, 180-3, 227;
+    work allowed on Sunday, 213-14.
+
+  Shoreham, brewing at, 187.
+
+  Shorter or Sherterre family, glassmakers, 129.
+
+  Shoyswell, hundred, brewing trade, 187.
+
+  Shrewsbury: brewing regulations, 195;
+    cloth trade, 152;
+    leather trade, 172.
+
+  Shropshire: coal workings, 5-6;
+    lead-mining, 38-9.
+
+  Silchester, refining of silver at, 54.
+
+  Silver: process of refining from lead, 53-5;
+    production from Devon mines, 56-7;
+    weight and value, 55-6.
+
+  Silversmiths' work, 94-5.
+
+  Skipton, pottery kilns, 116.
+
+  Slates, working of, 81-2.
+
+  Sluys, export of coal to, 18.
+
+  Small arms, early instance of use, 109.
+
+  Smith, William, bell-founder, 100.
+
+  Smithfield, tileries, 124.
+
+  Snailbeach, Shropshire, lead mine of Roman period, 38.
+
+  Solinus, third century, reference to Roman use of coal at Bath,
+      probable, 1.
+
+  Somerset: clothmaking industry, 161;
+    coal-mining, 6-7;
+    effect of the Statute of Labourers, 202;
+    lead-mining, 40, 57, 58-9.
+
+  Southampton, import of woad, 144.
+
+  Southwark, gun-founding, 110.
+
+  Spain, leather trade, 178-9.
+
+  Speryng, Godfrey, beer brewer, 194.
+
+  Spring of Lavenham, clothiers, 159.
+
+  Spurriers, night work prohibited, 215.
+
+  Staffordshire: coal-mining, 7;
+    price of iron, 31.
+
+  Stahlschmidt, Mr., on bell-founders, 96, 102.
+
+  Staindrop, alabaster tomb at, 88.
+
+  Stained glass: glazier brought from Flanders, in 1449, 130-1;
+    process employed in England, 131-2.
+
+  Stainton, Forest of Dean, coal-working, 5.
+
+  Stainton-in-Furness, iron-works at end of Stone Age, 20.
+
+  Stamford, clothmaking industry, 134, 136, 138.
+
+  Stamfords, English cloth, 138.
+
+  Stannaries, account of, 64-74.
+
+  Stansfield, bell cast for, 97, 105-6.
+
+  Stapleton, stone quarries, 77, 80, 83.
+
+  Stephen of St. Iago, purchase of cannon from, 112.
+
+  Stevenes, John, of Bristol, gun-founder, 110.
+
+  Stithe or choke damp, 8.
+
+  Stone-balls or shot for artillery, 80-1, 109.
+
+  Stone masons, mutual assistance regulations, 237.
+
+  Stone-quarrying, 76-83.
+
+  Stow, in mining, meaning of term, 44.
+
+  Stratton-on-Fosse, coal-mining, 6-7.
+
+  Strelley, Nicholas, legal action respecting coal mine, 12-13.
+
+  Stretton, near Alnwick, forge, 4.
+
+  Strikes, labour, in Middle Ages, 235-6.
+
+  Sudbury, clothmaking industry, 140.
+
+  Suffolk, clothmaking industry, 157, 166-8.
+
+  Sumptuary law of 1363, restrictions as to cloth, 169.
+
+  Sunday, rules against working on, 212-14.
+
+  Surrey: chalk-quarrying, 91;
+    clothmaking industry, 167;
+    glassmaking industry, 127-9;
+    stone quarries, 77.
+
+  Sussex: beer-brewing, 194;
+    chalk-quarrying, 91;
+    cider industry, 197-8;
+    clothmaking industry, 167;
+    glassmaking in, 128-9;
+    gun-founding, 111, 113;
+    iron industry, 24, 26, 28-9, 31, 36-7;
+    stone quarries and slates from, 79-80, 82.
+
+  Sutton, Robert, alabaster-worker, 88.
+
+
+  Tadcaster, stone quarries, 77, 81, 83.
+
+  Tailors, fraternity of yeomen tailors formed, 233-4;
+    gild court, 236.
+
+  Tanning of leather, processes employed, 171-7.
+
+  Tan turves, term explained, 54, 173.
+
+  Tarrant Keynston, nunnery, effigy of Queen of Scots in Purbeck marble,
+      85.
+
+  Tavistock, tin sent to, for coinage duty, 69.
+
+  Tawing of leather, process employed, 171.
+
+  Teazles, use of, in cloth making, 156.
+
+  Temple Church, London, Purbeck marble effigies, 84.
+
+  Thevesdale, stone quarries, 77.
+
+  Thomas de Alemaigne, skill in mining, 59-60.
+
+  Thomasson, Walter, gun-founder, 111.
+
+  Thorp, Robert de, warden of the Devon mines, 47.
+
+  Threle, William, cider made by, 1385, 198.
+
+  Thrillesden (Trillesden), lease of coal mine, 15.
+
+  Thrums, term explained, 152.
+
+  Tideman de Lippe, purchase of English cloth, 139.
+
+  Tiles: floor tiles, process of manufacture, 126-7;
+    manufacture of, 119-27;
+    price fixed, 119, 210;
+    regulations for control of industry, 216, 222.
+
+  Tilman de Cologne, farm of Alston lead mines, 60.
+
+  Timber. See Wood.
+
+  Tindale, Scottish king's liberty of, 41.
+
+  Tin-mining: antiquity claimed for, 62-3;
+    economic condition of smaller tin-workers, 69-70;
+    free miner's privileges, 70-3;
+    methods of working, 64-9;
+    stamping dues, 68-9.
+
+  Tithes to the Church, of cider and apples in Sussex, 198;
+    lead-miners, payment of, 47-9.
+
+  Toftes, coal mines, 16.
+
+  Tolsester, term explained, 187.
+
+  Torel, William, metal-work of, 95.
+
+  Torksey, brewing-trade regulations, 188.
+
+  Tower of London: gun-founding 110;
+    regulations for wages of workmen employed in building operations, 214.
+
+  Trademarks, use of, ordered, 216.
+
+  Trades, segregation of, in towns, 217-18.
+
+  Truro: nomination of members for stannary parliament, 72;
+    tin sent to, for coinage duty, 69.
+
+  Tudeley forge, Tonbridge: iron-works, 28;
+    wages of workers, 33;
+    weight of the bloom, 31.
+
+  Tuning of bells, methods employed, 99-100.
+
+  Tunnoc, Richard, bell-founder and memorial window, 103-4.
+
+  Turn-hearth furnace, 53.
+
+  Tutbury, alabaster dug at, in early times, 86.
+
+  Twist, Gilbert, alabaster-worker, 89.
+
+  Tynemouth, coal-mining, 6.
+
+
+  Ulnager, official, 160.
+
+  Upchurch, Roman British pottery, 114.
+
+  Utynam, John, brought from Flanders to make glass, 130-1.
+
+
+  Van Anne, Arnold, mining grant to, 60-1.
+
+  Van Orel, Henry, mining grant to, 60-1.
+
+  Van Riswyk, Dederic, mining grant to, 61.
+
+  Vellacott, C. H., indebtedness to, acknowledged, ix.
+
+  Venetian travellers: on English grapes, 199;
+    report on rich metal-work in England, 94-5.
+
+  Vesses or set cloths, manufacture of, 168.
+
+  _Victoria County Histories_, source of information, viii-ix.
+
+  Vines, cultivation in England, 198-9.
+
+  Vipont, Robert de, trial of thieves in his manor court, 41-2.
+
+  Vlenk, Matthew de, gunmaker, 111.
+
+
+  Wages: coal-miners, 10-11, 16;
+    iron-workers and miners, 32-5;
+    lead-miners, 48-9, 53;
+    legislation and gild regulations, 202, 210-12, 214, 228;
+    saddlers' success in raising, 234, 235;
+    shoemakers, 182;
+    stone-quarriers, 82-3;
+    tin-workers, 70.
+
+  Wakefield, mineral rights, local customs, 11.
+
+  Wales, coal export, in 1592, 18.
+
+  Walker, Humphrey, gun-founder, 113.
+
+  Walking, process in fulling cloth, 153.
+
+  Walsingham, Prior, bells cast at Ely for, 103.
+
+  Walter of Odyngton, a monk of Evesham, system for tuning bells, 99.
+
+  Waltham, Purbeck marble for Eleanor cross, 85.
+
+  Warde, William, dyer, trade dispute at Coventry, 146-7.
+
+  Warwick Castle, foreign stained glass ordered for chapel, 131.
+
+  Warwickshire, coal-mining, 6, 9.
+
+  Water-power, use of, in iron-working, 27, 30;
+    in lead mines, 52.
+
+  Watts, Richard, poem on weaving processes, 142.
+
+  Wax chandlers, regulation of charges, 209.
+
+  Weald of Sussex and Kent: centre of ordnance manufacture, after 1543,
+      113;
+    iron industry, 24, 26, 28-9.
+
+  Weardale: iron industry, 27, 31;
+    lead mines, 39.
+
+  Weaving industry: gild of alien weavers in London, 225;
+    processes employed, 149-52;
+    regulations for control of, 228, 235-7;
+    religious character of ordinances of gilds, 207;
+    restriction of output, 227;
+    use of trademarks ordered, 216.
+
+  Weights and Measures: ale standard measures, 188;
+    barrel of beer and ale respectively, 195;
+    chalder or chaldron, 17-18;
+    cloth regulations, 136, 138, 150, 160-3;
+    coal for, variety of, 14;
+    lead for, variety of, 56.
+
+  Weld, use of, for dying wool, 144, 147.
+
+  Wellington, forest of, wood consumed by limekilns, 90.
+
+  Westminster, regulations for wages of workmen employed in building, 214.
+
+  Westminster Abbey: bell cast for, by Edward Fitz Odo, 102;
+    inlaid tiles in chapter-house, 127;
+    stone used for, 79.
+
+  Westmoreland, Earl of, alabaster tomb at Staindrop, 88.
+
+  Westmoreland, lead-mining, 60-1.
+
+  Whickham, coal mine, 11, 16-17.
+
+  Whitchurch, Dorset, bells cast for and dispute over, 100.
+
+  Whitechurch, Hants, Roman iron-works, 21.
+
+  Whittington, Richard, 229.
+
+  Whyt, Thomas, lease of tilery, 125.
+
+  Wight, Isle of: clothmaking industry, 167-8;
+    question of identification with the Ictis of Diodorus Siculus, 62-3;
+    stone quarries, 79.
+
+  Willarby, George, report on lead mines, 60.
+
+  William of Corfe, worker in Purbeck marble, 85.
+
+  William, the founder, 102, 108.
+
+  William of Malmesbury, on manufacture of wine in England, 198.
+
+  William de Plessetis, property in Sea Coal Lane, 4.
+
+  William de Wrotham, warden of the stannaries, 1198, 72.
+
+  Willoughby, Sir John, legal action against Nicholas Strelley, 12-13.
+
+  Wiltshire, limestone quarries, 78-9.
+
+  Wimbish family, bell-founders, 102.
+
+  Winchcombe, John, clothier of Newbury, 158, 167.
+
+  Winchelsea: beer and cider imported, 193, 197;
+    hops imported, 194.
+
+  Winchester: clothmaking industry, 133, 136, 138, 150, 151, 158;
+    iron sent to, from Forest of Dean, 23;
+    stone for royal palace, 78-9.
+
+  Wine, manufacture in England, 198-9.
+
+  Wingerworth, accident at, in 1313, 7.
+
+  Winlaton, coal mines, 11, 17.
+
+  Wirksworth, lead mines, 39.
+
+  Wisborough, cider industry, 198.
+
+  Woad, use of, for dying wool, 144-8.
+
+  Wodeward, William, gun-founder, 102, 108.
+
+  Wolsingham, Durham, water-power used in lead mines, 52.
+
+  Women: employment discouraged, 154, 228;
+    exempted from certain trade restrictions, 218;
+    iron-workers' wages, 32-3;
+    lead mines employment, 51;
+    spinning a staple employment, 148-9;
+    stone quarrywork, payment for, 82-3.
+
+  Wood, Thomas, builder of Goldsmiths' Row, 95.
+
+  Wood: consumption by iron works, 36-7;
+    lead-miners' privileges in Cumberland, 46.
+
+  Woodstock, iron sent to, from Forest of Dean, 23.
+
+  Wookey, smelting of ore at, 58.
+
+  Wool, processes of dealing with, for clothmaking, 141-9.
+
+  Worcester: brewing-trade regulations, 189;
+    clothmaking industry, 134, 168;
+    tile industry regulations, 120, 222.
+
+  Worcester Cathedral, tomb of King John in marble, 84.
+
+  Worsted, village, clothmaking industry, 139, 161.
+
+  Worsteds, manufacture and frauds practised, 161-2, 164-5, 205.
+
+  Worth, Sussex, wood burnt at iron-mills, 36-7.
+
+  Wren, Christopher, use of Portland stone, 79.
+
+  Wroxeter, discovery at, of Roman use of coal, 1.
+
+  Wye, Kent: cider industry, 197;
+    tile manufacture and processes employed, 121-3.
+
+  Wylwringword, John de, gold found in Devon by, 61.
+
+
+  Yarmouth: clothmaking industry, 165;
+    herring fishery, struggle over monopoly, 203.
+
+  York: alabaster industry, 89;
+    bell-founding industry, 103.
+
+  York Minster: bell-maker's window, 103-4;
+    bells cast for, in 1371, 103;
+    English glass bought for, 130;
+    Plaster of Paris for, 89-90;
+    stained glass for, from abroad, 131;
+    stone for, 77.
+
+  Yorkshire: Cistercian ware found in, 118;
+    clothmaking industry, 147, 158, 167;
+    coal-mining, 6.
+
+
+  Zoetmann, Cornelius, grave at Playden, 194.
+
+
+
+
+Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to His Majesty at the
+Edinburgh University Press
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES
+
+
+Minor punctuation and printer errors repaired.
+
+Italic text is denoted by _underscores_
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of English Industries of the Middle Ages, by 
+Louis Francis Salzmann
+
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+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of English Industries of the Middle Ages, by 
+Louis Francis Salzmann
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
+
+
+Title: English Industries of the Middle Ages
+       Being an Introduction to the Industrial History of Medieval England
+
+Author: Louis Francis Salzmann
+
+Release Date: March 26, 2015 [EBook #48588]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ENGLISH INDUSTRIES OF THE MIDDLE AGES ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by deaurider, MWS and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
+produced from images generously made available by The
+Internet Archive)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+<div class="transnote covernote">
+  <p class="center">The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p>
+</div>
+
+<h1>ENGLISH INDUSTRIES OF THE<br />
+MIDDLE AGES</h1>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+
+
+<p class="center bigger">ENGLISH INDUSTRIES<br />
+OF THE MIDDLE AGES</p>
+
+<p class="center big">Being an Introduction to the Industrial History
+of Medieval England</p>
+
+<p class="center">BY</p>
+
+<p class="center big">L. F. SALZMANN B.A. F.S.A.</p>
+
+<p class="center">AUTHOR OF 'MEDIEVAL BYWAYS'</p>
+
+<p class="center mt4 big">LONDON<br />
+CONSTABLE AND COMPANY LTD.<br />
+1913</p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[v]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2>PREFACE</h2>
+
+
+<p>The title of this book indicates at once its aim and
+its limitations. It makes no pretence to be a complete
+history of the early industrial life of England,
+but at the same time it does claim to be an introduction
+to the study of that subject. It is my hope,
+and indeed my belief, that from it the general reader,
+equipped with interest in the history of his country
+rather than with technical knowledge, will obtain
+something more than a bare outline of industrial
+conditions in pre-Elizabethan days. The student
+who is anxious to go more deeply into the subjects
+here treated may use this book as a road map and
+the footnotes as finger-posts to guide him to the
+heights of completer knowledge.</p>
+
+<p>From the nature of my subject it was inevitable
+that the book should be full of technicalities, figures,
+and statistics, but it has been my endeavour to
+render the technicalities intelligible, and to prevent
+the significance of the statistics being obscured by
+an excess of detail. The scheme which I have
+adopted is to treat the leading medieval industries
+one by one, showing as far as possible their chief
+centres, their chronological development, the conditions
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[vi]</a></span>and the methods of working. With the
+disposal of the finished products through intermediaries,
+merchants, or shopkeepers, I have not
+concerned myself, deeming such matters rather to
+belong to the realms of trade and commerce than
+of industry; and for this same reason, and also
+because it has been dealt with by other writers, I
+have not dealt with the great source of England's
+wealth—wool. Agriculture, also, and fishing I have
+excluded from my definition of industry. A more
+culpable omission, which I think calls for a word
+of explanation, is shown in the case of building.
+This, however, is not omitted by an oversight, nor
+yet through any desire to save myself trouble. I
+had collected a great mass of material for an intended
+section on the Building Industry, but after careful
+consideration I came to the conclusion that the
+material available was so exceedingly technical, and
+the obscurity of the details so greatly in excess of
+their value when elucidated, as to render such a
+section rather a weariness and a stumbling-block
+to the student than a help. The subjects treated
+in the several sections are thoroughly representative,
+if not completely exhaustive, of English industrial
+life, and a general survey of the subject is contained
+in my last chapter, where I have outlined as broadly
+as possible the general principles that governed the
+Control of Industry—the typical regulations made
+by, or for, the craftsmen in the interest of the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[vii]</a></span>employer, the workman, or the consumer. This
+last section might, of course, easily have been extended
+to cover more pages than this whole volume,
+but it is questionable whether multiplicity of detail
+tends to ease of assimilation. A single typical
+instance of a prevalent custom or regulation is as
+significant as a list of a dozen local variations, and
+far easier to remember. A rule is more easily
+remembered by one example than by a score, and
+with such a wealth of material as exists the risk of
+obscurity is greater from amplification than from
+concentration.</p>
+
+<p>As to defining what is meant by the medieval
+period, it is not easy to lay down any hard and fast
+rule, for the change from old methods or conditions
+to new, which practically constitutes the division
+between the medieval and the modern periods,
+occurred at a different date in each industry. The
+crucial point in gunfounding was the invention of
+solid boring in the time of Henry <span class="smcap lowercase"><abbr title="the eighth">VIII</abbr>.</span>; in the cloth
+industry it was the introduction of the 'new
+draperies' by Protestant refugees in the reign of
+Elizabeth; for iron mining it was the adoption of
+pit coal for smelting in the seventeenth century;
+for coal mining, the application of steam power
+to solve the problems of drainage at great depths
+early in the eighteenth century. Yet, taking
+one thing with another, the sixteenth century
+may be considered to be the period of transition.
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[viii]</a></span>The rise of the capitalist and the monopolist, the
+social revolution of the Reformation, with the abolition
+of the monastic houses and the beginnings of the
+Poor-Law system constituted a new era for the
+working classes even when unaccompanied by any
+startling change in methods or mechanical media.
+Moreover, from the middle of the sixteenth century
+documents and records relating to industrial matters
+become more numerous and more accessible, and this
+is therefore the usual starting-point for those who
+write upon these subjects. For these reasons my
+accounts of the various selected industries will be
+found to end at such dates within the sixteenth
+century as have seemed convenient, though I have
+not slavishly refrained from taking out of the
+seventeenth century occasional details applicable
+to the earlier period.</p>
+
+<p>Such, then, are the lines upon which I have built
+my book. If any critic considers that the subject
+should have been dealt with on another plan, he is
+at liberty to prove his contention by so treating it
+himself.</p>
+
+<p>As to the sources from which my information is
+taken: I believe that every statement will be found
+to be buttressed by at least one reference, and I
+may add that the reference is invariably to the
+actual source from which I obtained my information.
+Of printed sources much the most valuable have
+been the series of articles on local industries printed
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[ix]</a></span>in the <cite>Victoria County Histories</cite>, those on mining
+and kindred subjects by Mr. C. H. Vellacott being
+of exceptional importance. In very few cases have
+I found any published history of any industry
+dealing at all fully with the early period: the one
+conspicuous exception was Mr. G. Randall Lewis's
+book on <cite>The Stannaries</cite>, second to which may be
+put Mr. Galloway's <cite>Annals of Coal Mining</cite>. The
+various volumes of municipal records published
+by, or with the consent of, the public-spirited
+authorities of some of our ancient boroughs, notably
+those of Norwich, Bristol, Coventry, and Leicester,
+have been of great value to me, as have Mr. Riley's
+<cite>Memorials of London</cite> and his editions of the <cite xml:lang="la" lang="la">Liber
+Albus</cite> and <cite xml:lang="la" lang="la">Liber Custumarum</cite>. To such other
+printed works as I have drawn upon, acknowledgment
+is made in the footnotes, but so far as possible
+I have made use of unpublished manuscript material
+at the British Museum and still more at the Record
+Office. Needless to say, I collected far more material
+than it was possible to use, and I can only hope that
+my selection has been wise, as it certainly was careful,
+and that I have not overlooked or omitted any
+evidence of essential importance. It had originally
+been my intention to compile a series of transcripts
+of industrial records on lines similar to the <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Documents
+relatifs à l'Industrie</cite> of M. Fagniez, but the
+enormous mass of material available for such a
+work, coupled with the fact that in England such
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[x]</a></span>original research has to be carried out at the sole
+expense of the unfortunate researcher, put an
+end to the project, and deprived this work of
+what would have been a valuable, if formidable,
+companion volume.</p>
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[xi]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2>CONTENTS</h2>
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="toc">
+<tr><td class="tdl smaller" colspan="2">CHAP.</td>
+    <td class="tdr smaller">PAGE</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdr"><abbr title="1">I</abbr>.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">MINING—COAL</td>
+    <td class="tdr">1</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdr"><abbr title="2">II</abbr>.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; " &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; IRON</td>
+    <td class="tdr">20</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdr"><abbr title="3">III</abbr>.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; " &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; LEAD AND SILVER</td>
+    <td class="tdr">38</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdr"><abbr title="4">IV</abbr>.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; " &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; TIN</td>
+    <td class="tdr">62</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdr"><abbr title="5">V</abbr>.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">QUARRYING—STONE, MARBLE, ALABASTER, CHALK</td>
+    <td class="tdr">76</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdr"><abbr title="6">VI</abbr>.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">METAL-WORKING</td>
+    <td class="tdr">92</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdr"><abbr title="7">VII</abbr>.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">POTTERY—TILES, BRICKS</td>
+    <td class="tdr">114</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdr"><abbr title="8">VIII</abbr>.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">CLOTHMAKING</td>
+    <td class="tdr">133</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdr"><abbr title="9">IX</abbr>.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">LEATHER WORKING</td>
+    <td class="tdr">171</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdr"><abbr title="10">X</abbr>.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">BREWING—ALE, BEER, CIDER</td>
+    <td class="tdr">184</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdr"><abbr title="11">XI</abbr>.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">THE CONTROL OF INDUSTRY</td>
+    <td class="tdr">200</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl" colspan="2">INDEX</td>
+    <td class="tdr">241</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[1]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2>CHAPTER <abbr title="1">I</abbr><br />
+
+<small>MINING—COAL</small></h2>
+
+
+<p>Coal is so intimately connected with all that is
+essentially modern—machinery, steam, and the
+black pall that overhangs our great towns and manufacturing
+districts—that it comes almost as a surprise
+to find it in use in Britain at the beginning of the
+Christian era. Yet excavation has proved beyond
+all doubt that coal was used by the Romans, ashes
+and stores of the unburnt mineral being found all
+along the Wall, at Lanchester and Ebchester in
+Durham,<a name="Anchor-1" id="Anchor-1"></a><a href="#Footnote-1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> at Wroxeter<a name="Anchor-2" id="Anchor-2"></a><a href="#Footnote-2" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 2.">[2]</a> in Shropshire and elsewhere.
+For the most part it appears to have been
+used for working iron, but it was possibly also used
+for heating hypocausts, and there seems good reason
+to believe that it formed the fuel of the sacred fire
+in the temple of Minerva at Bath, as Solinus, writing
+about the end of the third century, comments on
+the 'stony balls' which were left as ashes by this
+sacred fire.<a name="Anchor-3" id="Anchor-3"></a><a href="#Footnote-3" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 3.">[3]</a> That such coal as was used by the
+Romans was obtained from outcrops, where the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[2]</a></span>seams came to the surface, is more than probable.
+There appears to be no certain evidence of any
+regular mining at this period.</p>
+
+<p>With the departure of the Romans from Britain
+coal went out of use, and no trace of its employment
+can be found prior to the Norman Conquest, or
+indeed for more than a century after that date. It
+was not until quite the end of the twelfth century
+that coal was rediscovered, and the history of its
+use in England may be said for all practical purposes
+to begin with the reign of Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> (1216). In the
+'Boldon Book'<a name="Anchor-4" id="Anchor-4"></a><a href="#Footnote-4" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 4.">[4]</a> survey of the see of Durham,
+compiled in 1183, there are several references to
+smiths who were bound to make ploughshares and
+to 'find the coal' therefor, but unfortunately the
+Latin word <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">invenire</i> bears the same double meaning
+as its English equivalent 'to find,' and may imply
+either discovery or simple provision. In view of the
+fact that the word used for coal (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">carbonem</i>) in this
+passage is unqualified, and that <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">carbo</i>, as also the
+English 'cole,' practically always implies charcoal,
+it would be unsafe to conclude that mineral coal is
+here referred to. The latter is almost invariably
+given a distinguishing adjective, appearing as earth
+coal, subterranean coal, stone coal, quarry coal, etc.,
+but far most frequently as 'sea coal.' The origin
+of this term may perhaps be indicated by a passage
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[3]</a></span>in a sixteenth-century account of the salt works in
+the county of Durham:<a name="Anchor-5" id="Anchor-5"></a><a href="#Footnote-5" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 5.">[5]</a> 'As the tide comes in
+it bringeth a small wash sea coal which is employed
+to the making of salt and the fuel of the poor fisher
+towns adjoining.' It is most probable that the first
+coal used was that thus washed up by the sea and
+such as could be quarried from the face of the cliffs
+where the seams were exposed by the action of the
+waves. The term was next applied, for convenience,
+to similar coal obtained inland, and as an export
+trade grew up it acquired the secondary significance
+of sea-borne coal.</p>
+
+<p>No references to purchases of sea coal occur in the
+Pipe Rolls of Henry <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, nor, so far as I am aware, in
+those of Richard <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr> and John, but it would seem that
+its existence was known before the end of the twelfth
+century, as Alexander Neckam in his treatise, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De
+Naturis Rerum</cite>,<a name="Anchor-6" id="Anchor-6"></a><a href="#Footnote-6" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 6.">[6]</a> has a curious and puzzling section,
+'<cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Carbone</cite>,' at the beginning of his discourse on
+minerals, parts of which seem applicable to sea
+coal, though other parts appear to refer to charcoal.
+So far as can be gathered, he considered sea coal to
+be charcoal found in the earth; he comments on
+the extreme durability of coal and its resistance to
+the effects of wet and the lapse of time, and makes
+the interesting statement that when men were
+setting up boundary stones they dug in below them
+a quantity of coal, and that in the event of a dispute
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[4]</a></span>as to the position of the stone in later years the
+presence of this coal was the determining factor.
+Whether there is any corroborative evidence of this
+alleged custom I have not been able to ascertain,
+but it is at least a proof that mineral coal was known,
+though evidently not extensively used for fuel at
+this period. Coal was apparently worked in Scotland
+about 1200,<a name="Anchor-7" id="Anchor-7"></a><a href="#Footnote-7" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 7.">[7]</a> and it would seem that about
+a quarter of a century later it was being imported
+into London, as a mention of Sea Coal Lane, just
+outside the walls of the city, near Ludgate, occurs
+in 1228.<a name="Anchor-8" id="Anchor-8"></a><a href="#Footnote-8" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 8.">[8]</a> As property in this lane belonged to
+William 'de Plessetis,' it is probable that the coal
+was brought from Plessey, near Blyth, in which
+neighbourhood the monks of Newminster were given
+the right to take coal along the shore about 1236.<a name="Anchor-9" id="Anchor-9"></a><a href="#Footnote-9" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 9.">[9]</a>
+The monks also obtained leave from Nicholas de
+Aketon about the same time to take sea coals in
+his wood of Middlewood for use at their forge of
+Stretton, near Alnwick. It may be remarked that
+at this time, and for the greater part of the next
+three centuries, the use of coal was restricted to
+iron-working and lime-burning, the absence of
+chimneys rendering it unsuitable for fuel in ordinary
+living rooms. So particularly was it associated with
+lime-burning that we find Sea Coal Lane also known
+as Lime-burners Lane, and references in building
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[5]</a></span>accounts to purchases of sea coal for the burning
+of lime are innumerable.</p>
+
+<p>It is in 1243 that we get our first dated reference
+to an actual coal working. In that year Ralf, son
+of Roger Wlger, was recorded to have been drowned
+'in a delf of sea coals' (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">in fossato carbonum maris</i>).<a name="Anchor-10" id="Anchor-10"></a><a href="#Footnote-10" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 10.">[10]</a>
+The use of the word <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">fossatum</i> is interesting, as clearly
+indicating an 'open cast working,' that is to say, a
+comparatively shallow trench carried along the seam
+where it comes close to the surface, a step intermediate
+between the mere quarrying of outcrop
+and the sinking of regular pits. An indication of
+the spread of coal mining is to be found in one of
+the articles of inquiry for the Forest Assize of 1244,
+which relates to 'sea coal found within the forest,
+and whether any one has taken money for the
+digging of the same.'<a name="Anchor-11" id="Anchor-11"></a><a href="#Footnote-11" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 11.">[11]</a> It is probable that special
+reference was intended to the Forest of Dean, coal
+being worked about this time at Blakeney, Stainton,
+and Abinghall; from the last named place a penny
+on every horse-load of coal was paid to the Constable
+of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Briavels, as warden of the Forest.<a name="Anchor-12" id="Anchor-12"></a><a href="#Footnote-12" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 12.">[12]</a> By 1255
+the issues of the Forest of Dean included payments
+for digging sea coals, and customs on all sea coal
+brought down the Severn.<a name="Anchor-13" id="Anchor-13"></a><a href="#Footnote-13" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 13.">[13]</a> Some of this latter may
+have been quarried in Shropshire, as about 1260
+Walter de Clifford licensed Sir John de Halston to
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[6]</a></span>dig for coals in the forest of Clee,<a name="Anchor-14" id="Anchor-14"></a><a href="#Footnote-14" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 14.">[14]</a> and there are
+other indications of the early exploitation of the
+Shropshire coal-field. The Midland field of Derbyshire
+and Notts was also working, coal being got
+in Duffield Frith in 1257,<a name="Anchor-15" id="Anchor-15"></a><a href="#Footnote-15" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 15.">[15]</a> the year in which
+Queen Eleanor was driven from Nottingham Castle
+by the unpleasant fumes of the sea coal used in
+the busy town below,<a name="Anchor-16" id="Anchor-16"></a><a href="#Footnote-16" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 16.">[16]</a> a singularly early instance
+of the smoke nuisance which we are apt to consider
+a modern evil. Half a century later, in 1307, the
+growing use of coal by lime-burners in London became
+so great a nuisance that its use was rigorously prohibited,
+but whether successfully may be questioned.<a name="Anchor-17" id="Anchor-17"></a><a href="#Footnote-17" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 17.">[17]</a></p>
+
+<p>By the end of the thirteenth century it would
+seem that practically all the English coal-fields were
+being worked to some extent. In Northumberland
+so numerous were the diggings round Newcastle
+that it was dangerous to approach the town in the
+dark, and the monks of Tynemouth also were
+making good use of their mineral wealth;<a name="Anchor-18" id="Anchor-18"></a><a href="#Footnote-18" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 18.">[18]</a> in Yorkshire
+coal was being got at Shippen at least as early
+as 1262,<a name="Anchor-19" id="Anchor-19"></a><a href="#Footnote-19" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 19.">[19]</a> and in Warwickshire and at Chilvers Coton
+in 1275.<a name="Anchor-20" id="Anchor-20"></a><a href="#Footnote-20" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 20.">[20]</a> The small Somerset field near Stratton on
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[7]</a></span>Fosse and the Staffordshire coal measures may be
+possible exceptions, but in the latter county coal
+was dug at Bradley in 1315 and at Amblecote during
+the reign of Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr><a name="Anchor-21" id="Anchor-21"></a><a href="#Footnote-21" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 21.">[21]</a> The diggings were still
+for the most part open-cast works, but pits were
+beginning to come in. These 'bell pits,' of which
+numbers remained until recently in the neighbourhood
+of Leeds,<a name="Anchor-22" id="Anchor-22"></a><a href="#Footnote-22" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 22.">[22]</a> at Oldham in Lancashire,<a name="Anchor-23" id="Anchor-23"></a><a href="#Footnote-23" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 23.">[23]</a> and elsewhere,
+were narrow shafts sunk down to the coal
+and then enlarged at the bottom, and widened as
+far as was safe—and sometimes farther, if we may
+judge from a number of instances in Derbyshire
+in which miners were killed by the fall of their pits.<a name="Anchor-24" id="Anchor-24"></a><a href="#Footnote-24" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 24.">[24]</a>
+When as much coal as could safely be removed had
+been obtained, the pit was abandoned and a fresh
+pit sunk as near to it as possible. As a rule the old
+pit had to be filled up, and at Nuneaton we find this
+very properly enforced by the bailiff in 1343,<a name="Anchor-25" id="Anchor-25"></a><a href="#Footnote-25" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 25.">[25]</a> and
+at later dates. Open coal delfs were a source of
+considerable danger to men and animals, especially
+when water had accumulated in them, and a number
+of cattle were drowned at Morley in Derbyshire in
+1372,<a name="Anchor-26" id="Anchor-26"></a><a href="#Footnote-26" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 26.">[26]</a> while it was probably in an abandoned
+working at Wingerworth that a beggar woman,
+Maud Webster, was killed in 1313 by a mass of soil
+falling on her as she was picking up coal.<a name="Anchor-27" id="Anchor-27"></a><a href="#Footnote-27" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 27.">[27]</a> From the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[8]</a></span>pits the coal was raised in corves, or large baskets,
+and as early as 1291 we have a case of a man being
+killed at Denby in a 'colpyt' by one of these loaded
+corves falling upon his head.<a name="Anchor-28" id="Anchor-28"></a><a href="#Footnote-28" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 28.">[28]</a></p>
+
+<p>A case of some interest is recorded in Derbyshire
+in 1322, when Emma, daughter of William Culhare,
+while drawing water from the 'colepyt' at Morley
+was killed by 'le Damp,' <i>i.e.</i> choke damp.<a name="Anchor-29" id="Anchor-29"></a><a href="#Footnote-29" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 29.">[29]</a> This is
+one of the very few early references to choke damp,
+or 'stithe,' as it was often called, and the case is
+also interesting because, as water from a coal pit
+could hardly be good for either drinking or washing
+purposes, she must have been engaged in draining
+the pit, and this suggests a pit of rather exceptional
+dimensions. A more certain indication of a considerable
+depth having been attained is given forty
+years later in the case of another pit at Morley Park,
+said to have been drowned, or flooded, 'for lack of
+a gutter.'<a name="Anchor-30" id="Anchor-30"></a><a href="#Footnote-30" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 30.">[30]</a> This may only refer to a surface drain,
+but there is abundant proof that regular drainage
+by watergates, soughs, or adits had already come
+into use, and that coal-mining had reached the
+'pit and adit' stage. In this system of working,
+the water, always the most troublesome enemy of
+the miner, was drawn off by a subterranean drain
+leading from the bottom of the pit. It need hardly
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[9]</a></span>be pointed out that the system was only practicable
+on fairly high ground, where the bottom of the pit
+was above the level of free drainage: in such a case
+a horizontal gallery, or adit, could be driven from a
+suitable point on the face of the hill slightly below
+the bottom of the pit to strike the latter, and a
+wooden sough,<a name="Anchor-31" id="Anchor-31"></a><a href="#Footnote-31" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 31.">[31]</a> or drain, of which the sections were
+known in Warwickshire as 'dearns,' could be laid
+to carry the water from the pit to a convenient point
+of discharge. In 1354 the monks of Durham, when
+obtaining a lease of coal mines in Ferry, had leave
+to place pits and watergates where suitable,<a name="Anchor-32" id="Anchor-32"></a><a href="#Footnote-32" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 32.">[32]</a> and
+ten years later a lease of a mine at Gateshead stipulated
+for provision of timber for the pits and water-gate.<a name="Anchor-33" id="Anchor-33"></a><a href="#Footnote-33" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 33.">[33]</a>
+During the next century a certain number
+of pits were sunk in lower ground, or to a greater
+depth, below the level of free drainage, and in 1486
+we find the monks of Finchale, active exploiters of
+the northern coal measures, erecting a pump worked
+by horse power at Moorhouse,<a name="Anchor-34" id="Anchor-34"></a><a href="#Footnote-34" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 34.">[34]</a> but it is not until
+the second half of the sixteenth century, nearly at
+the end of the medieval period, that we find such
+pumps, 'gins,' or baling engines, and similar machines
+in common use.</p>
+
+<p>Piecing together information afforded by scattered
+entries, we can obtain some idea of the working of
+a coal pit about the end of the fifteenth century.
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[10]</a></span>After the overseer, or a body of miners, had inspected
+the ground and chosen a likely place, a space was
+marked out, and a small sum distributed among the
+workers as earnest money. The pit was then sunk
+at such charge as might be agreed upon: at Heworth
+in 1376 the charge was six shillings the fathom,<a name="Anchor-35" id="Anchor-35"></a><a href="#Footnote-35" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 35.">[35]</a>
+at Griff in 1603 six shillings the ell.<a name="Anchor-36" id="Anchor-36"></a><a href="#Footnote-36" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 36.">[36]</a> A small
+'reward' was paid when the vein of coal was struck,
+the pit was then cleaned up and timbered, and a
+water-gate or adit driven to afford drainage and
+ventilation. Over the mouth of the pit was erected
+a thatched 'hovel' with wattled sides to keep the
+wind and rain from the pit, and in this was a windlass
+for raising the corves. The workmen consisted
+of hewers, who cut the coal, and bearers who carried
+it to the bottom of the pit and filled the corves:
+they were under the control of the 'viewer,' whose
+duty it was 'to see under the ground that the work
+was orderly wrought,' and the 'overman,' who had
+'to see such work as come up at every pit to be for
+the coal owner's profit.'<a name="Anchor-37" id="Anchor-37"></a><a href="#Footnote-37" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 37.">[37]</a> Their wages do not
+appear to have been much, if at all, above those of
+the ordinary labourer or unskilled artisan. Owing
+no doubt to the comparatively late rise of the
+industry and the simplicity of the work, no refining
+or skilled manipulation being required as in the case
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[11]</a></span>of metallic ores, the coal miners never acquired the
+privileged position of the 'free miners' of Dean,
+Derbyshire, Cumberland, and Cornwall.<a name="Anchor-38" id="Anchor-38"></a><a href="#Footnote-38" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 38.">[38]</a> The work
+was not attractive, and the supply of labour seems
+occasionally to have run dry. So much was this
+the case after the Black Death in 1350 and the
+second epidemic of 1366 that the lessees of the great
+mines at Whickham and Gateshead had to resort
+to forced labour, and obtained leave to impress
+workmen.<a name="Anchor-39" id="Anchor-39"></a><a href="#Footnote-39" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 39.">[39]</a> Much later, about 1580, the Winlaton
+pits were hampered by lack of workmen and the
+owners, having sent into Scotland for more hands
+with little success, had to hire women and even then
+were short-handed, to say nothing of being troubled
+with incompetent men who for their negligence and
+false work had to be 'laid in the stocks,' and even
+'expulsed oute of their worke.'<a name="Anchor-40" id="Anchor-40"></a><a href="#Footnote-40" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 40.">[40]</a></p>
+
+<p>The question of mineral rights as regards coal is
+complicated by the variety of local customs. In
+some cases, as at Bolsover,<a name="Anchor-41" id="Anchor-41"></a><a href="#Footnote-41" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 41.">[41]</a> the manorial tenants
+had the right to dig sea coal in the waste and forest
+land for their own use; but it was probably usual
+to charge a fee for licence to dig, and this was clearly
+the practice at Wakefield.<a name="Anchor-42" id="Anchor-42"></a><a href="#Footnote-42" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 42.">[42]</a> So far as copyhold lands
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[12]</a></span>were concerned the lord of the manor, or his farmer,
+appears as a rule to have had the power to dig
+without paying the tenant compensation. This
+was certainly being done at Houghton, in Yorkshire,
+and in the adjacent manor of Kipax in 1578, and the
+undoubted injury to the copyholders was held to be
+counterbalanced by the advantage to the neighbourhood
+of a cheap supply of coal.<a name="Anchor-43" id="Anchor-43"></a><a href="#Footnote-43" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 43.">[43]</a> The uncertainty
+of the law and the conflicting claims of ground
+landlords, tenants, and prospectors led to a plentiful
+crop of legal actions. For the most part these were
+actions for trespass in digging coal without leave,
+occasionally complicated by counter appeals.<a name="Anchor-44" id="Anchor-44"></a><a href="#Footnote-44" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 44.">[44]</a> In
+the first half of the sixteenth century, for instance,
+Nicholas Strelley, being impleaded for trespass by
+Sir John Willoughby, set forth that he had a pit in
+Strelley from which he obtained much coal, to the
+advantage of the neighbourhood and of 'the schyres
+of Leicestre and Lincoln, being very baren and
+scarce contres of all maner of fuell'; and no doubt,
+though he omitted to say so, to his own advantage;
+now, owing to the deepness of the mine and the
+amount of water, the old pit could only be worked
+if a sough or drain were constructed at an unreasonable
+expense; he had therefore dug a fresh pit on
+the borders of Strelly close to Sir John's manor of
+Wollaton, purposing to use an old sough running
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[13]</a></span>through Sir John's ground. Sir John had promptly
+blocked the sough with a 'counter-mure' and
+brought actions for trespass, and Nicholas Strelley,
+much aggrieved, invoked the aid of the Star Chamber.<a name="Anchor-45" id="Anchor-45"></a><a href="#Footnote-45" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 45.">[45]</a>
+The same court was also invoked a few years
+later by William Bolles, who complained that by
+the procurement of Sir William Hussey certain
+persons came to Newthorpe Mere in Gresley and
+'most cruelly and maliciously cutt in peaces brake
+and caste downe dyvers frames of tymbre made
+upon and in one pitte made and sonken to gett
+cooles, and cutt in peaces dyvers greate ropes loomes
+and tooles apperteyninge to the said woorke at the
+said pitte,' the offenders being unidentified as the
+outrage took place 'in the night tyme when every
+good trew and faithful subjecte ought to take their
+reste.'<a name="Anchor-46" id="Anchor-46"></a><a href="#Footnote-46" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 46.">[46]</a></p>
+
+<p>Presuming an undisputed title, the owner of coal
+measures could exploit them in a variety of ways.
+He might work them himself; the outlay would be
+small, provided extensive drainage operations were
+not required, for wages, as we have said, were low
+and the equipment of the mine, consisting of a few
+picks, iron bars or wedges, wooden shovels shod
+with iron and baskets, buckets, and ropes, inexpensive,
+and there was a steady sale for the coal,
+though the price of coal varied so greatly and was
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[14]</a></span>so much affected by cost of carriage that it is
+not possible to give even an approximate average
+value for the medieval period; the question being
+further complicated by the extraordinary variety of
+measure employed. Coal is quoted in terms of
+the 'hundredweight,' the 'quarter' (valued at
+Colchester in 1296 at 6d.),<a name="Anchor-47" id="Anchor-47"></a><a href="#Footnote-47" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 47.">[47]</a> the 'seam' (or horse-load),
+the 'load,' which may be either horse or wain
+load, the 'scope,' which appears to be equivalent
+to the 'corf,' or basket, the 'roke' or 'rowe,' the
+'rod' or 'perch' (a measure apparently peculiar to
+Warwickshire),<a name="Anchor-48" id="Anchor-48"></a><a href="#Footnote-48" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 48.">[48]</a> the 'butress' and the 'three-quarters'
+(of a buttress), and most commonly in the
+Tyne district by the 'fother,' 'chalder,' or 'chaldron'
+and 'ten,' and also by the 'keel' or barge
+load. Where the owner did not work the coals
+himself he could either issue annual licences to dig
+coal or lease the mines for a term of years.<a name="Anchor-49" id="Anchor-49"></a><a href="#Footnote-49" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 49.">[49]</a> The
+earliest leases give a vague general permission to
+dig coal wherever found within the lands in question,
+but it soon became usual to limit the output either
+by fixing the maximum amount to be taken in one
+day, or more usually in early leases by restricting
+the number of workmen to be employed. In 1326
+Hugh of Scheynton granted to Adam Peyeson land
+at Benthall with all quarries of sea coal, employing
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[15]</a></span>four labourers to dig the same, and as many as he
+chose to carry the coals to the Severn.<a name="Anchor-50" id="Anchor-50"></a><a href="#Footnote-50" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 50.">[50]</a> Slightly
+before this date we find that payment was made
+at Belper according to the number of picks employed,
+the royalty on one pick in 1315 being over £4.<a name="Anchor-51" id="Anchor-51"></a><a href="#Footnote-51" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 51.">[51]</a>
+In 1380 the prior of Beauvale in leasing a mine of
+sea coal at Newthorpe to Robert Pascayl and seven
+other partners,<a name="Anchor-52" id="Anchor-52"></a><a href="#Footnote-52" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 52.">[52]</a> stipulated that they should have
+only got two men in the pit, a viewer (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">servaunt de
+south la terre</i>), and three men above ground. The
+lessees of a pit at Trillesden in 1447 were 'to work
+and win coal every day overable [<i>i.e.</i> working day]
+with three picks and ilk pick to win every day 60
+scopes,'<a name="Anchor-53" id="Anchor-53"></a><a href="#Footnote-53" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 53.">[53]</a> and at Nuneaton, in 1553, the lessees were
+not to employ more than six workmen at the time.<a name="Anchor-54" id="Anchor-54"></a><a href="#Footnote-54" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 54.">[54]</a>
+In this latter case there was a further stipulation
+that the pits when exhausted should be filled up
+with 'yearthe and slecke,' while at Trillesden the
+pit was to be worked workmanlike and the miners
+were to 'save the field standing,' pointing to a fairly
+elaborate system of galleries and pillars liable to
+subsidence if not properly planned.<a name="Anchor-55" id="Anchor-55"></a><a href="#Footnote-55" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 55.">[55]</a> But the most
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[16]</a></span>important lease was that of five mines in Whickham,
+made in 1356 by Bishop Hatfield of Durham to Sir
+Thomas Gray and the Rector of Whickham for the
+enormous rent of 500 marks (£333, 6s. 8d.).<a name="Anchor-56" id="Anchor-56"></a><a href="#Footnote-56" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 56.">[56]</a> In
+this case the lessees were limited to one keel (about
+twenty tons) daily from each mine; but on the other
+hand the bishop agreed never to take their workmen
+away, and not to open any fresh pits in the district,
+and not to sell the coal from his existing pits at
+Gateshead to ships. A century later Sir William
+Eure leased some of the most important Durham
+coal mines, his daily output being restricted to
+340 corves at Raly, 300 at Toftes, 600 at Hartkeld,
+and 20 at any other mines, with the right of making
+up from one mine any deficiency in another, and also
+of making up any deficiency caused by delays due
+to 'styth' or choke-damp, which appears to have
+been so troublesome in the hot season as to cause a
+complete suspension of work. Under this lease Sir
+William obtained at Raly in one week of 1460, some
+1800 corves, each of 2½ bushels, making rather over
+140 chalders, paying 5d. a day to each of the three
+hewers, the three barrowmen, who brought the coal
+to the foot of the shaft, and the four drawers who
+raised and banked it.<a name="Anchor-57" id="Anchor-57"></a><a href="#Footnote-57" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 57.">[57]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the Whickham lease of 1356 it will be noticed
+that the bishop undertook not to allow coals from
+his own pits to be exported by sea. The sea-borne
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[17]</a></span>trade in coals from Newcastle and the Tyne was
+obtaining considerable dimensions; ten years later,
+in 1366, a large purchase of coal was made at Winlaton
+for the king's works at Windsor. The sheriff
+of Northumberland accounted for £165, 5s. 2d.
+expended on the purchase and carriage to London
+of 576 chalder of coals, reckoning by the 'great
+hundred' of six score, so that there were actually
+shipped 676 chalder, but of this 86 chalder had to
+be written off, partly through some being jettisoned
+during a sudden storm at sea, and partly because
+the London chalder was much bigger than that used
+in Northumberland, the difference amounting to
+about five per cent.<a name="Anchor-58" id="Anchor-58"></a><a href="#Footnote-58" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 58.">[58]</a> The chalder, or chaldron,
+seems to have been originally about eighteen to
+twenty hundredweight, and from early times twenty
+of these made the load of a keel, or coal barge, but
+in order to evade the export duty of 2d. on every
+keel, or at least to compensate for it, it became the
+practice to build keels of twenty-two or twenty-three
+chalder burden. This was forbidden in 1385,<a name="Anchor-59" id="Anchor-59"></a><a href="#Footnote-59" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 59.">[59]</a> but
+the prohibition being evaded, an Act was passed in
+1421<a name="Anchor-60" id="Anchor-60"></a><a href="#Footnote-60" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 60.">[60]</a> by which the actual capacity of each keel had
+to be marked upon it. This in turn was evaded by
+a rapid increase in the size of the chalder, until by
+the time of Elizabeth it had doubled its original
+weight, and the 'ten' (chalder) was the equivalent
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[18]</a></span>of the keel of twenty tons.<a name="Anchor-61" id="Anchor-61"></a><a href="#Footnote-61" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 61.">[61]</a> Returning to the
+fourteenth century, the customs accounts of the
+port of Newcastle<a name="Anchor-62" id="Anchor-62"></a><a href="#Footnote-62" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 62.">[62]</a> show that between Michaelmas
+1377 and Michaelmas 1378 as much as 7338
+chalder of coal, valued at 2s. the chalder, was
+exported to foreign countries. For the most part
+this went to the Low Countries—Sluys, Bremerhaven,
+Flushing, and Dunkirk being amongst the
+ports mentioned, though in a number of cases ships
+of 'Lumbardye' occur, the average quantity taken
+by each vessel being a little less than fifty chalder.
+Of the home trade for this period no record is obtainable,
+and it is not until the time of Elizabeth that
+we can compare the exports to home and foreign
+ports. For the seven years 1591-7, the amount sent
+abroad was 95,558 chalder, rising from 10,000 in
+1591 to 18,000 in 1593, and then falling gradually
+back to 10,000, while the home trade amounted to
+418,200 chalder, increasing steadily from 45,700 up
+to over 70,000.<a name="Anchor-63" id="Anchor-63"></a><a href="#Footnote-63" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 63.">[63]</a> The supremacy of Newcastle is
+shown by a comparison of the amounts of coal
+exported to foreign countries from the chief English
+ports in 1592.<a name="Anchor-64" id="Anchor-64"></a><a href="#Footnote-64" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 64.">[64]</a> Newcastle comes first with 12,635
+chalder, then Bristol with 580, Wales with 464, and
+Liverpool with 448.</p>
+
+<p>The expansion of the home trade noticed in the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[19]</a></span>returns for 1591-7 is borne out by an abundance of
+corroborative evidence, and may be largely attributed
+to the great increase at this period in the use
+of chimneys. Practically the chimney was an
+Elizabethan invention so far as the smaller houses
+were concerned, and 'the multitude of chimnies
+lately erected' was one of the changes most remarked
+upon by Harrison's old friends at the time that
+he wrote his <cite>Description of England</cite>, published in
+1577. The reign of Elizabeth, therefore, when the
+rapid increase in the demand for house coal, coupled
+with a rise in the price, resulted in a rapid expansion
+of the industry in all parts of the country, marks
+the end of the medieval period of coal mining and
+the initiation of a new epoch with which we are not
+concerned.</p>
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[20]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2>CHAPTER <abbr title="2">II</abbr><br />
+
+<small>MINING—IRON</small></h2>
+
+
+<p>Iron has been worked in Britain from the earliest
+historical times, and flint implements have been
+found at Stainton-in-Furness and at Battle in Sussex
+in positions suggesting that ironworks existed in
+those places at the end of the Stone Age.<a name="Anchor-65" id="Anchor-65"></a><a href="#Footnote-65" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 65.">[65]</a> Julius
+Cæsar relates that iron was produced along the coast
+of Britain, but only in small quantities, its rarity
+causing it to be considered as a precious metal,
+so that iron bars were current among the natives
+as money. The coming of the Romans soon changed
+this. They were not slow to see the value of the
+island's mineral wealth and to turn it to account.
+Ironworks sprang up all over the country: at
+Maresfield in Sussex they were apparently in full
+swing by the time of Vespasian (died <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 79), and
+in the neighbourhood of Battle fifty years later.
+Even more important were the workings in the
+West, on the banks of the Wye and in the Forest of
+Dean. Near Coleford have been found remains of
+Roman mines with shallow shafts and adits, while
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[21]</a></span>round Whitchurch, Goodrich, and Redbrook are
+enormous deposits of 'cinders,' or slag, dating from
+the same period.<a name="Anchor-66" id="Anchor-66"></a><a href="#Footnote-66" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 66.">[66]</a> Ariconium, near Ross, was a
+city of smiths and forgemen; and Bath (Aquae
+Sulis) is often said to have had a 'collegium
+fabricensium,' or gild of smiths, as one of its
+members, Julius Vitalis, armourer of the 20th Legion,
+dying after nine years' service, was given a public
+funeral here by his gild; but it seems more probable
+that the seat of the gild was at Chester, and that
+Julius had come to Bath for his health.<a name="Anchor-67" id="Anchor-67"></a><a href="#Footnote-67" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 67.">[67]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is a most remarkable fact that although abundant
+circumstantial evidence of the Roman exploitation
+of British iron exists in the shape of coins and
+other relics found upon the site of the works, there is
+practically no trace of any such working during the
+Saxon period until shortly before the Conquest.
+The furnaces must have been still in blast when the
+Saxons landed; they were a warlike race, possessing
+a full appreciation of iron and something of the
+Scandinavian admiration for smithcraft, yet there is
+hardly a trace of their having worked iron in this
+country. Few, if any, objects definitely assignable
+to this period have been found upon the site of iron
+works, and documentary evidence is almost non-existent.
+There is a charter of Oswy, King of
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[22]</a></span>Kent, given in 689, by which he grants to the abbey
+of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Peter of Canterbury land at Liminge 'in which
+there is known to be a mine of iron';<a name="Anchor-68" id="Anchor-68"></a><a href="#Footnote-68" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 68.">[68]</a> and there is
+the legend that about 700 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> Alcester, in Warwickshire,
+was the centre of busy ironworks, peopled with
+smiths, who, for their hardness of heart in refusing
+to listen to <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Egwin, and endeavouring to drown
+his voice by beating on their anvils, were swallowed
+up by the earth;<a name="Anchor-69" id="Anchor-69"></a><a href="#Footnote-69" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 69.">[69]</a> but the rest is silence, until we
+come to the time of Edward the Confessor. The
+Domesday Survey shows that in the time of the
+Confessor, Gloucester rendered as part of its farm
+36 dicres of iron, probably in the form of horseshoes,
+and 100 rods suitable for making bolts for the king's
+ships,<a name="Anchor-70" id="Anchor-70"></a><a href="#Footnote-70" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 70.">[70]</a> while from Pucklechurch in the same country
+came yearly 90 'blooms' of iron.<a name="Anchor-71" id="Anchor-71"></a><a href="#Footnote-71" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 71.">[71]</a> The same Survey
+mentions that there were six smiths in Hereford,
+each of whom had yearly to make for the king 120
+horseshoes, and it also refers to iron mines on the
+borders of Cheshire, in Sussex and elsewhere.</p>
+
+<p>During the twelfth century the industry appears
+to have expanded. In the North, at Egremont, we
+read of the grant of an iron mine to the monks of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr>
+Bees,<a name="Anchor-72" id="Anchor-72"></a><a href="#Footnote-72" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 72.">[72]</a> and at Denby a similar grant was made about
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[23]</a></span>1180 by William FitzOsbert to the abbey of Byland.<a name="Anchor-73" id="Anchor-73"></a><a href="#Footnote-73" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 73.">[73]</a>
+In Derbyshire, towards the end of the century, Sir
+Walter de Abbetoft gave to the monks of Louth
+Park wood at Birley in Brampton and two smithies,
+namely one bloomery and one forge, with the right
+to take beech and elm for fuel.<a name="Anchor-74" id="Anchor-74"></a><a href="#Footnote-74" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 74.">[74]</a> But it was in the
+south-west that the greatest development took place.
+During the whole of this century the Forest of Dean
+was the centre of the iron industry, and played the
+part that Birmingham has played in more recent
+times. All through the reign of Henry <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr> the
+accounts of the sheriffs of Gloucester<a name="Anchor-75" id="Anchor-75"></a><a href="#Footnote-75" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 75.">[75]</a> tell of a constant
+output of iron, both rough and manufactured,
+iron bars, nails, pickaxes, and hammers sent to
+Woodstock, Winchester, and Brill, where the king
+was carrying out extensive building operations,
+horseshoes supplied to the army, arrows and other
+warlike materials despatched to France, spades,
+pickaxes, and other miners' tools provided for the
+Irish expedition of 1172, iron bought for the Crusade
+which Henry projected, but did not live to perform,
+and 50,000 horseshoes made for the actual Crusade
+of Richard <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr> Throughout the thirteenth century
+the Forest of Dean retained its practical monopoly
+of the English iron trade, so far at least as the
+southern counties were concerned, and during the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[24]</a></span>whole of that time members of the family of Malemort
+were employed at a forge near the castle of
+<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Briavels turning out enormous stores of bolts for
+cross-bows and other war material.<a name="Anchor-76" id="Anchor-76"></a><a href="#Footnote-76" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 76.">[76]</a> But a rival
+was now growing up in the Weald of Sussex and
+Kent. As early as 1254 the sheriff of Sussex had
+been called upon to provide 30,000 horseshoes and
+60,000 nails, presumably of local manufacture,<a name="Anchor-77" id="Anchor-77"></a><a href="#Footnote-77" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 77.">[77]</a>
+and in 1275 Master Henry of Lewes, who had been
+the king's chief smith for the past twenty years,<a name="Anchor-78" id="Anchor-78"></a><a href="#Footnote-78" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 78.">[78]</a>
+purchased 406 iron rods (<i>kiville</i>) 'in the Weald'
+for £16, 17s. 11d.,<a name="Anchor-79" id="Anchor-79"></a><a href="#Footnote-79" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 79.">[79]</a> while a year or two later he
+obtained another 75 rods from the same source and
+paid £4, 3s. 4d. 'to a certain smith in the Weald for
+100 iron rods.'<a name="Anchor-80" id="Anchor-80"></a><a href="#Footnote-80" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 80.">[80]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Wealden works had the advantage, a great
+advantage in the case of so heavy a material as iron,
+of nearness to London, and soon obtained a footing
+in the London markets with the imported Spanish
+iron at the expense of Gloucestershire, which at the
+beginning of the reign of Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> had been sending
+its iron to Westminster and into Sussex.<a name="Anchor-81" id="Anchor-81"></a><a href="#Footnote-81" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 81.">[81]</a> It must
+not be imagined that the northern counties were
+neglecting their mineral wealth all this time; they
+were on the contrary very active, and were exploiting
+their iron with vigour and success. On the lands of
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[25]</a></span>Peter de Brus in Cleveland in 1271 there were five
+small forges each valued at 10s., and two larger
+worth £4 each:<a name="Anchor-82" id="Anchor-82"></a><a href="#Footnote-82" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 82.">[82]</a> these sums may not sound very
+imposing, but it must be borne in mind that the best
+land in that district was then worth only 1s. an
+acre. Twenty years later the forges belonging to
+Furness Abbey yielded a profit of £6, 13s. 4d., as
+compared with a profit on flocks and herds of only
+£3, 11s. 3d., and it is probable that the Abbey had
+at least forty forges then working on their lands.<a name="Anchor-83" id="Anchor-83"></a><a href="#Footnote-83" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 83.">[83]</a>
+The great quantity of iron obtained at Furness, also,
+formed the most valuable part of the booty carried
+off by the Scots in their raid in 1316.<a name="Anchor-84" id="Anchor-84"></a><a href="#Footnote-84" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 84.">[84]</a> But the
+large production of iron in the northern counties
+was absorbed by their own local requirements, and
+this was still more the case with the smaller quantities
+smelted in Northamptonshire and Rutland. Derbyshire
+must have been another important centre, for
+as early as 1257 four or five forges in the Belper
+ward of Duffield Frith were yielding about £10 each
+yearly, and in 1314 two forges in Belper accounted
+for £63, 6s. 8d. in thirty-four weeks, and there was
+a third, yielding nearly £7, 10s. for only eleven
+weeks' work,<a name="Anchor-85" id="Anchor-85"></a><a href="#Footnote-85" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 85.">[85]</a> but there is nothing to show that
+Derbyshire iron was ever sent south, and from the
+middle of the fourteenth century such English iron
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[26]</a></span>as was used in London was almost entirely drawn
+from the Weald.</p>
+
+<p>In order to understand how Sussex and Kent,
+where no iron has been worked for the last hundred
+years, came to be the centres of a great iron industry
+in medieval times, it must be borne in mind that
+charcoal was the only fuel used for iron working<a name="Anchor-86" id="Anchor-86"></a><a href="#Footnote-86" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 86.">[86]</a>
+until Dud Dudley discovered a method of using pit
+coal, about 1620, a date which may be considered to
+mark the end of the medieval period in iron mining.
+The earliest and most primitive method of smelting
+iron was by setting a hearth of wood and charcoal
+on a wind-swept hill or in some other draughty
+position, heaping upon it alternate layers of ore and
+charcoal, and covering the whole with clay, to retain
+the heat, leaving vents at the base for the wind to
+enter and the iron to come out.<a name="Anchor-87" id="Anchor-87"></a><a href="#Footnote-87" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 87.">[87]</a> A slight advance
+on this substituted a short cylindrical furnace of
+stone for the containing layer of clay, and an ingenious
+device for increasing the draught was used
+by the Romans at Lanchester, in Durham, where
+two narrow tunnels were made on the side of a hill,
+with wide mouths facing to the west, the quarter
+from which the wind blows most frequently in this
+valley, tapering to a narrow bore at the hearth.<a name="Anchor-88" id="Anchor-88"></a><a href="#Footnote-88" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 88.">[88]</a>
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[27]</a></span>Even under the most favourable conditions such a
+furnace would reduce a very small percentage of
+the ore to metal,<a name="Anchor-89" id="Anchor-89"></a><a href="#Footnote-89" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 89.">[89]</a> and the use of an auxiliary blast,
+produced by bellows, must have been resorted to at
+a quite early date. Prior to the fifteenth century
+such bellows were almost invariably worked by
+hand, or rather by foot, for the blowers stood upon
+the bellows, holding on to a bar, but during the
+fifteenth century water power was introduced in
+many parts of the country, and the bellows were
+driven by water-wheels. Such was apparently
+the case in Weardale in 1408,<a name="Anchor-90" id="Anchor-90"></a><a href="#Footnote-90" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 90.">[90]</a> probably in the Forest
+of Dean about the same date, and clearly in Derbyshire
+by the end of the century.<a name="Anchor-91" id="Anchor-91"></a><a href="#Footnote-91" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 91.">[91]</a></p>
+
+<p>In several early charters granting mineral rights
+to Furness Abbey, mention is made of the privilege
+of using water from the grantor's streams; but where
+particulars are given, as in the case of the charter of
+Hugh de Moresby made in 1270, the water is always
+stated to be for the washing of the ore, and not for
+power.<a name="Anchor-92" id="Anchor-92"></a><a href="#Footnote-92" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 92.">[92]</a> The ore, or 'mine,' to use the more common
+medieval term, was sometimes dug on the 'open-cast'
+system, but more usually by a series of bell or beehive
+pits.<a name="Anchor-93" id="Anchor-93"></a><a href="#Footnote-93" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 93.">[93]</a> It was then roughly cleansed by washing on a
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[28]</a></span>coarse sieve, and was next subjected to a preliminary
+burning, or 'elyng,'<a name="Anchor-94" id="Anchor-94"></a><a href="#Footnote-94" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 94.">[94]</a> as it was termed at the Tudeley
+forge in the fourteenth century.<a name="Anchor-95" id="Anchor-95"></a><a href="#Footnote-95" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 95.">[95]</a> The burnt ore was
+then broken and carried to the furnace. In the
+sixteenth century this was a building in the shape of
+a truncated cone, about twenty-four feet in diameter,
+and not more than thirty feet high, in the base of
+which was a cupped, or bowl-shaped, hearth of
+sandstone, and such we may assume the earlier
+furnaces also to have been. Alternate charges of
+mine and charcoal were fed into the furnace from
+the top, the iron settling down into the bowl of
+the hearth, from which it was taken as a lump
+or 'bloom.' From the sixteenth century, when
+by the use of a more powerful blast a higher
+temperature was obtainable and cast iron was
+produced, the molten iron was drawn off from time
+to time through a vent at the bottom of the hearth
+into a bed of sand. In Sussex and Gloucestershire
+it seems to have been usual to form in the sand one
+large oblong depression in the direct course of the
+flow of the iron with a number of smaller depressions
+at right angles to the first, the large mass of iron
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[29]</a></span>thus moulded being known as a 'sow,' and the
+smaller blocks as 'pigs.'</p>
+
+<p>There were in the earlier periods of the industry
+a very large number of smelting hearths, consisting
+practically of an ordinary blacksmith's forge with
+a cup-shaped hearth, or crucible, in the bottom of
+which the imperfectly molten iron accumulated.
+Such were the itinerant forges (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">fabricæ errantes</i>) in
+the Forest of Dean, of which there were as many as
+sixty in blast at the end of the thirteenth century.<a name="Anchor-96" id="Anchor-96"></a><a href="#Footnote-96" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 96.">[96]</a>
+The buildings attached to such a forge would naturally
+be merely temporary sheds, such as were referred
+to by the Earl of Richmond in 1281, when he gave
+leave to the monks of Jervaux to cut wood in his
+forest to smelt iron and to make two small sheds
+(<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">logias</i>) 'without nail, bolt, or wall,' so that if the
+smelters moved to another place (as these itinerant
+forges did when the ore or the fuel became exhausted)
+they should pull down the sheds and erect others.<a name="Anchor-97" id="Anchor-97"></a><a href="#Footnote-97" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 97.">[97]</a>
+In this instance the grant of two sheds may imply
+two smelting-houses, but it seems more probable
+that one was the 'bloomery,' or smelting forge, and
+the other the smithy, which invariably accompanied
+the bloomery.<a name="Anchor-98" id="Anchor-98"></a><a href="#Footnote-98" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 98.">[98]</a> With this simple type of forge the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[30]</a></span>product was a lump of malleable iron, which was
+purified by hammering and worked up at the smithy,
+but the pig iron produced by the larger high blast
+furnace required more elaborate treatment. The
+sow was carried from the furnace to the forge,
+'finery' or 'strynghearth,' where it was heated on
+an open hearth and reduced by the sledge, or by the
+water-hammer<a name="Anchor-99" id="Anchor-99"></a><a href="#Footnote-99" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 99.">[99]</a> when available, to a large ingot or
+'bloom.'<a name="Anchor-100" id="Anchor-100"></a><a href="#Footnote-100" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 100.">[100]</a> The latter was, as a rule, reheated,
+divided and worked into bars, the completion of
+which was usually carried out in the seventeenth
+century at a third hearth, the 'chafery,' but this
+appears to have been an elaboration of post-medieval
+date. The sows naturally varied in size according
+to the capacity of the furnace, and this, it may be
+observed, was much greater at the end of a 'blowing'
+than at the beginning, owing to the fire eating away
+the hearth, especially if too large a proportion of
+intractable 'hot' ore were used;<a name="Anchor-101" id="Anchor-101"></a><a href="#Footnote-101" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 101.">[101]</a> but the blooms
+were made of standard weight. At the same time
+the weight of the bloom, though constant in any
+given district, varied in different parts of the country.
