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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/4967-0.txt b/4967-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2b9b222 --- /dev/null +++ b/4967-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,8713 @@ +The Project Gutenberg eBook, Luck or Cunning, by Samuel Butler, Edited by +Henry Festing Jones + + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + + + + +Title: Luck or Cunning + as the Main Means of Organic Modification + + +Author: Samuel Butler + +Editor: Henry Festing Jones + +Release Date: August 3, 2014 [eBook #4967] +[This file was first posted on April 5, 2002] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LUCK OR CUNNING*** + + +Transcribed from the 1922 Jonathan Cape edition by David Price, email +ccx074@pglaf.org + + + + + + Luck, or Cunning + As the Main Means of + Organic Modification? + + +[Picture: Decorative graphic] + + * * * * * + + Jonathan Cape + Eleven Gower Street, London + + * * * * * + +_First Published_ 1887 +_Second Edition_ 1920 +_Re-issued_ 1922 + + * * * * * + + TO THE MEMORY OF + THE LATE + + _ALFRED TAYLOR_, ESQ., _&c._ + + WHOSE EXPERIMENTS AT CARSHALTON + IN THE YEARS 1883 AND 1884 + ESTABLISHED THAT PLANTS ALSO ARE ENDOWED WITH + INTELLIGENTIAL AND VOLITIONAL FACULTIES + THIS BOOK + BEGUN AT HIS INSTIGATION + IS GRATEFULLY AND AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED + + + + +Note + + +THIS second edition of _Luck_, _or Cunning_? is a reprint of the first +edition, dated 1887, but actually published in November, 1886. The only +alterations of any consequence are in the Index, which has been enlarged +by the incorporation of several entries made by the author in a copy of +the book which came into my possession on the death of his literary +executor, Mr. R. A. Streatfeild. I thank Mr. G. W. Webb, of the +University Library, Cambridge, for the care and skill with which he has +made the necessary alterations; it was a troublesome job because owing to +the re-setting, the pagination was no longer the same. + +_Luck_, _or Cunning_? is the fourth of Butler’s evolution books; it was +followed in 1890 by three articles in _The Universal Review_ entitled +“The Deadlock in Darwinism” (republished in _The Humour of Homer_), after +which he published no more upon that subject. + +In this book, as he says in his Introduction, he insists upon two main +points: (1) the substantial identity between heredity and memory, and (2) +the reintroduction of design into organic development; and these two +points he treats as though they have something of that physical life with +which they are so closely associated. He was aware that what he had to +say was likely to prove more interesting to future generations than to +his immediate public, “but any book that desires to see out a literary +three-score years and ten must offer something to future generations as +well as to its own.” By next year one half of the three-score years and +ten will have passed, and the new generation by their constant enquiries +for the work have already begun to show their appreciation of Butler’s +method of treating the subject, and their readiness to listen to what was +addressed to them as well as to their fathers. + + HENRY FESTING JONES. + +_March_, 1920. + + + + +Author’s Preface to First Edition + + +THIS book, as I have said in my concluding chapter, has turned out very +different from the one I had it in my mind to write when I began it. It +arose out of a conversation with the late Mr. Alfred Tylor soon after his +paper on the growth of trees and protoplasmic continuity was read before +the Linnean Society—that is to say, in December, 1884—and I proposed to +make the theory concerning the subdivision of organic life into animal +and vegetable, which I have broached in my concluding chapter, the main +feature of the book. One afternoon, on leaving Mr. Tylor’s bedside, much +touched at the deep disappointment he evidently felt at being unable to +complete the work he had begun so ably, it occurred to me that it might +be some pleasure to him if I promised to dedicate my own book to him, and +thus, however unworthy it might be, connect it with his name. It +occurred to me, of course, also that the honour to my own book would be +greater than any it could confer, but the time was not one for balancing +considerations nicely, and when I made my suggestion to Mr. Tylor on the +last occasion that I ever saw him, the manner in which he received it +settled the question. If he had lived I should no doubt have kept more +closely to my plan, and should probably have been furnished by him with +much that would have enriched the book and made it more worthy of his +acceptance; but this was not to be. + +In the course of writing I became more and more convinced that no +progress could be made towards a sounder view of the theory of descent +until people came to understand what the late Mr. Charles Darwin’s theory +of natural selection amounted to, and how it was that it ever came to be +propounded. Until the mindless theory of Charles Darwinian natural +selection was finally discredited, and a mindful theory of evolution was +substituted in its place, neither Mr. Tylor’s experiments nor my own +theories could stand much chance of being attended to. I therefore +devoted myself mainly, as I had done in “Evolution Old and New,” and in +“Unconscious Memory,” to considering whether the view taken by the late +Mr. Darwin, or the one put forward by his three most illustrious +predecessors, should most command our assent. + +The deflection from my original purpose was increased by the appearance, +about a year ago, of Mr. Grant Allen’s “Charles Darwin,” which I imagine +to have had a very large circulation. So important, indeed, did I think +it not to leave Mr. Allen’s statements unchallenged, that in November +last I recast my book completely, cutting out much that I had written, +and practically starting anew. How far Mr. Tylor would have liked it, or +even sanctioned its being dedicated to him, if he were now living, I +cannot, of course, say. I never heard him speak of the late Mr. Darwin +in any but terms of warm respect, and am by no means sure that he would +have been well pleased at an attempt to connect him with a book so +polemical as the present. On the other hand, a promise made and received +as mine was, cannot be set aside lightly. The understanding was that my +next book was to be dedicated to Mr. Tylor; I have written the best I +could, and indeed never took so much pains with any other; to Mr. Tylor’s +memory, therefore, I have most respectfully, and regretfully, inscribed +it. + +Desiring that the responsibility for what has been done should rest with +me, I have avoided saying anything about the book while it was in +progress to any of Mr Tylor’s family or representatives. They know +nothing, therefore, of its contents, and if they did, would probably feel +with myself very uncertain how far it is right to use Mr. Tylor’s name in +connection with it. I can only trust that, on the whole, they may think +I have done most rightly in adhering to the letter of my promise. + +_October_ 15, 1886. + + + + +Contents + + Page + NOTE, BY HENRY FESTING JONES 6 + AUTHOR’S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION 7 + I. INTRODUCTION 13 + II. MR. HERBERT SPENCER 28 + III. MR. HERBERT SPENCER (_continued_) 42 + IV. MR. ROMANES’ “MENTAL EVOLUTION IN ANIMALS” 52 + V. STATEMENT OF THE QUESTION AT ISSUE 70 + VI. STATEMENT OF THE QUESTION AT ISSUE 80 + (_continued_) + VII. MR. SPENCER’S “THE FACTORS OF ORGANIC 100 + EVOLUTION” + VIII. PROPERTY, COMMON SENSE, AND PROTOPLASM 112 + IX. PROPERTY, COMMON SENSE, AND PROTOPLASM 125 + (_continued_) + X. THE ATTEMPT TO ELIMINATE MIND 135 + XI. THE WAY OF ESCAPE 147 + XII. WHY DARWIN’S VARIATIONS WERE ACCIDENTAL 156 + XIII. DARWIN’S CLAIM TO DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION 168 + XIV. DARWIN AND DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION 177 + (_continued_) + XV. THE EXCISED “MY’S” 202 + XVI. MR. GRANT ALLEN’S “CHARLES DARWIN” 211 + XVII. PROFESSOR RAY LANKESTER AND LAMARCK 225 + XVIII. PER CONTRA 239 + XIX. CONCLUSION 251 + + + + +Chapter I +Introduction + + +I SHALL perhaps best promote the acceptance of the two main points on +which I have been insisting for some years past, I mean, the substantial +identity between heredity and memory, and the reintroduction of design +into organic development, by treating them as if they had something of +that physical life with which they are so closely connected. Ideas are +like plants and animals in this respect also, as in so many others, that +they are more fully understood when their relations to other ideas of +their time, and the history of their development are known and borne in +mind. By development I do not merely mean their growth in the minds of +those who first advanced them, but that larger development which consists +in their subsequent good or evil fortunes—in their reception, favourable +or otherwise, by those to whom they were presented. This is to an idea +what its surroundings are to an organism, and throws much the same light +upon it that knowledge of the conditions under which an organism lives +throws upon the organism itself. I shall, therefore, begin this new work +with a few remarks about its predecessors. + +I am aware that what I may say on this head is likely to prove more +interesting to future students of the literature of descent than to my +immediate public, but any book that desires to see out a literary +three-score years and ten must offer something to future generations as +well as to its own. It is a condition of its survival that it shall do +this, and herein lies one of the author’s chief difficulties. If books +only lived as long as men and women, we should know better how to grow +them; as matters stand, however, the author lives for one or two +generations, whom he comes in the end to understand fairly well, while +the book, if reasonable pains have been taken with it, should live more +or less usefully for a dozen. About the greater number of these +generations the author is in the dark; but come what may, some of them +are sure to have arrived at conclusions diametrically opposed to our own +upon every subject connected with art, science, philosophy, and religion; +it is plain, therefore, that if posterity is to be pleased, it can only +be at the cost of repelling some present readers. Unwilling as I am to +do this, I still hold it the lesser of two evils; I will be as brief, +however, as the interests of the opinions I am supporting will allow. + +In “Life and Habit” I contended that heredity was a mode of memory. I +endeavoured to show that all hereditary traits, whether of mind or body, +are inherited in virtue of, and as a manifestation of, the same power +whereby we are able to remember intelligently what we did half an hour, +yesterday, or a twelvemonth since, and this in no figurative but in a +perfectly real sense. If life be compared to an equation of a hundred +unknown quantities, I followed Professor Hering of Prague in reducing it +to one of ninety-nine only, by showing two of the supposed unknown +quantities to be so closely allied that they should count as one. I +maintained that instinct was inherited memory, and this without admitting +more exceptions and qualifying clauses than arise, as it were, by way of +harmonics from every proposition, and must be neglected if thought and +language are to be possible. + +I showed that if the view for which I was contending was taken, many +facts which, though familiar, were still without explanation or +connection with our other ideas, would remain no longer isolated, but be +seen at once as joined with the mainland of our most assured convictions. +Among the things thus brought more comfortably home to us was the +principle underlying longevity. It became apparent why some living +beings should live longer than others, and how any race must be treated +whose longevity it is desired to increase. Hitherto we had known that an +elephant was a long-lived animal and a fly short-lived, but we could give +no reason why the one should live longer than the other; that is to say, +it did not follow in immediate coherence with, or as intimately +associated with, any familiar principle that an animal which is late in +the full development of its reproductive system will tend to live longer +than one which reproduces early. If the theory of “Life and Habit” be +admitted, the fact of a slow-growing animal being in general longer lived +than a quick developer is seen to be connected with, and to follow as a +matter of course from, the fact of our being able to remember anything at +all, and all the well-known traits of memory, as observed where we can +best take note of them, are perceived to be reproduced with singular +fidelity in the development of an animal from its embryonic stages to +maturity. + +Take this view, and the very general sterility of hybrids from being a +_crux_ of the theory of descent becomes a stronghold of defence. It +appears as part of the same story as the benefit derived from judicious, +and the mischief from injudicious, crossing; and this, in its turn, is +seen as part of the same story, as the good we get from change of air and +scene when we are overworked. I will not amplify; but reversion to +long-lost, or feral, characteristics, the phenomena of old age, the fact +of the reproductive system being generally the last to arrive at +maturity—few further developments occurring in any organism after this +has been attained—the sterility of many animals in confinement, the +development in both males and females under certain circumstances of the +characteristics of the opposite sex, the latency of memory, the +unconsciousness with which we grow, and indeed perform all familiar +actions, these points, though hitherto, most of them, so apparently +inexplicable that no one even attempted to explain them, became at once +intelligible, if the contentions of “Life and Habit” were admitted. + +Before I had finished writing this book I fell in with Professor Mivart’s +“Genesis of Species,” and for the first time understood the distinction +between the Lamarckian and Charles-Darwinian systems of evolution. This +had not, so far as I then knew, been as yet made clear to us by any of +our more prominent writers upon the subject of descent with modification; +the distinction was unknown to the general public, and indeed is only now +beginning to be widely understood. While reading Mr. Mivart’s book, +however, I became aware that I was being faced by two facts, each +incontrovertible, but each, if its leading exponents were to be trusted, +incompatible with the other. + +On the one hand there was descent; we could not read Mr. Darwin’s books +and doubt that all, both animals and plants, were descended from a common +source. On the other, there was design; we could not read Paley and +refuse to admit that design, intelligence, adaptation of means to ends, +must have had a large share in the development of the life we saw around +us; it seemed indisputable that the minds and bodies of all living beings +must have come to be what they are through a wise ordering and +administering of their estates. We could not, therefore, dispense either +with descent or with design, and yet it seemed impossible to keep both, +for those who offered us descent stuck to it that we could have no +design, and those, again, who spoke so wisely and so well about design +would not for a moment hear of descent with modification. + +Each, moreover, had a strong case. Who could reflect upon rudimentary +organs, and grant Paley the kind of design that alone would content him? +And yet who could examine the foot or the eye, and grant Mr. Darwin his +denial of forethought and plan? + +For that Mr. Darwin did deny skill and contrivance in connection with the +greatly preponderating part of organic developments cannot be and is not +now disputed. In the first chapter of “Evolution Old and New” I brought +forward passages to show how completely he and his followers deny design, +but will here quote one of the latest of the many that have appeared to +the same effect since “Evolution Old and New” was published; it is by Mr. +Romanes, and runs as follows:— + +“It is the _very essence_ of the Darwinian hypothesis that it only seeks +to explain the _apparently_ purposive variations, or variations of an +adaptive kind.” {17a} + +The words “apparently purposive” show that those organs in animals and +plants which at first sight seem to have been designed with a view to the +work they have to do—that is to say, with a view to future function—had +not, according to Mr. Darwin, in reality any connection with, or +inception in, effort; effort involves purpose and design; they had +therefore no inception in design, however much they might present the +appearance of being designed; the appearance was delusive; Mr. Romanes +correctly declares it to be “the very essence” of Mr. Darwin’s system to +attempt an explanation of these seemingly purposive variations which +shall be compatible with their having arisen without being in any way +connected with intelligence or design. + +As it is indisputable that Mr. Darwin denied design, so neither can it be +doubted that Paley denied descent with modification. What, then, were +the wrong entries in these two sets of accounts, on the detection and +removal of which they would be found to balance as they ought? + +Paley’s weakest place, as already implied, is in the matter of +rudimentary organs; the almost universal presence in the higher organisms +of useless, and sometimes even troublesome, organs is fatal to the kind +of design he is trying to uphold; granted that there is design, still it +cannot be so final and far-foreseeing as he wishes to make it out. Mr. +Darwin’s weak place, on the other hand, lies, firstly, in the supposition +that because rudimentary organs imply no purpose now, they could never in +time past have done so—that because they had clearly not been designed +with an eye to all circumstances and all time, they never, therefore, +could have been designed with an eye to any time or any circumstances; +and, secondly, in maintaining that “accidental,” “fortuitous,” +“spontaneous” variations could be accumulated at all except under +conditions that have never been fulfilled yet, and never will be; in +other words, his weak place lay in the contention (for it comes to this) +that there can be sustained accumulation of bodily wealth, more than of +wealth of any other kind, unless sustained experience, watchfulness, and +good sense preside over the accumulation. In “Life and Habit,” following +Mr. Mivart, and, as I now find, Mr. Herbert Spencer, I showed (pp. +279–281) how impossible it was for variations to accumulate unless they +were for the most part underlain by a sustained general principle; but +this subject will be touched upon more fully later on. + +The accumulation of accidental variations which owed nothing to mind +either in their inception, or their accumulation, the pitchforking, in +fact, of mind out of the universe, or at any rate its exclusion from all +share worth talking about in the process of organic development, this was +the pill Mr. Darwin had given us to swallow; but so thickly had he gilded +it with descent with modification, that we did as we were told, swallowed +it without a murmur, were lavish in our expressions of gratitude, and, +for some twenty years or so, through the mouths of our leading +biologists, ordered design peremptorily out of court, if she so much as +dared to show herself. Indeed, we have even given life pensions to some +of the most notable of these biologists, I suppose in order to reward +them for having hoodwinked us so much to our satisfaction. + +Happily the old saying, _Naturam expellas furcâ_, _tamen usque recurret_, +still holds true, and the reaction that has been gaining force for some +time will doubtless ere long brush aside the cobwebs with which those who +have a vested interest in Mr. Darwin’s reputation as a philosopher still +try to fog our outlook. Professor Mivart was, as I have said, among the +first to awaken us to Mr. Darwin’s denial of design, and to the absurdity +involved therein. He well showed how incredible Mr Darwin’s system was +found to be, as soon as it was fully realised, but there he rather left +us. He seemed to say that we must have our descent and our design too, +but he did not show how we were to manage this with rudimentary organs +still staring us in the face. His work rather led up to the clearer +statement of the difficulty than either put it before us in so many +words, or tried to remove it. Nevertheless there can be no doubt that +the “Genesis of Species” gave Natural Selection what will prove sooner or +later to be its death-blow, in spite of the persistence with which many +still declare that it has received no hurt, and the sixth edition of the +“Origin of Species,” published in the following year, bore abundant +traces of the fray. Moreover, though Mr. Mivart gave us no overt aid, he +pointed to the source from which help might come, by expressly saying +that his most important objection to Neo-Darwinism had no force against +Lamarck. + +To Lamarck, therefore, I naturally turned, and soon saw that the theory +on which I had been insisting in “Life and Habit” was in reality an easy +corollary on his system, though one which he does not appear to have +caught sight of. I saw also that his denial of design was only, so to +speak, skin deep, and that his system was in reality teleological, +inasmuch as, to use Isidore Geoffroy’s words, it makes the organism +design itself. In making variations depend on changed actions, and +these, again, on changed views of life, efforts, and designs, in +consequence of changed conditions of life, he in effect makes effort, +intention, will, all of which involve design (or at any rate which taken +together involve it), underlie progress in organic development. True, he +did not know he was a teleologist, but he was none the less a teleologist +for this. He was an unconscious teleologist, and as such perhaps more +absolutely an upholder of teleology than Paley himself; but this is +neither here nor there; our concern is not with what people think about +themselves, but with what their reasoning makes it evident that they +really hold. + +How strange the irony that hides us from ourselves! When Isidore +Geoffroy said that according to Lamarck organisms designed themselves, +{20a} and endorsed this, as to a great extent he did, he still does not +appear to have seen that either he or Lamarck were in reality +reintroducing design into organism; he does not appear to have seen this +more than Lamarck himself had seen it, but, on the contrary, like +Lamarck, remained under the impression that he was opposing teleology or +purposiveness. + +Of course in one sense he did oppose it; so do we all, if the word design +be taken to intend a very far-foreseeing of minute details, a riding out +to meet trouble long before it comes, a provision on academic principles +for contingencies that are little likely to arise. We can see no +evidence of any such design as this in nature, and much everywhere that +makes against it. There is no such improvidence as over providence, and +whatever theories we may form about the origin and development of the +universe, we may be sure that it is not the work of one who is unable to +understand how anything can possibly go right unless he sees to it +himself. Nature works departmentally and by way of leaving details to +subordinates. But though those who see nature thus do indeed deny design +of the prescient-from-all-eternity order, they in no way impugn a method +which is far more in accord with all that we commonly think of as design. +A design which is as incredible as that a ewe should give birth to a lion +becomes of a piece with all that we observe most frequently if it be +regarded rather as an aggregation of many small steps than as a single +large one. This principle is very simple, but it seems rather difficult +to understand. It has taken several generations before people would +admit it as regards organism even after it was pointed out to them, and +those who saw it as regards organism still failed to understand it as +regards design; an inexorable “Thus far shalt thou go and no farther” +barred them from fruition of the harvest they should have been the first +to reap. The very men who most insisted that specific difference was the +accumulation of differences so minute as to be often hardly, if at all, +perceptible, could not see that the striking and baffling phenomena of +design in connection with organism admitted of exactly the same solution +as the riddle of organic development, and should be seen not as a result +reached _per saltum_, but as an accumulation of small steps or leaps in a +given direction. It was as though those who had insisted on the +derivation of all forms of the steam-engine from the common kettle, and +who saw that this stands in much the same relations to the engines, we +will say, of the Great Eastern steamship as the amœba to man, were to +declare that the Great Eastern engines were not designed at all, on the +ground that no one in the early kettle days had foreseen so great a +future development, and were unable to understand that a piecemeal +_solvitur ambulando_ design is more omnipresent, all-seeing, and +all-searching, and hence more truly in the strictest sense design, than +any speculative leap of fancy, however bold and even at times successful. + +From Lamarck I went on to Buffon and Erasmus Darwin—better men both of +them than Lamarck, and treated by him much as he has himself been treated +by those who have come after him—and found that the system of these three +writers, if considered rightly, and if the corollary that heredity is +only a mode of memory were added, would get us out of our dilemma as +regards descent and design, and enable us to keep both. We could do this +by making the design manifested in organism more like the only design of +which we know anything, and therefore the only design of which we ought +to speak—I mean our own. + +Our own design is tentative, and neither very far-foreseeing nor very +retrospective; it is a little of both, but much of neither; it is like a +comet with a little light in front of the nucleus and a good deal more +behind it, which ere long, however, fades away into the darkness; it is +of a kind that, though a little wise before the event, is apt to be much +wiser after it, and to profit even by mischance so long as the disaster +is not an overwhelming one; nevertheless, though it is so interwoven with +luck, there is no doubt about its being design; why, then, should the +design which must have attended organic development be other than this? +If the thing that has been is the thing that also shall be, must not the +thing which is be that which also has been? Was there anything in the +phenomena of organic life to militate against such a view of design as +this? Not only was there nothing, but this view made things plain, as +the connecting of heredity and memory had already done, which till now +had been without explanation. Rudimentary organs were no longer a +hindrance to our acceptance of design, they became weighty arguments in +its favour. + +I therefore wrote “Evolution Old and New,” with the object partly of +backing up “Life and Habit,” and showing the easy rider it admitted, +partly to show how superior the old view of descent had been to Mr. +Darwin’s, and partly to reintroduce design into organism. I wrote “Life +and Habit” to show that our mental and bodily acquisitions were mainly +stores of memory: I wrote “Evolution Old and New” to add that the memory +must be a mindful and designing memory. + +I followed up these two books with “Unconscious Memory,” the main object +of which was to show how Professor Hering of Prague had treated the +connection between memory and heredity; to show, again, how substantial +was the difference between Von Hartmann and myself in spite of some +little superficial resemblance; to put forward a suggestion as regards +the physics of memory, and to meet the most plausible objection which I +have yet seen brought against “Life and Habit.” + +Since writing these three books I have published nothing on the +connection between heredity and memory, except a few pages of remarks on +Mr. Romanes’ “Mental Evolution in Animals” in my book, {23a} from which I +will draw whatever seems to be more properly placed here. I have +collected many facts that make my case stronger, but am precluded from +publishing them by the reflection that it is strong enough already. I +have said enough in “Life and Habit” to satisfy any who wish to be +satisfied, and those who wish to be dissatisfied would probably fail to +see the force of what I said, no matter how long and seriously I held +forth to them; I believe, therefore, that I shall do well to keep my +facts for my own private reading and for that of my executors. + +I once saw a copy of “Life and Habit” on Mr. Bogue’s counter, and was +told by the very obliging shopman that a customer had just written +something in it which I might like to see. I said of course I should +like to see, and immediately taking the book read the following—which it +occurs to me that I am not justified in publishing. What was written ran +thus:— + +“As a reminder of our pleasant hours on the broad Atlantic, will Mr. — +please accept this book (which I think contains more truth, and less +evidence of it, than any other I have met with) from his friend —?” + +I presume the gentleman had met with the Bible—a work which lays itself +open to a somewhat similar comment. I was gratified, however, at what I +had read, and take this opportunity of thanking the writer, an American, +for having liked my book. It was so plain he had been relieved at not +finding the case smothered to death in the weight of its own evidences, +that I resolved not to forget the lesson his words had taught me. + +The only writer in connection with “Life and Habit” to whom I am anxious +to reply is Mr. Herbert Spencer, but before doing this I will conclude +the present chapter with a consideration of some general complaints that +have been so often brought against me that it may be worth while to +notice them. + +These general criticisms have resolved themselves mainly into two. + +Firstly, it is said that I ought not to write about biology on the ground +of my past career, which my critics declare to have been purely literary. +I wish I might indulge a reasonable hope of one day becoming a literary +man; the expression is not a good one, but there is no other in such +common use, and this must excuse it; if a man can be properly called +literary, he must have acquired the habit of reading accurately, thinking +attentively, and expressing himself clearly. He must have endeavoured in +all sorts of ways to enlarge the range of his sympathies so as to be able +to put himself easily _en rapport_ with those whom he is studying, and +those whom he is addressing. If he cannot speak with tongues himself, he +is the interpreter of those who can—without whom they might as well be +silent. I wish I could see more signs of literary culture among my +scientific opponents; I should find their books much more easy and +agreeable reading if I could; and then they tell me to satirise the +follies and abuses of the age, just as if it was not this that I was +doing in writing about themselves. + +What, I wonder, would they say if I were to declare that they ought not +to write books at all, on the ground that their past career has been too +purely scientific to entitle them to a hearing? They would reply with +justice that I should not bring vague general condemnations, but should +quote examples of their bad writing. I imagine that I have done this +more than once as regards a good many of them, and I dare say I may do it +again in the course of this book; but though I must own to thinking that +the greater number of our scientific men write abominably, I should not +bring this against them if I believed them to be doing their best to help +us; many such men we happily have, and doubtless always shall have, but +they are not those who push to the fore, and it is these last who are +most angry with me for writing on the subjects I have chosen. They +constantly tell me that I am not a man of science; no one knows this +better than I do, and I am quite used to being told it, but I am not used +to being confronted with the mistakes that I have made in matters of +fact, and trust that this experience is one which I may continue to spare +no pains in trying to avoid. + +Nevertheless I again freely grant that I am not a man of science. I have +never said I was. I was educated for the Church. I was once inside the +Linnean Society’s rooms, but have no present wish to go there again; +though not a man of science, however, I have never affected indifference +to the facts and arguments which men of science have made it their +business to lay before us; on the contrary, I have given the greater part +of my time to their consideration for several years past. I should not, +however, say this unless led to do so by regard to the interests of +theories which I believe to be as nearly important as any theories can be +which do not directly involve money or bodily convenience. + +The second complaint against me is to the effect that I have made no +original experiments, but have taken all my facts at second hand. This +is true, but I do not see what it has to do with the question. If the +facts are sound, how can it matter whether A or B collected them? If +Professor Huxley, for example, has made a series of valuable original +observations (not that I know of his having done so), why am I to make +them over again? What are fact-collectors worth if the fact +co-ordinators may not rely upon them? It seems to me that no one need do +more than go to the best sources for his facts, and tell his readers +where he got them. If I had had occasion for more facts I daresay I +should have taken the necessary steps to get hold of them, but there was +no difficulty on this score; every text-book supplied me with all, and +more than all, I wanted; my complaint was that the facts which Mr. Darwin +supplied would not bear the construction he tried to put upon them; I +tried, therefore, to make them bear another which seemed at once more +sound and more commodious; rightly or wrongly I set up as a builder, not +as a burner of bricks, and the complaint so often brought against me of +not having made experiments is about as reasonable as complaint against +an architect on the score of his not having quarried with his own hands a +single one of the stones which he has used in building. Let my opponents +show that the facts which they and I use in common are unsound, or that I +have misapplied them, and I will gladly learn my mistake, but this has +hardly, to my knowledge, been attempted. To me it seems that the chief +difference between myself and some of my opponents lies in this, that I +take my facts from them with acknowledgment, and they take their theories +from me—without. + +One word more and I have done. I should like to say that I do not return +to the connection between memory and heredity under the impression that I +shall do myself much good by doing so. My own share in the matter was +very small. The theory that heredity is only a mode of memory is not +mine, but Professor Hering’s. He wrote in 1870, and I not till 1877. I +should be only too glad if he would take his theory and follow it up +himself; assuredly he could do so much better than I can; but with the +exception of his one not lengthy address published some fifteen or +sixteen years ago he has said nothing upon the subject, so far at least +as I have been able to ascertain; I tried hard to draw him in 1880, but +could get nothing out of him. If, again, any of our more influential +writers, not a few of whom evidently think on this matter much as I do, +would eschew ambiguities and tell us what they mean in plain language, I +would let the matter rest in their abler hands, but of this there does +not seem much chance at present. + +I wish there was, for in spite of the interest I have felt in working the +theory out and the information I have been able to collect while doing +so, I must confess that I have found it somewhat of a white elephant. It +has got me into the hottest of hot water, made a literary Ishmael of me, +lost me friends whom I have been sorry to lose, cost me a good deal of +money, done everything to me, in fact, which a good theory ought not to +do. Still, as it seems to have taken up with me, and no one else is +inclined to treat it fairly, I shall continue to report its developments +from time to time as long as life and health are spared me. Moreover, +Ishmaels are not without their uses, and they are not a drug in the +market just now. + +I may now go on to Mr. Spencer. + + + + +Chapter II +Mr. Herbert Spencer + + +MR. HERBERT SPENCER wrote to the _Athenæum_ (April 5, 1884), and quoted +certain passages from the 1855 edition of his “Principles of Psychology,” +“the meanings and implications” from which he contended were sufficiently +clear. The passages he quoted were as follows:— + + Though it is manifest that reflex and instinctive sequences are not + determined by the experiences of the _individual_ organism + manifesting them, yet there still remains the hypothesis that they + are determined by the experiences of the _race_ of organisms forming + its ancestry, which by infinite repetition in countless successive + generations have established these sequences as organic relations (p. + 526). + + The modified nervous tendencies produced by such new habits of life + are also bequeathed (p. 526). + + That is to say, the tendencies to certain combinations of psychical + changes have become organic (p. 527). + + The doctrine that the connections among our ideas are determined by + experience must, in consistency, be extended not only to all the + connections established by the accumulated experiences of every + individual, but to all those established by the accumulated + experiences of every race (p. 529). + + Here, then, we have one of the simpler forms of instinct which, under + the requisite conditions, must necessarily be established by + accumulated experiences (p. 547). + + And manifestly, if the organisation of inner relations, in + correspondence with outer relations, results from a continual + registration of experiences, &c. (p. 551). + + On the one hand, Instinct may be regarded as a kind of organised + memory; on the other hand, Memory may be regarded as a kind of + incipient instinct (pp. 555–6). + + Memory, then, pertains to all that class of psychical states which + are in process of being organised. It continues so long as the + organising of them continues; and disappears when the organisation of + them is complete. In the advance of the correspondence, each more + complex class of phenomena which the organism acquires the power of + recognising is responded to at first irregularly and uncertainly; and + there is then a weak remembrance of the relations. By multiplication + of experiences this remembrance becomes stronger, and the response + more certain. By further multiplication of experiences the internal + relations are at last automatically organised in correspondence with + the external ones; and so conscious memory passes into unconscious or + organic memory. At the same time, a new and still more complex order + of experiences is thus rendered appreciable; the relations they + present occupy the memory in place of the simpler one; they become + gradually organised; and, like the previous ones, are succeeded by + others more complex still (p. 563). + + Just as we saw that the establishment of those compound reflex + actions which we call instincts is comprehensible on the principle + that inner relations are, by perpetual repetition, organised into + correspondence with outer relations; so the establishment of those + consolidated, those indissoluble, those instinctive mental relations + constituting our ideas of Space and Time, is comprehensible on the + same principle (p. 579). + +In a book published a few weeks before Mr. Spencer’s letter appeared +{29a} I had said that though Mr. Spencer at times closely approached +Professor Hering and “Life and Habit,” he had nevertheless nowhere shown +that he considered memory and heredity to be parts of the same story and +parcel of one another. In his letter to the _Athenæum_, indeed, he does +not profess to have upheld this view, except “by implications;” nor yet, +though in the course of the six or seven years that had elapsed since +“Life and Habit” was published I had brought out more than one book to +support my earlier one, had he said anything during those years to lead +me to suppose that I was trespassing upon ground already taken by +himself. Nor, again, had he said anything which enabled me to appeal to +his authority—which I should have been only too glad to do; at last, +however, he wrote, as I have said, to the _Athenæum_ a letter which, +indeed, made