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[31]</a></span>In Weardale it seems to have been about two hundredweight,
+being composed of fifteen stones, each of
+thirteen pounds;<a name="Anchor-102" id="Anchor-102"></a><a href="#Footnote-102" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 102.">[102]</a> and in Furness it was about the
+same weight, but contained fourteen stones of fourteen
+pounds.<a name="Anchor-103" id="Anchor-103"></a><a href="#Footnote-103" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 103.">[103]</a> On the other hand, we find blooms
+selling at the Kentish ironworks of Tudeley for
+3s. 4d. in the reign of Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>,<a name="Anchor-104" id="Anchor-104"></a><a href="#Footnote-104" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 104.">[104]</a> when iron bought
+for repairs to Leeds Castle cost about 7s. the hundredweight,<a name="Anchor-105" id="Anchor-105"></a><a href="#Footnote-105" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 105.">[105]</a>
+which, allowing for cost of carriage, agrees
+fairly well with the three quarters of a hundredweight
+attributed to the Sussex bloom in the seventeenth
+century.<a name="Anchor-106" id="Anchor-106"></a><a href="#Footnote-106" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 106.">[106]</a> As regards the price of iron, it
+was always high during the medieval period, but
+naturally varied with conditions of demand and
+supply, cost of carriage, and the quality of the
+iron. To take a late instance: in Staffordshire in
+1583, 'coldshear,' or brittle iron, fetched only £9
+the ton when tough iron fetched £12.<a name="Anchor-107" id="Anchor-107"></a><a href="#Footnote-107" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 107.">[107]</a> In Sussex<a name="Anchor-108" id="Anchor-108"></a><a href="#Footnote-108" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 108.">[108]</a>
+in 1539 iron sold on the spot for from £5 to £7 the
+ton, allowing a profit of 20s. the ton, and ten years
+later £8 at the forge and about £9, 5s. in London,
+the cost of carriage to London being 9s. the ton.<a name="Anchor-109" id="Anchor-109"></a><a href="#Footnote-109" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 109.">[109]</a></p>
+
+<p>The number of workmen employed at the different
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[32]</a></span>works naturally varied, but the surveyor of the iron
+mills in Ashdown Forest in 1539 laid down the rule:<a name="Anchor-110" id="Anchor-110"></a><a href="#Footnote-110" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 110.">[110]</a>
+'That to melt the sowes in ij forges or fynories there
+must be iiij persones, and at the forge to melt the
+blomes there must be ij persones. So are there at
+every forge ij persones wherof the oone holdeth the
+work at the hamo<sup>r</sup> and the second kepeth the work
+hot. M<sup>d</sup> that oone man cannot kepe the hamo<sup>r</sup>
+bicause the work must be kept in such hete that
+they may not shifte handes.'</p>
+
+<p>At the Bedburn forge in 1408,<a name="Anchor-111" id="Anchor-111"></a><a href="#Footnote-111" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 111.">[111]</a> there were a
+'blomer' or 'smythman,' a smith and a foreman,
+as well as a 'colier' or charcoal burner. The
+blomer was paid 6d. for every bloom smelted, of
+which the average production was six in a week, the
+largest output recorded in any week being ten
+blooms. For working up the bloom at the forge,
+the smith received 6d. and an extra penny for
+cutting it up into bars, while the foreman, who in
+spite of his name does not seem to have had any
+staff of workmen under him, received 2d. a bloom
+when he assisted at the smelting, and 3d. at the
+reworking. Such additional labour as was required
+was supplied by the wives of the smith and foreman,
+who did odd jobs, breaking up the ore, attending to
+the bellows, or helping their husbands, earning wages
+paid at first on a vague but rather high scale, but
+falling afterwards to the settled rate of a halfpenny
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[33]</a></span>a bloom. An allowance of one penny a week was
+made for ale for the workmen; and a similar munificent
+allowance was made 'for drink for the four
+blowers' at Tudeley in 1353.<a name="Anchor-112" id="Anchor-112"></a><a href="#Footnote-112" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 112.">[112]</a> At this Tudeley
+forge in 1333, the workmen were paid in kind,
+receiving every seventh bloom,<a name="Anchor-113" id="Anchor-113"></a><a href="#Footnote-113" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 113.">[113]</a> a payment roughly
+equivalent to 6d. a bloom, but by 1353 this system
+had been dropped, and they were paid from 7½d. to
+9½d. a bloom. In addition to the 'seventh bloom,'
+we find mention in 1333 of a customary payment
+to the 'Forblouweris'<a name="Anchor-114" id="Anchor-114"></a><a href="#Footnote-114" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 114.">[114]</a> of 2¼d. a bloom, and in the
+1353 account we find 'rewards' paid to the master
+blower and three other blowers; no other workmen
+are mentioned by name, and as the whole process
+of making the blooms is here referred to as 'blowyng'
+we may probably assume that the staff of these
+Kentish works consisted of four men. The Sussex
+iron mills at Sheffield in Fletching in 1549 employed
+one hammerman and his assistant,<a name="Anchor-115" id="Anchor-115"></a><a href="#Footnote-115" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 115.">[115]</a> two fyners and
+their two servants, a founder, and a filler,<a name="Anchor-116" id="Anchor-116"></a><a href="#Footnote-116" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 116.">[116]</a> the
+business of the latter being to keep the furnace
+charged. Here the founder was paid 8s., and the
+filler 6s. for each 'foundye,' or working week of six
+days, and the hammerman and fyners received
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[34]</a></span>between them 13s. 4d. a ton, about three tons being
+produced each 'foundye.'</p>
+
+<p>In addition to the actual ironworkers every forge
+afforded employment to a number of charcoal-burners
+and miners. For the most part these latter,
+as was the case with the coal miners, ranked as
+ordinary labourers, but in the Forest of Dean they
+formed a close corporation of 'free miners,' possessing
+an organisation and privileges of considerable importance
+and antiquity.<a name="Anchor-117" id="Anchor-117"></a><a href="#Footnote-117" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 117.">[117]</a> So far as can be judged
+the customs of the free miners were traditional,
+based on prescription, recognised as early as the time
+of Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, and officially confirmed by Edward <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>
+By these customs the right of mining was restricted
+to the free miners resident within the bounds of the
+Forest, and they had also control of the export of
+the iron ore, all persons carrying the same down the
+Severn being bound to pay dues to the miners under
+penalty of forfeiture of their boat. The free miners
+had also the right of digging anywhere within the
+Forest, except in gardens, orchards, and curtilages;
+the lord of the soil, who might be the king or a
+private landowner, being entitled to a share as a
+member of the fellowship, almost always consisting
+of four 'verns' or partners. Besides the right
+thus to open a mine the miners had a claim to access
+thereto from the highway, and to timber for their
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[35]</a></span>works. In return, the king received from every
+miner who raised three loads of ore in a week one
+penny, which was collected by the 'gaveller' every
+Tuesday 'between Mattens and Masse,' and he had
+also the right to certain quantities of 'law-ore'
+from the different mines every week, for which the
+miners were paid at the rate of a penny a load, and
+if he was working an itinerant forge they were bound
+to supply ore therefor at the same rate, and finally
+there was a royal export duty of a halfpenny on every
+load of ore taken out of the Forest.<a name="Anchor-118" id="Anchor-118"></a><a href="#Footnote-118" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 118.">[118]</a></p>
+
+<p>The right of mining within the forest was restricted,
+as we have already said, to the resident free miners,
+and they might only employ the labour of their own
+family or apprentices. These rights to their mines,
+or shares therein, were definite, and could be bequeathed
+by will; and in order to prevent trespass
+the rule was laid down that no man should start a
+fresh working near that of another miner 'within
+so much space that the miner may stand and cast
+ridding<a name="Anchor-119" id="Anchor-119"></a><a href="#Footnote-119" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 119.">[119]</a> and stones so far from him with a bale, as
+the manner is.' When disputes arose between the
+miners, they were settled at their own court, held
+every three weeks at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Briavels, under the presidency
+of the Constable, appeals being made, if necessary,
+from the normal jury of twelve miners to
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[36]</a></span>juries of twenty-four or forty-eight. These Mine
+Law Courts continued to be held until the latter
+half of the eighteenth century; but we are not here
+concerned with their later proceedings and constant
+endeavours to maintain restrictions which had long
+passed out of date; endeavours which seem to have
+resulted chiefly in promoting 'the abominable sin
+of perjury,' so that it was found necessary to ordain
+that any miner convicted thereof should be expelled
+and 'all the working tooles and habitt burned before
+his face.' What those tools and costume were in
+the fifteenth century, and until modern times, may
+be seen on a brass in Newland Church, whereon is
+depicted a free miner wearing a cap and leather
+breeches tied below the knee, with a wooden mine-hod
+slung over his shoulder, carrying a small mattock
+in his right hand, and holding a candlestick between
+his teeth.<a name="Anchor-120" id="Anchor-120"></a><a href="#Footnote-120" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 120.">[120]</a></p>
+
+<p>Although not so intimately connected with iron
+working as the smiths, smelters and miners, the
+charcoal-burners were auxiliaries without whom
+the industry could not have existed, and who in
+turn derived their living largely from that industry.
+The amount of wood consumed by the iron works
+was enormous. As an example we may take the
+case of the two Sussex mills of Sheffield and Worth
+for 1547-9.<a name="Anchor-121" id="Anchor-121"></a><a href="#Footnote-121" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 121.">[121]</a> At Sheffield 6300 cords of wood were
+'coled' for the furnace, and 6750 cords for the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[37]</a></span>forge; at Worth the amounts were respectively
+nearly 5900 and 2750 cords; the cords being 125
+cubic feet, this represents an expenditure of about
+2,175,000 cubic feet of timber for these two works
+alone in less than two years. Later, in 1580, it
+was stated that a beech tree of one foot square 'at
+the stubbe' would make one and a half loads of
+charcoal, and the ironworks at Monkswood, near
+Tintern, would require 600 such trees every year,<a name="Anchor-122" id="Anchor-122"></a><a href="#Footnote-122" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 122.">[122]</a>
+while some thirty years later Norden referred to
+the fact that there were in Sussex alone about 140
+forges using two, three, or four loads of charcoal
+apiece daily. Acts were passed in 1558, 1581, and
+1585 regulating the cutting of wood for furnaces
+and prohibiting the use of timber trees for charcoal,
+but they were evaded, and the destruction of trees
+continued until in the eighteenth century charcoal
+was supplanted by mineral coal, the first successful
+use of which for iron smelting, by Dud Dudley
+in 1620, marks, as we have said, the termination
+of the medieval period.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[38]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2>CHAPTER <abbr title="3">III</abbr><br />
+
+<small>MINING—LEAD AND SILVER</small></h2>
+
+
+<p>The lead-mining industry in England is important
+and interesting from its antiquity, the value of its
+produce, large quantities of silver being obtained
+from this source during the medieval period, and the
+organisation of its workers. Although lacking the
+completeness of organisation which rendered the
+tinners of Cornwall and Devon almost an independent
+race, the lead miners of Alston Moor, Derbyshire,
+and the Mendips, the three great mining camps of
+England, were more highly organised than the iron
+miners of Dean, who form the lowest class of privileged
+'free miners.'</p>
+
+<p>The lead mines of Britain were worked by the
+Romans from the earliest days of their occupation
+of the island, pigs of lead having been found in the
+Mendips stamped with the titles of Britannicus
+(<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 44-48) and Claudius (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 49).<a name="Anchor-123" id="Anchor-123"></a><a href="#Footnote-123" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 123.">[123]</a> Mines of this
+period exist at Shelve and Snailbeach in Shropshire
+and elsewhere, and smelting-hearths have been found
+at Minsterley in the same county and at Matlock.<a name="Anchor-124" id="Anchor-124"></a><a href="#Footnote-124" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 124.">[124]</a>
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[39]</a></span>Nor was the industry discontinued after the departure
+of the Romans. Lead mines at Wirksworth in
+Derbyshire were leased by the Abbess of Repton to
+a certain Duke Humbert in 835,<a name="Anchor-125" id="Anchor-125"></a><a href="#Footnote-125" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 125.">[125]</a> and a 'leadgedelf'
+at Penpark Hole in Gloucestershire is mentioned in
+882,<a name="Anchor-126" id="Anchor-126"></a><a href="#Footnote-126" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 126.">[126]</a> though that county was not a great centre of
+lead production at a later date. In the time of
+Edward the Confessor the Derbyshire mines of
+Bakewell, Ashford, and Hope yielded £30, besides
+five wainloads of lead, but in 1086 their yearly value
+had fallen, for some reason, to £10, 6s. Besides these
+three mines Domesday Book alludes to others at
+Wirksworth, Metesford, and Crich.<a name="Anchor-127" id="Anchor-127"></a><a href="#Footnote-127" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 127.">[127]</a></p>
+
+<p>During the twelfth century the output of lead was
+considerable. The 'mines of Carlisle,' that is to
+say of Alston Moor, on the borders of Cumberland,
+Yorkshire, and Northumberland, occur on the Pipe
+Roll of 1130, and were farmed during the reign of
+Henry <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr><a name="Anchor-128" id="Anchor-128"></a><a href="#Footnote-128" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 128.">[128]</a> at an average rent of £100; during the
+same reign large quantities of lead from Derbyshire
+were carried across to Boston and shipped to London
+and the Continent: the Shropshire mines were also
+active, one hundred and ten loads of lead being sent
+down to Amesbury in 1181 alone. King Stephen
+granted to the Bishop of Durham certain mines in
+Weardale, probably of silver-bearing lead, as the
+non-precious minerals already belonged to the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[40]</a></span>bishopric, and during the vacancy of the see of
+Durham in 1196 considerable issues of silver were
+accounted for.<a name="Anchor-129" id="Anchor-129"></a><a href="#Footnote-129" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 129.">[129]</a> A similar grant of lead mines in
+Somerset was made to Bishop Reginald of Bath by
+Richard <abbr title="the first">I</abbr>.<a name="Anchor-130" id="Anchor-130"></a><a href="#Footnote-130" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 130.">[130]</a> How soon the three great mining camps
+acquired their privileges and organisation cannot be
+definitely stated: some of the regulations seem to
+have been traditional from very early times, even in
+the case of the Mendip mines, of which the laws
+were largely based upon the Derbyshire code. So
+far as the northern mines are concerned, we find
+Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> in 1235 confirming to the miners of Alston
+the liberties and privileges 'which they used to
+have.'<a name="Anchor-131" id="Anchor-131"></a><a href="#Footnote-131" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 131.">[131]</a></p>
+
+<p>Of the regulations in force at Alston Moor<a name="Anchor-132" id="Anchor-132"></a><a href="#Footnote-132" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 132.">[132]</a> we
+have but few details, but of the laws of Derbyshire<a name="Anchor-133" id="Anchor-133"></a><a href="#Footnote-133" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 133.">[133]</a>
+and the Mendips<a name="Anchor-134" id="Anchor-134"></a><a href="#Footnote-134" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 134.">[134]</a> we have ample information. In
+each case there was a mine court, known in Derbyshire
+as the 'berghmote' or 'barmote,' of which
+the ordinary meetings were held every three weeks
+and special sessions twice a year, at Easter and
+Michaelmas. The 'body of the court' consisted of
+twelve, or in the 'great courts' twenty-four, miners
+of good standing and the presiding officer was in
+Derbyshire the barmaster and in Somerset the lead-reeve:
+at Alston<a name="Anchor-135" id="Anchor-135"></a><a href="#Footnote-135" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 135.">[135]</a> he appears as bailiff, 'king's
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[41]</a></span>serjeant,' and steward. Associated with this
+official was the coroner:<a name="Anchor-136" id="Anchor-136"></a><a href="#Footnote-136" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 136.">[136]</a> the two offices indeed
+seem to have been combined at Alston during the
+thirteenth century as in 1279 complaint was made
+that the coroners of the Scottish king's liberty of
+Tindale (that portion of the present county of
+Northumberland which adjoins Alston Moor) were
+acting in the mine 'where the serjeant of the mine
+appointed by the English king ought to exercise
+the office of coroner in all things':<a name="Anchor-137" id="Anchor-137"></a><a href="#Footnote-137" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 137.">[137]</a> by 1356, however,
+it was the custom for the Alston miners to
+elect a coroner separate from the bailiff or king's
+serjeant.<a name="Anchor-138" id="Anchor-138"></a><a href="#Footnote-138" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 138.">[138]</a> The exact degree of independence
+possessed by these mine courts is difficult to determine.
+During eyres in Cumberland it was customary
+to send special justices to Alston to hold the
+pleas of the Crown. This was already an old-established
+custom in 1246,<a name="Anchor-139" id="Anchor-139"></a><a href="#Footnote-139" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 139.">[139]</a> and we find that Robert
+de Vipont, who about the beginning of the reign of
+Edward <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr> had formed a manor out of what had
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[42]</a></span>been moor and waste, had usurped the right to try
+thieves in his manor court, when they ought only
+to be tried in the mine court.<a name="Anchor-140" id="Anchor-140"></a><a href="#Footnote-140" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 140.">[140]</a> Even in Derbyshire
+there was a tendency to use the courts of the Duchy
+of Lancaster instead of, or to overrule, the mine
+courts, at least in the sixteenth century.<a name="Anchor-141" id="Anchor-141"></a><a href="#Footnote-141" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 141.">[141]</a></p>
+
+<p>By the Derbyshire mine law a small trespass was
+punishable by a fine of 2d., but if this was not paid
+at once the fine was doubled each successive day
+until it reached the sum of 5s. 4d. This same sum
+of 5s. 4d. (doubled in a similar way up to 100s.) was
+the fine for bloodshed, or for the offence of encroaching
+upon another man's claim underground. For a
+thrice-repeated theft of ore the offender's hand
+was pinned with a knife to the uprights of his windlass,
+and if he succeeded in getting free he had to
+forswear the mine for ever. A similarly savage
+and primitive measure of justice was meted out to
+the Mendip miner who stole lead worth 13½d.: his
+property was forfeited, and the bailiff was to bring
+him 'where hys howse or wore [<i>i.e.</i> ore] hys, hys work
+and towlls with all instruments belongyng to that
+occupacyon and then put hym in hys howss or working
+place and set fyer yn all together about hym—banyshe
+hym from that occupacyon for ever by
+fore the face of all the myners there.' Both methods
+of punishment are clearly of early origin, and it
+seems probable that they originally involved the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[43]</a></span>death of the thief, though a later and more humane
+generation connived at his escape while retaining
+the ancient form of punishment. If the burnt
+thief did not dread the fire, but returned and stole
+again, he was handed over to the sheriff's officers
+and committed to prison, being no longer one of the
+privileged community. It is worth noting that the
+great mining camp on the borders of Cornwall and
+Devon, though not apparently possessing any mine
+court, had, as we might expect, certain control over
+the excesses of the miners, as in 1302 there was
+made 'a pit in the mine by way of prison to frighten
+(<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad terrorem</i>) evildoers and bad workmen.'<a name="Anchor-142" id="Anchor-142"></a><a href="#Footnote-142" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 142.">[142]</a> The
+Devon miner, as we have just said, had no code of
+laws or privileges; at Alston the code applied only
+to the miners actually living in the collection of
+'shiels,' or huts on the Moor; in Derbyshire the full
+system of regulations was confined to the royal
+'field,' though a few private owners of mining
+fields established barmotes on similar lines;<a name="Anchor-143" id="Anchor-143"></a><a href="#Footnote-143" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 143.">[143]</a> but
+the customs of the Mendips appear to have applied
+throughout the district, whoever might be lord of
+the soil.</p>
+
+<p>By mining law the miner had the right to prospect
+anywhere except in churchyards, gardens, orchards,
+and highways; on the Mendips, however, he had
+first to go through the formality of asking leave of
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[44]</a></span>the lord of the soil, or of his lead-reeve, who could
+not refuse their permission; he might then pitch
+where he pleased and break ground as he thought
+best. In Derbyshire, when the prospector had struck
+a promising 'rake' or vein, he cut a cross in the
+ground and went to the barmaster, who came and
+staked out the claim into 'meers,' each being four
+perches of twenty-four feet: the first two meers
+were given to the finder, the third to the king, as
+lord of the soil, and the others to those miners who
+first demanded them. Within three days the owner
+of a meer must set up a 'stow,'<a name="Anchor-144" id="Anchor-144"></a><a href="#Footnote-144" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 144.">[144]</a> a wooden frame with
+two uprights joined by a bar or spindle placed at the
+top of the shaft, and serving as a windlass. If the
+claim was not then worked, the barmaster nicked the
+spindle, and if this were done three times, and the
+claim was still unworked, it was declared forfeit
+and granted to the first applicant. The regulations
+in use on the Mendip field were rather different.
+There the pitches or claims, instead of being of one
+standard size, were decided by the throw of the
+'hack' or small pick, weighing 3 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> 14 oz. 'Every
+man when he doth begyn hys pyt, otherwyse callyd
+a grouff, shaull have hys haks throw ij weys after
+the rake,<a name="Anchor-145" id="Anchor-145"></a><a href="#Footnote-145" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 145.">[145]</a> so that he do stand to the gyrdyl or wast
+in the gruff'; while this decided the limits of the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[45]</a></span>pitch along the line of the vein the pitcher had always
+eighteen feet on either side of his 'grooffe or gribbe.'
+The hack, however, was not thrown unless another
+party wished to pitch in the neighbourhood; in
+that case the newcomer, or 'younger pitcher,' could
+demand that the hack be thrown by the 'elder
+pitcher' and his partners, 'when they have their
+chine, rake or course,' that is to say, when they have
+struck the vein. The lead-reeve then proffered the
+hack to one of the elder pitchers, and if they failed
+to throw it within fourteen days the younger pitcher
+had the throw.<a name="Anchor-146" id="Anchor-146"></a><a href="#Footnote-146" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 146.">[146]</a> The rules for reserving a claim
+were probably founded on those in use in Derbyshire.
+'The first pytcher in any grounde muste
+make yt perfecte wyth a caddel of tymber and a
+payre of styllyngs within fowre and twentie howers
+next after the pyching.' Although this was the
+strict law, custom seems to have been content with
+the making of the 'caddel,' some sort of framework
+of timber, the first day, and to have allowed a month
+for the 'styllyngs,' or stow. If a claim lay unworked
+for four weeks, the lead-reeve caused proclamation
+to be made, and if the old partners did not
+turn up within fourteen days, it was forfeited.</p>
+
+<p>Besides the right of prospecting where they chose,
+the miners had right of access to the nearest high-road,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[46]</a></span>and in Derbyshire if this were refused them the
+barmaster and two assistants might walk abreast
+with arms stretched out, and so mark out a way
+direct from the mines to the road, even through
+growing corn. They were also privileged to take
+timber from the neighbouring woods for use in the
+mines, and in Cumberland, where fuel was scarce,
+they might even prevent the owners of the woods
+from cutting them until they had obtained a sufficient
+supply for the furnaces. Their proprietary
+rights in their mines were recognised, and they
+could dispose of them, wholly or in part, without
+licence. They might also take their ore to what
+'myndry' they pleased, to be smelted, and the only
+restriction upon the sale of the ore or lead was that
+in some places the king, or other lord of the soil,
+had 'coup,' that is to say pre-emption, the right of
+buying the ore at the market price before it was
+offered to any other purchaser, and in 1295 we find
+the Derbyshire miners paying 4d. a load in respect
+of 'coup' for licence to sell to whom they pleased.<a name="Anchor-147" id="Anchor-147"></a><a href="#Footnote-147" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 147.">[147]</a></p>
+
+<p>The terms upon which the miners held their
+mines varied. On private lands, when the owner
+did not work the mines himself by hired labour, he
+usually bargained for some proportion, an eighth,
+a tenth, or a thirteenth, of the produce. On the
+Mendips the lord of the soil received the tenth part
+as 'lot'; on the royal field of Derbyshire the king
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[47]</a></span>had the thirteenth, and at Alston the ninth dish of
+ore, the dish in the latter case being 'as much ore
+as a strong man can lift from the ground.'<a name="Anchor-148" id="Anchor-148"></a><a href="#Footnote-148" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 148.">[148]</a> At
+Alston the king had in addition the fifteenth penny
+from the other eight dishes, but had to provide at
+his own expense a man called 'the driver,' who
+understood how to separate the silver from the lead.<a name="Anchor-149" id="Anchor-149"></a><a href="#Footnote-149" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 149.">[149]</a>
+This method of paying a proportion of the produce
+was clearly the fairest to all concerned, for, as the
+Cumberland miners said in 1278, though they knew
+that there was ore enough to last to the end of time,
+no one could tell the yearly value of the mines, as
+it depended upon the richness of the ore they struck,<a name="Anchor-150" id="Anchor-150"></a><a href="#Footnote-150" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 150.">[150]</a>
+and in the same way when Robert de Thorp was
+made warden of the Devon mines in 1308,<a name="Anchor-151" id="Anchor-151"></a><a href="#Footnote-151" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 151.">[151]</a> it was
+expressly stated that no definite sum was to be
+demanded of him, because the silver-bearing ore,
+the refined lead, and the reworked slag all had
+'diversetez de bonntez et quantitez de respouns.'
+In addition to the payment of lot ore, the miners
+had to give tithes to the Church. In some cases
+these tithes originated in a definite grant, more
+often they seem to have been regarded as compensation
+for the tithes of crops which would otherwise
+have grown on the ground taken by the mines; but
+the strangest reason for claiming them was that
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[48]</a></span>lead was itself a titheable crop, because it 'grew
+and renewed in the veins.'<a name="Anchor-152" id="Anchor-152"></a><a href="#Footnote-152" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 152.">[152]</a></p>
+
+<p>While many small mines were worked by parties
+of free miners under these conditions, for their own
+profit, and at their own risk, there must have been
+from very early times a large number of poor men
+who worked for the king, the lord of the soil, or
+capitalist adventurers, receiving wages either by
+piece or by time. The regulations for the payment
+of these hired miners in the royal mines of Beer
+Alston, in Devonshire, drawn up in 1297 are of
+considerable interest.<a name="Anchor-153" id="Anchor-153"></a><a href="#Footnote-153" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 153.">[153]</a></p>
+
+<p>'As to the piecework of the miners, those who can
+find ore in their diggings shall receive for piecework
+as before, that is to say 5s. for the load,<a name="Anchor-154" id="Anchor-154"></a><a href="#Footnote-154" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 154.">[154]</a> as well
+of black as of white ore, if the white cannot reasonably
+be put lower. And those who are engaged in
+"dead" [<i>i.e.</i> unremunerative] work, and cannot find
+ore in their diggings, and yet work more, for some
+dead work is harder than (digging in) the vein, shall
+be at wages (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">a lour soutz</i>) until they reach the ore,
+so that all piecework be undertaken by two or three
+gangs who divide the profits between themselves, as
+well to those doing dead work as to the others.'</p>
+
+<p>That the price of 5s. a load was calculated to pay
+the miners for their preliminary unproductive 'dead'
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[49]</a></span>work, may be gathered from the fact that 'tithe ore,'
+that is to say the ore paid to the Church, was bought
+back from the rector of Beer at 2s. the load, and a
+further 9d. was deducted from this sum for washing
+the ore.<a name="Anchor-155" id="Anchor-155"></a><a href="#Footnote-155" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 155.">[155]</a> At the same time it is clear that where
+the 'dead' work was exceptionally heavy or the
+eventual yield small this system of payment would
+not work; and in 1323 we find that the 'dead work'
+of clearing, searching, and digging into an old mine
+in Devon was paid at the rate of 3s. 4d. the fathom,
+and that two gangs of six men were paid at the
+daily rate of 7d.-9d., about 1½d. a head, for searching
+for the vein and for piercing the hard rock to follow
+up the vein in hope of finding a richer vein.<a name="Anchor-156" id="Anchor-156"></a><a href="#Footnote-156" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 156.">[156]</a></p>
+
+<p>By the Ordinance of 1297 wages were to be paid
+every Saturday, though as a matter of fact we find
+that they were constantly falling into arrears.</p>
+
+<p>'All the ore of each week shall be measured before
+the Saturday and carried to the boles or other places
+where it is to be smelted. And knowledge shall
+be taken each Saturday or Sunday of the issues
+of each week in all things. And the payments shall
+be made to the miners and other workmen the same
+Saturday. And no miner shall remain in a market
+town under colour of buying food, or in other manner
+after the ninth hour on Sunday, without leave.'</p>
+
+<p>Besides their wages the miners received such
+iron, steel, and ropes as they required, free of charge,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[50]</a></span>and had the use of a forge for the repair of their
+tools.<a name="Anchor-157" id="Anchor-157"></a><a href="#Footnote-157" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 157.">[157]</a> At Beer, in 1297, there were three forges,
+one for each of the three mines into which the field
+was divided,<a name="Anchor-158" id="Anchor-158"></a><a href="#Footnote-158" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 158.">[158]</a> and each worked by a man and a boy.
+In addition to the smiths<a name="Anchor-159" id="Anchor-159"></a><a href="#Footnote-159" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 159.">[159]</a> there would be, as auxiliaries,
+one or more candlemakers, carpenters, charcoal-burners,
+and woodcutters. In many mines it
+was also necessary to employ a number of hands in
+baling water out of the pits with leathern bodges or
+buckets; during April 1323 an average of twenty
+persons were so engaged at Beer Alston, and during
+one week the number rose to forty-eight.<a name="Anchor-160" id="Anchor-160"></a><a href="#Footnote-160" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 160.">[160]</a> So
+greatly did the accumulation of water in the pits
+interfere with work, that in early times the Devon
+mines were closed down during the winter,<a name="Anchor-161" id="Anchor-161"></a><a href="#Footnote-161" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 161.">[161]</a> and it
+was not until about 1297 that means were found of
+dealing with this evil. About that date the plan
+of draining the pits by means of 'avidods' or
+adits, that is to say horizontal galleries driven from
+the bottom of the pits to a level of free drainage
+on the surface, already in use in the tin mines, was
+introduced into the lead mines. The ordinances
+of 1297 arranged for one hundred tinners to work
+in 'avidods,' and the accounts of the working of
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[51]</a></span>these mines for the same year show payments
+averaging £12, 10s. to 'William Pepercorn and his
+partners,' and to six other gangs 'for making
+avidods.'<a name="Anchor-162" id="Anchor-162"></a><a href="#Footnote-162" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 162.">[162]</a> It was probably in the following year
+that Walter de Langton, Bishop of Chester, reported
+that the yield of the Beer mine had been doubled
+by the new method of draining, as they could now
+work as well in the winter as in the summer.<a name="Anchor-163" id="Anchor-163"></a><a href="#Footnote-163" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 163.">[163]</a></p>
+
+<p>The ore having been raised was broken up with
+a hammer, no mechanical stamps being used apparently
+before the sixteenth century, if then, though
+there is mention in 1302 of a machine (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">ingenium</i>) for
+breaking 'black work' or slag.<a name="Anchor-164" id="Anchor-164"></a><a href="#Footnote-164" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 164.">[164]</a> It was then
+washed in 'buddles' or troughs, with the aid of
+coarse sieves, women being frequently employed for
+this process. The washed ore, separated as far as
+possible from stone and other impurities, was then
+carried to the smelting furnace. The commonest
+type of furnace was the 'bole,' a rough stone structure
+like a limekiln, with an opening at the top,
+serving as a chimney, and also for charging the
+furnace, and one or more vents at the base for the
+blast. These boles were usually built in exposed and
+draughty positions, and could only be used when
+the wind was favourable. At an early date they
+were supplemented by 'slag-hearths' or furnaces
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[52]</a></span>(<i lang="it" xml:lang="it">fornelli</i>) possessing an artificial blast and closely
+resembling blacksmiths' forges. The bellows of these
+hearths were usually driven by the feet of men or
+women, but a water mill was in use in Devon at least
+as early as 1295,<a name="Anchor-165" id="Anchor-165"></a><a href="#Footnote-165" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 165.">[165]</a> and at Wolsingham, in Durham,
+in 1426 water power was used when available, the
+footblast being used during dry seasons.<a name="Anchor-166" id="Anchor-166"></a><a href="#Footnote-166" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 166.">[166]</a> The fuel
+of the boles was brushwood, and that of the hearths
+charcoal, with peat and, for the remelting of the
+lead, sea-coal. In Devon mention is made of a
+third type of smelting house, the 'hutte,' the nature
+of which is obscure. The huttes are usually classed
+with the boles;<a name="Anchor-167" id="Anchor-167"></a><a href="#Footnote-167" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 167.">[167]</a> thus it was noted in 1297 that 'from
+each load of black ore smelted at the huttes and
+boles there come 3½ feet of silver-lead, each foot
+containing 70 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> of lead, each pound weighing
+25s. sterling. And from a load of black ore smelted
+by the mill furnace come 3 feet of silver-lead. And
+from a load of white ore smelted by the furnace or
+elsewhere come 1½ feet of silver-lead. Moreover a
+pound of lead made from black ore smelted by the
+boles and huttes and by their furnaces yields 2 <abbr title="pennyweight">dwt.</abbr>
+of silver; a pound of lead from black ore smelted
+by the mill furnace yields 3 <abbr title="pennyweight">dwt.</abbr> of silver; and a
+pound made from white ore 1½ <abbr title="pennyweight">dwt.</abbr>' In the same
+way the 'black work' or slag of both boles and
+huttes were reworked at the furnaces.<a name="Anchor-168" id="Anchor-168"></a><a href="#Footnote-168" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 168.">[168]</a> A possible
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[53]</a></span>hint is found in the fact that large quantities of
+refined lead had to be put into the hutte when it
+was first lit,'as the huttes cannot burn ore or smelt
+lead without the addition of sufficient melted lead
+at the start to roast (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">coquenda</i>) the ore in the lead
+so added.'<a name="Anchor-169" id="Anchor-169"></a><a href="#Footnote-169" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 169.">[169]</a> This certainly suggests some sort of
+cupellation furnaces. Yet another type of furnace
+was the 'turn-hearth' used in the Mendips; the
+construction of this, again, is obscure, but it seems
+to have derived its name from some portion of the
+hearth being movable and adjustable to changing
+winds, while it would seem that the ordinary furnace
+could only be used when the wind blew from a
+particular quarter.<a name="Anchor-170" id="Anchor-170"></a><a href="#Footnote-170" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 170.">[170]</a> There are references in 1302
+to a '<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">fornellus versatilis</i>' used in the Devon mines,
+and one entry speaks of making the furnace 'upon
+the turning machine' (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">super ingenium versatile</i>).<a name="Anchor-171" id="Anchor-171"></a><a href="#Footnote-171" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 171.">[171]</a></p>
+
+<p>The bolers and furnacemen, who were paid about
+12d. to 16d. a week, their assistants receiving about
+half those amounts, having cast the lead into pigs
+and stamped it, handed it over to the wardens of the
+mine. The next process was the refining of the
+silver from the lead by cupellation. When an alloy
+of silver and lead is melted on an open hearth with
+free access of air, the lead is oxidized and, in the
+form of litharge, can be removed either by skimming
+it off or by absorption by the porous body of the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[54]</a></span>hearth, leaving the silver in a more or less pure form.
+By adding more lead and repeating the process the
+silver can be further refined. In England it seems
+to have been usual to remove the litharge by absorption;
+in the case of the Romano-British refinery
+at Silchester,<a name="Anchor-172" id="Anchor-172"></a><a href="#Footnote-172" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 172.">[172]</a> the absorbent material used was
+bone ash, but in the medieval refineries at the Devon
+mines charred 'tan turves,'<a name="Anchor-173" id="Anchor-173"></a><a href="#Footnote-173" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 173.">[173]</a> or refuse blocks of oak
+bark from the tanneries, were used, and probably
+the same material was used in Derbyshire, the
+southern mines being largely worked by Derbyshire
+miners. A thick bed of this tan-ash was made with
+a dished hollow in the middle, in which was placed
+the fuel and the lead; the hearth was then fired
+and blast supplied from the side: when the whole
+was melted the fire was raked aside and the blast
+turned on to the upper surface of the molten metal,
+which was thus rapidly oxidized and so refined.</p>
+
+<p>But first, as soon as the mass of silver-lead was in
+a fluid state, 'before the ash has absorbed any of the
+lead, the lead is to be stirred and mixed so that it is
+of equal quality throughout, and a quantity of the
+lead amounting to about 6s. weight shall be taken
+out, and this shall be divided into two parts, half
+being given to the refiner, ticketed with his name,
+and the date and sealed by the wardens, and the other
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[55]</a></span>half shall be assayed by the king's assayer in the
+presence of the wardens and of the refiner, and the
+refiner shall answer for the whole of that refining
+at the rate of the assay, as nearly as is reasonable,
+having regard to the fact that there is greater waste
+and loss in the big operation of refining than in the
+assay. And when the silver has been fully refined
+it shall be given by the refiners to the wardens for a
+tally (or receipt) of the weight, so that there shall be
+neither suspicion nor deceit on either side....
+And the lead that remains in the ash after the
+refining shall be resmelted at a suitable time.'<a name="Anchor-174" id="Anchor-174"></a><a href="#Footnote-174" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 174.">[174]</a>
+These ordinances of 1297, just quoted, arranged for
+there being five skilled refiners at the Devon mines,
+and the account rolls show that they received from
+18d. to 2s. a week.</p>
+
+<p>The silver seems to have been cast into plates
+or ingots varying from ten to twenty pounds in
+weight and value (for the monetary pound was
+simply the pound weight of standard silver). Its
+purity probably varied, for while in 1296 the pound
+of refined silver was mixed with 14d. of alloy to bring
+it to the standard,<a name="Anchor-175" id="Anchor-175"></a><a href="#Footnote-175" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 175.">[175]</a> a few years later silver weighing
+£132, 5s. was worth only £131, 13s. 7¼d. in coined
+money,<a name="Anchor-176" id="Anchor-176"></a><a href="#Footnote-176" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 176.">[176]</a> and 370 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> of silver sent up from Martinstowe
+in 1294 had to be further refined in London
+before it could be made into silver vessels for the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[56]</a></span>Countess of Barre.<a name="Anchor-177" id="Anchor-177"></a><a href="#Footnote-177" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 177.">[177]</a> In the case of the lead we
+have the usual medieval complexity of weights. An
+early entry<a name="Anchor-178" id="Anchor-178"></a><a href="#Footnote-178" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 178.">[178]</a> records that 'a carretate (or cartload) of
+lead of the Peak contains 24 fotinels, each of 70 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>,
+and the fotinel contains 14 cuts<a name="Anchor-179" id="Anchor-179"></a><a href="#Footnote-179" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 179.">[179]</a> of 5 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> A carretate
+of London is larger by 420 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>' The London
+weight appears to have gained the day, as a later
+entry gives 13½ <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> to a stone, 6 stones to a foot, and
+30 feet (or 2430 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>) to a carretate 'according to the
+weight of the Peak.'<a name="Anchor-180" id="Anchor-180"></a><a href="#Footnote-180" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 180.">[180]</a> In Devon we find in 1297
+carretates of 24 feet and 32 feet in use simultaneously,
+the foot being 70 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> here as in Derbyshire.<a name="Anchor-181" id="Anchor-181"></a><a href="#Footnote-181" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 181.">[181]</a></p>
+
+<p>In no other part of England had the lead-mining
+industry so continuous a history of steady prosperity
+as in Derbyshire. The Devon mines seem to have
+been richer and more productive during a short
+period, but the half century, 1290-1340 practically
+covers the period of their boom. During the five
+years, 1292-1297, these mines produced £4046 of
+silver, and about £360 worth of lead; next year the
+silver amounted to £1450. Then in April 1299 the
+king leased the mines to the Friscobaldi, Italian
+merchants and money-lenders, with whom he had
+many dealings.<a name="Anchor-182" id="Anchor-182"></a><a href="#Footnote-182" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 182.">[182]</a> They agreed to pay 13s. 4d. a
+load for the ore, but after about a year, during which
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[57]</a></span>time they drew some 3600 loads of ore,<a name="Anchor-183" id="Anchor-183"></a><a href="#Footnote-183" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 183.">[183]</a> they found
+that they were losing heavily, the ore not being
+worth more than 10s. a load, and the costs of working
+being higher than they had expected.<a name="Anchor-184" id="Anchor-184"></a><a href="#Footnote-184" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 184.">[184]</a> The
+mines, however, continued to yield well when
+worked by the king for his own benefit, as much as
+£1773 of silver and £180 from lead being obtained
+in 1305: this, however, seems to have been the
+highwater mark, the yield for 1347 being only
+£70.<a name="Anchor-185" id="Anchor-185"></a><a href="#Footnote-185" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 185.">[185]</a> After this the mines were let to private
+adventurers from time to time; but such records as
+we have do not suggest that many fortunes were
+made from them: in 1426 the yield for the previous
+two and a half years had been 39 ounces of silver,<a name="Anchor-186" id="Anchor-186"></a><a href="#Footnote-186" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 186.">[186]</a>
+for the year 1442 it was £17,<a name="Anchor-187" id="Anchor-187"></a><a href="#Footnote-187" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 187.">[187]</a> but for the six years,
+1445-51, the average output rose to 4000 ounces.<a name="Anchor-188" id="Anchor-188"></a><a href="#Footnote-188" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 188.">[188]</a>
+At the beginning of the boom, in 1295, it was found
+necessary to recruit labour from the older lead-mining
+districts, and commissioners were appointed to select
+miners for Devon from Cheshire, Earl Warenne's
+liberty of Bromfield in Shropshire, the Peak,
+Gloucester, Somerset, and Dorset.<a name="Anchor-189" id="Anchor-189"></a><a href="#Footnote-189" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 189.">[189]</a> The ordinances
+of 1297 stipulated for 150 miners from the
+Peak, and an equal number of local men from Devon
+and Cornwall, though the accounts show that there
+were that year 384 miners from the Peak, and 35
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[58]</a></span>from Wales.<a name="Anchor-190" id="Anchor-190"></a><a href="#Footnote-190" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 190.">[190]</a> On the other hand, in 1296, while
+we have over 300 miners coming from the Peak, a
+twelve days' journey, we also find four picked men
+sent from Devon to the king's court, and thence to
+Ireland to prospect on the king's behalf.<a name="Anchor-191" id="Anchor-191"></a><a href="#Footnote-191" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 191.">[191]</a></p>
+
+<p>The prosperity of the Devon mines caused an
+increase of activity in those of Somerset, where a
+number of fresh strikes were reported during the
+early years of the fourteenth century, about one of
+which an optimistic lead reeve wrote to the Bishop
+of Bath and Wells as follows:<a name="Anchor-192" id="Anchor-192"></a><a href="#Footnote-192" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 192.">[192]</a>—</p>
+
+<p>'Know, my lord, that your workmen have found
+a splendid mine<a name="Anchor-193" id="Anchor-193"></a><a href="#Footnote-193" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 193.">[193]</a> of lead on the Mendips to the east
+of Priddy, and one that can be opened up with no
+trouble, being only five or six feet below the ground.
+And since these workmen are so often thieves,
+craftily separating the silver from the lead, stealthily
+taking it away, and when they have collected a
+quantity fleeing like thieves and deserting their
+work, as has frequently happened in times past,
+therefore your bailiffs are causing the ore to be
+carried to your court of Wookey where there is a
+furnace built at which the workmen smelt the ore
+under supervision of certain persons appointed by
+your steward. And as the steward, bailiffs, and
+workmen consider that there is a great deal of silver
+in the lead, on account of its whiteness and sonority,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[59]</a></span>they beg that you will send them as soon as possible
+a good and faithful workman upon whom they can
+rely. I have seen the first piece of lead smelted
+there, of great size and weight, which when it is
+struck rings almost like silver, wherefore I agree
+with the others that if it is faithfully worked the
+business should prove of immense value to yourself
+and to the neighbourhood, and if a reliable workman
+is obtained I think that it would be expedient to
+smelt the ore where it is dug, on account of the
+labour of carrying so heavy material such a distance.
+The ore is in grains like sand.'</p>
+
+<p>There is no evidence that this mine fulfilled the sanguine
+expectations of its discoverers, but about the
+same time, in 1314, we find Herman de Alemannia
+and other adventurers working a mine in Brushford,
+near Dulverton.<a name="Anchor-194" id="Anchor-194"></a><a href="#Footnote-194" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 194.">[194]</a> The Germans were for many
+centuries the most skilled miners, and English mining
+owes much to their enterprise. As an instance of their
+greater skill we may take the case of Thomas de
+Alemaigne, silver finer,<a name="Anchor-195" id="Anchor-195"></a><a href="#Footnote-195" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 195.">[195]</a> who being out of work
+petitioned the king to grant him the refuse and slag
+(<i>les aftirwas et les remisailles</i>) thrown aside at the
+mines in Devonshire, which had been refined so far
+as those at the mines could refine them: no one
+else would touch them, so the king would get no
+gain unless he granted them to Thomas, who was
+willing to pay 20s. a year for the right to rework
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[60]</a></span>them. This same Thomas de Alemaigne was
+appointed in 1324 to dig, cleanse, and examine the
+king's mines in Cumberland and Westmoreland.<a name="Anchor-196" id="Anchor-196"></a><a href="#Footnote-196" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 196.">[196]</a>
+Probably these mines had not been worked for some
+time previous, as in 1292 the total issues of the
+Alston mines for the last fourteen years were said
+to have been £4, 0s. 2d., possibly owing to the
+absence of fuel, which is given as the reason for an
+iron mine there being worth only 15s. a year.<a name="Anchor-197" id="Anchor-197"></a><a href="#Footnote-197" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 197.">[197]</a>
+Later, in 1359, Tilman de Cologne was farming the
+Alston mines, and in 1475, as a result apparently
+of a report by George Willarby<a name="Anchor-198" id="Anchor-198"></a><a href="#Footnote-198" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 198.">[198]</a> that there were
+in the north of England three notable mines, one
+containing 27 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> of silver to the fodder of lead
+with a vein half a rod broad, another 18 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> with
+a vein five rods broad, and the third 4 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> with
+a vein 1¼ rods broad, the mines of Blaunchlond in
+Northumberland, Fletchers in Alston, Keswick in
+Cumberland, and also the copper mine near Richmond,
+were granted for fifteen years to the Duke of
+Gloucester, the Earl of Northumberland, William
+Goderswyk, and John Marchall.<a name="Anchor-199" id="Anchor-199"></a><a href="#Footnote-199" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 199.">[199]</a> The two noblemen
+were presumably sleeping partners, and appear
+to have abandoned the arrangement, as soon afterwards,
+in 1478, William Goderswyk, Henry Van
+Orel, Arnold van Anne, and Albert Millyng of
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[61]</a></span>Cologne, and Dederic van Riswyk of England,
+received a grant for ten years of all mines of gold,
+silver, copper, and lead in Northumberland, Cumberland,
+and Westmoreland, paying one-fifteenth of the
+profits.<a name="Anchor-200" id="Anchor-200"></a><a href="#Footnote-200" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 200.">[200]</a></p>
+
+<p>Although gold is mentioned in this last entry and
+in a number of other grants of mines in the fifteenth
+century, and though Galias de Lune and his partners
+were licensed in 1462 to dig ores containing gold
+in Gloucestershire and Somerset,<a name="Anchor-201" id="Anchor-201"></a><a href="#Footnote-201" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 201.">[201]</a> gold does not
+appear to have been worked in paying quantities
+in England. In 1325 John de Wylwringword was
+sent down to the mines of Devon and Cornwall
+to seek for gold: he obtained from the Devon mines
+22 <abbr title="pennyweight">dwt.</abbr>, of which he refined 3 <abbr title="pennyweight">dwt.</abbr> at Exeter; this
+yielded 2½ <abbr title="pennyweight">dwt.</abbr> of pure gold.<a name="Anchor-202" id="Anchor-202"></a><a href="#Footnote-202" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 202.">[202]</a> The remainder was
+sent up to the Exchequer and eventually refined at
+York; but this is almost the only note we have of
+gold being found, though no doubt small quantities
+were found from time to time in the Cornish stream
+tinworks.</p>
+
+<p>In 1545 one <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Clere declared that certain gold
+called 'gold hoppes and gold oore' in every stream
+tinwork in Devon and Cornwall was by ignorance of
+the tinners molten with the tin, and so conveyed
+abroad; certain persons were appointed to test his
+statement.<a name="Anchor-203" id="Anchor-203"></a><a href="#Footnote-203" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 203.">[203]</a></p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[62]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2>CHAPTER <abbr title="4">IV</abbr><br />
+
+<small>MINING—TIN</small></h2>
+
+
+<p>Tin mining claims an antiquity unsurpassed by any
+other industry in this country, but with what degree
+of justice may well be doubted. The claim of the
+western promontory of Britain, later known as
+Cornwall and Devon, to be the Cassiterides or Tin
+Islands whence the Phœnicians obtained their stores
+of that metal at least five hundred years before the
+Christian era rests upon rather shadowy grounds.<a name="Anchor-204" id="Anchor-204"></a><a href="#Footnote-204" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 204.">[204]</a>
+Diodorus Siculus, who wrote about <span class="smcap lowercase">B.C.</span> 30, is the
+first writer definitely to connect Britain with the
+tin trade, and his statements appear to be based
+rather upon a doubtful understanding of earlier
+topographers than upon actual knowledge. According
+to him the tin was produced in the promontory
+of 'Bolerium' and brought to the island of 'Ictis,'
+whence it was transported to Gaul. If 'Bolerium'
+is Cornwall, then there is no reason to doubt that
+'Ictis' is 'Insula Vectis,' or the Isle of Wight, which
+was at that date still connected to the mainland by
+a narrow ridge of rock, covered at highwater, but dry
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[63]</a></span>at low water, as 'Ictis' is said to have been.<a name="Anchor-205" id="Anchor-205"></a><a href="#Footnote-205" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 205.">[205]</a> It is
+certainly strange, if an ancient and well-established
+trade in tin really existed in Britain when the
+Romans came over, that that race, with its keen
+eye for metallic wealth, should have made no use of
+the tin mines of Cornwall. Yet there is no reference
+to these mines in the literature of the period of the
+Roman occupation, nor are there traces of anything
+approaching an occupation of Cornwall by the
+Romans, who appear to have ignored this corner
+of Britain completely. After the departure of the
+Romans, and before the Saxons conquered this
+district, which did not happen till the middle of
+the tenth century, there is some evidence of tin
+being worked here, as Cornish tin is said to have
+been carried over to France in the seventh century,
+and in a life of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> John of Alexandria, who died in
+616, there is a story of an Alexandrian galley coming
+to Britain for tin.<a name="Anchor-206" id="Anchor-206"></a><a href="#Footnote-206" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 206.">[206]</a> That the Saxons worked the tin
+seems probable from the discovery of Saxon remains
+in the <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Austell tin grounds and elsewhere,<a name="Anchor-207" id="Anchor-207"></a><a href="#Footnote-207" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 207.">[207]</a> but
+the industry can hardly have been of any great
+importance at the time of the Norman Conquest, as
+there is no reference to it in the Domesday Survey.</p>
+
+<p>While the history of tin mining in Britain prior to
+the middle of the twelfth century is problematical,
+there is from that time onwards an immense mass
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[64]</a></span>of material bearing upon the subject. This material
+has been patiently examined by Mr. George Randall
+Lewis, and summarised in his work on <cite>The Stannaries</cite>,<a name="Anchor-208" id="Anchor-208"></a><a href="#Footnote-208" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 208.">[208]</a>
+a book so full and complete that I have
+saved myself much labour by basing this chapter
+almost entirely upon it.</p>
+
+<p>There are, as might be expected, many analogies
+between the mining of tin and the mining of lead.
+The processes were very similar, and the laws
+governing the workers had much in common, but it
+is in the case of the Stannaries that we find the full
+development of the 'free miner,' so far as England
+is concerned. Certain initial differences in the
+methods employed are observable owing to the form
+in which tin is obtained. Tin, like other metals,
+exists in veins or lodes embedded in the rock at
+various depths; where these veins outcrop on the
+banks of a stream they are broken up by the action
+of the water and climatic variations, the resultant
+pile of stanniferous boulders being known as 'shode';
+the waters of the stream constantly wear away
+small pieces of the tin ore and carry it downwards
+until, owing to its heavy specific gravity, the tin
+sinks, forming a deposit in the bed of the stream
+which may sometimes be as much as twenty feet
+thick. It was this third class of alluvial tin which
+was alone worked in prehistoric and early medieval
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[65]</a></span>days. This might safely be assumed, but rather remarkable
+confirmation is obtained from an account
+of tin worked for Edmund of Cornwall in 1297.
+From this it appears that twenty-eight and a half
+'foot-fates' of ore produced a thousand-weight
+(1200 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>) of 'white tin,' the proportion corresponding
+pretty closely with those—three 'foot-fates'
+of ore to yield 105 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> of metal—given in the
+sixteenth century by Thomas Beare for alluvial
+or 'stream' tin, which was far richer than mine
+tin.<a name="Anchor-209" id="Anchor-209"></a><a href="#Footnote-209" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 209.">[209]</a> It cannot have been very long before the
+miners realised that the stream tin was carried down
+by the water, and started to search for its source.
+The 'shode,' or boulder tin, must therefore have
+been worked almost as early as the alluvial deposits,
+and the final stage was the working of the 'lode.'
+In this lode mining the first workings were no doubt
+shallow trenches and confined to places where the
+ore lay close to the surface; a somewhat greater
+depth was obtained by 'shamelling,' the trench
+being carried down in stages, a 'shamell' or platform
+being left at each stage at the height to which
+the miner could throw his ore; finally came the
+deep shaft with galleries. But here, as in all mining,
+the question of drainage came in. Where the workings
+were quite shallow the water could be baled
+out with wooden bowls, or a 'level,' or deep ditch,
+could be dug. For greater depths the adit, or
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[66]</a></span>drainage gallery (see above, p. 50), was available,
+and although Mr. Lewis<a name="Anchor-210" id="Anchor-210"></a><a href="#Footnote-210" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 210.">[210]</a> cannot find any instance of
+the use of the adit in tin mining before the seventeenth
+century, it does not seem reasonable to doubt
+that it was in use much earlier. Exactly when
+pumps and other draining machines were introduced
+into the tin mines is not clear, but probably they
+were little used during our medieval period, when
+few of the mines were of any great depth.<a name="Anchor-211" id="Anchor-211"></a><a href="#Footnote-211" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 211.">[211]</a></p>
+
+<p>The primitive miner, when he had got his ore with
+the aid of his simple tools, a wooden shovel and a
+pick, also in earliest times of wood, but later of iron,
+constructed a rough hearth of stones on which he
+kindled a fire. When it was burning strongly he cast
+in his ore and afterwards collected the molten tin from
+the ashes. The next stage was to construct a regular
+furnace, exactly similar in type to the boles or furnaces
+used for lead-melting (see above, p. 51). These
+furnaces were enclosed in a building, the 'blowing-house,'
+in early times a rough thatched shanty,
+which was burnt from time to time to obtain the
+metallic dust which had lodged in the thatch, but
+afterwards more substantial. The cost of a 'melting
+howse' (80 feet by 20 feet) built at Larian in Cornwall
+by Burcord Crangs, a German, in the time of Queen
+Mary, was about £300, composed as follows:<a name="Anchor-212" id="Anchor-212"></a><a href="#Footnote-212" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 212.">[212]</a>—</p>
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[67]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">For the ryddyng, clensing and leveling of
+the ground for setting of the foundacon
+therof</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">£23</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">6</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">8</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">For making foundacon of the walls and
+the poynyons of the meltyng howse</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">120</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">For making of the audit<a name="Anchor-213" id="Anchor-213"></a><a href="#Footnote-213" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 213.">[213]</a> to build the
+fornas and meltyng chymney upon</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">30</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">For tymbering and covering the howse
+with esclattes</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">50</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">For dores, windows, locks, and barres</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">6</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">The whele, exultree and the stampers</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">10</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">For 4 paire of grete bellowes wt their
+geames and other necessaryes</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">20</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">For makyng of the Colehouse</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">15</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">For makyng of the Rostingehowse<a name="Anchor-214" id="Anchor-214"></a><a href="#Footnote-214" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 214.">[214]</a></td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">20</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">For makyng of the lete and dyke comyng
+to the meltynghowse</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">66</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">For the hatt and the crane</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">20</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td>
+    <td class="tdr vb">0</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p>The lumps of ore were first broken up with
+hammers or in a mill; the powdered ore was then
+washed to free it as far as possible from earthy impurities.
+Sometimes this was done with a 'vanne,'
+or shovel, the heavy ore remaining at the point of
+the shovel and the lighter impurities being washed
+away. An elaborate process was also used, in which
+the water containing the powdered ore was allowed
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[68]</a></span>to run over pieces of turf, the metallic portion
+sinking and becoming entangled in the fibres. The
+usual method, however, was by means of troughs
+or 'buddles.' This washing was not only a necessary
+preliminary to the smelting, but had an economic
+importance, as it was at the wash that the ore was
+divided when a claim was worked by partners, and
+the tribute or share due to the lord of the soil was
+apportioned; it was also, towards the end of the
+medieval period, the only place where the ore might
+be bought by dealers.<a name="Anchor-215" id="Anchor-215"></a><a href="#Footnote-215" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 215.">[215]</a> To prevent fraud it was
+therefore enacted that due notice should be given
+of washes, and no secret buddles should be used.</p>
+
+<p>When we first get any details of tin-working, in
+1198, it was usual for the tin to be smelted twice,
+the first being a rough process performed near the
+tinfield, but the second, or refining, being only
+permitted at special places and in the presence of
+the officers of the stannaries. The tin from the
+first smelting had to be stamped by the royal officers
+within two weeks of smelting, a toll being paid to the
+king at the same time of 2s. 6d. per thousand-weight
+in Devon, and of 5s. in Cornwall. Moreover, by the
+regulations of 1198, within thirteen weeks the tin
+had to be resmelted and again stamped, this time
+paying a tax of one mark.<a name="Anchor-216" id="Anchor-216"></a><a href="#Footnote-216" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 216.">[216]</a> The double smelting
+possibly ceased before the end of the thirteenth
+century. In any case the fiscal arrangement was
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[69]</a></span>altered, and in 1302, not long after the stannaries
+had reverted to the Crown, after being in the hands
+of the Earls of Cornwall from 1231 to 1300, we find
+the stampage dues consolidated into a single coinage
+duty. Under this system of coinage all the tin
+smelted had to be sent to certain specified towns,
+those for Cornwall being Bodmin, Liskeard, Lostwithiel,
+Helston, and Truro; and for Devon, Chagford,
+Tavistock, Plympton, and Ashburton. Here
+the tin remained until the two yearly visits of the
+coinage officials, at Michaelmas and Midsummer,
+when each block, weighing roughly 200 to 300 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>,
+was assayed, weighed, and taxed: it was then
+stamped and might be sold. To prevent fraud an
+elaborate system of marking was gradually introduced
+during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
+and the use of private marks by the owners
+of the blowing-houses was probably of much earlier
+origin. The use of these marks was designed not
+only to protect the merchant, but also to act as a
+check on smuggling, of which an immense amount
+undoubtedly went on.<a name="Anchor-217" id="Anchor-217"></a><a href="#Footnote-217" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 217.">[217]</a></p>
+
+<p>One result of the coinage system, by which tin
+might not be sold until stamped, and could only be
+stamped twice a year, was that the smaller tin-workers
+inevitably fell into the hands of the capitalists.
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[70]</a></span>The small independent tinner, with no reserve
+of capital to draw upon, had almost always to pledge
+his tin in advance to the adventurers and tin-dealers,
+and as a result he was often worse off with his theoretical
+independence than he would have been as a
+recognised wage-labourer. The wage work system
+must have been introduced into the stannaries at
+quite an early period. Even in 1237 there are
+references to servants who worked the mines for the
+tinners.<a name="Anchor-218" id="Anchor-218"></a><a href="#Footnote-218" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 218.">[218]</a> In 1342 certain of the wealthier Cornish
+tinners endeavoured to force their poorer brethren to
+work for them at a penny a day, when they had been
+working tin worth 20d. or more daily, and it is said
+that Abraham the tinner in 1357 was actually employing
+three hundred persons on his works. Side by
+side with these hired workmen were the independent
+tinners, working either separately or, more usually
+in partnerships; but from the small amounts which
+many of these tinners presented for coinage, Mr.
+Lewis has concluded that they may have been only
+partly dependent upon their mining.<a name="Anchor-219" id="Anchor-219"></a><a href="#Footnote-219" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 219.">[219]</a> There is,
+however, the complication that the small amounts
+presented may in part have been due to their
+having sold their ore to the larger dealers, but it
+is clear that some of the tinners did also carry on
+farming.</p>
+
+<p>While the economic position of the smaller tinners
+must often have been little, if at all, superior to that
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[71]</a></span>of ordinary labourers, their political position was
+remarkable. They constituted a state within a
+state; the free miner 'paid taxes not as an Englishman,
+but as a miner. His law was not the law of the
+realm, but that of his mine. He obeyed the king
+only when his orders were communicated through
+the warden of the mines, and even then so long only
+as he respected the mining law. His courts were the
+mine courts, his parliament the mine parliament.'<a name="Anchor-220" id="Anchor-220"></a><a href="#Footnote-220" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 220.">[220]</a>
+The tinner was a free man and could not be subjected
+to the system of villeinage. He had the right
+of prospecting anywhere within the two counties,
+except in churchyards, highways, and gardens, and
+might 'bound' or stake out a claim by the simple
+process of cutting shallow holes and making piles of
+turf at the four corners of his claim, and such claim
+would be his absolute property provided that he
+worked it (the exact amount of work necessary to
+retain a claim varied in different places and at
+different periods). For his claim he paid to the lord
+of the land, whether it were the king or a private
+lord, a certain tribute of ore, usually the tenth or the
+fifteenth portion. He had, moreover, the right to
+divert streams, either to obtain water for washing
+his ore, or to enable him to dig in the bed of the
+stream, and the important privilege of compelling
+landowners to sell him fuel for his furnace. Further,
+he had his own courts, and was under the sole
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[72]</a></span>jurisdiction of the warden-officers of the stannaries.
+Each stannary, of which there were five in Cornwall
+and four in Devon, had its own court, presided over
+by a steward, and no tinner might plead or be
+impleaded outside his court, from which the appeal
+lay to the warden, or in practice to the vice-warden.
+How and when these privileges were obtained must
+remain a matter for speculation, but they can be
+traced when William de Wrotham was appointed
+warden in 1198, and were definitely confirmed to
+the tinners by King John in 1201. By development,
+apparently, from the two yearly great courts of the
+stannaries, arose the 'stannary parliaments.' The
+parliament for Cornwall consisted of twenty-four
+members, six being nominated by the mayor and
+council of each of the four towns of Lostwithiel,
+Launceston, Truro, and Helston; that of Devon
+contained ninety-six members, twenty-four from
+each of the stannaries. Those parliaments were
+summoned, through the lord warden, by the Duke
+of Cornwall, in whom the supreme control of the
+stannaries was vested from 1338 onwards, and had
+power not only to legislate for the stannaries, but
+to veto any national legislation which infringed their
+privileges. When the parliaments originated is not
+known, but they were certainly established before
+the beginning of the sixteenth century, prior to
+which date all records of their proceedings are
+lost.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[73]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>With all these privileges, to which may be added
+exemption from ordinary taxation and military
+service, though the tinners were liable to be taxed
+separately and enrolled for service under their own
+officers, it was natural that the exact definition of a
+tinner should have given rise to much dispute. On
+the one hand, it was argued that these exemptions
+and privileges applied only to working tinners
+actually employed in getting ore; on the other, the
+tin dealers, blowers, and owners of blowing-houses
+claimed to be included. Eventually the larger
+definition was accepted, and, indeed, it was almost
+entirely from the capitalist section of the industry
+that the parliaments were elected, from the sixteenth
+century, if not earlier.</p>
+
+<p>It is rather remarkable that when the stannaries
+first come into evidence, in the reign of Henry <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>,
+the chief centre of production appears to have been
+Devon rather than Cornwall.<a name="Anchor-221" id="Anchor-221"></a><a href="#Footnote-221" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 221.">[221]</a> So far as can be
+estimated the output during this reign rose gradually
+from about 70 tons in 1156 to about 350 in 1171.
+Richard <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>, with his constant need of money, reorganised
+the stannaries in 1198, and at the beginning
+of John's reign the output was between 400 and 450
+tons. The issue of the charter to the stannaries
+in 1201 does not seem to have had any immediate
+effect on the industry, but about ten years later
+there was increased activity, the output rising in
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[74]</a></span>1214 to 600 tons.<a name="Anchor-222" id="Anchor-222"></a><a href="#Footnote-222" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 222.">[222]</a> During the early years of
+Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> the tin revenues were farmed out, and no
+details are available either for these years, or from
+the period 1225-1300, during which time the stannaries
+were in the hands of the Earls of Cornwall.
+Two things only are clear, that the total output
+had fallen off, and that Cornwall had now far outstripped
+Devon. The grant of a charter confirming
+the privileges of the stannaries in 1305 seems to
+have marked the beginning of a more prosperous
+era, and by 1337 the output had reached 700 tons.
+The Black Death, however, in 1350 put an end to
+this prosperity, and with the exception of a boom
+during the reign of Henry <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr> tinning did not recover
+until just at the end of our medieval period. Even
+at its worst, however, the industry was a source of
+considerable revenue, the coinage duties<a name="Anchor-223" id="Anchor-223"></a><a href="#Footnote-223" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 223.">[223]</a> never
+falling below £1000, and amounting in 1337 and
+1400 to over £3000, in addition to which there were
+other smaller payments and perquisites.<a name="Anchor-224" id="Anchor-224"></a><a href="#Footnote-224" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 224.">[224]</a> The royal
+privileges of pre-emption was also of value to needy
+kings who frequently availed themselves of it to
+grant this pre-emption, or virtual monopoly, to
+wealthy foreign merchants and other money-lenders
+in return for substantial loans.</p>
+
+<p>Before leaving the subject of the tin mines of
+Cornwall and Devon, it is perhaps worth while
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[75]</a></span>noting that there is virtually no documentary
+evidence of the working of the copper deposits of
+Cornwall prior to the late sixteenth century, and it
+would seem that most of the copper used in medieval
+England must have been imported.</p>
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[76]</a></span></p>
+
+
+
+<h2>CHAPTER <abbr title="5">V</abbr><br />
+
+<small>QUARRYING—STONE, MARBLE, ALABASTER, CHALK</small></h2>
+
+
+<p>Stone-quarrying is an industry to which the
+references in medieval records are more numerous
+than enlightening. It would be easy to fill pages
+with a list of casual references to the working of
+quarries in all parts of England, and after struggling
+through the list the reader would know that stone
+was dug in quite a lot of places at different times,
+which he might have assumed without the documentary
+evidence. It is natural that when a
+castle, an abbey, a church, or other stone building
+is to be erected the stone, whose cost lies mainly in
+transport, should be obtained from the nearest
+possible source. Founders of monasteries frequently
+made grants either of existing quarries or of the
+right to dig stone for the monastic buildings, and the
+discovery of a bed of suitable stone close to the site
+selected for the Conqueror's votive abbey of Battle
+was so opportune as to be deemed a miracle.<a name="Anchor-225" id="Anchor-225"></a><a href="#Footnote-225" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 225.">[225]</a> When
+a monastery was founded in a district where stone
+could not be found, it was almost essential that its
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[77]</a></span>supplies should be drawn if possible from some place
+from which the stone could be carried by water, and
+it was no doubt the position of Barnack between the
+Welland and the Nene that made its quarries so
+important to the monks of the Fenland.<a name="Anchor-226" id="Anchor-226"></a><a href="#Footnote-226" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 226.">[226]</a> The
+abbeys of Peterborough, Ramsey, Crowland, Bury
+<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Edmund and Sawtry all held quarries in Barnack
+and quarrelled amongst themselves over their
+respective rights. The monks of Sawtry, for instance,
+had made a canal for carrying stone to their
+abbey by way of Wittlesea Mere by permission
+of the abbey of Ramsey, a permission which they
+seem to have abused, as in 1192 orders were given
+to block all their lodes except the main one leading
+to Sawtry, and they had to promise to put up no
+buildings except one rest house for the men on their
+stone barges.<a name="Anchor-227" id="Anchor-227"></a><a href="#Footnote-227" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 227.">[227]</a></p>
+
+<p>For York Minster<a name="Anchor-228" id="Anchor-228"></a><a href="#Footnote-228" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 228.">[228]</a> stone was brought from the
+quarries of Thevesdale, Huddleston, and Tadcaster
+down the Wharfe, and from Stapleton down the
+Aire into the Ouse, and so up to <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Leonard's wharf,
+whence it was carried on sleds to the mason's yard.