no express claim, and nowhere mentioned myself, but “the +meanings and implications” from which were this time as clear as could be +desired, and amount to an order to Professor Hering and myself to stand +aside. + +The question is, whether the passages quoted by Mr. Spencer, or any +others that can be found in his works, show that he regarded heredity in +all its manifestations as a mode of memory. I submit that this +conception is not derivable from Mr. Spencer’s writings, and that even +the passages in which he approaches it most closely are unintelligible +till read by the light of Professor Hering’s address and of “Life and +Habit.” + +True, Mr. Spencer made abundant use of such expressions as “the +experience of the race,” “accumulated experiences,” and others like them, +but he did not explain—and it was here the difficulty lay—how a race +could have any experience at all. We know what we mean when we say that +an individual has had experience; we mean that he is the same person now +(in the common use of the words), on the occasion of some present action, +as the one who performed a like action at some past time or times, and +that he remembers how he acted before, so as to be able to turn his past +action to account, gaining in proficiency through practice. Continued +personality and memory are the elements that constitute experience; where +these are present there may, and commonly will, be experience; where they +are absent the word “experience” cannot properly be used. + +Formerly we used to see an individual as one, and a race as many. We now +see that though this is true as far as it goes, it is by no means the +whole truth, and that in certain important respects it is the race that +is one, and the individual many. We all admit and understand this +readily enough now, but it was not understood when Mr. Spencer wrote the +passages he adduced in the letter to the _Athenæum_ above referred to. +In the then state of our ideas a race was only a succession of +individuals, each one of them new persons, and as such incapable of +profiting by the experience of its predecessors except in the very +limited number of cases where oral teaching, or, as in recent times, +writing, was possible. The thread of life was, as I have elsewhere said, +remorselessly shorn between each successive generation, and the +importance of the physical and psychical connection between parents and +offspring had been quite, or nearly quite, lost sight of. It seems +strange how this could ever have been allowed to come about, but it +should be remembered that the Church in the Middle Ages would strongly +discourage attempts to emphasize a connection that would raise +troublesome questions as to who in a future state was to be responsible +for what; and, after all, for nine purposes of life out of ten the +generally received opinion that each person is himself and nobody else is +on many grounds the most convenient. Every now and then, however, there +comes a tenth purpose, for which the continued personality side of the +connection between successive generations is as convenient as the new +personality side is for the remaining nine, and these tenth purposes—some +of which are not unimportant—are obscured and fulfilled amiss owing to +the completeness with which the more commonly needed conception has +overgrown the other. + +Neither view is more true than the other, but the one was wanted every +hour and minute of the day, and was therefore kept, so to speak, in +stock, and in one of the most accessible places of our mental storehouse, +while the other was so seldom asked for that it became not worth while to +keep it. By-and-by it was found so troublesome to send out for it, and +so hard to come by even then, that people left off selling it at all, and +if any one wanted it he must think it out at home as best he could; this +was troublesome, so by common consent the world decided no longer to busy +itself with the continued personality of successive generations—which was +all very well until it also decided to busy itself with the theory of +descent with modification. On the introduction of a foe so inimical to +many of our pre-existing ideas the balance of power among them was upset, +and a readjustment became necessary, which is still far from having +attained the next settlement that seems likely to be reasonably +permanent. + +To change the illustration, the ordinary view is true for seven places of +decimals, and this commonly is enough; occasions, however, have now +arisen when the error caused by neglect of the omitted places is +appreciably disturbing, and we must have three or four more. Mr. Spencer +showed no more signs of seeing that he must supply these, and make +personal identity continue between successive generations before talking +about inherited (as opposed to post-natal and educational) experience, +than others had done before him; the race with him, as with every one +else till recently, was not one long individual living indeed in +pulsations, so to speak, but no more losing continued personality by +living in successive generations, than an individual loses it by living +in consecutive days; a race was simply a succession of individuals, each +one of which was held to be an entirely new person, and was regarded +exclusively, or very nearly so, from this point of view. + +When I wrote “Life and Habit” I knew that the words “experience of the +race” sounded familiar, and were going about in magazines and newspapers, +but I did not know where they came from; if I had, I should have given +their source. To me they conveyed no meaning, and vexed me as an attempt +to make me take stones instead of bread, and to palm off an illustration +upon me as though it were an explanation. When I had worked the matter +out in my own way, I saw that the illustration, with certain additions, +would become an explanation, but I saw also that neither he who had +adduced it nor any one else could have seen how right he was, till much +had been said which had not, so far as I knew, been said yet, and which +undoubtedly would have been said if people had seen their way to saying +it. + +“What is this talk,” I wrote, “which is made about the experience of the +race, as though the experience of one man could profit another who knows +nothing about him? If a man eats his dinner it nourishes him and not his +neighbour; if he learns a difficult art it is he that can do it and not +his neighbour” (“Life and Habit,” p. 49). + +When I wrote thus in 1877, it was not generally seen that though the +father is not nourished by the dinners that the son eats, yet the son was +fed when the father ate before he begot him. + +“Is there any way,” I continued, “of showing that this experience of the +race about which so much is said without the least attempt to show in +what way it may, or does, become the experience of the individual, is in +sober seriousness the experience of one single being only, who repeats on +a great many different occasions, and in slightly different ways, certain +performances with which he has already become exceedingly familiar?” + +I felt, as every one else must have felt who reflected upon the +expression in question, that it was fallacious till this was done. When +I first began to write “Life and Habit” I did not believe it could be +done, but when I had gone right up to the end, as it were, of my _cu de +sac_, I saw the path which led straight to the point I had despaired of +reaching—I mean I saw that personality could not be broken as between +generations, without also breaking it between the years, days, and +moments of a man’s life. What differentiates “Life and Habit” from the +“Principles of Psychology” is the prominence given to continued personal +identity, and hence to _bonâ fide_ memory, as between successive +generations; but surely this makes the two books differ widely. + +Ideas can be changed to almost any extent in almost any direction, if the +change is brought about gradually and in accordance with the rules of all +development. As in music we may take almost any possible discord with +pleasing effect if we have prepared and resolved it rightly, so our ideas +will outlive and outgrow almost any modification which is approached and +quitted in such a way as to fuse the old and new harmoniously. Words are +to ideas what the fairy invisible cloak was to the prince who wore +it—only that the prince was seen till he put on the cloak, whereas ideas +are unseen until they don the robe of words which reveals them to us; the +words, however, and the ideas, should be such as fit each other and stick +to one another in our minds as soon as they are brought together, or the +ideas will fly off, and leave the words void of that spirit by the aid of +which alone they can become transmuted into physical action and shape +material things with their own impress. Whether a discord is too violent +or no, depends on what we have been accustomed to, and on how widely the +new differs from the old, but in no case can we fuse and assimilate more +than a very little new at a time without exhausting our tempering +power—and hence presently our temper. + +Mr. Spencer appears to have forgotten that though _de minimis non curat +lex_,—though all the laws fail when applied to trifles,—yet too sudden a +change in the manner in which our ideas are associated is as cataclysmic +and subversive of healthy evolution as are material convulsions, or too +violent revolutions in politics. This must always be the case, for +change is essentially miraculous, and the only lawful home of the miracle +is in the microscopically small. Here, indeed, miracles were in the +beginning, are now, and ever shall be, but we are deadened if they are +required of us on a scale which is visible to the naked eye. If we are +told to work them our hands fall nerveless down; if, come what may, we +must do or die, we are more likely to die than to succeed in doing. If +we are required to believe them—which only means to fuse them with our +other ideas—we either take the law into our own hands, and our minds +being in the dark fuse something easier of assimilation, and say we have +fused the miracle; or if we play more fairly and insist on our minds +swallowing and assimilating it, we weaken our judgments, and _pro tanto_ +kill our souls. If we stick out beyond a certain point we go mad, as +fanatics, or at the best make Coleridges of ourselves; and yet upon a +small scale these same miracles are the breath and essence of life; to +cease to work them is to die. And by miracle I do not merely mean +something new, strange, and not very easy of comprehension—I mean +something which violates every canon of thought which in the palpable +world we are accustomed to respect; something as alien to, and +inconceivable by, us as contradiction in terms, the destructibility of +force or matter, or the creation of something out of nothing. This, +which when writ large maddens and kills, writ small is our meat and +drink; it attends each minutest and most impalpable detail of the +ceaseless fusion and diffusion in which change appears to us as +consisting, and which we recognise as growth and decay, or as life and +death. + +Claude Bernard says, _Rien ne nait_, _rien ne se crée_, _tout se +continue_. _La nature ne nous offre le spectacle d’aucune création_, +_elle est d’une éternelle continuation_; {35a} but surely he is insisting +upon one side of the truth only, to the neglect of another which is just +as real, and just as important; he might have said, _Rien ne se +continue_, _tout nait_, _tout se crée_. _La nature ne nous offre le +spectacle d’aucune continuation_. _Elle est d’une éternelle création_; +for change is no less patent a fact than continuity, and, indeed, the two +stand or fall together. True, discontinuity, where development is +normal, is on a very small scale, but this is only the difference between +looking at distances on a small instead of a large map; we cannot have +even the smallest change without a small partial corresponding +discontinuity; on a small scale—too small, indeed, for us to +cognise—these breaks in continuity, each one of which must, so far as our +understanding goes, rank as a creation, are as essential a factor of the +phenomena we see around us, as is the other factor that they shall +normally be on too small a scale for us to find it out. Creations, then, +there must be, but they must be so small that practically they are no +creations. We must have a continuity in discontinuity, and a +discontinuity in continuity; that is to say, we can only conceive the +help of change at all by the help of flat contradiction in terms. It +comes, therefore, to this, that if we are to think fluently and +harmoniously upon any subject into which change enters (and there is no +conceivable subject into which it does not), we must begin by flying in +the face of every rule that professors of the art of thinking have drawn +up for our instruction. These rules may be good enough as servants, but +we have let them become the worst of masters, forgetting that philosophy +is made for man, not man for philosophy. Logic has been the true Tower +of Babel, which we have thought to build so that we might climb up into +the heavens, and have no more miracle, but see God and live—nor has +confusion of tongues failed to follow on our presumption. Truly St. Paul +said well that the just shall live by faith; and the question “By what +faith?” is a detail of minor moment, for there are as many faiths as +species, whether of plants or animals, and each of them is in its own way +both living and saving. + +All, then, whether fusion or diffusion, whether of ideas or things, is +miraculous. It is the two in one, and at the same time one in two, which +is only two and two making five put before us in another shape; yet this +fusion—so easy to think so long as it is not thought about, and so +unthinkable if we try to think it—is, as it were, the matrix from which +our more thinkable thought is taken; it is the cloud gathering in the +unseen world from which the waters of life descend in an impalpable dew. +Granted that all, whether fusion or diffusion, whether of ideas or +things, is, if we dwell upon it and take it seriously, an outrage upon +our understandings which common sense alone enables us to brook; granted +that it carries with it a distinctly miraculous element which should +vitiate the whole process _ab initio_, still, if we have faith we can so +work these miracles as Orpheus-like to charm denizens of the unseen world +into the seen again—provided we do not look back, and provided also we do +not try to charm half a dozen Eurydices at a time. To think is to fuse +and diffuse ideas, and to fuse and diffuse ideas is to feed. We can all +feed, and by consequence within reasonable limits we can fuse ideas; or +we can fuse ideas, and by consequence within reasonable limits we can +feed; we know not which comes first, the food or the ideas, but we must +not overtax our strength; the moment we do this we taste of death. + +It is in the closest connection with this that we must chew our food fine +before we can digest it, and that the same food given in large lumps will +choke and kill which in small pieces feeds us; or, again, that that which +is impotent as a pellet may be potent as a gas. Food is very thoughtful: +through thought it comes, and back through thought it shall return; the +process of its conversion and comprehension within our own system is +mental as well as physical, and here, as everywhere else with mind and +evolution, there must be a cross, but not too wide a cross—that is to +say, there must be a miracle, but not upon a large scale. Granted that +no one can draw a clear line and define the limits within which a miracle +is healthy working and beyond which it is unwholesome, any more than he +can prescribe the exact degree of fineness to which we must comminute our +food; granted, again, that some can do more than others, and that at all +times all men sport, so to speak, and surpass themselves, still we know +as a general rule near enough, and find that the strongest can do but +very little at a time, and, to return to Mr. Spencer, the fusion of two +such hitherto unassociated ideas as race and experience was a miracle +beyond our strength. + +Assuredly when Mr. Spencer wrote the passages he quoted in the letter to +the _Athenæum_ above referred to, we were not in the habit of thinking of +any one as able to remember things that had happened before he had been +born or thought of. This notion will still strike many of my non-readers +as harsh and strained; no such discord, therefore, should have been taken +unprepared, and when taken it should have been resolved with pomp and +circumstance. Mr Spencer, however, though he took it continually, never +either prepared it or resolved it at all, but by using the words +“experience of the race” sprang this seeming paradox upon us, with the +result that his words were barren. They were barren because they were +incoherent; they were incoherent because they were approached and quitted +too suddenly. While we were realising “experience” our minds excluded +“race,” inasmuch as experience was an idea we had been accustomed +hitherto to connect only with the individual; while realising the idea +“race,” for the same reason, we as a matter of course excluded +experience. We were required to fuse two ideas that were alien to one +another, without having had those other ideas presented to us which would +alone flux them. The absence of these—which indeed were not immediately +ready to hand, or Mr. Spencer would have doubtless grasped them—made +nonsense of the whole thing; we saw the ideas propped up as two cards one +against the other, on one of Mr. Spencer’s pages, only to find that they +had fallen asunder before we had turned over to the next, so we put down +his book resentfully, as written by one who did not know what to do with +his meaning even if he had one, or bore it meekly while he chastised us +with scorpions, as Mr. Darwin had done with whips, according to our +temperaments. + +I may say, in passing, that the barrenness of incoherent ideas, and the +sterility of widely distant species and genera of animals and plants, are +one in principle—the sterility of hybrids being just as much due to +inability to fuse widely unlike and unfamiliar ideas into a coherent +whole, as barrenness of ideas is, and, indeed, resolving itself +ultimately into neither more nor less than barrenness of ideas—that is to +say, into inability to think at all, or at any rate to think as their +neighbours do. + +If Mr. Spencer had made it clear that the generations of any race are +_bonâ fide_ united by a common personality, and that in virtue of being +so united each generation remembers (within, of course, the limits to +which all memory is subject) what happened to it while still in the +persons of its progenitors—then his order to Professor Hering and myself +should be immediately obeyed; but this was just what was at once most +wanted, and least done by Mr. Spencer. Even in the passages given +above—passages collected by Mr. Spencer himself—this point is altogether +ignored; make it clear as Professor Hering made it—put continued +personality and memory in the foreground as Professor Hering did, instead +of leaving them to be discovered “by implications,” and then such +expressions as “accumulated experiences” and “experience of the race” +become luminous; till this had been done they were _Vox et præterea +nihil_. + +To sum up briefly. The passages quoted by Mr. Spencer from his +“Principles of Psychology” can hardly be called clear, even now that +Professor Hering and others have thrown light upon them. If, indeed, +they had been clear Mr. Spencer would probably have seen what they +necesitated, and found the way of meeting the difficulties of the case +which occurred to Professor Hering and myself. Till we wrote, very few +writers had even suggested this. The idea that offspring was only “an +elongation or branch proceeding from its parents” had scintillated in the +ingenious brain of Dr. Erasmus Darwin, and in that of the designer of +Jesse tree windows, but it had kindled no fire; it now turns out that +Canon Kingsley had once called instinct inherited memory, {40a} but the +idea, if born alive at all, died on the page on which it saw light: +Professor Ray Lankester, again called attention to Professor Hering’s +address (_Nature_, July 13, 1876), but no discussion followed, and the +matter dropped without having produced visible effect. As for offspring +remembering in any legitimate sense of the words what it had done, and +what had happened to it, before it was born, no such notion was +understood to have been gravely mooted till very recently. I doubt +whether Mr. Spencer and Mr. Romanes would accept this even now, when it +is put thus undisguisedly; but this is what Professor Hering and I mean, +and it is the only thing that should be meant, by those who speak of +instinct as inherited memory. Mr Spencer cannot maintain that these two +startling novelties went without saying “by implication” from the use of +such expressions as “accumulated experiences” or “experience of the +race.” + + + + +Chapter III +Mr. Herbert Spencer (_continued_) + + +WHETHER they ought to have gone or not, they did not go. + +When “Life and Habit” was first published no one considered Mr. Spencer +to be maintaining the phenomena of heredity to be in reality phenomena of +memory. When, for example, Professor Ray Lankester first called +attention to Professor Hering’s address, he did not understand Mr. +Spencer to be intending this. “Professor Hering,” he wrote (_Nature_, +July 13, 1876), “helps us to a comprehensive view of the nature of +heredity and adaptation, by giving us the word ‘memory,’ conscious or +unconscious, for the continuity of Mr. Spencer’s polar forces or +polarities of physiological units.” He evidently found the prominence +given to memory a help to him which he had not derived from reading Mr. +Spencer’s works. + +When, again, he attacked me in the _Athenæum_ (March 29, 1884), he spoke +of my “tardy recognition” of the fact that Professor Hering had preceded +me “in treating all manifestations of heredity as a form of memory.” +Professor Lankester’s words could have no force if he held that any other +writer, and much less so well known a writer as Mr. Spencer, had preceded +me in putting forward the theory in question. + +When Mr. Romanes reviewed “Unconscious Memory” in _Nature_ (January 27, +1881) the notion of a “race-memory,” to use his own words, was still so +new to him that he declared it “simply absurd” to suppose that it could +“possibly be fraught with any benefit to science,” and with him too it +was Professor Hering who had anticipated me in the matter, not Mr. +Spencer. + +In his “Mental Evolution in Animals” (p. 296) he said that Canon +Kingsley, writing in 1867, was the first to advance the theory that +instinct is inherited memory; he could not have said this if Mr. Spencer +had been understood to have been upholding this view for the last thirty +years. + +Mr. A. R. Wallace reviewed “Life and Habit” in _Nature_ (March 27, 1879), +but he did not find the line I had taken a familiar one, as he surely +must have done if it had followed easily by implication from Mr. +Spencer’s works. He called it “an ingenious and paradoxical explanation” +which was evidently new to him. He concluded by saying that “it might +yet afford a clue to some of the deepest mysteries of the organic world.” + +Professor Mivart, when he reviewed my books on Evolution in the _American +Catholic Quarterly Review_ (July 1881), said, “Mr Butler is not only +perfectly logical and consistent in the startling consequences he deduces +from his principles, but,” &c. Professor Mivart could not have found my +consequences startling if they had already been insisted upon for many +years by one of the best-known writers of the day. + +The reviewer of “Evolution Old and New” in the _Saturday Review_ (March +31, 1879), of whom all I can venture to say is that he or she is a person +whose name carries weight in matters connected with biology, though he +(for brevity) was in the humour for seeing everything objectionable in me +that could be seen, still saw no Mr. Spencer in me. He said—“Mr Butler’s +own particular contribution to the terminology of Evolution is the phrase +two or three times repeated with some emphasis” (I repeated it not two or +three times only, but whenever and wherever I could venture to do so +without wearying the reader beyond endurance) “oneness of personality +between parents and offspring.” The writer proceeded to reprobate this +in language upon which a Huxley could hardly improve, but as he declares +himself unable to discover what it means, it may be presumed that the +idea of continued personality between successive generations was new to +him. + +When Dr. Francis Darwin called on me a day or two before “Life and Habit” +went to the press, he said the theory which had pleased him more than any +he had seen for some time was one which referred all life to memory; +{44a} he doubtless intended “which referred all the phenomena of heredity +to memory.” He then mentioned Professor Ray Lankester’s article in +_Nature_, of which I had not heard, but he said nothing about Mr. +Spencer, and spoke of the idea as one which had been quite new to him. + +The above names comprise (excluding Mr. Spencer himself) perhaps those of +the best-known writers on evolution that can be mentioned as now before +the public; it is curious that Mr Spencer should be the only one of them +to see any substantial resemblance between the “Principles of Psychology” +and Professor Hering’s address and “Life and Habit.” + +I ought, perhaps, to say that Mr. Romanes, writing to the _Athenæum_ +(March 8, 1884), took a different view of the value of the theory of +inherited memory to the one he took in 1881. + +In 1881 he said it was “simply absurd” to suppose it could “possibly be +fraught with any benefit to science” or “reveal any truth of profound +significance;” in 1884 he said of the same theory, that “it formed the +backbone of all the previous literature upon instinct” by Darwin, +Spencer, Lewes, Fiske, and Spalding, “not to mention their numerous +followers, and is by all of them elaborately stated as clearly as any +theory can be stated in words.” + +Few except Mr. Romanes will say this. I grant it ought to “have formed +the backbone,” &c., and ought “to have been elaborately stated,” &c., but +when I wrote “Life and Habit” neither Mr Romanes nor any one else +understood it to have been even glanced at by more than a very few, and +as for having been “elaborately stated,” it had been stated by Professor +Hering as elaborately as it could be stated within the limits of an +address of only twenty-two pages, but with this exception it had never +been stated at all. It is not too much to say that “Life and Habit,” +when it first came out, was considered so startling a paradox that people +would not believe in my desire to be taken seriously, or at any rate were +able to pretend that they thought I was not writing seriously. + +Mr. Romanes knows this just as well as all must do who keep an eye on +evolution; he himself, indeed, had said (_Nature_, January 27, 1881) that +so long as I “aimed only at entertaining” my “readers by such works as +‘Erewhon’ and ‘Life and Habit’” (as though these books were of kindred +character) I was in my proper sphere. It would be doing too little +credit to Mr. Romanes’ intelligence to suppose him not to have known when +he said this that “Life and Habit” was written as seriously as my +subsequent books on evolution, but it suited him at the moment to join +those who professed to consider it another book of paradoxes such as, I +suppose, “Erewhon” had been, so he classed the two together. He could +not have done this unless enough people thought, or said they thought, +the books akin, to give colour to his doing so. + +One alone of all my reviewers has, to my knowledge, brought Mr. Spencer +against me. This was a writer in the _St. James’s Gazette_ (December 2, +1880). I challenged him in a letter which appeared (December 8, 1880), +and said, “I would ask your reviewer to be kind enough to refer your +readers to those passages of Mr. Spencer’s “Principles of Psychology” +which in any direct intelligible way refer the phenomena of instinct and +heredity generally, to memory on the part of offspring of the action it +_bonâ fide_ took in the persons of its forefathers.” The reviewer made +no reply, and I concluded, as I have since found correctly, that he could +not find the passages. + +True, in his “Principles of Psychology” (vol. ii. p. 195) Mr. Spencer +says that we have only to expand the doctrine that all intelligence is +acquired through experience “so as to make it include with the experience +of each individual the experiences of all ancestral individuals,” &c. +This is all very good, but it is much the same as saying, “We have only +got to stand on our heads and we shall be able to do so and so.” We did +not see our way to standing on our heads, and Mr. Spencer did not help +us; we had been accustomed, as I am afraid I must have said _usque ad +nauseam_ already, to lose sight of the physical connection existing +between parents and offspring; we understood from the marriage service +that husband and wife were in a sense one flesh, but not that parents and +children were so also; and without this conception of the matter, which +in its way is just as true as the more commonly received one, we could +not extend the experience of parents to offspring. It was not in the +bond or _nexus_ of our ideas to consider experience as appertaining to +more than a single individual in the common acceptance of the term; these +two ideas were so closely bound together that wherever the one went the +other went perforce. Here, indeed, in the very passage of Mr. Spencer’s +just referred to, the race is throughout regarded as “a series of +individuals”—without an attempt to call attention to that other view, in +virtue of which we are able to extend to many an idea we had been +accustomed to confine to one. + +In his chapter on Memory, Mr. Spencer certainly approaches the Heringian +view. He says, “On the one hand, Instinct may be regarded as a kind of +organised memory; on the other, Memory may be regarded as a kind of +incipient instinct” (“Principles of Psychology,” ed. 2, vol. i. p. 445). +Here the ball has fallen into his hands, but if he had got firm hold of +it he could not have written, “Instinct _may be_ regarded as _a kind of_, +&c.;” to us there is neither “may be regarded as” nor “kind of” about it; +we require, “Instinct is inherited memory,” with an explanation making it +intelligible how memory can come to be inherited at all. I do not like, +again, calling memory “a kind of incipient instinct;” as Mr. Spencer puts +them the words have a pleasant antithesis, but “instinct is inherited +memory” covers all the ground, and to say that memory is inherited +instinct is surplusage. + +Nor does he stick to it long when he says that “instinct is a kind of +organised memory,” for two pages later he says that memory, to be memory +at all, must be tolerably conscious or deliberate; he, therefore (vol. i. +p. 447), denies that there can be such a thing as unconscious memory; but +without this it is impossible for us to see instinct as the “kind of +organised memory” which he has just been calling it, inasmuch as instinct +is notably undeliberate and unreflecting. + +A few pages farther on (vol. i. p. 452) he finds himself driven to +unconscious memory after all, and says that “conscious memory passes into +unconscious or organic memory.” Having admitted unconscious memory, he +declares (vol. i. p. 450) that “as fast as those connections among +psychical states, which we form in memory, grow by constant repetition +automatic—they _cease to be part of memory_,” or, in other words, he +again denies that there can be an unconscious memory. + +Mr. Spencer doubtless saw that he was involved in contradiction in terms, +and having always understood that contradictions in terms were very +dreadful things—which, of course, under some circumstances they +are—thought it well so to express himself that his readers should be more +likely to push on than dwell on what was before them at the moment. I +should be the last to complain of him merely on the ground that he could +not escape contradiction in terms: who can? When facts conflict, +contradict one another, melt into one another as the colours of the +spectrum so insensibly that none can say where one begins and the other +ends, contradictions in terms become first fruits of thought and speech. +They are the basis of intellectual consciousness, in the same way that a +physical obstacle is the basis of physical sensation. No opposition, no +sensation, applies as much to the psychical as to the physical kingdom, +as soon as these two have got well above the horizon of our thoughts and +can be seen as two. No contradiction, no consciousness; no cross, no +crown; contradictions are the very small deadlocks without which there is +no going; going is our sense of a succession of small impediments or +deadlocks; it is a succession of cutting Gordian knots, which on a small +scale please or pain as the case may be; on a larger, give an ecstasy of +pleasure, or shock to the extreme of endurance; and on a still larger, +kill whether they be on the right side or the wrong. Nature, as I said +in “Life and Habit,” hates that any principle should breed +hermaphroditically, but will give to each an helpmeet for it which shall +cross it and be the undoing of it; and in the undoing, do; and in the +doing, undo, and so _ad infinitum_. Cross-fertilisation is just as +necessary for continued fertility of ideas as for that of organic life, +and the attempt to frown this or that down merely on the ground that it +involves contradiction in terms, without at the same time showing that +the contradiction is on a larger scale than healthy thought can stomach, +argues either small sense or small sincerity on the part of those who +make it. The contradictions employed by Mr. Spencer are objectionable, +not on the ground of their being contradictions at all, but on the ground +of their being blinked, and used unintelligently. + +But though it is not possible for any one to get a clear conception of +Mr. Spencer’s meaning, we may say with more confidence what it was that +he did not mean. He did not mean to make memory the keystone of his +system; he has none of that sense of the unifying, binding force of +memory which Professor Hering has so well expressed, nor does he show any +signs of perceiving the far-reaching consequences that ensue if the +phenomena of heredity are considered as phenomena of memory. Thus, when +he is dealing with the phenomena of old age (vol. i. p. 538, ed. 2) he +does not ascribe them to lapse and failure of memory, nor surmise the +principle underlying longevity. He never mentions memory in connection +with heredity without presently saying something which makes us +involuntarily think of a man missing an easy catch at cricket; it is only +rarely, however, that he connects the two at all. I have only been able +to find the word “inherited” or any derivative of the verb “to inherit” +in connection with memory once in all the 1300 long pages of the +“Principles of Psychology.” It occurs in vol ii. p. 200, 2d ed., where +the words stand, “Memory, inherited or acquired.” I submit that this was +unintelligible when Mr. Spencer wrote it, for want of an explanation +which he never gave; I submit, also, that he could not have left it +unexplained, nor yet as an unrepeated expression not introduced till late +in his work, if he had had any idea of its pregnancy. + +At any rate, whether he intended to imply what he now implies that he +intended to imply (for Mr. Spencer, like the late Mr. Darwin, is fond of +qualifying phrases), I have shown that those most able and willing to +understand him did not take him to mean what he now appears anxious to +have it supposed that he meant. Surely, moreover, if he had meant it he +would have spoken sooner, when he saw his meaning had been missed. I +can, however, have no hesitation in saying that if I had known the +“Principles of Psychology” earlier, as well as I know the work now, I +should have used it largely. + +It may be interesting, before we leave Mr. Spencer, to see whether he +even now assigns to continued personality and memory the place assigned +to it by Professor Hering and myself. I will therefore give the +concluding words of the letter to the _Athenæum_ already referred to, in +which he tells us to stand aside. He writes “I still hold that +inheritance of functionally produced modifications is the chief factor +throughout the higher stages of organic evolution, bodily as well as +mental (see ‘Principles of Biology,’ i. 166), while I recognise the truth +that throughout the lower stages survival of the fittest is the chief +factor, and in the lowest the almost exclusive factor.” + +This is the same confused and confusing utterance which Mr. Spencer has +been giving us any time this thirty years. According to him the fact +that variations can be inherited and accumulated has less to do with the +first development of organic life, than the fact that if a square +organism happens to get into a square hole, it will live longer and more +happily than a square organism which happens to get into a round one; he +declares “the survival of the fittest”—and this is nothing but the fact +that those who “fit” best into their surroundings will live longest and +most comfortably—to have more to do with the development of the amœba +into, we will say, a mollusc than heredity itself. True, “inheritance of +functionally produced modifications” is allowed to be the chief factor +throughout the “higher stages of organic evolution,” but it has very +little to do in the lower; in these “the almost exclusive factor” is not +heredity, or inheritance, but “survival of the fittest.” + +Of course we know that Mr. Spencer does not believe this; of course, +also, all who are fairly well up in the history of the development theory +will see why Mr. Spencer has attempted to draw this distinction between +the “factors” of the development of the higher and lower forms of life; +but no matter how or why Mr. Spencer has been led to say what he has, he +has no business to have said it. What can we think of a writer who, +after so many years of writing upon his subject, in a passage in which he +should make his meaning doubly clear, inasmuch as he is claiming ground +taken by other writers, declares that though hereditary use and disuse, +or, to use his own words, “the inheritance of functionally produced +modifications,” is indeed very important in connection with the +development of the higher forms of life, yet heredity itself has little +or nothing to do with that of the lower? Variations, whether produced +functionally or not, can only be perpetuated and accumulated because they +can be inherited;—and this applies just as much to the lower as to the +higher forms of life; the question which Professor Hering and I have +tried to answer is, “How comes it that anything can be inherited at all? +In virtue of what power is it that offspring can repeat and improve upon +the performances of their parents?” Our answer was, “Because in a very +valid sense, though not perhaps in the most usually understood, there is +continued personality and an abiding memory between successive +generations.” How does Mr. Spencer’s confession of faith touch this? If +any meaning can be extracted from his words, he is no more supporting +this view now than he was when he wrote the passages he has adduced to +show that he was supporting it thirty years ago; but after all no +coherent meaning can be got out of Mr. Spencer’s letter—except, of +course, that Professor Hering and myself are to stand aside. I have +abundantly shown that I am very ready to do this in favour of Professor +Hering, but see no reason for admitting Mr. Spencer’s claim to have been +among the forestallers of “Life and Habit.” + + + + +Chapter IV {52a} +Mr. Romanes’ “Mental Evolution in Animals” + + +WITHOUT raising the unprofitable question how Mr. Romanes, in spite of +the indifference with which he treated the theory of Inherited Memory in +1881, came, in 1883, to be sufficiently imbued with a sense of its +importance, I still cannot afford to dispense with the weight of his +authority, and in this chapter will show how closely he not infrequently +approaches the Heringian position. + +Thus, he says that the analogies between the memory with which we are +familiar in daily life and hereditary memory “are so numerous and +precise” as to justify us in considering them to be of essentially the +same kind. {52b} + +Again, he says that although the memory of milk shown by new-born infants +is “at all events in large part hereditary, it is none the less memory” +of a certain kind. {52c} + +Two lines lower down he writes of “hereditary memory or instinct,” +thereby implying that instinct is “hereditary memory.” “It makes no +essential difference,” he says, “whether the past sensation was actually +experienced by the individual itself, or bequeathed it, so to speak, by +its ancestors. {52d} For it makes no essential difference whether the +nervous changes . . . were occasioned during the life-time of the +individual or during that of the species, and afterwards impressed by +heredity on the individual.” + +Lower down on the same page he writes:— + +“As showing how close is the connection between hereditary memory and +instinct,” &c. + +And on the following page:— + +“And this shows how closely the phenomena of hereditary memory are +related to those of individual memory: at this stage . . . it is +practically impossible to disentangle the effects of hereditary memory +from those of the individual.” + +Again:— + +“Another point which we have here to consider is the part which heredity +has played in forming the perceptive faculty of the individual prior to +its own experience. We have already seen that heredity plays an +important part in forming memory of ancestral experiences, and thus it is +that many animals come into the world with their power of perception +already largely developed. The wealth of ready-formed information, and +therefore of ready-made powers of perception, with which many newly-born +or newly-hatched animals are provided, is so great and so precise that it +scarcely requires to be supplemented by the subsequent experience of the +individual.” {53a} + +Again:— + +“Instincts probably owe their origin and development to one or other of +the two principles. + +“I. The first mode of origin consists in natural selection or survival +of the fittest, continuously preserving actions, &c. &c. + +“II. The second mode of origin is as follows:—By the effects of habit in +successive generations, actions which were originally intelligent become +as it were stereotyped into permanent instincts. Just as in the lifetime +of the individual adjustive actions which were originally intelligent may +by frequent repetition become automatic, so in the lifetime of species +actions originally intelligent may by frequent repetition and heredity so +write their effects on the nervous system that the latter is prepared, +even before individual experience, to perform adjustive actions +mechanically which in previous generations were performed intelligently. +This mode of origin of instincts has been appropriately called (by +Lewes—see “Problems of Life and Mind” {54a}) the ‘lapsing of +intelligence.’” {54b} + +I may say in passing that in spite of the great stress laid by Mr. +Romanes both in his “Mental Evolution in Animals” and in his letters to +the _Athenæum_ in March 1884, on Natural Selection as an originator and +developer of instinct, he very soon afterwards let the Natural Selection +part of the story go as completely without saying as I do myself, or as +Mr. Darwin did during the later years of his life. Writing to _Nature_, +April 10, 1884, he said: “To deny _that experience in the course of +successive generations is the source of instinct_, is not to meet by way +of argument the enormous mass of evidence which goes to prove _that this +is the case_.” Here, then, instinct is referred, without reservation, to +“experience in successive generations,” and this is nonsense unless +explained as Professor Hering and I explain it. Mr. Romanes’ words, in +fact, amount to an unqualified acceptance of the chapter “Instinct as +Inherited Memory” given in “Life and Habit,” of which Mr. Romanes in +March 1884 wrote in terms which it is not necessary to repeat. + +Later on:— + +“That ‘practice makes perfect’ is a matter, as I have previously said, of +daily observation. Whether we regard a juggler, a pianist, or a +billiard-player, a child learning his lesson or an actor his part by +frequently repeating it, or a thousand other illustrations of the same +process, we see at once that there is truth in the cynical definition of +a man as a ‘bundle of habits.’ And the same, of course, is true of +animals.” {55a} + +From this Mr. Romanes goes on to show “that automatic actions and +conscious habits may be inherited,” {55b} and in the course of doing this +contends that “instincts may be lost by disuse, and conversely that they +may be acquired as instincts by the hereditary transmission of ancestral +experience.” + +On another page Mr. Romanes says:— + +“Let us now turn to the second of these two assumptions, viz., that some +at least among migratory birds must possess, by inheritance alone, a very +precise knowledge of the particular direction to be pursued. It is +without question an astonishing fact that a young cuckoo should be +prompted to leave its foster parents at a particular season of the year, +and without any guide to show the course previously taken by its own +parents, but this is a fact which must be met by any theory of instinct +which aims at being complete. Now upon our own theory it can only be met +by taking it to be due to inherited memory.” + +A little lower Mr. Romanes says: “Of what kind, then, is the inherited +memory on which the young cuckoo (if not also other migratory birds) +depends? We can only answer, of the same kind, whatever this may be, as +that upon which the old bird depends.” {55c} + +I have given above most of the more marked passages which I have been +able to find in Mr. Romanes’ book which attribute instinct to memory, and +which admit that there is no fundamental difference between the kind of +memory with which we are all familiar and hereditary memory as +transmitted from one generation to another. + +But throughout his work there are passages which suggest, though less +obviously, the same inference. + +The passages I have quoted show that Mr. Romanes is upholding the same +opinions as Professor Hering’s and my own, but their effect and tendency +is more plain here than in Mr Romanes’ own book, where they are overlaid +by nearly 400 long pages of matter which is not always easy of +comprehension. + +Moreover, at the same time that I claim the weight of Mr. Romanes’ +authority, I am bound to admit that I do not find his support +satisfactory. The late Mr. Darwin himself—whose mantle seems to have +fallen more especially and particularly on Mr. Romanes—could not +contradict himself more hopelessly than Mr. Romanes often does. Indeed +in one of the very passages I have quoted in order to show that Mr. +Romanes accepts the phenomena of heredity as phenomena of memory, he +speaks of “heredity as playing an important part _in forming memory_ of +ancestral experiences;” so that, whereas I want him to say that the +phenomena of heredity are due to memory, he will have it that the memory +is due to the heredity, which seems to me absurd. + +Over and over again Mr. Romanes insists that it is heredity which does +this or that. Thus it is “_heredity with natural selection which adapt_ +the anatomical plan of the ganglia.” {56a} It is heredity which +impresses nervous changes on the individual. {56b} “In the lifetime of +species actions originally intelligent may by frequent repetition and +heredity,” &c.; {56c} but he nowhere tells us what heredity is any more +than Messrs. Herbert Spencer, Darwin, and Lewes have done. This, +however, is exactly what Professor Hering, whom I have unwittingly +followed, does. He resolves all phenomena of heredity, whether in +respect of body or mind, into phenomena of memory. He says in effect, “A +man grows his body as he does, and a bird makes her nest as she does, +because both man and bird remember having grown body and made nest as +they now do, or very nearly so, on innumerable past occasions.” He thus, +as I have said on an earlier page, reduces life from an equation of say +100 unknown quantities to one of 99 only by showing that heredity and +memory, two of the original 100 unknown quantities, are in reality part +of one and the same thing. + +That he is right Mr. Romanes seems to me to admit, though in a very +unsatisfactory way. + +What, for example, can be more unsatisfactory than the following?—Mr. +Romanes says that the most fundamental principle of mental operation is +that of memory, and that this “is the _conditio sine quâ non_ of all +mental life” (page 35). + +I do not understand Mr. Romanes to hold that there is any living being +which has no mind at all, and I do understand him to admit that +development of body and mind are closely interdependent. + +If, then, “the most fundamental principle” of mind is memory, it follows +that memory enters also as a fundamental principle into development of +body. For mind and body are so closely connected that nothing can enter +largely into the one without correspondingly affecting the other. + +On a later page Mr. Romanes speaks point-blank of the new-born child as +“_embodying_ the results of a great mass of _hereditary experience_” (p. +77), so that what he is driving at can be collected by those who take +trouble, but is not seen until we call up from our own knowledge matter +whose relevancy does not appear on the face of it, and until we connect +passages many pages asunder, the first of which may easily be forgotten +before we reach the second. There can be no doubt, however, that Mr. +Romanes does in reality, like Professor Hering and myself, regard +development, whether of mind or body, as due to memory, for it is now +pretty generally seen to be nonsense to talk about “hereditary +experience” or “hereditary memory” if anything else is intended. + +I have said above that on page 113 of his recent work Mr. Romanes +declares the analogies between the memory with which we are familiar in +daily life, and hereditary memory, to be “so numerous and precise” as to +justify us in considering them as of one and the same kind. + +This is certainly his meaning, but, with the exception of the words +within inverted commas, it is not his language. His own words are +these:— + +“Profound, however, as our ignorance unquestionably is concerning the +physical substratum of memory, I think we are at least justified in +regarding this substratum as the same both in ganglionic or organic, and +in the conscious or psychological memory, seeing that the analogies +between them are so numerous and precise. Consciousness is but an +adjunct which arises when the physical processes, owing to infrequency of +repetition, complexity of operation, or other causes, involve what I have +before called ganglionic friction.” + +I submit that I have correctly translated Mr. Romanes’ meaning, and also +that we have a right to complain of his not saying what he has to say in +words which will involve less “ganglionic friction” on the part of the +reader. + +Another example may be found on p. 43 of Mr. Romanes’ book. “Lastly,” he +writes, “just as innumerable special mechanisms of muscular +co-ordinations are found to be inherited, innumerable special +associations of ideas are found to be the same, and in one case as in the +other the strength of the organically imposed connection is found to bear +a direct proportion to the frequency with which in the history of the +species it has occurred.” + +Mr. Romanes is here intending what the reader will find insisted on on p. +51 of “Life and Habit;” but how difficult he has made what could have +been said intelligibly enough, if there had been nothing but the reader’s +comfort to be considered. Unfortunately that seems to have been by no +means the only thing of which Mr. Romanes was thinking, or why, after +implying and even saying over and over again that instinct is inherited +habit due to inherited memory, should he turn sharply round on p. 297 and +praise Mr. Darwin for trying to snuff out “the well-known doctrine of +inherited habit as advanced by Lamarck”? The answer is not far to seek. +It is because Mr. Romanes did not merely want to tell us all about +instinct, but wanted also, if I may use a homely metaphor, to hunt with +the hounds and run with the hare at one and the same time. + +I remember saying that if the late Mr. Darwin “had told us what the +earlier evolutionists said, why they said it, wherein he differed from +them, and in what way he proposed to set them straight, he would have +taken a course at once more agreeable with usual practice, and more +likely to remove misconception from his own mind and from those of his +readers.” {59a} This I have no doubt was one of the passages which made +Mr. Romanes so angry with me. I can find no better words to apply to Mr. +Romanes himself. He knows perfectly well what others have written about +the connection between heredity and memory, and he knows no less well +that so far as he is intelligible at all he is taking the same view that +they have taken. If he had begun by saying what they had said, and had +then improved on it, I for one should have been only too glad to be +improved upon. + +Mr. Romanes has spoiled his book just because this plain old-fashioned +method of procedure was not good enough for him. One-half the obscurity +which makes his meaning so hard to apprehend is due to exactly the same +cause as that which has ruined so much of the late Mr. Darwin’s work—I +mean to a desire to appear to be differing altogether from others with +whom he knew himself after all to be in substantial agreement. He +adopts, but (probably quite unconsciously) in his anxiety to avoid +appearing to adopt, he obscures what he is adopting. + +Here, for example, is Mr. Romanes’ definition of instinct:— + +“Instinct is reflex action into which there is imported the element of +consciousness. The term is therefore a generic one, comprising all those +faculties of mind which are concerned in conscious and adaptive action, +antecedent to individual experience, without necessary knowledge of the +relation between means employed and ends attained, but similarly +performed under similar and frequently recurring circumstances by all the +individuals of the same species.” {60a} + +If Mr. Romanes would have been content to build frankly upon Professor +Hering’s foundation, the soundness of which he has elsewhere abundantly +admitted, he might have said— + +“Instinct is knowledge or habit acquired in past generations—the new +generation remembering what happened to it before it parted company with +the old. More briefly, Instinct is inherited memory.” Then he might +have added a rider— + +“If a habit is acquired as a new one, during any given lifetime, it is +not an instinct. If having been acquired in one lifetime it is +transmitted to offspring, it is an instinct in the offspring, though it +was not an instinct in the parent. If the habit is transmitted +partially, it must be considered as partly instinctive and partly +acquired.” + +This is easy; it tells people how they may test any action so as to know +what they ought to call it; it leaves well alone by avoiding all such +debatable matters as reflex action, consciousness, intelligence, purpose, +knowledge of purpose, &c.; it both introduces the feature of inheritance +which is the one mainly distinguishing instinctive from so-called +intelligent actions, and shows the manner in which these last pass into +the first, that is to say, by way of memory and habitual repetition; +finally it points the fact that the new generation is not to be looked +upon as a new thing, but (as Dr. Erasmus Darwin long since said {61a}) as +“a branch or elongation” of the one immediately preceding it. + +In Mr. Darwin’s case it is hardly possible to exaggerate the waste of +time, money and trouble that has been caused, by his not having been +content to appear as descending with modification like other people from +those who went before him. It will take years to get the evolution +theory out of the mess in which Mr. Darwin has left it. He was heir to a +discredited truth; he left behind him an accredited fallacy. Mr. +Romanes, if he is not stopped in time, will get the theory connecting +heredity and memory into just such another muddle as Mr. Darwin has got +evolution, for surely the writer who can talk about “_heredity being able +to work up_ the faculty of homing into the instinct of migration,” {61b} +or of “the principle of (natural) selection combining with that of +lapsing intelligence to the formation of a joint result,” {61c} is little +likely to depart from the usual methods of scientific procedure with +advantage either to himself or any one else. Fortunately Mr. Romanes is +not Mr. Darwin, and though he has certainly got Mr. Darwin’s mantle, and +got it very much too, it will not on Mr. Romanes’ shoulders hide a good +deal that people were not going to observe too closely while Mr. Darwin +wore it. + +I ought to say that the late Mr. Darwin appears himself eventually to +have admitted the soundness of the theory connecting heredity and memory. +Mr. Romanes quotes a letter written by Mr. Darwin in the last year of his +life, in which he speaks of an intelligent action gradually becoming +“_instinctive_, _i.e._, _memory transmitted from one generation to +another_.” {62a} + +Briefly, the stages of Mr. Darwin’s opinion upon the subject of +hereditary memory are as follows:— + +1859. “It would be _the most serious error_ to suppose that the greater +number of instincts have been acquired by habit in one generation and +transmitted by inheritance to succeeding generations.” {62b} And this +more especially applies to the instincts of many ants. + +1876. “It would be a _serious error_ to suppose,” &c., as before. {62c} + +1881. “We should remember _what a mass of inherited knowledge_ is +crowded into the minute brain of a worker ant.” {62d} + +1881 or 1882. Speaking of a given habitual action Mr. Darwin writes: “It +does not seem to me at all incredible that this action [and why this more +than any other habitual action?] should then become instinctive:” i.e., +_memory transmitted from one generation to another_. {62e} + +And yet in 1839, or thereabouts, Mr. Darwin had pretty nearly grasped the +conception from which until the last year or two of his life he so +fatally strayed; for in his contribution to the volumes giving an account +of the voyages of the _Adventure_ and _Beagle_, he wrote: “Nature by +making habit omnipotent and its effects hereditary, has fitted the +Fuegian for the climate and productions of his country” (p. 237). + +What is the secret of the long departure from the simple common-sense +view of the matter which he took when he was a young man? I imagine +simply what I have referred to in the preceding chapter, over-anxiety to +appear to be differing from his grandfather, Dr. Erasmus Darwin, and +Lamarck. + +I believe I may say that Mr. Darwin before he died not only admitted the +connection between memory and heredity, but came also to see that he must +readmit that design in organism which he had so many years opposed. For +in the preface to Hermann Müller’s “Fertilisation of Flowers,” {63a} +which bears a date only a very few weeks prior to Mr. Darwin’s death, I +find him saying:—“Design in nature has for a long time deeply interested +many men, and though the subject must now be looked at from a somewhat +different point of view from what was formerly the case, it is not on +that account rendered less interesting.” This is mused forth as a +general gnome, and may mean anything or nothing: the writer of the +letterpress under the hieroglyph in Old Moore’s Almanac could not be more +guarded; but I think I know what it does mean. + +I cannot, of course, be sure; Mr. Darwin did not probably intend that I +should; but I assume with confidence that whether there is design in +organism or no, there is at any rate design in this passage of Mr. +Darwin’s. This, we may be sure, is not a fortuitous variation; and, +moreover, it is introduced for some reason which made Mr. Darwin think it +worth while to go out of his way to introduce it. It has no fitness in +its connection with Hermann Müller’s book, for what little Hermann Müller +says about teleology at all is to condemn it; why, then, should Mr. +Darwin muse here of all places in the world about the interest attaching +to design in organism? Neither has the passage any connection with the +rest of the preface. There is not another word about design, and even +here Mr. Darwin seems mainly anxious to face both ways, and pat design as +it were on the head while not committing himself to any proposition which +could be disputed. + +The explanation is sufficiently obvious. Mr Darwin wanted to hedge. He +saw that the design which his works had been mainly instrumental in +pitchforking out of organisms no less manifestly designed than a +burglar’s jemmy is designed, had nevertheless found its way back again, +and that though, as I insisted in “Evolution Old and New,” and +“Unconscious Memory,” it must now be placed within the organism instead +of outside it, as “was formerly the case,” it was not on that account any +the less—design, as well as interesting. + +I should like to have seen Mr. Darwin say this more explicitly. Indeed I +should have liked to have seen Mr. Darwin say anything at all about the +meaning of which there could be no mistake, and without contradicting +himself elsewhere; but this was not Mr. Darwin’s manner. + +In passing I will give another example of Mr Darwin’s manner when he did +not quite dare even to hedge. It is to be found in the preface which he +wrote to Professor Weismann’s “Studies in the Theory of Descent,” +published in 1881. + +“Several distinguished naturalists,” says Mr. Darwin, “maintain with much +confidence that organic beings tend to vary and to rise in the scale, +independently of the conditions to which they and their progenitors have +been exposed; whilst others maintain that all variation is due to such +exposure, though the manner in which the environment acts is as yet quite +unknown. At the present time there is hardly any question in biology of +more importance than this of the nature and causes of variability; and +the reader will find in the present work an able discussion on the whole +subject, which will probably lead him to pause before he admits the +existence of an innate tendency to perfectibility”—or towards _being able +to be perfected_. + +I could find no able discussion upon the whole subject in Professor +Weismann’s book. There was a little something here and there, but not +much. + +It may be expected that I should say something here about Mr. Romanes’ +latest contribution to biology—I mean his theory of physiological +selection, of which the two first instalments have appeared in _Nature_ +just as these pages are leaving my hands, and many months since the +foregoing, and most of the following chapters were written. I admit to +feeling a certain sense of thankfulness that they did not appear earlier; +as it is, my book is too far advanced to be capable of further embryonic +change, and this must be my excuse for saying less about Mr. Romanes’ +theory than I might perhaps otherwise do. I cordially, however, agree +with the _Times_, which says that “Mr. George Romanes appears to be the +biological investigator on whom the mantle of Mr. Darwin has most +conspicuously descended” (August 16, 1886). Mr. Romanes is just the +person whom the late Mr. Darwin would select to carry on his work, and +Mr. Darwin was just the kind of person towards whom Mr. Romanes would +find himself instinctively attracted. + +The _Times_ continues—“The position which Mr. Romanes takes up is the +result of his perception shared by many evolutionists, that the theory of +natural selection is not really a theory of the origin of species. . . .” +What, then, becomes of Mr. Darwin’s most famous work, which was written +expressly to establish natural selection as the main means of organic +modification? “The new factor which Mr. Romanes suggests,” continues the +_Times_, “is that at a certain stage of development of varieties in a +state of nature a change takes place in their reproductive systems, +rendering those which differ in some particulars mutually infertile, and +thus the formation of new permanent species takes place without the +swamping effect of free intercrossing. . . . How his theory can be +properly termed one of selection he fails to make clear. If correct, it +is a law or principle of operation rather than a process of selection. +It has been objected to Mr. Romanes’ theory that it is the re-statement +of a fact. This objection is less important than the lack of facts in +support of the theory.” The _Times_, however, implies it as its opinion +that the required facts will be forthcoming by and by, and that when they +have been found Mr. Romanes’ suggestion will constitute “the most +important addition to the theory of evolution since the publication of +the ‘Origin of Species.’” Considering that the _Times_ has just implied +the main thesis of the “Origin of Species” to be one which does not stand +examination, this is rather a doubtful compliment. + +Neither Mr. Romanes nor the writer in the _Times_ appears to perceive +that the results which may or may not be supposed to ensue on choice +depend upon what it is that is supposed to be chosen from; they do not +appear to see that though the expression natural selection must be always +more or less objectionable, as too highly charged with metaphor for +purposes of science, there is nevertheless a natural selection which is +open to no other objection than this, and which, when its metaphorical +character is borne well in mind, may be used without serious risk of +error, whereas natural selection from variations that are mainly +fortuitous is chimerical as well as metaphorical. Both writers speak of +natural selection as though there could not possibly be any selection in +the course of nature, or natural survival, of any but accidental +variations. Thus Mr. Romanes says: {66a} “The swamping effect of free +inter-crossing upon an individual variation constitutes perhaps the most +formidable difficulty with which _the theory of natural selection_ is +beset.” And the writer of the article in the _Times_ above referred to +says: “In truth _the theory of natural selection_ presents many facts and +results which increase rather than diminish the difficulty of accounting +for the existence of species.” The assertion made in each case is true +if the Charles-Darwinian selection from fortuitous variations is +intended, but it does not hold good if the selection is supposed to be +made from variations under which there lies a general principle of wide +and abiding application. It is not likely that a man of Mr. Romanes’ +antecedents should not be perfectly awake to considerations so obvious as +the foregoing, and I am afraid I am inclined to consider his whole +suggestion as only an attempt upon the part of the wearer of Mr. Darwin’s +mantle to carry on Mr. Darwin’s work in Mr. Darwin’s spirit. + +I have seen Professor Hering’s theory adopted recently more unreservedly +by Dr. Creighton in his “Illustrations of Unconscious Memory in Disease.” +{67a} Dr. Creighton avowedly bases his system on Professor Hering’s +address, and endorses it; it is with much pleasure that I have seen him +lend the weight of his authority to the theory that each cell and organ +has an individual memory. In “Life and Habit” I expressed a hope that +the opinions it upheld would be found useful by medical men, and am +therefore the more glad to see that this has proved to be the case. I +may perhaps be pardoned if I quote the passage in “Life and Habit” to +which I am referring. It runs:— + +“_Mutatis mutandis_, the above would seem to hold as truly about medicine +as about politics. We cannot reason with our cells, for they know so +much more” (of course I mean “about their own business”) “than we do, +that they cannot understand us;—but though we cannot reason with them, we +can find out what they have been most accustomed to, and what, therefore, +they are most likely to expect; we can see that they get this as far as +it is in our power to give it them, and may then generally leave the rest +to them, only bearing in mind that they will rebel equally against too +sudden a change of treatment and no change at all” (p. 305). + +Dr. Creighton insists chiefly on the importance of change, which—though I +did not notice his saying so—he would doubtless see as a mode of +cross-fertilisation, fraught in all respects with the same advantages as +this, and requiring the same precautions against abuse; he would not, +however, I am sure, deny that there could be no fertility of good results +if too wide a cross were attempted, so that I may claim the weight of his +authority as supporting both the theory of an unconscious memory in +general, and the particular application of it to medicine which I had +ventured to suggest. + +“Has the word ‘memory,’” he asks, “a real application to unconscious +organic phenomena, or do we use it outside its ancient limits only in a +figure of speech?” + +“If I had thought,” he continues later, “that unconscious memory was no +more than a metaphor, and the detailed application of it to these various +forms of disease merely allegorical, I should still have judged it not +unprofitable to represent a somewhat hackneyed class of maladies in the +light of a parable. None of our faculties is more familiar to us in its +workings than the memory, and there is hardly any force or power in +nature which every one knows so well as the force of habit. To say that +a neurotic subject is like a person with a retentive memory, or that a +diathesis gradually acquired is like an over-mastering habit, is at all +events to make comparisons with things that we all understand. + +“For reasons given chiefly in the first chapter, I conclude that +retentiveness, with reproduction, is a single undivided faculty +throughout the whole of our life, whether mental or bodily, conscious or +unconscious; and I claim the description of a certain class of maladies +according to the phraseology of memory and habit as a real description +and not a figurative.” (p. 2.) + +As a natural consequence of the foregoing he regards “alterative action” +as “habit-breaking action.” + +As regards the organism’s being guided throughout its development to +maturity by an unconscious memory, Dr. Creighton says that “Professor +Bain calls reproduction the acme of organic complication.” “I should +prefer to say,” he adds, “the acme of organic implication; for the reason +that the sperm and germ elements are perfectly simple, having nothing in +their form or structure to show for the marvellous potentialities within +them. + +“I now come to the application of these considerations to the doctrine of +unconscious memory. If generation is the acme of organic implicitness, +what is its correlative in nature, what is the acme of organic +explicitness? Obviously the fine flower of consciousness. Generation is +implicit memory, consciousness is explicit memory; generation is +potential memory, consciousness is actual memory.” + +I am not sure that I understand the preceding paragraph as clearly as I +should wish, but having quoted enough to perhaps induce the reader to +turn to Dr. Creighton’s book, I will proceed to the subject indicated in +my title. + + + + +Chapter V +Statement of the Question at Issue + + +OF the two points referred to in the opening sentence of this book—I mean +the connection between heredity and memory, and the reintroduction of +design into organic modification—the second is both the more important +and the one which stands most in need of support. The substantial +identity between heredity and memory is becoming generally admitted; as +regards my second point, however, I cannot flatter myself that I have +made much way against the formidable array of writers on the +neo-Darwinian side; I shall therefore devote the rest of my book as far +as possible to this subject only. Natural selection (meaning by these +words the preservation in the ordinary course of nature of favourable +variations that are supposed to be mainly matters of pure good luck and +in no way arising out of function) has been, to use an Americanism than +which I can find nothing apter, the biggest biological boom of the last +quarter of a century; it is not, therefore, to be wondered at that +Professor Ray Lankester, Mr. Romanes, Mr. Grant Allen, and others, should +show some impatience at seeing its value as prime means of modification +called in question. Within the last few months, indeed, Mr. Grant Allen +{70a} and Professor Ray Lankester {70b} in England, and Dr. Ernst Krause +{70c} in Germany, have spoken and written warmly in support of the theory +of natural selection, and in opposition to the views taken by myself; if +they are not to be left in possession of the field the sooner they are +met the better. + +Stripped of detail the point at issue is this;—whether luck or cunning is +the fitter to be insisted on as the main means of organic development. +Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck answered this question in favour of cunning. +They settled it in favour of intelligent perception of the +situation—within, of course, ever narrower and narrower limits as +organism retreats farther backwards from ourselves—and persistent effort +to turn it to account. They made this the soul of all development +whether of mind or body. + +And they made it, like all other souls, liable to aberration both for +better and worse. They held that some organisms show more ready wit and +_savoir faire_ than others; that some give more proofs of genius and have +more frequent happy thoughts than others, and that some have even gone +through waters of misery which they have used as wells. + +The sheet anchor both of Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck is in good sense and +thrift; still they are aware that money has been sometimes made by +“striking oil,” and ere now been transmitted to descendants in spite of +the haphazard way in which it was originally acquired. No speculation, +no commerce; “nothing venture, nothing have,” is as true for the +development of organic wealth as for that of any other kind, and neither +Erasmus Darwin nor Lamarck hesitated about admitting that highly +picturesque and romantic incidents of developmental venture do from time +to time occur in the race histories even of the dullest and most +dead-level organisms under the name of “sports;” but they would hold that +even these occur most often and most happily to those that have +persevered in well-doing for some generations. Unto the organism that +hath is given, and from the organism that hath not is taken away; so that +even “sports” prove to be only a little off thrift, which still remains +the sheet anchor of the early evolutionists. They believe, in fact, that +more organic wealth has been made by saving than in any other way. The +race is not in the long run to the phenomenally swift nor the battle to +the phenomenally strong, but to the good average all-round organism that +is alike shy of Radical crotchets and old world obstructiveness. +_Festina_, but _festina lente_—perhaps as involving so completely the +contradiction in terms which must underlie all modification—is the motto +they would assign to organism, and _Chi va piano va lontano_, they hold +to be a maxim as old, if not as the hills (and they have a hankering even +after these), at any rate as the amœba. + +To repeat in other words. All enduring forms establish a _modus vivendi_ +with their surroundings. They can do this because both they and the +surroundings are plastic within certain undefined but somewhat narrow +limits. They are plastic because they can to some extent change their +habits, and changed habit, if persisted in, involves corresponding +change, however slight, in the organs employed; but their plasticity +depends in great measure upon their failure to perceive that they are +moulding themselves. If a change is so great that they are seriously +incommoded by its novelty, they are not likely to acquiesce in it kindly +enough to grow to it, but they will make no difficulty about the miracle +involved in accommodating themselves to a difference of only two or three +per cent. {72a} + +As long as no change exceeds this percentage, and as long, also, as fresh +change does not supervene till the preceding one is well established, +there seems no limit to the amount of modification which may be +accumulated in the course of generations—provided, of course, always, +that the modification continues to be in conformity with the instinctive +habits and physical development of the organism in their collective +capacity. Where the change is too great, or where an organ has been +modified cumulatively in some one direction, until it has reached a +development too seriously out of harmony with the habits of the organism +taken collectively, then the organism holds itself excused from further +effort, throws up the whole concern, and takes refuge in the liquidation +and reconstruction of death. It is only on the relinquishing of further +effort that this death ensues; as long as effort endures, organisms go on +from change to change, altering and being altered—that is to say, either +killing themselves piecemeal in deference to the surroundings or killing +the surroundings piecemeal to suit themselves. There is a ceaseless +higgling and haggling, or rather a life-and-death struggle between these +two things as long as life lasts, and one or other or both have in no +small part to re-enter into the womb from whence they came and be born +again in some form which shall give greater satisfaction. + +All change is _pro tanto_ death or _pro tanto_ birth. Change is the +common substratum which underlies both life and death; life and death are +not two distinct things absolutely antagonistic to one another; in the +highest life there is still much death, and in the most complete death +there is still not a little life. _La vie_, says Claud Bernard, {73a} +_c’est la mort_: he might have added, and perhaps did, _et la mort ce +n’est que la vie transformée_. Life and death are the extreme modes of +something which is partly both and wholly neither; this something is +common, ordinary change; solve any change and the mystery of life and +death will be revealed; show why and how anything becomes ever anything +other in any respect than what it is at any given moment, and there will +be little secret left in any other change. One is not in its ultimate +essence more miraculous that another; it may be more striking—a greater +_congeries_ of shocks, it may be more credible or more incredible, but +not more miraculous; all change is _quâ_ us absolutely incomprehensible +and miraculous; the smallest change baffles the greatest intellect if its +essence, as apart from its phenomena, be inquired into. + +But however this may be, all organic change is either a growth or a +dissolution, or a combination of the two. Growth is the coming together +of elements with _quasi_ similar characteristics. I understand it is +believed to be the coming together of matter in certain states of motion +with other matter in states so nearly similar that the rhythms of the one +coalesce with and hence reinforce the rhythms pre-existing in the +other—making, rather than marring and undoing them. Life and growth are +an attuning, death and decay are an untuning; both involve a succession +of greater or smaller attunings and untunings; organic life is “the +diapason closing full in man”; it is the fulness of a tone that varies in +pitch, quality, and in the harmonics to which it gives rise; it ranges +through every degree of complexity from the endless combinations of +life-and-death within life-and-death which we find in the mammalia, to +the comparative simplicity of the amœba. Death, again, like life, ranges +through every degree of complexity. All pleasant changes are recreative; +they are _pro tanto_ births; all unpleasant changes are wearing, and, as +such, _pro tanto_ deaths, but we can no more exhaust either wholly of the +other, than we can exhaust all the air out of a receiver; pleasure and +pain lurk within one another, as life in death, and death in life, or as +rest and unrest in one another. + +There is no greater mystery in life than in death. We talk as though the +riddle of life only need engage us; this is not so; death is just as +great a miracle as life; the one is two and two making five, the other is +five splitting into two and two. Solve either, and we have solved the +other; they should be studied not apart, for they are never parted, but +together, and they will tell more tales of one another than either will +tell about itself. If there is one thing which advancing knowledge makes +clearer than another, it is that death is swallowed up in life, and life +in death; so that if the last enemy that shall be subdued is death, then +indeed is our salvation nearer than what we thought, for in strictness +there is neither life nor death, nor thought nor thing, except as figures +of speech, and as the approximations which strike us for the time as most +convenient. There is neither perfect life nor perfect death, but a being +ever with the Lord only, in the eternal φορα, or going to and fro and +heat and fray of the universe. When we were young we thought the one +certain thing was that we should one day come to die; now we know the one +certain thing to be that we shall never wholly do so. _Non omnis +moriar_, says Horace, and “I die daily,” says St. Paul, as though a life +beyond the grave, and a death on this side of it, were each some strange +thing which happened to them alone of all men; but who dies absolutely +once for all, and for ever at the hour that is commonly called that of +death, and who does not die daily and hourly? Does any man in continuing +to live from day to day or moment to moment, do more than continue in a +changed body, with changed feelings, ideas, and aims, so that he lives +from moment to moment only in virtue of a simultaneous dying from moment +to moment also? Does any man in dying do more than, on a larger and more +complete scale, what he has been doing on a small one, as the most +essential factor of his life, from the day that he became “he” at all? +When the note of life is struck the harmonics of death are sounded, and +so, again, to strike death is to arouse the infinite harmonics of life +that rise forthwith as incense curling upwards from a censer. If in the +midst of life we are in death, so also in the midst of death we are in +life, and whether we live or whether we die, whether we like it and know +anything about it or no, still we do it to the Lord—living always, dying +always, and in the Lord always, the unjust and the just alike, for God is +no respecter of persons. + +Consciousness and change, so far as we can watch them, are as +functionally interdependent as mind and matter, or condition and +substance, are—for the condition of every substance may be considered as +the expression and outcome of its mind. Where there is consciousness +there is change; where there is no change there is no consciousness; may +we not suspect that there is no change without a _pro tanto_ +consciousness however simple and unspecialised? Change and motion are +one, so that we have substance, feeling, change (or motion), as the +ultimate three-in-one of our thoughts, and may suspect all change, and +all feeling, attendant or consequent, however limited, to be the +interaction of those states which for want of better terms we call mind +and matter. Action may be regarded as a kind of middle term between mind +and matter; it is the throe of thought and thing, the quivering clash and +union of body and soul; commonplace enough in practice; miraculous, as +violating every canon on which thought and reason are founded, if we +theorise about it, put it under the microscope, and vivisect it. It is +here, if anywhere, that body or substance is guilty of the contradiction +in terms of combining with that which is without material substance and +cannot, therefore, be conceived by us as passing in and out with matter, +till the two become a body ensouled and a soul embodied. + +All body is more or less ensouled. As it gets farther and farther from +ourselves, indeed, we sympathise less with it; nothing, we say to +ourselves, can have intelligence unless we understand all about it—as +though intelligence in all except ourselves meant the power of being +understood rather than of understanding. We are intelligent, and no +intelligence, so different from our own as to baffle our powers of +comprehension deserves to be called intelligence at all. The more a +thing resembles ourselves, the more it thinks as we do—and thus by +implication tells us that we are right, the more intelligent we think it; +and the less it thinks as we do, the greater fool it must be; if a +substance does not succeed in making it clear that it understands our +business, we conclude that it cannot have any business of its own, much +less understand it, or indeed understand anything at all. But letting +this pass, so far as we are concerned, χρημάτων πάντων μέτρον άνθρωπος; +we are body ensouled, and soul embodied, ourselves, nor is it possible +for us to think seriously of anything so unlike ourselves as to consist +either of soul without body, or body without soul. Unmattered condition, +therefore, is as inconceivable by us as unconditioned matter; and we must +hold that all body with which we can be conceivably concerned is more or +less ensouled, and all soul, in like manner, more or less embodied. +Strike either body or soul—that is to say, effect either a physical or a +mental change, and the harmonics of the other sound. So long as body is +minded in a certain way—so long, that is to say, as it feels, knows, +remembers, concludes, and forecasts one set of things—it will be in one +form; if it assumes a new one, otherwise than by external violence, no +matter how slight the change may be, it is only through having changed +its mind, through having forgotten and died to some trains of thought, +and having been correspondingly born anew by the adoption of new ones. +What it will adopt depends upon which of the various courses open to it +it considers most to its advantage. + +What it will think to its advantage depends mainly on the past habits of +its race. Its past and now invisible lives will influence its desires +more powerfully than anything it may itself be able to add to the sum of +its likes and dislikes; nevertheless, over and above preconceived opinion +and the habits to which all are slaves, there is a small salary, or, as +it were, agency commission, which each may have for himself, and spend +according to his fancy; from this, indeed, income-tax must be deducted; +still there remains a little margin of individual taste, and here, high +up on this narrow, inaccessible ledge of our souls, from year to year a +breed of not unprolific variations build where reason cannot reach them +to despoil them; for _de gustibus non est disputandum_. + +Here we are as far as we can go. Fancy, which sometimes sways so much +and is swayed by so little, and which sometimes, again, is so hard to +sway, and moves so little when it is swayed; whose ways have a method of +their own, but are not as our ways—fancy, lies on the extreme borderland +of the realm within which the writs of our thoughts run, and extends into +that unseen world wherein they have no jurisdiction. Fancy is as the +mist upon the horizon which blends earth and sky; where, however, it +approaches nearest to the earth and can be reckoned with, it is seen as +melting into desire, and this as giving birth to design and effort. As +the net result and outcome of these last, living forms grow gradually but +persistently into physical conformity with their own intentions, and +become outward and visible signs of the inward and spiritual faiths, or +wants of faith, that have been most within them. They thus very +gradually, but none the less effectually, design themselves. + +In effect, therefore, Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck introduce uniformity +into the moral and spiritual worlds as it was already beginning to be +introduced into the physical. According to both these writers +development has ever been a matter of the same energy, effort, good +sense, and perseverance, as tend to advancement of life now among +ourselves. In essence it is neither more nor less than this, as the +rain-drop which denuded an ancient formation is of the same kind as that +which is denuding a modern one, though its effect may vary in geometrical +ratio with the effect it has produced already. As we are extending +reason to the lower animals, so we must extend a system of moral +government by rewards and punishments no less surely; and if we admit +that to some considerable extent man is man, and master of his fate, we +should admit also that all organic forms which are saved at all have been +in proportionate degree masters of their fate too, and have worked out, +not only their own salvation, but their salvation according, in no small +measure, to their own goodwill and pleasure, at times with a light heart, +and at times in fear and trembling. I do not say that Erasmus Darwin and +Lamarck saw all the foregoing as clearly as it is easy to see it now; +what I have said, however, is only the natural development of their +system. + + + + +Chapter VI +Statement of the Question at Issue (_continued_) + + +SO much for the older view; and now for the more modern opinion. +According to Messrs. Darwin and Wallace, and ostensibly, I am afraid I +should add, a great majority of our most prominent biologists, the view +taken by Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck is not a sound one. Some organisms, +indeed, are so admirably adapted to their surroundings, and some organs +discharge their functions with so much appearance of provision, that we +are apt to think they must owe their development to sense of need and +consequent contrivance, but this opinion is fantastic; the appearance of +design is delusive; what we are tempted to see as an accumulated outcome +of desire and cunning, we should regard as mainly an accumulated outcome +of good luck. + +Let us take the eye as a somewhat crucial example. It is a +seeing-machine, or thing to see with. So is a telescope; the telescope +in its highest development is a secular accumulation of cunning, +sometimes small, sometimes great; sometimes applied to this detail of the +instrument, and sometimes to that. It is an admirable example of design; +nevertheless, as I said in “Evolution Old and New,” he who made the first +rude telescope had probably no idea of any more perfect form of the +instrument than the one he had himself invented. Indeed, if he had, he +would have carried his idea out in practice. He would have been unable +to conceive such an instrument as Lord Rosse’s; the design, therefore, at +present evidenced by the telescope was not design all on the part of one +and the same person. Nor yet was it unmixed with chance; many a detail +has been doubtless due to an accident or coincidence which was forthwith +seized and made the best of. Luck there always has been and always will +be, until all brains are opened, and all connections made known, but luck +turned to account becomes design; there is, indeed, if things are driven +home, little other design than this. The telescope, therefore, is an +instrument designed in all its parts for the purpose of seeing, and, take +it all round, designed with singular skill. + +Looking at the eye, we are at first tempted to think that it must be the +telescope over again, only more so; we are tempted to see it as something +which has grown up little by little from small beginnings, as the result +of effort well applied and handed down from generation to generation, +till, in the vastly greater time during which the eye has been developing +as compared with the telescope, a vastly more astonishing result has been +arrived at. We may indeed be tempted to think this, but, according to +Mr. Darwin, we should be wrong. Design had a great deal to do with the +telescope, but it had nothing or hardly anything whatever to do with the +eye. The telescope owes its development to cunning, the eye to luck, +which, it would seem, is so far more cunning than cunning that one does +not quite understand why there should be any cunning at all. The main +means of developing the eye was, according to Mr. Darwin, not use as +varying circumstances might direct with consequent slow increase of power +and an occasional happy flight of genius, but natural selection. Natural +selection, according to him, though not the sole, is still the most +important means of its development and modification. {81a} What, then, +is natural selection? + +Mr. Darwin has told us this on the title-page of the “Origin of Species.” +He there defines it as “The Preservation of Favoured Races;” “Favoured” +is “Fortunate,” and “Fortunate” “Lucky;” it is plain, therefore, that +with Mr. Darwin natural selection comes to “The Preservation of Lucky +Races,” and that he regarded luck as the most important feature in +connection with the development even of so apparently purposive an organ +as the eye, and as the one, therefore, on which it was most proper to +insist. And what is luck but absence of intention or design? What, +then, can Mr. Darwin’s title-page amount to when written out plainly, but +to an assertion that the main means of modification has been the +preservation of races whose variations have been unintentional, that is +to say, not connected with effort or intention, devoid of mind or +meaning, fortuitous, spontaneous, accidental, or whatever kindred word is +least disagreeable to the reader? It is impossible to conceive any more +complete denial of mind as having had anything to do with organic +development, than is involved in the title-page of the “Origin of +Species” when its doubtless carefully considered words are studied—nor, +let me add, is it possible to conceive a title-page more likely to make +the reader’s attention rest much on the main doctrine of evolution, and +little, to use the words now most in vogue concerning it, on Mr. Darwin’s +own “distinctive feature.” + +It should be remembered that the full title of the “Origin of Species” +is, “On the origin of species by means of natural selection, or the +preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life.” The +significance of the expansion of the title escaped the greater number of +Mr. Darwin’s readers. Perhaps it ought not to have done so, but we +certainly failed to catch it. The very words themselves escaped us—and +yet there they were all the time if we had only chosen to look. We +thought the book was called “On the Origin of Species,” and so it was on +the outside; so it was also on the inside fly-leaf; so it was on the +title-page itself as long as the most prominent type was used; the +expanded title was only given once, and then in smaller type; so the +three big “Origins of Species” carried us with them to the exclusion of +the rest. + +The short and working title, “On the Origin of Species,” in effect claims +descent with modification generally; the expanded and technically true +title only claims the discovery that luck is the main means of organic +modification, and this is a very different matter. The book ought to +have been entitled, “On Natural Selection, or the preservation of +favoured races in the struggle for life, as the main means of the origin +of species;” this should have been the expanded title, and the short +title should have been “On Natural Selection.” The title would not then +have involved an important difference between its working and its +technical forms, and it would have better fulfilled the object of a +title, which is, of course, to give, as far as may be, the essence of a +book in a nutshell. We learn on the authority of Mr. Darwin himself +{83a} that the “Origin of Species” was originally intended to bear the +title “Natural Selection;” nor is it easy to see why the change should +have been made if an accurate expression of the contents of the book was +the only thing which Mr. Darwin was considering. It is curious that, +writing the later chapters of “Life and Habit” in great haste, I should +have accidentally referred to the “Origin of Species” as “Natural +Selection;” it seems hard to believe that there was no intention in my +thus unconsciously reverting to Mr. Darwin’s own original title, but +there certainly was none, and I did not then know what the original title +had been. + +If we had scrutinised Mr. Darwin’s title-page as closely as we should +certainly scrutinise anything written by Mr. Darwin now, we should have +seen that the title did not technically claim the theory of descent; +practically, however, it so turned out that we unhesitatingly gave that +theory to the author, being, as I have said, carried away by the three +large “Origins of Species” (which we understood as much the same thing as +descent with modification), and finding, as I shall show in a later +chapter, that descent was ubiquitously claimed throughout the work, +either expressly or by implication, as Mr. Darwin’s theory. It is not +easy to see how any one with ordinary instincts could hesitate to believe +that Mr. Darwin was entitled to claim what he claimed with so much +insistance. If _ars est celare artem_ Mr. Darwin must be allowed to have +been a consummate artist, for it took us years to understand the ins and +outs of what had been done. + +I may say in passing that we never see the “Origin of Species” spoken of +as “On the Origin of Species, &c.,” or as “The Origin of Species, &c.” +(the word “on” being dropped in the latest editions). The distinctive +feature of the book lies, according to its admirers, in the “&c.,” but +they never give it. To avoid pedantry I shall continue to speak of the +“Origin of Species.” + +At any rate it will be admitted that Mr. Darwin did not make his +title-page express his meaning so clearly that his readers could readily +catch the point of difference between himself and his grandfather and +Lamarck; nevertheless the point just touched upon involves the only +essential difference between the systems of Mr. Charles Darwin and those +of his three most important predecessors. All four writers agree that +animals and plants descend with modification; all agree that the fittest +alone survive; all agree about the important consequences of the +geometrical ratio of increase; Mr. Charles Darwin has said more about +these last two points than his predecessors did, but all three were alike +cognisant of the facts and attached the same importance to them, and +would have been astonished at its being supposed possible that they +disputed them. The fittest alone survive; yes—but the fittest from among +what? Here comes the point of divergence; the fittest from among +organisms whose variations arise mainly through use and disuse? In other +words, from variations that are mainly functional? Or from among +organisms whose variations are in the main matters of luck? From +variations into which a moral and intellectual system of payment +according to results has largely entered? Or from variations which have +been thrown for with dice? From variations among which, though cards +tell, yet play tells as much or more? Or from those in which cards are +everything and play goes for so little as to be not worth taking into +account? Is “the survival of the fittest” to be taken as meaning “the +survival of the luckiest” or “the survival of those who know best how to +turn fortune to account”? Is luck the only element of fitness, or is not +cunning even more indispensable? + +Mr. Darwin has a habit, borrowed, perhaps, _mutatis mutandis_, from the +framers of our collects, of every now and then adding the words “through +natural selection,” as though this squared everything, and descent with +modification thus became his theory at once. This is not the case. +Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck believed in natural selection to the +full as much as any follower of Mr. Charles Darwin can do. They did not +use the actual words, but the idea underlying them is the essence of +their system. Mr. Patrick Matthew epitomised their doctrine more +tersely, perhaps, than was done by any other of the pre-Charles-Darwinian +evolutionists, in the following passage which appeared in 1831, and which +I have already quoted in “Evolution Old and New” (pp. 320, 323). The +passage runs:— + +“The self-regulating adaptive disposition of organised life may, in part, +be traced to the extreme fecundity of nature, who, as before stated, has +in all the varieties of her offspring a prolific power much beyond (in +many cases a thousandfold) what is necessary to fill up the vacancies +caused by senile decay. As the field of existence is limited and +preoccupied, it is only the hardier, more robust, better suited to +circumstance individuals, who are able to struggle forward to maturity, +these inhabiting only the situations to which they have superior +adaptation and greater power of occupancy than any other kind; the weaker +and less circumstance-suited being prematurely destroyed. This principle +is in constant action; it regulates the colour, the figure, the +capacities, and instincts; those individuals in each species whose colour +and covering are best suited to concealment or protection from enemies, +or defence from inclemencies or vicissitudes of climate, whose figure is +best accommodated to health, strength, defence, and support; whose +capacities and instincts can best regulate the physical energies to +self-advantage according to circumstances—in such immense waste of +primary and youthful life those only come forward to maturity from _the +strict ordeal by which nature tests their adaptation to her standard of +perfection_ and fitness to continue their kind by reproduction.” {86a} A +little lower down Mr. Matthew speaks of animals under domestication “_not +having undergone selection by the law of nature_, _of which we have +spoken_, and hence being unable to maintain their ground without culture +and protection.” + +The distinction between Darwinism and Neo-Darwinism is generally believed +to lie in the adoption of a theory of natural selection by the younger +Darwin and its non-adoption by the elder. This is true in so far as that +the elder Darwin does not use the words “natural selection,” while the +younger does, but it is not true otherwise. Both writers agree that +offspring tends to inherit modifications that have been effected, from +whatever cause, in parents; both hold that the best adapted to their +surroundings live longest and leave most offspring; both, therefore, hold +that favourable modifications will tend to be preserved and intensified +in the course of many generations, and that this leads to divergence of +type; but these opinions involve a theory of natural selection or +quasi-selection, whether the words “natural selection” are used or not; +indeed it is impossible to include wild species in any theory of descent +with modification without implying a quasi-selective power on the part of +nature; but even with Mr. Charles Darwin the power is only +quasi-selective; there is no conscious choice, and hence there is nothing +that can in strictness be called selection. + +It is indeed true that the younger Darwin gave the words “natural +selection” the importance which of late years they have assumed; he +probably adopted them unconsciously from the passage of Mr. Matthew’s +quoted above, but he ultimately said, {87a} “In the literal sense of the +word (_sic_) no doubt natural selection is a false term,” as personifying +a fact, making it exercise the conscious choice without which there can +be no selection, and generally crediting it with the discharge of +functions which can only be ascribed legitimately to living and reasoning +beings. Granted, however, that while Mr. Charles Darwin adopted the +expression natural selection and admitted it to be a bad one, his +grandfather did not use it at all; still Mr. Darwin did not mean the +natural selection which Mr. Matthew and those whose opinions he was +epitomising meant. Mr. Darwin meant the selection to be made from +variations into which purpose enters to only a small extent +comparatively. The difference, therefore, between the older +evolutionists and their successor does not lie in the acceptance by the +more recent writer of a quasi-selective power in nature which his +predecessors denied, but in the background—hidden behind the words +natural selection, which have served to cloak it—in the views which the +old and the new writers severally took of the variations from among which +they are alike agreed that a selection or quasi-selection is made. + +It now appears that there is not one natural selection, and one survival +of the fittest only, but two natural selections, and two survivals of the +fittest, the one of which may be objected to as an expression more fit +for religious and general literature than for science, but may still be +admitted as sound in intention, while the other, inasmuch as it supposes +accident to be the main purveyor of variations, has no correspondence +with the actual course of things; for if the variations are matters of +chance or hazard unconnected with any principle of constant application, +they will not occur steadily enough, throughout a sufficient number of +successive generations, nor to a sufficient number of individuals for +many generations together at the same time and place, to admit of the +fixing and permanency of modification at all. The one theory of natural +selection, therefore, may, and indeed will, explain the facts that +surround us, whereas the other will not. Mr. Charles Darwin’s +contribution to the theory of evolution was not, as is commonly supposed, +“natural selection,” but the hypothesis that natural selection from +variations that are in the main fortuitous could accumulate and result in +specific and generic differences. + +In the foregoing paragraph I have given the point of difference between +Mr. Charles Darwin and his predecessors. Why, I wonder, have neither he +nor any of his exponents put this difference before us in such plain +words that we should readily apprehend it? Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck +were understood by all who wished to understand them; why is it that the +misunderstanding of Mr. Darwin’s “distinctive feature” should have been +so long and obstinate? Why is it that, no matter how much writers like +Mr. Grant Allen and Professor Ray Lankester may say about “Mr. Darwin’s +master-key,” nor how many more like hyperboles they brandish, they never +put a succinct _résumé_ of Mr. Darwin’s theory side by side with a +similar _résumé_ of his grandfather’s and Lamarck’s? Neither Mr. Darwin +himself, not any of those to whose advocacy his reputation is mainly due, +have done this. Professor Huxley is the man of all others who foisted +Mr. Darwin most upon us, but in his famous lecture on the coming of age +of the “Origin of Species” he did not explain to his hearers wherein the +Neo-Darwinian theory of evolution differed from the old; and why not? +Surely, because no sooner is this made clear than we perceive that the +idea underlying the old evolutionists is more in accord with instinctive +feelings that we have cherished too long to be able now to disregard them +than the central idea which underlies the “Origin of Species.” + +What should we think of one who maintained that the steam-engine and +telescope were not developed mainly through design and effort (letting +the indisputably existing element of luck go without saying), but to the +fact that if any telescope or steam-engine “happened to be made ever such +a little more conveniently for man’s purposes than another,” &c., &c.? + +Let us suppose a notorious burglar found in possession of a jemmy; it is +admitted on all hands that he will use it as soon as he gets a chance; +there is no doubt about this; how perverted should we not consider the +ingenuity of one who tried to persuade us we were wrong in thinking that +the burglar compassed the possession of the jemmy by means involving +ideas, however vague in the first instance, of applying it to its +subsequent function. + +If any one could be found so blind to obvious inferences as to accept +natural selection, “or the preservation of favoured machines,” as the +main means of mechanical modification, we might suppose him to argue much +as follows:—“I can quite understand,” he would exclaim, “how any one who +reflects upon the originally simple form of the earliest jemmies, and +observes the developments they have since attained in the hands of our +most accomplished housebreakers, might at first be tempted to believe +that the present form of the instrument has been arrived at by +long-continued improvement in the hands of an almost infinite succession +of thieves; but may not this inference be somewhat too hastily drawn? +Have we any right to assume that burglars work by means analogous to +those employed by other people? If any thief happened to pick up any +crowbar which happened to be ever such a little better suited to his +purpose than the one he had been in the habit of using hitherto, he would +at once seize and carefully preserve it. If it got worn out or broken he +would begin searching for a crowbar as like as possible to the one that +he had lost; and when, with advancing skill, and in default of being able +to find the exact thing he wanted, he took at length to making a jemmy +for himself, he would imitate the latest and most perfect adaptation, +which would thus be most likely to be preserved in the struggle of +competitive forms. Let this process go on for countless generations, +among countless burglars of all nations, and may we not suppose that a +jemmy would be in time arrived at, as superior to any that could have +been designed as the effect of the Niagara Falls is superior to the puny +efforts of the landscape gardener?” + +For the moment I will pass over the obvious retort that there is no +sufficient parallelism between bodily organs and mechanical inventions to +make a denial of design in the one involve in equity a denial of it in +the other also, and that therefore the preceding paragraph has no force. +A man is not bound to deny design in machines wherein it can be clearly +seen because he denies it in living organs where at best it is a matter +of inference. This retort is plausible, but in the course of the two +next following chapters but one it will be shown to be without force; for +the moment, however, beyond thus calling attention to it, I must pass it +by. + +I do not mean to say that Mr. Darwin ever wrote anything which made the +utility of his contention as apparent as it is made by what I have above +put into the mouth of his supposed follower. Mr. Darwin was the +Gladstone of biology, and so old a scientific hand was not going to make +things unnecessarily clear unless it suited his convenience. Then, +indeed, he was like the man in “The Hunting of the Snark,” who said, “I +told you once, I told you twice, what I tell you three times is true.” +That what I have supposed said, however, above about the jemmy is no +exaggeration of Mr. Darwin’s attitude as regards design in organism will +appear from the passage about the eye already referred to, which it may +perhaps be as well to quote in full. Mr. Darwin says:— + +“It is scarcely possible to avoid comparing the eye to a telescope. We +know that this instrument has been perfected by the long-continued +efforts of the highest human intellects, and we naturally infer that the +eye has been formed by a somewhat analogous process. But may not this +inference be presumptuous? Have we any right to assume that the Creator +works by intellectual powers like those of men? If we must compare the +eye to an optical instrument, we ought in imagination to take a thick +layer of transparent tissue, with a nerve sensitive to light beneath, and +then suppose every part of this layer to be continually changing slowly +in density, so as to separate into layers of different densities and +thicknesses, placed at different distances from each other, and with the +surfaces of each layer slowly changing in form. Further, we must suppose +that there is a power always intently watching each slight accidental +alteration in the transparent layers, and carefully selecting each +alteration which, under varied circumstances, may in any way, or in any +degree, tend to produce a distincter image. We must suppose each new +state of the instrument to be multiplied by the million, and each to be +preserved till a better be produced, and then the old ones to be +destroyed. In living bodies variation will cause the slight alterations, +generation will multiply them almost infinitely, and natural selection +will pick out with unerring skill each improvement. Let this process go +on for millions on millions of years, and during each year on millions of +individuals of many kinds; and may we not believe that a living optical +instrument might thus be formed as superior to one of glass as the works +of the Creator are to those of man?” {92a} + +Mr. Darwin does not in this passage deny design, or cunning, point blank; +he was not given to denying things point blank, nor is it immediately +apparent that he is denying design at all, for he does not emphasize and +call attention to the fact that the _variations_ on whose accumulation he +relies for his ultimate specific difference are accidental, and, to use +his own words, in the passage last quoted, caused by _variation_. He +does, indeed, in his earlier editions, call the variations “accidental,” +and accidental they remained for ten years, but in 1869 the word +“accidental” was taken out. Mr. Darwin probably felt that the variations +had been accidental as long as was desirable; and though they would, of +course, in reality remain as accidental as ever, still, there could be no +use in crying “accidental variations” further. If the reader wants to +know whether they were accidental or no, he had better find out for +himself. Mr. Darwin was a master of what may be called scientific +chiaroscuro, and owes his reputation in no small measure to the judgment +with which he kept his meaning dark when a less practised hand would have +thrown light upon it. There can, however, be no question that Mr. +Darwin, though not denying purposiveness point blank, was trying to refer +the development of the eye to the accumulation of small accidental +improvements, which were not as a rule due to effort and design in any +way analogous to those attendant on the development of the telescope. + +Though Mr. Darwin, if he was to have any point of difference from his +grandfather, was bound to make his variations accidental, yet, to do him +justice, he did not like it. Even in the earlier editions of the “Origin +of Species,” where the “alterations” in the passage last quoted are +called “accidental” in express terms, the word does not fall, so to +speak, on a strong beat of the bar, and is apt to pass unnoticed. +Besides, Mr. Darwin does not say point blank “we may believe,” or “we +ought to believe;” he only says “may we not believe?” The reader should +always be on his guard when Mr. Darwin asks one of these bland and +child-like questions, and he is fond of asking them; but, however this +may be, it is plain, as I pointed out in “Evolution Old and New” {93a} +that the only “skill,” that is to say the only thing that can possibly +involve design, is “the unerring skill” of natural selection. + +In the same paragraph Mr. Darwin has already said: “Further, we must +suppose that there is a power represented by natural selection or the +survival of the fittest always intently watching each slight alteration, +&c.” Mr. Darwin probably said “a power represented by natural selection” +instead of “natural selection” only, because he saw that to talk too +frequently about the fact that the most lucky live longest as “intently +watching” something was greater nonsense than it would be prudent even +for him to write, so he fogged it by making the intent watching done by +“a power represented by” a fact, instead of by the fact itself. As the +sentence stands it is just as great nonsense as it would have been if +“the survival of the fittest” had been allowed to do the watching instead +of “the power represented by” the survival of the fittest, but the +nonsense is harder to dig up, and the reader is more likely to pass it +over. + +This passage gave Mr. Darwin no less trouble than it must have given to +many of his readers. In the original edition of the “Origin of Species” +it stood, “Further, we must suppose that there is a power always intently +watching each slight accidental variation.” I suppose it was felt that +if this was allowed to stand, it might be fairly asked what natural +selection was doing all this time? If the power was able to do +everything that was necessary now, why not always? and why any natural +selection at all? This clearly would not do, so in 1861 the power was +allowed, by the help of brackets, actually to become natural selection, +and remained so till 1869, when Mr. Darwin could stand it no longer, and, +doubtless for the reason given above, altered the passage to “a power +represented by natural selection,” at the same time cutting out the word +“accidental.” + +It may perhaps make the workings of Mr. Darwin’s mind clearer to the +reader if I give the various readings of this passage as taken from the +three most important editions of the “Origin of Species.” + +In 1859 it stood, “Further, we must suppose that there is a power always +intently watching each slight accidental alteration,” &c. + +In 1861 it stood, “Further, we must suppose that there is a power +(natural selection) always intently watching each slight accidental +alteration,” &c. + +And in 1869, “Further, we must suppose that there is a power represented +by natural selection or the survival of the fittest always intently +watching each slight alteration,” &c. {94a} + +The hesitating feeble gait of one who fears a pitfall at every step, so +easily recognisable in the “numerous, successive, slight alterations” in +the foregoing passage, may be traced in many another page of the “Origin +of Species” by those who will be at the trouble of comparing the several +editions. It is only when this is done, and the working of Mr. Darwin’s +mind can be seen as though it were the twitchings of a dog’s nose, that +any idea can be formed of the difficulty in which he found himself +involved by his initial blunder of thinking he had got a distinctive +feature which entitled him to claim the theory of evolution as an +original idea of his own. He found his natural selection hang round his +neck like a millstone. There is hardly a page in the “Origin of Species” +in which traces of the struggle going on in Mr. Darwin’s mind are not +discernible, with a result alike exasperating and pitiable. I can only +repeat what I said in “Evolution Old and New,” namely, that I find the +task of extracting a well-defined meaning out of Mr. Darwin’s words +comparable only to that of trying to act on the advice of a lawyer who +has obscured the main issue as much as he can, and whose chief aim has +been to leave as many loopholes as possible for himself to escape by, if +things should go wrong hereafter. Or, again, to that of one who has to +construe an Act of Parliament which was originally drawn with a view to +throwing as much dust as possible in the eyes of those who would oppose +the measure, and which, having been found utterly unworkable in practice, +has had clauses repealed up and down it till it is now in an inextricable +tangle of confusion and contradiction. + +The more Mr. Darwin’s work is studied, and more especially the more his +different editions are compared, the more impossible is it to avoid a +suspicion of _arrière pensée_ as pervading it whenever the “distinctive +feature” is on the _tapis_. It is right to say, however, that no such +suspicion attaches to Mr. A. R. Wallace, Mr. Darwin’s fellow discoverer +of natural selection. It is impossible to doubt that Mr. Wallace +believed he had made a real and important improvement upon the Lamarckian +system, and, as a natural consequence, unlike Mr. Darwin, he began by +telling us what Lamarck had said. He did not, I admit, say quite all +that I should have been glad to have seen him say, nor use exactly the +words I should myself have chosen, but he said enough to make it +impossible to doubt his good faith, and his desire that we should +understand that with him, as with Mr. Darwin, variations are mainly +accidental, not functional. Thus, in his memorable paper communicated to +the Linnean Society in 1858 he said, in a passage which I have quoted in +“Unconscious Memory”: + +“The hypothesis of Lamarck—that progressive changes in species have been +produced by the attempts of the animals to increase the development of +their own organs, and thus modify their structures and habits—has been +repeatedly and easily refuted by all writers on the subject of varieties +and species; . . . but the view here developed renders such an hypothesis +quite unnecessary. . . . The powerful retractile talons of the falcon +and cat tribes have not been produced or increased by the volition of +those animals; . . . neither did the giraffe acquire its long neck by +desiring to reach the foliage of the more lofty shrubs, and constantly +stretching its neck for this purpose, but because any varieties which +occurred among its antitypes with a longer neck than usual _at once +secured a fresh range of pasture over the same ground as their +shorter-necked companions_, _and on the first scarcity of food were thus +enabled to outlive them_” (italics in original). {96a} + +“Which occurred” is obviously “which happened to occur, by some chance or +accident entirely unconnected with use and disuse;” and though the word +“accidental” is never used, there can be no doubt about Mr. Wallace’s +desire to make the reader catch the fact that with him accident, and not, +as with Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck, sustained effort, is the main +purveyor of the variations whose accumulation amounts ultimately to +specific difference. It is a pity, however, that instead of contenting +himself like a theologian with saying that his opponent had been refuted +over and over again, he did not refer to any particular and tolerably +successful attempt to refute the theory that modifications in organic +structure are mainly functional. I am fairly well acquainted with the +literature of evolution, and have never met with any such attempt. But +let this pass; as with Mr. Darwin, so with Mr. Wallace, and so indeed +with all who accept Mr. Charles Darwin’s natural selection as the main +means of modification, the central idea is luck, while the central idea +of the Erasmus-Darwinian system is cunning. + +I have given the opinions of these contending parties in their extreme +development; but they both admit abatements which bring them somewhat +nearer to one another. Design, as even its most strenuous upholders will +admit, is a difficult word to deal with; it is, like all our ideas, +substantial enough until we try to grasp it—and then, like all our ideas, +it mockingly eludes us; it is like life or death—a rope of many strands; +there is design within design, and design within undesign; there is +undesign within design (as when a man shuffles cards designing that there +shall be no design in their arrangement), and undesign within undesign; +when we speak of cunning or design in connection with organism we do not +mean cunning, all cunning, and nothing but cunning, so that there shall +be no place for luck; we do not mean that conscious attention and +forethought shall have been bestowed upon the minutest details of action, +and nothing been left to work itself out departmentally according to +precedent, or as it otherwise best may according to the chapter of +accidents. + +So, again, when Mr. Darwin and his followers deny design and effort to +have been the main purveyors of the variations whose accumulation results +in specific difference, they do not entirely exclude the action of use +and disuse—and this at once opens the door for cunning; nevertheless, +according to Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck, the human eye and the long neck +of the giraffe are alike due to the accumulation of variations that are +mainly functional, and hence practical; according to Charles Darwin they +are alike due to the accumulation of variations that are accidental, +fortuitous, spontaneous, that is to say, mainly cannot be reduced to any +known general principle. According to Charles Darwin “the preservation +of favoured,” or lucky, “races” is by far the most important means of +modification; according to Erasmus Darwin effort _non sibi res sed se +rebus subjungere_ is unquestionably the most potent means; roughly, +therefore, there is no better or fairer way of putting the matter, than +to say that Charles Darwin is the apostle of luck, and his grandfather, +and Lamarck, of cunning. + +It should be observed also that the distinction between the organism and +its surroundings—on which both systems are founded—is one that cannot be +so universally drawn as we find it convenient to allege. There is a +debatable ground of considerable extent on which _res_ and _me_, ego and +non ego, luck and cunning, necessity and freewill, meet and pass into one +another as night and day, or life and death. No one can draw a sharp +line between ego and non ego, nor indeed any sharp line between any +classes of phenomena. Every part of the ego is non ego _quâ_ organ or +tool in use, and much of the non ego runs up into the ego and is +inseparably united with it; still there is enough that it is obviously +most convenient to call ego, and enough that it is no less obviously most +convenient to call non ego, as there is enough obvious day and obvious +night, or obvious luck and obvious cunning, to make us think it advisable +to keep separate accounts for each. + +I will say more on this head in a following chapter; in this present one +my business should be confined to pointing out as clearly and succinctly +as I can the issue between the two great main contending opinions +concerning organic development that obtain among those who accept the +theory of descent at all; nor do I believe that this can be done more +effectually and accurately than by saying, as above, that Mr. Charles +Darwin (whose name, by the way, was “Charles Robert,” and not, as would +appear from the title-pages of his books, “Charles” only), Mr. A. R. +Wallace, and their supporters are the apostles of luck, while Erasmus +Darwin and Lamarck, followed, more or less timidly, by the Geoffroys and +by Mr. Herbert Spencer, and very timidly indeed by the Duke of Argyll, +preach cunning as the most important means of organic modification. + + * * * * * + +NOTE.