+Westminster and London were mainly supplied from
+Surrey, from the Reigate and Chaldon quarries, and
+Kent, from the Maidstone district. The tough
+'Kentish rag,' which was used by the Romans for
+the walls of London, was much in demand for the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[78]</a></span>rougher masonry,<a name="Anchor-229" id="Anchor-229"></a><a href="#Footnote-229" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 229.">[229]</a> and in a contract for building a
+wharf by the Tower in 1389, it was stipulated that
+the core of the walls should be of 'raggs,' and the
+facing of 'assheler de Kent.'<a name="Anchor-230" id="Anchor-230"></a><a href="#Footnote-230" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 230.">[230]</a> The Reigate stone,
+on the other hand, was of superior quality and more
+suited for fine work, and we find it constantly used
+for images, carved niches, and window tracery.<a name="Anchor-231" id="Anchor-231"></a><a href="#Footnote-231" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 231.">[231]</a></p>
+
+<p>The most accessible stone not always being the
+most suitable for the varying requirements of architecture,
+it was necessary to find other stone possessing
+the desired qualities, and certain quarries at an
+early date acquired renown. Setting aside the
+famous Norman quarries of Caen, whose stone appears
+in greater or less quantities in hundreds of buildings
+and of records, there are a number of English quarries
+of more than local repute in medieval times. Such
+were the quarries of Beer in Devonshire, from whose
+labyrinthine galleries stone was carried to Rochester
+in 1367,<a name="Anchor-232" id="Anchor-232"></a><a href="#Footnote-232" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 232.">[232]</a> to <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Stephen's Westminster in 1362,<a name="Anchor-233" id="Anchor-233"></a><a href="#Footnote-233" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 233.">[233]</a> and
+elsewhere. The fine limestone, later known as Bath
+Stone, was quarried to a large extent at Haslebury
+in Box in Wiltshire, from which place it was sent
+in 1221 to the royal palace at Winchester for the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[79]</a></span>columns of the hall and for chimney hoods,<a name="Anchor-234" id="Anchor-234"></a><a href="#Footnote-234" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 234.">[234]</a> Richard
+Sired receiving 23s. 4d. for cutting 105 blocks of
+stone in the quarry of Hesalburi.<a name="Anchor-235" id="Anchor-235"></a><a href="#Footnote-235" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 235.">[235]</a> For these same
+works at Winchester much stone was brought from
+the Hampshire quarry of Selebourne, and from the
+better known quarries of the Isle of Wight, while a
+stone-cutter was sent to procure material from the
+quarry of Corfe. This latter was no doubt the same
+as the 'hard stone of Corfe,' bought for Westminster
+in 1278.<a name="Anchor-236" id="Anchor-236"></a><a href="#Footnote-236" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 236.">[236]</a> With Corfe and Purbeck is associated
+Portland stone, which attained its greatest fame in
+the hands of Wren after the Fire of London, but was
+already appreciated in the fourteenth century, when
+it was used in Exeter Cathedral and at Westminster.<a name="Anchor-237" id="Anchor-237"></a><a href="#Footnote-237" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 237.">[237]</a>
+Further east Sussex possessed a number of quarries
+of local importance,<a name="Anchor-238" id="Anchor-238"></a><a href="#Footnote-238" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 238.">[238]</a> and the quarry of green sandstone
+at Eastbourne, from which the great Roman
+walls of Pevensey and the medieval castle within
+them were alike built, probably provided the '28
+stones of Burne, worked for windows of the vault
+under the chapel' at Shene in 1441.<a name="Anchor-239" id="Anchor-239"></a><a href="#Footnote-239" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 239.">[239]</a> Another Sussex
+quarry, that of Fairlight, near Hastings, supplied
+large quantities of stone for Rochester Castle in
+1366 and 1367.<a name="Anchor-240" id="Anchor-240"></a><a href="#Footnote-240" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 240.">[240]</a> The list of stone brought in the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[80]</a></span>latter year at Rochester is of interest as showing
+the various sources from which it was derived.<a name="Anchor-241" id="Anchor-241"></a><a href="#Footnote-241" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 241.">[241]</a>
+There were bought 55 tons of Beer freestone at
+prices varying from 9s. to 10s. the ton,<a name="Anchor-242" id="Anchor-242"></a><a href="#Footnote-242" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 242.">[242]</a> 62 tons of
+Caen stone at 9s., 45 tons of Stapleton freestone<a name="Anchor-243" id="Anchor-243"></a><a href="#Footnote-243" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 243.">[243]</a>
+at 8s., 44 tons of Reigate stone at 6s., 195 tons of
+freestone from Fairlight at 3s. 4d., 1850 tons of
+rag from Maidstone at 40s. the hundred tons, and
+a large quantity<a name="Anchor-244" id="Anchor-244"></a><a href="#Footnote-244" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 244.">[244]</a> of worked stone from Boughton
+Mounchelsea.</p>
+
+<p>The Kentish quarries seem to have been especially
+favoured for the manufacture of the stone balls
+flung by the royal artillery, in early days by mangonels,
+balistae, and other forms of catapults, and in
+later days by guns. Thus in 1342 the sheriff of Kent
+accounted for £13, 10s. spent on 300 stones dug in
+the quarry of Folkestone and drawn out of the sea
+in various places, and afterwards cut and hewn into
+round balls for the king's machines; one hundred
+weighing 600 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> each, and the same number 500 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>
+and 400 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> respectively; and a further £7, 10s. for
+another 300 stone balls of various weights.<a name="Anchor-245" id="Anchor-245"></a><a href="#Footnote-245" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 245.">[245]</a> It is
+true that some years earlier, in 1333, similar balls
+had been obtained in Yorkshire, the sheriff buying
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[81]</a></span>19 damlades<a name="Anchor-246" id="Anchor-246"></a><a href="#Footnote-246" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 246.">[246]</a> and 3 tons of stone in the quarry of
+Tadcaster, and setting 37 masons to work, the result
+being 606 stone balls weighing 9 damlades,<a name="Anchor-247" id="Anchor-247"></a><a href="#Footnote-247" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 247.">[247]</a> but
+casual references point to Kent as the great centre
+of manufacture. In 1418 as many as 7000 such
+balls were ordered to be made at Maidstone and
+elsewhere, and the Maidstone quarries were still
+turning out stone shot for bombards during the
+early years of Henry <abbr title="the eighth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VIII.</span></abbr><a name="Anchor-248" id="Anchor-248"></a><a href="#Footnote-248" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 248.">[248]</a></p>
+
+<p>So far we have been dealing with what may be
+called block stone, but there were also in many
+parts of the country stones that from the ease with
+which they could be split into thin slabs were suitable
+for roofing purposes. How early, and to what
+extent the true slates of Cornwall and Devon were
+worked it is difficult to say, but in 1296, when certain
+buildings were put up for the miners at Martinestowe
+23,000 'sclattes' were quarried at Birlond, and
+another 10,000 at 'Hassal.'<a name="Anchor-249" id="Anchor-249"></a><a href="#Footnote-249" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 249.">[249]</a> For the roofing of
+buildings at Restormel in Cornwall in 1343 slates
+were employed, 19,500 being bought 'between
+Golant and Fowey,' at 11d. the thousand, and 85,500
+dug in the quarry of Bodmatgan at a cost of 6d.
+the thousand.<a name="Anchor-250" id="Anchor-250"></a><a href="#Footnote-250" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 250.">[250]</a> So also in 1385, at Lostwithiel, it
+is probable that the 'tiles,' of which 25,400 were
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[82]</a></span>bought 'in the quarry' at 3s. 4d. the thousand were
+true slates.<a name="Anchor-251" id="Anchor-251"></a><a href="#Footnote-251" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 251.">[251]</a> But besides the real slates, which in
+their modern uniformity of perfection render so
+many towns hideous, there were many quarries of
+stone slates, of which the most famous were at
+Collyweston in Northants.<a name="Anchor-252" id="Anchor-252"></a><a href="#Footnote-252" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 252.">[252]</a> The Collyweston stone
+after being exposed to the influence of frost could
+easily be split into thin slabs,<a name="Anchor-253" id="Anchor-253"></a><a href="#Footnote-253" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 253.">[253]</a> and seem to have
+been used for roofing purposes as early as the times of
+the Romans. During the medieval period there are
+numerous references to these Collyweston slates,
+and about the end of the fourteenth century they
+seem to have fetched from 6s. to 8s. the thousand.<a name="Anchor-254" id="Anchor-254"></a><a href="#Footnote-254" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 254.">[254]</a>
+Other similar quarries of more than local fame
+were situated round Horsham in Sussex,<a name="Anchor-255" id="Anchor-255"></a><a href="#Footnote-255" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 255.">[255]</a> and Horsham
+slates continued in demand from early days
+until the diminished solidity of house construction
+made a less weighty, and incidentally less picturesque,
+material requisite for roofing.</p>
+
+<p>The work of quarrying stone counted as unskilled
+labour, and the rate of pay of quarriers is almost
+always that of the ordinary labourer. At Martinstow
+in 1296, men 'breaking stone in the quarry'
+received 1½d. to 2d. a day, and women, always
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[83]</a></span>the cheapest form of labour, 1d. a day for carrying
+the stones from the quarry.<a name="Anchor-256" id="Anchor-256"></a><a href="#Footnote-256" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 256.">[256]</a> The Windsor accounts
+for 1368 show quarriers at Bisham (Bustesham)
+receiving 3½d. a day, and one, no doubt the foreman,
+4d., while 65,000 blocks of stone were cut at 'Colingle'
+at 10s. the thousand, and 3500 at Stoneden at 20s.<a name="Anchor-257" id="Anchor-257"></a><a href="#Footnote-257" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 257.">[257]</a>
+Those employed upon shaping the rough blocks
+were naturally paid at a higher rate, and in 1333,
+while the quarriers at Tadcaster were paid 1s. 4d.
+a week, the masons employed there in making stone
+balls earned 2s. 6d., and their foremen 3s. a week.<a name="Anchor-258" id="Anchor-258"></a><a href="#Footnote-258" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 258.">[258]</a>
+Often, however, the payment was by piece work,
+and in the case of the stone wrought at Boughton
+Monchelsea in 1366 for Rochester Castle, we have a
+list of the rates of payment: 'rough ashlar' worked
+at 10s. the hundred, 'parpainassheler'—for
+mullions—cut to pattern 18s. the hundred, newel
+pieces 12d. each, jambs 3d. the foot, 'scu' or
+bevelled stones 2d. the foot, voussoirs (<i>vausur</i>) 5d.
+the foot, and so on.<a name="Anchor-259" id="Anchor-259"></a><a href="#Footnote-259" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 259.">[259]</a> The tools used were of a simple
+nature; the inventory of tools at Stapleton quarry
+in 1400<a name="Anchor-260" id="Anchor-260"></a><a href="#Footnote-260" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 260.">[260]</a> shows a number of iron wedges, iron rods,
+'gavelokes' or crowbars, iron hammers, 'pulyng
+axes,'<a name="Anchor-261" id="Anchor-261"></a><a href="#Footnote-261" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 261.">[261]</a> 'brocheaxes' and shovels.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[84]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>So far we have been dealing with stone as a building
+material, but there were two varieties of stone
+worked in England in medieval times whose value
+was artistic rather than utilitarian. These were
+marble and alabaster. <span class="smcap">Purbeck Marble</span>,<a name="Anchor-262" id="Anchor-262"></a><a href="#Footnote-262" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 262.">[262]</a> a dark
+shell conglomerate capable of receiving a very high
+polish, came into fashion towards the end of the
+twelfth century, and continued in great demand for
+some two hundred years. Not only was it used in
+1205 at Chichester Cathedral, but it would seem that
+some thirty years earlier it was sent to Dublin and
+to Durham. All the evidence goes to show that the
+marble was not only quarried at Purbeck, but worked
+into columns and carved upon the spot, and it is
+probable that most, if not all, of the scores of marble
+effigies which still remain in churches, such as the
+figures of knights in the Temple Church and the
+tomb of King John at Worcester, were carved by
+members of the Purbeck school<a name="Anchor-263" id="Anchor-263"></a><a href="#Footnote-263" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 263.">[263]</a> and usually at the
+quarries, though in some cases it would seem that
+the carver was called upon to do his work at the
+place where it was to be used, and under the eye of
+his patron. But however much we may admire
+the execution of these Purbeck effigies, we must not
+hastily assume that they bear any particular resemblance
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[85]</a></span>to the persons whom they commemorate; for
+although the Purbeck carvers were no doubt capable
+of executing portrait sculpture, a large proportion
+of their work was undoubtedly conventional. Thus
+in 1253 we find Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> ordering the sheriff of
+Dorset to cause 'an image of a queen' to be cut in
+marble and carried to the nunnery of Tarrant
+Keynston, there to be placed over the tomb of his
+sister, the late Queen of Scots.<a name="Anchor-264" id="Anchor-264"></a><a href="#Footnote-264" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 264.">[264]</a></p>
+
+<p>Corfe was the great centre of the Purbeck marble
+industry. William of Corfe who executed the tomb
+of 'Henry the King's son,' at Westminster in 1273,<a name="Anchor-265" id="Anchor-265"></a><a href="#Footnote-265" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 265.">[265]</a>
+was probably William le Blund, brother of Robert
+le Blund, also called Robert of Corfe, who supplied
+marble for the Eleanor crosses at Waltham, Northampton,
+and Lincoln; and one Adam of Corfe settled
+in London early in the fourteenth century, and died
+there in 1331. This Adam 'the marbler' seems to
+have carried out several large contracts, including
+the paving of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Paul's, and in 1324 supplied great
+quantities of marble for the columns of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Stephen's,
+Westminster, at 6d. the foot.<a name="Anchor-266" id="Anchor-266"></a><a href="#Footnote-266" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 266.">[266]</a> The same price was
+paid in 1333 for similar columns bought from Richard
+Canon,<a name="Anchor-267" id="Anchor-267"></a><a href="#Footnote-267" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 267.">[267]</a> one of a family which for a century and a
+half played a prominent part as carvers and marble
+merchants, particularly in connection with Exeter
+Cathedral.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[86]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>By the sixteenth century, and probably for some
+time earlier, the 'Marblers and Stone Cutters of
+Purbeck' had formed themselves into a company.
+By their rules the industry was restricted to freemen
+of the company, and regulations were laid down
+as to the number of apprentices that might be
+employed. These apprentices, in turn, could become
+freemen at the end of seven years upon payment
+to the court held at Corfe Castle on Shrove
+Tuesday of 6s. 8d. and the render of a penny loaf
+and two pots of beer. The wives of freemen were
+also allowed to join the company on payment of 1s.,
+and in that case might carry on the trade, with the
+assistance of an apprentice, after their husband's
+death. At the time, however, that this company
+was formed, it is probable that the greater part of
+their business was concerned with building stone,
+as the marble had gone out of fashion and been
+largely superseded by alabaster in the fifteenth
+century for sepulchral monuments.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Alabaster</span> appears to have been dug in the neighbourhood
+of Tutbury in very early times, some of
+the Norman mouldings of the west door of Tutbury
+church being carved in this material.<a name="Anchor-268" id="Anchor-268"></a><a href="#Footnote-268" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 268.">[268]</a> It is in the
+same neighbourhood, at Hanbury, that the earliest
+known sepulchral image in alabaster is to be found:
+this dates from the early years of the fourteenth
+century, but it was not until the middle of that
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[87]</a></span>century that the vogue of alabaster began. From
+1360 onwards there exists a magnificent series of
+alabaster monuments which bear striking testimony
+to the skill of the medieval English carvers,<a name="Anchor-269" id="Anchor-269"></a><a href="#Footnote-269" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 269.">[269]</a> and it
+is clear from records and the evidence of such fragments
+as have survived the triple iconoclasm of
+Reformers, Puritans, and Churchwardens that these
+monuments found worthy companions in the statues
+and carved reredoses scattered throughout the
+churches of England.<a name="Anchor-270" id="Anchor-270"></a><a href="#Footnote-270" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 270.">[270]</a> One of the finest of these
+reredoses must have been the 'table of alabaster'
+bought in 1367 for the high altar of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> George's,
+Windsor. For this the enormous sum of £200 (more
+than £3000 of modern money) was paid to Peter
+Mason of Nottingham, while some idea of its size
+may be gathered from the fact that it took ten carts,
+each with eight horses, to bring it from Nottingham
+to Windsor, the journey occupying seventeen days.<a name="Anchor-271" id="Anchor-271"></a><a href="#Footnote-271" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 271.">[271]</a></p>
+
+<p>All the evidence points to Nottingham having
+been the great centre of the industry, the material
+being brought from the Derbyshire quarries of
+Chellaston. The stone and the workmanship alike
+found favour outside this country, and in 1414, when
+the abbot of Fécamp required alabaster he sent his
+mason, Alexander de Berneval, to England to procure
+it; and it was from Thomas Prentis of Chellaston
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[88]</a></span>that the stone was bought.<a name="Anchor-272" id="Anchor-272"></a><a href="#Footnote-272" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 272.">[272]</a> The alabaster tomb of
+John, Duke of Bretagne, which was erected in Nantes
+Cathedral in 1408, was made in England by Thomas
+Colyn, Thomas Holewell, and Thomas Poppehowe,<a name="Anchor-273" id="Anchor-273"></a><a href="#Footnote-273" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 273.">[273]</a>
+but it is not certain that they belonged to Nottingham.
+Various customs accounts<a name="Anchor-274" id="Anchor-274"></a><a href="#Footnote-274" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 274.">[274]</a> show that carved
+alabaster figures were often exported to the Continent,
+and Mr. Hope has shown that a number of
+carvings still to be seen in the churches of France,
+and even of Iceland,<a name="Anchor-275" id="Anchor-275"></a><a href="#Footnote-275" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 275.">[275]</a> have the green background,
+with circular groups of red and white spots, peculiar
+to the Nottingham school.<a name="Anchor-276" id="Anchor-276"></a><a href="#Footnote-276" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 276.">[276]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thomas Prentis, who is mentioned above, is found
+in 1419 in company with Robert Sutton<a name="Anchor-277" id="Anchor-277"></a><a href="#Footnote-277" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 277.">[277]</a> covenanting
+to carve, paint, and gild the elaborate and
+beautiful tomb of Ralph Green and his wife, which
+may still be seen in Lowick Church, Northants, for
+a sum of £40. An examination of this tomb makes
+it almost certain that the glorious monuments of
+the Earl and Countess of Arundel at Arundel,
+Henry <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr> and Queen Joan at Canterbury, and the
+Earl of Westmoreland and his two wives at Staindrop,
+were all from the same workshop. During
+the last twenty years of the fifteenth and the first
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[89]</a></span>thirty years of the sixteenth century, we have the
+names of a number of 'alablastermen' and 'image-makers'
+in Nottingham,<a name="Anchor-278" id="Anchor-278"></a><a href="#Footnote-278" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 278.">[278]</a> Nicholas Hill in particular
+being prominent as a manufacturer of the popular
+<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> John the Baptist heads,<a name="Anchor-279" id="Anchor-279"></a><a href="#Footnote-279" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 279.">[279]</a> and during the same
+period we find a number of 'alblasterers' at York.<a name="Anchor-280" id="Anchor-280"></a><a href="#Footnote-280" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 280.">[280]</a>
+At Burton-on-Trent, also, where Leland in the
+sixteenth century mentions 'many marbellers
+working in alabaster,' the trade was evidently established
+in 1481, when Robert Bocher and Gilbert
+Twist were working for a number of religious houses;
+and it still flourished there in 1581 and 1585, when
+Richard and Gabriel Royley undertook contracts
+for elaborate tombs of alabaster,<a name="Anchor-281" id="Anchor-281"></a><a href="#Footnote-281" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 281.">[281]</a> but for all practical
+purposes the English school of alabaster carvers
+ceased to exist when the Reformation put an end to
+the demand for images and carven tables.</p>
+
+<p>The alabaster, or gypsum, when not suitable for
+carving, was still valuable for conversion into plaster
+by burning, the finer varieties yielding the so-called
+Plaster of Paris and the coarser the ordinary builders'
+plaster. References to the actual burning of plaster
+seem practically non-existent, but it is noteworthy
+that one of the places from which Plaster of Paris
+was obtained for the works at York Minster was
+Buttercrambe,<a name="Anchor-282" id="Anchor-282"></a><a href="#Footnote-282" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 282.">[282]</a> where there is a large deposit of
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[90]</a></span>gypsum which probably furnished the York alabasterers
+with their material. In the same way
+<span class="smcap">Chalk</span>, though to some extent used for masonry,
+was most in demand for conversion into lime.
+When building operations of any importance were
+undertaken, it was usual to build a limekiln on the
+spot for the burning of the lime required for mortar.
+In earlier times the kiln seems to have taken the form
+of a pit, 'lymeputt' or, in Latin, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">puteus</i>, being the
+term usually employed, but in 1400 we find a regular
+kiln (<i>torale</i>) built, 3300 bricks and 33 loads of clay
+being purchased for the purpose.<a name="Anchor-283" id="Anchor-283"></a><a href="#Footnote-283" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 283.">[283]</a> Where lime was
+burnt commercially, that is to say for sale and not
+merely for use on the spot, the kilns would naturally
+be larger and more permanent, and a sixteenth-century
+account of the erection of eight such kilns<a name="Anchor-284" id="Anchor-284"></a><a href="#Footnote-284" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 284.">[284]</a>
+at a place unnamed—probably Calais—shows that
+each kiln was 20 feet high, with walls 10 feet thick,
+and an average internal breadth of 10 feet, and cost
+over £450.</p>
+
+<p>When wood was plentiful it was naturally employed
+for burning the lime, and a presentment made
+in 1255 with regard to the forest of Wellington
+mentions that the king's two limekilns (<i>rees calcis</i>)
+had devoured 500 oaks between them.<a name="Anchor-285" id="Anchor-285"></a><a href="#Footnote-285" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 285.">[285]</a> But it was
+soon found that pit coal was the best fuel for the
+purpose, and it was constantly used from the end
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[91]</a></span>of the thirteenth century onwards, as much as
+1166 quarters of sea coal being bought in 1278 for
+the kilns (<i>chauffornia</i>) in connection with the work
+at the Tower.<a name="Anchor-286" id="Anchor-286"></a><a href="#Footnote-286" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 286.">[286]</a> For the most part, chalk and lime
+required for work at London or Westminster was
+brought from Greenwich. Kent has indeed always
+been one of the great centres of the trade, both home
+and foreign, and in 1527,<a name="Anchor-287" id="Anchor-287"></a><a href="#Footnote-287" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 287.">[287]</a> to take but one instance,
+we find six ships from Dutch ports taking out of
+Sandwich port chalk to the value of £20.<a name="Anchor-288" id="Anchor-288"></a><a href="#Footnote-288" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 288.">[288]</a> In the
+chalk hills round Chislehurst labyrinthine galleries
+of great extent bear witness to the flourishing state
+of chalk-quarrying in this district in former times;<a name="Anchor-289" id="Anchor-289"></a><a href="#Footnote-289" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 289.">[289]</a>
+smaller quarries of a similar type exist in the
+'caverns' at Guildford. Kent, Surrey, and Sussex<a name="Anchor-290" id="Anchor-290"></a><a href="#Footnote-290" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 290.">[290]</a>
+were indeed busily employed in quarrying chalk
+during the medieval period, and for long afterwards,
+down to the present day.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[92]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2>CHAPTER <abbr title="6">VI</abbr><br />
+
+<small>METAL WORKING</small></h2>
+
+
+<p>The English craftsmen were renowned for their
+metal work from the days of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Dunstan downwards.
+<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Dunstan was the patron of the goldsmiths, his
+image being one of the chief ornaments of their
+gild hall in London, and a ring attributed to his
+workmanship was in the possession of Edward <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>
+in 1280,<a name="Anchor-291" id="Anchor-291"></a><a href="#Footnote-291" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 291.">[291]</a> while his tools, including the identical
+tongs with which he pulled the devil by the nose,
+may still be seen at Mayfield. Coming to later
+times and the less questionable evidence of records,
+we may probably see in Otto the Goldsmith, whose
+name occurs in the Domesday Survey of 1086, the
+progenitor of the family of Fitz-Otho, king's goldsmiths
+and masters of the Mint from 1100 to 1300.<a name="Anchor-292" id="Anchor-292"></a><a href="#Footnote-292" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 292.">[292]</a>
+The names of many early goldsmiths<a name="Anchor-293" id="Anchor-293"></a><a href="#Footnote-293" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 293.">[293]</a> have survived,
+and the beautiful candlestick given to <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Peter's
+Abbey at Gloucester in 1110, and now in the South
+Kensington Museum, is evidence of their mastery of
+the art. The great religious houses were foremost
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[93]</a></span>patrons of the craft, many of them, as the Abbey
+of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Albans, numbering amongst their inmates
+artists of great repute. The famous college of
+Beverley included a goldsmith in its household,<a name="Anchor-294" id="Anchor-294"></a><a href="#Footnote-294" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 294.">[294]</a> but
+in 1292, when it was determined to erect a new
+shrine for the relics of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> John of Beverley, the
+chapter did not entrust the work to their own
+craftsman, but sent up to London to the establishment
+of William Faringdon, the greatest goldsmith
+of that time. The contract between his servant,
+Roger of Faringdon, and the Chapter of Beverley
+is still extant.<a name="Anchor-295" id="Anchor-295"></a><a href="#Footnote-295" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 295.">[295]</a> By it the chapter were to provide
+the necessary silver and gold; Roger was to refine
+it, if needful, and to supply his own coals, quicksilver,
+and other materials. The shrine was to be
+5 ft. 6 in. long, 1 ft. 6 in. broad, and of proportionate
+height: the design was to be architectural in style,
+and the statuettes, the number and size of which
+were to be at the discretion of the chapter, were to
+be of cunning and beautiful work, the chapter
+reserving the right to reject any figure or ornament
+and cause it to be remade. For his work Roger was
+to receive the weight in silver of the shrine when
+completed, before gilding. No very general rule can
+be laid down as to the proportion between the
+intrinsic value or weight of metal and the cost of
+workmanship, but roughly in the case of simple
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[94]</a></span>articles of plate the cost of manufacture may be set
+at approximately half the weight. Thus in the
+case of the plate presented by the city to the Black
+Prince on his return from Gascony in 1371<a name="Anchor-296" id="Anchor-296"></a><a href="#Footnote-296" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 296.">[296]</a> we find
+six chargers, weight £14, 18s. 9d., amounting with
+the making to £21, 7s. 2d.; twelve 'hanappes,'
+or handled cups, weight £8, 12s., amounting to
+£12, 7s. 7d.; and thirty saltcellars, weighing
+£15, 6s. 2d., amounting to £21, 17s. 8d. The charge
+for making silver basins and lavers in the same list
+amounts to about two-thirds of the weight. The
+rate appears to have remained fairly constant, as in
+1416 William Randolf made four dozen chargers
+and eight dozen dishes of silver for King Henry <abbr title="the fifth"><span class="smcap lowercase">V.</span></abbr>
+at 30s. the pound.<a name="Anchor-297" id="Anchor-297"></a><a href="#Footnote-297" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 297.">[297]</a></p>
+
+<p>The demand for silver plate during the later
+medieval period must have been brisk, for every
+house of any pretension had its service of plate
+standing on the cupboard or dresser. Nothing more
+astonished the Venetian travellers in England in
+1500 than this extraordinary profusion and display;
+they noted that,<a name="Anchor-298" id="Anchor-298"></a><a href="#Footnote-298" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 298.">[298]</a> 'In one single street, named the
+Strand, are 52 goldsmiths' shops so rich and full
+of silver vessels, great and small, that in all the
+shops in Milan, Rome, Venice, and Florence put
+together I do not think there would be found so
+many of the magnificence that are to be seen in
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[95]</a></span>London. And these vessels are all either saltcellars
+or drinking-cups or basins to hold water for the
+hands, for they eat off that fine tin which is little
+inferior to silver.' Although the home of the goldsmiths
+is here stated to be the Strand, their chief
+centre was in Lombard Street and in Cheapside,
+where, just about the time that this Venetian account
+was written, Thomas Wood built Goldsmiths' Row
+with its ten fair houses and fourteen shops and its
+four-storied front adorned with allusive wild men of
+the wood riding on monstrous beasts.<a name="Anchor-299" id="Anchor-299"></a><a href="#Footnote-299" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 299.">[299]</a> Even as
+late as 1637 efforts were made to compel the goldsmiths
+to remain in Cheapside for the greater adornment
+of that thoroughfare.<a name="Anchor-300" id="Anchor-300"></a><a href="#Footnote-300" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 300.">[300]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Venetian reference to the 'fine tin' used for
+plates and dishes serves to remind us that gold and
+silversmiths had no monopoly of metal-working.
+Pewterers, founders, and such specialised trades as
+bladesmiths and spurriers played an important part
+in the realm of industry, and if the materials upon
+which they worked were less valuable in themselves,
+the finished products were not to be despised even
+from a purely artistic point of view. The figures
+of Queen Eleanor of Castile and Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, both cast
+by William Torel, and those of Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> and Queen
+Philippa, by Hawkin of Liége—to name but a few
+obvious examples—are magnificent examples of the
+founder's work. Mention may also be made of the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[96]</a></span>tomb of Richard <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr> and his queen, at which Nicholas
+Croker and Godfrey Prest, coppersmiths, worked for
+four years, and for which they received £700.<a name="Anchor-301" id="Anchor-301"></a><a href="#Footnote-301" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 301.">[301]</a> To
+deal at all fully with all the many branches of metal-working
+is outside the scope of this book, but two
+particular branches, the founding of bells and of
+cannon, are worth treating in considerable detail.</p>
+
+<p>References to <span class="smcap">Bells</span><a name="Anchor-302" id="Anchor-302"></a><a href="#Footnote-302" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 302.">[302]</a> during Saxon times are not
+infrequent, but probably the earliest notice connected
+with their manufacture is the entry amongst
+the tenants of Battle Abbey in the late eleventh
+century of 'Ædric who cast the bells (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">qui signa
+fundebat</i>).'<a name="Anchor-303" id="Anchor-303"></a><a href="#Footnote-303" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 303.">[303]</a> It is likely that most early monastic
+peals were cast in the immediate neighbourhood of
+the monastery by, or under the supervision, of the
+brethren. But in the twelfth century, when Ralph
+Breton gave money to Rochester Cathedral Priory
+for a bell, in memory of his brother, the sacrist sent
+a broken bell up to London to be recast.<a name="Anchor-304" id="Anchor-304"></a><a href="#Footnote-304" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 304.">[304]</a> Possibly
+the craftsman who recast this bell was the Alwold
+'campanarius' who was working in London about
+1150.<a name="Anchor-305" id="Anchor-305"></a><a href="#Footnote-305" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 305.">[305]</a> Another early bell-founder was Beneit le
+Seynter, sheriff of London in 1216.<a name="Anchor-306" id="Anchor-306"></a><a href="#Footnote-306" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 306.">[306]</a> Mr. Stahlschmidt
+is no doubt right in interpreting this founder's
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[97]</a></span>name as 'ceinturier' or girdler,<a name="Anchor-307" id="Anchor-307"></a><a href="#Footnote-307" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 307.">[307]</a> for there was at
+Worcester in the thirteenth century a family whose
+members bore indifferently the name of 'Ceynturer'
+and 'Belleyeter.'<a name="Anchor-308" id="Anchor-308"></a><a href="#Footnote-308" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 308.">[308]</a> The demand for bells could
+hardly have been large enough to enable a craftsman
+to specialise entirely in that branch, and a bell-maker
+would always have been primarily a founder,
+and according as the main portion of his trade lay
+in casting buckles and other fittings for belts, or
+pots or bells, he would be known as a girdler, a
+potter, or a bell-founder.<a name="Anchor-309" id="Anchor-309"></a><a href="#Footnote-309" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 309.">[309]</a></p>
+
+<p>The medieval English term for a bell-founder was
+'bellyeter' (surviving in London as 'Billiter Street,'
+the former centre of the industry), derived from the
+Anglo-Saxon <i lang="ang" xml:lang="ang">geotan</i>, to pour: the word is occasionally
+found used independently as a verb, the agreement
+for casting a bell for Stansfield in 1453 stipulating
+that it should be 'wele and sufficiantly yette
+and made.'<a name="Anchor-310" id="Anchor-310"></a><a href="#Footnote-310" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 310.">[310]</a> So far as the process itself is concerned,<a name="Anchor-311" id="Anchor-311"></a><a href="#Footnote-311" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 311.">[311]</a>
+it remained unchanged in its main features until
+comparatively recent times and a considerable
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[98]</a></span>number of records relating to bell-founding have
+survived and throw a little light upon the details
+of the art. The first step was the formation of the
+'core,' an exact model of the inside of the bell,
+formed of clay. When this had been hardened by
+baking, the 'thickness,' corresponding exactly to
+the projected bell itself, was built up upon the core;
+finally, over the 'thickness' was built a thick clay
+'cope.' Originally, it would seem, it was usual to
+make the 'thickness' of wax, which, melting upon
+the application of heat, ran out and left the space
+between the core and cope vacant for the molten
+metal to flow into: possibly some of the early
+uninscribed bells which still exist may have been
+formed in this fashion, but it seems clear that from
+the end of the thirteenth century the use of wax
+was abandoned in England, the 'thickness' being
+made of loam or earth.<a name="Anchor-312" id="Anchor-312"></a><a href="#Footnote-312" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 312.">[312]</a> The clay cope, moulded
+over this, was carefully raised by a crane, the 'thickness'
+destroyed, and the cope readjusted, after any
+inscription or other decoration had been stamped
+on its inner surface. In order that the metal might
+flow directly from the furnace into the mould the
+latter lay in a pit in front of the furnace. The
+furnace doors being opened, the metal, consisting of
+a mixture of copper and tin, flowed into the mould.
+If the metal was not in a sufficiently fluid state, or
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[99]</a></span>if any check occurred the caster would 'lose his
+labour and expense,' as happened to Henry Michel
+when he recast the great bell of Croxden Abbey in
+1313, and the work would have to be done all over
+again.<a name="Anchor-313" id="Anchor-313"></a><a href="#Footnote-313" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 313.">[313]</a> But if the work had been properly carried
+out the completed bell had to be tuned, unless, as
+was the case at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Laurence's, Reading, in 1596,
+'not so much the tune of the bell was cared for as
+to have it a loud bell and heard far.'<a name="Anchor-314" id="Anchor-314"></a><a href="#Footnote-314" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 314.">[314]</a></p>
+
+<p>The tuning was done by grinding, or cutting,
+down the rim of the bell if the note was too flat, or
+by reducing its thickness, filing down the inner
+surface of the sound bow, if the note was too sharp.
+In order to reduce the amount of tuning required
+it was necessary to know approximately the relation
+between size, or weight, and tone, and as early as the
+reign of Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> a monk of Evesham, Walter of
+Odyngton, devised a system by which each bell was
+to weigh eight-ninths of the bell next above it in
+weight.<a name="Anchor-315" id="Anchor-315"></a><a href="#Footnote-315" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 315.">[315]</a> This system, delightfully simple in theory,
+could not have yielded satisfactory results in practice,
+and it is probable that most founders had their own
+systems, based upon experience and practical observation.
+The question of whether a bell was correctly
+in tune with the others of the peal was one which
+naturally led to occasional disputes. When Robert
+Gildesburgh, brazier, of London, a fifteenth-century
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[100]</a></span>bell-founder, cast two bells for Whitchurch in Dorset,
+the vicar refused to pay for them, as he said they
+were out of tune. Gildesburgh requested that they
+should be submitted to the judgment of Adam
+Buggeberd, rector of South Peret, who accordingly
+came over and heard them rung, and decided that
+there was no fault in them.<a name="Anchor-316" id="Anchor-316"></a><a href="#Footnote-316" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 316.">[316]</a> In the case of the
+bells recast for the church of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mary-at-Hill,
+London, in 1510,<a name="Anchor-317" id="Anchor-317"></a><a href="#Footnote-317" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 317.">[317]</a> we have first an entry of 6½d.
+paid 'for Reves labour and his brekefast for comyng
+from Ludgate to Algate to here the iiij bell in
+tewne'; and then, as apparently the churchwardens
+were not satisfied with his report, 8d. paid 'for wyne
+and peres at Skran's howse at Algate for Mr. Jentyll,
+Mr. Russell, John Althorpe, John Condall and the
+clarkes of saynt Antonys to go and see whether
+smythes bell wer tewneabill or not.' Possibly the
+decision in the case of this fourth bell cast by William
+Smith was not satisfactory, as the 'great bell' seems
+to have been entrusted to William Culverden, a
+contemporary founder, many of whose bells, bearing
+his rebus of the culver or wood pigeon, still
+exist.</p>
+
+<p>The bell having been fitted with an iron clapper,
+swung from a staple inside the crown of the bell by
+a leathern baudrick, was fastened on to a massive
+wooden stock furnished at its ends with gudgeons,
+or iron pivots, to work in the bronze sockets of the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[101]</a></span>frame, and was now ready to be hung in the belfry.
+But although it was now a finished 'trade article,'
+there was yet one more process to be undergone
+before it could summon the faithful to church: it
+was usual, though apparently by no means universal,
+for the bells to be blessed. Thus the bells of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr>
+Albans Abbey were consecrated in the middle of the
+twelfth century by the Bishop of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Asaph;<a name="Anchor-318" id="Anchor-318"></a><a href="#Footnote-318" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 318.">[318]</a> and a
+detailed account of the dedication of the great bell
+called 'Jesus' at Lichfield Cathedral in 1477 has
+been preserved.<a name="Anchor-319" id="Anchor-319"></a><a href="#Footnote-319" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 319.">[319]</a> In the case of the five bells of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr>
+Michael's, Bishop's Stortford, recast by Reginald
+Chirche of Bury <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Edmunds in 1489 at a cost of
+£42, an extra 17s. 6d. was paid 'for their consecration
+(<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pro sanctificacione</i>).'<a name="Anchor-320" id="Anchor-320"></a><a href="#Footnote-320" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 320.">[320]</a> That the dedication
+ceremony included a form analogous to baptism
+is clearly shown by an entry in the accounts of
+<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Laurence, Reading, where, in 1508, we find 'paid
+for hallowing the great bell named Harry 6s. 8d.
+And over that Sir William Symys Richard Clich and
+Mistress Smyth being godfather and godmother at
+the consecracyon of the same bell, and bearing all
+the costs to the suffragan.'<a name="Anchor-321" id="Anchor-321"></a><a href="#Footnote-321" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 321.">[321]</a></p>
+
+<p>Of the early centres of the industry London was
+naturally the most important. Two early bell-founders
+of this city have already been mentioned,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[102]</a></span>but it is noteworthy, as showing that to a certain
+extent a man might be 'jack of all trades' even if
+he was master of one, that several bells were cast
+for Westminster Abbey by Edward Fitz Odo, the
+famous goldsmith of Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr><a name="Anchor-322" id="Anchor-322"></a><a href="#Footnote-322" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 322.">[322]</a> That monarch, a
+patron of all the arts, granted 100s. yearly to the
+Bell-ringers' gild of Westminster for ringing the
+great bells.<a name="Anchor-323" id="Anchor-323"></a><a href="#Footnote-323" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 323.">[323]</a> Mr. Stahlschmidt has shown that the
+centre of the bell-founding trade was round Aldgate
+and in the neighbourhood of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Andrew Undershaft
+and <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Botolph-without-Aldgate,<a name="Anchor-324" id="Anchor-324"></a><a href="#Footnote-324" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 324.">[324]</a> while amongst
+the more prominent early founders were the family
+of Wimbish at the beginning of the fourteenth
+century and the Burfords at the end of the same
+century. Contemporary with these last was William
+Founder, whose trade stamp, bearing his name and
+a representation of two birds on a conventionalised
+tree, occurs on a number of bells and hints at his real
+surname, which, although it has hitherto eluded
+historians, was clearly Wodeward. Mr. Stahlschmidt<a name="Anchor-325" id="Anchor-325"></a><a href="#Footnote-325" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 325.">[325]</a>
+noticed the entry on the Issue Rolls of
+1385 recording the purchase of twelve cannon from
+William the founder, but did not notice that the very
+next year sixty cannon were bought from William
+Wodeward,<a name="Anchor-326" id="Anchor-326"></a><a href="#Footnote-326" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 326.">[326]</a> while in 1417 other cannon were provided
+by William Wodeward, founder.<a name="Anchor-327" id="Anchor-327"></a><a href="#Footnote-327" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 327.">[327]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[103]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Amongst the provincial centres we may notice
+Gloucester, where Hugh Bellyetare occurs about
+1270, and John Belyetere in 1346,<a name="Anchor-328" id="Anchor-328"></a><a href="#Footnote-328" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 328.">[328]</a> the latter being
+presumably the Master John of Gloucester, who
+with his staff of six men came to Ely in 1342 to cast
+four bells for Prior Walsingham.<a name="Anchor-329" id="Anchor-329"></a><a href="#Footnote-329" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 329.">[329]</a> A later bell-founder
+of some eminence at Gloucester was William
+Henshawe, who was mayor in 1503, 1508, and 1509.<a name="Anchor-330" id="Anchor-330"></a><a href="#Footnote-330" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 330.">[330]</a>
+Another of the craft who obtained more than local
+reputation was John de Stafford, mayor of Leicester
+in 1366 and 1370,<a name="Anchor-331" id="Anchor-331"></a><a href="#Footnote-331" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 331.">[331]</a> who was called in by the chapter
+of York to cast bells for the Minster in 1371.<a name="Anchor-332" id="Anchor-332"></a><a href="#Footnote-332" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 332.">[332]</a> This
+is the more remarkable as York was itself a centre
+of the industry, the most famous of its founders
+being Richard Tunnoc, who represented the city in
+Parliament in 1327, and dying in 1330, left behind
+him as a worthy memorial 'the bell-maker's window'
+in York Minster.<a name="Anchor-333" id="Anchor-333"></a><a href="#Footnote-333" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 333.">[333]</a> In the central panel of this
+window Richard Tunnoc himself is shown kneeling
+before a sainted archbishop; the two other panels
+show the process of bell-making. In the one the
+master workman is supervising the flow of the metal
+into the mould from a furnace, the draught of which
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[104]</a></span>is supplied by bellows worked by two young men,
+the one standing upon them with one foot on each
+and the other holding the handles. The remaining
+panel is usually said to represent the moulding of
+the clay core, but it seems to me more likely to
+represent the finishing, smoothing, and polishing
+of the completed bell.<a name="Anchor-334" id="Anchor-334"></a><a href="#Footnote-334" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 334.">[334]</a> Richard Tunnoc is shown
+seated holding a long crooked instrument (resembling
+a very large boomerang), and applying it with great
+care to the surface of the bell, or core, which an
+assistant is rotating on a primitive lathe consisting
+of two trestles and a crooked handle. The space
+round each panel is filled with rows of bells swinging
+in trefoiled niches.</p>
+
+<p>The number of churches in the larger towns being
+much greater in medieval times than at the present
+day, and few of these churches being content with a
+single bell, most of the chief towns, and in particular
+those possessing cathedrals or important monasteries,
+had their resident bell-founders. In the case of
+Exeter, Bishop Peter de Quivil, about 1285, assured
+the proper care of the bells of the cathedral by
+granting a small property in Paignton to Robert
+le Bellyetere as a retaining fee, Robert and his heirs
+being bound to make or repair, when necessary, the
+bells, organs, and clock of the cathedral, the chapter
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[105]</a></span>paying all expenses, including the food and drink
+of the workmen, and these obligations were duly
+fulfilled for at least three generations, Robert, son
+of Walter, son of the original Robert, still holding
+the land on the same terms in 1315.<a name="Anchor-335" id="Anchor-335"></a><a href="#Footnote-335" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 335.">[335]</a> Canterbury
+was another local centre of the trade, and from
+Canterbury came the founder who in 1345 cast a
+couple of bells at Dover, the one weighing 3266 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>,
+and the other 1078 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>, for each of which he was paid
+at the rate of a halfpenny the pound.<a name="Anchor-336" id="Anchor-336"></a><a href="#Footnote-336" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 336.">[336]</a> In East
+Anglia there was an important foundry at the monastic
+town of Bury <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Edmunds, one of the fifteenth-century
+founders using as his trade mark a shield,
+which is interesting as bearing on it not only a bell,
+but also a cannon with a ball issuing from its mouth.
+Norwich, again, with its seventy churches and its
+cathedral priory, was a busy centre of the industry.
+One of the later Norwich founders, Richard Brasier,
+seems to have been more skilful than straightforward
+and to have devoted some of his skill to evading
+his obligations. In 1454 the churchwardens of
+Stansfield bargained with him to cast a bell for their
+church, half payment to be made on delivery and the
+other half at the expiration of a year and a day if
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[106]</a></span>the bell proved satisfactory, but if it did not he was
+to cast a new bell for them; he, however, taking
+advantage of their being unlearned men caused the
+latter clause to be omitted from the indenture, and
+when the bell proved unsatisfactory refused to make
+a fresh one.<a name="Anchor-337" id="Anchor-337"></a><a href="#Footnote-337" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 337.">[337]</a> A few years later, in 1468, the parishioners
+of Mildenhall brought an action against
+him for breach of contract. It had been agreed that
+the great bell of Mildenhall should be brought by
+the parishioners to 'the werkhous' of the said
+Richard Brasier and weighed by them, and that
+Brasier should then cast from the metal of the old
+bell a new tenor bell in tune with the others then
+in the church steeple, and should warrant it, as was
+customary, for a year and a day, and if it were not
+satisfactory should at his own expense take it back
+to Norwich 'to be yoten.' They had duly carried
+the bell to his workshop, but he had not cast it; in
+defence his counsel urged that although they had
+brought it they had not weighed it, and that until
+they did so he was not bound to cast it. On the
+other side it was argued that the point was frivolous,
+that he could have weighed it himself, and that
+indeed the indenture implied that it was to be
+weighed and put into the furnace by his men in the
+presence of the men of Mildenhall.<a name="Anchor-338" id="Anchor-338"></a><a href="#Footnote-338" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 338.">[338]</a> A jury was
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[107]</a></span>summoned, but did not appear, and the case was
+adjourned.</p>
+
+<p>The suppression of the monasteries, followed by
+the seizure of Church goods, including large numbers
+of bells, formed the rude termination of the medieval
+period of the industry, and may be symbolised by
+the death of William Corvehill, formerly subprior
+of Wenlock, 'a good bell founder and maker of the
+frame for bells,' at Wenlock in 1546.<a name="Anchor-339" id="Anchor-339"></a><a href="#Footnote-339" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 339.">[339]</a></p>
+
+<p>We have seen that a cannon is shown on the shield
+used as a trade mark by a fifteenth-century Suffolk
+bell-founder, and the casting of <span class="smcap">Ordnance</span> may rank
+with the casting of bells as one of the most interesting
+and important branches of the founder's craft.
+Cannon seem to have been introduced into England
+at the beginning of the reign of Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> In
+1339 there were in the Guildhall 'six instruments
+of latten called gonnes and five roleres for the same.
+Also pellets of lead weighing 4½ <abbr title="hundredweight">cwt.</abbr> for the same
+instruments. Also 32 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> of powder for the same.'<a name="Anchor-340" id="Anchor-340"></a><a href="#Footnote-340" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 340.">[340]</a>
+This same year guns are recorded to have been used
+by the English at the siege of Cambrai, and they were
+also used at Creçy in 1346. Two large and nine
+small 'gunnes' of copper were provided for Sheppey
+Castle in 1365;<a name="Anchor-341" id="Anchor-341"></a><a href="#Footnote-341" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 341.">[341]</a> but whether any of these were of
+native manufacture may be doubted, though a small
+gun sent over to Ireland in 1360 is said to have been
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[108]</a></span>bought in London,<a name="Anchor-342" id="Anchor-342"></a><a href="#Footnote-342" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 342.">[342]</a> which does not, of course,
+necessarily imply that it was made there. In 1385,
+however, the sheriff of Cumberland included in his
+account of repairs to the Castle of Carlisle 'costs
+incurred in making three brass cannons which are
+in the said castle,'<a name="Anchor-343" id="Anchor-343"></a><a href="#Footnote-343" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 343.">[343]</a> and in the same year 'William
+Founder,' as we saw when considering his work as
+a bell-founder, provided twelve guns. Next year
+the same William Wodeward made no less than
+sixty cannon for Calais.<a name="Anchor-344" id="Anchor-344"></a><a href="#Footnote-344" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 344.">[344]</a> As he was still providing
+ordnance in 1416,<a name="Anchor-345" id="Anchor-345"></a><a href="#Footnote-345" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 345.">[345]</a> we may probably identify him
+with 'Master William Gunmaker,' who made several
+small cannon in 1411, two of them being of iron.<a name="Anchor-346" id="Anchor-346"></a><a href="#Footnote-346" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 346.">[346]</a></p>
+
+<p>The early cannon were made of bronze of a similar
+composition to that used for bells, and when iron
+was introduced the cannon of that material were
+made in the form of a tube composed of long iron
+bars, arranged like the staves of a barrel, bound round
+with iron bands. They were all breech-loaders, consisting
+of two separate parts, the barrel and the
+chamber; the latter being a short cylinder, usually
+detachable, in which the charge of gunpowder was
+placed, and which was then fastened into the base
+of the barrel by means of a stirrup or similar apparatus.
+Double-barrelled cannon appear to have been
+fairly common, as in 1401 eight single cannon and
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[109]</a></span>six double (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">duplices</i>) were sent to Dover Castle, and
+the same numbers to Scotland.<a name="Anchor-347" id="Anchor-347"></a><a href="#Footnote-347" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 347.">[347]</a> An inventory of
+the artillery at Berwick-on-Tweed taken at the same
+time<a name="Anchor-348" id="Anchor-348"></a><a href="#Footnote-348" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 348.">[348]</a> distinguishes between guns 'imbedded in
+timber bound with iron' and 'naked' guns; it also
+mentions 'two small brass guns on wooden sticks,
+called handgonnes,' an early instance of small arms.
+The same inventory refers to 'quarells for gonnes';
+and in the previous year Henry Robertes, serjeant,
+dwelling near the Guildhall, was paid £8, 8s. for
+twenty-four 'quarell gunnes,'<a name="Anchor-349" id="Anchor-349"></a><a href="#Footnote-349" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 349.">[349]</a> these being guns
+which threw quarrels, or bolts similar to those used
+with crossbows.<a name="Anchor-350" id="Anchor-350"></a><a href="#Footnote-350" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 350.">[350]</a> The usual projectiles employed in
+the larger guns were round stone balls, such as had
+been in use for mangonels and catapults since the
+days of the Romans, and these were supplied from
+the quarries of Maidstone and elsewhere down to
+the time of Henry <abbr title="the eighth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VIII.</span></abbr> Iron 'gunstones' do not
+seem to have been made much before the end of the
+fifteenth century, and the 'wooden balls for cannon,'
+of which there were 350 at Dover in 1387,<a name="Anchor-351" id="Anchor-351"></a><a href="#Footnote-351" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 351.">[351]</a> can hardly
+have proved successful, but lead was commonly
+employed for the smaller guns from an early date.</p>
+
+<p>London was the chief centre of the manufacture
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[110]</a></span>of ordnance, but an iron cannon was made at Bristol
+in 1408,<a name="Anchor-352" id="Anchor-352"></a><a href="#Footnote-352" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 352.">[352]</a> and five years later John Stevenes of Bristol
+was ordered to supervise the making of another.<a name="Anchor-353" id="Anchor-353"></a><a href="#Footnote-353" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 353.">[353]</a>
+In 1408 'a certain great cannon newly invented by
+the king himself' was made;<a name="Anchor-354" id="Anchor-354"></a><a href="#Footnote-354" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 354.">[354]</a> this presumably
+was 'the great iron cannon called Kyngesdoughter,'
+which, shortly after its birth, was broken at the siege
+of 'Hardelagh.'<a name="Anchor-355" id="Anchor-355"></a><a href="#Footnote-355" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 355.">[355]</a> The 'Kyngesdoughter' was probably
+made at the Tower, as were three other iron
+cannon at the same time, four more being made in
+Southwark and two smaller ones by Anthony Gunner,
+possibly at Worcester as one of them was tested there
+and broke during the trial; of six bronze cannon
+made at the same time the largest, the 'Messager,'
+weighing 4480 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>, and two small ones were broken
+at the siege of Aberystwyth. The life of a gun in
+those days seems to have been short, and that of a
+gunner precarious.<a name="Anchor-356" id="Anchor-356"></a><a href="#Footnote-356" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 356.">[356]</a> In 1496, when the government
+range was at Mile End, 13s. 4d. was given to Blase
+Ballard, gunner, 'towards his leche craft of his
+hands and face lately hurte at Myles ende by fortune
+shoting of a gunne,'<a name="Anchor-357" id="Anchor-357"></a><a href="#Footnote-357" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 357.">[357]</a> and this is not the only hint
+we have that these weapons were sometimes as
+dangerous to their users as to the enemy.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[111]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The Germans and Dutch were particularly expert
+in the manufacture of guns, and we find Matthew
+de Vlenk 'gonnemaker' in the service of Richard <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>,<a name="Anchor-358" id="Anchor-358"></a><a href="#Footnote-358" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 358.">[358]</a>
+while Godfrey Goykyn, one of four 'gunnemeystres'
+from Germany, who were serving Henry <abbr title="the fifth"><span class="smcap lowercase">V.</span></abbr> during
+the last years of his reign,<a name="Anchor-359" id="Anchor-359"></a><a href="#Footnote-359" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 359.">[359]</a> was employed in 1433
+to finish off three great iron cannon which Walter
+Thomasson had begun to make.<a name="Anchor-360" id="Anchor-360"></a><a href="#Footnote-360" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 360.">[360]</a> These cannon
+threw balls of fourteen, sixteen, and eighteen inches
+diameter, respectively, so that presumably they
+were 'bombards' or mortars, and probably similar
+in type to one found in the moat of Bodiam Castle,
+and now at Woolwich;<a name="Anchor-361" id="Anchor-361"></a><a href="#Footnote-361" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 361.">[361]</a> the core of this specimen,
+which is of 15-inch calibre, is of cast-iron, the outer
+casing being formed of a series of bands of wrought
+iron, and it was probably made in Sussex. It was
+in this county, at Newbridge in Ashdown Forest,
+that Simon Ballard in 1497 cast large quantities of
+iron shot,<a name="Anchor-362" id="Anchor-362"></a><a href="#Footnote-362" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 362.">[362]</a> those for 'bombardells' weighing as
+much as 225 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> each, so that they had to be placed
+in the guns by means of 'shotting cradles':<a name="Anchor-363" id="Anchor-363"></a><a href="#Footnote-363" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 363.">[363]</a> for
+'curtows' the shot weighed 77 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>, for 'demi-curtows'
+39 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>, for 'great serpentines' 19 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>, and
+for ordinary 'serpentines' 5 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> This same Simon
+Ballard was enrolled amongst the gunners at the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[112]</a></span>time of the Cornish rising under Perkin Warbeck.<a name="Anchor-364" id="Anchor-364"></a><a href="#Footnote-364" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 364.">[364]</a>
+In the same way we find 'Pieter Robard alias Graunte
+Pierre,' ironfounder of Hartfield,<a name="Anchor-365" id="Anchor-365"></a><a href="#Footnote-365" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 365.">[365]</a> described as a
+'gonner,' and casting 'pellettes' at 6d. a day in
+1497.<a name="Anchor-366" id="Anchor-366"></a><a href="#Footnote-366" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 366.">[366]</a> In this same year ten 'faucons' (small guns
+which fired balls of about 2 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>) were made by
+William Frese,<a name="Anchor-367" id="Anchor-367"></a><a href="#Footnote-367" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 367.">[367]</a> founder, at 10s. the hundredweight,
+and eight faucons of brass were made by William
+Newport,<a name="Anchor-368" id="Anchor-368"></a><a href="#Footnote-368" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 368.">[368]</a> who was a London bell-founder,<a name="Anchor-369" id="Anchor-369"></a><a href="#Footnote-369" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 369.">[369]</a> while
+John Crowchard repaired an old serpentyne that
+John de Chalowne made and provided '10 claspis
+for the touche holes of diverse gonnes with 5 oliettes
+and fourteen staples,' weighing 53 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> at 2d. the
+pound, and also '7 bandes of yren made for the great
+gonnes mouthes.'<a name="Anchor-370" id="Anchor-370"></a><a href="#Footnote-370" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 370.">[370]</a> Cornelys Arnoldson at the same
+time was paid for mending five great serpentynes
+and making two new chambers to them, for '5 forelocks
+with cheynes to the said gonnes,' for 'handills
+made to the chambres,' and for 'vernysshing
+and dressing' the guns.<a name="Anchor-371" id="Anchor-371"></a><a href="#Footnote-371" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 371.">[371]</a></p>
+
+<p>At the beginning of the reign of Henry <abbr title="the eighth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VIII.</span></abbr> large
+purchases of cannon were made abroad, from Hans
+Popenreuter and Lewis de la Fava of Mechlin, from
+Stephen of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Iago, from Fortuno de Catalengo,
+and from John Cavalcante of Florence, who also,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[113]</a></span>in return for a grant of alum, agreed to import
+saltpetre to the value of £2400.<a name="Anchor-372" id="Anchor-372"></a><a href="#Footnote-372" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 372.">[372]</a> But the English
+foundries were not idle: Humphrey Walker, a
+London gunfounder, supplied fifty pieces of ordnance,
+at 12s. the pound, as well as much shot,<a name="Anchor-373" id="Anchor-373"></a><a href="#Footnote-373" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 373.">[373]</a> while
+Cornelys Johnson 'gonnemaker,' made and repaired
+ordnance for the navy.<a name="Anchor-374" id="Anchor-374"></a><a href="#Footnote-374" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 374.">[374]</a> John Atkynson, another
+founder, in 1514 was paid 2s. 'for 8 lodes of clay to
+make molds for a great gun chamber' and a further
+8d. for 5 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> of hair 'to temper the clay withall';
+he was also supplied with latten and iron wire, and
+John Dowson made certain iron work, including
+'a rounde plate for the bottom of the chambre, in
+length 4½ feet, with 10 rounde hookes; a rounde
+plate with a crosse for the mouthe of the chambre;
+36 bandes of 4 foot in length for to wrapp the chambre
+in; ... 6 pynnes of hardyron, 2 hokes, a stamme,
+a quespile,' etc.<a name="Anchor-375" id="Anchor-375"></a><a href="#Footnote-375" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 375.">[375]</a></p>
+
+<p>The medieval period of gunfounding came to an
+end with the discovery, about 1543, of a method of
+casting iron cannon in the entire piece—then boring
+them. This discovery is usually attributed to Ralph
+Hogge of Buxted and Peter Baude, his French
+assistant, and resulted in the ironmaking districts
+of the Weald of Sussex and Kent becoming the chief
+centre of the manufacture of ordnance.<a name="Anchor-376" id="Anchor-376"></a><a href="#Footnote-376" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 376.">[376]</a></p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[114]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2>CHAPTER <abbr title="7">VII</abbr><br />
+
+<small>POTTERY—TILES, BRICKS</small></h2>
+
+
+<p>The manufacture of earthen vessels was one of the
+earliest, as it was one of the most widespread industries.
+From the end of the Stone Age onwards
+wherever suitable clay was to be found, the potter
+plied his trade. The Romans, who had brought
+the art of potting to a high pitch of excellence,
+introduced improved methods into Britain, where
+numerous remains of kilns and innumerable fragments
+of pottery testify to the industry and the
+individuality of the Romano-British potters.
+Several quite distinct types of pottery have been
+identified and are assignable to definite localities.
+Great quantities of black and grey wares, consisting
+of articles of common domestic use, ornamented for
+the most part only with broad bands of darker or
+lighter shading, were made in Kent near the Medway,
+the finer specimens being associated with Upchurch.
+From the potteries in the New Forest<a name="Anchor-377" id="Anchor-377"></a><a href="#Footnote-377" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 377.">[377]</a> came vases
+of greater ornamental and artistic execution, but it
+was the neighbourhood of Castor in Northamptonshire
+that occupied in Roman times the place held
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[115]</a></span>in recent times by Staffordshire. Round Castor
+numbers of kilns have been found,<a name="Anchor-378" id="Anchor-378"></a><a href="#Footnote-378" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 378.">[378]</a> and the peculiar
+dark ware, with its self-coloured slip decoration,
+occurs all over England, and also on the Continent.</p>
+
+<p>Romano-British kilns have been found in a great
+number of places, some of the best preserved being
+at Castor,<a name="Anchor-379" id="Anchor-379"></a><a href="#Footnote-379" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 379.">[379]</a> in London,<a name="Anchor-380" id="Anchor-380"></a><a href="#Footnote-380" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 380.">[380]</a> at Colchester,<a name="Anchor-381" id="Anchor-381"></a><a href="#Footnote-381" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 381.">[381]</a> Radlett
+(Herts.),<a name="Anchor-382" id="Anchor-382"></a><a href="#Footnote-382" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 382.">[382]</a> and Shepton Mallet (Somerset).<a name="Anchor-383" id="Anchor-383"></a><a href="#Footnote-383" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 383.">[383]</a> Speaking
+generally they consisted of a circular pit, about
+4 to 6 feet in diameter, dug out to a depth of about
+4 feet: in this was a flat clay floor raised some
+2 feet from the bottom of the pit by a central
+pedestal. Into the space between this floor, or
+table, and the bottom of the pit came the hot air
+and smoke from a small furnace built at one side
+of the pit, or kiln proper. On the clay table, which
+was pierced with holes for the passage of the heat
+and smoke, were ranged the clay vessels to be baked,
+and these were built up in layers of diminishing
+diameter into a domed or conical structure, the
+layers being separated by grass covered with clay,
+the whole was then covered in with clay, leaving
+only an aperture in the centre at the top,<a name="Anchor-384" id="Anchor-384"></a><a href="#Footnote-384" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 384.">[384]</a> and the
+furnace lighted.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[116]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The early medieval kilns appear to have been
+very similar in construction to those just described,
+or of even simpler construction. If we may take
+literally the statement that a potter at Skipton paid
+6s. 8d. in 1323 'for dead wood and undergrowth to
+burn round his pots'<a name="Anchor-385" id="Anchor-385"></a><a href="#Footnote-385" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 385.">[385]</a> it would seem that here a
+primitive combination of furnace and kiln in one was
+in use. At a later date the usual construction was
+probably something similar to those found at
+Ringmer, in Sussex,<a name="Anchor-386" id="Anchor-386"></a><a href="#Footnote-386" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 386.">[386]</a> which seem to belong to the
+fifteenth century. Here the kilns were built of
+bricks or blocks of clay cemented by a sandy loam
+which vitrified under the influence of the heat to
+which it was subjected. The beds of the kilns
+enclosed longitudinal passages covered in with
+narrow arches, the spaces between which served to
+transmit the hot air to the superimposed clay vessels.
+The hearths were charged through arched openings
+at their ends with charcoal fuel.</p>
+
+<p>To render the pottery non-porous, it was necessary
+to glaze it,<a name="Anchor-387" id="Anchor-387"></a><a href="#Footnote-387" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 387.">[387]</a> and from an early period lead has
+been used for this purpose. A twelfth-century
+description of the process says<a name="Anchor-388" id="Anchor-388"></a><a href="#Footnote-388" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 388.">[388]</a> that the surface of
+the vase is first to be moistened with water in which
+flour has been boiled, and then powdered with lead:
+it is then placed inside a larger vessel and baked at
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[117]</a></span>a gentle heat. This process gives a yellow glaze,
+but if green is required—and green was the colour
+most often used in England in the medieval period—copper
+or bronze was to be added to the lead.
+The same authority gives a recipe for a leadless
+glaze: baked potter's earth is powdered and washed
+and then mixed with half its weight of unbaked
+earth, containing no sand; this is then worked up
+with oil and painted over the surface of the vase.</p>
+
+<p>Potters are mentioned at Bladon (Oxon.), Hasfield
+(Gloucs.), and Westbury (Wilts.), in Domesday,<a name="Anchor-389" id="Anchor-389"></a><a href="#Footnote-389" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 389.">[389]</a>
+but apart from casual references in place names<a name="Anchor-390" id="Anchor-390"></a><a href="#Footnote-390" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 390.">[390]</a>
+and in descriptions of individuals<a name="Anchor-391" id="Anchor-391"></a><a href="#Footnote-391" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 391.">[391]</a> the documentary
+history of early English pottery is scanty. Kingston
+on Thames may have been an early centre of the
+trade, as in 1260 the bailiffs of that town were
+ordered to send a thousand pitchers to the king's
+butler at Westminster.<a name="Anchor-392" id="Anchor-392"></a><a href="#Footnote-392" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 392.">[392]</a> At Graffham, in Sussex,
+in 1341, one of the sources of the vicar's income was
+'a composition from the men who made clay pots,
+which is worth 12d.,'<a name="Anchor-393" id="Anchor-393"></a><a href="#Footnote-393" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 393.">[393]</a> but the most common form
+of entry is a record of sums paid by potters for leave
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[118]</a></span>to dig clay. Thus at Cowick in Yorkshire,<a name="Anchor-394" id="Anchor-394"></a><a href="#Footnote-394" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 394.">[394]</a> in 1374,
+as much as £4, 16s. was 'received from potters
+making earthen vessels, for clay and sand taken in
+the moor of Cowick.' Similar entries occur here
+every year for about a century, while at Ringmer,
+in Sussex, small dues of 9d. a head were paid yearly
+by some half a dozen potters for a period of well
+over two hundred years.<a name="Anchor-395" id="Anchor-395"></a><a href="#Footnote-395" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 395.">[395]</a> Still earlier, in 1283, a
+rent of 36s. 8d., called 'Potteresgavel,' was paid
+to the lord of the manor of Midhurst.<a name="Anchor-396" id="Anchor-396"></a><a href="#Footnote-396" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 396.">[396]</a></p>
+
+<p>The type of pottery produced does not seem to
+have varied to any great extent in the different
+districts.<a name="Anchor-397" id="Anchor-397"></a><a href="#Footnote-397" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 397.">[397]</a> At Lincoln it seems to have been the
+custom to decorate some of the vessels by means of
+stamps: some of these stamps, in the form of heads,
+may be seen in the British Museum. But the use
+of stamps for decorating pottery is found also at
+Hastings. One distinctive variety of earthenware,
+however, arose about the beginning of the sixteenth
+century: it is a thin hard pottery, dark brown in
+colour, well glazed, and usually decorated with
+elaborate patterns in white slip. From its being
+found in large quantities in the Cistercian abbeys
+of Yorkshire—Kirkstall, Jervaulx, and Fountains—it
+has received the name of 'Cistercian ware,' but
+there is at present no direct evidence of its place of
+manufacture.<a name="Anchor-398" id="Anchor-398"></a><a href="#Footnote-398" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 398.">[398]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[119]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Closely connected with pottery is the manufacture
+of <span class="smcap">Tiles</span>, the material being in each case clay, and
+the kilns used being practically identical. At what
+period the manufacture of tiles, which had ceased
+with the Roman occupation, was resumed in England
+is not certain, but from the beginning of the thirteenth
+century they play an increasing part in the records
+of building operations. The frequency and devastating
+effect of fires, where thatched roofs were in
+use, soon led to the use of tiles for roofing purposes
+in towns even when the authorities did not make
+their use compulsory, as was done in London in
+1212, and at a much later date, in 1509, at Norwich.<a name="Anchor-399" id="Anchor-399"></a><a href="#Footnote-399" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 399.">[399]</a>
+The importance, for the safety of the town, of having
+a large supply of tiles accessible at a low price was
+recognised, and in 1350, after the Black Death had
+sent the prices of labour and of manufactured goods
+up very high, the City Council of London fixed the
+maximum price of tiles at 5s. the thousand,<a name="Anchor-400" id="Anchor-400"></a><a href="#Footnote-400" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 400.">[400]</a> and in
+1362, when a great tempest had unroofed numbers
+of houses and created a great demand for tiles, they
+ordered that the price of tiles should not be raised,
+and that the manufacturers should continue to make
+tiles as usual and expose them for sale, not keeping
+them back to enhance the price.<a name="Anchor-401" id="Anchor-401"></a><a href="#Footnote-401" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 401.">[401]</a> It was probably
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[120]</a></span>the same appreciation of the public advantage that
+led the authorities at Worcester in the fifteenth
+century to forbid the tilers to form any gild, or trade
+union, to restrain strangers from working in the city,
+or to fix a rate of wages.<a name="Anchor-402" id="Anchor-402"></a><a href="#Footnote-402" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 402.">[402]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Worcester regulations also ordered that all
+tiles should be marked with the maker's sign, so
+that any defects in size or quality could be traced
+to the party responsible. Earlier in the same century,
+in 1425, there had been many complaints at
+Colchester of the lack of uniformity in the size of
+the tiles made there,<a name="Anchor-403" id="Anchor-403"></a><a href="#Footnote-403" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 403.">[403]</a> and at last it became necessary
+in 1477 to pass an Act of Parliament to regulate the
+manufacture.<a name="Anchor-404" id="Anchor-404"></a><a href="#Footnote-404" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 404.">[404]</a> By this Act it was provided that
+the clay to be used should be dug, or cast, by 1st
+November, that it should be stirred and turned
+before the beginning of February, and not made into
+tiles before March, so as to ensure its being properly
+seasoned. Care was to be taken to avoid any
+admixture of chalk or marl or stones. The standard
+for plain tiles should be 10½ inches by 6¼ inches
+with a thickness of at least ⅝ inch; ridge tiles or
+crests should be 13½ inches by 6¼, and gutter tiles
+10½ inches long, and of sufficient thickness and depth.
+Searchers were to be appointed and paid a penny on
+every thousand plain tiles, a half-penny on every
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[121]</a></span>hundred crests, and a farthing for every hundred
+corner and gutter tiles examined. Infringement of
+the regulation entailed fines of 5s. the thousand
+plain, 6s. 8d. the hundred crest, and 2s. the hundred
+corner or gutter tiles sold. 'The size of the tiles
+is probably a declaration of the custom, the fine
+is the price at which each kind was ordinarily sold
+in the fifteenth century.'<a name="Anchor-405" id="Anchor-405"></a><a href="#Footnote-405" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 405.">[405]</a></p>
+
+<p>These regulations throw a certain amount of light
+upon the processes employed in tile-making, and
+further details are obtainable from the series of
+accounts relating to the great tileworks in the Kentish
+manor of Wye,<a name="Anchor-406" id="Anchor-406"></a><a href="#Footnote-406" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 406.">[406]</a> extending from 1330 to 1380. In
+1355 the output of ten kilns (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">furni</i>) was 98,500 plain,
+or flat, tiles, 500 'festeux'<a name="Anchor-407" id="Anchor-407"></a><a href="#Footnote-407" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 407.">[407]</a> (either ridge or gutter
+tiles), and 1000 'corners.' The digging of the clay
+and burning of the kilns was contracted for at 11s.
+the kiln, a thousand faggots were bought for fuel<a name="Anchor-408" id="Anchor-408"></a><a href="#Footnote-408" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 408.">[408]</a>
+at a cost of 45s., and another 10s. was spent on
+carriage of the clay and faggots. The total expenses
+were therefore £8, 5s., and as plain tiles sold here for
+2s. 6d. the thousand, festeux at three farthings each,
+and corners at 1s. 8d. the hundred, the value of the
+output was about £14, 15s. In 1370, when thirteen
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[122]</a></span>kilns belonging to two tileries turned out 168,000
+plain tiles, 650 festeux, and 900 corners, we have a
+more elaborate account. Wood was cut at the rate
+of 15d. for each kiln; clay for the six kilns of one
+tilery was 'cast' at 14d. the kiln and 'tempered'
+at the rate of 1s. 6d., but for the seven kilns of the
+other tilery payment was made in grain. The clay
+was carried to the six kilns for 4s., and prepared<a name="Anchor-409" id="Anchor-409"></a><a href="#Footnote-409" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 409.">[409]</a> for
+moulding into tiles for 7s.; the actual making and
+burning<a name="Anchor-410" id="Anchor-410"></a><a href="#Footnote-410" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 410.">[410]</a> of the tiles was paid for at 14s. the kiln, and
+an extra 12d. were given as gratuities to the tilers.
+Next year the output was considerably reduced,
+because in one tilery 'the upper course of the kilns
+(<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">cursus furni</i>) did not bake the tiles fully, nor will it
+bake them until extensive repairs are done,' and in
+the other tilery only four kilns were prepared, and
+one of these had to be left unburnt until the next
+year, owing to the lack of workmen. It was possibly
+for the defective kiln just mentioned that a 'new
+vault' was made in 1373 at a cost of 6s. 8d.—with
+a further 8d. for obtaining loam (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">limo</i>) for the work.
+Two years later repairs were done to the buildings
+of a tilery, which had been blown down by the wind.
+But the chief blow was struck to the industry here
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[123]</a></span>by the increasing difficulty of obtaining workmen.
+The work may have been unhealthy, for it is noteworthy
+that the Ringmer potters were on more than
+one occasion wiped out by pestilence:<a name="Anchor-411" id="Anchor-411"></a><a href="#Footnote-411" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 411.">[411]</a> the effects
+of the Black Death in 1350 on the Wye tilers are not
+recorded, but in 1366 as a result, apparently, of the
+second pestilence two small tileries, one of three
+roods, and the other of 1½ acres, which had been
+leased for 7d. and 14d. respectively, lost their tenants,
+and in 1375 mention is made of the scarcity of workmen,
+'who died in the pestilence at the time of
+tile making.' In 1377 Peter at Gate,<a name="Anchor-412" id="Anchor-412"></a><a href="#Footnote-412" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 412.">[412]</a> who for the
+past few years had hired a number of kilns at 20s.
+a piece, only answered for four kilns 'on account of
+hindrance to the workmen, who had been assigned
+to guard the sea coast, and on account of the great
+quantity of rain in the autumn, which did not allow
+him to burn more kilns.' In the same year, and also
+two years later, another tilery was unworked for
+lack of labour.</p>
+
+<p>The tileries at Wye belonged to the Abbot of
+Battle, and there were tile kilns at Battle itself in
+the sixteenth century,<a name="Anchor-413" id="Anchor-413"></a><a href="#Footnote-413" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 413.">[413]</a> and probably much earlier,
+as in the adjoining parish of Ashburnham in 1362,
+there was a 'building called a Tylehous for baking
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[124]</a></span>(<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">siccandis</i>) tiles.'<a name="Anchor-414" id="Anchor-414"></a><a href="#Footnote-414" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 414.">[414]</a> Just about the same time, in
+1363, we find 'a piece of land called Teghelerehelde'
+in Hackington,<a name="Anchor-415" id="Anchor-415"></a><a href="#Footnote-415" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 415.">[415]</a> close to Canterbury, granted to
+Christian Belsire, in whose family it remained for
+over a century, as in 1465 William Belsyre leased to
+John Appys and Edmund Helere of Canterbury 'a
+tyleoste with a workhouse' lying at Tylernehelde
+in Hackington for two years for a rent of 26s. 8d.<a name="Anchor-416" id="Anchor-416"></a><a href="#Footnote-416" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 416.">[416]</a>
+With the 'tyleoste' William Belsyre handed over
+15,000 'tyle standardes'—worth 18d. the thousand,
+eighty 'palette bordes and three long bordys for
+the kelle walles.'<a name="Anchor-417" id="Anchor-417"></a><a href="#Footnote-417" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 417.">[417]</a> Various building accounts show
+that there were extensive tileries at Smithfield; for
+Guildford Castle the tiles came from Shalford, and
+for Windsor chiefly from 'la Penne.' In the north
+tiles were made before the end of the thirteenth
+century at Hull, amongst other places, but one of
+the chief centres was Beverley. About 1385 the
+monks of Meaux complained that 'certain workmen
+of Beverley who were called tilers, makers and
+burners of the slabs (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">laterum</i>) with which many
+houses in Beverley and elsewhere are covered,' had
+trespassed on the abbey's lands at Waghen and
+Sutton, taking away clay between the banks and the
+stream of the river Hull without leave, to convert
+into tiles. The monks seized their tools, their oars,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[125]</a></span>and finally one of their boats, but the Provost of
+Beverley, on whose fee the tileries were, supported
+the tilers in their claim to dig clay in any place
+covered by the waters of the Hull at its highest.<a name="Anchor-418" id="Anchor-418"></a><a href="#Footnote-418" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 418.">[418]</a>
+Some thirty years earlier, in 1359, the list of customary
+town dues at Beverley included 'from every tiler's
+furnace fired ½d.,'<a name="Anchor-419" id="Anchor-419"></a><a href="#Footnote-419" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 419.">[419]</a> and in 1370 Thomas Whyt, tiler,
+took a lease of the tilery of Aldebek from the town
+authorities for four years, at a rent of 6000 tiles.<a name="Anchor-420" id="Anchor-420"></a><a href="#Footnote-420" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 420.">[420]</a></p>
+
+<p>So far we have been dealing with roofing tiles,
+or 'thakketyles,' but from the middle of the fourteenth
+century onwards with increasing frequency,
+we find mention of 'waltyles' or bricks. For
+building a new chamber at Ely in 1335 some 18,000
+wall tiles (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">tegularum muralium</i>) were made at a cost
+of 12d. the thousand.<a name="Anchor-421" id="Anchor-421"></a><a href="#Footnote-421" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 421.">[421]</a> They seem to have been
+introduced from Flanders, and are frequently called
+'Flaundrestiell,'<a name="Anchor-422" id="Anchor-422"></a><a href="#Footnote-422" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 422.">[422]</a> as, for instance, in 1357, when a
+thousand were bought for a fireplace at Westminster
+at 3s. 2d.<a name="Anchor-423" id="Anchor-423"></a><a href="#Footnote-423" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 423.">[423]</a> At Beverley, in 1391, three persons
+acquired from the gild of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> John the right to take
+earth at Groval Dyke, paying yearly therefor
+3000 'waltyles,'<a name="Anchor-424" id="Anchor-424"></a><a href="#Footnote-424" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 424.">[424]</a> and in 1440 Robert Collard, tile-maker,
+took 'le Grovaldyke on the west side of le
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[126]</a></span>demmyng' at a rent of 1000 'waltyl.'<a name="Anchor-425" id="Anchor-425"></a><a href="#Footnote-425" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 425.">[425]</a> It was
+probably more particularly with regard to brick
+kilns than to ordinary tile kilns that the regulations
+drawn up in 1461<a name="Anchor-426" id="Anchor-426"></a><a href="#Footnote-426" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 426.">[426]</a> ordered that, 'on account of the
+stench, fouling the air and destruction of fruit trees,
+no one is to make a kiln to burn tile nearer the town
+than the kilns now are, under penalty of a fine of
+100s.' The term 'brick' does not seem to have
+come into common use much before 1450, about
+which time the use of the material became general.</p>
+
+<p>In addition to roof tiles and wall tiles, there were
+floor tiles. References to these occur in many
+building accounts. At Windsor, in 1368, 'paven-tyll'
+cost 4s. the thousand, and a large variety 2s.
+the hundred, while plain roof tiles were 2s. 6d. the
+thousand.<a name="Anchor-427" id="Anchor-427"></a><a href="#Footnote-427" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 427.">[427]</a> These were probably plain red tiles,
+but at Westminster in 1278 we have mention of the
+purchase of 'a quarter and a half of yellow tiles'
+for 7d.<a name="Anchor-428" id="Anchor-428"></a><a href="#Footnote-428" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 428.">[428]</a> Tiles with a plain yellow or green glazed
+surface are of common occurrence in medieval
+buildings, and in many churches and monastic
+ruins pavements of inlaid, so-called 'encaustic,'
+tiles remain more or less complete.<a name="Anchor-429" id="Anchor-429"></a><a href="#Footnote-429" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 429.">[429]</a> In the case of
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[127]</a></span>these inlaid tiles the pattern was impressed or
+incised before baking, and then filled in with white
+slip, the whole being usually glazed. Some of the
+patterns thus produced were of great beauty and
+elaboration, and it would seem that they were often
+designed, if not actually made, by members of
+monastic houses. The finest known series are those
+discovered at Chertsey Abbey, and it is possible
+that the remarkable examples in the chapter-house
+of Westminster Abbey,<a name="Anchor-430" id="Anchor-430"></a><a href="#Footnote-430" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 430.">[430]</a> which date from <i>c.</i> 1255,
+are by the same artist. In the case of the Abbey of
+Dale in Derbyshire,<a name="Anchor-431" id="Anchor-431"></a><a href="#Footnote-431" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 431.">[431]</a> and the priories of Repton and
+Malvern,<a name="Anchor-432" id="Anchor-432"></a><a href="#Footnote-432" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 432.">[432]</a> the kilns used for making these inlaid
+tiles have been discovered, and similar kilns, not
+associated, so far as is known, with any religious
+establishment, have also been found at Hastings.<a name="Anchor-433" id="Anchor-433"></a><a href="#Footnote-433" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 433.">[433]</a>
+The manufacture of these inlaid tiles in England
+gradually died out towards the end of the fifteenth
+century, and has only been revived in recent years.</p>
+
+<p>It is curious that although there is abundant
+circumstantial evidence of <span class="smcap">Glassmaking</span> in England,
+during the medieval period, direct records of the
+manufacture are extremely scarce, and practically
+confined to a single district. From the early years
+of the thirteenth century, Chiddingfold and the
+neighbouring villages on the borders of Surrey and
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[128]</a></span>Sussex were turning out large quantities of glass.
+Laurence 'Vitrarius' (the glassman) occurs as a
+landed proprietor in Chiddingfold about 1225, and
+some fifty years later there is a casual reference to
+'le Ovenhusfeld,' presumably the field in which was
+the oven or furnace house, of which the remains
+were uncovered some years since.<a name="Anchor-434" id="Anchor-434"></a><a href="#Footnote-434" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 434.">[434]</a> It is possible
+that in the case of glassmaking, as in the case of
+many other industries, improvements were introduced
+from abroad, for in 1352 we find John de
+Alemaygne<a name="Anchor-435" id="Anchor-435"></a><a href="#Footnote-435" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 435.">[435]</a> of Chiddingfold supplying large quantities
+of glass for <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Stephen's Chapel, Westminster.<a name="Anchor-436" id="Anchor-436"></a><a href="#Footnote-436" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 436.">[436]</a>
+In one batch he sent up three hundred and three
+weys (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pondera</i>) of glass, the wey being 5 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>, and the
+hundred consisting of twenty-four weys, being, that
+is to say, the 'long hundred' of 120 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> A little
+later he sent thirty-six weys, and soon after another
+sixty weys were bought at Chiddingfold, probably
+from the same maker. The price in each case was
+6d. the wey, or 12s. the hundred, to which had to be
+added about 1d. the wey for carriage from the
+Weald to Westminster. In January 1355-6 four
+hundreds of glass were bought from the same maker
+for the windows of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> George's Chapel, Windsor,
+at 13s. 4d. the hundred.<a name="Anchor-437" id="Anchor-437"></a><a href="#Footnote-437" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 437.">[437]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[129]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Towards the end of the fourteenth century the
+family of Sherterre, or Shorter, became prominent
+in the Chiddingfold district,<a name="Anchor-438" id="Anchor-438"></a><a href="#Footnote-438" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 438.">[438]</a> and on the death of
+John Sherterre in 1380 his widow engaged John
+Glasewryth, of Staffordshire, to work the glass-house
+for six years, receiving 20d. for every sheaf
+(<i>sheu</i>)<a name="Anchor-439" id="Anchor-439"></a><a href="#Footnote-439" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 439.">[439]</a> of 'brodeglass' (<i>i.e.</i> window glass), and 6d.
+for every hundred of glass vessels made. This is
+interesting as showing that glass vessels were made
+here; the evidence of inventories, however, seems
+to show that glass was as a whole very little used
+for table purposes, though a few pieces of the beautiful
+Italian glassware might be found in the houses
+of the wealthy. The family of Shorter were succeeded
+by the Ropleys, and they in turn by the
+Peytos, who carried on the trade during the whole
+of the sixteenth century, and as late as 1614, thus
+well overlapping the modern period of glassmaking,
+which began with the coming of the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gentilshommes
+verriers</i> from France early in the reign of Elizabeth.<a name="Anchor-440" id="Anchor-440"></a><a href="#Footnote-440" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 440.">[440]</a></p>
+
+<p>Glass must have been made in many other districts
+where fuel and sand, the chief requisites for
+the manufacture, were plentiful, but it is difficult
+to identify any sites of the industry. In 1352 John
+Geddyng, glazier, was sent into Kent and Essex to get
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[130]</a></span>glass for <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Stephen's, Westminster,<a name="Anchor-441" id="Anchor-441"></a><a href="#Footnote-441" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 441.">[441]</a> but where he
+went and whether he was successful, is not known.
+'English glass' is found in use at Durham in 1397,<a name="Anchor-442" id="Anchor-442"></a><a href="#Footnote-442" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 442.">[442]</a>
+and at York in 1471.<a name="Anchor-443" id="Anchor-443"></a><a href="#Footnote-443" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 443.">[443]</a> For York Minster sixteen
+sheets (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">tabulae</i>) of English glass were bought from
+Edmund Bordale of Bramley buttes for 14s. 8d. in
+1478,<a name="Anchor-444" id="Anchor-444"></a><a href="#Footnote-444" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 444.">[444]</a> and at an earlier date, in 1418, we find three
+seams, three weys of white glass bought from John
+Glasman of Ruglay (Rugeley) at 20s. the seam
+of twenty-four weys,<a name="Anchor-445" id="Anchor-445"></a><a href="#Footnote-445" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 445.">[445]</a> but whether these men
+were glass makers, or merely glass merchants,
+cannot be determined. That the industry, so far
+at least as real stained glass is concerned, was not
+flourishing in England in the fifteenth century is
+shown by the fact that Henry <abbr title="the sixth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VI.</span></abbr>, in 1449, brought
+over from Flanders John Utynam to make glass of
+all colours for Eton College and the College of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr>
+Mary and <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Nicholas (<i>i.e.</i> King's) Cambridge. He
+was empowered to obtain workmen and materials
+at the King's cost, and full protection was granted
+to him and his family. He was also allowed to sell
+such glass as he made at his own expense, and 'because
+the said art has never been used in England,
+and the said John is to instruct divers in many other
+arts never used in the realm,' the King granted him
+a monopoly, no one else being allowed to use such
+arts for twenty years without his licence under a
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[131]</a></span>penalty of £200.<a name="Anchor-446" id="Anchor-446"></a><a href="#Footnote-446" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 446.">[446]</a> Most glass of which we have any
+account was bought through the glaziers of the larger
+towns; but to what extent they made their own
+glass we cannot say. A certain amount, especially
+of coloured glass, was imported, and the York
+accounts show 'glass of various colours' bought in
+1457 from Peter Faudkent, 'Dochman' (<i>i.e.</i> German),
+at Hull,<a name="Anchor-447" id="Anchor-447"></a><a href="#Footnote-447" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 447.">[447]</a> 'Rennysshe' glass bought in 1530, Burgundy
+glass in 1536, and Normandy glass in 1537,<a name="Anchor-448" id="Anchor-448"></a><a href="#Footnote-448" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 448.">[448]</a>
+while in 1447 we find the executors of the Earl of
+Warwick stipulating that no English glass should
+be used in the windows of his chapel at Warwick.<a name="Anchor-449" id="Anchor-449"></a><a href="#Footnote-449" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 449.">[449]</a></p>
+
+<p>To any one who knows the beauty of English
+stained glass this stipulation may seem strange, but
+it must be borne in mind that our cathedral windows
+derive their glories not from the maker, but from
+the painter, and that the glass is but the medium
+carrying the designs of the artist. English glass as
+a rule, prior at any rate to the fifteenth century, was
+white and received its decoration after it had left
+the glass-house. The process may be gathered from
+the account of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Stephen's in 1352. Here we find
+John of Chester and five other master glaziers
+employed at a shilling a day drawing designs for the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[132]</a></span>windows on 'white tables,' presumably flat wooden
+tablets, which were washed with ale,<a name="Anchor-450" id="Anchor-450"></a><a href="#Footnote-450" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 450.">[450]</a> which served
+no doubt as a size or medium to prevent the colours
+running. About a dozen glaziers were employed at
+7d. a day to paint the glass, and some fifteen, at 6d.
+a day, to cut or break the glass and join it,<a name="Anchor-451" id="Anchor-451"></a><a href="#Footnote-451" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 451.">[451]</a> which
+they apparently did by placing it over the painted
+designs, this being presumably done before it was
+painted. The glass thus cut into convenient shapes
+was held in place over the design by 'clozyngnailles,'
+and when it had been painted was joined up with
+leads, lard or grease being used to fill the joints.
+For the painting silver foil, gum arabick, jet (<i>geet</i>),
+and 'arnement' (a kind of ink) were provided.<a name="Anchor-452" id="Anchor-452"></a><a href="#Footnote-452" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 452.">[452]</a>
+Possibly the stronger colours were supplied by the
+use of pieces of stained glass, as purchases were
+made of ruby, azure, and sapphire glass.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[133]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2>CHAPTER <abbr title="8">VIII</abbr><br />
+
+<small>CLOTHMAKING</small></h2>
+
+
+<p>Important as was the wool trade, for centuries the
+main source of England's wealth, its history, pertaining
+to the realms of commerce rather than of
+industry, does not concern us here, and we may
+ignore the raw material to deal with the manufactured
+article. To treat at all adequately the
+vast and complicated history of clothmaking would
+require a volume as large as this book, even if the
+line be drawn at the introduction of the New
+Draperies by Protestant refugees in the time of
+Elizabeth, and all that is possible here is briefly to
+outline that history.</p>
+
+<p>The weaving of cloth is of prehistoric antiquity,
+implements employed therein having been found
+in numbers in the ancient lake-village of Glastonbury,
+and on other earlier sites, but documentary
+evidence may be said to begin with the twelfth
+century. By the middle of that century the industry
+had so far developed in certain centres that
+the weavers of London, Winchester, Lincoln, Oxford,
+Huntingdon, and Nottingham, and the fullers of
+Winchester, had formed themselves into gilds,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[134]</a></span>which were sufficiently wealthy to pay from 40s. to
+£12 yearly to the king for various privileges which
+practically amounted to the monopoly of cloth-working
+in their several districts.<a name="Anchor-453" id="Anchor-453"></a><a href="#Footnote-453" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 453.">[453]</a> If these were the
+principal they were by no means the only centres
+of the industry. Stamford,<a name="Anchor-454" id="Anchor-454"></a><a href="#Footnote-454" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 454.">[454]</a> on the borders of
+Lincolnshire and Northants., was another; and
+Gloucester,<a name="Anchor-455" id="Anchor-455"></a><a href="#Footnote-455" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 455.">[455]</a> while dyers are found at Worcester<a name="Anchor-456" id="Anchor-456"></a><a href="#Footnote-456" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 456.">[456]</a> in
+1173, and at Darlington<a name="Anchor-457" id="Anchor-457"></a><a href="#Footnote-457" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 457.">[457]</a> ten years later.</p>
+
+<p>To the twelfth century also belong the remarkable
+'laws of the weavers and fullers' of Winchester,
+Marlborough, Oxford, and Beverley.<a name="Anchor-458" id="Anchor-458"></a><a href="#Footnote-458" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 458.">[458]</a> These, which
+all closely resemble one another, and were either
+based upon, or intimately related to the regulations
+in force in London, show the clothworkers in a state
+of subjection for which it is difficult to account.
+Briefly summarised, they lay down that no weaver
+or fuller may traffic in cloth or sell it to any one
+except to the merchants of the town, and that if
+any became prosperous and wished to become a
+freeman of the town, he must first abandon his
+trade and get rid of all the implements connected
+with it, and then satisfy the town officials of his
+ability to keep up his new position without working
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[135]</a></span>at his old trade. But the most singular provision,
+found in all these laws, was that no fuller or weaver
+could attaint or bear witness against a 'free man.'
+Here it is clear that 'free man' is used not as opposed
+to a villein,<a name="Anchor-459" id="Anchor-459"></a><a href="#Footnote-459" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 459.">[459]</a> but as implying one possessing the full
+franchise of his town, in other words, a member of
+the governing merchant gild, or equivalent body.
+Probably the English cloth trade, which was very
+extensive during the twelfth century, was entirely
+in the hands of the capitalist merchant clothiers, at
+any rate so far as the great towns here in question
+were concerned, and they had combined to prevent
+members of the handicraft gilds of clothworkers
+from obtaining access to the merchant gilds. As the
+charter granted to the London weavers by Henry <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>
+early in his reign confirms to them the rights and
+privileges which they had in the time of Henry <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>,
+and orders that no one shall dare to do them any
+injury or despite,<a name="Anchor-460" id="Anchor-460"></a><a href="#Footnote-460" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 460.">[460]</a> it may be suggested that these
+restrictive regulations were drawn up in the time of
+Stephen. For the date at which they were collected,
+evidently as precedents for use in London, we may
+hazard 1202, in which year the citizens of London
+paid sixty marks to King John to abolish the
+weavers' gilds.<a name="Anchor-461" id="Anchor-461"></a><a href="#Footnote-461" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 461.">[461]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is curious that most modern writers assume the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[136]</a></span>English cloth trade to have practically started with
+the introduction of Flemish weavers by Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>
+It is constantly asserted<a name="Anchor-462" id="Anchor-462"></a><a href="#Footnote-462" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 462.">[462]</a> that prior to this the cloth
+made in England was of a very poor quality and
+entirely for home consumption. Both statements
+are incorrect. A very large proportion of the native
+cloth was certainly coarse 'burel,' such as that of
+which 2000 ells were bought at Winchester in 1172
+for the soldiers in Ireland,<a name="Anchor-463" id="Anchor-463"></a><a href="#Footnote-463" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 463.">[463]</a> or the still coarser and
+cheaper Cornish burels which were distributed to
+the poor by the royal almoner about this time.<a name="Anchor-464" id="Anchor-464"></a><a href="#Footnote-464" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 464.">[464]</a>
+At the other end of the scale were the scarlet cloths
+for which Lincoln and Stamford early attained
+fame. Scarlet cloth, dyed if not actually made on
+the spot, was bought in Lincoln for the king in 1182
+at the prodigious price of 6s. 8d. the ell, about £7
+in modern money. At the same time 'blanket'
+cloth and green say cost 3s. the ell, and grey say
+1s. 8d.<a name="Anchor-465" id="Anchor-465"></a><a href="#Footnote-465" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 465.">[465]</a> Thirty years later the importance of the
+trade is indicated by the inclusion in Magna Carta of
+a section fixing the breadth of 'dyed cloths, russets,
+and halbergetts' at two ells 'within the lists.'<a name="Anchor-466" id="Anchor-466"></a><a href="#Footnote-466" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 466.">[466]</a>
+Infringements of the 'assize of cloth' were of constant
+occurrence, and were amongst the matters
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[137]</a></span>inquired into by the justices holding 'pleas of the
+Crown'; for instance, in Kent, in 1226, some thirty
+merchants and clothiers are presented as offenders
+in this respect,<a name="Anchor-467" id="Anchor-467"></a><a href="#Footnote-467" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 467.">[467]</a> Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> at the beginning of his
+reign, in May 1218, had ordered that any cloths of
+less than two ells breadth exposed for sale should be
+forfeited,<a name="Anchor-468" id="Anchor-468"></a><a href="#Footnote-468" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 468.">[468]</a> but this order was not to take effect
+before Christmas so far as burels made by the men
+of London, Marlborough, and Bedwin (Wilts.) were
+concerned, and in 1225 the citizens of London were
+exempted from keeping the assize, provided their
+burels were not made narrower than they used to
+be.<a name="Anchor-469" id="Anchor-469"></a><a href="#Footnote-469" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 469.">[469]</a> In 1246 the sheriff of London was ordered to
+buy one thousand ells of cheap burel to give to the
+poor;<a name="Anchor-470" id="Anchor-470"></a><a href="#Footnote-470" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 470.">[470]</a> and in 1250 we find the king discharging an
+outstanding bill of £155 due to a number of London
+burellers, whose names are recorded;<a name="Anchor-471" id="Anchor-471"></a><a href="#Footnote-471" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 471.">[471]</a> amongst
+them was one Gerard le Flemeng, but otherwise they
+appear to have been native workmen. The burellers
+seem to have already separated off from the weavers,
+and had certainly done so some time before 1300, at
+which date disputes between the two classes of
+clothmakers were common.<a name="Anchor-472" id="Anchor-472"></a><a href="#Footnote-472" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 472.">[472]</a></p>
+
+<p>Apart from the burels, which were probably
+very similar wherever made, the cloths made at
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[138]</a></span>different centres usually possessed distinctive characteristics.
+In the list of customs paid at Venice
+on imported goods in 1265,<a name="Anchor-473" id="Anchor-473"></a><a href="#Footnote-473" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 473.">[473]</a> we find mention of
+'English Stamfords,' 'dyed Stamfords,' and of
+'Milanese Stamfords of Monza,' showing that this
+particular class of English cloth was sufficiently
+good to be copied abroad. It is rather a noticeable
+feature of the cloth trade that so many of the trade
+terms were taken from the names of the places in
+which the particular wares originated. A prominent
+instance of this occurs in the case of 'chalons,' which
+derived their name from Chalons-sur-Marne, but
+were made in England from an early date. 'Chalons
+of Guildford' were bought for the king's use at
+Winchester Fair in 1252.<a name="Anchor-474" id="Anchor-474"></a><a href="#Footnote-474" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 474.">[474]</a> Winchester itself was
+an early centre of the manufacture of chalons, which
+were rugs used for coverlets or counterpanes, and in
+the consuetudinary of the city,<a name="Anchor-475" id="Anchor-475"></a><a href="#Footnote-475" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 475.">[475]</a> which dates back
+at least to the early years of the thirteenth century,
+the looms are divided into two classes, the 'great
+looms' used for burel weaving paying 5s. a year,
+and the 'little looms' for chalons paying 6d. or 12d.,
+according to their size. The chalons were to be of
+fixed dimensions, those 4 ells long being 2 yards in
+breadth (<i>devant li tapener</i>), those of 3½ yards 1¾ yards
+wide, and those of 3 ells long 1½ ells wide. Coverlets
+formed also an important branch of the Norfolk
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[139]</a></span>worsted<a name="Anchor-476" id="Anchor-476"></a><a href="#Footnote-476" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 476.">[476]</a> industry; in this case the ancient measurements
+were said in 1327 to have been 6 ells by 5,
+5 by 4, or 4 by 3.<a name="Anchor-477" id="Anchor-477"></a><a href="#Footnote-477" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 477.">[477]</a> At a later date, in 1442,
+we find worsted 'beddes' of much greater dimensions,
+the three 'assizes' being 14 yards by 4, 12 by
+3, or 10 by 2½,<a name="Anchor-478" id="Anchor-478"></a><a href="#Footnote-478" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 478.">[478]</a> but presumably these were complete
+sets of coverlet, tester and curtains, such as those of
+which a number are valued at from 6s. 8d. to 20s.
+a piece in the inventory of the goods of the late King
+Henry <abbr title="the fifth"><span class="smcap lowercase">V.</span></abbr> in 1423.<a name="Anchor-479" id="Anchor-479"></a><a href="#Footnote-479" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 479.">[479]</a> Besides bedclothes the worsted
+weavers made piece cloth, and amongst the exports
+from Boston in 1302 figure worsted cloths and
+worsted seys.<a name="Anchor-480" id="Anchor-480"></a><a href="#Footnote-480" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 480.">[480]</a> Boston, as we might expect from its
+nearness to Lincoln, exported a good deal of scarlet
+cloth, while the amount of 'English cloth' sent out
+is proof of a demand for this material abroad: a
+ship from Lubeck took 'English cloth' worth £250
+for one merchant, Tideman de Lippe, and two other
+ships carried cargoes of the same material worth
+more than £200. 'Beverley cloths' are also represented
+amongst these exports, and coloured cloths
+of Lincoln and Beverley are found about this time
+at Ipswich paying the same tolls as foreign cloths.<a name="Anchor-481" id="Anchor-481"></a><a href="#Footnote-481" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 481.">[481]</a>
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[140]</a></span>At Ipswich also cloths of Cogsall, Maldon, Colchester,
+and Sudbury are mentioned as typical 'clothes of
+Ynglond' exported<a name="Anchor-482" id="Anchor-482"></a><a href="#Footnote-482" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 482.">[482]</a> and are classified as 'of
+doubele warke that men clepeth tomannyshete,'
+and a smaller kind 'of longe webbe that they call
+omannesete,'<a name="Anchor-483" id="Anchor-483"></a><a href="#Footnote-483" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 483.">[483]</a> or 'oon mannys hete.' The origin
+of these terms appears to be unknown, but as these
+were probably the narrow cloths afterwards known
+as 'Essex straits,' there was possibly some connection
+with the narrow 'Osetes' of Bristol.<a name="Anchor-484" id="Anchor-484"></a><a href="#Footnote-484" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 484.">[484]</a></p>
+
+<p>So far as London is concerned, the skill of the
+weavers at the end of the thirteenth century is
+shown by the variety of types of cloth which are
+referred to in the regulations of 1300.<a name="Anchor-485" id="Anchor-485"></a><a href="#Footnote-485" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 485.">[485]</a> Here we
+find mention of cloths called andly, porreye, menuet,
+virli, lumbard, marbled ground with vetch-blossom,
+hawes, bissets, etc. But it would seem that the
+English cloth makers failed to keep pace<a name="Anchor-486" id="Anchor-486"></a><a href="#Footnote-486" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 486.">[486]</a> with their
+Continental rivals, and instead of improving the
+quality of their goods endeavoured to keep up
+prices by restricting their output.<a name="Anchor-487" id="Anchor-487"></a><a href="#Footnote-487" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 487.">[487]</a> Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>,
+seeing the need for new blood, took measures to
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[141]</a></span>attract foreign clothworkers<a name="Anchor-488" id="Anchor-488"></a><a href="#Footnote-488" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 488.">[488]</a> to England, and at
+the same time, in 1337, absolutely prohibited the
+use or importation of foreign cloth.<a name="Anchor-489" id="Anchor-489"></a><a href="#Footnote-489" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 489.">[489]</a> In order to
+stimulate the output he even withdrew all restrictions
+as to measures, and licensed the making of
+cloths of any length and breadth; but this excess
+of freedom soon proved unworkable. The newcomers
+were not very popular with the native
+weavers, and in 1340 the king had to send orders
+to the Mayor of Bristol to cease from interfering
+with Thomas Blanket and others who had set up
+machines for making cloth, and had brought over
+workmen.<a name="Anchor-490" id="Anchor-490"></a><a href="#Footnote-490" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 490.">[490]</a> The vexation against which Blanket
+had appealed seems to have been the regulation that
+every new weaving loom was to pay 5s. 1d. to the
+Mayor, and 40d. to the aldermen; this rule was
+confirmed in 1346, but annulled in 1355.<a name="Anchor-491" id="Anchor-491"></a><a href="#Footnote-491" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 491.">[491]</a></p>
+
+<p>Before dealing with the various ordinances by which
+the manufacture of cloth was controlled, it may be
+as well to consider the processes through which the
+wool passed before it reached the market, for</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+  <div class="poetry">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <div class="verse">'Cloth that cometh from the weaving is not comely to wear</div>
+      <div class="verse">Till it be fulled under foot or in fulling stocks;</div>
+      <div class="verse">Washen well with water, and with teasels cratched,</div>
+      <div class="verse">Towked and teynted and under tailor's hands.'<a name="Anchor-492" id="Anchor-492"></a><a href="#Footnote-492" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 492.">[492]</a></div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[142]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Having dropped into verse, we may perhaps
+continue in that medium, and set out the various
+stages of the manufacture in a poem,<a name="Anchor-493" id="Anchor-493"></a><a href="#Footnote-493" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 493.">[493]</a> written in
+1641, but equally applicable to earlier times:—</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+  <div class="poetry">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <div class="verse">'1.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; First the Parter, that doth neatly cull</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">The finer from the courser sort of wool.<a name="Anchor-494" id="Anchor-494"></a><a href="#Footnote-494" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 494.">[494]</a></div>
+      <div class="verse">2.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Dyer then in order next doth stand,</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">With sweating brow and a laborious hand.</div>
+      <div class="verse">3.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; With oil they then asperge it, which being done,</div>
+      <div class="verse">4.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The careful hand of Mixers round it runne.</div>
+      <div class="verse">5.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Stockcarder his arms doth hard imploy</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">(Remembring Friday is our Market day).</div>
+      <div class="verse">6.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Knee-carder doth (without controule)</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">Quickly convert it to a lesser roule.</div>
+      <div class="verse">7.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Which done, the Spinster doth in hand it take</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">And of two hundred roules one threed doth make.</div>
+      <div class="verse">8.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Weaver next doth warp and weave the chain,</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">Whilst Puss his cat stands mewing for a skaine;</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">But he, laborious with his hands and heeles,</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">Forgets his Cat and cries, Come boy with queles.<a name="Anchor-495" id="Anchor-495"></a><a href="#Footnote-495" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 495.">[495]</a></div>
+      <div class="verse">9.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Being fill'd, the Brayer doth it mundifie</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">From oyle and dirt that in the same doth lie,</div>
+      <div class="verse"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[143]</a></span>10.&nbsp; The Burler<a name="Anchor-496" id="Anchor-496"></a><a href="#Footnote-496" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 496.">[496]</a> then (yea, thousands in this place)</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">The thick-set weed with nimble hand doth chase.</div>
+      <div class="verse">11.&nbsp; The Fuller then close by his stock doth stand,</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">And will not once shake Morpheus by the hand.</div>
+      <div class="verse">12.&nbsp; The Rower next his armes lifts up on high,</div>
+      <div class="verse">13.&nbsp; And near him sings the Shearman merrily.</div>
+      <div class="verse">14.&nbsp; The Drawer last, that many faults doth hide</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">(Whom merchant nor the weaver can abide)</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">Yet is he one in most clothes stops more holes</div>
+      <div class="verse indent4">Than there be stairs to the top of Paul's.'</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>The first process, then, was the sorting of the wool.
+The better quality was used for the ordinary cloths,
+and the worst was made up into coarse cloth known
+as cogware and Kendal cloth, three-quarters of a yard
+broad, and worth from 40d. to 5s. the piece.<a name="Anchor-497" id="Anchor-497"></a><a href="#Footnote-497" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 497.">[497]</a> The term
+cogware seems to have sprung from its being sold
+to cogmen, the crews of the ships called cogs; but
+whether for their own use, or for export is not quite
+clear. The alternative name of Kendal cloths was
+derived from the district of Kendal in Westmoreland,
+a seat of the industry, at least as early as 1256.<a name="Anchor-498" id="Anchor-498"></a><a href="#Footnote-498" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 498.">[498]</a>
+The mixing of different qualities of wool in one
+cloth was prohibited; and as it was forbidden to mix
+English wool with Spanish,<a name="Anchor-499" id="Anchor-499"></a><a href="#Footnote-499" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 499.">[499]</a> so was the use of flocks,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[144]</a></span>or refuse wool, in ordinary cloth,<a name="Anchor-500" id="Anchor-500"></a><a href="#Footnote-500" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 500.">[500]</a> except in the case
+of the cloth of Devonshire, in which, owing to the
+coarseness of the wool, an admixture of flock was
+necessary.<a name="Anchor-501" id="Anchor-501"></a><a href="#Footnote-501" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 501.">[501]</a></p>
+
+<p>In dyeing two mediums are required, the colouring
+matter and the mordant which fixes the dye in the
+wool. The mordant most in use in the Middle Ages
+was alum,<a name="Anchor-502" id="Anchor-502"></a><a href="#Footnote-502" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 502.">[502]</a> and at Bristol in 1346 we find that only
+'Spyralym, Glasalym, and Bokkan' might be used
+and that any one using 'Bitterwos' or 'Alym de
+Wyght,' which must have derived its name from the
+Isle of Wight, or even found with any in his possession,
+was liable to be fined.<a name="Anchor-503" id="Anchor-503"></a><a href="#Footnote-503" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 503.">[503]</a> Far the commonest
+dye-stuff was the blue woad, of which enormous
+quantities were used. The plant (<i>Isatis tinctoria</i>)
+from which this was prepared is indigenous (the
+ancient Britons, indeed, wore the dye without the
+intervention of cloth), but practically all the woad
+used commercially in England was imported, Southampton
+being one of the great centres of the trade.<a name="Anchor-504" id="Anchor-504"></a><a href="#Footnote-504" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 504.">[504]</a>
+In 1286 the authorities at Norwich came to an
+agreement with the woad merchants of Amiens and
+Corby as to the size of the packages in which woad
+and weld, a yellow dye in much demand, might be
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[145]</a></span>sold,<a name="Anchor-505" id="Anchor-505"></a><a href="#Footnote-505" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 505.">[505]</a> and at Bristol some sixty years later elaborate
+regulations were drawn up for the preparation of the
+woad, of which two varieties are mentioned, that
+of Picardy and that of Toulouse.<a name="Anchor-506" id="Anchor-506"></a><a href="#Footnote-506" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 506.">[506]</a> The woad was
+imported in casks in the form of dry balls; these
+had to be broken up small, moistened with water,
+and then heaped up to ferment; after a few days
+the top layer became so hot that it could hardly be
+touched with the hand; the heap was then turned
+over to bring the bottom to the top, and left till this
+in turn had fermented; a third turn usually sufficed
+to complete the process.<a name="Anchor-507" id="Anchor-507"></a><a href="#Footnote-507" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 507.">[507]</a> In Bristol special 'porters'
+were appointed to undertake and supervise this
+seasoning and the subsequent storing of the woad,
+and a further regulation compelled the merchant to
+sell his woad within forty days after it had been
+stored and assayed.<a name="Anchor-508" id="Anchor-508"></a><a href="#Footnote-508" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 508.">[508]</a> The setting of the woad, that
+is to say its conversion into dye, was also an art
+in itself, and it would seem that in Bristol it was the
+custom for dyers to go to the houses of their customers
+and prepare the woad-vats. Through undertaking
+more jobs than they could properly attend to, much
+woad was spoilt, and in 1360 they were forbidden
+to take charge of more than one lot of dye at one
+time.<a name="Anchor-509" id="Anchor-509"></a><a href="#Footnote-509" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 509.">[509]</a> Further abuses arose through the ignorance
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[146]</a></span>and incapacity of many of the itinerant dyers, and
+in 1407 it was enacted that only those dyers who held
+a certificate of competency should ply their trade
+in the town.<a name="Anchor-510" id="Anchor-510"></a><a href="#Footnote-510" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 510.">[510]</a> At Coventry, another great centre
+of the trade, complaints were made in 1415 that the
+dyers had not only raised their prices, charging
+6s. 8d. instead of 5s. for a cloth, 30s. instead of 20s.
+for 60 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> of wool, and 6s. instead of 4s. for 12 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>
+of the thread for which the town was famous, but
+were in the habit of taking the best part (<i>la floure</i>)
+of the woad and madder for their own cloths, and
+using only the weaker portion for their customers'
+cloths. A petition was therefore made that two
+drapers, a woader and a dyer, should be elected
+annually to supervise the trade.<a name="Anchor-511" id="Anchor-511"></a><a href="#Footnote-511" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 511.">[511]</a> Some fifty years
+later we have at Coventry a notice of what appears
+to have been a medieval instance of a quarrel between
+a 'trade union,' the Dyers Company, and 'blackleg'
+firms.<a name="Anchor-512" id="Anchor-512"></a><a href="#Footnote-512" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 512.">[512]</a> Thomas de Fenby and ten other dyers of
+Coventry complained against John Egynton and
+William Warde that they had assembled the members
+of their trade and had compelled them to swear
+to various things contrary to the law and their
+conscience, as that no one should buy any woad
+until it had been viewed and appraised by six men
+chosen for the purpose by the said Egynton and
+Warde, and that no dyer should make any scarlet
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[147]</a></span>dye (<i>grene</i>) at less than 6s. (the vat?), or put any
+cloth into woad for less than 4d. or 5d. Warde and
+Egynton had also adopted the medieval form of
+picketing, by hiring Welshmen and Irishmen to
+waylay and kill the complainants on their way to
+neighbouring markets.</p>
+
+<p>A list of cloths made in York in 1395-6<a name="Anchor-513" id="Anchor-513"></a><a href="#Footnote-513" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 513.">[513]</a> gives some
+idea of the colours in general use. For the first
+three months, September-December, blue largely
+predominated, but for some unexplained reason
+this colour almost disappeared from January to
+May, its place being taken by russet. Red, sanguine,
+morrey (or orange), plunket,<a name="Anchor-514" id="Anchor-514"></a><a href="#Footnote-514" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 514.">[514]</a> green, and motleys,
+white, blue, and green occur; also 'paly,' which
+was presumably some striped material, and in a
+very few cases black. By the regulations drawn up
+in London in 1298,<a name="Anchor-515" id="Anchor-515"></a><a href="#Footnote-515" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 515.">[515]</a> no dyer who dyed burnets blue<a name="Anchor-516" id="Anchor-516"></a><a href="#Footnote-516" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 516.">[516]</a>
+or other colours might dye 'blecche' or tawny:
+the reason does not appear, but this uncertain tint,
+'blecche,' occurs again as reserved specially for
+Spanish wool.<a name="Anchor-517" id="Anchor-517"></a><a href="#Footnote-517" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 517.">[517]</a> For blue, as we have seen, woad
+was used, and for yellow weld, a combination of the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[148]</a></span>two yielding green; scarlet was derived from the
+grain (<i>greyne</i>),<a name="Anchor-518" id="Anchor-518"></a><a href="#Footnote-518" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 518.">[518]</a> and reds and russets from madder,
+which was imported in large quantities. Several
+varieties of lichen were probably included under the
+head of 'orchal,' and afforded shades of brown and
+red. Fancy shades were formed by double dyeing,
+and apparently were not always reliable, as a statute<a name="Anchor-519" id="Anchor-519"></a><a href="#Footnote-519" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 519.">[519]</a>
+passed in 1533 ordered that none should dye woollen
+cloth 'as browne blewes, pewkes, tawnyes, or vyolettes,'
+unless they were 'perfectly boyled, greyned,
+or madered upon the wode, and shotte with good
+and sufficient corke or orchall.' At this time
+brazil, or logwood, was being adopted as a dye,
+and its use was absolutely forbidden.</p>
+
+<p>Carding, or combing, and spinning are processes
+which need not detain us long. They were both
+home industries, and spinning, in particular, was the
+staple employment of the women, and accordingly
+regulations were not infrequently made to ensure a
+good supply of wool for their use. At Bristol, in
+1346, no oiled wool ready for carding and spinning
+might be sent out of the town until the carders and
+spinners had had a chance of applying for it; moreover,
+it might only be exposed for sale on a Friday,
+and no middleman might buy it.<a name="Anchor-520" id="Anchor-520"></a><a href="#Footnote-520" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 520.">[520]</a> Similarly at
+Norwich, in 1532, the butchers were ordered to
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[149]</a></span>bring their woolfells into the market and offer them
+for sale to the poor women who lived by spinning.<a name="Anchor-521" id="Anchor-521"></a><a href="#Footnote-521" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 521.">[521]</a>
+When the clothmaking trade got into the hands of
+the big capitalist clothiers, who gave out their wool
+to be carded and spun, it became necessary to pass
+laws<a name="Anchor-522" id="Anchor-522"></a><a href="#Footnote-522" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 522.">[522]</a> to ensure on the one hand that the workers
+should do their work faithfully, and not abstract
+any of the wool,<a name="Anchor-523" id="Anchor-523"></a><a href="#Footnote-523" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 523.">[523]</a> and on the other, that the masters
+should not defraud the carders and spinners by
+paying them in food or goods<a name="Anchor-524" id="Anchor-524"></a><a href="#Footnote-524" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 524.">[524]</a> instead of in money,
+or by the use of false weights, making women, for
+instance, comb 7½ <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> of wool as a 'combing stone,'
+which should only contain 5 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr><a name="Anchor-525" id="Anchor-525"></a><a href="#Footnote-525" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 525.">[525]</a></p>
+
+<p>Weaving was, of course, the most important of
+all the processes in clothmaking. Reduced to its
+simplest form, the weaver's loom consists of a
+horizontal frame, to the ends of which the warp
+threads, which run longitudinally through the cloth,
+are fastened in such manner that they can be raised
+and depressed by heddles, or looped threads, in
+alternate series, leaving room between the two
+layers of warp for the passage of the shuttle, charged
+with the woof.<a name="Anchor-526" id="Anchor-526"></a><a href="#Footnote-526" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 526.">[526]</a> The shuttle, flying from side to
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[150]</a></span>side across the alternating warp threads, covers
+them with woof, which is packed close by a vertical
+frame of rods, the lay or batten, swinging between
+the warp threads. To weave tight and close required
+considerable strength, and at Norwich women were
+forbidden to weave worsteds because they were 'not
+of sufficient power' to work them properly.<a name="Anchor-527" id="Anchor-527"></a><a href="#Footnote-527" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 527.">[527]</a> The
+cloth as it was woven was wound on a roll, bringing
+a fresh portion of the warp within the weaver's
+reach, but while its length was thus limited merely
+by custom or convenience, its breadth was obviously
+controlled by the width of the loom, and when
+Henry <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr>, in 1406, ordered that cloth of ray should
+be made six-quarters of a yard broad instead of
+five-quarters, as had always been the custom, the
+order had to be revoked as it would have necessitated
+all the ray weavers obtaining new looms.<a name="Anchor-528" id="Anchor-528"></a><a href="#Footnote-528" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 528.">[528]</a>
+For the right to use looms payments had often to
+be made to authorities of the town. At Winchester
+in the thirteenth century, every burel loom paid 5s.
+yearly, the only exceptions being that the mayor,
+the hospital, and the town clerk might each work
+one loom free of charge.<a name="Anchor-529" id="Anchor-529"></a><a href="#Footnote-529" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 529.">[529]</a> Nottingham was another
+town where duties were paid on looms,<a name="Anchor-530" id="Anchor-530"></a><a href="#Footnote-530" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 530.">[530]</a> and at
+Bristol, as we have seen, prior to 1355, the erection
+of a 'webanlam' entailed payments of 8s. 5d. in all.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[151]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>To guard against false working, it was the rule at
+Bristol that all looms must stand in shops and rooms
+adjoining the road, and in sight of the people, and
+the erection of a loom in a cellar or upstair room
+entailed a fine.<a name="Anchor-531" id="Anchor-531"></a><a href="#Footnote-531" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 531.">[531]</a> It was possibly for the same reason
+that weavers were forbidden to work at night,<a name="Anchor-532" id="Anchor-532"></a><a href="#Footnote-532" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 532.">[532]</a>
+though an exception was made at Winchester in
+favour of the period immediately preceding Christmas.<a name="Anchor-533" id="Anchor-533"></a><a href="#Footnote-533" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 533.">[533]</a>
+On the other hand, the London jurors in
+1320 coupled this ordinance against working by
+candle light with the enforced holiday which the
+weavers' gild compelled its members to take between
+Christmas and the Purification (2nd February)<a name="Anchor-534" id="Anchor-534"></a><a href="#Footnote-534" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 534.">[534]</a> as
+measures prejudicial to the commonalty, and intended
+to restrict the supply and so maintain the
+price of cloth.<a name="Anchor-535" id="Anchor-535"></a><a href="#Footnote-535" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 535.">[535]</a> A further device for the same
+purpose was the rule that no cloth of Candlewick
+Street was to be worked in less than four days,
+though they might easily be made in two or three
+days.<a name="Anchor-536" id="Anchor-536"></a><a href="#Footnote-536" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 536.">[536]</a> Thanks to these methods, and to the way
+in which admission to the gild was limited, the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[152]</a></span>looms in the city had been reduced in thirty years
+or so from 380 to 80, and the price of cloth had
+risen accordingly. The authorities throughout the
+country were constantly in the dilemma of having
+on the one hand to permit the restriction of the
+numbers of the weavers, with a consequent rise in
+the cost of their wares, or, on the other hand, running
+the risk of inferior workmanship 'to the grete infamie
+and disclaundre of their worshipfull towne.'
+Not only were the unauthorised weavers often
+ignorant of their art, not having served their
+apprenticeship, but they used flock and other bad
+material, and bought stolen wool and 'thrummes.'<a name="Anchor-537" id="Anchor-537"></a><a href="#Footnote-537" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 537.">[537]</a>
+The latter were the unwoven warp threads left over
+at the end of the cloth, and as there was no export
+duty on thrums, the weavers contrived to cut them
+off as long as possible, and in this way much woollen
+yarn was sent out of the country without paying
+customs, until the practice was made illegal by an
+Act of Parliament in 1430.<a name="Anchor-538" id="Anchor-538"></a><a href="#Footnote-538" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 538.">[538]</a></p>
+
+<p>The cloth on leaving the loom was in the condition
+known as 'raw,' and although not yet ready for use
+was marketable, and many of the smaller clothmakers
+preferred to dispose of their products at
+this stage rather than incur the expense of the
+further processes. This seems to have been the
+case on the Welsh border, as Shrewsbury claimed to
+have had a market for '<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pannus crudus</i>' from the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[153]</a></span>time of King John.<a name="Anchor-539" id="Anchor-539"></a><a href="#Footnote-539" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 539.">[539]</a> Much raw cloth was also
+bought up by foreign merchants and sent out of
+the country to be finished; and at the beginning of
+the sixteenth century Parliament, with its usual
+terror of foreign trade, seeing only that the finishing
+processes would be carried out by foreign workmen
+instead of English, forbade the export of unfinished
+cloth. It had then to be pointed out that, as most
+of these cloths were bought to be dyed abroad, and
+as after dyeing all the finishing processes would
+have to be repeated, the cost of the cheaper varieties
+would be so raised that there would be no sale for
+them; cloths below the value of five marks were
+therefore exempted.<a name="Anchor-540" id="Anchor-540"></a><a href="#Footnote-540" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 540.">[540]</a></p>
+
+<p>Raw cloth had next to be fulled, that is to say,
+scoured, cleansed, and thickened by beating it in
+water. Originally this was always done by men
+trampling upon it in a trough, and the process was
+known as 'walking,' the fuller being called a 'walker'
+(whence the common surname), but during the thirteenth
+century an instrument came into general use
+called 'the stocks,' consisting of an upright, to
+which was hinged the 'perch' or wooden bar with
+which the cloth was beaten. The perch was often
+worked by water power and fulling, or walking,
+mills soon became common. By the regulations
+of the fullers' gild of Lincoln recorded in 1389,<a name="Anchor-541" id="Anchor-541"></a><a href="#Footnote-541" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 541.">[541]</a> no
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[154]</a></span>fuller was to 'work in the trough,' that is to say to
+walk the cloth, and a further rule forbade any man
+to work at the perch with a woman, unless she were
+the wife of a master or her handmaid. Probably
+the intention of this last rule was to put a stop to
+the employment of cheap female labour 'by the
+whiche many ... likkely men to do the Kyng
+servis in his warris and in the defence of this his
+lond, and sufficiently lorned in the seid crafte, gothe
+vagaraunt and unoccupied and may not have thar
+labour to ther levyng.'<a name="Anchor-542" id="Anchor-542"></a><a href="#Footnote-542" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 542.">[542]</a> About 1297 a number of
+London fullers took to sending cloths to be fulled
+at certain mills in Stratford, and as this was found
+to result in much loss to the owners of the cloths,
+orders were given to stop all cloths on their way to
+the mills, and only allow them to be sent on at the
+express desire of the owners.<a name="Anchor-543" id="Anchor-543"></a><a href="#Footnote-543" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 543.">[543]</a> This seems to point
+to mill fulling being inferior to manual labour, while
+possibly the fulling being conducted outside the
+control of the city may have tended to bad work.
+At Bristol in 1346, one of the rules for the fullers
+forbids any one to send 'rauclothe' to the mill, and
+afterwards receive it back to be finished,<a name="Anchor-544" id="Anchor-544"></a><a href="#Footnote-544" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 544.">[544]</a> and in 1406
+the town fullers were forbidden to make good the
+defects in cloths fulled by country workmen.<a name="Anchor-545" id="Anchor-545"></a><a href="#Footnote-545" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 545.">[545]</a></p>
+
+<p>For cleansing the cloth use was made of the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[155]</a></span>peculiar absorbent earth known as Fuller's earth, or
+'walkerherth,'<a name="Anchor-546" id="Anchor-546"></a><a href="#Footnote-546" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 546.">[546]</a> as it was sometimes called. Fuller's
+earth is only found in a few places, the largest deposits
+being round Nutfield and Reigate,<a name="Anchor-547" id="Anchor-547"></a><a href="#Footnote-547" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 547.">[547]</a> and on
+account of its rarity and importance its export was
+forbidden.</p>
+
+<p>The cloth, having been fulled, had to be stretched
+on tenters to dry, and references to the lease of
+tenter grounds are common in medieval town
+records.<a name="Anchor-548" id="Anchor-548"></a><a href="#Footnote-548" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 548.">[548]</a> A certain amount of stretching was
+legitimate and even necessary,<a name="Anchor-549" id="Anchor-549"></a><a href="#Footnote-549" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 549.">[549]</a> but where the cloth
+belonged to the fuller, and it was a common practice
+for fullers to buy the raw cloth, there was a temptation
+to 'stretch him out with ropes and rack him
+till the sinews stretch again'<a name="Anchor-550" id="Anchor-550"></a><a href="#Footnote-550" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 550.">[550]</a> so as to gain several
+yards. As a result of this practice, which greatly
+impaired the strength of the cloth, 'Guildford cloths,'
+made in Surrey, Sussex, and Hampshire, lost their
+reputation, and in 1391 measures had to be taken to
+restore their good name by forbidding fullers, or
+other persons, to buy the cloth in an unfinished
+state.<a name="Anchor-551" id="Anchor-551"></a><a href="#Footnote-551" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 551.">[551]</a> Several other Acts were passed dealing with
+this offence, and during the sixteenth century
+ordinances were issued against the use of powerful
+racks with levers, winches, and ropes. Infringements
+of these Acts were numerous,<a name="Anchor-552" id="Anchor-552"></a><a href="#Footnote-552" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 552.">[552]</a> and as an
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[156]</a></span>example of the extent to which cloths were stretched
+we may quote a return from Reading in 1597, which
+mentions one cloth of thirty yards stretched with 'a
+gyn and a leaver with a vice and a roape' to thirty-five
+yards, and another stretched with a rope 'to the
+quantitye of three barrs length—every barr contayneth
+about 2½ yards.'<a name="Anchor-553" id="Anchor-553"></a><a href="#Footnote-553" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 553.">[553]</a></p>
+
+<p>On leaving the fuller the cloth passed into the
+hands of the rower, whose business it was to draw
+up from the body of the cloth all the loose fibres
+with teazles. Teazles, the dried heads of the
+'fuller's thistle,' are mentioned amongst the goods
+of some of the Colchester cloth-workers in 1301,<a name="Anchor-554" id="Anchor-554"></a><a href="#Footnote-554" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 554.">[554]</a>
+were used from the earliest times, and have never
+been supplanted even in these days of machinery.
+Several unsuccessful attempts have been made
+to invent substitutes, and in 1474 the use of iron
+cards, or combs, instead of teazles, had to be forbidden.<a name="Anchor-555" id="Anchor-555"></a><a href="#Footnote-555" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 555.">[555]</a>
+The loose portions of the cloth thus raised
+by the teazles were next cut off by the shearman,
+upon whose dexterity the cloth depended for the
+finish of its surface, and, after the drawer had
+skilfully repaired any small blemishes, the cloth
+was ready for sale.</p>
+
+<p>In view of the multiplicity of processes involved,
+it is obvious that the manufacture of cloth must
+have afforded employment to an immense number of
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[157]</a></span>persons. An account written in Suffolk just over
+the borders of our medieval period, in 1618, reckons
+that the clothier who made twenty broad cloths in
+a week would employ in one way and another five
+hundred persons.<a name="Anchor-556" id="Anchor-556"></a><a href="#Footnote-556" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 556.">[556]</a> But even at that time, when the
+capitalist clothier was firmly established, there were
+not very many with so large an output as twenty
+cloths a week, and in earlier times there were very
+few approaching such a total. The ulnager's
+accounts<a name="Anchor-557" id="Anchor-557"></a><a href="#Footnote-557" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 557.">[557]</a> of the duties paid on cloths exist for most
+counties for the last few years of Richard <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, and
+throw considerable light on the state of the trade.
+In the case of Suffolk for the year 1395, we have
+733 broad cloths made by about one hundred and
+twenty persons, of whom only seven or eight return
+as many as twenty cloths; the chief output, however,
+was narrow cloth, made in dozens (pieces of
+12 yards, a 'whole cloth' being 24 yards); of these
+300 makers turned out about 9200, fifteen of their
+number making from 120 to 160 dozens each. In
+the case of Essex there is more evidence for the
+capitalist clothier, as at Coggeshall the 1200 narrow
+cloths are assigned to only nine makers (the largest
+items being 400, 250, and 200 dozens), while Braintree,
+with 2400 dozens had only eight makers, of
+whom two pay subsidy on 600 dozens each and one
+on 480. The great clothiers, however, at this time
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[158]</a></span>are found in the west, at Barnstaple, where John
+Parman paid on 1080 dozen, and Richard Burnard
+on 1005, other nine clothiers dividing some 1600
+dozens between them. For the rest of Devonshire,
+sixty-five makers account for 3565 dozens, or rather
+over fifty a piece. If Devon stood at one end of the
+scale its next-door neighbour was at the other, for
+Cornwall's total output was only ninety cloths,
+attributed to thirteen makers. At Salisbury the
+year's output of 6600 whole cloths was divided
+between 158 persons, only seven of whom accounted
+for more than 150 each, while at Winchester, where
+over 3000 cloths are returned, only three clothiers
+exceeded the hundred, and men of such local prominence
+as Robert Hall and 'Markays le Fayre'<a name="Anchor-558" id="Anchor-558"></a><a href="#Footnote-558" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 558.">[558]</a> had
+only eighty and forty to their respective accounts.
+Throughout Yorkshire the average does not seem to
+have been above ten cloths, and in Kent, a stronghold
+of the broad cloth manufacture, only one clothier
+exceeded fifty dozens, and only three others passed
+twenty-five. The whole evidence seems to limit
+the spheres of influence of the capitalist clothiers to
+a few definite towns prior to the beginning of the
+fifteenth century. But the latter half of the fifteenth
+century saw the rise of the great clothiers such as
+John Winchcombe,<a name="Anchor-559" id="Anchor-559"></a><a href="#Footnote-559" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 559.">[559]</a> the famous 'Jack of Newbury,'
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[159]</a></span>and the Springs of Lavenham,<a name="Anchor-560" id="Anchor-560"></a><a href="#Footnote-560" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 560.">[560]</a> employers of labour
+on a scale which soon swamped the small independent
+clothworkers, and drew them into a position
+of dependence.</p>
+
+<p>Skill and industry in the cloth trade had always
+been assured of a good return, and when combined
+with enterprise had often led to wealth; but there
+have always in all times and all places been men
+who would try the short cut to fortune through
+fraud; and the openings for fraud in the cloth
+trade were particularly numerous. 'Certayne
+townes in England ... were wonte to make
+theyre clothes of certayne bredth and length and to
+sette theyre seales to the same; while they kept
+the rate trulye strangers dyd but looke over the
+seale and receyve theyre wares, wherebye these
+townes had greate vente of theyre clothes and consequently
+prospered verye welle. Afterwards some
+in those townes, not content with reasonable gaynes
+but contynually desyrynge more, devysed clothes
+of lesse length, bredthe and goodnes thanne they
+were wonte to be, and yet by the comendacioun of
+the seale to have as myche monye for the same as
+they had before for good clothes. And for a tyme
+they gate myche and so abused the credythe of theyr
+predecessours to theyre singulere lukere, whiche
+was recompensede with the losse of theyre posterytye.
+For these clothes were founde fawltye for
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[160]</a></span>alle theyre seale, they were not onelye never the
+better trustede but myche lesse for theyre seale,
+yea although theyre clothes were well made. For
+whanne theyr untruth and falshede was espyede
+than no manne wolde buye theyre clothes untylle
+they were enforsede and unfoldede, regardynge
+nothynge the seale.'<a name="Anchor-561" id="Anchor-561"></a><a href="#Footnote-561" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 561.">[561]</a></p>
+
+<p>This complaint, written in the time of Henry <abbr title="the eighth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VIII.</span></abbr>,
+is borne out in every detail by the records of Parliament
+and of municipalities. Regulations were
+constantly laid down for ensuring uniformity, and
+officials called ulnagers<a name="Anchor-562" id="Anchor-562"></a><a href="#Footnote-562" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 562.">[562]</a> were appointed to see that
+they were obeyed, no cloth being allowed to be
+sold unless it bore the ulnager's seal. The assize
+of cloth issued in 1328<a name="Anchor-563" id="Anchor-563"></a><a href="#Footnote-563" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 563.">[563]</a> fixed the measurements of
+cloth of ray at 28 yards by 6 quarters, and those of
+coloured cloths at 26 yards by 6½ quarters, in the
+raw state, each being 24 yards when shrunk. The
+penalty for infringement of the assize was forfeiture.<a name="Anchor-564" id="Anchor-564"></a><a href="#Footnote-564" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 564.">[564]</a>
+This assize, which was confirmed in 1406, repealed
+next year, but reaffirmed in 1410,<a name="Anchor-565" id="Anchor-565"></a><a href="#Footnote-565" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 565.">[565]</a> applied only to
+broad cloths, but in 1432 it was laid down<a name="Anchor-566" id="Anchor-566"></a><a href="#Footnote-566" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 566.">[566]</a> that
+narrow cloths called 'streits' should be 12 yards by
+1 yard, when shrunk; if smaller they were not
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[161]</a></span>forfeited, but the ulnager cut the list off one end,
+to show that it was not a whole cloth, and it was sold
+as a 'remnant' according to its actual measure.