—It appears from “Samuel Butler: A Memoir” (II, 29) that Butler +wrote to his father (Dec. 1885) about a passage in Horace (near the +beginning of the First Epistle of the First Book)— + + Nunc in Aristippi furtim praecepta relabor, + Et mihi res, non me rebus subjungere conor. + +On the preceding page he is adapting the second of these two verses to +his own purposes.—H. F. J. + + + + +Chapter VII +(_Intercalated_) +Mr. Spencer’s “The Factors of Organic Evolution” + + +SINCE the foregoing and several of the succeeding chapters were written, +Mr. Herbert Spencer has made his position at once more clear and more +widely understood by his articles “The Factors of Organic Evolution” +which appeared in the _Nineteenth Century_ for April and May, 1886. The +present appears the fittest place in which to intercalate remarks +concerning them. + +Mr. Spencer asks whether those are right who regard Mr. Charles Darwin’s +theory of natural selection as by itself sufficient to account for +organic evolution. + +“On critically examining the evidence” (modern writers never examine +evidence, they always “critically,” or “carefully,” or “patiently,” +examine it), he writes, “we shall find reason to think that it by no +means explains all that has to be explained. Omitting for the present +any consideration of a factor which may be considered primordial, it may +be contended that one of the factors alleged by Erasmus Darwin and +Lamarck must be recognised as a co-operator. Unless that increase of a +part resulting from extra activity, and that decrease of it resulting +from inactivity, are transmissible to descendants, we are without a key +to many phenomena of organic evolution. _Utterly inadequate to explain +the major part of the facts as is the hypothesis of the inheritance of +functionally produced modifications_, yet there is a minor part of the +facts very extensive though less, which must be ascribed to this cause.” +(Italics mine.) + +Mr. Spencer does not here say expressly that Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck +considered inheritance of functionally produced modifications to be the +sole explanation of the facts of organic life; modern writers on +evolution for the most part avoid saying anything expressly; this +nevertheless is the conclusion which the reader naturally draws—and was +doubtless intended to draw—from Mr. Spencer’s words. He gathers that +these writers put forward an “utterly inadequate” theory, which cannot +for a moment be entertained in the form in which they left it, but which, +nevertheless, contains contributions to the formation of a just opinion +which of late years have been too much neglected. + +This inference would be, as Mr. Spencer ought to know, a mistaken one. +Erasmus Darwin, who was the first to depend mainly on functionally +produced modifications, attributes, if not as much importance to +variations induced either by what we must call chance, or by causes +having no connection with use and disuse, as Mr. Spencer does, still so +nearly as much that there is little to choose between them. Mr. +Spencer’s words show that he attributes, if not half, still not far off +half the modification that has actually been produced, to use and disuse. +Erasmus Darwin does not say whether he considers use and disuse to have +brought about more than half or less than half; he only says that animal +and vegetable modification is “in part produced” by the exertions of the +animals and vegetables themselves; the impression I have derived is, that +just as Mr. Spencer considers rather less than half to be due to use and +disuse, so Erasmus Darwin considers decidedly more than half—so much +more, in fact, than half as to make function unquestionably the factor +most proper to be insisted on if only one can be given. Further than +this he did not go. I will quote enough of Dr. Erasmus Darwin’s own +words to put his position beyond doubt. He writes:— + +“Thirdly, when we enumerate the great changes produced in the species of +animals before their nativity, as, for example, when the offspring +reproduces the effects produced upon the parent by accident or culture, +or the changes produced by the mixture of species, as in mules; or the +changes produced probably by exuberance of nourishment supplied to the +foetus, as in monstrous births with additional limbs; many of these +enormities are propagated and continued as a variety at least, if not as +a new species of animal. I have seen a breed of cats with an additional +claw on every foot; of poultry also with an additional claw and with +wings to their feet; and of others without rumps. Mr. Buffon” (who, by +the way, surely, was no more “Mr. Buffon” than Lord Salisbury is “Mr. +Salisbury”) “mentions a breed of dogs without tails which are common at +Rome and Naples—which he supposes to have been produced by a custom long +established of cutting their tails close off.” {102a} + +Here not one of the causes of variation adduced is connected with use and +disuse, or effort, volition, and purpose; the manner, moreover, in which +they are brought forward is not that of one who shows signs of +recalcitrancy about admitting other causes of modification as well as use +and disuse; indeed, a little lower down he almost appears to assign the +subordinate place to functionally produced modifications, for he +says—“Fifthly, from their first rudiments or primordium to the +termination of their lives, all animals undergo perpetual +transformations; _which are in part produced_ by their own exertions in +consequence of their desires and aversions, of their pleasures and their +pains, or of irritations or of associations; and many of these acquired +forms or propensities are transmitted to their posterity.” + +I have quoted enough to show that Dr. Erasmus Darwin would have protested +against the supposition that functionally produced modifications were an +adequate explanation of all the phenomena of organic modification. He +declares accident and the chances and changes of this mortal life to be +potent and frequent causes of variations, which, being not infrequently +inherited, result in the formation of varieties and even species, but +considers these causes if taken alone as no less insufficient to account +for observable facts than the theory of functionally produced +modifications would be if not supplemented by inheritance of so-called +fortuitous, or spontaneous variations. The difference between Dr. +Erasmus Darwin and Mr. Spencer does not consist in the denial by the +first, that a variety which happens, no matter how accidentally, to have +varied in a way that enables it to comply more fully and readily with the +conditions of its existence, is likely to live longer and leave more +offspring than one less favoured; nor in the denial by the second of the +inheritance and accumulation of functionally produced modifications; but +in the amount of stress which they respectively lay on the relative +importance of the two great factors of organic evolution, the existence +of which they are alike ready to admit. + +With Erasmus Darwin there is indeed luck, and luck has had a great deal +to do with organic modification, but no amount of luck would have done +unless cunning had known how to take advantage of it; whereas if cunning +be given, a very little luck at a time will accumulate in the course of +ages and become a mighty heap. Cunning, therefore, is the factor on +which, having regard to the usage of language and the necessity for +simplifying facts, he thinks it most proper to insist. Surely this is as +near as may be the opinion which common consent ascribes to Mr. Spencer +himself. It is certainly the one which, in supporting Erasmus Darwin’s +system as against his grandson’s, I have always intended to support. +With Charles Darwin, on the other hand, there is indeed cunning, effort, +and consequent use and disuse; nor does he deny that these have produced +some, and sometimes even an important, effect in modifying species, but +he assigns by far the most important _rôle_ in the whole scheme to +natural selection, which, as I have already shown, must, with him, be +regarded as a synonym for luck pure and simple. This, for reasons well +shown by Mr. Spencer in the articles under consideration, is so untenable +that it seems only possible to account for its having been advanced at +all by supposing Mr. Darwin’s judgment to have been perverted by some one +or more of the many causes that might tend to warp them. What the chief +of those causes may have been I shall presently point out. + +Buffon erred rather on the side of ignoring functionally produced +modifications than of insisting on them. The main agency with him is the +direct action of the environment upon the organism. This, no doubt, is a +flaw in Buffon’s immortal work, but it is one which Erasmus Darwin and +Lamarck easily corrected; nor can we doubt that Buffon would have readily +accepted their amendment if it had been suggested to him. Buffon did +infinitely more in the way of discovering and establishing the theory of +descent with modification than any one has ever done either before or +since. He was too much occupied with proving the fact of evolution at +all, to dwell as fully as might have been wished upon the details of the +process whereby the amœba had become man, but we have already seen that +he regarded inherited mutilation as the cause of establishing a new breed +of dogs, and this is at any rate not laying much stress on functionally +produced modifications. Again, when writing of the dog, he speaks of +variations arising “_by some chance_ common enough with nature,” {104a} +and clearly does not contemplate function as the sole cause of +modification. Practically, though I grant I should be less able to quote +passages in support of my opinion than I quite like, I do not doubt that +his position was much the same as that of his successors, Erasmus Darwin +and Lamarck. + +Lamarck is more vulnerable than either Erasmus Darwin or Buffon on the +score of unwillingness to assign its full share to mere chance, but I do +not for a moment believe his comparative reticence to have been caused by +failure to see that the chapter of accidents is a fateful one. He saw +that the cunning or functional side had been too much lost sight of, and +therefore insisted on it, but he did not mean to say that there is no +such thing as luck. “Let us suppose,” he says, “that a grass growing in +a low-lying meadow, gets carried _by some accident_ to the brow of a +neighbouring hill, where the soil is still damp enough for the plant to +be able to exist.” {105a} Or again—“With sufficient time, favourable +conditions of life, successive changes in the condition of the globe, and +the power of new surroundings and habits to modify the organs of living +bodies, all animal and vegetable forms have been imperceptibly rendered +such as we now see them.” {105b} Who can doubt that accident is here +regarded as a potent factor of evolution, as well as the design that is +involved in the supposition that modification is, in the main, +functionally induced? Again he writes, “As regards the circumstances +that give rise to variation, the principal are climatic changes, +different temperatures of any of a creature’s environments, differences +of abode, of habit, of the most frequent actions, and lastly of the means +of obtaining food, self-defence, reproduction,” &c. {105c} I will not +dwell on the small inconsistencies which may be found in the passages +quoted above; the reader will doubtless see them, and will also doubtless +see that in spite of them there can be no doubt that Lamarck, while +believing modification to be effected mainly by the survival in the +struggle for existence of modifications which had been induced +functionally, would not have hesitated to admit the survival of +favourable variations due to mere accident as also a potent factor in +inducing the results we see around us. + +For the rest, Mr. Spencer’s articles have relieved me from the necessity +of going into the evidence which proves that such structures as a +giraffe’s neck, for example, cannot possibly have been produced by the +accumulation of variations which had their origin mainly in accident. +There is no occasion to add anything to what Mr. Spencer has said on this +score, and I am satisfied that those who do not find his argument +convince them would not be convinced by anything I might say; I shall, +therefore, omit what I had written on this subject, and confine myself to +giving the substance of Mr. Spencer’s most telling argument against Mr. +Darwin’s theory that accidental variations, if favourable, would +accumulate and result in seemingly adaptive structures. Mr. Spencer well +shows that luck or chance is insufficient as a motive-power, or helm, of +evolution; but luck is only absence of design; if, then, absence of +design is found to fail, it follows that there must have been design +somewhere, nor can the design be more conveniently placed than in +association with function. + +Mr. Spencer contends that where life is so simple as to consist +practically in the discharge of only one function, or where circumstances +are such that some one function is supremely important (a state of +things, by the way, more easily found in hypothesis than in nature—at +least as continuing without modification for many successive seasons), +then accidental variations, if favourable, would indeed accumulate and +result in modification, without the aid of the transmission of +functionally produced modification. This is true; it is also true, +however, that only a very small number of species in comparison with +those we see around us could thus arise, and that we should never have +got plants and animals as embodiments of the two great fundamental +principles on which it is alone possible that life can be conducted, +{107a} and species of plants and animals as embodiments of the details +involved in carrying out these two main principles. + +If the earliest organism could have only varied favourably in one +direction, the one possible favourable accidental variation would have +accumulated so long as the organism continued to exist at all, inasmuch +as this would be preserved whenever it happened to occur, while every +other would be lost in the struggle of competitive forms; but even in the +lowest forms of life there is more than one condition in respect of which +the organism must be supposed sensitive, and there are as many directions +in which variations may be favourable as there are conditions of the +environment that affect the organism. We cannot conceive of a living +form as having a power of adaptation limited to one direction only; the +elasticity which admits of a not being “extreme to mark that which is +done amiss” in one direction will commonly admit of it in as many +directions as there are possible favourable modes of variation; the +number of these, as has been just said, depends upon the number of the +conditions of the environment that affect the organism, and these last, +though in the long run and over considerable intervals of time tolerably +constant, are over shorter intervals liable to frequent and great +changes; so that there is nothing in Mr. Charles Darwin’s system of +modification through the natural survival of the lucky, to prevent gain +in one direction one year from being lost irretrievably in the next, +through the greater success of some in no way correlated variation, the +fortunate possessors of which alone survive. This, in its turn, is as +likely as not to disappear shortly through the arising of some difficulty +in some entirely new direction, and so on; nor, if function be regarded +as of small effect in determining organism, is there anything to ensure +either that, even if ground be lost for a season or two in any one +direction, it shall be recovered presently on resumption by the organism +of the habits that called it into existence, or that it shall appear +synchronously in a sufficient number of individuals to ensure its not +being soon lost through gamogenesis. + +How is progress ever to be made if races keep reversing, Penelope-like, +in one generation all that they have been achieving in the preceding? +And how, on Mr. Darwin’s system, of which the accumulation of strokes of +luck is the greatly preponderating feature, is a hoard ever to be got +together and conserved, no matter how often luck may have thrown good +things in an organism’s way? Luck, or absence of design, may be +sometimes almost said to throw good things in our way, or at any rate we +may occasionally get more through having made no design than any design +we should have been likely to have formed would have given us; but luck +does not hoard these good things for our use and make our wills for us, +nor does it keep providing us with the same good gifts again and again, +and no matter how often we reject them. + +I had better, perhaps, give Mr. Spencer’s own words as quoted by himself +in his article in the _Nineteenth Century_ for April, 1886. He there +wrote as follows, quoting from § 166 of his “Principles of Biology,” +which appeared in 1864:— + +“Where the life is comparatively simple, or where surrounding +circumstances render some one function supremely important, the survival +of the fittest” (which means here the survival of the luckiest) “may +readily bring about the appropriate structural change, without any aid +from the transmission of functionally-acquired modifications” (into which +effort and design have entered). “But in proportion as the life grows +complex—in proportion as a healthy existence cannot be secured by a large +endowment of some one power, but demands many powers; in the same +proportion do there arise obstacles to the increase of any particular +power, by ‘the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life’” +(that is to say, through mere survival of the luckiest). “As fast as the +faculties are multiplied, so fast does it become possible for the several +members of a species to have various kinds of superiority over one +another. While one saves its life by higher speed, another does the like +by clearer vision, another by keener scent, another by quicker hearing, +another by greater strength, another by unusual power of enduring cold or +hunger, another by special sagacity, another by special timidity, another +by special courage; and others by other bodily and mental attributes. +Now it is unquestionably true that, other things equal, each of these +attributes, giving its possessor an equal extra chance of life, is likely +to be transmitted to posterity. But there seems no reason to believe it +will be increased in subsequent generations by natural selection. That +it may be thus increased, the animals not possessing more than average +endowments of it must be more frequently killed off than individuals +highly endowed with it; and this can only happen when the attribute is +one of greater importance, for the time being, than most of the other +attributes. If those members of the species which have but ordinary +shares of it, nevertheless survive by virtue of other superiorities which +they severally possess, then it is not easy to see how this particular +attribute can be developed by natural selection in subsequent +generations.” (For if some other superiority is a greater source of +luck, then natural selection, or survival of the luckiest, will ensure +that this other superiority be preserved at the expense of the one +acquired in the earlier generation.) “The probability seems rather to +be, that by gamogenesis, this extra endowment will, on the average, be +diminished in posterity—just serving in the long run to compensate the +deficient endowments of other individuals, whose special powers lie in +other directions; and so to keep up the normal structure of the species. +The working out of the process is here somewhat difficult to follow” +(there is no difficulty as soon as it is perceived that Mr. Darwin’s +natural selection invariably means, or ought to mean, the survival of the +luckiest, and that seasons and what they bring with them, though fairly +constant on an average, yet individually vary so greatly that what is +luck in one season is disaster in another); “but it appears to me that as +fast as the number of bodily and mental faculties increases, and as fast +as the maintenance of life comes to depend less on the amount of any one, +and more on the combined action of all, so fast does the production of +specialities of character by natural selection alone become difficult. +Particularly does this seem to be so with a species so multitudinous in +powers as mankind; and above all does it seem to be so with such of the +human powers as have but minor shares in aiding the struggle for life—the +æsthetic faculties, for example. + +“Dwelling for a moment on this last illustration of the class of +difficulties described, let us ask how we are to interpret the +development of the musical faculty; how came there that endowment of +musical faculty which characterises modern Europeans at large, as +compared with their remote ancestors? The monotonous chants of low +savages cannot be said to show any melodic inspiration; and it is not +evident that an individual savage who had a little more musical +perception than the rest would derive any such advantage in the +maintenance of life as would secure the spread of his superiority by +inheritance of the variation,” &c. + +It should be observed that the passage given in the last paragraph but +one appeared in 1864, only five years after the first edition of the +“Origin of Species,” but, crushing as it is, Mr. Darwin never answered +it. He treated it as nonexistent—and this, doubtless from a business +standpoint, was the best thing he could do. How far such a course was +consistent with that single-hearted devotion to the interests of science +for which Mr. Darwin developed such an abnormal reputation, is a point +which I must leave to his many admirers to determine. + + + + +Chapter VIII +Property, Common Sense, and Protoplasm + + +ONE would think the issue stated in the three preceding chapters was +decided in the stating. This, as I have already implied, is probably the +reason why those who have a vested interest in Mr. Darwin’s philosophical +reputation have avoided stating it. + +It may be said that, seeing the result is a joint one, inasmuch as both +“res” and “me,” or both luck and cunning, enter so largely into +development, neither factor can claim pre-eminence to the exclusion of +the other. But life is short and business long, and if we are to get the +one into the other we must suppress details, and leave our words +pregnant, as painters leave their touches when painting from nature. If +one factor concerns us greatly more than the other, we should emphasize +it, and let the other go without saying, by force of association. There +is no fear of its being lost sight of; association is one of the few +really liberal things in nature; by liberal, I mean precipitate and +inaccurate; the power of words, as of pictures, and indeed the power to +carry on life at all, vests in the fact that association does not stick +to the letter of its bond, but will take the half for the whole without +even looking closely at the coin given to make sure that it is not +counterfeit. Through the haste and high pressure of business, errors +arise continually, and these errors give us the shocks of which our +consciousness is compounded. Our whole conscious life, therefore, grows +out of memory and out of the power of association, in virtue of which not +only does the right half pass for the whole, but the wrong half not +infrequently passes current for it also, without being challenged and +found out till, as it were, the accounts come to be balanced, and it is +found that they will not do so. + +Variations are an organism’s way of getting over an unexpected +discrepancy between its resources as shown by the fly-leaves of its own +cheques and the universe’s passbook; the universe is generally right, or +would be upheld as right if the matter were to come before the not too +incorruptible courts of nature, and in nine cases out of ten the organism +has made the error in its own favour, so that it must now pay or die. It +can only pay by altering its mode of life, and how long is it likely to +be before a new departure in its mode of life comes out in its own person +and in those of its family? Granted it will at first come out in their +appearance only, but there can be no change in appearance without some +slight corresponding organic modification. In practice there is usually +compromise in these matters. The universe, if it does not give an +organism short shrift and eat it at once, will commonly abate something +of its claim; it gets tricked out of an additional moiety by the +organism; the organism really does pay something by way of changed +habits; this results in variation, in virtue of which the accounts are +cooked, cobbled, and passed by a series of those miracles of +inconsistency which was call compromises, and after this they cannot be +reopened—not till next time. + +Surely of the two factors which go to the making up of development, +cunning is the one more proper to be insisted on as determining the +physical and psychical well or ill being, and hence, ere long, the future +form of the organism. We can hardly open a newspaper without seeing some +sign of this; take, for example, the following extract from a letter in +the _Times_ of the day on which I am writing (February 8, 1886)—“You may +pass along a road which divides a settlement of Irish Celts from one of +Germans. They all came to the country equally without money, and have +had to fight their way in the forest, but the difference in their +condition is very remarkable; on the German side there is comfort, +thrift, peace, but on the other side the spectacle is very different.” +Few will deny that slight organic differences, corresponding to these +differences of habit, are already perceptible; no Darwinian will deny +that these differences are likely to be inherited, and, in the absence of +intermarriage between the two colonies, to result in still more typical +difference than that which exists at present. According to Mr. Darwin, +the improved type of the more successful race would not be due mainly to +transmitted perseverance in well-doing, but to the fact that if any +member of the German colony “happened” to be born “ever so slightly,” &c. +Of course this last is true to a certain extent also; if any member of +the German colony does “happen to be born,” &c., then he will stand a +better chance of surviving, and, if he marries a wife like himself, of +transmitting his good qualities; but how about the happening? How is it +that this is of such frequent occurrence in the one colony, and is so +rare in the other? _Fortes creantur fortibus et bonis_. True, but how +and why? Through the race being favoured? In one sense, doubtless, it +is true that no man can have anything except it be given him from above, +but it must be from an above into the composition of which he himself +largely enters. God gives us all things; but we are a part of God, and +that part of Him, moreover, whose department it more especially is to +look after ourselves. It cannot be through luck, for luck is blind, and +does not pick out the same people year after year and generation after +generation; shall we not rather say, then, that it is because mind, or +cunning, is a great factor in the achievement of physical results, and +because there is an abiding memory between successive generations, in +virtue of which the cunning of an earlier one enures to the benefit of +its successors? + +It is one of the commonplaces of biology that the nature of the organism +(which is mainly determined by ancestral antecedents) is greatly more +important in determining its future than the conditions of its +environment, provided, of course, that these are not too cruelly +abnormal, so that good seed will do better on rather poor soil, than bad +seed on rather good soil; this alone should be enough to show that +cunning, or individual effort, is more important in determining organic +results than luck is, and therefore that if either is to be insisted on +to the exclusion of the other, it should be cunning, not luck. Which is +more correctly said to be the main means of the development of +capital—Luck? or Cunning? Of course there must be something to be +developed—and luck, that is to say, the unknowable and unforeseeable, +enters everywhere; but is it more convenient with our oldest and +best-established ideas to say that luck is the main means of the +development of capital, or that cunning is so? Can there be a moment’s +hesitation in admitting that if capital is found to have been developed +largely, continuously, by many people, in many ways, over a long period +of time, it can only have been by means of continued application, energy, +effort, industry, and good sense? Granted there has been luck too; of +course there has, but we let it go without saying, whereas we cannot let +the skill or cunning go without saying, inasmuch as we feel the cunning +to have been the essence of the whole matter. + +Granted, again, that there is no test more fallacious on a small scale +than that of immediate success. As applied to any particular individual, +it breaks down completely. It is unfortunately no rare thing to see the +good man striving against fate, and the fool born with a silver spoon in +his mouth. Still on a large scale no test can be conceivably more +reliable; a blockhead may succeed for a time, but a succession of many +generations of blockheads does not go on steadily gaining ground, adding +field to field and farm to farm, and becoming year by year more capable +and prosperous. Given time—of which there is no scant in the matter of +organic development—and cunning will do more with ill luck than folly +with good. People do not hold six trumps every hand for a dozen games of +whist running, if they do not keep a card or two up their sleeves. +Cunning, if it can keep its head above water at all, will beat mere luck +unaided by cunning, no matter what start luck may have had, if the race +be a fairly long one. Growth is a kind of success which does indeed come +to some organisms with less effort than to others, but it cannot be +maintained and improved upon without pains and effort. A foolish +organism and its fortuitous variation will be soon parted, for, as a +general rule, unless the variation has so much connection with the +organism’s past habits and ways of thought as to be in no proper sense of +the word “fortuitous,” the organism will not know what to do with it when +it has got it, no matter how favourable it may be, and it is little +likely to be handed down to descendants. Indeed the kind of people who +get on best in the world—and what test to a Darwinian can be comparable +to this?—commonly do insist on cunning rather than on luck, sometimes +perhaps even unduly; speaking, at least, from experience, I have +generally found myself more or less of a failure with those Darwinians to +whom I have endeavoured to excuse my shortcomings on the score of luck. + +It may be said that the contention that the nature of the organism does +more towards determining its future than the conditions of its immediate +environment do, is only another way of saying that the accidents which +have happened to an organism in the persons of its ancestors throughout +all time are more irresistible by it for good or ill than any of the more +ordinary chances and changes of its own immediate life. I do not deny +this; but these ancestral accidents were either turned to account, or +neglected where they might have been taken advantage of; they thus passed +either into skill, or want of skill; so that whichever way the fact is +stated the result is the same; and if simplicity of statement be +regarded, there is no more convenient way of putting the matter than to +say that though luck is mighty, cunning is mightier still. Organism +commonly shows its cunning by practising what Horace preached, and +treating itself as more plastic than its surroundings; those indeed who +have had the greatest the first to admit that they had gained their ends +more by reputation as moulders of circumstances have ever been shaping +their actions and themselves to suit events, than by trying to shape +events to suit themselves and their actions. Modification, like charity, +begins at home. + +But however this may be, there can be no doubt that cunning is in the +long run mightier than luck as regards the acquisition of property, and +what applies to property applies to organism also. Property, as I have +lately seen was said by Rosmini, is a kind of extension of the +personality into the outside world. He might have said as truly that it +is a kind of penetration of the outside world within the limits of the +personality, or that it is at any rate a prophesying of, and essay after, +the more living phase of matter in the direction of which it is tending. +If approached from the dynamical or living side of the underlying +substratum, it is the beginning of the comparatively stable equilibrium +which we call brute matter; if from the statical side, that is to say, +from that of brute matter, it is the beginning of that dynamical state +which we associate with life; it is the last of ego and first of non ego, +or _vice versâ_, as the case may be; it is the ground whereon the two +meet and are neither wholly one nor wholly the other, but a whirling mass +of contradictions such as attends all fusion. + +What property is to a man’s mind or soul that his body is also, only more +so. The body is property carried to the bitter end, or property is the +body carried to the bitter end, whichever the reader chooses; the +expression “organic wealth” is not figurative; none other is so apt and +accurate; so universally, indeed, is this recognised that the fact has +found expression in our liturgy, which bids us pray for all those who are +any wise afflicted “in mind, body, or estate;” no inference, therefore, +can be more simple and legitimate than the one in accordance with which +the laws that govern the development of wealth generally are supposed +also to govern the particular form of health and wealth which comes most +closely home to us—I mean that of our bodily implements or organs. What +is the stomach but a living sack, or purse of untanned leather, wherein +we keep our means of subsistence? Food is money made easy; it is petty +cash in its handiest and most reduced form; it is our way of assimilating +our possessions and making them indeed our own. What is the purse but a +kind of abridged extra corporeal stomach wherein we keep the money which +we convert by purchase into food, as we presently convert the food by +digestion into flesh and blood? And what living form is there which is +without a purse or stomach, even though it have to job it by the meal as +the amœba does, and exchange it for some other article as soon as it has +done eating? How marvellously does the analogy hold between the purse +and the stomach alike as regards form and function; and I may say in +passing that, as usual, the organ which is the more remote from +protoplasm is at once more special, more an object of our consciousness, +and less an object of its own. + +Talk of ego and non ego meeting, and of the hopelessness of avoiding +contradiction in terms—talk of this, and look, in passing, at the amœba. +It is itself _quâ_ maker of the stomach and being fed; it is not itself +_quâ_ stomach and _quâ_ its using itself as a mere tool or implement to +feed itself with. It is active and passive, object and subject, _ego_ +and _non ego_—every kind of Irish bull, in fact, which a sound logician +abhors—and it is only because it has persevered, as I said in “Life and +Habit,” in thus defying logic and arguing most virtuously in a most +vicious circle, that it has come in the persons of some of its +descendants to reason with sufficient soundness. And what the amœba is +man is also; man is only a great many amœbas, most of them dreadfully +narrow-minded, going up and down the country with their goods and +chattels like gipsies in a caravan; he is only a great many amœbas that +have had much time and money spent on their education, and received large +bequests of organised intelligence from those that have gone before them. + +The most incorporate tool—we will say an eye, or a tooth, or the closed +fist when used to strike—has still something of the _non ego_ about it in +so far as it is used; those organs, again, that are the most completely +separate from the body, as the locomotive engine, must still from time to +time kiss the soil of the human body, and be handled and thus crossed +with man again if they would remain in working order. They cannot be cut +adrift from the most living form of matter (I mean most living from our +point of view), and remain absolutely without connection with it for any +length of time, any more than a seal can live without coming up sometimes +to breathe; and in so far as they become linked on to living beings they +live. Everything is living which is in close communion with, and +interpermeated by, that something which we call mind or thought. +Giordano Bruno saw this long ago when he made an interlocutor in one of +his dialogues say that a man’s hat and cloak are alive when he is wearing +them. “Thy boots and spurs live,” he exclaims, “when thy feet carry +them; thy hat lives when thy head is within it; and so the stable lives +when it contains the horse or mule, or even yourself;” nor is it easy to +see how this is to be refuted except at a cost which no one in his senses +will offer. + +It may be said that the life of clothes in wear and implements in use is +no true life, inasmuch as it differs from flesh and blood life in too +many and important respects; that we have made up our minds about not +letting life outside the body too decisively to allow the question to be +reopened; that if this be tolerated we shall have societies for the +prevention of cruelty to chairs and tables, or cutting clothes amiss, or +wearing them to tatters, or whatever other absurdity may occur to idle +and unkind people; the whole discussion, therefore, should be ordered out +of court at once. + +I admit that this is much the most sensible position to take, but it can +only be taken by those who turn the deafest of deaf ears to the teachings +of science, and tolerate no going even for a moment below the surface of +things. People who take this line must know how to put their foot down +firmly in the matter of closing a discussion. Some one may perhaps +innocently say that some parts of the body are more living and vital than +others, and those who stick to common sense may allow this, but if they +do they must close the discussion on the spot; if they listen to another +syllable they are lost; if they let the innocent interlocutor say so much +as that a piece of well-nourished healthy brain is more living than the +end of a finger-nail that wants cutting, or than the calcareous parts of +a bone, the solvent will have been applied which will soon make an end of +common sense ways of looking at the matter. Once even admit the use of +the participle “dying,” which involves degrees of death, and hence an +entry of death in part into a living body, and common sense must either +close the discussion at once, or ere long surrender at discretion. + +Common sense can only carry weight in respect of matters with which every +one is familiar, as forming part of the daily and hourly conduct of +affairs; if we would keep our comfortable hard and fast lines, our rough +and ready unspecialised ways of dealing with difficult questions, our +impatience of what St. Paul calls “doubtful disputations,” we must refuse +to quit the ground on which the judgments of mankind have been so long +and often given that they are not likely to be questioned. Common sense +is not yet formulated in manners of science or philosophy, for only few +consider them; few decisions, therefore, have been arrived at which all +hold final. Science is, like love, “too young to know what conscience,” +or common sense, is. As soon as the world began to busy itself with +evolution it said good-bye to common sense, and must get on with uncommon +sense as best it can. The first lesson that uncommon sense will teach it +is that contradiction in terms is the foundation of all sound +reasoning—and, as an obvious consequence, compromise, the foundation of +all sound practice. This, it follows easily, involves the corollary that +as faith, to be of any value, must be based on reason, so reason, to be +of any value, must be based on faith, and that neither can stand alone or +dispense with the other, any more than culture or vulgarity can stand +unalloyed with one another without much danger of mischance. + +It may not perhaps be immediately apparent why the admission that a piece +of healthy living brain is more living than the end of a finger-nail, is +so dangerous to common sense ways of looking at life and death; I had +better, therefore, be more explicit. By this admission degrees of +livingness are admitted within the body; this involves approaches to +non-livingness. On this the question arises, “Which are the most living +parts?” The answer to this was given a few years ago with a flourish of +trumpets, and our biologists shouted with one voice, “Great is +protoplasm. There is no life but protoplasm, and Huxley is its prophet.” +Read Huxley’s “Physical Basis of Mind.” Read Professor Mivart’s article, +“What are Living Beings?” in the _Contemporary Review_, July, 1879. Read +Dr. Andrew Wilson’s article in the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, October, 1879. +Remember Professor Allman’s address to the British Association, 1879; +ask, again, any medical man what is the most approved scientific attitude +as regards the protoplasmic and non-protoplasmic parts of the body, and +he will say that the thinly veiled conclusion arrived at by all of them +is, that the protoplasmic parts are alone truly living, and that the +non-protoplasmic are non-living. + +It may suffice if I confine myself to Professor Allman’s address to the +British Association in 1879, as a representative utterance. Professor +Allman said:— + +“Protoplasm lies at the base of every vital phenomenon. It is, as Huxley +has well expressed it, ‘the physical basis of life;’ wherever there is +life from its lowest to its highest manifestation there is protoplasm; +wherever there is protoplasm there is life.” {122a} + +To say wherever there is life there is protoplasm, is to say that there +can be no life without protoplasm, and this is saying that where there is +no protoplasm there is no life. But large parts of the body are +non-protoplasmic; a bone is, indeed, permeated by protoplasm, but it is +not protoplasm; it follows, therefore, that according to Professor Allman +bone is not in any proper sense of words a living substance. From this +it should follow, and doubtless does follow in Professor Allman’s mind, +that large tracts of the human body, if not the greater part by weight +(as bones, skin, muscular tissues, &c.), are no more alive than a coat or +pair of boots in wear is alive, except in so far as the bones, &c., are +more closely and nakedly permeated by protoplasm than the coat or boots, +and are thus brought into closer, directer, and more permanent +communication with that which, if not life itself, still has more of the +ear of life, and comes nearer to its royal person than anything else +does. Indeed that this is Professor Allman’s opinion appears from the +passage on page 26 of the report, in which he says that in “protoplasm we +find the only form of matter in which life can manifest itself.” + +According to this view the skin and other tissues are supposed to be made +from dead protoplasm which living protoplasm turns to account as the +British Museum authorities are believed to stuff their new specimens with +the skins of old ones; the matter used by the living protoplasm for this +purpose is held to be entirely foreign to protoplasm itself, and no more +capable of acting in concert with it than bricks can understand and act +in concert with the bricklayer. As the bricklayer is held to be living +and the bricks non-living, so the bones and skin which protoplasm is +supposed to construct are held non-living and the protoplasm alone +living. Protoplasm, it is said, goes about masked behind the clothes or +habits which it has fashioned. It has habited itself as animals and +plants, and we have mistaken the garment for the wearer—as our dogs and +cats doubtless think with Giordano Bruno that our boots live when we are +wearing them, and that we keep spare paws in our bedrooms which lie by +the wall and go to sleep when we have not got them on. + +If, in answer to the assertion that the osseous parts of bone are +non-living, it is said that they must be living, for they heal if broken, +which no dead matter can do, it is answered that the broken pieces of +bone do not grow together; they are mended by the protoplasm which +permeates the Haversian canals; the bones themselves are no more living +merely because they are tenanted by something which really does live, +than a house lives because men and women inhabit it; and if a bone is +repaired, it no more repairs itself than a house can be said to have +repaired itself because its owner has sent for the bricklayer and seen +that what was wanted was done. + +We do not know, it is said, by what means the structureless viscid +substance which we call protoplasm can build for itself a solid bone; we +do not understand how an amœba makes its test; no one understands how +anything is done unless he can do it himself; and even then he probably +does not know how he has done it. Set a man who has never painted, to +watch Rembrandt paint the Burgomaster Six, and he will no more understand +how Rembrandt can have done it, than we can understand how the amœba +makes its test, or the protoplasm cements two broken ends of a piece of +bone. _Ces choses se font mais ne s’expliquent pas_. So some denizen of +another planet looking at our earth through a telescope which showed him +much, but still not quite enough, and seeing the St. Gothard tunnel plumb +on end so that he could not see the holes of entry and exit, would think +the trains there a kind of caterpillar which went through the mountain by +a pure effort of the will—that enabled them in some mysterious way to +disregard material obstacles and dispense with material means. We know, +of course, that it is not so, and that exemption from the toil attendant +on material obstacles has been compounded for, in the ordinary way, by +the single payment of a tunnel; and so with the cementing of a bone, our +biologists say that the protoplasm, which is alone living, cements it +much as a man might mend a piece of broken china, but that it works by +methods and processes which elude us, even as the holes of the St. +Gothard tunnel may be supposed to elude a denizen of another world. + +The reader will already have seen that the toils are beginning to close +round those who, while professing to be guided by common sense, still +parley with even the most superficial probers beneath the surface; this, +however, will appear more clearly in the following chapter. It will also +appear how far-reaching were the consequences of the denial of design +that was involved in Mr. Darwin’s theory that luck is the main element in +survival, and how largely this theory is responsible for the fatuous +developments in connection alike with protoplasm and automatism which a +few years ago seemed about to carry everything before them. + + + + +Chapter IX +Property, Common Sense, and Protoplasm (_continued_) + + +THE position, then, stands thus. Common sense gave the inch of admitting +some parts of the body to be less living than others, and philosophy took +the ell of declaring the body to be almost all of it stone dead. This is +serious; still if it were all, for a quiet life, we might put up with it. +Unfortunately we know only too well that it will not be all. Our bodies, +which seemed so living and now prove so dead, have served us such a trick +that we can have no confidence in anything connected with them. As with +skin and bones to-day, so with protoplasm to-morrow. Protoplasm is +mainly oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, and carbon; if we do not keep a sharp +look out, we shall have it going the way of the rest of the body, and +being declared dead in respect, at any rate, of these inorganic +components. Science has not, I believe, settled all the components of +protoplasm, but this is neither here nor there; she has settled what it +is in great part, and there is no trusting her not to settle the rest at +any moment, even if she has not already done so. As soon as this has +been done we shall be told that nine-tenths of the protoplasm of which we +are composed must go the way of our non-protoplasmic parts, and that the +only really living part of us is the something with a new name that runs +the protoplasm that runs the flesh and bones that run the organs— + +Why stop here? Why not add “which run the tools and properties which are +as essential to our life and health as much that is actually incorporate +with us?” The same breach which has let the non-living effect a lodgment +within the body must, in all equity, let the organic +character—bodiliness, so to speak—pass out beyond its limits and effect a +lodgment in our temporary and extra-corporeal limbs. What, on the +protoplasmic theory, the skin and bones are, that the hammer and spade +are also; they differ in the degree of closeness and permanence with +which they are associated with protoplasm, but both bones and hammers are +alike non-living things which protoplasm uses for its own purposes and +keeps closer or less close at hand as custom and convenience may +determine. + +According to this view, the non-protoplasmic parts of the body are tools +of the first degree; they are not living, but they are in such close and +constant contact with that which really lives, that an aroma of life +attaches to them. Some of these, however, such as horns, hooves, and +tusks, are so little permeated by protoplasm that they cannot rank much +higher than the tools of the second degree, which come next to them in +order. + +These tools of the second degree are either picked up ready-made, or are +manufactured directly by the body, as being torn or bitten into shape, or +as stones picked up to throw at prey or at an enemy. + +Tools of the third degree are made by the instrumentality of tools of the +second and first degrees; as, for example, chipped flint, arrow-heads, +&c. + +Tools of the fourth degree are made by those of the third, second, and +first. They consist of the simpler compound instruments that yet require +to be worked by hand, as hammers, spades, and even hand flour-mills. + +Tools of the fifth degree are made by the help of those of the fourth, +third, second, and first. They are compounded of many tools, worked, it +may be, by steam or water and requiring no constant contact with the +body. + +But each one of these tools of the fifth degree was made in the first +instance by the sole instrumentality of the four preceding kinds of tool. +They must all be linked on to protoplasm, which is the one original +tool-maker, but which can only make the tools that are more remote from +itself by the help of those that are nearer, that is to say, it can only +work when it has suitable tools to work with, and when it is allowed to +use them in its own way. There can be no direct communication between +protoplasm and a steam-engine; there may be and often is direct +communication between machines of even the fifth order and those of the +first, as when an engine-man turns a cock, or repairs something with his +own hands if he has nothing better to work with. But put a hammer, for +example, to a piece of protoplasm, and the protoplasm will no more know +what to do with it than we should be able to saw a piece of wood in two +without a saw. Even protoplasm from the hand of a carpenter who has been +handling hammers all his life would be hopelessly put off its stroke if +not allowed to work in its usual way but put bare up against a hammer; it +would make a slimy mess and then dry up; still there can be no doubt (so +at least those who uphold protoplasm as the one living substance would +say) that the closer a machine can be got to protoplasm and the more +permanent the connection, the more living it appears to be, or at any +rate the more does it appear to be endowed with spontaneous and reasoning +energy, so long, of course, as the closeness is of a kind which +protoplasm understands and is familiar with. This, they say, is why we +do not like using any implement or tool with gloves on, for these impose +a barrier between the tool and its true connection with protoplasm by +means of the nervous system. For the same reason we put gloves on when +we box so as to bar the connection. + +That which we handle most unglovedly is our food, which we handle with +our stomachs rather than with our hands. Our hands are so thickly +encased with skin that protoplasm can hold but small conversation with +what they contain, unless it be held for a long time in the closed fist, +and even so the converse is impeded as in a strange language; the inside +of our mouths is more naked, and our stomachs are more naked still; it is +here that protoplasm brings its fullest powers of suasion to bear on +those whom it would proselytise and receive as it were into its own +communion—whom it would convert and bring into a condition of mind in +which they shall see things as it sees them itself, and, as we commonly +say, “agree with” it, instead of standing out stiffly for their own +opinion. We call this digesting our food; more properly we should call +it being digested by our food, which reads, marks, learns, and inwardly +digests us, till it comes to understand us and encourage us by assuring +us that we were perfectly right all the time, no matter what any one +might have said, or say, to the contrary. Having thus recanted all its +own past heresies, it sets to work to convert everything that comes near +it and seems in the least likely to be converted. Eating is a mode of +love; it is an effort after a closer union; so we say we love roast beef. +A French lady told me once that she adored veal; and a nurse tells her +child that she would like to eat it. Even he who caresses a dog or horse +_pro tanto_ both weds and eats it. Strange how close the analogy between +love and hunger; in each case the effort is after closer union and +possession; in each case the outcome is reproduction (for nutrition is +the most complete of reproductions), and in each case there are +_residua_. But to return. + +I have shown above that one consequence of the attempt so vigorously made +a few years ago to establish protoplasm as the one living substance, is +the making it clear that the non-protoplasmic parts of the body and the +simpler extra-corporeal tools or organs must run on all fours in the +matter of livingness and non-livingness. If the protoplasmic parts of +the body are held living in virtue of their being used by something that +really lives, then so, though in a less degree, must tools and machines. +If, on the other hand, tools and machines are held non-living inasmuch as +they only owe what little appearance of life they may present when in +actual use to something else that lives, and have no life of their +own—so, though in a less degree, must the non-protoplasmic parts of the +body. Allow an overflowing aroma of life to vivify the horny skin under +the heel, and from this there will be a spilling which will vivify the +boot in wear. Deny an aroma of life to the boot in wear, and it must ere +long be denied to ninety-nine per cent. of the body; and if the body is +not alive while it can walk and talk, what in the name of all that is +unreasonable can be held to be so? + +That the essential identity of bodily organs and tools is no ingenious +paradoxical way of putting things is evident from the fact that we speak +of bodily organs at all. Organ means tool. There is nothing which +reveals our most genuine opinions to us so unerringly as our habitual and +unguarded expressions, and in the case under consideration so completely +do we instinctively recognise the underlying identity of tools and limbs, +that scientific men use the word “organ” for any part of the body that +discharges a function, practically to the exclusion of any other term. +Of course, however, the above contention as to the essential identity of +tools and organs does not involve a denial of their obvious superficial +differences—differences so many and so great as to justify our classing +them in distinct categories so long as we have regard to the daily +purposes of life without looking at remoter ones. + +If the above be admitted, we can reply to those who in an earlier chapter +objected to our saying that if Mr. Darwin denied design in the eye he +should deny it in the burglar’s jemmy also. For if bodily and non-bodily +organs are essentially one in kind, being each of them both living and +non-living, and each of them only a higher development of principles +already admitted and largely acted on in the other, then the method of +procedure observable in the evolution of the organs whose history is +within our ken should throw light upon the evolution of that whose +history goes back into so dim a past that we can only know it by way of +inference. In the absence of any show of reason to the contrary we +should argue from the known to the unknown, and presume that even as our +non-bodily organs originated and were developed through gradual +accumulation of design, effort, and contrivance guided by experience, so +also must our bodily organs have been, in spite of the fact that the +contrivance has been, as it were, denuded of external evidences in the +course of long time. This at least is the most obvious inference to +draw; the burden of proof should rest not with those who uphold function +as the most important means of organic modification, but with those who +impugn it; it is hardly necessary, however, to say that Mr. Darwin never +attempted to impugn by way of argument the conclusions either of his +grandfather or of Lamarck. He waved them both aside in one or two short +semi-contemptuous sentences, and said no more about them—not, at least, +until late in life he wrote his “Erasmus Darwin,” and even then his +remarks were purely biographical; he did not say one syllable by way of +refutation, or even of explanation. + +I am free to confess that, overwhelming as is the evidence brought +forward by Mr. Spencer in the articles already referred to, as showing +that accidental variations, unguided by the helm of any main general +principle which should as it were keep their heads straight, could never +accumulate with the results supposed by Mr. Darwin; and overwhelming, +again, as is the consideration that Mr. Spencer’s most crushing argument +was allowed by Mr. Darwin to go without reply, still the considerations +arising from the discoveries of the last forty years or so in connection +with protoplasm, seem to me almost more overwhelming still. This +evidence proceeds on different lines from that adduced by Mr. Spencer, +but it points to the same conclusion, namely, that though luck will avail +much if backed by cunning and experience, it is unavailing for any +permanent result without them. There is an irony which seems almost +always to attend on those who maintain that protoplasm is the only living +substance which ere long points their conclusions the opposite way to +that which they desire—in the very last direction, indeed, in which they +of all people in the world would willingly see them pointed. + +It may be asked why I should have so strong an objection to seeing +protoplasm as the only living substance, when I find this view so useful +to me as tending to substantiate design—which I admit that I have as much +and as seriously at heart as I can allow myself to have any matter which, +after all, can so little affect daily conduct; I reply that it is no part +of my business to inquire whether this or that makes for my pet theories +or against them; my concern is to inquire whether or no it is borne out +by facts, and I find the opinion that protoplasm is the one living +substance unstable, inasmuch as it is an attempt to make a halt where no +halt can be made. This is enough; but, furthermore, the fact that the +protoplasmic parts of the body are _more_ living than the +non-protoplasmic—which I cannot deny, without denying that it is any +longer convenient to think of life and death at all—will answer my +purpose to the full as well or better. + +I pointed out another consequence, which, again, was cruelly the reverse +of what the promoters of the protoplasm movement might be supposed +anxious to arrive at—in a series of articles which appeared in the +_Examiner_ during the summer of 1879, and showed that if protoplasm were +held to be the sole seat of life, then this unity in the substance +vivifying all, both animals and plants, must be held as uniting them into +a single corporation or body—especially when their community of descent +is borne in mind—more effectually than any merely superficial separation +into individuals can be held to disunite them, and that thus protoplasm +must be seen as the life of the world—as a vast body corporate, never +dying till the earth itself shall pass away. This came practically to +saying that protoplasm was God Almighty, who, of all the forms open to +Him, had chosen this singularly unattractive one as the channel through +which to make Himself manifest in the flesh by taking our nature upon +Him, and animating us with His own Spirit. Our biologists, in fact, were +fast nearing the conception of a God who was both personal and material, +but who could not be made to square with pantheistic notions inasmuch as +no provision was made for the inorganic world; and, indeed, they seem to +have become alarmed at the grotesqueness of the position in which they +must ere long have found themselves, for in the autumn of 1879 the boom +collapsed, and thenceforth the leading reviews and magazines have known +protoplasm no more. About the same time bathybius, which at one time +bade fair to supplant it upon the throne of popularity, died suddenly, as +I am told, at Norwich, under circumstances which did not transpire, nor +has its name, so far as I am aware, been ever again mentioned. + +So much for the conclusions in regard to the larger aspect of life taken +as a whole which must follow from confining life to protoplasm; but there +is another aspect—that, namely, which regards the individual. The +inevitable consequences of confining life to the protoplasmic parts of +the body were just as unexpected and unwelcome here as they had been with +regard to life at large; for, as I have already pointed out, there is no +drawing the line at protoplasm and resting at this point; nor yet at the +next halting-point beyond; nor at the one beyond that. How often is this +process to be repeated? and in what can it end but in the rehabilitation +of the soul as an ethereal, spiritual, vital principle, apart from +matter, which, nevertheless, it animates, vivifying the clay of our +bodies? No one who has followed the course either of biology or +psychology during this century, and more especially during the last +five-and-twenty years, will tolerate the reintroduction of the soul as +something apart from the substratum in which both feeling and action must +be held to inhere. The notion of matter being ever changed except by +other matter in another state is so shocking to the intellectual +conscience that it may be dismissed without discussion; yet if bathybius +had not been promptly dealt with, it must have become apparent even to +the British public that there were indeed but few steps from protoplasm, +as the only living substance, to vital principle. Our biologists +therefore stifled bathybius, perhaps with justice, certainly with +prudence, and left protoplasm to its fate. + +Any one who reads Professor Allman’s address above referred to with due +care will see that he was uneasy about protoplasm, even at the time of +its greatest popularity. Professor Allman never says outright that the +non-protoplasmic parts of the body are no more alive than chairs and +tables are. He said what involved this as an inevitable consequence, and +there can be no doubt that this is what he wanted to convey, but he never +insisted on it with the outspokenness and emphasis with which so +startling a paradox should alone be offered us for acceptance; nor is it +easy to believe that his reluctance to express his conclusion _totidem +verbis_ was not due to a sense that it might ere long prove more +convenient not to have done so. When I advocated the theory of the +livingness, or quasi-livingness of machines, in the chapters of “Erewhon” +of which all else that I have written on biological subjects is a +development, I took care that people should see the position in its +extreme form; the non-livingness of bodily organs is to the full as +startling a paradox as the livingness of non-bodily ones, and we have a +right to expect the fullest explicitness from those who advance it. Of +course it must be borne in mind that a machine can only claim any +appreciable even aroma of livingness so long as it is in actual use. In +“Erewhon” I did not think it necessary to insist on this, and did not, +indeed, yet fully know what I was driving at. + +The same disposition to avoid committing themselves to the assertion that +any part of the body is non-living may be observed in the writings of the +other authorities upon protoplasm above referred to; I have searched all +they said, and cannot find a single passage in which they declare even +the osseous parts of a bone to be non-living, though this conclusion was +the _raison d’être_ of all they were saying and followed as an obvious +inference. The reader will probably agree with me in thinking that such +reticence can only have been due to a feeling that the ground was one on +which it behoved them to walk circumspectly; they probably felt, after a +vague, ill-defined fashion, that the more they reduced the body to +mechanism the more they laid it open to an opponent to raise mechanism to +the body, but, however this may be, they dropped protoplasm, as I have +said, in some haste with the autumn of 1879. + + + + +Chapter X +The Attempt to Eliminate Mind + + +WHAT, it may be asked, were our biologists really aiming at?—for men like +Professor Huxley do not serve protoplasm for nought. They wanted a good +many things, some of them more righteous than others, but all +intelligible. Among the more lawful of their desires was a craving after +a monistic conception of the universe. We all desire this; who can turn +his thoughts to these matters at all and not instinctively lean towards +the old conception of one supreme and ultimate essence as the source from +which all things proceed and have proceeded, both now and ever? The most +striking and apparently most stable theory of the last quarter of a +century had been Sir William Grove’s theory of the conservation of +energy; and yet wherein is there any substantial difference between this +recent outcome of modern amateur, and hence most sincere, +science—pointing as it does to an imperishable, and as such unchangeable, +and as such, again, for ever unknowable underlying substance the modes of +which alone change—wherein, except in mere verbal costume, does this +differ from the conclusions arrived at by the psalmist? + +“Of old,” he exclaims, “hast Thou laid the foundation of the earth; and +the heavens are the work of Thy hands. They shall perish, but Thou shalt +endure; yea, all of them shall wax old like a garment; as a vesture shalt +Thou change them and they shall be changed; but Thou art the same, and +Thy years shall have no end.” {135a} + +I know not what theologians may think of this passage, but from a +scientific point of view it is unassailable. So again, “O Lord,” he +exclaims, “Thou hast searched me out, and known me: Thou knowest my +down-sitting and mine up-rising; Thou understandest my thoughts long +before. Thou art about my path, and about my bed: and spiest out all my +ways. For lo, there is not a word in my tongue but Thou, O Lord, knowest +it altogether . . . Whither shall I go, then, from Thy Spirit? Or +whither shall I go, then, from Thy presence? If I climb up into heaven +Thou art there: if I go down to hell, Thou art there also. If I take the +wings of the morning, and remain in the uttermost parts of the sea, even +there also shall Thy hand lead me and Thy right hand shall hold me. If I +say, Peradventure the darkness shall cover me, then shall my night be +turned to day. Yea, the darkness is no darkness with Thee, but . . . the +darkness and light to Thee are both alike.” {136a} + +What convention or short cut can symbolise for us the results of laboured +and complicated chains of reasoning or bring them more aptly and +concisely home to us than the one supplied long since by the word God? +What can approach more nearly to a rendering of that which cannot be +rendered—the idea of an essence omnipresent in all things at all times +everywhere in sky and earth and sea; ever changing, yet the same +yesterday, to-day, and for ever; the ineffable contradiction in terms +whose presence none can either ever enter, or ever escape? Or rather, +what convention would have been more apt if it had not been lost sight of +as a convention and come to be regarded as an idea in actual +correspondence with a more or less knowable reality? A convention was +converted into a fetish, and now that its worthlessness as a fetish is +being generally felt, its great value as a hieroglyph or convention is in +danger of being lost sight of. No doubt the psalmist was seeking for Sir +William Grove’s conception, if haply he might feel after it and find it, +and assuredly it is not far from every one of us. But the course of true +philosophy never did run smooth; no sooner have we fairly grasped the +conception of a single eternal and for ever unknowable underlying +substance, then we are faced by mind and matter. Long-standing ideas and +current language alike lead us to see these as distinct things—mind being +still commonly regarded as something that acts on body from without as +the wind blows upon a leaf, and as no less an actual entity than the +body. Neither body nor mind seems less essential to our existence than +the other; not only do we feel this as regards our own existence, but we +feel it also as pervading the whole world of life; everywhere we see body +and mind working together towards results that must be ascribed equally +to both; but they are two, not one; if, then, we are to have our monistic +conception, it would seem as though one of these must yield to the other; +which, therefore, is it to be? + +This is a very old question. Some, from time immemorial, have tried to +get rid of matter by reducing it to a mere concept of the mind, and their +followers have arrived at conclusions that may be logically irrefragable, +but are as far removed from common sense as they are in accord with +logic; at any rate they have failed to satisfy, and matter is no nearer +being got rid of now than it was when the discussion first began. +Others, again, have tried materialism, have declared the causative action +of both thought and feeling to be deceptive, and posit matter obeying +fixed laws of which thought and feeling must be admitted as concomitants, +but with which they have no causal connection. The same thing has +happened to these men as to their opponents; they made out an excellent +case on paper, but thought and feeling still remain the mainsprings of +action that they have been always held to be. We still say, “I gave him +£5 because I felt pleased with him, and thought he would like it;” or, “I +knocked him down because I felt angry, and thought I would teach him +better manners.” Omnipresent life and mind with appearances of brute +non-livingness—which appearances are deceptive; this is one view. +Omnipresent non-livingness or mechanism with appearances as though the +mechanism were guided and controlled by thought—which appearances are +deceptive; this is the other. Between these two views the slaves of +logic have oscillated for centuries, and to all appearance will continue +to oscillate for centuries more. + +People who think—as against those who feel and act—want hard and fast +lines—without which, indeed, they cannot think at all; these lines are as +it were steps cut on a slope of ice without which there would be no +descending it. When we have begun to travel the downward path of +thought, we ask ourselves questions about life and death, ego and non +ego, object and subject, necessity and free will, and other kindred +subjects. We want to know where we are, and in the hope of simplifying +matters, strip, as it were, each subject to the skin, and finding that +even this has not freed it from all extraneous matter, flay it alive in +the hope that if we grub down deep enough we shall come upon it in its +pure unalloyed state free from all inconvenient complication through +intermixture with anything alien to itself. Then, indeed, we can docket +it, and pigeon-hole it for what it is; but what can we do with it till we +have got it pure? We want to account for things, which means that we +want to know to which of the various accounts opened in our mental ledger +we ought to carry them—and how can we do this if we admit a phenomenon to +be neither one thing nor the other, but to belong to half-a-dozen +different accounts in proportions which often cannot even approximately +be determined? If we are to keep accounts we must keep them in +reasonable compass; and if keeping them within reasonable compass +involves something of a Procrustean arrangement, we may regret it, but +cannot help it; having set up as thinkers we have got to think, and must +adhere to the only conditions under which thought is possible; life, +therefore, must be life, all life, and nothing but life, and so with +death, free will, necessity, design, and everything else. This, at +least, is how philosophers must think concerning them in theory; in +practice, however, not even John Stuart Mill himself could eliminate all +taint of its opposite from any one of these things, any more than Lady +Macbeth could clear her hand of blood; indeed, the more nearly we think +we have succeeded the more certain are we to find ourselves ere long +mocked and baffled; and this, I take it, is what our biologists began in +the autumn of 1879 to discover had happened to themselves. + +For some years they had been trying to get rid of feeling, consciousness, +and mind generally, from active participation in the evolution of the +universe. They admitted, indeed, that feeling and consciousness attend +the working of the world’s gear, as noise attends the working of a +steam-engine, but they would not allow that consciousness produced more +effect in the working of the world than noise on that of the +steam-engine. Feeling and noise were alike accidental unessential +adjuncts and nothing more. Incredible as it may seem to those who are +happy enough not to know that this attempt is an old one, they were +trying to reduce the world to the level of a piece of unerring though +sentient mechanism. Men and animals must be allowed to feel and even to +reflect; this much must be conceded, but granted that they do, still (so, +at least, it was contended) it has no effect upon the result; it does not +matter as far as this is concerned whether they feel and think or not; +everything would go on exactly as it does and always has done, though +neither man nor beast knew nor felt anything at all. It is only by +maintaining things like this that people will get pensions out of the +British public. + +Some such position as this is a _sine quâ non_ for the Neo-Darwinistic +doctrine of natural selection, which, as Von Hartmann justly observes, +involves an essentially mechanical mindless conception of the universe; +to natural selection’s door, therefore, the blame of the whole movement +in favour of mechanism must be justly laid. It was natural that those +who had been foremost in preaching mindless designless luck as the main +means of organic modification, should lend themselves with alacrity to +the task of getting rid of thought and feeling from all share in the +direction and governance of the world. Professor Huxley, as usual, was +among the foremost in this good work, and whether influenced by Hobbes, +or Descartes, or Mr. Spalding, or even by the machine chapters in +“Erewhon” which were still recent, I do not know, led off with his +article “On the hypothesis that animals are automata” (which it may be +observed is the exact converse of the hypothesis that automata are +animated) in the _Fortnightly Review_ for November 1874. Professor +Huxley did not say outright that men and women were just as living and +just as dead as their own watches, but this was what his article came to +in substance. The conclusion arrived at was that animals were automata; +true, they were probably sentient, still they were automata pure and +simple, mere sentient pieces of exceedingly elaborate clockwork, and +nothing more. + +“Professor Huxley,” says Mr. Romanes, in his Rede Lecture for 1885, +{140a} “argues by way of perfectly logical deduction from this statement, +that thought and feeling have nothing to do with determining action; they +are merely the bye-products of cerebration, or, as he expresses it, the +indices of changes which are going on in the brain. Under this view we +are all what he terms conscious automata, or machines which happen, as it +were by chance, to be conscious of some of their own movements. But the +consciousness is altogether adventitious, and bears the same ineffectual +relation to the activity of the brain as a steam whistle bears to the +activity of a locomotive, or the striking of a clock to the time-keeping +adjustments of the clockwork. Here, again, we meet with an echo of +Hobbes, who opens his work on the commonwealth with these words:— + +“‘Nature, the art whereby God hath made and governs the world, is by the +_art_ of man, as in many other things, in this also imitated, that it can +make an artificial animal. For seeing life is but a motion of limbs, the +beginning whereof is in the principal part within; why may we not say +that all automata (engines that move themselves by springs and wheels as +doth a watch) have an artificial life? For what is the _heart_ but a +spring, and the _nerves_ but so many _strings_; and the _joints_ but so +many _wheels_ giving motion to the whole body, such as was intended by +the artificer?’ + +“Now this theory of conscious automatism is not merely a legitimate +outcome of the theory that nervous changes are the causes of mental +changes, but it is logically the only possible outcome. Nor do I see any +way in which this theory can be fought on grounds of physiology.” + +In passing, I may say the theory that living beings are conscious +machines, can be fought just as much and just as little as the theory +that machines are unconscious living beings; everything that goes to +prove either of these propositions goes just as well to prove the other +also. But I have perhaps already said as much as is necessary on this +head; the main point with which I am concerned is the fact that Professor +Huxley was trying to expel consciousness and sentience from any causative +action in the working of the universe. In the following month appeared +the late Professor Clifford’s hardly less outspoken article, “Body and +Mind,” to the same effect, also in the _Fortnightly Review_, then edited +by Mr. John Morley. Perhaps this view attained its frankest expression +in an article by the late Mr. Spalding, which appeared in _Nature_, +August 2, 1877; the following extracts will show that Mr. Spalding must +be credited with not playing fast and loose with his own conclusions, and +knew both how to think a thing out to its extreme consequences, and how +to put those consequences clearly before his readers. Mr. Spalding +said:— + +“Against Mr. Lewes’s proposition that the movements of living beings are +prompted and guided by feeling, I urged that the amount and direction of +every nervous discharge must depend solely on physical conditions. And I +contended that to see this clearly is to see that when we speak of +movement being guided by feeling, we use the language of a less advanced +stage of enlightenment. This view has since occupied a good deal of +attention. Under the name of automatism it has been advocated by +Professor Huxley, and with firmer logic by Professor Clifford. In the +minds of our savage ancestors feeling was the source of all movement . . . +Using the word feeling in its ordinary sense . . . _we assert not only +that no evidence can be given that feeling ever does guide or prompt +action_, _but that the process of its doing so is inconceivable_. +(Italics mine.) How can we picture to ourselves a state of consciousness +putting in motion any particle of matter, large or small? Puss, while +dozing before the fire, hears a light rustle in the corner, and darts +towards the spot. What has happened? Certain sound-waves have reached +the ear, a series of physical changes have taken place within the +organism, special groups of muscles have been called into play, and the +body of the cat has changed its position on the floor. Is it asserted +that this chain of physical changes is not at all points complete and +sufficient in itself?” + +I have been led to turn to this article of Mr. Spalding’s by Mr. Stewart +Duncan, who, in his “Conscious Matter,” {142a} quotes the latter part of +the foregoing extract. Mr. Duncan goes on to quote passages from +Professor Tyndall’s utterances of about the same date which show that he +too took much the same line—namely, that there is no causative connection +between mental and physical processes; from this it is obvious he must +have supposed that physical processes would go on just as well if there +were no accompaniment of feeling and consciousness at all. + +I have said enough to show that in the decade, roughly, between 1870 and +1880 the set of opinion among our leading biologists was strongly against +mind, as having in any way influenced the development of animal and +vegetable life, and it is not likely to be denied that the prominence +which the mindless theory of natural selection had assumed in men’s +thoughts since 1860 was one of the chief reasons, if not the chief, for +the turn opinion was taking. Our leading biologists had staked so +heavily upon natural selection from among fortuitous variations that they +would have been more than human if they had not caught at everything that +seemed to give it colour and support. It was while this mechanical fit +was upon them, and in the closest connection with it, that the protoplasm +boom developed. It was doubtless felt that if the public could be got to +dislodge life, consciousness, and mind from any considerable part of the +body, it would be no hard matter to dislodge it, presently, from the +remainder; on this the deceptiveness of mind as a causative agent, and +the sufficiency of a purely automatic conception of the universe, as of +something that will work if a penny be dropped into the box, would be +proved to demonstration. It would be proved from the side of mind by +considerations derivable from automatic and unconscious action where mind +_ex hypothesi_ was not, but where action went on as well or better +without it than with it; it would be proved from the side of body by what +they would doubtless call the “most careful and exhaustive” examination +of the body itself by the aid of appliances more ample than had ever +before been within the reach of man. + +This was all very well, but for its success one thing was a _sine quâ +non_—I mean the dislodgment must be thorough; the key must be got clean +of even the smallest trace of blood, for unless this could be done all +the argument went to the profit not of the mechanism, with which, for +some reason or other, they were so much enamoured, but of the soul and +design, the ideas which of all others were most distasteful to them. +They shut their eyes to this for a long time, but in the end appear to +have seen that if they were in search of an absolute living and absolute +non-living, the path along which they were travelling would never lead +them to it. They were driving life up into a corner, but they were not +eliminating it, and, moreover, at the very moment of their thinking they +had hedged it in and could throw their salt upon it, it flew mockingly +over their heads and perched upon the place of all others where they were +most scandalised to see it—I mean upon machines in use. So they retired +sulkily to their tents baffled but not ashamed. + + * * * * * + +Some months subsequent to the completion of the foregoing chapter, and +indeed just as this book is on the point of leaving my hands, there +appears in _Nature_ {144a} a letter from the Duke of Argyll, which shows +that he too is impressed with the conviction expressed above—I mean that +the real object our men of science have lately had in view has been the +getting rid of mind from among the causes of evolution. The Duke says:— + +“The violence with which false interpretations were put upon this theory +(natural selection) and a function was assigned to it which it could +never fulfil, will some day be recognised as one of the least creditable +episodes in the history of science. With a curious perversity it was the +weakest elements in the theory which were seized upon as the most +valuable, particularly the part assigned to blind chance in the +occurrence of variations. This was valued not for its scientific +truth,—for it could pretend to none,—but because of its assumed bearing +upon another field of thought and the weapon it afforded for expelling +mind from the causes of evolution.” + +The Duke, speaking of Mr. Herbert Spencer’s two articles in the +_Nineteenth Century_ for April and May, 1886, to which I have already +called attention, continues:— + +“In these two articles we have for the first time an avowed and definite +declaration against some of the leading ideas on which the mechanical +philosophy depends; and yet the caution, and almost timidity, with which +a man so eminent approaches the announcement of conclusions of the most +self-evident truth is a most curious proof of the reign of terror which +has come to be established.” + +Against this I must protest; the Duke cannot seriously maintain that the +main scope and purpose of Mr. Herbert Spencer’s articles is new. Their +substance has been before us in Mr. Spencer’s own writings for some +two-and-twenty years, in the course of which Mr. Spencer has been +followed by Professor Mivart, the Rev. J. J. Murphy, the Duke of Argyll +himself, and many other writers of less note. When the Duke talks about +the establishment of a scientific reign of terror, I confess I regard +such an exaggeration with something like impatience. Any one who has +known his own mind and has had the courage of his opinions has been able +to say whatever he wanted to say with as little let or hindrance during +the last twenty years, as during any other period in the history of +literature. Of course, if a man will keep blurting out unpopular truths +without considering whose toes he may or may not be treading on, he will +make enemies some of whom will doubtless be able to give effect to their +displeasure; but that is part of the game. It is hardly possible for any +one to oppose the fallacy involved in the Charles-Darwinian theory of +natural selection more persistently and unsparingly than I have done +myself from the year 1877 onwards; naturally I have at times been very +angrily attacked in consequence, and as a matter of business have made +myself as unpleasant as I could in my rejoinders, but I cannot remember +anything having been ever attempted against me which could cause fear in +any ordinarily constituted person. If, then, the Duke of Argyll is right +in saying that Mr. Spencer has shown a caution almost amounting to +timidity in attacking Mr. Darwin’s theory, either Mr. Spencer must be a +singularly timid person, or there must be some cause for his timidity +which is not immediately obvious. If terror reigns anywhere among +scientific men, I should say it reigned among those who have staked +imprudently on Mr. Darwin’s reputation as a philosopher. I may add that +the discovery of the Duke’s impression that there exists a scientific +reign of terror, explains a good deal in his writings which it has not +been easy to understand hitherto. + +As regards the theory of natural selection, the Duke says:— + +“From the first discussions which arose on this subject, I have ventured +to maintain that . . . the phrase ‘natural-selection’ represented no true +physical cause, still less the complete set of causes requisite to +account for the orderly procession of organic forms in Nature; that in so +far as it assumed variations to arise by accident it was not only +essentially faulty and incomplete, but fundamentally erroneous; in short, +that its only value lay in the convenience with which it groups under one +form of words, highly charged with metaphor, an immense variety of +causes, some purely mental, some purely vital, and others purely physical +or mechanical.” + + + + +Chapter XI +The Way of Escape + + +TO sum up the conclusions hitherto arrived at. Our philosophers have +made the mistake of forgetting that they cannot carry the rough-and-ready +language of common sense into precincts within which politeness and +philosophy are supreme. Common sense sees life and death as distinct +states having nothing in common, and hence in all respects the antitheses +of one another; so that with common sense there should be no degrees of +livingness, but if a thing is alive at all it is as much alive as the +most living of us, and if dead at all it is stone dead in every part of +it. Our philosophers have exercised too little consideration in +retaining this view of the matter. They say that an amœba is as much a +living being as a man is, and do not allow that a well-grown, highly +educated man in robust health is more living than an idiot cripple. They +say he differs from the cripple in many important respects, but not in +degree of livingness. Yet, as we have seen already, even common sense by +using the word “dying” admits degrees of life; that is to say, it admits +a more and a less; those, then, for whom the superficial aspects of +things are insufficient should surely find no difficulty in admitting +that the degrees are more numerous than is dreamed of in the somewhat +limited philosophy which common sense alone knows. Livingness depends on +range of power, versatility, wealth of body and mind—how often, indeed, +do we not see people taking a new lease of life when they have come into +money even at an advanced age; it varies as these vary, beginning with +things that, though they have mind enough for an outsider to swear by, +can hardly be said to have yet found it out themselves, and advancing to +those that know their own minds as fully as anything in this world does +so. The more a thing knows its own mind the more living it becomes, for +life viewed both in the individual and in the general as the outcome of +accumulated developments, is one long process of specialising +consciousness and sensation; that is to say, of getting to know one’s own +mind more and more fully upon a greater and greater variety of subjects. +On this I hope to touch more fully in another book; in the meantime I +would repeat that the error of our philosophers consists in not having +borne in mind that when they quitted the ground on which common sense can +claim authority, they should have reconsidered everything that common +sense had taught them. + +The votaries of common sense make the same mistake as philosophers do, +but they make it in another way. Philosophers try to make the language +of common sense serve for purposes of philosophy, forgetting that they +are in another world, in which another tongue is current; common sense +people, on the other hand, every now and then attempt to deal with +matters alien to the routine of daily life. The boundaries between the +two kingdoms being very badly defined, it is only by giving them a wide +berth and being so philosophical as almost to deny that there is any +either life or death at all, or else so full of common sense as to refuse +to see one part of the body as less living than another, that we can hope +to steer clear of doubt, inconsistency, and contradiction in terms in +almost every other word we utter. We cannot serve the God of philosophy +and the Mammon of common sense at one and the same time, and yet it would +almost seem as though the making the best that can be made of both these +worlds were the whole duty of organism. + +It is easy to understand how the error of philosophers arose, for, slaves +of habit as we all are, we are more especially slaves when the habit is +one that has not been found troublesome. There is no denying that it +saves trouble to have things either one thing or the other, and indeed +for all the common purposes of life if a thing is either alive or dead +the small supplementary residue of the opposite state should be neglected +as too small to be observable. If it is good to eat we have no +difficulty in knowing when it is dead enough to be eaten; if not good to +eat, but valuable for its skin, we know when it is dead enough to be +skinned with impunity; if it is a man, we know when he has presented +enough of the phenomena of death to allow of our burying him and +administering his estate; in fact, I cannot call to mind any case in +which the decision of the question whether man or beast is alive or dead +is frequently found to be perplexing; hence we have become so accustomed +to think there can be no admixture of the two states, that we have found +it almost impossible to avoid carrying this crude view of life and death +into domains of thought in which it has no application. There can be no +doubt that when accuracy is required we should see life and death not as +fundamentally opposed, but as supplementary to one another, without +either’s being ever able to exclude the other altogether; thus we should +indeed see some things as more living than others, but we should see +nothing as either unalloyedly living or unalloyedly non-living. If a +thing is living, it is so living that it has one foot in the grave +already; if dead, it is dead as a thing that has already re-entered into +the womb of Nature. And within the residue of life that is in the dead +there is an element of death; and within this there is an element of +life, and so _ad infinitum_—again, as reflections in two mirrors that +face one another. + +In brief, there is nothing in life of which there are not germs, and, so +to speak, harmonics in death, and nothing in death of which germs and +harmonics may not be found in life. Each emphasizes what the other +passes over most lightly—each carries to its extreme conceivable +development that which in the other is only sketched in by a faint +suggestion—but neither has any feature rigorously special to itself. +Granted that death is a greater new departure in an organism’s life, than +any since that _congeries_ of births and deaths to which the name +embryonic stages is commonly given, still it is a new departure of the +same essential character as any other—that is to say, though there be +much new there is much, not to say more, old along with it. We shrink +from it as from any other change to the unknown, and also perhaps from an +instinctive sense that the fear of death is a _sine quâ non_ for physical +and moral progress, but the fear is like all else in life, a substantial +thing which, if its foundations be dug about, is found to rest on a +superstitious basis. + +Where, and on what principle, are the dividing lines between living and +non-living to be drawn? All attempts to draw them hitherto have ended in +deadlock and disaster; of this M. Vianna De Lima, in his “Exposé Sommaire +des Théories transformistes de Lamarck, Darwin, et Haeckel,” {150a} says +that all attempts to trace _une ligne de démarcation nette et profonde +entre la matière vivante et la matière inerte_ have broken down. {150b} +_Il y a un reste de vie dans le cadavre_, says Diderot, {150c} speaking +of the more gradual decay of the body after an easy natural death, than +after a sudden and violent one; and so Buffon begins his first volume by +saying that “we can descend, by almost imperceptible degrees, from the +most perfect creature to the most formless matter—from the most highly +organised matter to the most entirely inorganic substance.” {150d} + +Is the line to be so drawn as to admit any of the non-living within the +body? If we answer “yes,” then, as we have seen, moiety after moiety is +filched from us, till we find ourselves left face to face with a tenuous +quasi immaterial vital principle or soul as animating an alien body, with +which it not only has no essential underlying community of substance, but +with which it has no conceivable point in common to render a union +between the two possible, or give the one a grip of any kind over the +other; in fact, the doctrine of disembodied spirits, so instinctively +rejected by all who need be listened to, comes back as it would seem, +with a scientific _imprimatur_; if, on the other hand, we exclude the +non-living from the body, then what are we to do with nails that want +cutting, dying skin, or hair that is ready to fall off? Are they less +living than brain? Answer “yes,” and degrees are admitted, which we have +already seen prove fatal; answer “no,” and we must deny that one part of +the body is more vital than another—and this is refusing to go as far +even as common sense does; answer that these things are not very +important, and we quit the ground of equity and high philosophy on which +we have given ourselves such airs, and go back to common sense as unjust +judges that will hear those widows only who importune us. + +As with the non-living so also with the living. Are we to let it pass +beyond the limits of the body, and allow a certain temporary overflow of +livingness to ordain as it were machines in use? Then death will fare, +if we once let life without the body, as life fares if we once let death +within it. It becomes swallowed up in life, just as in the other case +life was swallowed up in death. Are we to confine it to the body? If +so, to the whole body, or to parts? And if to parts, to what parts, and +why? The only way out of the difficulty is to rehabilitate contradiction +in terms, and say that everything is both alive and dead at one and the +same time—some things being much living and little dead, and others, +again, much dead and little living. Having done this we have only got to +settle what a thing is—when a thing is a thing pure and simple, and when +it is only a _congeries_ of things—and we shall doubtless then live very +happily and very philosophically ever afterwards. + +But here another difficulty faces us. Common sense does indeed know what +is meant by a “thing” or “an individual,” but philosophy cannot settle +either of these two points. Professor Mivart made the question “What are +Living Beings?” the subject of an article in one of our leading magazines +only a very few years ago. He asked, but he did not answer. And so +Professor Moseley was reported (_Times_, January 16, 1885) as having said +that it was “almost impossible” to say what an individual was. Surely if +it is only “almost” impossible for philosophy to determine this, +Professor Moseley should have at any rate tried to do it; if, however, he +had tried and failed, which from my own experience I should think most +likely, he might have spared his “almost.” “Almost” is a very dangerous +word. I once heard a man say that an escape he had had from drowning was +“almost” providential. The difficulty about defining an individual +arises from the fact that we may look at “almost” everything from two +different points of view. If we are in a common-sense humour for +simplifying things, treating them broadly, and emphasizing resemblances +rather than differences, we can find excellent reasons for ignoring +recognised lines of demarcation, calling everything by a new name, and +unifying up till we have united the two most distant stars in heaven as +meeting and being linked together in the eyes and souls of men; if we are +in this humour individuality after individuality disappears, and ere +long, if we are consistent, nothing will remain but one universal whole, +one true and only atom from which alone nothing can be cut off and thrown +away on to something else; if, on the other hand, we are in a subtle +philosophically accurate humour for straining at gnats and emphasizing +differences rather than resemblances, we can draw distinctions, and give +reasons for subdividing and subdividing, till, unless we violate what we +choose to call our consistency somewhere, we shall find ourselves with as +many names as atoms and possible combinations and permutations of atoms. +The lines we draw, the moments we choose for cutting this or that off at +this or that place, and thenceforth the dubbing it by another name, are +as arbitrary as the moments chosen by a South-Eastern Railway porter for +leaving off beating doormats; in each case doubtless there is an +approximate equity, but it is of a very rough and ready kind. + +What else, however, can we do? We can only escape the Scylla of calling +everything by one name, and recognising no individual existences of any +kind, by falling into the Charybdis of having a name for everything, or +by some piece of intellectual sharp practice like that of the shrewd but +unprincipled Ulysses. If we were consistent honourable gentlemen, into +Charybdis or on to Scylla we should go like lambs; every subterfuge by +the help of which we escape our difficulty is but an arbitrary +high-handed act of classification that turns a deaf ear to everything not +robust enough to hold its own; nevertheless even the most scrupulous of +philosophers pockets his consistency at a pinch, and refuses to let the +native hue of resolution be sicklied o’er with the pale cast of thought, +nor yet fobbed by the rusty curb of logic. He is right, for assuredly +the poor intellectual abuses of the time want countenancing now as much +as ever, but so far as he countenances them, he should bear in mind that +he is returning to the ground of common sense, and should not therefore +hold himself too stiffly in the matter of logic. + +As with life and death so with design and absence of design or luck. So +also with union and disunion. There is never either absolute design +rigorously pervading every detail, nor yet absolute absence of design +pervading any detail rigorously, so, as between substances, there is +neither absolute union and homogeneity, not absolute disunion and +heterogeneity; there is always a little place left for repentance; that +is to say, in theory we should admit that both design and chance, however +well defined, each have an aroma, as it were, of the other. Who can +think of a case in which his own design—about which he should know more +than any other, and from which, indeed, all his ideas of design are +derived—was so complete that there was no chance in any part of it? Who, +again, can bring forward a case even of the purest chance or good luck +into which no element of design had entered directly or indirectly at any +juncture? This, nevertheless, does not involve our being unable ever to +ascribe a result baldly either to luck or cunning. In some cases a +decided preponderance of the action, whether seen as a whole or looked at +in detail, is recognised at once as due to design, purpose, forethought, +skill, and effort, and then we properly disregard the undesigned element; +in others the details cannot without violence be connected with design, +however much the position which rendered the main action possible may +involve design—as, for example, there is no design in the way in which +individual pieces of coal may hit one another when shot out of a sack, +but there may be design in the sack’s being brought to the particular +place where it is emptied; in others design may be so hard to find that +we rightly deny its existence, nevertheless in each case there will be an +element of the opposite, and the residuary element would, if seen through +a mental microscope, be found to contain a residuary element of _its_ +opposite, and this again of _its_ opposite, and so on _ad infinitum_, as +with mirrors standing face to face. This having been explained, and it +being understood that when we speak of design in organism we do so with a +mental reserve of _exceptis excipiendis_, there should be no hesitation +in holding the various modifications of plants and animals to be in such +preponderating measure due to function, that design, which underlies +function, is the fittest idea with which to connect them in our minds. + +We will now proceed to inquire how Mr. Darwin came to substitute, or try +to substitute, the survival of the luckiest fittest, for the survival of +the most cunning fittest, as held by Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck; or more +briefly how he came to substitute luck for cunning. + + + + +Chapter XII +Why Darwin’s Variations were Accidental + + +SOME may perhaps deny that Mr. Darwin did this, and say he laid so much +stress on use and disuse as virtually to make function his main factor of +evolution. + +If, indeed, we confine ourselves to isolated passages, we shall find +little difficulty in making out a strong case to this effect. Certainly +most people believe this to be Mr. Darwin’s doctrine, and considering how +long and fully he had the ear of the public, it is not likely they would +think thus if Mr. Darwin had willed otherwise, nor could he have induced +them to think as they do if he had not said a good deal that was capable +of the construction so commonly put upon it; but it is hardly necessary, +when addressing biologists, to insist on the fact that Mr. Darwin’s +distinctive doctrine is the denial of the comparative importance of +function, or use and disuse, as a purveyor of variations,—with some, but +not very considerable, exceptions, chiefly in the cases of domesticated +animals. + +He did not, however, make his distinctive feature as distinct as he +should have done. Sometimes he said one thing, and sometimes the +directly opposite. Sometimes, for example, the conditions of existence +“included natural selection” or the fact that the best adapted to their +surroundings live longest and leave most offspring; {156a} sometimes “the +principle of natural selection” “fully embraced” “the expression of +conditions of existence.” {156b} It would not be easy to find more +unsatisfactory writing than this is, nor any more clearly indicating a +mind ill at ease with itself. Sometimes “ants work _by inherited +instincts_ and inherited tools;” {157a} sometimes, again, it is +surprising that the case of ants working by inherited instincts has not +been brought as a demonstrative argument “against the well-known doctrine +of _inherited habit_, as advanced by Lamarck.” {157b} Sometimes the +winglessness of beetles inhabiting ocean islands is “mainly due to +natural selection,” {157c} and though we might be tempted to ascribe the +rudimentary condition of the wing to disuse, we are on no account to do +so—though disuse was probably to some extent “combined with” natural +selection; at other times “it is probable that disuse has been the main +means of rendering the wings of beetles living on small exposed islands” +rudimentary. {157d} We may remark in passing that if disuse, as Mr. +Darwin admits on this occasion, is the main agent in rendering an organ +rudimentary, use should have been the main agent in rendering it the +opposite of rudimentary—that is to say, in bringing about its +development. The ostensible _raison d’être_, however, of the “Origin of +Species” is to maintain that this is not the case. + +There is hardly an opinion on the subject of descent with modification +which does not find support in some one passage or another of the “Origin +of Species.” If it were desired to show that there is no substantial +difference between the doctrine of Erasmus Darwin and that of his +grandson, it would be easy to make out a good case for this, in spite of +Mr. Darwin’s calling his grandfather’s views “erroneous,” in the +historical sketch prefixed to the later editions of the “Origin of +Species.” Passing over the passage already quoted on p. 62 of this book, +in which Mr. Darwin declares “habit omnipotent and its effects +hereditary”—a sentence, by the way, than which none can be either more +unfalteringly Lamarckian or less tainted with the vices of Mr. Darwin’s +later style—passing this over as having been written some twenty years +before the “Origin of Species”—the last paragraph of the “Origin of +Species” itself is purely Lamarckian and Erasmus-Darwinian. It declares +the laws in accordance with which organic forms assumed their present +shape to be—“Growth with reproduction; Variability from the indirect and +direct action of the external conditions of life and from use and disuse, +&c.” {158a} Wherein does this differ from the confession of faith made +by Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck? Where are the accidental fortuitous, +spontaneous variations now? And if they are not found important enough +to demand mention in this peroration and _stretto_, as it were, of the +whole matter, in which special prominence should be given to the special +feature of the work, where ought they to be made important? + +Mr. Darwin immediately goes on: “A ratio of existence so high as to lead +to a struggle for life, and as a consequence to natural selection, +entailing divergence of character and the extinction of less improved +forms;” so that natural selection turns up after all. Yes—in the letters +that compose it, but not in the spirit; not in the special sense up to +this time attached to it in the “Origin of Species.” The expression as +used here is one with which Erasmus Darwin would have found little fault, +for it means not as elsewhere in Mr. Darwin’s book and on his title-page +the preservation of “favoured” or lucky varieties, but the preservation +of varieties that have come to be varieties through the causes assigned +in the preceding two or three lines of Mr. Darwin’s sentence; and these +are mainly functional or Erasmus-Darwinian; for the indirect action of +the conditions of life is mainly functional, and the direct action is +admitted on all hands to be but small. + +It now appears more plainly, as insisted upon on an earlier page, that +there is not one natural selection and one survival of the fittest, but +two, inasmuch as there are two classes of variations from which nature +(supposing no exception taken to her personification) can select. The +bottles have the same labels, and they are of the same colour, but the +one holds brandy, and the other toast and water. Nature can, by a figure +of speech, be said to select from variations that are mainly functional +or from variations that are mainly accidental; in the first case she will +eventually get an accumulation of variation, and widely different types +will come into existence; in the second, the variations will not occur +with sufficient steadiness for accumulation to be possible. In the body +of Mr. Darwin’s book the variations are supposed to be mainly due to +accident, and function, though not denied all efficacy, is declared to be +the greatly subordinate factor; natural selection, therefore, has been +hitherto throughout tantamount to luck; in the peroration the position is +reversed _in toto_; the selection is now made from variations into which +luck has entered so little that it may be neglected, the greatly +preponderating factor being function; here, then, natural selection is +tantamount to cunning. We are such slaves of words that, seeing the +words “natural selection” employed—and forgetting that the results +ensuing on natural selection will depend entirely on what it is that is +selected from, so that the gist of the matter lies in this and not in the +words “natural selection”—it escaped us that a change of front had been +made, and a conclusion entirely alien to the tenor of the whole book +smuggled into the last paragraph as the one which it had been written to +support; the book preached luck, the peroration cunning. + +And there can be no doubt Mr. Darwin intended that the change of front +should escape us; for it cannot be believed that he did not perfectly +well know what he had done. Mr. Darwin edited and re-edited with such +minuteness of revision that it may be said no detail escaped him provided +it was small enough; it is incredible that he should have allowed this +paragraph to remain from first to last unchanged (except for the +introduction of the words “by the Creator,” which are wanting in the +first edition) if they did not convey the conception he most wished his +readers to retain. Even if in his first edition he had failed to see +that he was abandoning in his last paragraph all that it had been his +ostensible object most especially to support in the body of his book, he +must have become aware of it long before he revised the “Origin of +Species” for the last time; still he never altered it, and never put us +on our guard. + +It was not Mr. Darwin’s manner to put his reader on his guard; we might +as well expect Mr. Gladstone to put us on our guard about the Irish land +bills. Caveat _lector_ seems to have been his motto. Mr. Spencer, in +the articles already referred to, is at pains to show that Mr. Darwin’s +opinions in later life underwent a change in the direction of laying +greater stress on functionally produced modifications, and points out +that in the sixth edition of the “Origin of Species” Mr. Darwin says, “I +think there can be no doubt that use in our domestic animals has +strengthened and enlarged certain parts, and disuse diminished them;” +whereas in his first edition he said, “I think there can be _little_ +doubt” of this. Mr. Spencer also quotes a passage from “The Descent of +Man,” in which Mr. Darwin said that _even in the first edition_ of the +“Origin of Species” he had attributed great effect to function, as though +in the later ones he had attributed still more; but if there was any +considerable change of position, it should not have been left to be +toilsomely collected by collation of editions, and comparison of passages +far removed from one another in other books. If his mind had undergone +the modification supposed by Mr. Spencer, Mr. Darwin should have said so +in a prominent passage of some later edition of the “Origin of Species.” +He should have said—“In my earlier editions I underrated, as now seems +probable, the effects of use and disuse as purveyors of the slight +successive modifications whose accumulation in the ordinary course of +things results in specific difference, and I laid too much stress on the +accumulation of merely accidental variations;” having said this, he +should have summarised the reasons that had made him change his mind, and +given a list of the most important cases in which he has seen fit to +alter what he had originally written. If Mr. Darwin had dealt thus with +us we should have readily condoned all the mistakes he would have been at +all likely to have made, for we should have known him as one who was +trying to help us, tidy us up, keep us straight, and enable us to use our +judgments to the best advantage. The public will forgive many errors +alike of taste and judgment, where it feels that a writer persistently +desires this. + +I can only remember a couple of sentences in the later editions of the +“Origin of Species” in which Mr. Darwin directly admits a change of +opinion as regards the main causes of organic modification. How +shuffling the first of these is I have already shown in “Life and Habit,” +p. 260, and in “Evolution, Old and New,” p. 359; I need not, therefore, +say more here, especially as there has been no rejoinder to what I then +said. Curiously enough the sentence does not bear out Mr. Spencer’s +contention that Mr. Darwin in his later years leaned more decidedly +towards functionally produced modifications, for it runs: {161a}—“In the +earlier editions of this work I underrated, as now seems probable, the +frequency and importance of modifications due,” not, as Mr. Spencer would +have us believe, to use and disuse, but “to spontaneous variability,” by +which can only be intended, “to variations in no way connected with use +and disuse,” as not being assignable to any known cause of general +application, and referable as far as we are concerned to accident only; +so that he gives the natural survival of the luckiest, which is indeed +his distinctive feature, if it deserve to be called a feature at all, +greater prominence than ever. Nevertheless there is no change in his +concluding paragraph, which still remains an embodiment of the views of +Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck. + +The other passage is on p. 421 of the edition of 1876. It stands:—“I +have now recapitulated the facts and considerations which have +thoroughly” (why “thoroughly”?) “convinced me that species have been +modified during a long course of descent. This has been effected chiefly +through the natural selection of numerous, successive, slight, favourable +variations; aided in an important manner by the inherited effects of the +use and disuse of parts; and in an unimportant manner, that is, in +relation to adaptive structures, whether past or present, by the direct +action of external conditions, and by variations which seem to us in our +ignorance to arise spontaneously. It appears that I formerly underrated +the frequency and value of these latter forms of variation as leading to +permanent modifications of structure independently of natural selection.” + +Here, again, it is not use and disuse which Mr. Darwin declares himself +to have undervalued, but spontaneous variations. The sentence just given +is one of the most confusing I ever read even in the works of Mr Darwin. +It is the essence of his theory that the “numerous successive, slight, +favourable variations,” above referred to, should be fortuitous, +accidental, spontaneous; it is evident, moreover, that they are intended +in this passage to be accidental or spontaneous, although neither of +these words is employed, inasmuch as use and disuse and the action of the +conditions of existence, whether direct or indirect, are mentioned +specially as separate causes which purvey only the minor part of the +variations from among which nature selects. The words “that is, in +relation to adaptive forms” should be omitted, as surplusage that draws +the reader’s attention from the point at