+In the case of the worsteds or serges of Norfolk,
+four different assizes were said in 1327 to have been
+used from time immemorial, namely, 50, 40, 30, and
+24 ells in length;<a name="Anchor-567" id="Anchor-567"></a><a href="#Footnote-567" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 567.">[567]</a> but as early as 1315 merchants
+complained that the cloths of Worsted and Aylesham
+did not keep their assize, 20 ells being sold as 24,
+25 ells as 30, and so on.<a name="Anchor-568" id="Anchor-568"></a><a href="#Footnote-568" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 568.">[568]</a> In the western counties,
+Somerset, Gloucester, and Dorset, fraudulent makers
+were in the habit of so tacking and folding their
+cloths that defects in length or quality could not be
+seen, with the result that merchants who bought
+them in good faith and took them to foreign countries
+were beaten, imprisoned and even slain by their
+angry customers 'to the great dishonour of the
+realm.' It was therefore ordered in 1390 that no
+cloth should be sold, tacked, and folded, but open.<a name="Anchor-569" id="Anchor-569"></a><a href="#Footnote-569" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 569.">[569]</a>
+The frauds in connection with stretching Guildford
+cloths have already been referred to, and in 1410
+we find that worsteds which had formerly been in
+great demand abroad were now so deceitfully made
+that the Flemish merchants were talking of searching,
+or examining, all the worsted cloths at the ports
+of entry. To remedy this 'great slander of the
+country,' the mayor and his deputies were given the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[162]</a></span>power to search and seal all worsteds brought to
+the worsted seld, or cloth market, and regulations
+were made as to the size of 'thretty elnys streites'
+(30 ells by 2 quarters), 'thretty elnys brodes'
+(30 ells by 3 quarters), 'mantelles, sengles, doubles
+et demy doubles, si bien les motles, paules, chekeres,
+raies, flores, pleynes, monkes-clothes et autres
+mantelles' (from 6 to 10 ells by 1¼ ell), and 'chanon-clothes,
+sengles, demy doubles et doubles' (5 ells by
+1¾), the variety of trade terms showing the extent
+of the industry.<a name="Anchor-570" id="Anchor-570"></a><a href="#Footnote-570" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 570.">[570]</a> A similar complaint of the decay
+in the foreign demand for worsteds owing to the
+malpractices of the makers was met in 1442 by
+causing the worsted weavers of Norwich to elect
+annually four wardens for the city, and two for the
+county to oversee the trade.<a name="Anchor-571" id="Anchor-571"></a><a href="#Footnote-571" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 571.">[571]</a> Half a century later,
+in 1473, English cloth in general had fallen into
+disrepute abroad, and even at home, much foreign
+cloth being imported: to remedy this general orders
+were issued for the proper working of cloth, the maintenance
+of the old assize, and the indication of defects,
+a seal being attached to the lower edge of any cloth
+where there was any 'raw, skaw, cokel or fagge.'<a name="Anchor-572" id="Anchor-572"></a><a href="#Footnote-572" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 572.">[572]</a></p>
+
+<p>The last-mentioned statutes of 1473 give the
+measurements of the cloths as by the 'yard and
+inch.' Originally it would seem to have been
+customary when measuring cloth to mark the end
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[163]</a></span>of each yard by placing the thumb on the cloth at
+the end of the clothyard, and starting again on the
+other side of the thumb. Readers of George Eliot
+will remember that the pedlar, Bob Salt, made
+ingenious use of his broad thumb in measuring, to
+the detriment of his customers; and the London
+drapers in the fifteenth century claimed to buy by
+the 'yard and a hand,' marking the yards with the
+hand instead of with the thumb, and thereby
+scoring two yards in every twenty-four.<a name="Anchor-573" id="Anchor-573"></a><a href="#Footnote-573" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 573.">[573]</a> Although
+this was forbidden in 1440, the use being ordered
+of a measuring line of silk, 12 yards and 12 inches
+long, the end of each yard being marked an inch, it
+evidently continued in practice, as the 'yarde and
+handfull' was known as London measure at the end
+of the sixteenth century.<a name="Anchor-574" id="Anchor-574"></a><a href="#Footnote-574" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 574.">[574]</a></p>
+
+<p>The last years of the medieval period of the
+woollen industry, which we take as terminating with
+the introduction of the 'New Draperies' by foreign
+refugees early in the reign of Elizabeth, are chiefly
+concerned with the rise of the town clothiers at the
+expense of the small country cloth workers, assisted
+by Acts which restricted, or at least aimed at restricting,
+the industry to corporate boroughs and
+market towns, and prohibited any from setting up
+in trade without having passed a seven years' apprenticeship.<a name="Anchor-575" id="Anchor-575"></a><a href="#Footnote-575" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 575.">[575]</a>
+Infringements of these laws were
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[164]</a></span>frequent, and, thanks to the system of granting a
+portion of the fines inflicted to the informer, accusations
+were constantly levelled against clothiers for
+breaking the various regulations with which the
+trade was hedged about.<a name="Anchor-576" id="Anchor-576"></a><a href="#Footnote-576" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 576.">[576]</a> Many of the charges fell
+through, and in some cases they look like blackmail,
+but that offences were sufficiently plentiful is clear.
+For the one year, 1562, as many as sixty clothiers
+from Kent alone, mostly from the neighbourhood of
+Cranbrook and Benenden, were fined for sending
+up to London for sale cloths deficient in size, weight,
+quality, or colour.<a name="Anchor-577" id="Anchor-577"></a><a href="#Footnote-577" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 577.">[577]</a> An absolute fulfilment of all
+the regulations was possibly no easy thing, for
+although cloths which had been sealed by the
+ulnager in the district where they were made were
+not supposed to pay ulnage in London the makers
+preferred as a rule to pay a halfpenny on each
+cloth to the London searchers rather than risk the
+results of too close a scrutiny.<a name="Anchor-578" id="Anchor-578"></a><a href="#Footnote-578" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 578.">[578]</a></p>
+
+<p>Of the many local varieties of cloth made in
+England that which derived its name from the
+village of Worsted in Norfolk was, on the whole, the
+most important. We have seen that by the end of
+the thirteenth century worsted weaving was well
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[165]</a></span>established in Norfolk, and particularly in Norwich,
+and that worsted serges and says were articles of
+export, while a century later the forms in which these
+cloths were made up were very varied. Norwich continued
+to hold the monopoly of searching and sealing
+worsteds, wherever made, until 1523, when the
+industry had grown to such an extent in Yarmouth
+that the weavers of that town were licensed to elect
+a warden of their own to seal their cloth; the same
+privilege was granted to Lynne, provided there were
+at least ten householders exercising the trade there;
+but in all cases the cloths were to be shorn, dyed,
+coloured, and calendered in Norwich.<a name="Anchor-579" id="Anchor-579"></a><a href="#Footnote-579" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 579.">[579]</a> When the
+art of calendering worsteds, that is to say giving
+them a smooth finish by pressing, was introduced in
+Norwich is uncertain, but in the second half of the
+fifteenth century the 'fete and misterie of calendryng
+of worstedes' in London was known only to certain
+Frenchmen. An enterprising merchant, William
+Halingbury, brought over from Paris one Toisaunts
+Burges, to teach the art to English workers, and, in
+revenge, one of the London French calenders endeavoured
+to have Halingbury arrested on his next
+visit to Paris.<a name="Anchor-580" id="Anchor-580"></a><a href="#Footnote-580" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 580.">[580]</a> At the beginning of the sixteenth
+century a process of dry calendering with 'gommes,
+oyles and presses' was introduced, by which inferior
+worsteds were made to look like the best quality,
+but if touched with wet they at once spotted and
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[166]</a></span>spoiled. The process was therefore prohibited in
+1514, and at the same time the practice of wet
+calendering was confined to those who had served
+seven years' apprenticeship, and had been admitted
+to the craft by the mayor of Norwich or the wardens
+of the craft in the county of Norfolk.<a name="Anchor-581" id="Anchor-581"></a><a href="#Footnote-581" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 581.">[581]</a></p>
+
+<p>In 1315 cloths of Aylsham (in Norfolk) are coupled
+with those of Worsted as not conforming to the old
+assize,<a name="Anchor-582" id="Anchor-582"></a><a href="#Footnote-582" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 582.">[582]</a> and at the coronation of Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> some
+3500 ells of 'Ayllesham' was used for lining armour,
+covering cushions and making 1860 pennons with
+the arms of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> George.<a name="Anchor-583" id="Anchor-583"></a><a href="#Footnote-583" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 583.">[583]</a> But as Buckram and
+Aylsham are constantly bracketed together,<a name="Anchor-584" id="Anchor-584"></a><a href="#Footnote-584" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 584.">[584]</a> being
+used, for instance, in 1333 for making hobby horses
+(<i>hobihors</i>) for the king's games,<a name="Anchor-585" id="Anchor-585"></a><a href="#Footnote-585" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 585.">[585]</a> presumably at
+Christmas, it would seem that Aylshams were linen
+and not woollen, especially as 'lynge teille de
+Eylesham' was famous in the fourteenth century.<a name="Anchor-586" id="Anchor-586"></a><a href="#Footnote-586" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 586.">[586]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the adjacent county of Suffolk the village of
+Kersey was an early centre of clothmaking, and gave
+its name to a type of cloth which was afterwards
+made in a great number of districts. The kerseys
+of Suffolk and Essex were exempted in 1376, with
+other narrow cloths, from keeping the assize of
+coloured cloths,<a name="Anchor-587" id="Anchor-587"></a><a href="#Footnote-587" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 587.">[587]</a> and just a century later the measurement
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[167]</a></span>for kerseys was set out as 18 yards by 1 yard.<a name="Anchor-588" id="Anchor-588"></a><a href="#Footnote-588" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 588.">[588]</a>
+Curiously enough the chief trouble with the assize
+of kerseys, at least in the sixteenth century, was not
+short measure, but over long, the explanation being
+that kerseys paid export duty by the whole cloth,
+and it was therefore to the merchant's advantage
+to pay duty on a piece of 25 yards rather than to
+pay the same duty on 18 yards.<a name="Anchor-589" id="Anchor-589"></a><a href="#Footnote-589" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 589.">[589]</a> Kerseys were
+largely made for export, and a petition against
+restrictions tending to hamper foreign trade was
+presented, about 1537, by the kersey weavers of
+Berks., Oxford, Hants, Surrey, and Sussex, and
+Yorkshire.<a name="Anchor-590" id="Anchor-590"></a><a href="#Footnote-590" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 590.">[590]</a> These counties were the chief centres
+of the manufacture, though Devonshire kerseys were
+also made; in Berkshire, Newbury was then the
+great seat of the industry, and the kerseys of John
+Winchcombe ('Jack of Newbury') in particular had
+a more than local fame. Hampshire kerseys was the
+generic name applied to these made in Hampshire,
+Sussex, and Surrey, but in earlier times the Isle of
+Wight had almost a monopoly of the manufacture
+in the district. The ulnage accounts for Hampshire
+in 1394-5 give ninety names of clothiers for the Isle
+of Wight,<a name="Anchor-591" id="Anchor-591"></a><a href="#Footnote-591" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 591.">[591]</a> who made 600 kerseys, and no other kind
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[168]</a></span>of cloth, and about a century later we find a draper
+complaining that when he had bargained with a
+London merchant for a certain number of 'kersys
+of Wyght' worth £6 he had been put off with Welsh
+kerseys worth only £4, 13s. 4d.<a name="Anchor-592" id="Anchor-592"></a><a href="#Footnote-592" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 592.">[592]</a></p>
+
+<p>Suffolk did a considerable trade in a cheap, coarse
+variety of cloth known as 'Vesses or set cloths' for
+export to the East; and, as it was the recognised
+custom to stretch these to the utmost, and they
+were bought as unshrunk, this class of cloth was
+exempted in 1523 from the regulations as to stretching
+cloth.<a name="Anchor-593" id="Anchor-593"></a><a href="#Footnote-593" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 593.">[593]</a> Possibly these Vesses were connected
+with the 'Western Blankett of Vyse (Wilts.) and
+Bekinton.'<a name="Anchor-594" id="Anchor-594"></a><a href="#Footnote-594" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 594.">[594]</a> Blanket is found in 1395 as made at
+Maldon and, on the other side of England, at Hereford,
+while at an earlier date, in 1360, Guildford
+blanket was bought for the royal household.<a name="Anchor-595" id="Anchor-595"></a><a href="#Footnote-595" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 595.">[595]</a> As
+Norwich had its 'monk's cloth' and 'canon cloth,'
+presumably so called from its suitability for monastic
+and canonical habits, unlike the fine cloth of
+Worcester, which, we are told, was forbidden to
+Benedictines,<a name="Anchor-596" id="Anchor-596"></a><a href="#Footnote-596" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 596.">[596]</a> so we find that the newly made knight
+of the Bath had to vest himself in 'hermit's array'
+of Colchester russet.<a name="Anchor-597" id="Anchor-597"></a><a href="#Footnote-597" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 597.">[597]</a> Most of the cloths made in
+Essex were 'streits,' or narrow cloths, of rather a
+poor quality, being often coupled with the inferior
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[169]</a></span>cloths such as cogware and Kendal cloth. Of the
+latter a writer of the time of Henry <abbr title="the eighth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VIII.</span></abbr> says, 'I
+knowe when a servynge manne was content to goo
+in a Kendall cote in sommer and a frysecote in
+winter, and with playne white hose made meete
+for his bodye.... Now he will looke to have at
+the leaste for Somere a cote of finest clothe that
+may be gotten for money and his hosen of the
+finest kerseye, and that of some straunge dye, as
+Flaunders dye or Frenche puke, that a prynce or
+a greate lorde canne were no better if he were
+[wear] clothe.'<a name="Anchor-598" id="Anchor-598"></a><a href="#Footnote-598" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 598.">[598]</a></p>
+
+<p>By the sumptuary law of 1363 farm labourers
+and others having less than 40s. in goods were to
+wear blanket and russet costing not more than 12d.
+the ell.<a name="Anchor-599" id="Anchor-599"></a><a href="#Footnote-599" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 599.">[599]</a> In a list of purchases of cloth in 1409,
+narrow russet figures at 12d. the ell, while of the
+other cheap varieties short blanket, short coloured
+cloth, rays, motleys and friezes varied from 2s. to
+2s. 4d. the ell.<a name="Anchor-600" id="Anchor-600"></a><a href="#Footnote-600" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 600.">[600]</a> Of friezes the two chief types in
+use were those of Coventry and Irish friezes, which
+might either be made in Ireland or of Irish wool:
+these seem to have come into use about the middle
+of the fourteenth century, as in 1376 Irish 'Frysseware'
+was exempted from ulnage,<a name="Anchor-601" id="Anchor-601"></a><a href="#Footnote-601" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 601.">[601]</a> and about the
+same time purchases of Irish frieze for the royal
+household become more common, as much as
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[170]</a></span>nearly 3000 ells of this material being bought in
+1399.<a name="Anchor-602" id="Anchor-602"></a><a href="#Footnote-602" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 602.">[602]</a></p>
+
+<p>With such local varieties as Manchester cottons,
+Tauntons, Tavistocks, Barnstaple whites, Mendips,
+'Stoke Gomers alias thromme clothes,'<a name="Anchor-603" id="Anchor-603"></a><a href="#Footnote-603" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 603.">[603]</a> and so
+forth, space does not permit of our dealing, while
+by the limitation which we have set ourselves the
+'new draperies' are excluded, and we may thankfully
+leave on one side 'arras, bays, bewpers, boulters,
+boratoes, buffins, bustyans, bombacyes, blankets,
+callimancoes, carrells, chambletts, cruell, dornicks,
+duraunce, damask, frisadoes, fringe, fustyans, felts,
+flanells, grograines, garterings, girdlings, linsey
+woolseyes, mockadoes, minikins, mountaines, makerells,
+oliotts, pomettes, plumettes, perpetuanas,
+perpicuanas, rashes, rugges, russells, sattins, serges,
+syettes, sayes, stamells, stamines, scallops, tukes,
+tamettes, tobines, and valures.'<a name="Anchor-604" id="Anchor-604"></a><a href="#Footnote-604" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 604.">[604]</a></p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[171]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2>CHAPTER <abbr title="9">IX</abbr><br />
+
+<small>LEATHER WORKING</small></h2>
+
+
+<p>The dressing of skins and preparation of leather
+must have been one of the most widely diffused
+industries in medieval times, even if it is a little
+exaggeration to claim that it was a by-product of
+most villages.<a name="Anchor-605" id="Anchor-605"></a><a href="#Footnote-605" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 605.">[605]</a> Two different processes were employed,
+ox, cow, and calf hides being tanned by
+immersion in a decoction of oak bark, while the skins
+of deer, sheep, and horses were tawed with alum and
+oil, and the two trades were from early times kept
+quite separate, tanners and tawyers being forbidden
+to work skins appropriated to each other's trade.
+A certain concentration of the industry must have
+been brought about in 1184, when orders were issued
+that no tanner or tawyer should practise his trade
+within the bounds of a forest except in a borough
+or market town,<a name="Anchor-606" id="Anchor-606"></a><a href="#Footnote-606" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 606.">[606]</a> the object being to prevent the
+poaching of deer for the sake of their skins. Market
+towns had the further advantage of being well
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[172]</a></span>supplied with the raw material, as butchers were
+compelled to bring the hides of their beasts into
+market with the meat, and the tanners had the sole
+right of purchase, no regrater or middle-man being
+allowed to intervene, while on the other hand the
+tanners were not allowed to buy the hides outside
+the open market.<a name="Anchor-607" id="Anchor-607"></a><a href="#Footnote-607" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 607.">[607]</a> Towards the end of the sixteenth
+century it was said<a name="Anchor-608" id="Anchor-608"></a><a href="#Footnote-608" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 608.">[608]</a> that 'in most villages
+of the realm there is some one dresser or worker
+of leather, and ... in most of the market towns
+three, four, or five, and many great towns 10 or
+20, and in London and the suburbs ... to the
+number of 200 or very near.' Casting back, we find
+at Oxford in 1380 there were twelve tanners, twenty
+skinners, twelve cordwainers, or shoemakers, and
+four saddlers,<a name="Anchor-609" id="Anchor-609"></a><a href="#Footnote-609" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 609.">[609]</a> while in 1300 there were at Colchester
+forty householders employed in the various branches
+of the leather trade.<a name="Anchor-610" id="Anchor-610"></a><a href="#Footnote-610" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 610.">[610]</a></p>
+
+<p>Originally, no doubt, the leather dresser worked
+up his own leather, and as late as 1323 it would seem
+that at Shrewsbury cordwainers were allowed to
+tan leather,<a name="Anchor-611" id="Anchor-611"></a><a href="#Footnote-611" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 611.">[611]</a> but in 1351 the tanners and shoemakers
+were definitely forbidden to intermeddle with each
+other's craft, and a series of regulations, parliamentary
+and municipal, served to separate the
+tanners, the curriers, who dressed and suppled the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[173]</a></span>rough tanned hides, the tawyers, and the various
+branches of leather-workers.</p>
+
+<p>The stock in trade of the tanner was simple. The
+inventories of the goods of half a dozen tanners at
+Colchester in 1300 are identical in kind though
+varying in value;<a name="Anchor-612" id="Anchor-612"></a><a href="#Footnote-612" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 612.">[612]</a> each consists of hides, oak bark,
+and a number of vats and tubs. In the case of the
+tannery at Meaux Abbey<a name="Anchor-613" id="Anchor-613"></a><a href="#Footnote-613" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 613.">[613]</a> (the larger monastic
+houses usually maintained their own tanneries) in
+1396 rather more details are given. There were in
+store cow and calf leather, 'sole peces, sclepe, clowthedys,
+and wambes' to the value of £14, 10s. 4d.,
+15 tubs and various tools, such as 3 'schapyng-knyfes'
+and 4 knives for the tan; 400 tan turves
+(blocks of bark from which the tan had been extracted),
+and 'the tan from all the oaks barked this
+year.' The raw hides had first to be soaked, then
+treated with lime to remove the hair, and then
+washed again before being placed in the tan vat.
+Consequently leather-dressers settled 'where they
+may have water in brooks and rivers to dress their
+leather; without great store of running water they
+cannot dress the same.'<a name="Anchor-614" id="Anchor-614"></a><a href="#Footnote-614" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 614.">[614]</a> In 1461 William Frankwell,
+when making a grant of a meadow at Lewes,
+reserved the right to use the ditch on the south side
+of the meadow for his hides,<a name="Anchor-615" id="Anchor-615"></a><a href="#Footnote-615" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 615.">[615]</a> and complaints of the
+fouling of town water supplies by leather workers
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[174]</a></span>were not unusual.<a name="Anchor-616" id="Anchor-616"></a><a href="#Footnote-616" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 616.">[616]</a> The process of tanning was, and
+for the best leather still is, extremely slow; the
+hides were supposed to lie in the 'wooses' (ooze, or
+liquor) for a whole year, and stringent regulations
+were issued to prevent the hastening of the process,
+to the detriment of the leather. The bark from
+which the tan was obtained, and which was so
+important a feature of the process that 'barker'
+was an alternative name for tanner, had to be only
+of oak, the use of ash bark being forbidden; nor
+might lime or hot liquor be used, the imbedding of
+the vats in hot beds of old tan being prohibited.</p>
+
+<p>Hides, both raw and tanned, ranked with cloth as
+a leading article of trade, both home and foreign;<a name="Anchor-617" id="Anchor-617"></a><a href="#Footnote-617" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 617.">[617]</a>
+and, like cloth, tanned leather was early subject to
+examination by searchers, appointed either by the
+craft gild or by the town authorities. As a rule the
+searcher's seal was affixed in the market, or at the
+particular 'seld' or hall where alone leather might
+be sold, but at Bristol in 1415 the searchers were
+empowered to examine the hides at the curriers'
+houses before they were curried.<a name="Anchor-618" id="Anchor-618"></a><a href="#Footnote-618" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 618.">[618]</a> The curriers,
+whose business it was to dress the 'red' hides with
+tallow,<a name="Anchor-619" id="Anchor-619"></a><a href="#Footnote-619" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 619.">[619]</a> rendering them smooth and supple, were not
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[175]</a></span>allowed to dress badly tanned hides.<a name="Anchor-620" id="Anchor-620"></a><a href="#Footnote-620" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 620.">[620]</a> Several
+grades of tanning were recognised, the most lengthy
+and thorough workmanship being required for
+leather intended for the soles of boots and rather less
+for the uppers. When forty-seven hides belonging
+to Nicholas Burle, of London, were seized in 1378
+as not well tanned, he admitted that they were not
+fit for shoeleather, but urged that he intended to sell
+them to saddlers, girdlers, and makers of leather
+bottles: a mixed jury of these various trades, however,
+condemned the hides as unfit for any purpose,
+and they were forfeited.<a name="Anchor-621" id="Anchor-621"></a><a href="#Footnote-621" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 621.">[621]</a></p>
+
+<p>Although there was thus an efficient control
+exercised over tanned leather, the tawed soft leathers
+used by glovers, pointmakers, pursemakers, saddlers,
+girdlers, coffermakers, budgetmakers, stationers, etc.,
+seem for the most part to have escaped supervision,
+with the result that at the end of the sixteenth
+century the markets were flooded with counterfeit
+leathers.<a name="Anchor-622" id="Anchor-622"></a><a href="#Footnote-622" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 622.">[622]</a></p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><td class="tdl" rowspan="2">'All Tawed leather is dressed with</td>
+    <td class="tdc">{</td>
+    <td class="tdl">Oil, as</td>
+    <td class="tdc">{</td>
+    <td class="tdc">Buff<br />Shamoys</td>
+    <td class="tdc">}</td>
+    <td class="tdc">of the first and best sort.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdc">{</td>
+    <td class="tdl">or with Alum  and Oker as the hides of</td>
+    <td class="tdc">{</td>
+    <td class="tdc">Horse, Stag, Hind, Buck, Doe, Calf, Dog, Seal, Sheep, Lamb, Kid.</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p>'The leather dressed with oil is made more
+supple, soft and spongey, and is wrought with a
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[176]</a></span>rough cotton, as bayes and fresadoes are, the cotton
+being raised in the fulling mill where cloth is fulled,
+and serveth for the more beauty and pleasure to
+the wearer.</p>
+
+<p>'The leather dressed with alum and oker is more
+tough and "thight," serving better for the use of
+the poor artificer, husbandman, and labourer, and
+a more easy price by half, and is wrought smooth
+or with cotton which is raised by hand with a card
+or other like tool, and as the alum giveth strength and
+toughness, the oker giveth it colour, like as the oil
+doth give colour to Buff and Shamoys.</p>
+
+<p>'And this diversity of dressing, with oil or alum,
+is to be discerned both by smell and by a dust which
+ariseth from the alum leather....</p>
+
+<p>'All Shamoys leather is made of goat skins
+brought for the most part out of Barbury, from the
+"Est countries," Scotland, Ireland, and other foreign
+parts, unwrought, and is transported again being
+wrought. And there is much thereof made from
+skins from Wales and other parts within the realm....
+Being dressed with oil it beareth the name
+Shamoys, but being dressed with alum and oker, it
+beareth not the name or price of Shamoys, but of
+Goat skins.'</p>
+
+<p>'Shamoys<a name="Anchor-623" id="Anchor-623"></a><a href="#Footnote-623" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 623.">[623]</a> is made of goat, buck, doe, hind,
+sore, sorrell, and sheepskins. The true way of
+dressing is in "trayne oyle," the counterfeit is with
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[177]</a></span>alum and is worth about half.... Shamoys
+dressed in train oil can be dressed again three or
+four times, and seem as good as new, but dressed
+in alum it will hardly dress twice and will soon be
+spied. And when Shamoys dressed in alum cometh
+to the rain or any water they will be hard like tanned
+leather, and Shamoys in oil make the cheapest and
+most lasting apparel, which the "low countrie man
+and the highe Almayn" doth use.'</p>
+
+<p>Frauds in the preparation and sale of leather were
+of frequent occurrence, and in 1372 the mayor and
+aldermen of London ordained penalties for the sale
+of dyed sheep and calf leather scraped and prepared
+so as to look like roe leather. At the same time the
+leather dyers were forbidden to dye such counterfeit
+leathers, and also to use the brasil or other dye
+provided or selected by one customer for the goods
+of another.<a name="Anchor-624" id="Anchor-624"></a><a href="#Footnote-624" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 624.">[624]</a> With the same object of preventing
+frauds the tawyers who worked for furriers were not
+allowed to cut the heads off the skins which they
+dressed, and were also liable to imprisonment if
+they worked old furs up into leather.<a name="Anchor-625" id="Anchor-625"></a><a href="#Footnote-625" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 625.">[625]</a> Further
+penalties for false and deceitful work, especially in
+the making of leather 'points and lanyers,' or laces
+and thongs, were enacted in 1398.<a name="Anchor-626" id="Anchor-626"></a><a href="#Footnote-626" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 626.">[626]</a> With the growth
+of capitalism during the reign of Elizabeth the
+control exercised by the Leathersellers' Company
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[178]</a></span>became almost nominal, some half a dozen wealthy
+members of the company getting the whole trade
+into their own hands. By buying up the leather
+all over the country, they forced up prices; having,
+moreover, a practical monopoly of tawed leathers
+they were able to make the glovers and other leather
+workers take the dressed skins in packets of a dozen,
+which contained three or four small 'linings' or
+worthless skins.<a name="Anchor-627" id="Anchor-627"></a><a href="#Footnote-627" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 627.">[627]</a> They also undertook the dressing
+of the skins, and cut out the good workmen by
+scamping their work and employing men who had
+only served half their seven years' apprenticeship.<a name="Anchor-628" id="Anchor-628"></a><a href="#Footnote-628" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 628.">[628]</a>
+They also caused dogskins, 'fishe skynnes of zeale,'
+calf, and other skins to be so dressed as to resemble
+'right Civill [<i>i.e.</i> Seville] and Spannish skynnes,'
+worth twice as much. These skins were dressed
+'with the powder of date stones and of gaule and
+with French shomake that is nothinge like the
+Spannish shomake, to give them a pretie sweete
+savor but nothinge like to the civile skynnes, and the
+powder of theise is of veary smale price and the
+powder of right Spannish shomake grounded in a
+mill is wourth xxx<sup>s</sup> the c<sup>lb</sup> weight, which shomake
+is a kynd of brush, shrubb, or heath in Spayne and
+groweth low by the ground and is swete like Gale<a name="Anchor-629" id="Anchor-629"></a><a href="#Footnote-629" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 629.">[629]</a>
+in Cambridgshire and is cutt twise a yeare and soe
+dried and grounded into powder by milles and dresseth
+all the Civile and Spannish skynnes brought
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[179]</a></span>hither.'<a name="Anchor-630" id="Anchor-630"></a><a href="#Footnote-630" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 630.">[630]</a> To remedy these frauds there was a
+general demand that tawed leather should be
+searched and sealed in the same way as tanned, and
+in 1593 Edmund Darcy turned this to his own
+advantage by obtaining a royal grant of the right
+to carry out such searching and sealing. This was
+opposed by the leather-sellers, on the grounds that
+it would interfere with the sale and purchase in
+country districts if buyer and seller had to wait till
+the searcher could attend, and that the proposed
+fees for sealing were exorbitant, amounting to from
+a ninth to nearly a half of the value of the skins.
+They also said that if a seal were put on, it would
+almost always be pared away, washed out, or 'extincte
+by dying' before the leather reached the
+consumer.<a name="Anchor-631" id="Anchor-631"></a><a href="#Footnote-631" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 631.">[631]</a> Upon examination the suggested fees
+were found to be too large, and a table of the different
+kinds of leather and their values was drawn up, and
+fees fixed accordingly:<a name="Anchor-632" id="Anchor-632"></a><a href="#Footnote-632" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 632.">[632]</a>—</p>
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><td class="tdc smcap">White Tawed</td>
+    <td class="tdc smcap">Value</td>
+    <td class="tdc smcap">Fee</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl">Sheep skins</td>
+    <td class="tdl">7s.—3s. &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; the doz.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">2d., 1d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl">Kid and fawn</td>
+    <td class="tdl">4s. 6d.—1s. 8d. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl">2d., 1d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl">Lambs</td>
+    <td class="tdl">4s. 4d.—1s. 8d. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl">2d., 1d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl">Horse<a name="Anchor-633" id="Anchor-633"></a><a href="#Footnote-633" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 633.">[633]</a></td>
+    <td class="tdl">5s.—2s. 6d. each</td>
+    <td class="tdl">2d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl">Dogs</td>
+    <td class="tdl">4s.—1s. 6d. the doz.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">2d., 1d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl">Bucks</td>
+    <td class="tdl">4s.—3s. 4d. each</td>
+    <td class="tdl">8d. the doz.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl">Does</td>
+    <td class="tdl">2s. 4d.—1s. 8d.&nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl">8d. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl">Calf</td>
+    <td class="tdl">12s.—4s. the doz.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">6d., 3d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl">Goat</td>
+    <td class="tdl">2s. 6d. each—3s. 6d. the doz.</td>
+    <td class="tdl">6d., 2d. each.</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[180]</a></span></p>
+
+<div class="center mt2">
+<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="">
+<tr><td class="tdl smcap">Oil Dressed</td>
+    <td class="tdc smcap">Value</td>
+    <td class="tdc smcap">Fee</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Right Buffe<a name="Anchor-634" id="Anchor-634"></a><a href="#Footnote-634" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 634.">[634]</a></td>
+    <td class="tdl">33s. 4d.—15s. each</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">7d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Counterfeit Buffe</td>
+    <td class="tdl">13s. 4d.—7s. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">7d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Right Shamoise</td>
+    <td class="tdl">30s. the doz.</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">7d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Counterfeit&nbsp; &nbsp;"</td>
+    <td class="tdl">14s. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">7d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Sheep &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;"</td>
+    <td class="tdl">&nbsp;8s. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">3½d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Lamb &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;"</td>
+    <td class="tdl">&nbsp;6s. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">3½d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Right Spannish skins<a name="Anchor-635" id="Anchor-635"></a><a href="#Footnote-635" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 635.">[635]</a></td>
+    <td class="tdl">30s. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">7d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Counterfeit Spannish skins of goat and buck</td>
+    <td class="tdl">3 li. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">7d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Counterfeit Spannish sheep skins</td>
+    <td class="tdl">12s. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">3½d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Right Cordovan skins</td>
+    <td class="tdl">40s. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">12d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Seal skins dressed</td>
+    <td class="tdl">40s. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">7d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Stagge skins,<a name="Anchor-636" id="Anchor-636"></a><a href="#Footnote-636" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 636.">[636]</a> English, Scottish, as big as buffyn, dressed like buffe</td>
+    <td class="tdl">12s. each</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">6d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Stag skins, Irish, dressed like buffe</td>
+    <td class="tdl">3 li. the doz.</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">12d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Buck and doe, dressed like buffe</td>
+    <td class="tdl">40s. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">12d.</td></tr>
+<tr><td class="tdl hang">Calf skins, in like sort</td>
+    <td class="tdl">16s. &nbsp; &nbsp; "</td>
+    <td class="tdl vb">7d.</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p>A number of trades, such as glovers, saddlers,
+pursemakers, girdlers, and bottlemakers, used
+leather, but the most important class were the shoemakers.
+They in turn were divided into a number
+of branches, at the head of which stood the cordwainers,
+who derived their name from having originally
+been workers of Cordovan leather, but were in
+actual practice makers of the better class of shoes.<a name="Anchor-637" id="Anchor-637"></a><a href="#Footnote-637" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 637.">[637]</a>
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[181]</a></span>At the other end were the cobblers, or menders of
+old shoes. Elaborate regulations were made in
+London in 1409 to prevent these two classes trespassing
+on one another's preserves.<a name="Anchor-638" id="Anchor-638"></a><a href="#Footnote-638" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 638.">[638]</a> The cobbler
+might clout an old sole with new leather or patch
+the uppers, but if the boot required an entirely
+new sole, or if a new shoe were burnt or broken and
+required a fresh piece put in, then the work must
+be given to the cordwainer. A distinction was also
+drawn at a much earlier date, in 1271,<a name="Anchor-639" id="Anchor-639"></a><a href="#Footnote-639" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 639.">[639]</a> between two
+classes of cordwainers, the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">allutarii</i> and the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">basanarii</i>,
+the latter being those who used 'basan' or 'bazan,'
+an inferior leather made from sheepskin. Neither
+was to use the other's craft, though the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">allutarius</i>
+might make the uppers (<i>quissellos</i>) of his shoes of
+bazan: to prevent any confusion the two classes
+were to occupy separate positions in the fairs and
+markets. In 1320 we find eighty pairs of shoes
+seized from twenty different persons, thirty-one
+pairs being taken from Roger Brown of Norwich,
+and forfeited for being made of bazan and cordwain
+mixed.<a name="Anchor-640" id="Anchor-640"></a><a href="#Footnote-640" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 640.">[640]</a> Fifty years later, in 1375, a heavy fine
+was ordained for any one selling shoes of bazan as
+being cordwain,<a name="Anchor-641" id="Anchor-641"></a><a href="#Footnote-641" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 641.">[641]</a> and a similar ordinance was in
+force at Bristol in 1408.<a name="Anchor-642" id="Anchor-642"></a><a href="#Footnote-642" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 642.">[642]</a> By the London rules of
+1271, no cordwainer was to keep more than eight
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[182]</a></span>journeymen (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">servientes</i>), and at Bristol in 1364 the
+shoemakers were restricted to a single 'covenant-hynd,'
+who was to be paid 18d. a week and allowed
+eight pairs of shoes yearly.<a name="Anchor-643" id="Anchor-643"></a><a href="#Footnote-643" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 643.">[643]</a> In the case of Bristol,
+however, no limit is stated for the number of journeymen,
+who were paid by piecework, the rates being,
+in 1364, 3d. a dozen for sewing, and 3d. for yarking;
+3d. for making a pair of boots entirely, that is to say,
+1d. for cutting and 2d. for sewing and yarking;
+2d. for cutting a dozen pairs of shoes, namely 1d.
+for the overleathers and 1d. for the soles, and a
+further 1d. for lasting the dozen shoes. The rates
+of pay were still the same in 1408, though there are
+additional entries of 12d. for sewing, yarking, and
+finishing a dozen boots and shoes called 'quarter-schone,'
+and 7d. for sewing and yarking, with an
+extra 1½d. for finishing a dozen shoes called 'course
+ware.'<a name="Anchor-644" id="Anchor-644"></a><a href="#Footnote-644" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 644.">[644]</a></p>
+
+<p>The sale of the finished articles was also an object
+of regulations: in London in 1271, shoes might only
+be hawked in the district between Corveiserstrete
+and Soperes Lane, and there only in the morning
+on ordinary days, though on the eves of feast they
+might be sold in the afternoon.<a name="Anchor-645" id="Anchor-645"></a><a href="#Footnote-645" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 645.">[645]</a> Leather laces
+also might not be sold at the 'eve chepings.'<a name="Anchor-646" id="Anchor-646"></a><a href="#Footnote-646" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 646.">[646]</a>
+Possibly it was considered that bad leather might
+be more easily passed off in a bad light, but the idea
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[183]</a></span>may simply have been to prevent the competition
+of the pedlars and hawkers with the shopkeepers.
+At Northampton, in 1452, the two classes of tradesmen
+were separated, those who had shops not being
+allowed to sell also in the market.<a name="Anchor-647" id="Anchor-647"></a><a href="#Footnote-647" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 647.">[647]</a> Northampton
+had not at this date begun to acquire the fame
+which it earned during the seventeenth century as
+the centre of the English boot trade, but regulations
+for the 'corvysers crafte' there had been drawn up
+in 1402,<a name="Anchor-648" id="Anchor-648"></a><a href="#Footnote-648" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 648.">[648]</a> and much earlier, in 1266, we find
+Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> ordering the bailiffs of Northampton to
+provide a hundred and fifty pairs of shoes, half at
+5d. and half at 4d. the pair.<a name="Anchor-649" id="Anchor-649"></a><a href="#Footnote-649" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 649.">[649]</a> These were for distribution
+to the poor; and similar orders in other
+years were usually executed in either London or
+Winchester: no particular importance can be attached
+to this single order being given to Northampton,
+as presumably any large town could have
+carried out the order. So far as any town can be
+placed at the head of the shoemaking industry, the
+distinction must be given to Oxford where the cordwainers'
+gild was in existence early in the twelfth
+century, it being reconstituted in 1131,<a name="Anchor-650" id="Anchor-650"></a><a href="#Footnote-650" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 650.">[650]</a> and its
+monopoly confirmed by Henry <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr><a name="Anchor-651" id="Anchor-651"></a><a href="#Footnote-651" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 651.">[651]</a></p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[184]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2>CHAPTER <abbr title="10">X</abbr><br />
+
+<small>BREWING—ALE, BEER, CIDER</small></h2>
+
+
+<p>Malt liquors have been from time immemorial the
+national drink of England, but the ale of medieval
+times was quite different from the liquor which now
+passes indifferently under the names ale or beer. It
+was more of a sweet wort, of about the consistency
+of barley water. Andrew Borde,<a name="Anchor-652" id="Anchor-652"></a><a href="#Footnote-652" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 652.">[652]</a> writing in the
+first half of the sixteenth century, says: 'Ale is
+made of malte and water; and they the which do
+put any other thynge to ale than is rehersed, except
+yest, barme or godesgood, doth sofysticat theyr ale.
+Ale for an Englysshe man is a naturall drynke. Ale
+must have these propertyes: it muste be fresshe and
+cleare, it muste not be ropy nor smoky, nor must it
+have no weft nor tayle. Ale should not be dronke
+under v dayes olde. Newe ale is unholsome for all
+men. And sowre ale, and dead ale the which doth
+stand a tylt, is good for no man. Barly malte
+maketh better ale then oten malte or any other
+corne doth: it doth ingendre grose humoures; but
+yette it maketh a man stronge.'</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[185]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The supremacy of English ale was already established
+by the middle of the twelfth century, that of
+Canterbury being particularly famous,<a name="Anchor-653" id="Anchor-653"></a><a href="#Footnote-653" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 653.">[653]</a> and casks
+of ale were amongst the presents taken by Becket
+to the French court on the occasion of his embassy
+in 1157.<a name="Anchor-654" id="Anchor-654"></a><a href="#Footnote-654" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 654.">[654]</a> At this time it really deserved the title
+of 'the people's food in liquid form'; the consumption
+per head of population must have been enormous,
+the ordinary monastic corrody, or allowance of
+food, stipulating for a gallon of good ale a day, with
+very often a second gallon of weak ale. It must
+be borne in mind that it was drunk at all times,
+taking the place not only of such modern inventions
+as tea and coffee, but also of water, insomuch that
+a thirteenth-century writer describing the extreme
+poverty of the Franciscans when they first settled
+in London (<span class="smcap lowercase">A.D.</span> 1224) exclaims, 'I have seen the
+brothers drink ale so sour that some would have
+preferred to drink water.'<a name="Anchor-655" id="Anchor-655"></a><a href="#Footnote-655" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 655.">[655]</a> Such was the importance
+attached to ale that it was coupled with bread
+for purposes of legal supervision, and the right to
+hold the 'assize of bread and ale' was one of the
+earliest justicial privileges asserted by municipal
+and other local courts. The Assize of Ale as recorded
+on the Statute Rolls in the time of Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> fixed
+the maximum price of ale throughout the kingdom
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[186]</a></span>on the basis of the price of malt, or rather of the
+corn from which malt was made.<a name="Anchor-656" id="Anchor-656"></a><a href="#Footnote-656" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 656.">[656]</a> When wheat
+stood at 3s. or 3s. 4d. the quarter, barley at 20d. to
+2s., and oats at 16d., then brewers in towns were to
+sell two gallons of ale for a penny, and outside towns
+three or four gallons. And when three gallons were
+sold for a penny in a town then four gallons should
+be sold for a penny in the country. If corn rose a
+shilling the quarter, the price of ale might be raised
+a farthing the gallon.<a name="Anchor-657" id="Anchor-657"></a><a href="#Footnote-657" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 657.">[657]</a> A later ordinance, issued in
+1283, set the price of the better quality of ale at
+1½d.; and that of the weaker at 1d., and the commonalty
+of Bristol, fearing that they might be punished
+if the brewers of the town broke this regulation,
+issued stringent orders for its observance, infringement
+entailing the forfeiture of the offender's
+brewery.<a name="Anchor-658" id="Anchor-658"></a><a href="#Footnote-658" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 658.">[658]</a></p>
+
+<p>A very casual examination of court rolls and other
+local records is sufficient to convince the student
+that brewing was universal, every village supplying
+its own wants, and that infringements of the regulations
+by which the trade was supposed to be controlled
+were almost equally universal. The same
+names are found, where any series of rolls exists,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[187]</a></span>presented at court after court for breaking the
+assize in one way or another, and it is clear that a
+strict observance of the laws was difficult, it being
+more profitable to break them and pay the small
+fines extorted practically as licensing dues. At
+Shoreham in the thirteenth century, the brewers,
+whose trade was particularly active because of the
+numbers of foreigners who visited the port, paid
+2½ marks yearly to escape the vexations of the
+manorial court,<a name="Anchor-659" id="Anchor-659"></a><a href="#Footnote-659" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 659.">[659]</a> and in the same way the hundred
+of Shoyswell (in Sussex) paid a yearly fine in order
+that the ale-wives (trade was largely in the hands of
+women) might be excused attendance at the law-days.<a name="Anchor-660" id="Anchor-660"></a><a href="#Footnote-660" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 660.">[660]</a>
+In neither case, however, can we suppose
+that the manorial control over the brewing trade
+was appreciably relaxed, but rather that personal
+attendance at the court, with its interruption of
+business, was dispensed with. Besides these monetary
+payments, there were often payments in kind
+due to the lord of the manor or borough. At Marlborough
+every public brewery had to pay to the
+constable of the castle from each brew a measure,
+known as 'tolsester,' prior to 1232, when this render
+of ale was granted to the canons of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Margaret's.<a name="Anchor-661" id="Anchor-661"></a><a href="#Footnote-661" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 661.">[661]</a>
+'Tolsester' was also paid to the castle of Chester,<a name="Anchor-662" id="Anchor-662"></a><a href="#Footnote-662" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 662.">[662]</a>
+and in Newark and Fiskerton.<a name="Anchor-663" id="Anchor-663"></a><a href="#Footnote-663" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 663.">[663]</a> The 'sester'
+(<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">sextarius</i>) or 'cestron' was, in Coventry at any
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[188]</a></span>rate, 13 or 14 gallons.<a name="Anchor-664" id="Anchor-664"></a><a href="#Footnote-664" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 664.">[664]</a> Ale was always supposed
+to be sold, whether in gross or retail, in measures of
+which the capacity had been certified by the seal or
+stamp of the official appointed for the purpose.<a name="Anchor-665" id="Anchor-665"></a><a href="#Footnote-665" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 665.">[665]</a>
+The list of standard measures kept at Beverley in
+1423 shows a potell, quart, pint, and gill of pewter,
+panyers, hopir, modius, firthindal, piece, and half-piece
+of wood and a gallon, potell, third and quart,
+also of wood.<a name="Anchor-666" id="Anchor-666"></a><a href="#Footnote-666" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 666.">[666]</a> Court Rolls, however, show that the
+use of unstamped measures and the retailing of ale
+in pitchers and jugs (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">per ciphos et discos</i>) was of
+constant occurrence,<a name="Anchor-667" id="Anchor-667"></a><a href="#Footnote-667" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 667.">[667]</a> mainly, no doubt, for the
+convenience of customers who brought their own
+jugs, but also occasionally with intent to deceive,
+as in the case of Alice Causton,<a name="Anchor-668" id="Anchor-668"></a><a href="#Footnote-668" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 668.">[668]</a> who in 1364 filled
+up the bottom of a quart measure with pitch and
+cunningly sprinkled it with sprigs of rosemary,<a name="Anchor-669" id="Anchor-669"></a><a href="#Footnote-669" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 669.">[669]</a>
+for which she had to 'play bo pepe thorowe a pillery.'
+It is interesting to notice that at Torksey in 1345, if
+a woman was accused of selling ale 'against the
+assize,' she might clear herself by the oaths of two
+other women, preferably her next-door neighbours.<a name="Anchor-670" id="Anchor-670"></a><a href="#Footnote-670" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 670.">[670]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[189]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>When a public brewer had made a fresh brew he
+had to send for the official 'ale-conner' or 'taster,'
+or to signify that his services were required by putting
+out in front of his house an 'ale stake,' a pole
+with a branch or bush at the end: this was also
+used as the universal sign of a tavern; and some
+of the London taverners, possibly recognising that
+their liquor was not sufficiently good to 'need no
+bush,' made their ale-stakes so long as to be dangerous
+to persons riding in the street.<a name="Anchor-671" id="Anchor-671"></a><a href="#Footnote-671" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 671.">[671]</a> No ale might
+be sold until it had been approved by the ale-conner.
+If the latter found the ale fit for consumption but
+not of full quality, he might fix the price at which it
+might be sold.<a name="Anchor-672" id="Anchor-672"></a><a href="#Footnote-672" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 672.">[672]</a> In Worcester the instructions to
+the ale-conner were, 'You shall resort to every
+brewer's house within this city on their tunning day
+and there to taste their ale, whether it be good and
+wholesome for man's body, and whether they make
+it from time to time according to the prices fixed.
+So help you God.'<a name="Anchor-673" id="Anchor-673"></a><a href="#Footnote-673" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 673.">[673]</a> There seems reason for the pious
+ejaculation when we find that in Coventry in 1520
+there were in a total population of 6600 men, women,
+and children, 60 public brewers.<a name="Anchor-674" id="Anchor-674"></a><a href="#Footnote-674" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 674.">[674]</a> When the ale
+was good the task must have had its compensations,
+but when it was bad the taster must often have
+wished to make the punishment fit the crime, as
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[190]</a></span>was done in the case of a Londoner who sold bad
+wine, the offender being compelled to drink a
+draught of the wine, the rest of which was then
+poured over his head.<a name="Anchor-675" id="Anchor-675"></a><a href="#Footnote-675" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 675.">[675]</a> Our sympathy may in
+particular be extended to the ale-tasters of Cornwall,
+where 'ale is starke nought, lokinge whyte and
+thycke, as pygges had wrasteled in it.'<a name="Anchor-676" id="Anchor-676"></a><a href="#Footnote-676" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 676.">[676]</a> Oddly
+enough we find mention in Domesday Book of forty-three
+<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">cervisiarii</i> at Helstone in Cornwall; they are
+usually supposed to be tenants who paid dues of
+ale, but the term is clearly used in the description of
+Bury <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Edmunds for brewers. In the sixteenth
+century, however, Borde<a name="Anchor-677" id="Anchor-677"></a><a href="#Footnote-677" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 677.">[677]</a> in an unflattering dialect
+poem makes the Cornishman say:—</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+  <div class="poetry">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <div class="verse">'Iche cam a Cornyshe man, ale che can brew;</div>
+      <div class="verse indent2">It wyll make one to kacke, also to spew;</div>
+      <div class="verse">It is dycke and smoky, and also it is dyn;</div>
+      <div class="verse indent2">It is lyke wash as pygges had wrestled dryn.'</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>To ensure the purity of the ale not only was
+the finished product examined, but some care was
+taken to prevent the use of impure water, regulations
+to prevent the contamination of water used
+by brewers, or the use by them of water so contaminated,
+being common.<a name="Anchor-678" id="Anchor-678"></a><a href="#Footnote-678" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 678.">[678]</a> On the other hand,
+owing to the large quantities of water required for
+their business, they were forbidden in London,<a name="Anchor-679" id="Anchor-679"></a><a href="#Footnote-679" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 679.">[679]</a>
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[191]</a></span>Bristol,<a name="Anchor-680" id="Anchor-680"></a><a href="#Footnote-680" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 680.">[680]</a> and Coventry<a name="Anchor-681" id="Anchor-681"></a><a href="#Footnote-681" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 681.">[681]</a> to use the public conduits.
+For the actual brewing, rules were also laid down.
+In Oxford in 1449, in which year nine brewers were
+said to brew weak and unwholesome ale, not properly
+prepared, and not worth its price, but of little or no
+value, the brewers were made to swear that they
+would brew in wholesome manner so that they
+would continue to heat the water over the fire so
+long as it emitted froth, and would skim the froth
+off, and that after skimming the new ale should
+stand long enough for the dregs to settle before they
+sent it out, Richard Benet in particular undertaking
+that his ale should stand for at least twelve hours
+before he sent it to any hall or college.<a name="Anchor-682" id="Anchor-682"></a><a href="#Footnote-682" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 682.">[682]</a> In London
+also casks when filled in the brewery were to stand
+for a day and a night to work, so that when taken
+away the ale should be clear and good.<a name="Anchor-683" id="Anchor-683"></a><a href="#Footnote-683" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 683.">[683]</a> This
+explains the regulation at Coventry in 1421 that ale
+'new under the here syve [hair sieve]' was to sell
+for 1¼d. the gallon, and that 'good and stale' for
+1½d.<a name="Anchor-684" id="Anchor-684"></a><a href="#Footnote-684" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 684.">[684]</a> At Seaford there was a third state, 'in the
+hoffe,' or 'huff,' which sold for 2d.<a name="Anchor-685" id="Anchor-685"></a><a href="#Footnote-685" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 685.">[685]</a></p>
+
+<p>So far were the brewers regarded as the servants
+of the people that not only was their brewing strictly
+regulated, but they were compelled to brew even
+when they considered that new ordinances<a name="Anchor-686" id="Anchor-686"></a><a href="#Footnote-686" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 686.">[686]</a> or a
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[192]</a></span>rise in the price of malt would make their trade
+unprofitable;<a name="Anchor-687" id="Anchor-687"></a><a href="#Footnote-687" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 687.">[687]</a> and in 1434 the brewers of Oxford
+were summoned to <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mary's Church and there
+ordered to provide malt, and to see to it that two or
+three brewers brewed twice or thrice every week,
+and sent out their ale.<a name="Anchor-688" id="Anchor-688"></a><a href="#Footnote-688" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 688.">[688]</a> At Gloucester,<a name="Anchor-689" id="Anchor-689"></a><a href="#Footnote-689" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 689.">[689]</a> in the
+sixteenth century, the brewers were expected to
+give some kind of weak wort, possibly the scum or
+dregs of their brew, to the poor to make up into a
+kind of very small beer, which must have been
+something like the 'second washing of the tuns,'
+which formed the perquisite of the under brewers
+at Rochester Priory.<a name="Anchor-690" id="Anchor-690"></a><a href="#Footnote-690" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 690.">[690]</a> At Norwich barm or yeast
+was a similar subject of charity, and in 1468 it
+was set forth that 'wheras berme otherwise clepid
+goddisgood, without tyme of mynde hath frely be
+yoven or delyvered for brede whete malte egges
+or othir honest rewarde to the value only of a
+farthyng at the uttermost and noon warned [<i>i.e.</i>
+denied], because it cometh of the grete grace of God;
+certeyn ... comon brewers ... for ther singler
+lucre and avayle have nowe newely begonne to take
+monye for their seid goddisgood,' charging a halfpenny
+or a penny for the least amount, therefore
+the brewers were to swear that 'for the time ye or
+your wife exercise comon brewing ye shall graunte
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[193]</a></span>and delyver to any person axyng berme called
+goddisgood takyng for as moche goddisgood as shall
+be sufficient for the brewe of a quarter malte a
+ferthyng at the moost,' provided that they have
+enough for their own use, and that this do not
+apply to any 'old custom' between the brewers
+and bakers.<a name="Anchor-691" id="Anchor-691"></a><a href="#Footnote-691" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 691.">[691]</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="mt2">About the end of the fourteenth century a new
+variety of malt liquor, beer, was introduced from
+Flanders. It seems to have been imported into
+Winchelsea as early as 1400,<a name="Anchor-692" id="Anchor-692"></a><a href="#Footnote-692" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 692.">[692]</a> but for the best part of
+a century its use was mainly, and its manufacture
+entirely, confined to foreigners. Andrew Borde,<a name="Anchor-693" id="Anchor-693"></a><a href="#Footnote-693" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 693.">[693]</a>
+who disapproved of it, says, 'Bere is made of malte,
+of hoppes and water: it is a naturall drynke for a
+Dutche man. And nowe of late dayes it is moche
+used in Englande to the detryment of many Englysshe
+men; specyally it kylleth them the which be troubled
+with the colycke and the stone and the strangulion;
+for the drynke is a colde drynke; yet it doth make
+a man fat, and doth inflate the bely, as it dothe
+appeare by the Dutche mens faces and belyes. If
+the bere be well served and be fyned and not new it
+doth qualify the heat of the lyver.' That, thanks
+to the large foreign settlement in London, beer
+brewing soon attained considerable dimensions in
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[194]</a></span>the city is evident from the fact that in 1418, when
+provisions were sent to Henry <abbr title="the fifth"><span class="smcap lowercase">V.</span></abbr> at the siege of
+Rouen, 300 tuns of 'ber' were sent from London,
+and only 200 tuns of ale, but the beer was valued at
+only 13s. 4d. the tun, while the ale was 20s.<a name="Anchor-694" id="Anchor-694"></a><a href="#Footnote-694" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 694.">[694]</a> About
+the middle of the fifteenth century large quantities
+of hops were being imported at Rye and Winchelsea,
+and in the church of the neighbouring village of
+Playden may still be seen the grave of Cornelius
+Zoetmann, ornamented with two beer barrels and
+a crossed mash-stick and fork.<a name="Anchor-695" id="Anchor-695"></a><a href="#Footnote-695" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 695.">[695]</a> A little later we
+find beer being exported from the Sussex ports and
+also from Poole,<a name="Anchor-696" id="Anchor-696"></a><a href="#Footnote-696" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 696.">[696]</a> which had long done a large trade
+in ale to the Channel Islands.</p>
+
+<p>Such beer brewers as occur during the fifteenth
+century almost all bear foreign names. For instance,
+in 1473, Thomas Seyntleger and John
+Goryng of Southwark recovered heavy damages for
+theft against John Doys of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Botolph's-outside-Aldgate
+and Gerard Sconeburgh of Southwark, 'berebruers,'
+whose sureties were Godfrey Speryng and
+Edward Dewysse, also 'berebruers.'<a name="Anchor-697" id="Anchor-697"></a><a href="#Footnote-697" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 697.">[697]</a> Probably
+in this case the theft was an illegal seizure or distraint
+of goods for a debt for beer supplied, as
+although most of the goods said to be stolen were
+armour and objects of value, such as a book of
+Gower's poems and an illuminated <cite>Sege of Troye</cite>,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[195]</a></span>there were also ten barrels of 'sengilbere,' thirty-five
+barrels of 'dowblebere,' ten lastys of barrels and
+kilderkins, and two great sacks for 'hoppys.' There
+was still a prejudice against beer, and in 1471, at
+Norwich, the use of hops and 'gawle' in brewing
+was forbidden,<a name="Anchor-698" id="Anchor-698"></a><a href="#Footnote-698" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 698.">[698]</a> while in 1519 the authorities at
+Shrewsbury prohibited the employment of the
+'wicked and pernicious weed, hops.'<a name="Anchor-699" id="Anchor-699"></a><a href="#Footnote-699" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 699.">[699]</a> In the same
+way, in 1531, the royal brewer was forbidden to use
+hops or brimstone, but an Act of Parliament passed
+in the same year bore testimony to the establishment
+of the industry by exempting alien brewers from
+the penal statutes against foreigners practising their
+trades in England, and also by allowing beer brewers
+to employ two coopers while ale brewers might only
+employ one.<a name="Anchor-700" id="Anchor-700"></a><a href="#Footnote-700" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 700.">[700]</a> At the same time the barrel of beer
+was fixed at thirty-six gallons, and that of ale at
+thirty-two, the kilderkin and firkin being respectively
+half and quarter of those amounts.</p>
+
+<p>From this time the brewing of beer steadily
+prospered, the Leakes of Southwark<a name="Anchor-701" id="Anchor-701"></a><a href="#Footnote-701" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 701.">[701]</a> and other alien
+brewers amassing great riches, English brewers
+following in their footsteps, and the taste for beer
+spreading through the country so rapidly that in
+1577 Harrison in his <cite>Description of England</cite> could
+speak contemptuously of the old ale as thick and
+fulsome and no longer popular except with a few.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[196]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>William Harrison, writing about 1577, says: 'In
+some places of England there is a kind of drinke
+made of apples, which they call cider or pomage,
+but that of peares is named pirrie, and both are
+ground and pressed in presses made for the nonce.
+Certes, these two are verie common in Sussex, Kent,
+Worcester, and other steads where these sorts of
+fruits do abound, howbeit they are not their onelie
+drinke at all times, but referred unto the delicate
+sorts of drinke.'<a name="Anchor-702" id="Anchor-702"></a><a href="#Footnote-702" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 702.">[702]</a> A generation earlier Andrew
+Borde, whom we have already quoted for ale and
+beer, wrote: 'Cyder is made of the juce of peeres,
+or of the juce of apples; and other whyle cyder is
+made of both; but the best cyder is made of cleane
+peeres, the which be dulcet; but the beste is not
+praysed in physycke, for cyder is colde of operacyon,
+and is full of ventosyte, wherfore it doth ingendre
+evyll humours and doth swage to moche the naturall
+heate of man and doth let dygestyon and doth hurte
+the stomacke; but they the whych be used to it,
+yf it be dronken in harvyst it doth lytell harme.'</p>
+
+<p>Andrew Borde makes no distinction between cider
+and perry. We find mention of the latter in 1505,
+when a foreign ship entered Poole with a cargo of
+apples, pears, etc., and '3 poncheons de pery,'
+valued at 10s.,<a name="Anchor-703" id="Anchor-703"></a><a href="#Footnote-703" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 703.">[703]</a> but references to perry are not
+numerous. Cider, on the other hand, we find in
+constant demand from the middle of the twelfth
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[197]</a></span>century onwards. It figures on the Pipe Rolls of
+Henry <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>,<a name="Anchor-704" id="Anchor-704"></a><a href="#Footnote-704" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 704.">[704]</a> and the contemporary historian and
+journalist, Gerald de Barri, alleged its use by the
+monks of Canterbury instead of Kentish ale as an
+instance of their luxury.<a name="Anchor-705" id="Anchor-705"></a><a href="#Footnote-705" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 705.">[705]</a> A little later, in 1212, the
+sale of cider is one of the numerous sources of the
+income of the Abbey of Battle;<a name="Anchor-706" id="Anchor-706"></a><a href="#Footnote-706" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 706.">[706]</a> part of this cider
+may have come from its estates at Wye, which
+produced a good deal of cider during the fourteenth
+century.<a name="Anchor-707" id="Anchor-707"></a><a href="#Footnote-707" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 707.">[707]</a></p>
+
+<p>Possibly the industry was introduced from Normandy,
+from which district large quantities of cider
+were imported into Winchelsea about 1270,<a name="Anchor-708" id="Anchor-708"></a><a href="#Footnote-708" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 708.">[708]</a> and this
+might account for the hold which it took upon
+Sussex. In the western part of the county, at
+Pagham, we find mention of an apple mill and press
+having been wrongfully seized by the escheator's
+officer in 1275,<a name="Anchor-709" id="Anchor-709"></a><a href="#Footnote-709" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 709.">[709]</a> and at the same place in 1313 the
+farmer of the archbishop's estates accounted for
+12s. spent on buying four casks in which to put
+cider, on repairing a ciderpress, and on the wages of
+men hired to make cider.<a name="Anchor-710" id="Anchor-710"></a><a href="#Footnote-710" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 710.">[710]</a> It is, however, in the
+Nonae Rolls of 1341 that the extent of the cider
+industry in Sussex is most noticeable.<a name="Anchor-711" id="Anchor-711"></a><a href="#Footnote-711" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 711.">[711]</a> In no fewer
+than eighty parishes, of which seventy-four were in
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[198]</a></span>West Sussex, the tithes of cider are mentioned as
+part of the endowment of the church, and in another
+twenty-eight cases the tithes of apples are entered.
+Moreover the value of these tithes was very considerable,
+reaching 100s. in Easebourne, and as much as
+10 marks (£6, 13s. 4d.) at Wisborough. In the last-named
+parish in 1385, William Threle granted to
+John Pakenham and his wife certain gardens and
+orchards, reserving to himself half the trees bearing
+fruit either for eating or for cider (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mangable et
+ciserable</i>), in return for which they were to render
+yearly a pipe of cider and a quarter of store apples
+(<i>hordapplen</i>); he also retained the right of access to
+the 'wringehouse,' or building containing the press,
+and the right to use their ciderpress for his fruit.<a name="Anchor-712" id="Anchor-712"></a><a href="#Footnote-712" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 712.">[712]</a></p>
+
+<p>Beyond an abundance of casual references to
+cider presses and to the purchases and sale of cider,
+there is little to record of the industry in medieval
+times; nor need we devote much attention to the
+manufacture of wine in England. Domesday Book
+shows us that the great Norman lords in many cases
+planted vines near their chief seats, and not many
+years later William of Malmesbury spoke of the
+Vale of Gloucester as planted more thickly with
+vineyards than any other part of England, and producing
+the best grapes, from which a wine little
+inferior to those of France was made. Vines continued
+to be grown by the great lords and monasteries,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[199]</a></span>but the wine was used entirely for their own
+consumption, and in decreasing quantities. About
+1500 an Italian visitor speaks of having eaten
+English grapes, and adds 'wine might be made in
+the southern parts, but it would be harsh,'<a name="Anchor-713" id="Anchor-713"></a><a href="#Footnote-713" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 713.">[713]</a> from
+which we may judge that such wine making as had
+existed was at an end by the sixteenth century.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[200]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2>CHAPTER <abbr title="11">XI</abbr><br />
+
+<small>THE CONTROL OF INDUSTRY</small></h2>
+
+
+<p>The control of industry is a subject for the treatment
+of which there are materials sufficient for more
+than one large volume. I do not, however, regret
+that I can devote comparatively small space to the
+subject, as its principles are simple and admit of
+broad treatment. There is, moreover, in the case
+of the student who is not a specialist, a danger of
+obscuring the outlines with a multiplicity of detail.
+And there is also the danger of selecting some puzzling
+and obscure incident or enactment, due to local
+causes of which we are ignorant, and using it as a
+basis for ingenious generalisations. Broadly speaking,
+the Control of Industry may be said to be
+either External, by parliamentary or municipal
+legislation, or Internal, by means of craft gilds.
+These two sections again admit of subdivision
+according as their objects are the protection of the
+consumer, the employer or the workman. Nor can
+we entirely ignore legislation for purposes of revenue—subsidies,
+customs, and <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">octroi</i> dues.</p>
+
+<p>Of industrial legislation by the King's Council,
+the predecessor of Parliament, we find very little
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[201]</a></span>trace. The royal charters of the twelfth century
+confirming or licensing craft gilds may be more
+justly regarded as revenue enactments, their object
+being rather to secure a certain annual return from
+the craft to which the royal protection was granted
+than to exercise any control over the craft. The
+proclamation in the early thirteenth century of the
+Assize of Cloth and of the Assize of Bread and Ale
+may be considered to mark the beginning of a national
+control of industry, though in each case existing
+regulations were formally adopted rather than new
+rules imposed. The growth of the towns and the
+rise of a wealthy merchant class during the reign
+of Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> brought about the birth of Parliament,
+and naturally led to a certain amount of trade
+legislation. But with trade—the distribution of
+finished products by persons other than the producers—we
+are not concerned. Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, thanks
+perhaps to his queen Philippa, from the cloth land
+of Hainault, realised the possibilities of the English
+cloth manufacture, and endeavoured to foster it by
+a series of statutes to which reference has been made
+above. During his reign, in 1349, the Black Death,
+that great landmark in medieval history, by reducing
+the numbers of the craftsmen increased the
+market value of the survivors, who at once demanded
+and obtained higher wages. Parliament retorted
+by passing the Statute of Labourers,<a name="Anchor-714" id="Anchor-714"></a><a href="#Footnote-714" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 714.">[714]</a> according to
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[202]</a></span>which no smith, carpenter, mason, tiler, shipwright,
+leather-worker, tailor, or other artificer was to take
+higher wages than he had received three years
+earlier, before the pestilence. Though this was
+legislation in favour of the employer, it was not
+exactly a case of favouring the wealthy, for by
+imposing a penalty on the giver of excessive wages
+as well as upon the receiver, an attempt was made
+to prevent the small employer being deprived of his
+workmen by richer rivals. The Act was, so far as
+we can judge, inspired partly by fear that the capitalist
+might control the sources of labour, and partly
+by fear that those sources might get beyond control.
+Whatever its origin, the statute failed in its expressed
+intention, and wages remained, as Thorold Rogers
+has shown,<a name="Anchor-715" id="Anchor-715"></a><a href="#Footnote-715" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 715.">[715]</a> permanently higher. This was not due
+to any laxity in applying the Act; for many years
+after it was passed justices were appointed in every
+part of England to enforce it,<a name="Anchor-716" id="Anchor-716"></a><a href="#Footnote-716" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 716.">[716]</a> but the records
+of their proceedings, as for instance in Somerset in
+1360,<a name="Anchor-717" id="Anchor-717"></a><a href="#Footnote-717" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 717.">[717]</a> where many hundreds of offenders are named,
+show that the workmen had no hesitation in demanding,
+and found no difficulty in getting wages higher
+than the law allowed. Wholesale imprisonment
+as a remedy for scarcity of labour was scarcely
+satisfactory, and the small fines which were inflicted
+proved no deterrent.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[203]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>As the position of the artificer had improved
+after the Black Death, so the crafts in general were
+assuming a greater importance in public estimation,
+and from about 1380 onwards the regulation of
+industries occupies an increasing amount of space
+on the Statute Rolls. With their growing influence,
+most of the crafts began to make their voices heard
+crying out for protection, which was usually given
+them with a liberal hand. But, although the
+pernicious effects of protective measures (deterioration
+of quality and rise of price) were to a large
+extent checked by the control kept over quality and
+prices by the national and municipal authorities,
+the consumer was sometimes roused to action.
+One of the best instances of the struggle between
+public and private interests is to be found in the
+case of the Yarmouth herring fishery. Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>
+had granted to Yarmouth the monopoly of the sale
+of herrings on the east coast during the season of the
+fishery. As a consequence the price of herrings had
+risen enormously, and the king was driven to cancel
+the privilege: the men of Yarmouth at once began
+to pull the strings, and in 1378 recovered their
+monopoly, with the same result as before. Once
+more the consumer made his voice heard, and in
+1382 the Yarmouth charter was revoked, only to
+be restored in 1385 on the ground that without
+protection of this kind Yarmouth would be ruined.</p>
+
+<p>If a large number of parliamentary enactments
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[204]</a></span>were protective of the producer, as for instance the
+prohibition in 1463 of the import of a vast variety
+of goods, from silk ribbands to dripping-pans, and
+from razors to tennis balls, including such incompatibles
+as playing cards and sacring bells,<a name="Anchor-718" id="Anchor-718"></a><a href="#Footnote-718" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 718.">[718]</a> yet still
+more were protective of the consumer. For one
+thing, of course, a single Act prohibiting certain
+imports might protect a dozen classes of manufactures,
+while the denunciation of one particular
+species of fraud would probably lead ingenious
+swindlers to invent a succession of others, each
+requiring a separate Act for its suppression. Sentimental
+admirers of the past are apt to imagine that
+the medieval workman loved a piece of good work
+for its own sake and never scamped a job. Nothing
+could be further from the truth. The medieval
+craftsman was not called a man of craft for nothing!
+He had no more conscience than a plumber, and his
+knowledge of ways that are dark and tricks that are
+vain was extensive and peculiar. The subtle craft
+of the London bakers, who, while making up their
+customer's dough, stole a large portion of the dough
+under their customers' eyes by means of a little
+trap-door in the kneading-board and a boy sitting
+under the counter,<a name="Anchor-719" id="Anchor-719"></a><a href="#Footnote-719" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 719.">[719]</a> was exceptional only in its
+ingenuity. Cloth was stretched and strained to the
+utmost and cunningly folded to hide defects, a
+length of bad cloth would be joined on to a length of
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[205]</a></span>superior quality, or a whole cheap cloth substituted
+for the good cloth which the customers had
+purchased; inferior leather was faked up to look
+like the best, and sold at night to the unwary;
+pots and kettles were made of bad metal which
+melted when put on the fire; and everything that
+could be weighed or measured was sold by false
+measure.</p>
+
+<p>Prior to the middle of the sixteenth century
+parliamentary attention was mainly concentrated
+on the cloth trade, and the preambles to the various
+statutes show that those in authority, including the
+more responsible manufacturers, realised that
+honesty is the best policy in the end. In 1390 it
+was pointed out that the frauds of the west country
+clothiers had not only endangered the reputations,
+and even the lives, of merchants who brought them
+for export, but had brought dishonour on the
+English name abroad.<a name="Anchor-720" id="Anchor-720"></a><a href="#Footnote-720" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 720.">[720]</a> Two years later it was the
+reputation of Guildford cloths that had been damaged
+by sharp practices.<a name="Anchor-721" id="Anchor-721"></a><a href="#Footnote-721" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 721.">[721]</a> The worsteds of Norfolk had
+early come into favour on the Continent, but in 1410
+the Flemish merchants became exasperated at their
+bad quality,<a name="Anchor-722" id="Anchor-722"></a><a href="#Footnote-722" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 722.">[722]</a> and thirty years later the foreign
+demand for worsteds had been almost killed,<a name="Anchor-723" id="Anchor-723"></a><a href="#Footnote-723" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 723.">[723]</a> while
+in 1464 English cloth in general was in grave disrepute,
+not only abroad, but even in its native land,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[206]</a></span>foreign cloth being largely imported.<a name="Anchor-724" id="Anchor-724"></a><a href="#Footnote-724" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 724.">[724]</a> To give them
+their due, the gilds recognised the importance to
+their own interests of maintaining a high standard
+of workmanship, and co-operated loyally with the
+municipal authorities to that end.</p>
+
+<p>Although we have classed the control of industries
+by municipal by-laws as 'external,' and control by
+gild regulations as 'internal,' no hard and fast
+line can really be drawn between the two. In
+England, in contrast to the experience of many
+Continental states, the two authorities worked together
+with very little friction, the craft gilds recognising
+the paramount position of the merchant gild
+or town council, and the latter, in turn, protecting
+the interest of the gilds and using their organisation
+to control the various crafts. The question of the
+origin of gilds is interesting rather than important,
+and has given rise to much discussion. It is known
+that the Roman crafts were organised into <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">collegia</i>,
+but while it is quite possible that some of the trade
+gilds in Constantinople, and even in Italy and Spain,
+might be able to trace their pedigrees back to Roman
+times, it is more than improbable that there was
+any connection between the Roman <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">collegia</i> and the
+English craft gilds of the twelfth century. The gilds
+of which we find mention in Anglo-Saxon records
+were clearly fraternities of purely social and religious
+import. These gilds, friendly societies for the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[207]</a></span>support of religious observances benefiting the souls
+of all the members, and for the mutual relief of such
+members as had met with misfortune, survived the
+Conquest and increased greatly, till by the end of
+the fourteenth century there could have been hardly
+a village without at least one gild. It is natural to
+suppose that in towns, where the choice of gilds was
+considerable, there would be a tendency for members
+of the same trade to join the same gild. The strength
+gained by such union under the common bond of an
+oath to obey the same statutes and the same officers,
+and the advantage of the Church's protection must
+soon have become obvious, and as in 1378 we find
+the weavers of London forming a fraternity whose
+ordinances are entirely of a religious nature and
+contain no reference to the occupation of the
+members,<a name="Anchor-725" id="Anchor-725"></a><a href="#Footnote-725" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 725.">[725]</a> so we may well believe that many of the
+early gilds, while apparently purely religious, were
+in fact trade unions. Whatever may have been the
+methods in which craft gilds came into existence,
+we find them increasing in numbers and influence
+from the middle of the twelfth century onwards.
+Meanwhile, however, the capitalists and wealthy
+traders by means of 'merchant gilds' and similar
+bodies had so firmly established an oligarchic control
+over the towns and boroughs that they were
+able to keep the craft gilds in a subordinate position.
+Everywhere the town authorities, whether they were
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[208]</a></span>mayor and council, or gild merchant, or governors,
+could impose regulations upon the crafts, while such
+rules as the crafts drew up for their own management
+were legal only if accepted by the town council.
+The case of Coventry was typical, where, in 1421, the
+mayor and councillors summoned the wardens of
+the crafts with their ordinances. 'And the poyntes
+that byn lawfull good and honest for the Cite be
+alowyd hem and all other thrown asid and had for
+none.'<a name="Anchor-726" id="Anchor-726"></a><a href="#Footnote-726" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 726.">[726]</a> In the same way at Norwich in 1449, the
+mayor drew up a complete set of ordinances for the
+crafts.<a name="Anchor-727" id="Anchor-727"></a><a href="#Footnote-727" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 727.">[727]</a> But although keeping a firm hand on the
+gilds, and taking measures to protect the interests
+of the consumers and of the town in general, the
+civic authorities left the gilds in control of the
+internal affairs of their crafts. So that the craftsman
+in his relations to another of the same trade
+was a gild brother, but in his relations to all other
+men he was a townsman.</p>
+
+<p>From the consumer's point of view the regulation
+of prices was perhaps the most important problem.
+The price of raw material was too dependent upon
+supply and demand to admit of much regulation,
+though in 1355 Parliament interfered to bring down
+the price of iron,<a name="Anchor-728" id="Anchor-728"></a><a href="#Footnote-728" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 728.">[728]</a> forbidding its export, and ordering
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[209]</a></span>the Justices of Labourers (<i>i.e.</i> those appointed to
+enforce the Statute of Labourers) to punish all who
+sold it too high. The local authorities, civic and
+manorial, took constant measures to prevent the
+artificial enhancement of what we may call raw
+food stuffs, corn, fish, and meat, the 'regrator and
+forestaller,' that is to say, the middleman, who
+intercepted supplies before they reached the market
+and forced prices up for his own sole benefit, being
+universally regarded as a miscreant.<a name="Anchor-729" id="Anchor-729"></a><a href="#Footnote-729" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 729.">[729]</a> The economists
+of that period had not grasped the fact that the
+cleverness shown in buying an article cheap and
+selling the same thing, without any further expenditure
+of labour, dear, if done on a sufficiently large
+scale, justifies the bestowal of the honour of knighthood
+or a peerage. In the case of manufactured
+food stuffs, such as bread and ale, the price was
+automatically fixed by the price of the raw material,
+and in general prices of manufactures were regulated
+by the cost of the materials. Even in the case of
+such artistic work as the making of waxen images,
+it was considered scandalous that the makers should
+charge as much as 2s. the pound for images when
+wax was only 6d. the pound, and in 1432 the waxchandlers
+were ordered not to charge for workmanship
+more than 3d. the pound over the current price
+of wax.<a name="Anchor-730" id="Anchor-730"></a><a href="#Footnote-730" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 730.">[730]</a> The principle that the craftsman should
+be content with a reasonable profit, and not turn
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[210]</a></span>the casual needs of his neighbours to his own benefit
+is constantly brought out in local regulations, as, for
+instance, in London in 1362, when in consequence of
+the damage wrought by a great storm tiles were in
+great demand, and the tilers were ordered to go on
+making tiles and selling them at the usual prices.<a name="Anchor-731" id="Anchor-731"></a><a href="#Footnote-731" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 731.">[731]</a></p>
+
+<p>The question of prices, which were thus so largely
+composed of a varying sum for material, and a fixed
+sum for workmanship, is very intimately connected
+with the question of wages.<a name="Anchor-732" id="Anchor-732"></a><a href="#Footnote-732" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 732.">[732]</a> The medieval economist
+seems to have accepted the Ruskinian theory that
+all men engaged in a particular branch of trade
+should be paid equal wages—with the corollary that
+the better workman would obtain the more employment—as
+opposed to the modern practice of payment
+according to skill, which results in the greater employment
+of the bad workman because he is cheap.<a name="Anchor-733" id="Anchor-733"></a><a href="#Footnote-733" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 733.">[733]</a>
+There were, of course, grades in each profession, as
+master or foreman, workman, and assistant or
+common labourer, but within each grade the rate of
+payment was fixed—at least within the jurisdiction
+of any gild or town authority<a name="Anchor-734" id="Anchor-734"></a><a href="#Footnote-734" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 734.">[734]</a>—unless the work
+was of quite exceptional nature, as, for instance, the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[211]</a></span>making of carved stalls for the royal chapel at Westminster
+in 1357, where the rates of pay were almost
+double those of ordinary workmen.<a name="Anchor-735" id="Anchor-735"></a><a href="#Footnote-735" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 735.">[735]</a> Wages were
+at all times paid on the two systems of piece-work
+and time, and the hours, which varied in the different
+trades, and at different places and periods, were as
+a rule long.<a name="Anchor-736" id="Anchor-736"></a><a href="#Footnote-736" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 736.">[736]</a> For the building trade at Beverley in
+the fifteenth century work began in summer (from
+Easter to 15th August) at 4 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span>, and continued till
+7 <span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span>; at 6 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span> there was a quarter of an hour's
+interval for refreshment, at 8 half an hour for breakfast,
+at 11 an hour and a half to dine and sleep, and
+at 3 half an hour for further refreshment. During
+the winter months they worked from dawn till dusk,
+with half an hour for breakfast at 9 o'clock, an hour
+for dinner at noon, and a quarter of an hour's interval
+at 3. These hours agree fairly well with those laid
+down by Parliament in 1496,<a name="Anchor-737" id="Anchor-737"></a><a href="#Footnote-737" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 737.">[737]</a> which were, from
+mid-March to mid-September, start at 5 and stop
+work between 7 and 8, with half an hour for breakfast
+and an hour and a half for dinner and sleep (the
+siesta was only to be taken from beginning of May to
+end of July, during the rest of the time there was to
+be an hour for dinner and half an hour for lunch—'nonemete').
+The blacksmiths of London worked,
+at the end of the fourteenth century, from dawn till
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[212]</a></span>9 <span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span>, except during November, December, and
+January, when their hours were from 6 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span> to
+8 <span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span><a name="Anchor-738" id="Anchor-738"></a><a href="#Footnote-738" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 738.">[738]</a> In the case of the Cappers' gild at Coventry
+the journeymen's hours were in 1496 from 6 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span> to
+6 <span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span>;<a name="Anchor-739" id="Anchor-739"></a><a href="#Footnote-739" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 739.">[739]</a> but in 1520 they had been increased, being
+from 6 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span> to 7 <span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span> in winter, and from 5 <span class="smcap lowercase">A.M.</span> to
+7 <span class="smcap lowercase">P.M.</span> in summer.<a name="Anchor-740" id="Anchor-740"></a><a href="#Footnote-740" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 740.">[740]</a> Wages, of course, when paid
+by the day, varied in winter and summer, if we may
+use these terms for the short and long days. In
+London the determining dates were Easter and
+Michaelmas,<a name="Anchor-741" id="Anchor-741"></a><a href="#Footnote-741" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 741.">[741]</a> at Bristol Ash Wednesday and <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr>
+Calixtus (14th October),<a name="Anchor-742" id="Anchor-742"></a><a href="#Footnote-742" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 742.">[742]</a> and in the case of the
+workmen at Westminster the Purification (2nd
+February) and All Saints (1st November), giving an
+exceptionally short winter period.<a name="Anchor-743" id="Anchor-743"></a><a href="#Footnote-743" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 743.">[743]</a></p>
+
+<p>Against the long hours we have to set the comparative
+frequency of holidays. On Sundays and
+all the greater festivals, as well as a variable number
+of local festivals, such as the dedication day of the
+Church, no work was done, and on Saturdays and
+the days preceding festivals work as a rule ceased
+at four o'clock or earlier. This early closing was
+enforced at Norwich<a name="Anchor-744" id="Anchor-744"></a><a href="#Footnote-744" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 744.">[744]</a> in 1490, on the representation
+of the shoemakers that many of their journeymen
+were 'greatly disposed to riot and idelnes, whereby
+may succede grete poverte, so that dyuers days
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[213]</a></span>wekely when them luste to leve ther bodyly labour
+till a grete parte of the weke be almost so expended
+and wasted ... also contrary to the lawe of god
+and good guydyng temporall they labour quikly
+toward the Sondaye and festyuall dayes on the
+Saterdayes and vigils fro iiij of the clock at after
+none to the depnes and derknes of the nyght foloweng.
+And not onely that synfull disposicion but
+moche warse so offendyng in the morownynges of
+such festes and omyttyng the heryng of the dyvyne
+servyce.' In the case of the founders in London,<a name="Anchor-745" id="Anchor-745"></a><a href="#Footnote-745" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 745.">[745]</a>
+while no ordinary metal work, such as turning,
+filing, or engraving, might be done after noon had
+rung, an exception had to be made in the case of a
+casting which was actually in progress; such work
+might be completed after time, as otherwise the
+metal would have to be remelted, even if it were not
+spoilt by the interruption. So far as Sundays and
+feasts were concerned no work was permitted except
+in the case of farriers, who were expected to shoe the
+horses of strangers passing through the town.<a name="Anchor-746" id="Anchor-746"></a><a href="#Footnote-746" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 746.">[746]</a> A
+good many shops were open on the Sunday morning
+until seven o'clock, especially shoemakers,<a name="Anchor-747" id="Anchor-747"></a><a href="#Footnote-747" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 747.">[747]</a> who in
+Bristol were allowed at any time of the day to serve
+'eny knyght or Squyer or eny other straunger
+goyng on her passage or journee, merchant or
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[214]</a></span>maryner comyng fro the see,' or, during the six
+Sundays of harvest, any one else who required boots.<a name="Anchor-748" id="Anchor-748"></a><a href="#Footnote-748" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 748.">[748]</a>
+Markets during the early part of the thirteenth
+century were often held on Sundays, but most of
+these were soon shifted on to week days; and fairs
+were usually associated with a saint's day, but a
+fair was an amusement at which the ordinary craftsman
+was an interested spectator, though the chapmen
+and merchants were kept busy enough. The
+London rule that Saturdays and vigils counted for
+wages as complete days, but that no payment was
+to be made for the Sundays and feast days<a name="Anchor-749" id="Anchor-749"></a><a href="#Footnote-749" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 749.">[749]</a> was
+generally observed, but in the case of workmen
+engaged in building operations at Westminster and
+the Tower the custom was that wages should be
+paid for alternate feast days, but not for any
+Sundays.<a name="Anchor-750" id="Anchor-750"></a><a href="#Footnote-750" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 750.">[750]</a></p>
+
+<p>Rules against working at night or after dark are
+constantly found in all classes of industries, 'by
+reason that no man can work so neatly by night as
+by day.'<a name="Anchor-751" id="Anchor-751"></a><a href="#Footnote-751" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 751.">[751]</a> There was the additional reason that in
+many trades night work was a source of annoyance
+to neighbours. This was certainly the case with
+the blacksmiths,<a name="Anchor-752" id="Anchor-752"></a><a href="#Footnote-752" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 752.">[752]</a> and was probably the cause of
+the enactment by the Council in 1398, that no
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[215]</a></span>leather worker should work by night with hammer
+and shears, knife or file, at making points or lanyers
+(laces or thongs).<a name="Anchor-753" id="Anchor-753"></a><a href="#Footnote-753" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 753.">[753]</a> Worst of all these offenders were
+the spurriers,<a name="Anchor-754" id="Anchor-754"></a><a href="#Footnote-754" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 754.">[754]</a> for 'many of the said trade are
+wandering about all day without working at all at
+their trade; and then when they have become
+drunk and frantic, they take to their work, to the
+annoyance of the sick and all their neighbourhood....
+And then they blow up their fires so vigorously
+that their forges begin all at once to blaze, to the
+great peril of themselves and of all the neighbourhood
+round.' Nuisances of this nature the authorities
+put down by stringent by-laws, in the same way
+that they banished offensive occupations, such as the
+flaying of carcases, the dressing of skins, and the
+burning of bricks, outside the walls.<a name="Anchor-755" id="Anchor-755"></a><a href="#Footnote-755" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 755.">[755]</a></p>
+
+<p>A third reason for the prohibition of night work was
+that candlelight not only made good work more
+difficult, but made bad work more easy. Not only
+was it easy to pass off faked leather and other
+deceitful goods by the uncertain, artificial light,
+which was one of the causes that moved the Council
+to try to put down 'evechepyngs,'<a name="Anchor-756" id="Anchor-756"></a><a href="#Footnote-756" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 756.">[756]</a> or evening
+markets, in London, but it also enabled fraudulent
+workmen to avoid the eye of the vigilant searcher
+or inspector.<a name="Anchor-757" id="Anchor-757"></a><a href="#Footnote-757" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 757.">[757]</a> All such evasion and secrecy was
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[216]</a></span>rightly regarded as suspicious, and at Bristol, to
+take a single instance, weavers had to work at looms
+visible from the public street, and not in cellars or
+upstair rooms,<a name="Anchor-758" id="Anchor-758"></a><a href="#Footnote-758" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 758.">[758]</a> the better class of furs had also to be
+worked in public,<a name="Anchor-759" id="Anchor-759"></a><a href="#Footnote-759" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 759.">[759]</a> and ale might not be sold in
+private.<a name="Anchor-760" id="Anchor-760"></a><a href="#Footnote-760" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 760.">[760]</a> The medieval system of search or inspection
+was very thorough, in theory and, so far as we
+can judge, in practice also. The search of weights
+and measures, provisions, cloth, and tanned leather
+usually belonged to the mayor or equivalent borough
+officer, or in country districts to the manorial lord,
+but usually with other manufactures, and very often
+in the case of cloth and leather, the mayor deputed
+the duty of search to members of the craft gilds
+elected and sworn for that purpose. They could
+inspect the wares either in the workshops, or when
+exposed for sale, and seize any badly made articles.
+The forfeited goods were either burnt or given to the
+poor,<a name="Anchor-761" id="Anchor-761"></a><a href="#Footnote-761" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 761.">[761]</a> and the offending craftsman fined, set in the
+pillory, or, if an old offender, banished from the
+town.<a name="Anchor-762" id="Anchor-762"></a><a href="#Footnote-762" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 762.">[762]</a> To facilitate tracing the responsibility for
+bad work, weavers, fullers, hatters, metal workers,
+tile-makers, and other craftsmen, including bakers,
+were ordered to put their private trademarks on their
+wares.<a name="Anchor-763" id="Anchor-763"></a><a href="#Footnote-763" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 763.">[763]</a></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[217]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The process of search must have been much
+simplified by the custom so prevalent in medieval
+towns of segregating or localising the trades,<a name="Anchor-764" id="Anchor-764"></a><a href="#Footnote-764" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 764.">[764]</a> so
+that all the goldsmiths dwelt in one quarter, the
+shoemakers in another, the clothiers in a third, and
+so forth. How far this was compulsory, and how
+far a mere matter of custom it is hard to say, but
+for those who in addition to or instead of shops
+sold by barrows or chapmen, definite districts were
+usually assigned. So the London shoemakers might
+only send out their goods to be hawked between
+Sopers Lane and the Conduit, and then only in the
+morning,<a name="Anchor-765" id="Anchor-765"></a><a href="#Footnote-765" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 765.">[765]</a> and at Bristol smiths were not to send
+ironware through the town for sale in secret places,
+but either to sell 'in here howse opynlych' or else
+at their assigned place by the High Cross, where also
+all strangers coming with 'eny penyworthes yclepid
+smyth ware' were to stand.<a name="Anchor-766" id="Anchor-766"></a><a href="#Footnote-766" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 766.">[766]</a> The principle of segregation
+was carried out still more strictly, as we
+might expect, in the markets. A list of the stalls
+in the provision market at Norwich in 1397<a name="Anchor-767" id="Anchor-767"></a><a href="#Footnote-767" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 767.">[767]</a> shows
+forty butchers' stalls together, followed by forty-five
+fishmongers and twenty-eight stalls in the
+poulterers' market, of which nine were used for
+fresh fish; then there were fifteen shops belonging
+to the corporation in the wool-market, and the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[218]</a></span>great building of the 'Worthsted Celd,' to which
+all worsteds sent in from the country had to be
+brought.<a name="Anchor-768" id="Anchor-768"></a><a href="#Footnote-768" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 768.">[768]</a> Other trades were localised in the same
+way, and the two divisions of leather-workers, the
+cordwainers and the workers of the inferior 'bazan'
+or sheep's leather, were bidden each to keep to their
+own set of stalls to prevent confusion and fraud.<a name="Anchor-769" id="Anchor-769"></a><a href="#Footnote-769" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 769.">[769]</a></p>
+
+<p>As the trades were kept each to its own district,
+so was the craftsman restricted to his own trade.
+By a law issued in 1364 artificers were obliged to
+keep to one 'mystery' or craft,<a name="Anchor-770" id="Anchor-770"></a><a href="#Footnote-770" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 770.">[770]</a> an exception being
+made in favour of women acting as brewers, bakers,
+carders, spinners, and workers of wool and linen
+and silk,—the versatility of woman, the 'eternal
+amateur,' being thus recognised some five centuries
+and a half before Mr. Chesterton rediscovered it.
+Later statutes forbade shoemakers, tanners, and
+curriers to infringe on each other's province. It is
+true that at Bristol<a name="Anchor-771" id="Anchor-771"></a><a href="#Footnote-771" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 771.">[771]</a> we find a puzzling regulation
+that if a man who had not been apprenticed to
+tanning practises the craft to which he was apprenticed
+and also uses the craft of tanning, he shall
+not pay anything to the tanner's craft but to his
+own craft and his 'maistier servaunt de tanneres-crafte'
+shall discharge the dues, etc. of a master of
+the craft. But probably this belongs to the later
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[219]</a></span>fifteenth century after the rise of capitalist employers;
+if not, it is certainly exceptional, the general
+tendency being to keep trades, and more especially
+the allied trades, separate, in order presumably to
+avoid the growth of 'combines' and monopolies.
+For this reason fishmongers and fishermen were
+forbidden to enter into partnership in London,<a name="Anchor-772" id="Anchor-772"></a><a href="#Footnote-772" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 772.">[772]</a>
+because the dealers, knowing the needs of the city,
+would be able to manipulate supplies and keep up
+prices. The case against allowing all the branches
+of one trade to come under single control is vividly
+set out in the case of the Coventry iron workers in
+1435:<a name="Anchor-773" id="Anchor-773"></a><a href="#Footnote-773" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 773.">[773]</a>—</p>
+
+<p>'Be hit known to you that but yif certen ordenaunses
+of Craftes withein this Cite, and in speciall
+the craft of wirdrawerz, be takon good hede to, hit
+is like myche of the kynges pepull and in speciall
+poor chapmen and Clothemakers in tyme comeng
+shallon be gretely hyndered; and as hit may be
+supposed the principall cause is like to be amonges
+hem that han all the Craft in her own hondes,
+That is to say, smythiers, brakemen,<a name="Anchor-774" id="Anchor-774"></a><a href="#Footnote-774" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 774.">[774]</a> gurdelmen and
+cardwirdrawers; for he that hathe all these Craftes
+may, offendyng his consience, do myche harme.
+First in the smethyng, yif he be necligent and mysrule
+his Iron that he wirkithe be onkynd hetes or
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[220]</a></span>elles in oder maner, the whiche when hit is so spilt
+is not to make no maner chapmannes ware of,
+Neverthelater for his own eese he will com to his
+Brakemon and sey to hym:—"Here is a ston of
+rough-iron the whiche must be tendurly cherysshet."
+And then the Brakemon most nedes do his maisters
+comaundement and dothe all that is in hym; and
+then when the Brakemon hathe don his occupacion,
+that that the mayster supposithe wilnot in no wyse
+be holpen atte gurdell, then hit shall be solde for
+hoke wire. And when hit is made in hokes and
+shulde serve the Fisher to take fisshe, when comythe
+hit to distresse, then for febulness hit all-to brekithe
+and thus is the Fissher foule disseyved to hys grete
+harme. And then that wire that the mayster
+supposithe will be cherisshed atte gurdell, he shall
+com to his girdelmon and sey to him as he seid to
+the brakemon:—"Lo, here is a stryng or ij that
+hathe ben mysgoverned atte herthe; my brakemon
+hathe don his dener, I prey the do now thyne."
+And so he dothe as his maister biddethe hyme. And
+then he gothe to his cardwirdrawer and seithe the
+same to hym, and he dothe as his maister biddithe
+hym. And then when the Cardmaker hathe bought
+this wire thus dissayvabely wrought he may not
+know hit tille hit com to the crokyng,<a name="Anchor-775" id="Anchor-775"></a><a href="#Footnote-775" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 775.">[775]</a> and then hit
+crachithe and farithe foule; so the cardmaker is
+right hevy therof but neverthelater he sethe because
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[221]</a></span>hit is cutte he must nedes helpe hymself in eschuing
+his losse, he makithe cardes therof as well as he may.
+And when the cardes ben solde to the clothemaker
+and shuldon be ocupied, anon the teeth brekon and
+fallon out, so the clothemaker is foule disseyved.
+Wherfore, sirs, atte reverens of God in fortheryng of
+the kynges true lege peapull and in eschueng of
+all disseytes, weithe this mater wysely and ther as
+ye see disseyte is like to be, therto settithe remedy
+be your wyse discressions. For ye may right welle
+know be experience that and the smythier and the
+brakemen wern togider, and no mo, and the cardwirdrawers
+and the middlemen<a name="Anchor-776" id="Anchor-776"></a><a href="#Footnote-776" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 776.">[776]</a> togider, and no
+mo, then hit were to suppose that ther shuld not
+so myche disseyvaball wire be wrought and sold as
+ther is; for and the craft were severed in the maner
+as hit is seide above, then the cardwirdrawers and
+the myddelmen most nedes bye the wire that they
+shull wirche of the smythier, and yif the cardwirdrawer
+were ones or thies disseyved with ontrewe
+wire he wolde be warre and then wold he sey unto
+the smythier that he bought that wire of:—"Sir,
+I hadde of you late badde wire. Sir, amend your
+honde, or, in feith, I will no more bye of you." And
+then the smythier, lest he lost his custumers, wolde
+make true goode; and then, withe the grase of Godd,
+the Craft shulde amend and the kynges peapull be
+not disseyved with ontrewe goode.'</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[222]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The interests of the craftsmen, or producers, were
+as a whole opposed to those of the consumers. It
+is true that they co-operated, as we have seen, with
+the local authorities in maintaining the standard of
+workmanship, because the craft that did not do
+so would soon find itself 'defamed and out of employ,'<a name="Anchor-777" id="Anchor-777"></a><a href="#Footnote-777" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 777.">[777]</a>
+but it was obviously to their interest to keep
+up prices by the limitation of competition and of
+output. Their success in restricting competition
+varied very greatly in different trades and places.
+In Lincoln, for instance, no tiler might come to work
+in the town without joining the tilers' gild,<a name="Anchor-778" id="Anchor-778"></a><a href="#Footnote-778" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 778.">[778]</a> while
+in Worcester, so far was this from being the case,
+that the tilers were not even allowed to form a gild
+at all.<a name="Anchor-779" id="Anchor-779"></a><a href="#Footnote-779" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 779.">[779]</a> As a whole the gilds had the townsmen
+behind them in their opposition to outsiders. The
+traditional attitude of the Englishman towards a
+stranger has always been to 'heave half a brick at
+him,' and as far back as 1421 the authorities at
+Coventry had to order 'that no man throw ne cast
+at noo straunge man, ne skorn hym.'<a name="Anchor-780" id="Anchor-780"></a><a href="#Footnote-780" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 780.">[780]</a> The sense
+of civic, or even parochial, patriotism was more
+developed in those times, and it was generally felt
+that while artificers ought not to work for outsiders
+unless there was no work to be had within the town,
+on the other hand, employers ought to give the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[223]</a></span>preference to their fellow townsmen and not send
+work out of the town.<a name="Anchor-781" id="Anchor-781"></a><a href="#Footnote-781" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 781.">[781]</a> As to encouraging strangers
+to settle within their walls, sentiment varied in
+different places. At Beverley in 1467 it was enacted
+that any person might come and set up in his craft
+without any payment for the first year—except a
+contribution towards the church light and the yearly
+pageant maintained by his craft—but after that he
+should pay yearly 12d. to the town and 12d. to his
+craft until he became a burgess and member of the
+gild.<a name="Anchor-782" id="Anchor-782"></a><a href="#Footnote-782" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 782.">[782]</a> But the attitude of Bristol, where no one
+might weave unless he became a burgess (and a
+gild brother) was more typical of the general feeling.<a name="Anchor-783" id="Anchor-783"></a><a href="#Footnote-783" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 783.">[783]</a>
+There was, however, at Bristol a rule that a stranger
+who had come to the town on a visit, or to wait for
+a ship might work at his trade for his support during
+his stay.<a name="Anchor-784" id="Anchor-784"></a><a href="#Footnote-784" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 784.">[784]</a> This rule did not hold good, apparently,
+at Hereford, as a London tailor, whose master had
+allowed him during an outbreak of plague to go and
+stay with relations in Hereford, was imprisoned by
+the wardens of the local tailors' gild because he did
+some tailoring for the cousin with whom he was
+staying, in order to pay for his keep.<a name="Anchor-785" id="Anchor-785"></a><a href="#Footnote-785" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 785.">[785]</a> At Norwich,
+by the ordinances of 1449, no 'foreign dweller'
+might have any apprentices or even a hired servant
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[224]</a></span>unless the latter was absolutely necessary for his
+business, and in that case at the end of a year he
+must either 'buy himself a freeman,' or, if too poor
+to buy the franchise, 'live under tribute to the
+sheriffs.'<a name="Anchor-786" id="Anchor-786"></a><a href="#Footnote-786" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 786.">[786]</a></p>
+
+<p>One advantage that the resident manufacturer
+had over the foreigner was that his wares entered
+the local market without the handicap of paying
+customs or <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">octroi</i> dues. Long lists of these dues on
+every conceivable kind of merchandise, from bears
+and monkeys to peppercorns, are to be found in the
+records of many towns,<a name="Anchor-787" id="Anchor-787"></a><a href="#Footnote-787" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 787.">[787]</a> more especially seaports. It
+is true that the burgesses of many towns, and the
+tenants of many religious houses were theoretically
+exempt from paying these dues, but it is probable
+that the delay and worry of proving such exemption
+was often felt to be a greater loss than payment.
+So far as the alien importer was concerned, although
+there was no such thing as a protective duty (the
+import of an article was either prohibited altogether
+or unrestrained), he might find himself called upon
+to pay a higher, even a double, import duty on all
+his merchandise. This policy of discriminating
+against the alien, combined with the continual
+harassing of the unfortunate foreign merchants,
+induced many alien settlers to take out letters of
+naturalisation, and the long lists of these in the
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[225]</a></span>fifteenth century<a name="Anchor-788" id="Anchor-788"></a><a href="#Footnote-788" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 788.">[788]</a> show how numerous and widespread
+these aliens were. Coming for the most
+part from Flanders and the Low Countries, they
+settled not only in London and the other great
+towns, but in the smaller market towns and villages
+throughout the country, exercising their various
+trades as goldsmiths, clothmakers, leather-workers,
+and so forth. In London in particular the foreign
+element was very large from an early date and, as
+a result of the invitation issued by Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> to
+foreign clothworkers and their exemption from the
+control of the native clothiers' gild, we have the
+exceptional occurrence of a gild of alien weavers.
+This gild, itself divided by the rivalries and quarrels
+of the Flemings and Brabanters,<a name="Anchor-789" id="Anchor-789"></a><a href="#Footnote-789" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 789.">[789]</a> was unpopular
+with the native weavers because, while competing
+with them for trade, they did not share in the
+farm or rent paid by the native gild to the king,
+and in general there was a strong feeling against
+the aliens in London, which was fanned by the craft
+gilds and occasionally culminated in rioting, the
+murder of some of the foreigners and the plunder
+of their shops.</p>
+
+<p>While the gilds were constantly coming into
+conflict with outside interests, there was also an
+internal conflict of interests between the masters,
+the hired servants, or journeymen, and the intermediate
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[226]</a></span>class of apprentices. This becomes more
+noticeable towards the end of our period. While
+there was occasional friction between employer
+and employed even before the second half of the
+fourteenth century, it was during the next two
+centuries that the rise of the capitalist, coupled with
+the descent of the small independent masters into
+the position of journeymen, brought about strained
+relations between the two classes. In the earlier
+period in most of the trades there was reasonable
+prospect for any craftsman that he would be able
+to set up as an independent master, but as time went
+on the difficulty of attaining independence increased.
+The growing attraction of town and craft life as
+compared with agriculture swelled the ranks of the
+craftsmen, and the gilds, whose management was in
+the hands of the masters, endeavoured to limit
+competition by raising their entrance fees and more
+especially by raising their 'upsets,' that is to say
+the fees which had to be paid by a craftsman upon
+setting up as a master. One of the earliest instances
+of this restriction of competition occurred in connection
+with the weavers' gild of London, concerning
+whom it was reported in 1321 that they had
+during the last thirty years reduced the number of
+looms in the city from 380 to 80.<a name="Anchor-790" id="Anchor-790"></a><a href="#Footnote-790" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 790.">[790]</a> In this case the
+object was to benefit all the members of the gild
+at the expense of the public, and not to protect
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[227]</a></span>existing masters from rivals within the gild, and the
+method employed was therefore the raising of the
+fee for entrance to the gild. This same weavers'
+gild was so far ahead of its times that it had instituted
+the modern trade unions' restriction of output, no
+member being allowed to weave a cloth in less than
+four days, though such a cloth could easily be woven
+in three if not in two days.<a name="Anchor-791" id="Anchor-791"></a><a href="#Footnote-791" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 791.">[791]</a> But this was a most
+exceptional move, if not absolutely unique.</p>
+
+<p>How far the desire to restrict output was at the
+bottom of regulations forbidding the employment
+of more than a strictly limited number of apprentices
+and journeymen, and how far such prohibitions
+were inspired by fear of the monopolisation of
+labour by capitalists it is difficult to say. Probably
+the dread of the capitalist was the chief incentive
+for such regulations, which are very numerous;
+the cobblers of Bristol, for instance, being restricted
+to a single 'covenaunt hynd,'<a name="Anchor-792" id="Anchor-792"></a><a href="#Footnote-792" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 792.">[792]</a> and the cappers of
+Coventry allowed only two apprentices, neither of
+whom might be replaced if he left with his master's
+leave before the end of his term of seven years.<a name="Anchor-793" id="Anchor-793"></a><a href="#Footnote-793" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 793.">[793]</a>
+The same principle of fair play between employers
+led to the ordaining of heavy penalties for taking
+away another man's servant, or employing any
+journeyman who had not fulfilled his engagement
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[228]</a></span>with his previous master, and to the strict prohibition
+of paying more than the fixed maximum wages.
+As this last provision was sometimes got over by
+the master's wife giving his servants extra gratuities
+and gifts, this practice was forbidden at Bristol
+in 1408, except that the master might at the end of
+a year give 'a courtesy' of 20d. to his chief servant.<a name="Anchor-794" id="Anchor-794"></a><a href="#Footnote-794" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 794.">[794]</a>
+As the unfair securing of labour by offering high
+wages was forbidden, so the use of the cheap labour
+of women was as a rule regarded with disfavour.
+The fullers of Lincoln were forbidden to work with
+any woman who was not the wife or maid of a master,<a name="Anchor-795" id="Anchor-795"></a><a href="#Footnote-795" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 795.">[795]</a>
+and the 'braelers,' or makers of braces, of London,
+in 1355, laid down 'that no one shall be so daring
+as to set any woman to work in his trade, other than
+his wedded wife or his daughter.'<a name="Anchor-796" id="Anchor-796"></a><a href="#Footnote-796" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 796.">[796]</a> A century later
+the authorities at Bristol went even further, for
+finding that the weavers were 'puttyn, occupien
+and hiren ther wyfes, doughtours and maidens,
+some to weve in ther owne lombes and some to hire
+them to wirche with othour persons of the said crafte,'
+whereby many 'likkely men to do the Kyng service
+in his warris, ... and sufficiently lorned in the
+seid crafte ... gothe vagraunt and unoccupied,'
+absolutely forbade the practice in future, making
+an exception only in the case of wives already so
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[229]</a></span>employed.<a name="Anchor-797" id="Anchor-797"></a><a href="#Footnote-797" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 797.">[797]</a> Of child labour we hear very little,
+one of the few notices being an order on their behalf
+made, suitably enough, by Richard Whittington
+in 1398, that whereas some 'hurers' (makers of
+fur caps) send their apprentices and journeymen
+and children of tender age down to the Thames
+and other exposed places, amid horrible tempests,
+frosts, and snows, to scour caps, to the very great
+scandal of the city, this practice is to cease at once.<a name="Anchor-798" id="Anchor-798"></a><a href="#Footnote-798" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 798.">[798]</a></p>
+
+<p>Apprenticeship was from quite early times the
+chief, and eventually became the only, path to
+mastership. The ordinances of the London leather-dressers,<a name="Anchor-799" id="Anchor-799"></a><a href="#Footnote-799" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 799.">[799]</a>
+made in 1347, and those of the pewterers,<a name="Anchor-800" id="Anchor-800"></a><a href="#Footnote-800" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 800.">[800]</a>
+made the next year, give as alternative qualifications
+for reception into the craft the completion of a period
+of apprenticeship, or the production of good testimony
+that the applicant is a competent workman.
+A similar certificate of ability was required of the
+dyers at Bristol,<a name="Anchor-801" id="Anchor-801"></a><a href="#Footnote-801" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 801.">[801]</a> in 1407, even if they were apprentices,
+but as a rule the completion of a term of
+apprenticeship was a sufficient qualification. That
+term might vary considerably, but the custom of
+London, which held good in most English boroughs,
+eventually fixed it at a minimum of seven years.
+This would often be exceeded, and we find, for
+instance, a boy of fourteen apprenticed to a haberdasher
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[230]</a></span>in 1462 for the rather exceptional term of
+twelve years; but in this case the master had
+undertaken to provide him with two years' schooling,
+the first year and a half to learn 'grammer,' and the
+next half year to learn to write.<a name="Anchor-802" id="Anchor-802"></a><a href="#Footnote-802" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 802.">[802]</a> In a list of apprentices
+who took the oath of fealty to the king and the
+city at Coventry in 1494, the terms range from five
+to nine years, though the majority were for seven
+years; during the first years of their terms, they
+were to receive nominal wages, usually 12d. a year,
+and for their last year more substantial rewards,
+varying from 6s. 8d. to 25s.<a name="Anchor-803" id="Anchor-803"></a><a href="#Footnote-803" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 803.">[803]</a> The oath to obey the
+city laws serves as a reminder that the apprentice,
+not being a full member of the gild, was under the
+charge of the city authorities to some extent. Indentures
+of apprenticeship had as a rule to be
+enrolled by the town clerk,<a name="Anchor-804" id="Anchor-804"></a><a href="#Footnote-804" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 804.">[804]</a> and in London the
+transfer of an apprentice from one employer to
+another was not legal unless confirmed by the city
+chamberlain.<a name="Anchor-805" id="Anchor-805"></a><a href="#Footnote-805" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 805.">[805]</a> Besides having his indentures enrolled,
+and paying a fee to the craft gild, the apprentices,
+or rather his friends, had to give a bond for
+his good behaviour. The rights of the apprentice,
+on the other hand, were probably always guarded
+by a right of appeal to the wardens of his craft:
+this was certainly the case at Coventry in 1520,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[231]</a></span>the masters of the cappers being obliged to go once
+a year to all the shops of their craft and call the
+apprentices before them, and if any apprentice
+complained three times against his master for
+'insufficient finding,' they had power to take him
+away and put him with another master.<a name="Anchor-806" id="Anchor-806"></a><a href="#Footnote-806" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 806.">[806]</a> As a
+master's interest in his apprentice was transferable
+to another master, so it was possible for an apprentice
+to buy up the remainder of his term after he had
+served a portion. He could not, however, be received
+into his gild as a master until the whole of
+his term had expired,<a name="Anchor-807" id="Anchor-807"></a><a href="#Footnote-807" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 807.">[807]</a> and although it would seem
+that he could set up in business by himself,<a name="Anchor-808" id="Anchor-808"></a><a href="#Footnote-808" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 808.">[808]</a> probably
+he might not employ workmen, and as a rule
+he no doubt spent the unexpired portion of his term
+as a journeyman.</p>
+
+<p>The journeymen, working by the day (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">journée</i>),
+either with their masters, or in their own houses, as
+opposed to the covenant servants, who were hired by
+the year,<a name="Anchor-809" id="Anchor-809"></a><a href="#Footnote-809" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 809.">[809]</a> and lived in their employer's house, constituted
+the fluid element in the industrial organisation,
+and were composed partly of men who had
+served a full apprenticeship but lacked funds or
+enterprise to set up independently, and partly of
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[232]</a></span>others who had either served only a brief apprenticeship,
+or had picked up their knowledge of the craft
+in other ways.<a name="Anchor-810" id="Anchor-810"></a><a href="#Footnote-810" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 810.">[810]</a> Although more or less free to work
+for what employers they would, practically all gild
+regulations contained a stringent order against the
+employment of any journeyman who had broken
+his contract or left his late master without good
+reason.<a name="Anchor-811" id="Anchor-811"></a><a href="#Footnote-811" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 811.">[811]</a> In the matter of home work rules varied;
+the journeymen of the wiredrawers and allied crafts
+at Coventry in 1435 were allowed to work at home
+and might not be compelled to come to their masters'
+houses,<a name="Anchor-812" id="Anchor-812"></a><a href="#Footnote-812" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 812.">[812]</a> but in London, in 1271, the shoemakers
+were not allowed to give out work, as the journeymen
+were found to go off with the goods.<a name="Anchor-813" id="Anchor-813"></a><a href="#Footnote-813" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 813.">[813]</a> The
+vagaries of this class, indeed, caused much heart-searching
+to their masters. Instead of being content
+with their holidays, and accepting their twelve
+hours' working day, they had a pernicious habit
+of going off on the spree for two or three days, and
+amusing themselves by playing bowls, 'levyng ther
+besynes at home that they shuld lyve by';<a name="Anchor-814" id="Anchor-814"></a><a href="#Footnote-814" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 814.">[814]</a> and the
+Coventry employers, with that touching regard for
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[233]</a></span>widows and orphans (or in this case wives and
+children) which has always distinguished the English
+capitalists, forbade them to frequent inns on workdays,
+'as it is daylye seen that they whiche be of the
+pooreste sorte doo sytte all daye in the alehouse
+drynkynge and playnge at the cardes and tables
+and spende all that they can gett prodigally upon
+themselfes to the highe displeasure of God and theyre
+owne ympovershynge, whereas if it were spente at
+home in theyre owne houses theyre wiffes and
+childerne shulde have parte therof.'<a name="Anchor-815" id="Anchor-815"></a><a href="#Footnote-815" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 815.">[815]</a> Not having
+any voice in the craft gilds the journeymen were
+continually forming 'yeomen gilds,' 'bacheleries,'
+and other combinations, which the masters' gilds
+usually endeavoured to suppress. In 1387 the
+London journeymen cordwainers formed a fraternity<a name="Anchor-816" id="Anchor-816"></a><a href="#Footnote-816" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 816.">[816]</a>
+and endeavoured to secure it by obtaining papal
+protection; nine years later the mayor and aldermen
+put down a fraternity formed by the yeomen
+of the saddlers, at the same time ordering the masters
+to treat their men well in future,<a name="Anchor-817" id="Anchor-817"></a><a href="#Footnote-817" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 817.">[817]</a> and in 1415 the
+wardens of the tailors complained that their journeymen
+had combined, living together in companies
+in particular houses, where they held assemblies,
+and adopting a livery, whereupon the council, in
+view of the danger to the peace of the city from
+such an uncontrolled and irresponsible body, forbade
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[234]</a></span>the combination and ordered the journeymen to
+live under the governance of the wardens of the
+craft.<a name="Anchor-818" id="Anchor-818"></a><a href="#Footnote-818" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 818.">[818]</a> The fraternity of the yeomen tailors, however,
+was not so easily suppressed, and is found two
+years later petitioning for leave to hold its yearly
+assembly at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> John's, Clerkenwell.<a name="Anchor-819" id="Anchor-819"></a><a href="#Footnote-819" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 819.">[819]</a> In the same
+way at Coventry, when the journeymen tailors'
+gild of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Anne was suppressed in 1420, they simply
+changed their patron and reappeared as the gild of
+<abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> George, against which measures were taken in
+1425.<a name="Anchor-820" id="Anchor-820"></a><a href="#Footnote-820" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 820.">[820]</a> The charges against the yeomen saddlers
+in 1396 were, that they had so forced wages up that
+whereas the masters could formerly obtain a workman
+for from 40s. to 5 marks yearly and his board
+they had now to pay 10 or 12 marks or even £10, and
+that also business was dislocated by the bedel coming
+round and summoning the journeymen to attend
+a service for the soul of a deceased brother. The
+clashing of religious observances with business led
+to an order at Coventry in 1528 that the journeymen
+dyers should make no assemblies at weddings,
+brotherhoods, or burials, nor make any 'caves'
+(<i>i.e.</i> combinations), but use themselves as servants,
+and as no craft.<a name="Anchor-821" id="Anchor-821"></a><a href="#Footnote-821" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 821.">[821]</a> This was practically an enforcement
+of an order issued ten years earlier, that no
+journeymen should form 'caves' without the licence
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[235]</a></span>of the mayor and the master of their craft.<a name="Anchor-822" id="Anchor-822"></a><a href="#Footnote-822" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 822.">[822]</a> Such
+a licence would not as a rule be granted, unless the
+masters were unusually broadminded, or the journeymen
+exceptionally strong. There was, however, at
+Coventry a recognised fraternity of journeymen
+weavers in 1424; their wardens paid 12d. to the
+chief master for every brother admitted; each
+brother gave 4d. towards the cost of the craft
+pageant, and the chief master contributed towards
+the journeymen's altar lamp, while both masters and
+servants held their feasts together.<a name="Anchor-823" id="Anchor-823"></a><a href="#Footnote-823" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 823.">[823]</a> At Bristol
+also there was a gild of journeymen connected with
+the shoemakers' craft, sharing with the craft gild
+in the expenses of church lights and feasts.<a name="Anchor-824" id="Anchor-824"></a><a href="#Footnote-824" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 824.">[824]</a></p>
+
+<p>The success of the London saddlers in forcing
+wages up is a remarkable tribute to the power of
+union; and we find that during the fourteenth century
+the strike was well known, and when a master
+would not agree with his workmen the other workmen
+of the craft would come out and cease work
+until the dispute was settled.<a name="Anchor-825" id="Anchor-825"></a><a href="#Footnote-825" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 825.">[825]</a> This practice was,
+of course, forbidden, but we may doubt with what
+success. At the same time the masters were pretty
+well unanimous in forbidding the employment of a
+craftsman whose dispute with his master had not
+been settled. So far as the offence of detaining
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[236]</a></span>wages due was concerned, penalties were often laid
+down in gild ordinances,<a name="Anchor-826" id="Anchor-826"></a><a href="#Footnote-826" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 826.">[826]</a> while in the case of other
+disputes the matter would be settled by the council
+or court of the craft.<a name="Anchor-827" id="Anchor-827"></a><a href="#Footnote-827" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 827.">[827]</a> The existence of a craft
+gild practically implied a court before which disputes
+between members of the craft or between craftsmen
+and customers were tried.<a name="Anchor-828" id="Anchor-828"></a><a href="#Footnote-828" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 828.">[828]</a> Such courts were at first
+directly under the borough authorities, the mayor
+or his deputies presiding over the weekly courts of
+the weavers in London in 1300,<a name="Anchor-829" id="Anchor-829"></a><a href="#Footnote-829" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 829.">[829]</a> and although they
+seem to have attained a greater degree of independence
+there seems usually to have been a right of
+appeal to the borough court.<a name="Anchor-830" id="Anchor-830"></a><a href="#Footnote-830" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 830.">[830]</a> It was probably
+to avoid this that some of the Coventry masters
+took to impleading craftsmen in spiritual courts,
+on the ground that they had broken their oaths in
+not keeping the gild rules.<a name="Anchor-831" id="Anchor-831"></a><a href="#Footnote-831" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 831.">[831]</a></p>
+
+<p>Too much attention must not be given to the
+quarrelsome side of the gilds, for they were essentially
+friendly societies for mutual assistance. One of the
+rules of the London leather-dressers was that if a
+member should have more work than he could
+complete, and the work was in danger of being lost
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[237]</a></span>the other members should help him.<a name="Anchor-832" id="Anchor-832"></a><a href="#Footnote-832" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 832.">[832]</a> So also, if
+a mason wished to undertake a contract he got four
+or six responsible members of the craft to guarantee
+his ability, and if he did not do the work well they
+had to complete it.<a name="Anchor-833" id="Anchor-833"></a><a href="#Footnote-833" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 833.">[833]</a> Again, if a farrier undertook
+the cure of a horse and was afraid that it would die,
+he might call in the advice of the wardens of his
+company, but if he was too proud to do so and the
+horse died, he would be responsible to the owner.<a name="Anchor-834" id="Anchor-834"></a><a href="#Footnote-834" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 834.">[834]</a>
+The rule of the weavers at Hull, that none should let
+his apprentice work for another<a name="Anchor-835" id="Anchor-835"></a><a href="#Footnote-835" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 835.">[835]</a> was not an infringement
+of the principle of mutual aid, but was designed
+to prevent evasion of the order that none might
+have more than two apprentices; the fact that a
+fine was only exacted in the event of the apprentice
+so working for more than thirteen days actually
+points to the loan of temporary assistance being
+allowed. While help was thus given to the craftsman
+when in full employ, a still more essential
+feature of the gilds was their grant of assistance to
+members who had fallen ill or become impoverished
+through no fault of their own.<a name="Anchor-836" id="Anchor-836"></a><a href="#Footnote-836" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 836.">[836]</a> Nor did their benevolence
+end with the poor craftsman's death, for
+they made an allowance to his widow and celebrated
+Masses for the repose of his soul. The religious
+element in the organisation of gilds, though very
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[238]</a></span>strong, does not affect us very much in considering
+their industrial side, but there is one indirect effect
+which must be referred to. The custom of all the
+gilds and fraternities going in procession to the
+chief church of their town on certain feast days,
+carrying their banners and symbols, gradually developed
+during the fifteenth century until each gild
+endeavoured to outshine its rivals in pageantry.
+Payments towards the pageants were exacted from
+all members of the trade even if they were not
+members of the gild, but in spite of this the expenses
+were so great that the smaller gilds were almost
+ruined, and consequently we find during the latter
+half of the fifteenth century schemes to amalgamate,
+or at any rate to unite for the support of a common
+pageant, many of the smaller mysteries or crafts.
+An account of a pageant at Norwich<a name="Anchor-837" id="Anchor-837"></a><a href="#Footnote-837" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 837.">[837]</a> about 1450 is
+interesting as showing the numbers of these lesser
+crafts, and the way in which they were combined.
+Twelve pageants were presented: (1) The Creation
+of the World, by the mercers, drapers, and haberdashers.
+(2) Paradise, by the grocers and raffemen.
+(3) 'Helle Carte,' by the glaziers, stainers, scriveners,
+parchemyners, the carpenters, gravers, colermakers,
+and wheelwrights. (4) Abel and Cain, by the
+shearmen, fullers, 'thikwollenwevers,' and coverlet
+makers, the masons and limeburners. (5) 'Noyse
+shipp' (Noah's Ark), by the bakers, brewers, innkeepers,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[239]</a></span>cooks, millers, vintners, and coopers. (6)
+Abraham and Isaac, by the tailors, broderers, the
+reders and tylers. (7) Moses and Aaron with the
+children of Israel and Pharaoh and his knights, by
+the tanners, curriers, and cordwainers. (8) David
+and Goliath, by the smiths. (9) The Birth of Christ,
+by the dyers, calenders, the goldsmiths, goldbeaters,
+saddlers, pewterers, and braziers. (10) The Baptism
+of Christ, by the barbers, waxchandlers, surgeons,
+physicians, the hardwaremen, the hatters, cappers,
+skinners, glovers, pinners, pointmakers, girdlers,
+pursers, bagmakers, 'sceppers,'<a name="Anchor-838" id="Anchor-838"></a><a href="#Footnote-838" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 838.">[838]</a> the wiredrawers
+and cardmakers. (11) The Resurrection, by the
+butchers, fishmongers, and watermen. (12) The
+Holy Ghost, by the worsted weavers.</p>
+
+<p>In some cases the smaller crafts seem to have
+been absorbed into the larger, but in the Norwich
+regulations of 1449,<a name="Anchor-839" id="Anchor-839"></a><a href="#Footnote-839" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 839.">[839]</a> when general orders were given
+for the annexation of the smaller crafts to the
+larger, the bladesmiths, locksmiths, and lorimers, for
+instance, being united to the smiths, it was laid
+down that such of the annexed misteries as had
+seven or more members should elect their own
+wardens, and that the mayor should appoint wardens
+for such as had fewer than seven members. This,
+which is interesting as showing how small some of
+these misteries were, points to a retention of control,
+the amalgamation being mainly concerned, no doubt,
+<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[240]</a></span>with the expenses of the pageant and the gild feasts.
+These latter became so elaborate and costly that
+many of the unfortunate members chosen as 'feast-makers'
+were ruined, and in 1495 orders were given
+at Norwich that the wardens alone should be feast-makers,
+and that they should provide one supper
+and one dinner, on the same day, and no more, and
+that should be at the common expense of the gild.<a name="Anchor-840" id="Anchor-840"></a><a href="#Footnote-840" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 840.">[840]</a>
+These orders had to be repeated in 1531, and it is
+rather interesting to read that in 1547<a name="Anchor-841" id="Anchor-841"></a><a href="#Footnote-841" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 841.">[841]</a> the dishes
+which had to be provided by the cordwainers' feast-makers
+were 'frumenty, goos, vell, custard, pig,
+lamb, and tarte. At soper—colde sute,<a name="Anchor-842" id="Anchor-842"></a><a href="#Footnote-842" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 842.">[842]</a> hot sute,
+moten, douset,<a name="Anchor-843" id="Anchor-843"></a><a href="#Footnote-843" class="fnanchor" title="Go to footnote 843.">[843]</a> and tarte.'</p>
+
+<p>With the pleasant picture of our craftsman resting
+from his labours and regaling himself in true
+English fashion, we may take leave of him and his
+work.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+<h2>FOOTNOTES</h2>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-1" id="Footnote-1"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-1">1</a>]</span> Galloway, <cite>Annals of Coal Mining</cite>, 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-2" id="Footnote-2"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-2">2</a>]</span> See Wright's <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Uriconium</cite>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-3" id="Footnote-3"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-3">3</a>]</span> Petrie and Sharp, <cite>Mon. Hist.</cite>, i, x.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-4" id="Footnote-4"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-4">4</a>]</span> Printed by the Surtees Society and, more recently, in <cite>V. C. H.
+Durham</cite>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-5" id="Footnote-5"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-5">5</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Durham</cite>, ii. 293.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-6" id="Footnote-6"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-6">6</a>]</span> <i>Op. cit.</i> (Rolls Ser.), 160.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-7" id="Footnote-7"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-7">7</a>]</span> Galloway, <i>op. cit.</i>, 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-8" id="Footnote-8"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-8">8</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, p. xvi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-9" id="Footnote-9"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-9">9</a>]</span> Galloway, <i>op. cit.</i>, 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-10" id="Footnote-10"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-10">10</a>]</span> Assize R., 223, m. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-11" id="Footnote-11"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-11">11</a>]</span> Mat. Paris, <cite>Chron.</cite> (Rolls Ser.), vi. 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-12" id="Footnote-12"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-12">12</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Glouc.</cite>, ii. 218.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-13" id="Footnote-13"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-13">13</a>]</span> Pat., 40 Hen. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, m. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-14" id="Footnote-14"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-14">14</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Shrops.</cite>, i. 449.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-15" id="Footnote-15"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-15">15</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 349.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-16" id="Footnote-16"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-16">16</a>]</span> <cite>Ann. Mon.</cite> (Rolls Ser.), iii. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-17" id="Footnote-17"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-17">17</a>]</span> Pat., 35 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>, m. 5d. Complaints had been made and
+commissions of inquiry appointed in 1285 (Pat., 13 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>, m. 18d)
+and 1288 (Pat., 16 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>, m. 12).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-18" id="Footnote-18"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-18">18</a>]</span> Galloway, <i>op. cit.</i>, 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-19" id="Footnote-19"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-19">19</a>]</span> Colman, <cite>Hist. of Barwick in Elmet</cite>, 205.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-20" id="Footnote-20"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-20">20</a>]</span> Mins. Accts., bdle. 1040, no. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-21" id="Footnote-21"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-21">21</a>]</span> <cite>Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass.</cite>, xxix. 174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-22" id="Footnote-22"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-22">22</a>]</span> <cite>Proc. Soc. of Ant.</cite>, xx. 262.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-23" id="Footnote-23"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-23">23</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Lancs</cite>., ii. 359.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-24" id="Footnote-24"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-24">24</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 350.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-25" id="Footnote-25"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-25">25</a>]</span> Add. Ch., 49516.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-26" id="Footnote-26"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-26">26</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 351.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-27" id="Footnote-27"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-27">27</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-28" id="Footnote-28"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-28">28</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 350.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-29" id="Footnote-29"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-29">29</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 351. Cf. a reference to 'le dampe' in 1316: <cite>Hist.
+MSS. Com. Rep., Middleton MSS.</cite>, 88. This <cite>Report</cite> contains a
+great deal of value for the early history of coal mining.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-30" id="Footnote-30"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-30">30</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 350.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-31" id="Footnote-31"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-31">31</a>]</span> A 'sowe' is mentioned at Cossall in 1316.—<cite>Hist. MSS. Com.
+Rep., Middleton MSS.</cite>, 88.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-32" id="Footnote-32"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-32">32</a>]</span> Galloway, <i>op. cit.</i>, 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-33" id="Footnote-33"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-33">33</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-34" id="Footnote-34"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-34">34</a>]</span> <cite>Finchale Priory</cite> (Surt. Soc.), p. cccxci.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-35" id="Footnote-35"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-35">35</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Durham</cite>, ii. 322.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-36" id="Footnote-36"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-36">36</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. War.</cite>, ii. 221.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-37" id="Footnote-37"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-37">37</a>]</span> In 1366 in the manor of Bolsover, £4, 11s. was paid in wages
+to 'a man looking after the coals and mine at Shutehoode, and
+keeping tally against the colliers and diggers of the same coals
+and stones.'—Foreign R., 42 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, m. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-38" id="Footnote-38"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-38">38</a>]</span> Except that the coalminers in the Forest of Dean, thanks to
+their intimate association with the iron-miners there, shared in
+the latter's privileges.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-39" id="Footnote-39"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-39">39</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Durham</cite>, ii. 322.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-40" id="Footnote-40"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-40">40</a>]</span> Exch. Dep. by Com., 29 Eliz., East. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-41" id="Footnote-41"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-41">41</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 352.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-42" id="Footnote-42"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-42">42</a>]</span> 'Fines for digging coals in the lord's waste,' in fifteenth century.—Galloway,
+<i>op. cit.</i> 76; 'Licences to dig in sixteenth century,'
+<i>ibid.</i>, 113.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-43" id="Footnote-43"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-43">43</a>]</span> Exch. Dep. by Com., 21 Eliz., Hil. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-44" id="Footnote-44"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-44">44</a>]</span> See, <i>e.g.</i>, <cite>V. C. H. War.</cite>, ii. 219; <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 350;
+De Banco R., 275, m. 163d.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-45" id="Footnote-45"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-45">45</a>]</span> Star Chamber Proc., Hen. <abbr title="the eighth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VIII.</span></abbr>, file 22, no. 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-46" id="Footnote-46"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-46">46</a>]</span> Star Chamber Proc., Edw. <abbr title="the sixth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VI.</span></abbr>, file 6, no. 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-47" id="Footnote-47"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-47">47</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, i. 228, 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-48" id="Footnote-48"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-48">48</a>]</span> See <cite>V. C. H. War.</cite>, ii. 219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-49" id="Footnote-49"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-49">49</a>]</span> The rent was sometimes paid, partly or wholly, in kind; as
+at Shippen in 1262 (Colman, <cite>Hist. of Barwick-in-Elmet</cite>, 205).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-50" id="Footnote-50"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-50">50</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Shrops.</cite>, ii. 454.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-51" id="Footnote-51"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-51">51</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 350.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-52" id="Footnote-52"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-52">52</a>]</span> Such partnerships were not uncommon; <i>e.g.</i> in 1351 W. de
+Allesworth demanded 2s. 10½d. from Geoffrey Hardyng, as the
+seventh part of 20s. paid to Geoffrey and his partners for coal
+got at Nuneaton.—Add. Ch. 49532.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-53" id="Footnote-53"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-53">53</a>]</span> Galloway, <i>op. cit.</i>, 70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-54" id="Footnote-54"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-54">54</a>]</span> Add. Ch. 48948.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-55" id="Footnote-55"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-55">55</a>]</span> Galloway (<i>op. cit.</i>, 113-14) gives a late sixteenth-century case
+in Wakefield, where the 'heads, pillars, and other works ... for
+bearing up the ground' being cut away, the ground suddenly
+fell in.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-56" id="Footnote-56"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-56">56</a>]</span> Galloway, <i>op. cit.</i>, 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-57" id="Footnote-57"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-57">57</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Durham</cite>, ii. 324.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-58" id="Footnote-58"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-58">58</a>]</span> Foreign R., 42 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, m. E.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-59" id="Footnote-59"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-59">59</a>]</span> Pat., 8 Rich. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-60" id="Footnote-60"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-60">60</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, iv. 148.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-61" id="Footnote-61"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-61">61</a>]</span> Galloway, <i>op. cit.</i>, 70, 87.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-62" id="Footnote-62"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-62">62</a>]</span> Customs Accts., 106/1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-63" id="Footnote-63"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-63">63</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 111/40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-64" id="Footnote-64"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-64">64</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 171/26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-65" id="Footnote-65"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-65">65</a>]</span> Kendall, <cite>Iron Ores</cite>, 15; <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-66" id="Footnote-66"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-66">66</a>]</span> <cite>Journ. of Brit. Arch. Ass.</cite>, xxix. 121-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-67" id="Footnote-67"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-67">67</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Somers.</cite>, i. 275. There was also a 'collegium fabrorum'
+at Chichester (Regnum).—<cite>Suss. Arch. Coll.</cite>, vii. 61-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-68" id="Footnote-68"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-68">68</a>]</span> Kemble, <cite>Cod. Dipl.</cite>, no. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-69" id="Footnote-69"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-69">69</a>]</span> <cite>Chron. Evesham</cite> (Rolls Ser.), 26. The legend was probably
+invented as an explanation of the remains of the (Roman) town
+found below the ground here, but the tradition of the smiths
+had no doubt some foundation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-70" id="Footnote-70"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-70">70</a>]</span> Dom. Bk., i. 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-71" id="Footnote-71"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-71">71</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-72" id="Footnote-72"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-72">72</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Cumberland</cite>, ii. 340.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-73" id="Footnote-73"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-73">73</a>]</span> <cite>Facsimiles of Charters in B. M.</cite>, no. 64.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-74" id="Footnote-74"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-74">74</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 356.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-75" id="Footnote-75"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-75">75</a>]</span> Pipe Rolls, quoted in <cite>V. C. H. Gloucs.</cite>, ii. 216.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-76" id="Footnote-76"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-76">76</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Gloucs.</cite>, ii. 217.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-77" id="Footnote-77"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-77">77</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 241.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-78" id="Footnote-78"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-78">78</a>]</span> See Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-79" id="Footnote-79"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-79">79</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 467, 7 (7).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-80" id="Footnote-80"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-80">80</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 467, 7 (7).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-81" id="Footnote-81"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-81">81</a>]</span> <cite>Roy. and Hist. Letters</cite> (Rolls Ser.), i. 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-82" id="Footnote-82"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-82">82</a>]</span> <cite>Furness Coucher</cite> (Chetham Soc.), pt. iii., Intro.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-83" id="Footnote-83"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-83">83</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-84" id="Footnote-84"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-84">84</a>]</span> Holinshed, <cite>Chron.</cite>, sub anno.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-85" id="Footnote-85"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-85">85</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 357.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-86" id="Footnote-86"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-86">86</a>]</span> Peat was mixed with the charcoal in Lancashire, and doubtless
+elsewhere, when available.—<cite>V. C. H. Lancs.</cite>, ii. 361.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-87" id="Footnote-87"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-87">87</a>]</span> This process was used by the Romans at Beaufort, near Battle,
+in Sussex, amongst other places.—<cite>Suss. Arch. Coll.</cite>, xxix. 173</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-88" id="Footnote-88"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-88">88</a>]</span> <cite>Journ. of Brit. Arch. Ass.</cite>, xxix. 124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-89" id="Footnote-89"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-89">89</a>]</span> Even after the introduction of the footblast the 'cinders'
+or slag, contained about half the original iron, according to
+Dud Dudley (<cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Metallum Martis</cite>), and were worth resmelting in the
+improved furnaces of later times.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-90" id="Footnote-90"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-90">90</a>]</span> <cite>Engl. Hist. Rev.</cite>, xiv. 513.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-91" id="Footnote-91"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-91">91</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 358.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-92" id="Footnote-92"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-92">92</a>]</span> <cite>Furness Coucher</cite> (Chetham Soc.), pt. iii., Intro., and pp.
+261-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-93" id="Footnote-93"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-93">93</a>]</span> See above, p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-94" id="Footnote-94"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-94">94</a>]</span> The same term is used in connection with burning tiles, and
+is no doubt derived from the same root as anneal.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-95" id="Footnote-95"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-95">95</a>]</span> This account of the process of manufacture is compiled
+from several sources, the chief being: (1) the accounts of Tudeley
+Forge, Tunbridge, for the reign of Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, in the P. R. O.;
+(2) the accounts of Bedbourne Forge, Durham, in 1408, <cite>Engl.
+Hist. Rev.</cite>, xiv. 509-29; (3) several Sussex accounts summarised
+by the present writer in <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 244-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-96" id="Footnote-96"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-96">96</a>]</span> Nicholls, <cite>Iron Making in the Forest of Dean</cite>, 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-97" id="Footnote-97"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-97">97</a>]</span> <cite>Cal. Chart. R.</cite>, iii. 95-6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-98" id="Footnote-98"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-98">98</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Glouc.</cite>, ii. 219, n. 5. Cf. the twelfth century grant
+to the monks of Louth Park of 'duas fabricas, id est duos focos
+... scilicet unam fabricam blomeriam ... unam operariam.'—<cite>V. C. H.
+Derby</cite>, ii. 356.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-99" id="Footnote-99"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-99">99</a>]</span> The date of the introduction of hammers driven by water
+power is problematic: a 'great waterhamor' was working in
+Ashdown Forest, Sussex, in 1496.—Misc. Bks. Exch. T. R., 8, f. 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-100" id="Footnote-100"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-100">100</a>]</span> The unworked bloom was called a 'loop,' which appears to
+be derived from the French <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">loup</i>, a wolf, the German equivalent,
+<i lang="de" xml:lang="de">Stück</i>, being applied to such a mass of iron.—Swank, <cite>Iron in All
+Ages</cite>, 80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-101" id="Footnote-101"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-101">101</a>]</span> A furnace once lit might be kept in blast sometimes for as
+long as forty weeks, in the seventeenth century, but the periods
+usual in earlier times were no doubt much shorter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-102" id="Footnote-102"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-102">102</a>]</span> <cite>Engl. Hist. Rev.</cite>, xiv. 529.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-103" id="Footnote-103"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-103">103</a>]</span> <cite>Furness Coucher</cite>, pt. iii., Intro. The word used is 'band,'
+but it is apparently equivalent to 'bloom.'</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-104" id="Footnote-104"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-104">104</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 485, no. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-105" id="Footnote-105"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-105">105</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 466, no. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-106" id="Footnote-106"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-106">106</a>]</span> <cite>Suss. Arch. Coll.</cite>, ii. 202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-107" id="Footnote-107"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-107">107</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 546, no. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-108" id="Footnote-108"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-108">108</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 246.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-109" id="Footnote-109"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-109">109</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 483, no. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-110" id="Footnote-110"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-110">110</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 245.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-111" id="Footnote-111"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-111">111</a>]</span> <cite>Engl. Hist. Rev.</cite>, xiv. 509-29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-112" id="Footnote-112"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-112">112</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 485, no. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-113" id="Footnote-113"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-113">113</a>]</span> Mins. Accts., 890, no. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-114" id="Footnote-114"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-114">114</a>]</span> Latinised in one place as '<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">anteriores flatores</i>.'</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-115" id="Footnote-115"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-115">115</a>]</span> <cite>Suss. Arch. Coll.</cite>, xiii. 128.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-116" id="Footnote-116"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-116">116</a>]</span> At some iron mills near Teddesley in Staffordshire in 1583
+the filler and fyner were identical, and there was a hammerman
+and a founder.—Exch. K. R. Accts., 546, no. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-117" id="Footnote-117"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-117">117</a>]</span> Nicholls, <cite>Ironmaking in the Forest of Dean</cite>; <cite>V. C. H.
+Gloucs.</cite>, ii. 219-23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-118" id="Footnote-118"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-118">118</a>]</span> This was farmed in 1280 for £23, so that the amount exported
+annually must have been well over 10,000 loads.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-119" id="Footnote-119"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-119">119</a>]</span> The surface material which has to be removed before the
+ore is reached.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-120" id="Footnote-120"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-120">120</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Cambr</cite>. (S. 3), iii. 418.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-121" id="Footnote-121"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-121">121</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 247</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-122" id="Footnote-122"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-122">122</a>]</span> Exch. Dep. by Com., 22 Eliz., Trin. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-123" id="Footnote-123"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-123">123</a>]</span> <cite>Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass.</cite>, xxxi. 129-42. For a list of Roman
+pigs found in England, see <i>ibid.</i>, liv. 272.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-124" id="Footnote-124"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-124">124</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-125" id="Footnote-125"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-125">125</a>]</span> Birch, <cite>Cart. Sax.</cite>, i. 579.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-126" id="Footnote-126"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-126">126</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Glouc.</cite>, ii. 237.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-127" id="Footnote-127"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-127">127</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 323.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-128" id="Footnote-128"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-128">128</a>]</span> Pipe Rolls of Hen. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-129" id="Footnote-129"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-129">129</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Durham</cite>, ii. 348.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-130" id="Footnote-130"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-130">130</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Somers.</cite>, ii. 363.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-131" id="Footnote-131"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-131">131</a>]</span> Pat., 20 Hen. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, m. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-132" id="Footnote-132"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-132">132</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Cumberland</cite>, ii. 339.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-133" id="Footnote-133"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-133">133</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 326.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-134" id="Footnote-134"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-134">134</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Somers.</cite>, ii. 367-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-135" id="Footnote-135"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-135">135</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Cumb.</cite>, ii. 340.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-136" id="Footnote-136"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-136">136</a>]</span> Pat., 15 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth">IV</abbr>., pt. i., m. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-137" id="Footnote-137"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-137">137</a>]</span> Assize R., 143, m. 1. The Scottish king's dominial rights
+over Alston, apart from the mines, seem to have been well established.
+William the Lion granted land at Alston as 'in Tyndale,'
+to William de Vipont, and later to his son Ivo de Vipont, the
+latter grant being confirmed by King John in 1210. Finally,
+after the whole matter had been carefully examined, Edward <abbr title="the first">I</abbr>.
+gave the manor of Alston in 1282 to Nicholas de Vipont to hold
+of the King of Scotland, reserving, however, the liberty of the
+mines.—Assize Rolls, 143, m. 1; 132, m. 34; Chanc. Misc. 53,
+file 1, nos. 20, 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-138" id="Footnote-138"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-138">138</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Cumb.</cite>, ii. 340.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-139" id="Footnote-139"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-139">139</a>]</span> Assize R., 143, m. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-140" id="Footnote-140"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-140">140</a>]</span> Assize R., 132, m. 34; 143, m. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-141" id="Footnote-141"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-141">141</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 339.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-142" id="Footnote-142"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-142">142</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-143" id="Footnote-143"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-143">143</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> at Eyam and Litton.—<cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 338.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-144" id="Footnote-144"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-144">144</a>]</span> Until the nineteenth century the would-be miner had to set
+up a model stow, fastened with wooden pins and not with nails.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-145" id="Footnote-145"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-145">145</a>]</span> <i>i.e.</i> forwards and backwards along the line of the vein.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-146" id="Footnote-146"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-146">146</a>]</span> It is not quite clear whether he threw from the old pit, in
+which case he would naturally throw a very short distance, or
+from his own pit, in which case he might so throw as to cover
+much of the vein which would have belonged to the elder pitchers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-147" id="Footnote-147"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-147">147</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 328.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-148" id="Footnote-148"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-148">148</a>]</span> The Derbyshire standard dish made in 1512 and still preserved
+at Wirksworth contains about sixty <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr> of ore.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-149" id="Footnote-149"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-149">149</a>]</span> Assize R., 132, m. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-150" id="Footnote-150"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-150">150</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-151" id="Footnote-151"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-151">151</a>]</span> Memo. R., K. R., Mich., 2 Edw. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, no. 55.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-152" id="Footnote-152"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-152">152</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 332.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-153" id="Footnote-153"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-153">153</a>]</span> Memo. R., L. T. R., 25-26 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>, m. 51.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-154" id="Footnote-154"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-154">154</a>]</span> The load, or lade (<i>lada</i>), contained nine dishes (<i>disci</i>, <i>scutella</i>).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-155" id="Footnote-155"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-155">155</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-156" id="Footnote-156"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-156">156</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 261, no. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-157" id="Footnote-157"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-157">157</a>]</span> Memo. R., L. T. R., 25-26 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>, m. 51.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-158" id="Footnote-158"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-158">158</a>]</span> In 1302 there were four mines: the South Mine, the Middle
+Mine, the Mine of Fershull, and the Old Mine.—Exch. K. R.
+Accts., 260, no. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-159" id="Footnote-159"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-159">159</a>]</span> The smiths were paid 12d.-18d. a week.—<i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-160" id="Footnote-160"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-160">160</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 261, no. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-161" id="Footnote-161"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-161">161</a>]</span> Anct. Corresp., xlviii. 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-162" id="Footnote-162"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-162">162</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-163" id="Footnote-163"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-163">163</a>]</span> Anct. Corresp., xlviii, 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-164" id="Footnote-164"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-164">164</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-165" id="Footnote-165"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-165">165</a>]</span> Pipe R., 28 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-166" id="Footnote-166"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-166">166</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Durham</cite>, ii. 349.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-167" id="Footnote-167"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-167">167</a>]</span> Pipe R., 28 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-168" id="Footnote-168"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-168">168</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-169" id="Footnote-169"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-169">169</a>]</span> Pipe R., 28 Edw. <abbr title="the first">I</abbr>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-170" id="Footnote-170"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-170">170</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Somers.</cite>, ii. 373.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-171" id="Footnote-171"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-171">171</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-172" id="Footnote-172"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-172">172</a>]</span> <cite>Archæologia</cite>, lvij, 113-124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-173" id="Footnote-173"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-173">173</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> 'In 6510 turbis tannitis emptis ad inde faciendos
+cineres pro plumbo affinando.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-174" id="Footnote-174"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-174">174</a>]</span> Memo., L. T. R., 25-26 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>, m. 51.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-175" id="Footnote-175"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-175">175</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 260, no. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-176" id="Footnote-176"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-176">176</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-177" id="Footnote-177"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-177">177</a>]</span> Pipe R., 28 Edw. <abbr title="the first">I</abbr>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-178" id="Footnote-178"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-178">178</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 324.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-179" id="Footnote-179"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-179">179</a>]</span> It is possible that 'cut' is the Celtic word '<i>cwt</i>', meaning a
+piece, and dates back to British times.—<i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-180" id="Footnote-180"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-180">180</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-181" id="Footnote-181"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-181">181</a>]</span> Pipe R., 28 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-182" id="Footnote-182"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-182">182</a>]</span> Pat., 27 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>, m. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-183" id="Footnote-183"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-183">183</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 126, no. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-184" id="Footnote-184"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-184">184</a>]</span> Pat., 35 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>, m. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-185" id="Footnote-185"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-185">185</a>]</span> Mins. Accts., 826, no. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-186" id="Footnote-186"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-186">186</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-187" id="Footnote-187"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-187">187</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 265, no. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-188" id="Footnote-188"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-188">188</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-189" id="Footnote-189"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-189">189</a>]</span> Close 24 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>, m. 11d.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-190" id="Footnote-190"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-190">190</a>]</span> Pipe R., 28 Edw. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-191" id="Footnote-191"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-191">191</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-192" id="Footnote-192"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-192">192</a>]</span> Anct. Corresp., xlviii. 177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-193" id="Footnote-193"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-193">193</a>]</span> 'Minera' may also bear the sense of 'ore.'</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-194" id="Footnote-194"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-194">194</a>]</span> Close 7 Edw. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, m. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-195" id="Footnote-195"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-195">195</a>]</span> Anct. Pet., 13552.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-196" id="Footnote-196"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-196">196</a>]</span> Pat., 17 Edw. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, p. 2, m. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-197" id="Footnote-197"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-197">197</a>]</span> Assize R., 135, m. 26d.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-198" id="Footnote-198"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-198">198</a>]</span> Pat., 14 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr>, p. 1, m. 7d.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-199" id="Footnote-199"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-199">199</a>]</span> Pat., 15 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr>, p. 1, m. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-200" id="Footnote-200"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-200">200</a>]</span> Pat., 18 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr>, p. 2, m. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-201" id="Footnote-201"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-201">201</a>]</span> Pat., 2 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr>, p. 1, m. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-202" id="Footnote-202"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-202">202</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 262, no. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-203" id="Footnote-203"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-203">203</a>]</span> <cite>Acts of Privy Council</cite>, 1542-7, p. 367.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-204" id="Footnote-204"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-204">204</a>]</span> <cite>Jour. of Brit. Arch. Ass.</cite>, lxii. 145-60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-205" id="Footnote-205"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-205">205</a>]</span> <cite>Archæologia</cite>, lix. 281-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-206" id="Footnote-206"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-206">206</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Cornw.</cite>, i. 523.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-207" id="Footnote-207"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-207">207</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-208" id="Footnote-208"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-208">208</a>]</span> Vol. iii. of <cite>Harvard Economic Studies</cite>. The same writer has
+contributed a valuable article on tin-mining to <cite>V. C. H. Cornwall</cite>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-209" id="Footnote-209"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-209">209</a>]</span> Lewis, <i>op. cit.</i>, 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-210" id="Footnote-210"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-210">210</a>]</span> Lewis, <i>op. cit.</i>, 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-211" id="Footnote-211"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-211">211</a>]</span> A case of a London goldsmith making engines and instruments
+to drain a deep tin mine near Truro occurs in first quarter of the
+sixteenth century—Early Chanc. Proc., 481, no. 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-212" id="Footnote-212"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-212">212</a>]</span> Memo. R., L. T. R., 9 Eliz., Mich., 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-213" id="Footnote-213"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-213">213</a>]</span> Either the channel by which the blast was admitted, or else
+the channel conveying water to the wheel.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-214" id="Footnote-214"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-214">214</a>]</span> The ore was sometimes roasted before smelting.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-215" id="Footnote-215"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-215">215</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Cornw.</cite>, i. 539.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-216" id="Footnote-216"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-216">216</a>]</span> Lewis, <i>op. cit.</i>, 133-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-217" id="Footnote-217"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-217">217</a>]</span> W. de Wrotham, when appointed warden of the stannaries
+in 1198, ordered all masters of ships in Cornwall and Devon to
+swear not to take unstamped tin out of the country.—Lewis, <i>op.
+cit.</i>, 337.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-218" id="Footnote-218"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-218">218</a>]</span> Lewis, <i>op. cit.</i>, 190.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-219" id="Footnote-219"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-219">219</a>]</span> <i>Op. cit.</i>, 187.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-220" id="Footnote-220"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-220">220</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Cornw.</cite>, i. 523.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-221" id="Footnote-221"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-221">221</a>]</span> Lewis, <i>op. cit.</i>, 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-222" id="Footnote-222"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-222">222</a>]</span> For output, see Lewis, <i>op. cit.</i>, App. J.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-223" id="Footnote-223"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-223">223</a>]</span> Lewis, <i>op. cit.</i>, App. K.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-224" id="Footnote-224"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-224">224</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, Apps. L-T.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-225" id="Footnote-225"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-225">225</a>]</span> <cite>Chron. of Battle Abbey</cite>, 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-226" id="Footnote-226"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-226">226</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Northants.</cite>, ii. 293-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-227" id="Footnote-227"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-227">227</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 295.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-228" id="Footnote-228"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-228">228</a>]</span> <cite>Fabric R. of York</cite> (Surtees Soc.), <i>passim</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-229" id="Footnote-229"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-229">229</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> at the Tower in 1324 'one boatload of Aylesford stone
+called rag, 6s.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 469, no. 7. And in 1362 '8
+boatloads of stone called ragg, with carriage from Maidstone,
+£10, 13s. 4d.'—<i>Ibid.</i>, 472, no. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-230" id="Footnote-230"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-230">230</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 502, no. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-231" id="Footnote-231"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-231">231</a>]</span> See the Westminster building accounts, <i>passim</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-232" id="Footnote-232"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-232">232</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Cant.</cite>, ii. 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-233" id="Footnote-233"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-233">233</a>]</span> '20 tontightes de peers de Beer.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 472,
+no. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-234" id="Footnote-234"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-234">234</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 491, no. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-235" id="Footnote-235"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-235">235</a>]</span> For some fourteenth and fifteenth century references to the
+Haslebury quarries, see <cite>The Tropenell Cartulary</cite> (Wilts. Arch.
+Soc.), ii. 148-50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-236" id="Footnote-236"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-236">236</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Dorset</cite>, ii. 333.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-237" id="Footnote-237"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-237">237</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 339.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-238" id="Footnote-238"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-238">238</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-239" id="Footnote-239"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-239">239</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 305, no. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-240" id="Footnote-240"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-240">240</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 502, no. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-241" id="Footnote-241"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-241">241</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Cant.</cite>, ii. 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-242" id="Footnote-242"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-242">242</a>]</span> The 'pondus dolii,' anglicised in other entries as 'tuntight,'
+seems to have been about 40 cubic feet.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-243" id="Footnote-243"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-243">243</a>]</span> Presumably from the Yorkshire quarry referred to above; it
+came <i>via</i> London.—<i>Ibid.</i>, 121.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-244" id="Footnote-244"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-244">244</a>]</span> Apparently about 440 tons.—<i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-245" id="Footnote-245"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-245">245</a>]</span> Pipe R., 16 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-246" id="Footnote-246"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-246">246</a>]</span> The term 'damlade,' of uncertain meaning, seems to be
+peculiar to Yorkshire. See <cite>Fabric R. of York</cite>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-247" id="Footnote-247"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-247">247</a>]</span> Pipe R., 7 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-248" id="Footnote-248"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-248">248</a>]</span> Misc. Bks., Tr. of R., 4, f. 142.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-249" id="Footnote-249"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-249">249</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 476, no. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-250" id="Footnote-250"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-250">250</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 461, no. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-251" id="Footnote-251"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-251">251</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., no. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-252" id="Footnote-252"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-252">252</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Northants.</cite>, ii. 296-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-253" id="Footnote-253"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-253">253</a>]</span> A similar method of splitting was employed in the case of
+the slates of Stonesfield, in Oxfordshire.—<cite>V. C. H. Oxon.</cite>, ii. 267.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-254" id="Footnote-254"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-254">254</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>; <cite>V. C. H. Northants.</cite>, ii. 296.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-255" id="Footnote-255"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-255">255</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-256" id="Footnote-256"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-256">256</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 476, no. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-257" id="Footnote-257"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-257">257</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 494, no. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-258" id="Footnote-258"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-258">258</a>]</span> Pipe R., 7 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-259" id="Footnote-259"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-259">259</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 502, no. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-260" id="Footnote-260"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-260">260</a>]</span> <cite>Fabric R. of York</cite>, 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-261" id="Footnote-261"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-261">261</a>]</span> A fifteenth-century account for Launceston mentions the
+purchase of 'An iron tool for breaking stones in the quarry,
+called a polax, weighing 16½ <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>, and two new wedges weighing
+10 <abbr title="pounds">lbs.</abbr>'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 461, no. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-262" id="Footnote-262"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-262">262</a>]</span> For a fuller history of the Purbeck marble quarries, see
+<cite>V. C. H. Dorset</cite>, ii. 331-8, from which the details given below are
+taken when other references are not given.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-263" id="Footnote-263"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-263">263</a>]</span> See articles on 'Medieval Figure Sculpture in England,'
+<cite>Architectural Review</cite>, 1903.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-264" id="Footnote-264"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-264">264</a>]</span> Liberate R., K. R., 37 Hen. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, m. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-265" id="Footnote-265"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-265">265</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, no. 6 (2).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-266" id="Footnote-266"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-266">266</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 469, no. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-267" id="Footnote-267"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-267">267</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, no. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-268" id="Footnote-268"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-268">268</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite>, x. 116.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-269" id="Footnote-269"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-269">269</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite>, lxi. 221-40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-270" id="Footnote-270"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-270">270</a>]</span> See <i>e.g.</i> the Flawford and Breadsall figures, <i>ibid.</i>; and the
+catalogue of Alabaster carvings exhibited at the Society of
+Antiquaries in 1910.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-271" id="Footnote-271"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-271">271</a>]</span> Pipe R., 41 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-272" id="Footnote-272"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-272">272</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite>, lxiv. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-273" id="Footnote-273"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-273">273</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, lxi. 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-274" id="Footnote-274"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-274">274</a>]</span> The numerous cases of the export of alabaster carvings from
+Poole make it probable that the Purbeck carvers, when the
+demand for their marble fell off, worked the alabaster which
+exists in the district.—<cite>V. C. H. Dorset</cite>, ii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-275" id="Footnote-275"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-275">275</a>]</span> Some of these no doubt were sold at the time of the Reformation.—<cite>Arch.
+Journ.</cite>, lxi. 239.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-276" id="Footnote-276"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-276">276</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 237-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-277" id="Footnote-277"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-277">277</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-278" id="Footnote-278"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-278">278</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite>, lxi. 234-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-279" id="Footnote-279"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-279">279</a>]</span> For an account of these, see Mr. Hope's article in <cite>Archæologia</cite>,
+xli.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-280" id="Footnote-280"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-280">280</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite>, lxiv. 239.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-281" id="Footnote-281"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-281">281</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, x. 120.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-282" id="Footnote-282"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-282">282</a>]</span> <cite>Fabric R. of York</cite>, 74, 78, 84, 90, 106.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-283" id="Footnote-283"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-283">283</a>]</span> <cite>Fabric R. of York</cite>, 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-284" id="Footnote-284"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-284">284</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 504, no. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-285" id="Footnote-285"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-285">285</a>]</span> <cite>Hundred R.</cite>, ii. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-286" id="Footnote-286"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-286">286</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, no. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-287" id="Footnote-287"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-287">287</a>]</span> Customs Accts., 124/30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-288" id="Footnote-288"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-288">288</a>]</span> Probably chalk may be taken at about 4d. the quarter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-289" id="Footnote-289"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-289">289</a>]</span> <cite>Brit. Arch. Ass. Journal</cite>, lx.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-290" id="Footnote-290"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-290">290</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 231.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-291" id="Footnote-291"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-291">291</a>]</span> Chaffers, <cite>Gilda Aurifabrorum</cite>, 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-292" id="Footnote-292"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-292">292</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 23-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-293" id="Footnote-293"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-293">293</a>]</span> A long chronological list of English goldsmiths is given by
+Chaffers, <i>op. cit.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-294" id="Footnote-294"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-294">294</a>]</span> <cite>Beverley Chapter Act Book</cite> (Surtees Soc.), ii., p. lxv.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-295" id="Footnote-295"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-295">295</a>]</span> <cite>Cal. of City of London Letter Books</cite>, A., p. 180.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-296" id="Footnote-296"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-296">296</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 350.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-297" id="Footnote-297"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-297">297</a>]</span> Foreign R., 4 Hen. <abbr title="the fifth"><span class="smcap lowercase">V.</span></abbr>, m. A.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-298" id="Footnote-298"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-298">298</a>]</span> <cite>Camden Soc.</cite>, xxxvii. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-299" id="Footnote-299"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-299">299</a>]</span> Chaffers, <cite>Gilda Aurifabrorum</cite>, 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-300" id="Footnote-300"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-300">300</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 8, 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-301" id="Footnote-301"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-301">301</a>]</span> Foreign R., 3 Hen. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr>, m. E.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-302" id="Footnote-302"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-302">302</a>]</span> <cite>Church Bells of England</cite>, by H. B. Walters, published since
+this was in print, contains much valuable matter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-303" id="Footnote-303"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-303">303</a>]</span> <cite>Chron. Battle Abbey</cite> (ed. Lower), 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-304" id="Footnote-304"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-304">304</a>]</span> Cott. MS. Vesp. A., 22, f. 88.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-305" id="Footnote-305"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-305">305</a>]</span> Stahlschmidt, <cite>London Bell-founders</cite>, 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-306" id="Footnote-306"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-306">306</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-307" id="Footnote-307"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-307">307</a>]</span> On the other hand, Fagniez (<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Docts. relatifs à l'histoire de
+l'Industrie</cite>, ii. 67) says that 'sainterius,' the title applied to
+Thomas de Claville who recast a bell for Notre Dame in 1397,
+is '<span xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">fait sur le vieux nom français des cloches <i>saints</i> ... qui se
+rattache à <i>signa</i></span>.'</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-308" id="Footnote-308"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-308">308</a>]</span> Ex. inf. Mr. C. H. Vellacott, from Assize Roll.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-309" id="Footnote-309"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-309">309</a>]</span> Most of the London founders recorded by Mr. Stahlschmidt
+as known or possible bell-founders used the title 'potter.'—<i>Loc.
+cit.</i>, 72-74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-310" id="Footnote-310"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-310">310</a>]</span> Early Chanc. Proc., 24, no. 138.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-311" id="Footnote-311"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-311">311</a>]</span> Particulars are given in Raven, <cite>Bells of England</cite>, on which
+this account is based.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-312" id="Footnote-312"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-312">312</a>]</span> To prevent the core, thickness, and cope sticking together,
+it seems to have been usual to dust them over with tan.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-313" id="Footnote-313"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-313">313</a>]</span> Raven, <i>op. cit.</i>, 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-314" id="Footnote-314"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-314">314</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Berks.</cite>, ii. 418.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-315" id="Footnote-315"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-315">315</a>]</span> Raven, <i>op. cit.</i>, 57.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-316" id="Footnote-316"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-316">316</a>]</span> Early Chanc. Proc., 68, no. 144.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-317" id="Footnote-317"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-317">317</a>]</span> <cite>Ch. Ward. Accts. <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mary-at-Hill</cite> (E. E. T. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-318" id="Footnote-318"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-318">318</a>]</span> Raven, <i>op. cit.</i>, 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-319" id="Footnote-319"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-319">319</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 319.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-320" id="Footnote-320"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-320">320</a>]</span> <cite>Recs. of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Michael's.</cite> See also <cite>Ch. Wardens Accts.</cite> (Somerset
+Rec. Soc.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-321" id="Footnote-321"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-321">321</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Berks.</cite>, ii. 416. Cf. H. B. Walters, <cite>Church Bells of
+England</cite>, ch. xii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-322" id="Footnote-322"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-322">322</a>]</span> Toulmin Smith, <cite>English Gilds</cite>, 295.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-323" id="Footnote-323"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-323">323</a>]</span> Raven, <i>op. cit.</i>, 69.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-324" id="Footnote-324"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-324">324</a>]</span> <cite>London Bell-founders</cite>, 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-325" id="Footnote-325"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-325">325</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 45.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-326" id="Footnote-326"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-326">326</a>]</span> <cite>Issue R. of Exch.</cite>, 239.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-327" id="Footnote-327"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-327">327</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 346.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-328" id="Footnote-328"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-328">328</a>]</span> <cite>Glouc. Corporation Recs.</cite></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-329" id="Footnote-329"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-329">329</a>]</span> <cite>Sacrist Rolls of Ely</cite>, ii. 114, 138, where details of the outlay
+in the purchase of tin and copper, and of clay for the moulds
+and other necessaries are given.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-330" id="Footnote-330"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-330">330</a>]</span> Raven, <i>op. cit.</i>, 149.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-331" id="Footnote-331"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-331">331</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-332" id="Footnote-332"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-332">332</a>]</span> <cite>Fabric R. of York</cite> (Surtees Soc.), 9. Details are given.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-333" id="Footnote-333"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-333">333</a>]</span> Raven, <i>op. cit.</i>, where illustrations of the three panels are
+given.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-334" id="Footnote-334"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-334">334</a>]</span> If the bell-shaped object is really the core, the ornamentation
+upon it must be ascribed to 'artist's licence,' as the surface
+of the core would in reality be quite plain.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-335" id="Footnote-335"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-335">335</a>]</span> Inq. ad qd. damnum, File 108, no. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-336" id="Footnote-336"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-336">336</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 462, no. 16. Amongst the items of
+expenditure are 'For eggs and ale bought for making the inscription
+round the bell 3d. For wax and cobbler's wax (<i>code</i>) for the
+same 5½d.' Possibly a mixture of eggs and ale was used to
+anoint the metal letter stamps and prevent their sticking to the
+clay of the cope.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-337" id="Footnote-337"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-337">337</a>]</span> Early Chanc. Proc., 24, no. 138.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-338" id="Footnote-338"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-338">338</a>]</span> De Banco, 831, m. 414; and Raven, <i>op. cit.</i>, 164-6, quoting
+Year Book 9 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr>, Easter Term, case 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-339" id="Footnote-339"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-339">339</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Shrops.</cite>, i. 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-340" id="Footnote-340"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-340">340</a>]</span> Ryley, <cite>Mem. of London</cite>, 205.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-341" id="Footnote-341"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-341">341</a>]</span> Enrolled Wardrobe Accts., no. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-342" id="Footnote-342"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-342">342</a>]</span> Enrolled Wardrobe Accts., no. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-343" id="Footnote-343"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-343">343</a>]</span> Foreign R., 9 Ric. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, m. A.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-344" id="Footnote-344"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-344">344</a>]</span> Foreign R., 11 Ric. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, m. H.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-345" id="Footnote-345"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-345">345</a>]</span> <cite>Issue R. of Exch.</cite>, 346.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-346" id="Footnote-346"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-346">346</a>]</span> Foreign R., 3 Hen. <abbr title="the fifth"><span class="smcap lowercase">V.</span></abbr>, m. C.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-347" id="Footnote-347"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-347">347</a>]</span> Foreign R., 3 Hen. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr>, m. G.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-348" id="Footnote-348"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-348">348</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, m. I.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-349" id="Footnote-349"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-349">349</a>]</span> <cite>Issue R. of Exch.</cite>, 277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-350" id="Footnote-350"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-350">350</a>]</span> An illustration of a gun firing an arrow, drawn apparently in
+1326, is mentioned in <cite>Proc. Soc. Ant.</cite> (xvi., 225), and at the battle
+of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Albans in 1461 guns were used shooting 'arowes of an
+elle of length.'—<cite>Gregory's Chron.</cite> (Camd. Soc.), 213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-351" id="Footnote-351"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-351">351</a>]</span> Foreign R., 11 Ric. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, m. G.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-352" id="Footnote-352"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-352">352</a>]</span> Foreign R., 3 Hen. <abbr title="the fifth"><span class="smcap lowercase">V.</span></abbr>, m. C.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-353" id="Footnote-353"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-353">353</a>]</span> <cite>Issue R. of Exch.</cite>, 332.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-354" id="Footnote-354"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-354">354</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 307-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-355" id="Footnote-355"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-355">355</a>]</span> Foreign R., 3 Hen. <abbr title="the fifth"><span class="smcap lowercase">V.</span></abbr>, m. C.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-356" id="Footnote-356"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-356">356</a>]</span> In the Scottish expedition of 1496, five out of thirty-two
+'faucons of brasse,' and twelve out of one hundred and eighty
+'hakbusses of iren' were broken in action.—Exch. Tr. of R.,
+Misc. Bks., 7, f. 140.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-357" id="Footnote-357"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-357">357</a>]</span> Exch. Tr. of R., Misc. Bks., 8, f. 134.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-358" id="Footnote-358"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-358">358</a>]</span> Early Chanc. Proc., 78, no. 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-359" id="Footnote-359"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-359">359</a>]</span> <cite>Issue R. of Exch.</cite>, 382.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-360" id="Footnote-360"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-360">360</a>]</span> Foreign R., 12 Hen. <abbr title="the sixth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VI.</span></abbr>, m. D.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-361" id="Footnote-361"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-361">361</a>]</span> Figured in <cite>Suss. Arch. Coll.</cite>, xlvi.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-362" id="Footnote-362"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-362">362</a>]</span> He was paid at the rate of 16d. the hundredweight.—Exch.
+Tr. of R., Misc. Bks., 8, f. 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-363" id="Footnote-363"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-363">363</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-364" id="Footnote-364"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-364">364</a>]</span> Exch. Tr. of R., Misc. Bks., 8, f. 158.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-365" id="Footnote-365"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-365">365</a>]</span> Early Chanc. Proc., 222, no. 112.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-366" id="Footnote-366"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-366">366</a>]</span> Exch. Tr. of R., Misc. Bks., 8, f. 132.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-367" id="Footnote-367"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-367">367</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-368" id="Footnote-368"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-368">368</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-369" id="Footnote-369"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-369">369</a>]</span> Early Chanc. Proc., 376, no. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-370" id="Footnote-370"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-370">370</a>]</span> Exch. Tr. of R., Misc. Bks., 8, f. 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-371" id="Footnote-371"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-371">371</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 149.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-372" id="Footnote-372"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-372">372</a>]</span> Exch. Tr. of R., Misc. Bks., vol. vii., <i>passim</i>, and <cite>L. and P.
+Hen. <abbr title="the eighth">VIII</abbr>.</cite>, vol. i.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-373" id="Footnote-373"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-373">373</a>]</span> Misc. Bks., vol. i., ff. 32, 78.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-374" id="Footnote-374"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-374">374</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, ff. 57, 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-375" id="Footnote-375"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-375">375</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, vol. iv., ff. 166, 181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-376" id="Footnote-376"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-376">376</a>]</span> See <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 246-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-377" id="Footnote-377"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-377">377</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite>, xxx. 319-24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-378" id="Footnote-378"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-378">378</a>]</span> See <cite>V. C. H. Northants.</cite>, i. 206-12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-379" id="Footnote-379"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-379">379</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-380" id="Footnote-380"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-380">380</a>]</span> <cite>Proc. Soc. Ant.</cite>, xvi. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-381" id="Footnote-381"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-381">381</a>]</span> <cite>Brit. Arch. Ass. Journ.</cite>, xxxiii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-382" id="Footnote-382"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-382">382</a>]</span> <cite>Proc. Soc. Ant.</cite>, xvii. 261-70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-383" id="Footnote-383"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-383">383</a>]</span> <cite>Somers. Arch. Soc.</cite>, xiii. (2) 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-384" id="Footnote-384"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-384">384</a>]</span> The dark colour of the Castor ware seems to have been
+caused by 'smothering' the kiln, by closing the vent, before the
+baking was complete.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-385" id="Footnote-385"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-385">385</a>]</span> Misc. Accts. 1147, no. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-386" id="Footnote-386"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-386">386</a>]</span> <cite>Suss. Arch. Coll.</cite>, xlv. 128-38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-387" id="Footnote-387"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-387">387</a>]</span> A Roman glazing kiln was found at Castor.—<cite>V. C. H. Northants.</cite>,
+i. 210.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-388" id="Footnote-388"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-388">388</a>]</span> Fagniez, <cite xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Docs. relatifs à l'histoire de l'industrie</cite>, no. 133.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-389" id="Footnote-389"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-389">389</a>]</span> Dom. Bk., 65, 156, 168<sup><i>b.</i></sup></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-390" id="Footnote-390"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-390">390</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> 'Pottersfield' at Horsham, in which parish several
+finds of green glazed thirteenth-century vessels have been made.—<cite>V.
+C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 251.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-391" id="Footnote-391"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-391">391</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> 'Geoffrey the potter,' who occurs in 1314 at Limpsfield,
+where remains of kilns have been found.—<cite>Proc. Soc. Ant.</cite>, iii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-392" id="Footnote-392"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-392">392</a>]</span> Lib. R., 51 Hen. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, m. 10. Simon 'le Pichermakere' of
+Cornwall is found in the fourteenth century sending his wares
+(presumably pitchers) to Sussex.—Anct. Pet., 10357-8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-393" id="Footnote-393"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-393">393</a>]</span> <cite>Inq. Nonarum</cite>, 361. Cf. the Hundred Rolls for Bucks.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-394" id="Footnote-394"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-394">394</a>]</span> Mins. Accts., 507, no. 8227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-395" id="Footnote-395"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-395">395</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 251.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-396" id="Footnote-396"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-396">396</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-397" id="Footnote-397"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-397">397</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite>, lix. 1-16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-398" id="Footnote-398"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-398">398</a>]</span> <cite>Proc. Soc. Ant.</cite>, xv. 5-11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-399" id="Footnote-399"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-399">399</a>]</span> <cite>Rec. of Norwich</cite>, ii., no. 193.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-400" id="Footnote-400"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-400">400</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mem. of London</cite>, 254.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-401" id="Footnote-401"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-401">401</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 309. The monks of Boxley got as much as 10s. the
+thousand for some of the tiles from their tilery this year.—Mins.
+Accts., 1253, no. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-402" id="Footnote-402"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-402">402</a>]</span> Toulmin Smith, <cite>English Guilds</cite>, 399. At Lincoln, on the
+other hand, the tilers had formed a gild in 1346, and no tiler not
+belonging to the gild might stay in the town.—<i>Ibid.</i>, 184.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-403" id="Footnote-403"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-403">403</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Essex</cite>, ii. 456.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-404" id="Footnote-404"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-404">404</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 17 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-405" id="Footnote-405"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-405">405</a>]</span> Thorold Rogers, <cite>Hist. of Agriculture and Prices</cite>, i. 490.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-406" id="Footnote-406"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-406">406</a>]</span> Mins. Accts., 899, 900.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-407" id="Footnote-407"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-407">407</a>]</span> Possibly from the French, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">fétu</i> = a straw, from their being
+moulded as hollow cylinders.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-408" id="Footnote-408"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-408">408</a>]</span> Turf was evidently used by the Cambridgeshire tilers for
+fuel.—<cite>Sacrist Rolls of Ely</cite>, ii. 67, 93, 137.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-409" id="Footnote-409"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-409">409</a>]</span> 'Pro luto tredando ad dictos vj furnos pro tegulis inde
+faciendis.' The meaning of <i>tredando</i> is uncertain, but as the
+process is always mentioned after the clay had been carried to
+the kilns, it may have been the rolling of the clay to the right
+thickness for cutting tiles from.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-410" id="Footnote-410"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-410">410</a>]</span> The words used for burning, or baking, the tiles are <i>eleare</i>
+and <i>aneleare</i>, both connected with our word 'anneal.'</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-411" id="Footnote-411"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-411">411</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 251.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-412" id="Footnote-412"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-412">412</a>]</span> In 1373 Peter at Gate leased the pasturage of Nackholt,
+where the tileries lay, at the low rent of 15s. on condition that
+he should serve as 'the lord's workman for making tiles.'</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-413" id="Footnote-413"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-413">413</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 252.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-414" id="Footnote-414"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-414">414</a>]</span> De Banco, 407, m. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-415" id="Footnote-415"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-415">415</a>]</span> Harl. Ch., 76 D., 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-416" id="Footnote-416"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-416">416</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, B. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-417" id="Footnote-417"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-417">417</a>]</span> Kelle = kiln: cf. Anct. D., A 4904, for a 'tylekelle' at
+Woolwich in 1450.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-418" id="Footnote-418"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-418">418</a>]</span> <cite>Chron. de Melsa</cite> (Rolls Ser.), iii. 179-80.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-419" id="Footnote-419"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-419">419</a>]</span> <cite>Hist. MSS. Com., Beverley MSS.</cite>, 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-420" id="Footnote-420"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-420">420</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-421" id="Footnote-421"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-421">421</a>]</span> <cite>Sacrist R. of Ely</cite>, ii. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-422" id="Footnote-422"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-422">422</a>]</span> 'Flaunderistyle vocata Breke.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 503,
+no. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-423" id="Footnote-423"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-423">423</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 472, no. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-424" id="Footnote-424"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-424">424</a>]</span> <cite>Hist. MSS. Com., Beverley MSS.</cite>, 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-425" id="Footnote-425"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-425">425</a>]</span> <cite>Hist. MSS. Com., Beverley MSS.</cite>, 128.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-426" id="Footnote-426"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-426">426</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 47. These by-laws distinguish in one place between
+'tilethakkers' and 'tile wallers,' the latter being what we should
+call bricklayers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-427" id="Footnote-427"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-427">427</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 494, no. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-428" id="Footnote-428"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-428">428</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 467, no. 6 (6).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-429" id="Footnote-429"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-429">429</a>]</span> Such were, no doubt, the paving tiles, of which 185,000 were
+bought from Richard Gregory, in 1357, for Westminster Chapel
+at 6s. 8d. the hundred.—<i>Ibid.</i>, 472, no. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-430" id="Footnote-430"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-430">430</a>]</span> Lethaby, <cite>Westminster Abbey</cite>, 48; <cite>Arch. Journal</cite>, lxix. 36-73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-431" id="Footnote-431"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-431">431</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Derby</cite>, ii. 375. <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-432" id="Footnote-432"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-432">432</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Worces.</cite>, ii. 275.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-433" id="Footnote-433"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-433">433</a>]</span> <cite>Suss. Arch. Coll.</cite>, xi. 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-434" id="Footnote-434"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-434">434</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Surrey</cite>, ii. 295.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-435" id="Footnote-435"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-435">435</a>]</span> John of London, 'glasyere,' and John, son of John Alemayn
+of Chiddingfold, were acquitted on a charge of burglary at Turwick
+in 1342.—Gaol Delivery R., 129, m. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-436" id="Footnote-436"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-436">436</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 471, no. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-437" id="Footnote-437"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-437">437</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Surrey</cite>, ii. 296.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-438" id="Footnote-438"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-438">438</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Surrey</cite>, ii. 296.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-439" id="Footnote-439"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-439">439</a>]</span> In 1404 the Sacrist of Durham had in store 'of new coloured
+glass 2 <i>scheff</i>, of white glass and new 76 <i>scheffe</i>.'—<cite>Durham Acct.
+R.</cite> (Surtees Soc.), ii. 397.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-440" id="Footnote-440"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-440">440</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Surrey</cite>, ii. 297; <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 254.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-441" id="Footnote-441"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-441">441</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 471, no. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-442" id="Footnote-442"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-442">442</a>]</span> <cite>Durham Acct. R.</cite>, ii. 393.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-443" id="Footnote-443"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-443">443</a>]</span> <cite>Fabric R. of York</cite>, 76.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-444" id="Footnote-444"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-444">444</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-445" id="Footnote-445"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-445">445</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 37.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-446" id="Footnote-446"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-446">446</a>]</span> <cite>Cat. of Pat.</cite>, 1446-52, p. 255. The glorious windows now in
+King's College Chapel were made between 1515 and 1530 by
+four English and two Flemish glaziers, all of whom were resident
+in London.—Atkinson and Clark, <cite>Cambridge</cite>, 361.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-447" id="Footnote-447"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-447">447</a>]</span> <cite>Fabric R. of York</cite>, 69.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-448" id="Footnote-448"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-448">448</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 104, 108, 109.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-449" id="Footnote-449"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-449">449</a>]</span> Hartshorne, <cite>Old Engl. Glass</cite>, 129.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-450" id="Footnote-450"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-450">450</a>]</span> Ale is also said in one place to have been used 'pro congelacione
+vitri.'</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-451" id="Footnote-451"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-451">451</a>]</span> 'Frangentes et conjungentes vitrum super tabulas depictas.'</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-452" id="Footnote-452"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-452">452</a>]</span> The colours in some cases were fixed by heating, and it is
+presumably to this that an entry in an account of work at Guildford
+Castle in 1292 refers: 'In uno furno faciendo pro vytro
+comburendo—viijd.'—Exch. K. R. Accts., 492, no. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-453" id="Footnote-453"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-453">453</a>]</span> Pipe R., 2 Hen. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-454" id="Footnote-454"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-454">454</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Lincs.</cite>, ii. 302.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-455" id="Footnote-455"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-455">455</a>]</span> See charter of Stephen, <cite>Cal. Chart. R.</cite>, iii. 378.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-456" id="Footnote-456"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-456">456</a>]</span> Pipe R., 19 Hen. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-457" id="Footnote-457"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-457">457</a>]</span> Boldon Book.—<cite>V. C. H. Durham</cite>, i. 338.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-458" id="Footnote-458"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-458">458</a>]</span> Printed by Riley, <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite> (i. 130-1), and, from an
+earlier copy, by Leach, <cite>Beverley Town Documents</cite> (Selden Soc.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-459" id="Footnote-459"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-459">459</a>]</span> The weavers were not villeins; had they been so, the leave
+of their lords would have been necessary before they could
+obtain the freedom of their town.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-460" id="Footnote-460"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-460">460</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, i. 33.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-461" id="Footnote-461"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-461">461</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, lxiii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-462" id="Footnote-462"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-462">462</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> Ashley, <cite>Economic History</cite>, i. 193: 'No cloth was manufactured
+for export; and a great part of the English demand
+for cloth'—indeed the whole of the demand for the finer
+qualities—'was met by importation.'</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-463" id="Footnote-463"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-463">463</a>]</span> Pipe R., 18 Hen. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-464" id="Footnote-464"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-464">464</a>]</span> Pipe R., 27 Hen. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, and other years.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-465" id="Footnote-465"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-465">465</a>]</span> Pipe R., 28 Hen. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-466" id="Footnote-466"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-466">466</a>]</span> The 'list' is the strip of selvage at the edge of the cloth.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-467" id="Footnote-467"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-467">467</a>]</span> Assize R., 358.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-468" id="Footnote-468"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-468">468</a>]</span> Pat., 2 Hen. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, m. 4, 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-469" id="Footnote-469"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-469">469</a>]</span> Pat., 9 Hen. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, m. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-470" id="Footnote-470"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-470">470</a>]</span> Lib. R., 30 Hen. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>: some years earlier cloth to be distributed
+at Worcester had been bought at Oxford.—Lib. R., 17 Hen. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-471" id="Footnote-471"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-471">471</a>]</span> Lib. R., 35 Hen. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, m. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-472" id="Footnote-472"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-472">472</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, i. 124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-473" id="Footnote-473"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-473">473</a>]</span> <cite>Cal. of S. P. Venice</cite>, i. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-474" id="Footnote-474"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-474">474</a>]</span> Lib. R., 36 Hen. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, m. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-475" id="Footnote-475"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-475">475</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite>, ix. 70-1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-476" id="Footnote-476"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-476">476</a>]</span> The manufacture of this cloth must have originated in the
+village of Worsted, possibly with some settlement of Flemish
+weavers, but soon spread throughout the county.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-477" id="Footnote-477"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-477">477</a>]</span> <cite>Rec. of Norwich</cite>, ii. 406.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-478" id="Footnote-478"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-478">478</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 20 Hen. <abbr title="the sixth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VI.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-479" id="Footnote-479"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-479">479</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite> iv. 230, 236.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-480" id="Footnote-480"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-480">480</a>]</span> Customs Accts., 5, no. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-481" id="Footnote-481"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-481">481</a>]</span> <cite>Black Book of Admiralty</cite> (Rolls Ser.), ii. 197. Blues of Beverley,
+scarlets and greens of Lincoln, scarlets and blues of Stamford,
+coverlets of Winchester and cloth of Totness occur in wardrobe
+accounts of 1236. Pipe R., 19, 20 Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-482" id="Footnote-482"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-482">482</a>]</span> <cite>Black Book of Admiralty</cite> (Rolls Ser.), ii. 187, 197.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-483" id="Footnote-483"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-483">483</a>]</span> There was an 'omanseterowe' in the Drapery at Norwich
+as early as 1288.—<cite>Rec. of Norwich</cite>, ii. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-484" id="Footnote-484"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-484">484</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 4, 40. Narrow 'Osetes' were
+also made at Salisbury.—Exch. K. R. Accts., 344, no. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-485" id="Footnote-485"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-485">485</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, i. 125; ii. 549.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-486" id="Footnote-486"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-486">486</a>]</span> At Northampton the cloth trade, which in the time of
+Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> employed 300 men, had almost died out in 1334.—<cite>Rot.
+Parl.</cite>, ii. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-487" id="Footnote-487"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-487">487</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, i. 424.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-488" id="Footnote-488"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-488">488</a>]</span> As early as 1331 special protection was granted to John
+Kempe of Flanders and any other clothworkers who wished to
+settle in England.—Pat., 5 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, p. 2, m. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-489" id="Footnote-489"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-489">489</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 11 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-490" id="Footnote-490"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-490">490</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, ii. 449, Close 13 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, p. 3, m. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-491" id="Footnote-491"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-491">491</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-492" id="Footnote-492"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-492">492</a>]</span> Langland, <cite>Piers Plowman</cite>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-493" id="Footnote-493"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-493">493</a>]</span> 'A Concise Poem on ... Shepton Mallet,' by Richd.
+Watts; printed in <cite>The Young Man's Looking Glass</cite>, 1641. With
+this may be compared Deloney's 'Pleasant History of John
+Winchcombe (Jack of Newbury),' written some fifty years
+earlier.—<cite>V. C. H. Berks.</cite>, i. 388-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<div><a name="Footnote-494" id="Footnote-494"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-494">494</a>]</span>
+<div class="poetry-container">
+  <div class="poetry">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <div class="verse">'Then to another room came they</div>
+      <div class="verse">Where children were, in poor array,</div>
+      <div class="verse">And every one sat picking wool,</div>
+      <div class="verse indent2">The finest from the coarse to pull.'</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<div><a name="Footnote-495" id="Footnote-495"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-495">495</a>]</span>
+<div class="poetry-container">
+  <div class="poetry">
+    <div class="stanza">
+      <div class="verse">'Two hundred men, the truth is so,</div>
+      <div class="verse">Wrought in their looms, all in a row;</div>
+      <div class="verse">By every one a pretty boy</div>
+      <div class="verse">Sat making quills with mickle joy.'</div>
+    </div>
+  </div>
+</div>
+</div></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-496" id="Footnote-496"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-496">496</a>]</span> The burler's business was to remove knots, loose ends and
+other impurities.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-497" id="Footnote-497"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-497">497</a>]</span> The manufacture of these cloths was licensed in 1390, provided
+the quality was not improved.—<cite>Statutes</cite>, 13 Ric. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-498" id="Footnote-498"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-498">498</a>]</span> Assize R.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-499" id="Footnote-499"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-499">499</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, ii. 549. Spanish wool is prominent
+amongst the imports at Southampton in 1310.—Customs Accts.,
+136, no. 8, n.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-500" id="Footnote-500"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-500">500</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 4 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-501" id="Footnote-501"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-501">501</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 7 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-502" id="Footnote-502"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-502">502</a>]</span> An alkali, known as '<i>cineres</i>,' possibly a kind of <i>barilla</i> or
+carbonate of soda (<cite>Rec. of City of Norwich</cite>, ii. 209) occurs fairly
+often: <i>e.g.</i> taxation of Colchester, <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, i. 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-503" id="Footnote-503"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-503">503</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-504" id="Footnote-504"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-504">504</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> Customs Accts., 136/4, 136/12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-505" id="Footnote-505"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-505">505</a>]</span> <cite>Recs. of City of Norwich</cite>, ii. 209.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-506" id="Footnote-506"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-506">506</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 16-22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-507" id="Footnote-507"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-507">507</a>]</span> Lands. MS., 121, no. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-508" id="Footnote-508"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-508">508</a>]</span> Cf. <cite>Rec. Borough of Northampton</cite>, i. 121: the compiler has
+mistaken 'wode' for wood.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-509" id="Footnote-509"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-509">509</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-510" id="Footnote-510"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-510">510</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 81-90.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-511" id="Footnote-511"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-511">511</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, iv. 75.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-512" id="Footnote-512"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-512">512</a>]</span> <cite>Early Chanc. Proc.</cite>, 7, no. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-513" id="Footnote-513"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-513">513</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 345, no. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-514" id="Footnote-514"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-514">514</a>]</span> Plunket appears to have been a pale blue, half the quantity
+of woad sufficing for plunkets that was used for azures, which in
+turn took half the amount required for blues.—<cite>V. C. H. Suffolk</cite>,
+ii. 258.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-515" id="Footnote-515"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-515">515</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, i. 129.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-516" id="Footnote-516"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-516">516</a>]</span> There were no doubt the 'browne blewes' of later records:
+<i>e.g.</i> a Benenden clothier was fined in 1563 for 'a browne blewe,
+being a deceiptfull color.'—Memo. K. R., 7 Eliz., Hil., m. 330.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-517" id="Footnote-517"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-517">517</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, i. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-518" id="Footnote-518"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-518">518</a>]</span> Alkermes, an insect resembling cochineal.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-519" id="Footnote-519"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-519">519</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 24 Hen. <abbr title="the eighth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VIII.</span></abbr>; cf. 4 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-520" id="Footnote-520"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-520">520</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 8, 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-521" id="Footnote-521"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-521">521</a>]</span> <cite>Rec. of City of Norwich</cite>, ii. 119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-522" id="Footnote-522"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-522">522</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 4 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr>; 3 Hen. <abbr title="the eighth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VIII.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-523" id="Footnote-523"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-523">523</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Essex</cite>, ii. 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-524" id="Footnote-524"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-524">524</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Worcs.</cite>, ii. 286.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-525" id="Footnote-525"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-525">525</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Essex</cite>, ii. 383-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-526" id="Footnote-526"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-526">526</a>]</span> The use of woof in place of warp was strictly forbidden.—<cite>Liber
+Custumarum</cite>, i. 125; <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 2. At Worcester
+in 1497 any one bringing yarn to be spun into cloth was to bring
+the warp and the woof separate.—<cite>V. C. H. Worcs.</cite>, ii. 285.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-527" id="Footnote-527"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-527">527</a>]</span> <cite>Rec. of City of Norwich</cite>, ii. 378.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-528" id="Footnote-528"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-528">528</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, iii. 618.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-529" id="Footnote-529"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-529">529</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Journal</cite>, ix. 70: cf. Assize R., 787, m. 86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-530" id="Footnote-530"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-530">530</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Notts.</cite>, ii. 345.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-531" id="Footnote-531"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-531">531</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-532" id="Footnote-532"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-532">532</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, i. 134.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-533" id="Footnote-533"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-533">533</a>]</span> <cite>Arch. Journ.</cite>, ix. 71.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-534" id="Footnote-534"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-534">534</a>]</span> The suspension of worsted weaving for a month from 15
+August was enforced in 1511 to avoid a shortage of agricultural
+labour during harvest.—<cite>Rec. of City of Norwich</cite>, ii. 376.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-535" id="Footnote-535"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-535">535</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, i. 423.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-536" id="Footnote-536"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-536">536</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i> Candlewick Street (now Cannon Street) was the
+centre of manufacture of a coarse cheap cloth used for horse
+trappings, and also bought in large quantities for the King's
+almoner from 1330 to 1380.—Enrolled Wardrobe Accts., L. T. R.,
+2-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-537" id="Footnote-537"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-537">537</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 40, 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-538" id="Footnote-538"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-538">538</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 8 Hen. <abbr title="the sixth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VI.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-539" id="Footnote-539"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-539">539</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Shrops.</cite>, i. 428.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-540" id="Footnote-540"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-540">540</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 3 and 5 Henry <abbr title="the eighth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VIII.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-541" id="Footnote-541"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-541">541</a>]</span> Toulmin Smith, <cite>Engl. Gilds</cite>, 179. The gild was founded in
+1297, but this regulation was probably of later date.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-542" id="Footnote-542"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-542">542</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 127.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-543" id="Footnote-543"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-543">543</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Custumarum</cite>, i. 128-9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-544" id="Footnote-544"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-544">544</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-545" id="Footnote-545"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-545">545</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 79.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-546" id="Footnote-546"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-546">546</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Notts</cite>., ii. 346.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-547" id="Footnote-547"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-547">547</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Surrey</cite>, ii. 279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-548" id="Footnote-548"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-548">548</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> at Nottingham; <cite>V. C. H. Notts.</cite>, ii. 346.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-549" id="Footnote-549"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-549">549</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Warw.</cite>, ii. 252.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-550" id="Footnote-550"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-550">550</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-551" id="Footnote-551"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-551">551</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 15 Ric. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-552" id="Footnote-552"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-552">552</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> <cite>V. C. H. Surrey</cite>, ii. 344; <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 257.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-553" id="Footnote-553"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-553">553</a>]</span> Exch. Dep. by Com., 41 Eliz., East. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-554" id="Footnote-554"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-554">554</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, i. 243.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-555" id="Footnote-555"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-555">555</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 4 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-556" id="Footnote-556"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-556">556</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Suffolk</cite>, ii. 262.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-557" id="Footnote-557"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-557">557</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., bdles. 339-345.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-558" id="Footnote-558"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-558">558</a>]</span> Marcus le Fair of Winchester was the only clothier not a
+Londoner from whom cloth was bought for the royal household
+in 1408.—Exch. K. R. Accts., 405, no. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-559" id="Footnote-559"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-559">559</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Berks.</cite>, i. 388.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-560" id="Footnote-560"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-560">560</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Suffolk</cite>, ii. 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-561" id="Footnote-561"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-561">561</a>]</span> <cite>Hist. MSS. Com.</cite>, Rep. viii. 93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-562" id="Footnote-562"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-562">562</a>]</span> Vlnage, or aulnage, from aulne = an ell.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-563" id="Footnote-563"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-563">563</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 2 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-564" id="Footnote-564"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-564">564</a>]</span> The penalty of forfeiture was withdrawn in 1354 as injurious
+to trade, deficient cloths being marked with their actual size.—<i>Ibid.</i>,
+27 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-565" id="Footnote-565"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-565">565</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 7, 8, 10 Hen. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-566" id="Footnote-566"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-566">566</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 11 Hen. <abbr title="the sixth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VI.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-567" id="Footnote-567"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-567">567</a>]</span> <cite>Rec. of City of Norwich</cite>, ii. 407.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-568" id="Footnote-568"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-568">568</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, i. 292.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-569" id="Footnote-569"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-569">569</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 13 Ric. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>; 11 Hen. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-570" id="Footnote-570"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-570">570</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, iii. 637.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-571" id="Footnote-571"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-571">571</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 20 Hen. <abbr title="the sixth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VI.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-572" id="Footnote-572"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-572">572</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 4 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-573" id="Footnote-573"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-573">573</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 18 Hen. <abbr title="the sixth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VI.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-574" id="Footnote-574"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-574">574</a>]</span> Exch. Dep. by Com., 41 Eliz.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-575" id="Footnote-575"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-575">575</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 5 Edw. <abbr title="the sixth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VI.</span></abbr>, 1 Mary, etc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-576" id="Footnote-576"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-576">576</a>]</span> See Memoranda Rolls, K. R., <i>passim</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-577" id="Footnote-577"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-577">577</a>]</span> Memo. R., K. R., Hil. 7 Eliz., m. 329. As an earlier instance,
+sixteen drapers in Coventry, thirteen in York, and seven in
+Lincoln, besides others elsewhere, were fined in the first quarter
+of 1390 for cloths of ray, not of assize.—<i>Ibid.</i>, Hil. 13 Ric. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-578" id="Footnote-578"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-578">578</a>]</span> Exch. Dep. by Com., 30 Eliz., Hil., 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-579" id="Footnote-579"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-579">579</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 14-15 Hen. <abbr title="the eighth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VIII.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-580" id="Footnote-580"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-580">580</a>]</span> Early Chanc. Proc., 141, no. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-581" id="Footnote-581"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-581">581</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 5 Hen. <abbr title="the eighth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VIII.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-582" id="Footnote-582"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-582">582</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, i. 292.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-583" id="Footnote-583"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-583">583</a>]</span> The same material was used in 1323 for the pillows of the
+king's new beds.—Enr. Ward. Accts., 3, m. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-584" id="Footnote-584"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-584">584</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, m. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-585" id="Footnote-585"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-585">585</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 2, m. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-586" id="Footnote-586"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-586">586</a>]</span> <cite>Engl. Hist. Rev.</cite>, xvi. 289.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-587" id="Footnote-587"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-587">587</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, ii. 347.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-588" id="Footnote-588"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-588">588</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 4 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-589" id="Footnote-589"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-589">589</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Surrey</cite>, ii. 343.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-590" id="Footnote-590"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-590">590</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 343.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-591" id="Footnote-591"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-591">591</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 344, no. 10. The output from Berks.
+for the same period was 1747 kerseys, of which Steventon accounted
+for 574 and East and West Hendred for 520.—<i>Ibid.</i>, 343,
+no. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-592" id="Footnote-592"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-592">592</a>]</span> Early Chanc. Proc., 140, no. 54.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-593" id="Footnote-593"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-593">593</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 14-15 Hen. <abbr title="the eighth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VIII.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-594" id="Footnote-594"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-594">594</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, iv. 361.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-595" id="Footnote-595"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-595">595</a>]</span> Enr. Ward. Accts., 4, m. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-596" id="Footnote-596"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-596">596</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Worcs.</cite>, ii. 284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-597" id="Footnote-597"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-597">597</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Essex</cite>, ii. 384.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-598" id="Footnote-598"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-598">598</a>]</span> <cite>Hist. MSS. Com.</cite>, Rep. viii. 93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-599" id="Footnote-599"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-599">599</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, ii. 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-600" id="Footnote-600"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-600">600</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 405, no. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-601" id="Footnote-601"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-601">601</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, ii. 372.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-602" id="Footnote-602"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-602">602</a>]</span> Enr. Ward. Accts., 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-603" id="Footnote-603"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-603">603</a>]</span> Memo. R., K. R., 21 Eliz., East., m. 106.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-604" id="Footnote-604"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-604">604</a>]</span> <cite>Rep. Dep. Keeper of Recs.</cite>, xxxviii. 444; suit <i>re</i> draperies at
+Norwich, 1601.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-605" id="Footnote-605"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-605">605</a>]</span> Thorold Rogers, <cite>Six Centuries of Work and Wages</cite>, 46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-606" id="Footnote-606"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-606">606</a>]</span> The suggestion that this law caused the trade to be established
+in Norwich (<cite>Recs. of Norwich</cite>, <span class="smcap">II.</span> xii.) can hardly be correct,
+as there was no forest in Norfolk.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-607" id="Footnote-607"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-607">607</a>]</span> For instances of the infringement of these and other regulations,
+see <cite>V. C. H. Surrey</cite>, ii. 331-5; <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 259.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-608" id="Footnote-608"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-608">608</a>]</span> Lansd. MS., 74, 55.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-609" id="Footnote-609"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-609">609</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Oxon.</cite>, ii. 254.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-610" id="Footnote-610"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-610">610</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Essex</cite>, ii. 459.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-611" id="Footnote-611"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-611">611</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Shrops.</cite>, i. 433.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-612" id="Footnote-612"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-612">612</a>]</span> <cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, i. 243-65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-613" id="Footnote-613"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-613">613</a>]</span> Cott. MS. Vitell., C. vi., f. 239.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-614" id="Footnote-614"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-614">614</a>]</span> Lansd. MS., 74, f. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-615" id="Footnote-615"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-615">615</a>]</span> Add. Chart. 30687.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-616" id="Footnote-616"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-616">616</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> at Colchester in 1425.—<cite>V. C. H. Essex</cite>, ii. 459; and at
+Richmond in 1280.—Assize R., 1064, m. 32. In London the
+tanners were held partly responsible for blocking the course of
+the Fleet in 1306.—<cite>Rot. Parl.</cite>, i. 200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-617" id="Footnote-617"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-617">617</a>]</span> Customs Accts., <i>passim</i>; <i>e.g.</i> those quoted in <cite>V. C. H.
+Dorset</cite>, ii. 327.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-618" id="Footnote-618"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-618">618</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-619" id="Footnote-619"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-619">619</a>]</span> The use of train oil instead of tallow was forbidden.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-620" id="Footnote-620"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-620">620</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Northants.</cite>, ii. 311.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-621" id="Footnote-621"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-621">621</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 421.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-622" id="Footnote-622"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-622">622</a>]</span> Lansd. MS., 74, f. 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-623" id="Footnote-623"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-623">623</a>]</span> Lansd. MS., 74, f. 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-624" id="Footnote-624"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-624">624</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 364-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-625" id="Footnote-625"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-625">625</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 331.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-626" id="Footnote-626"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-626">626</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 546-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-627" id="Footnote-627"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-627">627</a>]</span> Lansd. MS., 74, f. 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-628" id="Footnote-628"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-628">628</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-629" id="Footnote-629"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-629">629</a>]</span> <i>i.e.</i> myrtle.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-630" id="Footnote-630"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-630">630</a>]</span> Lansd. MS., 74, f. 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-631" id="Footnote-631"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-631">631</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-632" id="Footnote-632"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-632">632</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-633" id="Footnote-633"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-633">633</a>]</span> At Colchester in 1425 the charge for tawing a horse hide was
+14d., a buckskin 8d., doe 5d., and calf 2d.—<cite>V. C. H. Essex</cite>, ii. 459.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-634" id="Footnote-634"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-634">634</a>]</span> Right Buffe were made from 'Elke Skynnes or Iland hides
+brought out of Muscovia or from by Est'; the counterfeits were
+of horse, ox, and stag skins.—Lansd. MS., 74, f. 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-635" id="Footnote-635"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-635">635</a>]</span> The price given for Spanish skins is probably an error; possibly
+the values of the 'right' and 'counterfeit' are reversed.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-636" id="Footnote-636"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-636">636</a>]</span> In 1347 the London white tawyers charged 6s. 8d. for working
+a 'dyker [a packet of ten] of Scottes stagges or Irysshe,' and
+10s. for the 'dyker of Spanysshe stagges.'—Riley, <cite>Mems. of
+London</cite>, 234.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-637" id="Footnote-637"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-637">637</a>]</span> Corveiser was a still more common name for a shoemaker.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-638" id="Footnote-638"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-638">638</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 572-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-639" id="Footnote-639"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-639">639</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Albus</cite>, ii. 441-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-640" id="Footnote-640"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-640">640</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 136.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-641" id="Footnote-641"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-641">641</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 391.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-642" id="Footnote-642"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-642">642</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-643" id="Footnote-643"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-643">643</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-644" id="Footnote-644"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-644">644</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, ii. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-645" id="Footnote-645"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-645">645</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Albus</cite>, ii. 445.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-646" id="Footnote-646"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-646">646</a>]</span> Riley, <i>Mems. of London</i>, 547.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-647" id="Footnote-647"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-647">647</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Northants.</cite>, ii. 318.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-648" id="Footnote-648"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-648">648</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-649" id="Footnote-649"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-649">649</a>]</span> Liberate R., 50 Hen. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, n. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-650" id="Footnote-650"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-650">650</a>]</span> Pipe R., 31 Hen. <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-651" id="Footnote-651"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-651">651</a>]</span> <cite>Cal. Chart. R.</cite>, ii. 34.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-652" id="Footnote-652"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-652">652</a>]</span> <cite>A Dyetary of Helth</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-653" id="Footnote-653"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-653">653</a>]</span> <cite>Giraldus Cambs.</cite> (Rolls Ser.), iv. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-654" id="Footnote-654"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-654">654</a>]</span> <cite>Mat. for Hist. of T. Becket</cite> (Rolls Ser.), iii. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-655" id="Footnote-655"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-655">655</a>]</span> <cite>Mon. Franc.</cite> (Rolls Ser.), ii. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-656" id="Footnote-656"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-656">656</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, temp. Hen. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-657" id="Footnote-657"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-657">657</a>]</span> '[A Brewer's assise] is xij<sup>d</sup> highing and xij<sup>d</sup> lowing in the
+price of a quarter Malte, and evermore shilling to q<sup>a</sup>' (= farthing).—<cite>Coventry
+Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 397. In other words, ale was as
+many farthings a gallon as malt was shillings a quarter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-658" id="Footnote-658"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-658">658</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, 223.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-659" id="Footnote-659"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-659">659</a>]</span> Assize R., 912, m. 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-660" id="Footnote-660"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-660">660</a>]</span> <cite>Hundred R.</cite>, ii. 216.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-661" id="Footnote-661"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-661">661</a>]</span> <cite>Cal. Chart. R.</cite>, i. 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-662" id="Footnote-662"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-662">662</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-663" id="Footnote-663"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-663">663</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Notts.</cite>, ii. 364.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-664" id="Footnote-664"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-664">664</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 25, 678, 710.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-665" id="Footnote-665"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-665">665</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 772.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-666" id="Footnote-666"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-666">666</a>]</span> <cite>Beverley Town Docts.</cite> (Selden Soc.), liv. In 1413, 260 barrels
+(30 gallons) and firkins (7½ gallons) made for Richard Bartlot
+of unseasoned wood and under size were burnt.—Riley, <cite>Mems.
+of London</cite>, 597.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-667" id="Footnote-667"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-667">667</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 261.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-668" id="Footnote-668"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-668">668</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 319.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-669" id="Footnote-669"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-669">669</a>]</span> From this it would seem that it was customary to put herbs
+into ale.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-670" id="Footnote-670"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-670">670</a>]</span> <cite>Borough Customs</cite> (Selden Soc.), i. 185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-671" id="Footnote-671"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-671">671</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 386.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-672" id="Footnote-672"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-672">672</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Albus</cite>, i. 360.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-673" id="Footnote-673"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-673">673</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Worcs.</cite>, ii. 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-674" id="Footnote-674"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-674">674</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.). 675. There were at least
+thirty brewers in Oxford in 1380.—<cite>V. C. H. Oxon.</cite>, ii. 159.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-675" id="Footnote-675"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-675">675</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 318.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-676" id="Footnote-676"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-676">676</a>]</span> Andrew Borde, <cite>Introduction</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 123.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-677" id="Footnote-677"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-677">677</a>]</span> <i>Op. cit.</i>, 122.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-678" id="Footnote-678"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-678">678</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 262.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-679" id="Footnote-679"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-679">679</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 225.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-680" id="Footnote-680"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-680">680</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 229.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-681" id="Footnote-681"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-681">681</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 584.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-682" id="Footnote-682"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-682">682</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Oxon.</cite>, ii. 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-683" id="Footnote-683"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-683">683</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Albus</cite>, i. 358.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-684" id="Footnote-684"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-684">684</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-685" id="Footnote-685"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-685">685</a>]</span> <cite>Suss. Arch. Coll.</cite>, vii. 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-686" id="Footnote-686"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-686">686</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Albus</cite>, i. 359.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-687" id="Footnote-687"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-687">687</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 637.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-688" id="Footnote-688"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-688">688</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Oxon.</cite>, ii. 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-689" id="Footnote-689"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-689">689</a>]</span> Exch. Dep. by Com., Mich. 18-19, Eliz., no. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-690" id="Footnote-690"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-690">690</a>]</span> Cott. MS. Vesp., A. 22, f. 115.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-691" id="Footnote-691"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-691">691</a>]</span> <cite>Recs. of Norwich</cite>, ii. 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-692" id="Footnote-692"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-692">692</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 261.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-693" id="Footnote-693"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-693">693</a>]</span> <cite>Dyetary</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-694" id="Footnote-694"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-694">694</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 666.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-695" id="Footnote-695"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-695">695</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 261.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-696" id="Footnote-696"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-696">696</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Dorset</cite>, ii. 367.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-697" id="Footnote-697"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-697">697</a>]</span> Coram Rege 852, m. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-698" id="Footnote-698"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-698">698</a>]</span> <cite>Recs. of Norwich</cite>, ii. 100.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-699" id="Footnote-699"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-699">699</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Shrops.</cite>, ii. 422.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-700" id="Footnote-700"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-700">700</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Surrey</cite>, ii. 382.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-701" id="Footnote-701"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-701">701</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 382-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-702" id="Footnote-702"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-702">702</a>]</span> <cite>Dyetary</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 256.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-703" id="Footnote-703"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-703">703</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Dorset</cite>, ii. 369.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-704" id="Footnote-704"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-704">704</a>]</span> Pipe R., 6 Hen. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, Essex; 13 Hen. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, Windsor.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-705" id="Footnote-705"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-705">705</a>]</span> <cite>Giraldus Cambr.</cite> (Rolls Ser.), iv. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-706" id="Footnote-706"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-706">706</a>]</span> Pipe R., 13 John.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-707" id="Footnote-707"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-707">707</a>]</span> Mins. Accts., bdle. 899.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-708" id="Footnote-708"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-708">708</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-709" id="Footnote-709"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-709">709</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-710" id="Footnote-710"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-710">710</a>]</span> Mins. Accts., 1128, no. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-711" id="Footnote-711"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-711">711</a>]</span> <cite>V. C. H. Sussex</cite>, ii. 263.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-712" id="Footnote-712"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-712">712</a>]</span> Memo., K. R., 17 Ric. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, Hil.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-713" id="Footnote-713"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-713">713</a>]</span> <cite>A Venetian Relation of the Island of England</cite> (Camden Soc.), 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-714" id="Footnote-714"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-714">714</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 23 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-715" id="Footnote-715"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-715">715</a>]</span> <cite>Six Centuries of Work and Wages</cite>, 233.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-716" id="Footnote-716"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-716">716</a>]</span> <cite>Engl. Hist. Rev.</cite>, xxi. 517.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-717" id="Footnote-717"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-717">717</a>]</span> Assize R., 773.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-718" id="Footnote-718"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-718">718</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 3 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-719" id="Footnote-719"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-719">719</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 163.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-720" id="Footnote-720"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-720">720</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 13 Ric. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-721" id="Footnote-721"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-721">721</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 15 Ric. <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-722" id="Footnote-722"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-722">722</a>]</span> <cite>Parly. Rolls</cite>, iii. 637.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-723" id="Footnote-723"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-723">723</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 20 Hen. <abbr title="the sixth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VI.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-724" id="Footnote-724"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-724">724</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 4 Edw. <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-725" id="Footnote-725"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-725">725</a>]</span> Unwin, <cite>Gilds of London</cite>, 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-726" id="Footnote-726"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-726">726</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-727" id="Footnote-727"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-727">727</a>]</span> <cite>Norwich Recs.</cite>, ii. 278-310.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-728" id="Footnote-728"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-728">728</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 28 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr> Is iron raw material? Much labour
+has been expended on it before it reaches the market—but the
+same would apply to corn.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-729" id="Footnote-729"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-729">729</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 255.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-730" id="Footnote-730"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-730">730</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 11 Hen. <abbr title="the sixth"><span class="smcap lowercase">VI.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-731" id="Footnote-731"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-731">731</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 308.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-732" id="Footnote-732"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-732">732</a>]</span> For an exhaustive examination of all that concerns wages,
+see the works of Professor Thorold Rogers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-733" id="Footnote-733"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-733">733</a>]</span> From the end of the fifteenth century the gradation of payments
+to workmen becomes more pronounced, marking the
+institution of the modern system.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-734" id="Footnote-734"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-734">734</a>]</span> In the case of carpenters, etc., employed in country districts
+there appear to have been considerable variations.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-735" id="Footnote-735"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-735">735</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 472, no. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-736" id="Footnote-736"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-736">736</a>]</span> <cite>Beverley Town Docts.</cite> (Selden Soc.), 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-737" id="Footnote-737"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-737">737</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 11 Hen. <abbr title="the seventh"><span class="smcap lowercase">VII.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-738" id="Footnote-738"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-738">738</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 538.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-739" id="Footnote-739"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-739">739</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite>, 574.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-740" id="Footnote-740"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-740">740</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 673.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-741" id="Footnote-741"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-741">741</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 253.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-742" id="Footnote-742"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-742">742</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-743" id="Footnote-743"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-743">743</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, no. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-744" id="Footnote-744"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-744">744</a>]</span> <cite>Norwich Recs.</cite>, ii. 104.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-745" id="Footnote-745"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-745">745</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 513.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-746" id="Footnote-746"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-746">746</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-747" id="Footnote-747"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-747">747</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-748" id="Footnote-748"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-748">748</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-749" id="Footnote-749"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-749">749</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Cust.</cite>, i. 99.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-750" id="Footnote-750"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-750">750</a>]</span> Exch. K. R. Accts., 467, no. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-751" id="Footnote-751"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-751">751</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 226, 243. It is exceptional to find
+that at Leicester in 1264 the weavers were allowed to work at
+night.—<cite>Borough Recs. of Leicester</cite>, i. 105.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-752" id="Footnote-752"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-752">752</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 538.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-753" id="Footnote-753"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-753">753</a>]</span> <cite>Borough Recs. of Leicester</cite>, i. 547.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-754" id="Footnote-754"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-754">754</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-755" id="Footnote-755"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-755">755</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, 98; <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite>, 302;
+<cite>Beverley MSS.</cite> (Hist. MSS. Com.), 47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-756" id="Footnote-756"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-756">756</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 532, 246.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-757" id="Footnote-757"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-757">757</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 226, 239.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-758" id="Footnote-758"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-758">758</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-759" id="Footnote-759"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-759">759</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-760" id="Footnote-760"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-760">760</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-761" id="Footnote-761"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-761">761</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 573.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-762" id="Footnote-762"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-762">762</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 638.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-763" id="Footnote-763"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-763">763</a>]</span> For reproductions of some of the marks used by worsted
+weavers, see <cite>Norwich Recs.</cite>, ii. 153.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-764" id="Footnote-764"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-764">764</a>]</span> See the maps of medieval Bruges, Paris, and London in
+Unwin's <cite>Gilds of London</cite>, 32-4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-765" id="Footnote-765"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-765">765</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 392.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-766" id="Footnote-766"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-766">766</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 182.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-767" id="Footnote-767"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-767">767</a>]</span> <cite>Norwich Recs.</cite>, ii. 237.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-768" id="Footnote-768"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-768">768</a>]</span> Cf. Blackwell Hall in London, the sole market for 'foreign'
+cloth.—Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 550.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-769" id="Footnote-769"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-769">769</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Albus</cite>, ii. 444.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-770" id="Footnote-770"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-770">770</a>]</span> <cite>Statutes</cite>, 37 Edw. <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-771" id="Footnote-771"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-771">771</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 117.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-772" id="Footnote-772"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-772">772</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Cust.</cite>, i. 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-773" id="Footnote-773"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-773">773</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 180-3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-774" id="Footnote-774"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-774">774</a>]</span> The 'brakeman' reduced the bar iron to rods, ready to be
+drawn into wire.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-775" id="Footnote-775"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-775">775</a>]</span> <i>i.e.</i> bending.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-776" id="Footnote-776"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-776">776</a>]</span> <i>i.e.</i> girdlers; middle = waist.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-777" id="Footnote-777"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-777">777</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-778" id="Footnote-778"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-778">778</a>]</span> Toulmin Smith, <cite>English Gilds</cite>, 184.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-779" id="Footnote-779"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-779">779</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-780" id="Footnote-780"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-780">780</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-781" id="Footnote-781"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-781">781</a>]</span> <cite>Borough Recs. of Leicester</cite>, i. 105; <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite>, 95;
+<cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 7, 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-782" id="Footnote-782"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-782">782</a>]</span> <cite>Beverley Town Docts.</cite> (Selden Soc.), 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-783" id="Footnote-783"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-783">783</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-784" id="Footnote-784"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-784">784</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 98.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-785" id="Footnote-785"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-785">785</a>]</span> Early Chanc. Proc., 61, no. 478.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-786" id="Footnote-786"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-786">786</a>]</span> <cite>Norwich Recs.</cite>, ii. 289.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-787" id="Footnote-787"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-787">787</a>]</span> <i>e.g. Ibid.</i>, 199, 234; Woodruff, <cite>Hist. of Fordwich</cite>, 32-5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-788" id="Footnote-788"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-788">788</a>]</span> See <i>e.g.</i> <cite>Cal. of Pat. Rolls 1419-36</cite>, 537-88.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-789" id="Footnote-789"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-789">789</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 346.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-790" id="Footnote-790"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-790">790</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Cust.</cite>, i. 423.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-791" id="Footnote-791"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-791">791</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Cust.</cite>, i. 423.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-792" id="Footnote-792"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-792">792</a>]</span> A servant engaged by the year.—<cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>,
+ii. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-793" id="Footnote-793"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-793">793</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite>, 573.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-794" id="Footnote-794"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-794">794</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 106.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-795" id="Footnote-795"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-795">795</a>]</span> Toulmin Smith, <cite>English Gilds</cite>, 179.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-796" id="Footnote-796"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-796">796</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 278.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-797" id="Footnote-797"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-797">797</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 127.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-798" id="Footnote-798"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-798">798</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 549.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-799" id="Footnote-799"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-799">799</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 234.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-800" id="Footnote-800"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-800">800</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-801" id="Footnote-801"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-801">801</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-802" id="Footnote-802"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-802">802</a>]</span> Early Chanc. Proc., 19, no. 491.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-803" id="Footnote-803"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-803">803</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 560-1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-804" id="Footnote-804"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-804">804</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> <cite>Norwich Recs.</cite>, ii. 290; <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 125.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-805" id="Footnote-805"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-805">805</a>]</span> Early Chanc. Proc., 66, no. 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-806" id="Footnote-806"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-806">806</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 672.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-807" id="Footnote-807"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-807">807</a>]</span> Early Chanc. Proc., 66, no. 244.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-808" id="Footnote-808"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-808">808</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 38, no. 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-809" id="Footnote-809"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-809">809</a>]</span> An ordinance of the fullers in 1418 forbade any master to
+take a stranger to serve him by covenant for more than fifteen
+days unless he engaged him for a whole year.—<cite>Little Red Book
+of Bristol</cite>, ii. 142.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-810" id="Footnote-810"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-810">810</a>]</span> In the case of the London founders an intending journeyman
+had to satisfy the masters of his skill; if he could not, he must
+either become an apprentice or abandon the craft.—Riley, <cite>Mems.
+of London</cite>, 514.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-811" id="Footnote-811"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-811">811</a>]</span> They had to give, and were entitled to receive, eight days'
+notice.—<cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 573.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-812" id="Footnote-812"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-812">812</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 185.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-813" id="Footnote-813"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-813">813</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Albus</cite>, ii. 444.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-814" id="Footnote-814"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-814">814</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 106; <cite>Norwich Recs.</cite>, ii. 104;
+<cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 656.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-815" id="Footnote-815"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-815">815</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 786.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-816" id="Footnote-816"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-816">816</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 495.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-817" id="Footnote-817"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-817">817</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 542.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-818" id="Footnote-818"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-818">818</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 609-12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-819" id="Footnote-819"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-819">819</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 653.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-820" id="Footnote-820"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-820">820</a>]</span> <cite>Hist. MSS. Com. Coventry</cite>, 117-18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-821" id="Footnote-821"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-821">821</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 694.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-822" id="Footnote-822"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-822">822</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 656.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-823" id="Footnote-823"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-823">823</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 95.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-824" id="Footnote-824"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-824">824</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 151.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-825" id="Footnote-825"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-825">825</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 248, 307; cf. <cite>Acts of P. C., 1542-7</cite>,
+p. 367.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-826" id="Footnote-826"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-826">826</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 307, 514; Lambert, <cite>Two Thousand
+Years of Gild Life</cite>, 216.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-827" id="Footnote-827"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-827">827</a>]</span> <i>e.g.</i> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-828" id="Footnote-828"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-828">828</a>]</span> See the proceedings of the court of the tailors at Exeter.—Toulmin
+Smith, <cite>English Gilds</cite>, 299-321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-829" id="Footnote-829"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-829">829</a>]</span> <cite>Liber Cust.</cite>, i. 122; cf. <cite>Borough Recs. of Leicester</cite>, i. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-830" id="Footnote-830"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-830">830</a>]</span> <cite>Little Red Book of Bristol</cite>, ii. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-831" id="Footnote-831"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-831">831</a>]</span> <cite>Coventry Leet Bk.</cite> (E. E. T. S.), 302.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-832" id="Footnote-832"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-832">832</a>]</span> Riley, <cite>Mems. of London</cite>, 232.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-833" id="Footnote-833"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-833">833</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 281.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-834" id="Footnote-834"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-834">834</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 293.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-835" id="Footnote-835"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-835">835</a>]</span> Lambert, <cite>Two Thousand Years of Gild Life</cite>, 205.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-836" id="Footnote-836"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-836">836</a>]</span> Toulmin Smith, <cite>English Gilds</cite>, passim.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-837" id="Footnote-837"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-837">837</a>]</span> <cite>Norwich Recs.</cite>, ii. 230.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-838" id="Footnote-838"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-838">838</a>]</span> Makers of 'skeps,' or baskets.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-839" id="Footnote-839"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-839">839</a>]</span> <cite>Norwich Recs.</cite>, ii. 280-2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-840" id="Footnote-840"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-840">840</a>]</span> <cite>Norwich Recs.</cite>, ii. 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-841" id="Footnote-841"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-841">841</a>]</span> <i>Ibid.</i>, 173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-842" id="Footnote-842"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-842">842</a>]</span> Sute, probably = course.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote">
+
+<p><a name="Footnote-843" id="Footnote-843"></a><span class="label">[<a title="Return to text." href="#Anchor-843">843</a>]</span> Douset = a sweetmeat of cream, eggs, and sugar.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="chap" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[241]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<h2>INDEX</h2>
+
+
+<ul class="index"><li class="ifrst">Abbetoft, Sir Walter de, grant to monks of Louth Park, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Aberystwyth siege, guns broken, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Abinghall, Forest of Dean, coal-working, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Adam of Corfe, marble-worker, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Adits: coal pits drained by, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>-<a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead mines drained by, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tin mines drained by, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>-<a href="#Page_66">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Aketon, Nicholas de. See <a href="#Nicholas_de_Aketon">Nicholas de Aketon</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Alabaster industry, <a href="#Page_86">86-90</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Alcester, legend of punishment of iron-workers, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Aldebek, tilery, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ale: brewing and trade regulations, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>-<a href="#Page_193">93</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">national drink, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>-<a href="#Page_185">5</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">price fixed by ordinance, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>-<a href="#Page_186">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">used in stained glassmaking, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ale-conner or taster, duties of, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ale stakes, use of, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Alston Moor: lead mines, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-<a href="#Page_48">8</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Scottish king's rights over, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Alum, use as a mordant in dyeing wool, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Alwold, 'campanarius,' <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Amblecote, coal-mining, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Amesbury, lead sent to, from Shropshire, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Amiens, agreement of woad merchants with Norwich, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>-<a href="#Page_145">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Apprenticeship regulations, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>-<a href="#Page_231">31</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Appys, John, lease of tileries, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ariconium, near Ross, iron industry, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Arnoldson, Cornelys, repair of guns, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Arundel, alabaster tomb at, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ashburnham, tile manufacture, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>-<a href="#Page_124">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ashburton, tin sent to, for coinage duty, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ashdown Forest, labour employed in iron mills, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">water-hammer in, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ashford, Derbyshire, lead mine, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Assize of Bread and Ale, Assize of Cloth, etc. See <a href="#Bread_and_ale">Bread and Ale, Assize of</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1"><a href="#Cloth_Assize_of">Cloth, Assize of</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Alkynson, John, gun-founder, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Aylesham, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Bakers: frauds practised by, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">use of trademarks ordered, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bakewell, Derbyshire, lead mine, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ballard, Blase, gunner, grant to, for injuries caused by gun accident, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[242]</a></span>
+Ballard, Simon, iron shot made by, at Newbridge, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>-<a href="#Page_112">12</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Barbary, leather imported into England, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bark for tanning, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Barmaster, of mine court, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Barmote. See <a href="#Berghmote">Berghmote.</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Barnack, stone quarries, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Barnstaple, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Barri, Gerald de, cider mentioned by, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bath: gild of smiths at, alleged, in Roman times, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Roman use of coal in temple of Minerva probable, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bath Stone, quarries at Haslebury in Box, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>-<a href="#Page_79">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Battle, Sussex, early iron-works at, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Battle Abbey: cider a source of income, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">reference to bell casting, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone quarry near, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tile manufacture, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Baude, Peter, discovery of method of casting cannon in entire piece, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Beare, Thomas, on alluvial tin, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Beauvale, prior of, lease of coal mine at Newthorpe, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Becket, Thomas, ale taken to French Court, in 1157, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bedburn forge, conditions of labour, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bedwin, Wilts., clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Beer Alston, Devon, royal lead mines, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>-<a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Beer, Devon, stone quarries, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Beer, introduction into England and development of trade, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>-<a href="#Page_195">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bellows, method of using in iron smelting, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bell pits, in coal-mining, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">in iron-mining, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bells: dedication ceremony, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">manufacture of, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>-<a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tuning of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>-<a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bellyeter, term for a bell-founder, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Belper: iron industry, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">terms of lease of coal mine, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Belsire, tileries owned by family, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Beneit le Seynter, early bell-founder, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Benthall, lease of coal working, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>-<a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Berghmote" id="Berghmote"></a>Berghmote or Barmote, mine court in Derbyshire, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Berkshire, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Berneval, Alexander de, sent to England for alabaster, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Berwick-on-Tweed, inventory of artillery, in 1401, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Beverley: building trade, hours of work, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">list of standard measures for ale kept at, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">regulations for control of industry, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tile manufacture, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>-<a href="#Page_125">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Beverley, College of, new shrine for relics of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> John of Beverley, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>-<a href="#Page_94">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Billiter Street, origin of name, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Birley in Brampton, grant of wood to monks of Louth Park, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Birlond, quarrying of slates at, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bisham, stone quarries, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bishop's Stortford, consecration of bells of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Michael's, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Black Death, effect on industries, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Black Prince. See <a href="#Edward_the_Black_Prince">Edward, Black Prince</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[243]</a></span>
+Blacksmiths, control of industry, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>-<a href="#Page_212">12</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Blakeney, Forest of Dean, coal-working, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Blanket, Thomas, cloth-weaver in Bristol, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Blanket cloth, manufacture, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Blaunchlond, Northumberland, lead mine, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bloom, in iron-working, meaning of term, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">variations in weight, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>-<a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bloomery, meaning of term, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Blund, William and Robert le, probable identity with William and Robert of Corfe, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bocher, Robert, alabaster-worker, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bodiam Castle, gun found in moat, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bodmatgan quarry, slates from, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bodmin, tin sent to, for coinage duty, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">'Boldon Book,' 1183, references to use of coal, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>-<a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bole furnace, type used in lead mines, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bolerium of Diodorus Siculus, question of identity, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bolles, William, legal action, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bolsover, Manor of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bordale, Edmund, of Bramley, glass purchased from, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Borde, Andrew, on ale, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">beer, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">cider and perry, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Boston, Lincs., clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Boughton Monchelsea, stone worked at, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Boundary stones, custom of burying coal under, <a href="#Page_3">3-4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Brabant weavers in London, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bradley, Staffordshire, coal-mining, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Braintree, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Brasier, Richard, bell-founder of Norwich, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>-<a href="#Page_107">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Bread_and_ale" id="Bread_and_ale"></a>Bread and ale, assize of, beginning of national control of industry, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bremerhaven, export of coal to, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Breton, Ralph, gift of money for bell to Rochester Cathedral Priory, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Brewing: ale, universal and regulation of, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>-<a href="#Page_193">93</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">beer, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>-<a href="#Page_195">5</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">cider, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>-<a href="#Page_198">8</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bricks, manufacture of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>-<a href="#Page_126">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Brill, iron sent to, from Forest of Dean, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bristol: clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>-<a href="#Page_146">6</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>-<a href="#Page_151">1</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">coal exported, in 1592, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">gun-founding industry, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">leather trade, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">regulations for control of industries, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>-<a href="#Page_219">19</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>-<a href="#Page_229">9</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bromfield, Shropshire, lead-miners recruited from, for Devon, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Brown, Roger, of Norwich, shoemaker, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Brushford, near Dulverton, lead mine, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Buggeberd, Adam, rector of South Peret, dispute over Whitchurch bells referred to, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Building industry: hours of work at Beverly, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">reasons for not treating subject, <a href="#Page_vi">vi</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Burel cloth, manufacture of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>-<a href="#Page_137">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Burford family, bell-founders, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Burges, Toisaunts, brought to England to teach art of calendering worsteds, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Burle, Nicholas, of London, seizure of hides, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[244]</a></span>
+Burnard, Richard, clothier of Barnstaple, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Burton-on-Trent, alabaster-workers, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bury <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Edmunds: bell-founding industry, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">quarry in Barnack owned by abbey of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Buttercrambe, Plaster of Paris obtained from, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>-<a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Byland, Abbey of, grant of iron mine to, 1180, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Caen, stone quarries, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Calendering worsteds, introduction of art, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>-<a href="#Page_166">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cambrai, Siege of, 1339, guns used, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cannons. See <a href="#Gun-founding">Gun-founding</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Canon, Richard, carver and marble-worker, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Canterbury: ale famous, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">bell-founding industry, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Canterbury Cathedral, alabaster tomb of Henry <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr> and Queen Joan, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Capitalists, conflict of interests in the gilds, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>-<a href="#Page_236">36</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cappers of Coventry, regulations for control of industry, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Carlisle, Castle of, brass cannons for, in 1385, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Carretate, weight for lead, varieties, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Carving, English skill in Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cassiterides or Tin Islands, question of identification, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Castor, Northants., Roman British pottery, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>-<a href="#Page_115">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Causton, Alice, punished for selling short measure of ale, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cavalcante, John, of Florence, cannon and saltpetre supplied by, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>-<a href="#Page_113">13</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chafery, in iron-smelting, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chagford, tin sent to, for coinage duty, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chalder or chaldron, measure, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>-<a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chaldon, stone quarries, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chalk, quarrying for conversion into lime, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>-<a href="#Page_91">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chalons, cloth, origin of name and manufacture in England, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chalons-sur-Marne, cloth manufacture, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Chamois" id="Chamois"></a>Chamois (shamoys) leather, trade regulations, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>-<a href="#Page_177">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Charcoal: confused with sea coal by Alexander Neckam, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">only fuel used for iron-working, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Charcoal-burners employed in iron industry, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>-<a href="#Page_37">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cheapside, goldsmiths' shops, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chellaston, alabaster quarries, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chertsey Abbey, inlaid tiles discovered, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cheshire, lead-miners recruited for Devon, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chester: brewing-trade dues paid to castle of, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">gild of smiths at, in Roman times, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chichester Cathedral, Purbeck marble used, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chiddingfold, glassmaking industry, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>-<a href="#Page_129">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Child labour, order restricting, in 1398, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chilvers Coton, coal-mining, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chimneys, increase in number, in sixteenth century, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chirche, Reginald, bell-founder, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chislehurst, chalk quarries, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Choke damp, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cider industry, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>-<a href="#Page_198">8</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cistercian ware, distinctive features, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[245]</a></span>
+Clee, forest of, coal-working, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cleveland, iron industry, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Clifford, Walter de, licence to Sir John de Halston (c. 1260), <a href="#Page_5">5</a>-<a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Cloth_Assize_of" id="Cloth_Assize_of"></a>Cloth, Assize of, beginning of a national control of industry, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Clothmaking industry: development and principal centres, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>-<a href="#Page_141">41</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>'s efforts to improve, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>-<a href="#Page_141">1</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">frauds and regulations against, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>-<a href="#Page_164">64</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>-<a href="#Page_206">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">legislative control, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>-<a href="#Page_137">7</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>-<a href="#Page_164">4</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">numbers employed and output of cloth, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>-<a href="#Page_159">9</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">processes used, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>-<a href="#Page_156">56</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">quality of English cloth prior to time of Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">subjection of workers evidenced by restrictive regulations, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>-<a href="#Page_135">5</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">varieties of cloth made, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>-<a href="#Page_170">70</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Coal: burying under boundary stones, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>-<a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">discovery in 1620 of method of using for iron-works, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">early significance of the word, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>-<a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">restriction of use to iron-working and lime-burning, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>-<a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>-<a href="#Page_91">1</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Roman use of, in Britain, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>-<a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">smoke nuisance complained of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">trade returns, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>-<a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">value, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>-<a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">weighing of, measures employed, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>-<a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Coal-mining" id="Coal-mining"></a>Coal-mining: bell pits described, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">choke damp mentioned, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">early methods of working, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>-<a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">first references to actual workings, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>-<a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">mineral rights, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>-<a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">terms of leases, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>-<a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Coggeshall, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cogware, origin of term, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Coinage duty on tin, <a href="#Page_68">68-9</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Colchester: clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">leather trade, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Roman pottery manufacture, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tile industry regulations, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>-<a href="#Page_121">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Coleford, Roman iron-works at, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Collard, Robert, tilemaker, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Collyweston, stone slates, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Colyn, Thomas, alabaster-worker, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Competition, efforts to restrict, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>-<a href="#Page_225">5</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>-<a href="#Page_227">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Control_of_industry" id="Control_of_industry"></a>Control of industry: gild regulations, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>-<a href="#Page_240">40</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">legislation for, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>-<a href="#Page_212">12</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cope, in bell-founding, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Corby, agreement of woad merchants with Norwich, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>-<a href="#Page_145">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cordwainers: journeyman fraternity formed, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">origin of name, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">trade regulations, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>-<a href="#Page_183">3</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Core, in bell-founding, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Corfe, Dorset: Purbeck marble industry, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone quarry, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cornwall, Duke of, vested with supreme control of the stannaries, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cornwall: brewing trade, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">gold, search for, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">slate quarrying, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>-<a href="#Page_82">2</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tin-mining, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>-<a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Corvehill, William, bell-founder, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Costume of miners, depicted in Newland Church, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Courts. See <a href="#Law_Courts">Law Courts</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Coventry: brewing trade and regulations for, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>-<a href="#Page_189">9</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Cappers' gild regulations, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>-<a href="#Page_231">1</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>-<a href="#Page_147">7</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">gilds controlled by civic authorities, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron-workers, trade restrictions, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>-<a href="#Page_221">21</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">journeyman gilds or confraternities, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">treatment of strangers, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">trial of trade disputes in spiritual courts, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[246]</a></span>
+Cowick, Yorkshire, payment by potters for digging clay, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Crangs, Burcord, melting-house at Larian in Cornwall, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>-<a href="#Page_67">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Créçy, battle of, guns used by English, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Crich, Derbyshire, lead mine, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Croker, Nicholas, coppersmith, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Crowchard, John, gun repaired by, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Crowland Abbey, quarry in Barnack, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Croxden Abbey, bell recast, in 1313, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Culhare, Emma, killed by choke-damp, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Culverden, William, bell-founder, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cumberland, lead-mining, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>-<a href="#Page_61">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Customs_and_Duties" id="Customs_and_Duties"></a>Customs and Duties: alien merchandise, on, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>-<a href="#Page_225">5</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">coal, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">coinage on tin, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>-<a href="#Page_69">9</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Dale, Abbey of, Derbyshire, inlaid tile manufacture, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Damlade, uncertain meaning of the word, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Darcy, Edmund, royal grant to, for searching and sealing leather, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Darlington, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dean, Forest of: coal-mining, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron industry, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>-<a href="#Page_36">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dearns, meaning of term, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">De la Fava, of Mechlin. See <a href="#La_Fava">La Fava</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Denby: coal-mining accident, in 1291, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron mine, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>-<a href="#Page_23">3</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Derbyshire: alabaster quarries, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">coal-mining, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>-<a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron industry, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead-mining, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>-<a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>-<a href="#Page_58">8</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Devon: clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">gold discovered, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead-mining, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>-<a href="#Page_49">9</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>-<a href="#Page_58">8</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">slate quarrying, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone quarry at Beer, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tin-mining, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>-<a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dewysse, Edward, beer brewer, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Diodorus Siculus, statements respecting British tin trade, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dorset: clothmaking industry, frauds practised, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead-miners recruited for Devon, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Purbeck marble industry, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>-<a href="#Page_85">5</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone quarries, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Douset, term explained, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dover: bells cast for, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">cannon for castle, in 1401, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>-<a href="#Page_109">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dowson, John, gun-founder, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Doys, John, beer brewer, case of theft against, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dudley, Dud, discovery of methods of using coal for iron-works, in 1620, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Duffield Frith: coal obtained from, in 1257, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron industry, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dunkirk, export of coal to, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dunstan, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr>, patron of the goldsmiths, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Durham: coal-mining, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead mines granted to bishop by King Stephen, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>-<a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dutch: beer a natural drink for, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">expert gun-founders, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Duties. <i>See</i> <a href="#Customs_and_Duties">Customs and Duties</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dyeing industry: processes employed for cloth, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>-<a href="#Page_148">8</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">regulations for control of, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Eastbourne, green sandstone quarry, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ebchester, Durham, discovery at, of Roman use of coal, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Edmund of Cornwall, tin worked for, in 1297, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[247]</a></span>
+Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>: efforts to improve cloth trade, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>-<a href="#Page_141">1</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">metal cast figure of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Edward_the_Black_Prince" id="Edward_the_Black_Prince"></a>Edward, the Black Prince, plate presented to, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Egremont, iron mine, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Egwin, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr>, legend of punishment of iron-workers of Alcester, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Egynton, John, dyer, trade dispute, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>-<a href="#Page_147">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Eleanor, Queen: driven from Nottingham Castle by coal smoke, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">metal cast figure of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Eleanor Crosses, Purbeck marble supplied for, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ely: bells cast, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">wall tiles or bricks for, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Elyng, meaning of term, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Encaustic tiles, process of manufacture, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>-<a href="#Page_127">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Essex, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Essex, straits, narrow cloths, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Eton college, stained glass for, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Eure, Sir William, lease of coal mines, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Exeter Cathedral: marble work for, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Portland stone used, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">resident bell-founders appointed, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>-<a href="#Page_105">5</a>·</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Fairlight Quarry, near Hastings, stone for Rochester castle, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Faringdon, William, renowned goldsmith, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Farriers: allowed to shoe on Sundays and feast days, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">mutual assistance regulations, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Faudkent, Peter, Dochman, stained glass purchased from, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fécamp Abbey, alabaster procured from England by abbot, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fenby, Thomas de, dyer of Coventry, trade dispute, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>-<a href="#Page_147">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ferry, coal mines, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Finchale monks, coal-mining operations, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fishmongers, regulation of trade, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fiskerton, brewing-trade dues, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fitz Odo, goldsmiths. See <a href="#Fitz_Otho">Fitz Otho</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fitz Osbert, William, grant to abbey of Byland, 1180, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fitz Otho, Edward, goldsmith of Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, bells cast by, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Fitz_Otho" id="Fitz_Otho"></a>Fitz Otho family, king's goldsmiths and masters of the mint, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Flanders: beer introduced into England from, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">glassmaker brought to England, in 1449, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>-<a href="#Page_131">1</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">settlement in England of craftsmen from, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fletcher's lead mine in Alston, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Flushing, export of coal to, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Folkestone, stone quarry, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Forest Assize of 1244, references to coal-mining, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Forges, itinerant, in Forest of Dean, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fortuno de Catalengo, purchase of cannon from, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fotinel, weight for lead, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Founders of metal, notable examples of work, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>-<a href="#Page_96">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fountains Abbey, ware found in, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Franciscans in London, poverty evidenced by quality of their ale, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Frankwell, William, water for tanning at Lewes, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[248]</a></span>
+Frese, William, gunmaker, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Friezes, types manufactured, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>-<a href="#Page_170">70</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Friscobaldi, Italian merchants, lease of Devon lead mines, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>-<a href="#Page_57">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fuller's earth, used for cleansing cloth, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>-<a href="#Page_155">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fulling of cloth: process employed, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>-<a href="#Page_155">5</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">use of trademarks ordered, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Furnaces, types employed, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>-<a href="#Page_53">3</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Furness Abbey, iron industry, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Galloway, Mr., his <cite>Annals of Coal Mining</cite>, <a href="#Page_ix">ix.</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Gateshead, coal-mining, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Geddyng, John, glazier, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Gerard le Flemeng, cloth weaver, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Germans: expert gun-founders, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">skilled miners, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Gildesburgh, Robert, dispute over tuning of bells, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>-<a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Gilds: clothweavers, alien weavers in London, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">charters granted by Henry <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr> and Henry <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">enforced holidays, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">payments to the king, in twelfth century, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>-<a href="#Page_134">4</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">restriction of competition, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>-<a href="#Page_227">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">—— conflict of class interests in, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>-<a href="#Page_236">36</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">—— control of industry by regulations, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>-<a href="#Page_240">40</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">—— cordwainers at Oxford, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">—— fullers of Lincoln, regulations, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>-<a href="#Page_154">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">—— journeymen's efforts to form, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>-<a href="#Page_235">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">—— origin of, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>-<a href="#Page_207">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">—— religious element in organisation, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>-<a href="#Page_240">40</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Glasewryth, John, glassmaker in Chiddingfold district, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Glassmaking industry, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>-<a href="#Page_132">32</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Glastonbury, lake village, evidences of weaving discovered, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Glaze, for pottery, process, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>-<a href="#Page_117">17</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Gloucester: bell-founding industry, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">brewing-trade regulations, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Gloucestershire: iron industry, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead-mining, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Gloucester, vale of, vine cultivation, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Goderswyk, William, mining grant to, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>-<a href="#Page_61">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Gold-mining, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Goldsmiths, early records of, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>-<a href="#Page_94">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Goldsmiths' Row, London, built by Thomas Wood, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Goodrich, Roman iron-works at, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Goryng, John, case against beer brewers, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Goykyn, Godfrey, English guns made by, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Graffham, Sussex, potteries, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Gray, Sir Thomas, lease of Whickham coal mines, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Green, Ralph, alabaster tomb in Lowick Church, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Greenwich, chalk and lime sent to London, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Griff, charge for sinking coal pits, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Guildford: chalk quarries, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Guildford Castle, tiles from Shalford, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Guildford cloths, reputation injured by frauds, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Guildhall, London, ordnance at, in 1339, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[249]</a></span>
+<a name="Gun-founding" id="Gun-founding"></a>Gun-founding industry: account of, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>-<a href="#Page_113">13</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">discovery of method of casting cannon in entire piece, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">projectiles used, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>-<a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Gypsum, conversion into Plaster of Paris, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>-<a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Hackington, tileries, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Halingbury, William, promotion of art of calendering worsteds, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hall, Robert, clothier of Winchester, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Halston, Sir John de, licensed to dig for coals in Clee forest, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>-<a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hammers, water, for iron industry, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hampshire: clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone quarries, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hanbury, earliest sepulchral image in alabaster at, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Harrison, William: ale disparaged by, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">cider and perry mentioned by, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">his <cite>Description of England</cite>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hartkeld, coal mines, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Haslebury quarry, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>-<a href="#Page_79">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hassal, slate-quarrying at, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hastings: kilns for making inlaid tiles discovered, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">pottery, stamp decoration, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hatfield, Bishop of Durham, lease of coal mines, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hatters, use of trademark ordered, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hawkin of Liége, metal-founder, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Helere, Edmund, lease of tileries, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Helston: brewing trade, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">nomination of members for stannary parliament, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tin sent to, for coinage dues, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Henry <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, metal cast figure of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Henry <abbr title="the fourth"><span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span></abbr>, alabaster tomb at Canterbury, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Henry <abbr title="the fifth"><span class="smcap lowercase">V.</span></abbr>, inventory of goods quoted, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Henry of Lewes, the king's chief smith, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Henshawe, William, bell-founder at Gloucester, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hereford: blankets made at, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron industry, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">regulations for control of industry, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hermann de Alemannia, lead mine worked by, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Herrings, Yarmouth monopoly of sale on east coast, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Heworth, charge for sinking coal pits, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hides, trade regulations, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>-<a href="#Page_175">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hill, Nicholas, alabaster-worker, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hogge, Ralph, discovery of method of casting cannon in entire piece, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Holewell, Thomas, alabaster-worker, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Holidays, regulations, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>-<a href="#Page_214">14</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hope, Derbyshire, lead mines, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hops, restrictions on use, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>-<a href="#Page_195">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Horsham, stone slate quarries, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Houghton, Yorkshire, customs respecting mineral rights, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hours of labour, regulations, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>-<a href="#Page_212">12</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Huddleston, stone quarries, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hugh of Scheynton, lease of coal mine, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>-<a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hull: tile manufacture, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">weaving trade regulations, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Humbert, Duke, lease of lead mines at Wirksworth, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Huntingdon, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hussey, Sir William, action against, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Ictis of Diodorus Siculus, question of identity, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>-<a href="#Page_63">3</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[250]</a></span>
+Industry, control of. See <a href="#Control_of_industry">Control of Industry</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Inspection_of_goods" id="Inspection_of_goods"></a>Inspection of goods in Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>-<a href="#Page_217">17</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ipswich, tolls on English cloth, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>-<a href="#Page_140">40</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Irish friezes, manufacture of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>-<a href="#Page_170">70</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Iron, price of, and parliamentary attempt to regulate, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>-<a href="#Page_209">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Iron-mining" id="Iron-mining"></a>Iron-mining: free miners of the Forest of Dean, their privileges, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>-<a href="#Page_36">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">methods of working, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>-<a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">numbers employed and conditions of labour, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>-<a href="#Page_36">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">places noted for, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>-<a href="#Page_26">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Roman activity in Britain, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>-<a href="#Page_21">1</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">weight of the bloom, variations in, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>-<a href="#Page_31">1</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">wood consumption in sixteenth century, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>-<a href="#Page_37">7</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Jack of Newbury. See <a href="#Winchcombe_John">Winchcombe, John</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Jervaulx Abbey: grant to, by Earl of Richmond, 1281, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">ware found at, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">John, King, tomb at Worcester, in Purbeck marble, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">John de Alemaygne, of Chiddingfold, glassmaker, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">John de Stafford, mayor of Leicester, bell-founder, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">John, Duke of Bretagne, alabaster tomb at Nantes, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">John Glasman of Ruglay, glass purchased from, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">John of Chester, glazier, designs for stained glass, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>-<a href="#Page_132">2</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">John of Gloucester, bell-founder, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">John, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr>, of Alexandria, mention in life of, of British tin trade, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">John, <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr>, of Beverley, new shrine for relics, in 1292, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>-<a href="#Page_94">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Johnson, Cornelys, gun-founder, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Journeymen, regulation of employment, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>-<a href="#Page_215">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Julius Cæsar, on iron in Britain, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Julius Vitalis, armourer of the 20th Legion, funeral at Bath, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Keel or coal barge, regulation of capacity, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kendal, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kent: chalk-quarrying, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">gun-founding, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron industry, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Roman British pottery in, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone quarries, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>-<a href="#Page_78">8</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>-<a href="#Page_81">1</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tile manufacture, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>-<a href="#Page_124">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kentish rag, stone, demand for, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>-<a href="#Page_78">8</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kersey, village, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kerseys, manufacture of, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>-<a href="#Page_168">8</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Keswick, lead mine, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kilns, types used, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">King's College, Cambridge, stained glass for, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>-<a href="#Page_131">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kingston on Thames, pottery manufacture, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kipax, Yorkshire, customs respecting mineral rights, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kirkstall Abbey, ware found at, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Labour, control of. See <a href="#Control_of_industry">Control of Industry</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Labourers, Statute of, enactments, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>-<a href="#Page_202">2</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="La_Fava" id="La_Fava"></a>La Fava, Lewis de, of Mechlin, purchase of cannon from, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lanchester, Durham: discovery at, of Roman use of coal, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Roman method of smelting iron at, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[251]</a></span>
+Langton, Walter de, bishop of Chester, on yield of Beer Alston mine, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Larian in Cornwall, cost of a melting-house at, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>-<a href="#Page_67">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Launceston, nomination of members for stannary parliament, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Laurence Vitrarius, glassmaker at Chiddingfold, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Law_Courts" id="Law_Courts"></a>Law Courts: miners, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>-<a href="#Page_36">6</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">settlement of trade disputes, for, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Lead-mining" id="Lead-mining"></a>Lead-mining: methods of working, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>-<a href="#Page_55">5</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">organisation of miners, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-<a href="#Page_48">8</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">payments to the king and to the lord of the soil, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>-<a href="#Page_48">8</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">principal localities, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>-<a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">productiveness of mines, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>-<a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">prospecting regulations, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>-<a href="#Page_46">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Roman workings, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-<a href="#Page_39">9</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">wages and number of hands employed, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>-<a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Leadreeve, of mine court, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Leakes of Southwark, beer brewers, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Leather industry: account of, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>-<a href="#Page_183">83</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">frauds in preparation and sale, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>-<a href="#Page_179">9</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">night work prohibited, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">regulations for control of, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>-<a href="#Page_216">16</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>-<a href="#Page_238">8</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">shoemaking, regulations, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>-<a href="#Page_183">3</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">table of values of different kinds of leather, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>-<a href="#Page_180">80</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Leathersellers' Company, inefficiency of control over trade, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>-<a href="#Page_178">8</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Leeds, bell pits near, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Leeds Castle, cost of iron for repairs in time of Edward <abbr title="the third"><span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span></abbr>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lewis, George Randall, indebtedness to acknowledged, <a href="#Page_ix">ix</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lichfield Cathedral, dedication of bell, 1477, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lime-burning, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>-<a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>-<a href="#Page_91">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Limekilns, kind used, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Liminge, land at, granted to Abbey of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Peter of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lincoln: clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>-<a href="#Page_154">4</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">pottery, stamp decoration, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Purbeck marble for Eleanor cross, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">regulations for control of industry, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Liskeard, tin sent to, for coinage duty, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">List, in cloth, term explained, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Liverpool, coal exported, in 1592, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Logwood, use as a dye forbidden, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">London: ale brewing, regulations, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>-<a href="#Page_191">1</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">beer brewing in, <a href="#Page_193">193-5</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">bell-founding industry, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>-<a href="#Page_102">2</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">cloth making industry, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">regulations for control of industries, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>-<a href="#Page_215">15</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>-<a href="#Page_233">33</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">roofing with tiles made compulsory, 1212, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">shoemaking trade regulations, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>-<a href="#Page_183">3</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">walls built of Kentish rag, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Loop, in iron working, meaning of term, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lostwithiel: nomination of members for stannary parliament, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">slates probably quarried at, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>-<a href="#Page_82">2</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tin sent to, for coinage duty, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Louth Park, grant to monks, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Low countries, settlement in England of craftsmen from, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lowick Church, Northants., alabaster tomb in, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lune, Galias de, mining grant to, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lynne, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Madder, use in dyeing wool, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Magna Carta, cloth trade regulations in, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[252]</a></span>
+Maidstone, stone quarries, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Maldon, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Malemort family, employment in iron-works at <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Briavels, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Malvern Priory, manufacture of inlaid tiles, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Marble, Purbeck. See <a href="#Purbeck_marble">Purbeck marble</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Marchall, John, mining grant to, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Marcus le Fair, clothier of Winchester, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Maresfield, Sussex, iron-works in Roman times, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Markets: held on Sundays in thirteenth century, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">segregation of trades, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>-<a href="#Page_218">18</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Marlborough: brewing-trade regulations, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Martinstowe: silver sent to London, in 1294, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">slates used for roofing, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone quarries, pay of workers, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>-<a href="#Page_83">3</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mason, Peter, payment to, for alabaster for <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> George's Chapel, Windsor, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Matlock, lead workings of Roman period, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Meaux Abbey: dispute with tilers of Beverley, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>-<a href="#Page_125">5</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tannery at, details given, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mendips, lead mines: methods of working, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">organisation of miners, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-<a href="#Page_48">8</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">productiveness, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>-<a href="#Page_59">9</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">worked by the Romans, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Metal-working: bell-founding, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>-<a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">gun-founding, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>-<a href="#Page_113">13</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">payment for workmanship, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>-<a href="#Page_94">4</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">regulation of hours of work in London, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">use of trademark ordered, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Metesford, Derbyshire, lead mine, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Michel, Henry, bell-founder, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Middle Ages, definition of period, <a href="#Page_vii">vii</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Middlewood, sea coal at, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Midhurst, payment by potters to the lord of the manor, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mildenhall, recasting of bell and dispute over, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>-<a href="#Page_107">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mile End Range, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Millyng, Albert, of Cologne, mining grant to, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>-<a href="#Page_61">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mine Law Courts. See <a href="#Law_Courts">Law Courts, miners</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mining of coal, iron, lead, etc. See <a href="#Coal-mining">coal</a>, <a href="#Iron-mining">iron</a>, <a href="#Lead-mining">lead</a>, etc.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Minsterley, Shropshire, lead workings of Roman period, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Monkswood, near Tintern, timber consumed at iron-works, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Moorhouse, coal-mining at, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mordant, in dyeing, those used in Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Moresby, Hugh de, charter to Furness Abbey, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Morley, Derbyshire, coal-mining accidents, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>-<a href="#Page_78">8</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Nantes Cathedral, alabaster tomb of John of Bretagne, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Naturalisation, letters of, numerous in fifteenth century, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>-<a href="#Page_225">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Neckam, Alexander, on coal, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Newark, brewing-trade dues, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Newbridge, in Ashdown Forest, iron shot manufactured, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Newbury, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Newcastle, coal-mining and trade, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>-<a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">New Forest, Roman British pottery from, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[253]</a></span>
+Newland Church, brass depicting a free miner, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Newminster, use of coal by monks, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Newport, William, guns made by, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Newthorpe, coal mine, terms of lease, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Newthorpe Mere, Gresley, outrage at coal mine, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Nicholas_de_Aketon" id="Nicholas_de_Aketon"></a>Nicholas de Aketon, grant to monks of Newminster, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Night work, rules against, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>-<a href="#Page_215">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Norfolk, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>-<a href="#Page_139">9</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>-<a href="#Page_166">6</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Northampton: Purbeck marble for Eleanor cross, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">shoemaking regulations, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Northamptonshire: Roman British pottery, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>-<a href="#Page_115">15</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone slates quarried at Collyweston, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Northumberland: coal-mining, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead-mining, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>-<a href="#Page_61">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Norwich: bell-founding industry, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">brewing trade regulations, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>-<a href="#Page_193">3</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>-<a href="#Page_145">5</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>-<a href="#Page_149">9</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">gilds controlled by civic authorities, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">holidays, regulations, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">market regulations, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">pageants and gild feasts, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>-<a href="#Page_240">40</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">roofing with tiles made compulsory, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">strangers, restrictive regulations, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>-<a href="#Page_224">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Nottingham: alabaster industry, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>-<a href="#Page_89">9</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">smoke nuisance, in 1257, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Nottinghamshire, coal-mining, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Nuneaton, coal-mining, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Nutfield, Fuller's earth deposits, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Oldham, Lancs., bell pits at, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ordnance, casting of, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>-<a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Osetes of Bristol, cloths, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Oswy, king of Kent, grant to Abbey of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Peter of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>-<a href="#Page_22">2</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Otto, the goldsmith, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Oxford: brewing-trade regulations, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>-<a href="#Page_192">2</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">leather-trade industries, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Pageants of gilds and fraternities, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>-<a href="#Page_240">40</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pagham, Sussex, cider industry, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pakenham, John, cider orchard at Wisborough, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Parman, John, clothier of Barnstaple, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pascayl, Robert, lease of coal mine, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Peak, Derbyshire, lead-miners recruited for Devon, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Penpark Hole, Gloucs., lead mine mentioned, in 882, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pepercorn, William, draining of Beer Alston mine, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Perry drunk in Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Peter at Gate, tiles manufactured by, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Peter de Brus, forges on lands in Cleveland, 1271, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Peterborough Abbey, quarry in Barnack, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pevensey, walls and castle built of green sandstone from Eastbourne, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pewter-work, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">apprentices, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Peyeson, Adam, lease of coal mine, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>-<a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Peyto family, glassmakers, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Philippa, Queen, metal cast figure of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Phœnicians, tin trade with Britain doubtful, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><cite>Piers Plowman</cite>, quoted, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Plaster of Paris, conversion of alabaster into, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>-<a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[254]</a></span>
+Playden, village, grave of Cornelius Zoetmann, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Plessey, near Blyth, early mention of coal from, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Plympton, tin sent to, for coinage duty, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Poole, Dorset, beer and ale export trade, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Popenreuter, Hans, purchase of cannon from, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Poppehowe, Thomas, worker in alabaster, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Portland stone, fame in Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Potteresgavel, rent paid by potters, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pottery manufacture, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>-<a href="#Page_118">18</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Prentis, Thomas, alabaster-worker, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>-<a href="#Page_88">8</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Prest, Godfrey, coppersmith, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Prices, regulation of, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>-<a href="#Page_210">10</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Projectiles, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>-<a href="#Page_81">1</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Protection of industries, effect of, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>-<a href="#Page_204">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pucklechurch, Gloucs., iron industry, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Punishments by mine law, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>-<a href="#Page_43">3</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Purbeck_marble" id="Purbeck_marble"></a>Purbeck marble industry, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>-<a href="#Page_86">6</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Quarell guns, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Quarrying, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>-<a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Quivil, Bishop Peter de, care of bells of Exeter Cathedral, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Radlett, pottery manufacture by Romans, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Raly, coal mine, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ramsey, Abbey of, quarry in Barnack, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Randolf, William, payment to, for metal-work, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Reading, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Redbrook, Roman iron-works at, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Reginald, Bishop, of Bath, lead mines granted to, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Reigate: Fuller's earth deposits, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone quarries, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>-<a href="#Page_78">8</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Repton: lease of lead mines at Wirksworth by Abbess, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">manufacture of inlaid tiles, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Restormel, Cornwall, slates used for roofing, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Richard <abbr title="the first"><span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span></abbr>, reorganisation of the stannaries, 1198, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Richard <abbr title="the second"><span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span></abbr>, metal-work of tomb and payment for, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Richmond, Earl of, 1281, grants to the monks of Jervaulx, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Richmond, Yorks., copper mine, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ridding, in iron-mining, meaning of term, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Riley, Mr., indebtedness to, acknowledged, <a href="#Page_ix">ix</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ringmer, in Sussex, potteries, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Robard, Pieter, alias Graunte Pierre, iron-founder, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Robert le Bellyetere, care of bells of Exeter Cathedral, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>-<a href="#Page_105">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Robert of Corfe, worker in Purbeck marble, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Robertes, Henry, Serjeant, quarell guns provided by, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Rochester stone sent to, from Beer in Devon, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Rochester Castle, list of stone for, in 1367, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>-<a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Rochester Priory: bell recast in twelfth century, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">perquisites of under brewers, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Roger of Faringdon, maker of shrine at Beverley, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>-<a href="#Page_94">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Rogers, Thorold, on effect of Statute of Labourers, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Romans in Britain: coal used by, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>-<a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron-mining, <a href="#Page_20">20-1</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[255]</a></span>lead mines, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-<a href="#Page_39">9</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">pottery manufacture, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>-<a href="#Page_115">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Roofing: slates worked for, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>-<a href="#Page_82">2</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tiles manufactured for, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ropley family, glassmakers, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Royley, Richard and Gabriel, alabaster-workers, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Rye, hops imported, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Saddlers, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>-<a href="#Page_235">35</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Albans Abbey: consecration of bells, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">metal workers among monks, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Austell, Cornwall, Saxon remains discovered in tin grounds, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Bees, grant of iron-mine to monks, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Briavels: forge at castle for construction of war materials, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Mine Law Courts, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>-<a href="#Page_36">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">payment to Constable for loads of coal, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Clere, statement respecting gold in Devon and Cornwall, in 1545, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> George's Chapel, Windsor: alabaster reredos, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">glass supplied from Chiddingfold, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Laurence, Reading, dedication of bell, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Mary-at-Hill, London, bells recast, in 1510, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Paul's Cathedral, contract for paving, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Peter of Canterbury, Abbey of, grant to, of land at Liminge, in 689, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Peter's Abbey at Gloucester, candlestick in South Kensington Museum, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Stephen's Chapel, Westminster: glass from Chiddingfold, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">marble for columns, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stained glass, process employed, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>-<a href="#Page_132">2</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone sent from Beer in Devon, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Salisbury, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sandwich, export of chalk, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sawtry Abbey, quarry in Barnack and disputes over, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Saxons: few traces of iron-works in Britain, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>-<a href="#Page_22">2</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tin worked in Cornwall, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sconeburgh, Gerard, beer brewer, case of theft against, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sea coal: origin of term, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>-<a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">references to use of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>-<a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sea Coal Lane, London, mention, in 1228, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Seaford, brewing trade, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Search, system of. See <a href="#Inspection_of_goods">Inspection of goods</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Selebourne, Hants, stone quarries, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sester, in brewing trade, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>-<a href="#Page_188">8</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Severn, customs on sea coal brought down, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Seyntleger, Thomas, case against beer brewers, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shalford tileries, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shamelling, meaning of term, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shamoys leather. See <a href="#Chamois">Chamois</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sheffield in Fletching, Sussex, iron-mills, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>-<a href="#Page_37">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shelve, Shropshire, lead mine of Roman period, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shene Chapel, stone from Eastbourne for, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sheppey Castle, guns for, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shepton Mallet, pottery manufacture by Romans, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sherterre family. See <a href="#Shorter">Shorter</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shippen, Yorks, coal-mining, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shode, meaning of term, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shoemaking: districts assigned to, in London, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">gild of journeymen connected with craft, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[256]</a></span>regulation of trade, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>-<a href="#Page_183">3</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">work allowed on Sunday, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>-<a href="#Page_214">14</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shoreham, brewing at, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Shorter" id="Shorter"></a>Shorter or Sherterre family, glassmakers, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shoyswell, hundred, brewing trade, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shrewsbury: brewing regulations, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">cloth trade, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">leather trade, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shropshire: coal workings, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>-<a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead-mining, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-<a href="#Page_39">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Silchester, refining of silver at, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Silver: process of refining from lead, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>-<a href="#Page_55">5</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">production from Devon mines, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>-<a href="#Page_57">7</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">weight and value, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>-<a href="#Page_56">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Silversmiths' work, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>-<a href="#Page_95">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Skipton, pottery kilns, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Slates, working of, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>-<a href="#Page_82">2</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sluys, export of coal to, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Small arms, early instance of use, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Smith, William, bell-founder, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Smithfield, tileries, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Snailbeach, Shropshire, lead mine of Roman period, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Solinus, third century, reference to Roman use of coal at Bath, probable, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Somerset: clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">coal-mining, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>-<a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">effect of the Statute of Labourers, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead-mining, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>-<a href="#Page_59">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Southampton, import of woad, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Southwark, gun-founding, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Spain, leather trade, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>-<a href="#Page_179">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Speryng, Godfrey, beer brewer, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Spring of Lavenham, clothiers, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Spurriers, night work prohibited, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Staffordshire: coal-mining, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">price of iron, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stahlschmidt, Mr., on bell-founders, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Staindrop, alabaster tomb at, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stained glass: glazier brought from Flanders, in 1449, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>-<a href="#Page_131">1</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">process employed in England, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>-<a href="#Page_132">2</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stainton, Forest of Dean, coal-working, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stainton-in-Furness, iron-works at end of Stone Age, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stamford, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stamfords, English cloth, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stannaries, account of, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>-<a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stansfield, bell cast for, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>-<a href="#Page_106">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stapleton, stone quarries, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stephen of <abbr title="Saint">St.</abbr> Iago, purchase of cannon from, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stevenes, John, of Bristol, gun-founder, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stithe or choke damp, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stone-balls or shot for artillery, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>-<a href="#Page_81">1</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stone masons, mutual assistance regulations, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stone-quarrying, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>-<a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stow, in mining, meaning of term, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stratton-on-Fosse, coal-mining, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>-<a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Strelley, Nicholas, legal action respecting coal mine, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>-<a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stretton, near Alnwick, forge, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Strikes, labour, in Middle Ages, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>-<a href="#Page_236">6</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sudbury, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Suffolk, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>-<a href="#Page_168">8</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sumptuary law of 1363, restrictions as to cloth, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sunday, rules against working on, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>-<a href="#Page_214">14</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[257]</a></span>
+Surrey: chalk-quarrying, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">glassmaking industry, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>-<a href="#Page_129">9</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone quarries, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sussex: beer-brewing, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">chalk-quarrying, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">cider industry, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>-<a href="#Page_198">8</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">glassmaking in, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>-<a href="#Page_129">9</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">gun-founding, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron industry, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>-<a href="#Page_29">9</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>-<a href="#Page_37">7</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone quarries and slates from, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>-<a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sutton, Robert, alabaster-worker, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Tadcaster, stone quarries, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tailors, fraternity of yeomen tailors formed, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>-<a href="#Page_234">4</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">gild court, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tanning of leather, processes employed, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>-<a href="#Page_171">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tan turves, term explained, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tarrant Keynston, nunnery, effigy of Queen of Scots in Purbeck marble, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tavistock, tin sent to, for coinage duty, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tawing of leather, process employed, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Teazles, use of, in cloth making, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Temple Church, London, Purbeck marble effigies, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Thevesdale, stone quarries, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Thomas de Alemaigne, skill in mining, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>-<a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Thomasson, Walter, gun-founder, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Thorp, Robert de, warden of the Devon mines, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Threle, William, cider made by, 1385, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Thrillesden (Trillesden), lease of coal mine, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Thrums, term explained, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tideman de Lippe, purchase of English cloth, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tiles: floor tiles, process of manufacture, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>-<a href="#Page_127">7</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">manufacture of, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>-<a href="#Page_127">27</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">price fixed, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">regulations for control of industry, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tilman de Cologne, farm of Alston lead mines, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Timber. See <a href="#Wood">Wood</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tindale, Scottish king's liberty of, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tin-mining: antiquity claimed for, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>-<a href="#Page_63">3</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">economic condition of smaller tin-workers, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>-<a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">free miner's privileges, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>-<a href="#Page_73">3</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">methods of working, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>-<a href="#Page_69">9</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stamping dues, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>-<a href="#Page_69">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tithes to the Church, of cider and apples in Sussex, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead-miners, payment of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>-<a href="#Page_49">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Toftes, coal mines, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tolsester, term explained, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Torel, William, metal-work of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Torksey, brewing-trade regulations, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tower of London: gun-founding <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">regulations for wages of workmen employed in building operations, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Trademarks, use of, ordered, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Trades, segregation of, in towns, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>-<a href="#Page_218">18</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Truro: nomination of members for stannary parliament, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tin sent to, for coinage duty, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tudeley forge, Tonbridge: iron-works, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">wages of workers, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">weight of the bloom, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tuning of bells, methods employed, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>-<a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[258]</a></span>
+Tunnoc, Richard, bell-founder and memorial window, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>-<a href="#Page_104">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Turn-hearth furnace, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tutbury, alabaster dug at, in early times, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Twist, Gilbert, alabaster-worker, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tynemouth, coal-mining, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Ulnager, official, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Upchurch, Roman British pottery, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Utynam, John, brought from Flanders to make glass, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>-<a href="#Page_131">1</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Van Anne, Arnold, mining grant to, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>-<a href="#Page_61">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Van Orel, Henry, mining grant to, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>-<a href="#Page_61">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Van Riswyk, Dederic, mining grant to, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Vellacott, C. H., indebtedness to, acknowledged, <a href="#Page_ix">ix</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Venetian travellers: on English grapes, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">report on rich metal-work in England, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>-<a href="#Page_95">5</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Vesses or set cloths, manufacture of, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><cite>Victoria County Histories</cite>, source of information, <a href="#Page_viii">viii</a>-<a href="#Page_ix">ix</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Vines, cultivation in England, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>-<a href="#Page_199">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Vipont, Robert de, trial of thieves in his manor court, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>-<a href="#Page_42">2</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Vlenk, Matthew de, gunmaker, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Wages: coal-miners, <a href="#Page_10">10-11</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron-workers and miners, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>-<a href="#Page_35">5</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead-miners, <a href="#Page_48">48-9</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">legislation and gild regulations, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>-<a href="#Page_212">12</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">saddlers' success in raising, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">shoemakers, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone-quarriers, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>-<a href="#Page_83">3</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tin-workers, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wakefield, mineral rights, local customs, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wales, coal export, in 1592, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Walker, Humphrey, gun-founder, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Walking, process in fulling cloth, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Walsingham, Prior, bells cast at Ely for, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Walter of Odyngton, a monk of Evesham, system for tuning bells, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Waltham, Purbeck marble for Eleanor cross, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Warde, William, dyer, trade dispute at Coventry, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>-<a href="#Page_147">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Warwick Castle, foreign stained glass ordered for chapel, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Warwickshire, coal-mining, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Water-power, use of, in iron-working, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">in lead mines, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Watts, Richard, poem on weaving processes, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wax chandlers, regulation of charges, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Weald of Sussex and Kent: centre of ordnance manufacture, after 1543, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron industry, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>-<a href="#Page_29">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Weardale: iron industry, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead mines, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Weaving industry: gild of alien weavers in London, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">processes employed, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>-<a href="#Page_152">52</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">regulations for control of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>-<a href="#Page_237">7</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">religious character of ordinances of gilds, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">restriction of output, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">use of trademarks ordered, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Weights and Measures: ale standard measures, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">barrel of beer and ale respectively, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">chalder or chaldron, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>-<a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">cloth regulations, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>-<a href="#Page_163">3</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[259]</a></span>coal for, variety of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead for, variety of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Weld, use of, for dying wool, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wellington, forest of, wood consumed by limekilns, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Westminster, regulations for wages of workmen employed in building, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Westminster Abbey: bell cast for, by Edward Fitz Odo, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">inlaid tiles in chapter-house, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone used for, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Westmoreland, Earl of, alabaster tomb at Staindrop, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Westmoreland, lead-mining, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>-<a href="#Page_61">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Whickham, coal mine, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>-<a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Whitchurch, Dorset, bells cast for and dispute over, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Whitechurch, Hants, Roman iron-works, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Whittington, Richard, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Whyt, Thomas, lease of tilery, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wight, Isle of: clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>-<a href="#Page_168">8</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">question of identification with the Ictis of Diodorus Siculus, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>-<a href="#Page_63">3</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone quarries, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Willarby, George, report on lead mines, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">William of Corfe, worker in Purbeck marble, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">William, the founder, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">William of Malmesbury, on manufacture of wine in England, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">William de Plessetis, property in Sea Coal Lane, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">William de Wrotham, warden of the stannaries, 1198, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Willoughby, Sir John, legal action against Nicholas Strelley, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>-<a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wiltshire, limestone quarries, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>-<a href="#Page_79">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wimbish family, bell-founders, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Winchcombe_John" id="Winchcombe_John"></a>Winchcombe, John, clothier of Newbury, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Winchelsea: beer and cider imported, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">hops imported, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Winchester: clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron sent to, from Forest of Dean, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone for royal palace, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>-<a href="#Page_79">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wine, manufacture in England, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>-<a href="#Page_199">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wingerworth, accident at, in 1313, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Winlaton, coal mines, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wirksworth, lead mines, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wisborough, cider industry, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Woad, use of, for dying wool, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>-<a href="#Page_148">8</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wodeward, William, gun-founder, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wolsingham, Durham, water-power used in lead mines, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Women: employment discouraged, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">exempted from certain trade restrictions, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">iron-workers' wages, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>-<a href="#Page_33">3</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead mines employment, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">spinning a staple employment, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>-<a href="#Page_149">9</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone quarrywork, payment for, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>-<a href="#Page_83">3</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wood, Thomas, builder of Goldsmiths' Row, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><a name="Wood" id="Wood"></a>Wood: consumption by iron works, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>-<a href="#Page_37">7</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">lead-miners' privileges in Cumberland, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Woodstock, iron sent to, from Forest of Dean, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wookey, smelting of ore at, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wool, processes of dealing with, for clothmaking, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>-<a href="#Page_149">9</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Worcester: brewing-trade regulations, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tile industry regulations, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Worcester Cathedral, tomb of King John in marble, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Worsted, village, clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[260]</a></span>
+Worsteds, manufacture and frauds practised, <a href="#Page_161">161-2</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>-<a href="#Page_165">5</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Worth, Sussex, wood burnt at iron-mills, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>-<a href="#Page_37">7</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wren, Christopher, use of Portland stone, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wroxeter, discovery at, of Roman use of coal, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wye, Kent: cider industry, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">tile manufacture and processes employed, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>-<a href="#Page_123">3</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Wylwringword, John de, gold found in Devon by, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Yarmouth: clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">herring fishery, struggle over monopoly, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">York: alabaster industry, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">bell-founding industry, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">York Minster: bell-maker's window, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>-<a href="#Page_104">4</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">bells cast for, in 1371, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">English glass bought for, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">Plaster of Paris for, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>-<a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stained glass for, from abroad, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">stone for, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Yorkshire: Cistercian ware found in, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">clothmaking industry, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
+<li class="isub1">coal-mining, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li>
+
+
+<li class="ifrst">Zoetmann, Cornelius, grave at Playden, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li></ul>
+
+
+
+
+<p class="center big mt2">Printed by T. and A. <span class="smcap">Constable</span>, Printers to His Majesty<br />
+at the Edinburgh University Press</p>
+
+<div class="transnote">
+<h2>TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES</h2>
+
+<p>Minor punctuation and printer errors repaired.</p></div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of English Industries of the Middle Ages, by 
+Louis Francis Salzmann
+
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author	nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>	2025-02-27 15:01:28 -0800
committer	nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>	2025-02-27 15:01:28 -0800
commit	26cb2bbf8538a602938f5e340916542ddbec3b44 (patch)
tree	88312d9db6c10c4df4683ac2b46a68dbb3d40e4d