issue; the sentence really +amounts to this—that modification has been effected _chiefly through +selection_ in the ordinary course of nature _from among spontaneous +variations_, _aided in an unimportant manner by variations which quâ us +are spontaneous_. Nevertheless, though these spontaneous variations are +still so trifling in effect that they only aid spontaneous variations in +an unimportant manner, in his earlier editions Mr. Darwin thought them +still less important than he does now. + +This comes of tinkering. We do not know whether we are on our heads or +our heels. We catch ourselves repeating “important,” “unimportant,” +“unimportant,” “important,” like the King when addressing the jury in +“Alice in Wonderland;” and yet this is the book of which Mr. Grant Allen +{163a} says that it is “one of the greatest, and most learned, the most +lucid, the most logical, the most crushing, the most conclusive, that the +world has ever seen. Step by step, and principle by principle, it proved +every point in its progress triumphantly before it went on to the next. +So vast an array of facts so thoroughly in hand had never before been +mustered and marshalled in favour of any biological theory.” The book +and the eulogy are well mated. + +I see that in the paragraph following on the one just quoted, Mr. Allen +says, that “to the world at large Darwinism and evolution became at once +synonymous terms.” Certainly it was no fault of Mr. Darwin’s if they did +not, but I will add more on this head presently; for the moment, +returning to Mr. Darwin, it is hardly credible, but it is nevertheless +true, that Mr Darwin begins the paragraph next following on the one on +which I have just reflected so severely, with the words, “It can hardly +be supposed that a false theory would explain in so satisfactory a manner +as does the theory of natural selection, the several large classes of +facts above specified.” If Mr. Darwin found the large classes of facts +“satisfactorily” explained by the survival of the luckiest irrespectively +of the cunning which enabled them to turn their luck to account, he must +have been easily satisfied. Perhaps he was in the same frame of mind as +when he said {164a} that “even an imperfect answer would be +satisfactory,” but surely this is being thankful for small mercies. + +On the following page Mr. Darwin says:—“Although I am fully” (why +“fully”?) “convinced of the truth of the views given in this volume under +the form of an abstract, I by no means expect to convince experienced +naturalists,” &c. I have not quoted the whole of Mr. Darwin’s sentence, +but it implies that any experienced naturalist who remained unconvinced +was an old-fashioned, prejudiced person. I confess that this is what I +rather feel about the experienced naturalists who differ in only too +great numbers from myself, but I did not expect to find so much of the +old Adam remaining in Mr. Darwin; I did not expect to find him support me +in the belief that naturalists are made of much the same stuff as other +people, and, if they are wise, will look upon new theories with distrust +until they find them becoming generally accepted. I am not sure that Mr. +Darwin is not just a little bit flippant here. + +Sometimes I ask myself whether it is possible that, not being convinced, +I may be an experienced naturalist after all; at other times, when I read +Mr. Darwin’s works and those of his eulogists, I wonder whether there is +not some other Mr. Darwin, some other “Origin of Species,” some other +Professors Huxley, Tyndal, and Ray Lankester, and whether in each case +some malicious fiend has not palmed off a counterfeit upon me that +differs _toto cælo_ from the original. I felt exactly the same when I +read Goethe’s “Wilhelm Meister”; I could not believe my eyes, which +nevertheless told me that the dull diseased trash I was so toilsomely +reading was a work which was commonly held to be one of the great +literary masterpieces of the world. It seemed to me that there must be +some other Goethe and some other Wilhelm Meister. Indeed I find myself +so depressingly out of harmony with the prevailing not opinion only, but +spirit—if, indeed, the Huxleys, Tyndals, Miss Buckleys, Ray Lankesters, +and Romaneses express the prevailing spirit as accurately as they appear +to do—that at times I find it difficult to believe I am not the victim of +hallucination; nevertheless I know that either every canon, whether of +criticism or honourable conduct, which I have learned to respect is an +impudent swindle, suitable for the cloister only, and having no force or +application in the outside world; or else that Mr. Darwin and his +supporters are misleading the public to the full as much as the +theologians of whom they speak at times so disapprovingly. They sin, +moreover, with incomparably less excuse. Right as they doubtless are in +much, and much as we doubtless owe them (so we owe much also to the +theologians, and they also are right in much), they are giving way to a +temper which cannot be indulged with impunity. I know the great power of +academicism; I know how instinctively academicism everywhere must range +itself on Mr. Darwin’s side, and how askance it must look on those who +write as I do; but I know also that there is a power before which even +academicism must bow, and to this power I look not unhopefully for +support. + +As regards Mr. Spencer’s contention that Mr. Darwin leaned more towards +function as he grew older, I do not doubt that at the end of his life Mr. +Darwin believed modification to be mainly due to function, but the +passage quoted on page 62 written in 1839, coupled with the concluding +paragraph of the “Origin of Species” written in 1859, and allowed to +stand during seventeen years of revision, though so much else was +altered—these passages, when their dates and surroundings are considered, +suggest strongly that Mr. Darwin thought during all the forty years or so +thus covered exactly as his grandfather and Lamarck had done, and indeed +as all sensible people since Buffon wrote have done if they have accepted +evolution at all. + +Then why should he not have said so? What object could he have in +writing an elaborate work to support a theory which he knew all the time +to be untenable? The impropriety of such a course, unless the work was, +like Buffon’s, transparently ironical, could only be matched by its +fatuousness, or indeed by the folly of one who should assign action so +motiveless to any one out of a lunatic asylum. + +This sounds well, but unfortunately we cannot forget that when Mr. Darwin +wrote the “Origin of Species” he claimed to be the originator of the +theory of descent with modification generally; that he did this without +one word of reference either to Buffon or Erasmus Darwin until the first +six thousand copies of his book had been sold, and then with as meagre, +inadequate notice as can be well conceived. Lamarck was just named in +the first editions of the “Origin of Species,” but only to be told that +Mr. Darwin had not got anything to give him, and he must go away; the +author of the “Vestiges of Creation” was also just mentioned, but only in +a sentence full of such gross misrepresentation that Mr. Darwin did not +venture to stand by it, and expunged it in later editions, as usual, +without calling attention to what he had done. It would have been in the +highest degree imprudent, not to say impossible, for one so conscientious +as Mr. Darwin to have taken the line he took in respect of descent with +modification generally, if he were not provided with some ostensibly +distinctive feature, in virtue of which, if people said anything, he +might claim to have advanced something different, and widely different, +from the theory of evolution propounded by his illustrious predecessors; +a distinctive theory of some sort, therefore, had got to be looked +for—and if people look in this spirit they can generally find. + +I imagine that Mr. Darwin, casting about for a substantial difference, +and being unable to find one, committed the Gladstonian blunder of +mistaking an unsubstantial for a substantial one. It was doubtless +because he suspected it that he never took us fully into his confidence, +nor in all probability allowed even to himself how deeply he distrusted +it. Much, however, as he disliked the accumulation of accidental +variations, he disliked not claiming the theory of descent with +modification still more; and if he was to claim this, accidental his +variations had got to be. Accidental they accordingly were, but in as +obscure and perfunctory a fashion as Mr. Darwin could make them +consistently with their being to hand as accidental variations should +later developments make this convenient. Under these circumstances it +was hardly to be expected that Mr. Darwin should help the reader to +follow the workings of his mind—nor, again, that a book the writer of +which was hampered as I have supposed should prove clear and easy +reading. + +The attitude of Mr. Darwin’s mind, whatever it may have been in regard to +the theory of descent with modification generally, goes so far to explain +his attitude in respect to the theory of natural selection (which, it +cannot be too often repeated, is only one of the conditions of existence +advanced as the main means of modification by the earlier evolutionists), +that it is worth while to settle the question once for all whether Mr. +Darwin did or did not believe himself justified in claiming the theory of +descent as an original discovery of his own. This will be a task of some +little length, and may perhaps try the reader’s patience, as it assuredly +tried mine; if, however, he will read the two following chapters, he will +probably be able to make up his mind upon much that will otherwise, if he +thinks about it at all, continue to puzzle him. + + + + +Chapter XIII +Darwin’s Claim to Descent with Modification + + +MR. ALLEN, in his “Charles Darwin,” {168a} says that “in the public mind +Mr. Darwin is commonly regarded as the discoverer and founder of the +evolution hypothesis,” and on p. 177 he says that to most men Darwinism +and evolution mean one and the same thing. Mr. Allen declares +misconception on this matter to be “so extremely general” as to be +“almost universal;” this is more true than creditable to Mr. Darwin. + +Mr. Allen says {168b} that though Mr. Darwin gained “far wider general +acceptance” for both the doctrine of descent in general, and for that of +the descent of man from a simious or semi-simious ancestor in particular, +“he laid no sort of claim to originality or proprietorship in either +theory.” This is not the case. No one can claim a theory more +frequently and more effectually than Mr. Darwin claimed descent with +modification, nor, as I have already said, is it likely that the +misconception of which Mr. Allen complains would be general, if he had +not so claimed it. The “Origin of Species” begins:— + +“When on board H.M.S. _Beagle_, as naturalist, I was much struck with +certain facts in the distribution of the inhabitants of South America, +and in the geological relation of the present to the past inhabitants of +that continent. These facts seemed to me to throw some light on the +origin of species—that mystery of mysteries, as it has been called by one +of our greatest philosophers. On my return home it occurred to me, in +1837, that something might perhaps be made out on this question by +patiently accumulating and reflecting upon all sorts of facts which could +possibly have any bearing on it. After five years’ work I allowed myself +to speculate upon the subject, and drew up some short notes; these I +enlarged in 1844 {169a} into a sketch of the conclusions which then +seemed to me probable. From that period to the present day I have +steadily pursued the same object. I hope I may be excused these personal +details, as I give them to show that I have not been hasty in coming to a +decision.” + +This is bland, but peremptory. Mr. Darwin implies that the mere asking +of the question how species has come about opened up a field into which +speculation itself had hardly yet ventured to intrude. It was the +mystery of mysteries; one of our greatest philosophers had said so; not +one little feeble ray of light had ever yet been thrown upon it. Mr. +Darwin knew all this, and was appalled at the greatness of the task that +lay before him; still, after he had pondered on what he had seen in South +America, it really did occur to him, that if he was very very patient, +and went on reflecting for years and years longer, upon all sorts of +facts, good, bad, and indifferent, which could possibly have any bearing +on the subject—and what fact might not possibly have some bearing?—well, +something, as against the nothing that had been made out hitherto, might +by some faint far-away possibility be one day dimly seem. It was only +what he had seen in South America that made all this occur to him. He +had never seen anything about descent with modification in any book, nor +heard any one talk about it as having been put forward by other people; +if he had, he would, of course, have been the first to say so; he was not +as other philosophers are; so the mountain went on for years and years +gestating, but still there was no labour. + +“My work,” continues Mr. Darwin, “is now nearly finished; but as it will +take me two or three years to complete it, and as my health is far from +strong, I have been urged to publish this abstract. I have been more +especially induced to do this, as Mr. Wallace, who is now studying the +natural history of the Malay Archipelago, has arrived at almost exactly +the same general conclusions that I have on the origin of species.” Mr. +Darwin was naturally anxious to forestall Mr. Wallace, and hurried up +with his book. What reader, on finding descent with modification to be +its most prominent feature, could doubt—especially if new to the subject, +as the greater number of Mr. Darwin’s readers in 1859 were—that this same +descent with modification was the theory which Mr. Darwin and Mr. Wallace +had jointly hit upon, and which Mr. Darwin was so anxious to show that he +had not been hasty in adopting? When Mr. Darwin went on to say that his +abstract would be very imperfect, and that he could not give references +and authorities for his several statements, we did not suppose that such +an apology could be meant to cover silence concerning writers who during +their whole lives, or nearly so, had borne the burden and heat of the day +in respect of descent with modification in its most extended application. +“I much regret,” says Mr. Darwin, “that want of space prevents my having +the satisfaction of acknowledging the generous assistance I have received +from very many naturalists, some of them personally unknown to me.” This +is like what the Royal Academicians say when they do not intend to hang +our pictures; they can, however, generally find space for a picture if +they want to hang it, and we assume with safety that there are no +master-works by painters of the very highest rank for which no space has +been available. Want of space will, indeed, prevent my quoting from more +than one other paragraph of Mr. Darwin’s introduction; this paragraph, +however, should alone suffice to show how inaccurate Mr. Allen is in +saying that Mr. Darwin “laid no sort of claim to originality or +proprietorship” in the theory of descent with modification, and this is +the point with which we are immediately concerned. Mr. Darwin says:— + +“In considering the origin of species, it is quite conceivable that a +naturalist, reflecting on the mutual affinities of organic beings, on +their embryological relations, their geographical distribution, +geological succession, and other such facts, might come to the conclusion +that each species had not been independently created, but had descended +like varieties from other species.” + +It will be observed that not only is no hint given here that descent with +modification was a theory which, though unknown to the general public, +had been occupying the attention of biologists for a hundred years and +more, but it is distinctly implied that this was not the case. When Mr. +Darwin said it was “conceivable that a naturalist might” arrive at the +theory of descent, straightforward readers took him to mean that though +this was conceivable, it had never, to Mr. Darwin’s knowledge, been done. +If we had a notion that we had already vaguely heard of the theory that +men and the lower animals were descended from common ancestors, we must +have been wrong; it was not this that we had heard of, but something +else, which, though doubtless a little like it, was all wrong, whereas +this was obviously going to be all right. + +To follow the rest of the paragraph with the closeness that it merits +would be a task at once so long and so unpleasant that I will omit +further reference to any part of it except the last sentence. That +sentence runs:— + +“In the case of the mistletoe, which draws its nourishment from certain +trees, which has seeds that must be transported by certain birds, and +which has flowers with separate sexes absolutely requiring the agency of +certain insects to bring pollen from one flower to the other, it is +equally preposterous to account for the structure of this parasite, with +its relations to several distinct organic beings, by the effects of the +external conditions, or of habit, or of the volition of the plant +itself.” + +Doubtless it would be preposterous to refer the structure of either +woodpecker or mistletoe to the single agency of any one of these three +causes; but neither Lamarck nor any other writer on evolution has, so far +as I know, even contemplated this; the early evolutionists supposed +organic modification to depend on the action and interaction of all +three, and I venture to think that this will ere long be considered as, +to say the least of it, not more preposterous than the assigning of the +largely preponderating share in the production of such highly and +variously correlated organisms as the mistletoe and woodpecker mainly to +luck pure and simple, as is done by Mr. Charles Darwin’s theory. + +It will be observed that in the paragraph last quoted from, Mr. Darwin, +_more suo_, is careful not to commit himself. All he has said is, that +it would be preposterous to do something the preposterousness of which +cannot be reasonably disputed; the impression, however, is none the less +effectually conveyed, that some one of the three assigned agencies, taken +singly, was the only cause of modification ever yet proposed, if, indeed, +any writer had even gone so far as this. We knew we did not know much +about the matter ourselves, and that Mr. Darwin was a naturalist of long +and high standing; we naturally, therefore, credited him with the same +good faith as a writer that we knew in ourselves as readers; it never so +much as crossed our minds to suppose that the head which he was holding +up all dripping before our eyes as that of a fool, was not that of a fool +who had actually lived and written, but only of a figure of straw which +had been dipped in a bucket of red paint. Naturally enough we concluded, +since Mr. Darwin seemed to say so, that if his predecessors had nothing +better to say for themselves than this, it would not be worth while to +trouble about them further; especially as we did not know who they were, +nor what they had written, and Mr. Darwin did not tell us. It would be +better and less trouble to take the goods with which it was plain Mr. +Darwin was going to provide us, and ask no questions. We have seen that +even tolerably obvious conclusions were rather slow in occurring to poor +simple-minded Mr. Darwin, and may be sure that it never once occurred to +him that the British public would be likely to argue thus; he had no +intention of playing the scientific confidence trick upon us. I dare say +not, but unfortunately the result has closely resembled the one that +would have ensued if Mr. Darwin had had such an intention. + +The claim to originality made so distinctly in the opening sentences of +the “Origin of Species” is repeated in a letter to Professor Haeckel, +written October 8, 1864, and giving an account of the development of his +belief in descent with modification. This letter, part of which is +quoted by Mr. Allen, {173a} is given on p. 134 of the English translation +of Professor Haeckel’s “History of Creation,” {173b} and runs as +follows:— + +“In South America three classes of facts were brought strongly before my +mind. Firstly, the manner in which closely allied species replace +species in going southward. Secondly, the close affinity of the species +inhabiting the islands near South America to those proper to the +continent. This struck me profoundly, especially the difference of the +species in the adjoining islets in the Galapagos Archipelago. Thirdly, +the relation of the living Edentata and Rodentia to the extinct species. +I shall never forget my astonishment when I dug out a gigantic piece of +armour like that of the living armadillo. + +“Reflecting on these facts, and collecting analogous ones, it seemed to +me probable that allied species were descended from a common ancestor. +But during several years I could not conceive how each form could have +been modified so as to become admirably adapted to its place in nature. +I began, therefore, to study domesticated animals and cultivated plants, +and after a time perceived that man’s power of selecting and breeding +from certain individuals was the most powerful of all means in the +production of new races. Having attended to the habits of animals and +their relations to the surrounding conditions, I was able to realise the +severe struggle for existence to which all organisms are subjected, and +my geological observations had allowed me to appreciate to a certain +extent the duration of past geological periods. Therefore, when I +happened to read Malthus on population, the idea of natural selection +flashed on me. Of all minor points, the last which I appreciated was the +importance and cause of the principle of divergence.” + +This is all very naïve, and accords perfectly with the introductory +paragraphs of the “Origin of Species;” it gives us the same picture of a +solitary thinker, a poor, lonely, friendless student of nature, who had +never so much as heard of Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, or Lamarck. +Unfortunately, however, we cannot forget the description of the +influences which, according to Mr. Grant Allen, did in reality surround +Mr. Darwin’s youth, and certainly they are more what we should have +expected than those suggested rather than expressly stated by Mr. Darwin. +“Everywhere around him,” says Mr. Allen, {174a} “in his childhood and +youth these great but formless” (why “formless”?) “evolutionary ideas +were brewing and fermenting. The scientific society of his elders and of +the contemporaries among whom he grew up was permeated with the leaven of +Laplace and Lamarck, of Hutton and of Herschel. Inquiry was especially +everywhere rife as to the origin and nature of specific distinctions +among plants and animals. Those who believed in the doctrine of Buffon +and of the ‘Zoonomia,’ and those who disbelieved in it, alike, were +profoundly interested and agitated in soul by the far-reaching +implications of that fundamental problem. On every side evolutionism, in +its crude form.” (I suppose Mr. Allen could not help saying “in its +crude form,” but descent with modification in 1809 meant, to all intents +and purposes, and was understood to mean, what it means now, or ought to +mean, to most people.) “The universal stir,” says Mr. Allen on the +following page, “and deep prying into evolutionary questions which +everywhere existed among scientific men in his early days was naturally +communicated to a lad born of a scientific family and inheriting directly +in blood and bone the biological tastes and tendencies of Erasmus +Darwin.” + +I confess to thinking that Mr. Allen’s account of the influences which +surrounded Mr. Darwin’s youth, if tainted with picturesqueness, is still +substantially correct. On an earlier page he had written:—“It is +impossible to take up any scientific memoirs or treatises of the first +half of our own century without seeing at a glance how every mind of high +original scientific importance was permeated and disturbed by the +fundamental questions aroused, but not fully answered, by Buffon, +Lamarck, and Erasmus Darwin. In Lyell’s letters, and in Agassiz’s +lectures, in the ‘Botanic Journal’ and in the ‘Philosophical +Transactions,’ in treatises on Madeira beetles and the Australian flora, +we find everywhere the thoughts of men profoundly influenced in a +thousand directions by this universal evolutionary solvent and leaven. + +“And while the world of thought was thus seething and moving restlessly +before the wave of ideas set in motion by these various independent +philosophers, another group of causes in another field was rendering +smooth the path beforehand for the future champion of the amended +evolutionism. Geology on the one hand and astronomy on the other were +making men’s minds gradually familiar with the conception of slow natural +development, as opposed to immediate and miraculous creation. + + . . . + +“The influence of these novel conceptions upon the growth and spread of +evolutionary ideas was far-reaching and twofold. In the first place, the +discovery of a definite succession of nearly related organic forms +following one another with evident closeness through the various ages, +inevitably suggested to every inquiring observer the possibility of their +direct descent one from the other. In the second place, the discovery +that geological formations were not really separated each from its +predecessor by violent revolutions, but were the result of gradual and +ordinary changes, discredited the old idea of frequent fresh creations +after each catastrophe, and familiarised the minds of men of science with +the alternative notion of slow and natural evolutionary processes. The +past was seen in effect to be the parent of the present; the present was +recognised as the child of the past.” + +This is certainly not Mr. Darwin’s own account of the matter. Probably +the truth will lie somewhere between the two extreme views: and on the +one hand, the world of thought was not seething quite so badly as Mr. +Allen represents it, while on the other, though “three classes of fact,” +&c., were undoubtedly “brought strongly before” Mr. Darwin’s “mind in +South America,” yet some of them had perhaps already been brought before +it at an earlier time, which he did not happen to remember at the moment +of writing his letter to Professor Haeckel and the opening paragraph of +the “Origin of Species.” + + + + +Chapter XIV +Darwin and Descent with Modification (_continued_) + + +I HAVE said enough to show that Mr. Darwin claimed I to have been the +originator of the theory of descent with modification as distinctly as +any writer usually claims any theory; but it will probably save the +reader trouble in the end if I bring together a good many, though not, +probably, all (for I much disliked the task, and discharged it +perfunctorily), of the passages in the “Origin of Species” in which the +theory of descent with modification in its widest sense is claimed +expressly or by implication. I shall quote from the original edition, +which, it should be remembered, consisted of the very unusually large +number of four thousand copies, and from which no important deviation was +made either by addition or otherwise until a second edition of two +thousand further copies had been sold; the “Historical Sketch,” &c., +being first given with the third edition. The italics, which I have +employed so as to catch the reader’s eye, are mine, not Mr. Darwin’s. +Mr. Darwin writes:— + +“Although much remains obscure, and will long remain obscure, _I can +entertain no doubt_, _after the most deliberate study and dispassionate +judgment of which I am capable_, _that the view which most naturalists +entertain_, _and which I formerly entertained—namely that each species +has been independently created—is erroneous_. I am fully convinced that +species are not immutable, but that those belonging to what are called +the same genera are lineal descendants of some other and generally +extinct species, in the same manner as the acknowledged varieties of any +one species are the descendants of that species. Furthermore, I am +convinced that natural selection” (or the preservation of fortunate +races) “has been the main but not exclusive means of modification” (p. +6). + +It is not here expressly stated that the theory of the mutability of +species is Mr. Darwin’s own; this, nevertheless, is the inference which +the great majority of his readers were likely to draw, and did draw, from +Mr. Darwin’s words. + +Again:— + +“It is not that all large genera are now varying much, and are thus +increasing in the number of their species, or that no small genera are +now multiplying and increasing; for if this had been so it would have +been fatal to _my theory_; inasmuch as geology,” &c. (p. 56). + +The words “my theory” stand in all the editions. Again:— + +“This relation has a clear meaning _on my view_ of the subject; I look +upon all the species of any genus as having as certainly descended from +the same progenitor, as have the two sexes of any one of the species” (p. +157). + +“My view” here, especially in the absence of reference to any other +writer as having held the same opinion, implies as its most natural +interpretation that descent pure and simple is Mr. Darwin’s view. +Substitute “the theory of descent” for “my view,” and we do not feel that +we are misinterpreting the author’s meaning. The words “my view” remain +in all editions. + +Again:— + +“Long before having arrived at this part of my work, a crowd of +difficulties will have occurred to the reader. Some of them are so grave +that to this day I can never reflect on them without being staggered; but +to the best of my belief the greater number are only apparent, and those +that are real are not, I think, _fatal to my theory_. + +“These difficulties and objections may be classed under the following +heads:—Firstly, if species have descended from other species by +insensibly fine gradations, why do we not everywhere see?” &c. (p. 171). + +We infer from this that “my theory” is the theory “that species have +descended from other species by insensibly fine gradations”—that is to +say, that it is the theory of descent with modification; for the theory +that is being objected to is obviously the theory of descent _in toto_, +and not a mere detail in connection with that theory. + +The words “my theory” were altered in 1872, with the sixth edition of the +“Origin of species,” into “the theory;” but I am chiefly concerned with +the first edition of the work, my object being to show that Mr. Darwin +was led into his false position as regards natural selection by a desire +to claim the theory of descent with modification; if he claimed it in the +first edition, this is enough to give colour to the view which I take; +but it must be remembered that descent with modification remained, by the +passage just quoted “my theory,” for thirteen years, and even when in +1869 and 1872, for a reason that I can only guess at, “my theory” became +generally “the theory,” this did not make it become any one else’s +theory. It is hard to say whose or what it became, if the words are to +be construed technically; practically, however, with all ingenuous +readers, “the theory” remained as much Mr. Darwin’s theory as though the +words “my theory” had been retained, and Mr. Darwin cannot be supposed so +simple-minded as not to have known this would be the case. Moreover, it +appears, from the next page but one to the one last quoted, that Mr. +Darwin claimed the theory of descent with modification generally, even to +the last, for we there read, “_By my theory_ these allied species have +descended from a common parent,” and the “my” has been allowed, for some +reason not quite obvious, to survive the general massacre of Mr. Darwin’s +“my’s” which occurred in 1869 and 1872. + +Again:— + +“He who believes that each being has been created as we now see it, must +occasionally have felt surprise when he has met,” &c. (p. 185). + +Here the argument evidently lies between descent and independent acts of +creation. This appears from the paragraph immediately following, which +begins, “He who believes in separate and innumerable acts of creation,” +&c. We therefore understand descent to be the theory so frequently +spoken of by Mr. Darwin as “my.” + +Again:— + +“He who will go thus far, if he find on finishing this treatise that +large bodies of facts, otherwise inexplicable, can be explained _by the +theory of descent_, ought not to hesitate to go farther, and to admit +that a structure even as perfect as an eagle’s eye might be formed _by +natural selection_, although in this case he does not know any of the +transitional grades” (p. 188). + +The natural inference from this is that descent and natural selection are +one and the same thing. + +Again:— + +“If it could be demonstrated that any complex organ existed which could +not possibly have been formed by numerous, successive, slight +modifications, _my theory_ would absolutely break down. But I can find +out no such case. No doubt many organs exist of which we do not know the +transitional grades, more especially if we look to much-isolated species, +round which, according to my _theory_, there has been much extinction” +(p. 189). + +This makes “my theory” to be “the theory that complex organs have arisen +by numerous, successive, slight modifications;” that is to say, to be the +theory of descent with modification. The first of the two “my theory’s” +in the passage last quoted has been allowed to stand. The second became +“the theory” in 1872. It is obvious, therefore, that “the theory” means +“my theory;” it is not so obvious why the change should have been made at +all, nor why the one “my theory” should have been taken and the other +left, but I will return to this question. + +Again, Mr. Darwin writes:— + +“Although we must be extremely cautious in concluding that any organ +could not possibly have been produced by small successive transitional +gradations, yet, undoubtedly grave cases of difficulty occur, some of +which will be discussed in my future work” (p. 192). + +This, as usual, implies descent with modification to be the theory that +Mr. Darwin is trying to make good. + +Again:— + +“I have been astonished how rarely an organ can be named towards which no +transitional variety is known to lead . . . Why, _on the theory of +creation_, should this be so? Why should not nature have taken a leap +from structure to structure? _On the theory of natural selection_ we can +clearly understand why she should not; for natural selection can act only +by taking advantage of slight successive variations; she can never take a +leap, but must advance by the slowest and shortest steps” (p. 194). + +Here “the theory of natural selection” is opposed to “the theory of +creation;” we took it, therefore, to be another way of saying “the theory +of descent with modification.” + +Again:— + +“We have in this chapter discussed some of the difficulties and +objections which may be urged against _my theory_. Many of them are very +grave, but I think that in the discussion light has been thrown on +several facts which, _on the theory of independent acts of creation_, are +utterly obscure” (p. 203). + +Here we have, on the one hand, “my theory,” on the other, “independent +acts of creation.” The natural antithesis to independent acts of +creation is descent, and we assumed with reason that Mr. Darwin was +claiming this when he spoke of “my theory.” “My theory” became “the +theory” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“On the theory of natural selection we can clearly understand the full +meaning of that old canon in natural history, ‘_Natura non facit +saltum_.’ This canon, if we look only to the present inhabitants of the +world is not strictly correct, but if we include all those of past times, +it must _by my theory_ be strictly true” (p. 206). + +Here the natural interpretation of “by my theory” is “by the theory of +descent with modification;” the words “on the theory of natural +selection,” with which the sentence opens, lead us to suppose that Mr. +Darwin regarded natural selection and descent as convertible terms. “My +theory” was altered to “this theory” in 1872. Six lines lower down we +read, “_On my theory_ unity of type is explained by unity of descent.” +The “my” here has been allowed to stand. + +Again:— + +“Again, as in the case of corporeal structure, and conformably with _my +theory_, the instinct of each species is good for itself, but has never,” +&c. (p. 210). + +Who was to see that “my theory” did not include descent with +modification? The “my” here has been allowed to stand. + +Again:— + +“The fact that instincts . . . are liable to make mistakes;—that no +instinct has been produced for the exclusive good of other animals, but +that each animal takes advantage of the instincts of others;—that the +canon of natural history, ‘_Natura non facit saltum_,’ is applicable to +instincts as well as to corporeal structure, and is plainly explicable on +the foregoing views, but is otherwise inexplicable,—_all tend to +corroborate the theory of natural selection_” (p. 243). + +We feel that it is the theory of evolution, or descent with modification, +that is here corroborated, and that it is this which Mr. Darwin is mainly +trying to establish; the sentence should have ended “all tend to +corroborate the theory of descent with modification;” the substitution of +“natural selection” for descent tends to make us think that these +conceptions are identical. That they are so regarded, or at any rate +that it is the theory of descent in full which Mr. Darwin has in his +mind, appears from the immediately succeeding paragraph, which begins +“_This theory_,” and continues six lines lower, “For instance, we can +understand, on the _principle of inheritance_, how it is that,” &c. + +Again:— + +“In the first place, it should always be borne in mind what sort of +intermediate forms must, _on my theory_, formerly have existed” (p. 280). + +“My theory” became “the theory” in 1869. No reader who read in good +faith could doubt that the theory of descent with modification was being +here intended. + +“It is just possible _by my theory_, that one of two living forms might +have descended from the other; for instance, a horse from a tapir; but in +this case _direct_ intermediate links will have existed between them” (p. +281). + +“My theory” became “the theory” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“_By the theory of natural selection_ all living species have been +connected with the parent species of each genus,” &c. We took this to +mean, “By the theory of descent with modification all living species,” +&c. (p. 281). + +Again:— + +“Some experienced conchologists are now sinking many of the very fine +species of D’Orbigny and others into the rank of varieties; and on this +view we do find the kind of evidence of change which _on my theory_ we +ought to find” (p. 297). + +“My theory” became “the theory” in 1869. + +In the fourth edition (1866), in a passage which is not in either of the +two first editions, we read (p. 359), “So that here again we have +undoubted evidence of change in the direction required by _my theory_.” +“My theory” became “the theory” in 1869; the theory of descent with +modification is unquestionably intended. + +Again:— + +“Geological research has done scarcely anything in breaking down the +distinction between species, by connecting them together by numerous, +fine, intermediate varieties; and this not having been effected, is +probably the gravest and most obvious of all the many objections which +may be urged against _my views_” (p. 299). + +We naturally took “my views” to mean descent with modification. The “my” +has been allowed to stand. + +Again:— + +“If, then, there be some degree of truth in these remarks, we have no +right to expect to find in our geological formations an infinite number +of those transitional forms which _on my theory_ assuredly have connected +all the past and present species of the same group in one long and +branching chain of life . . . But I do not pretend that I should ever +have suspected how poor was the record in the best preserved geological +sections, had not the absence of innumerable transitional links between +the species which lived at the commencement and at the close of each +formation pressed so hardly _on my theory_” (pp. 301, 302). + +Substitute “descent with modification” for “my theory” and the meaning +does not suffer. The first of the two “my theories” in the passage last +quoted was altered in 1869 into “our theory;” the second has been allowed +to stand. + +Again:— + +“The abrupt manner in which whole groups of species suddenly appear in +some formations, has been urged by several palæontologists . . . as a +fatal objection _to the belief in the transmutation of species_. If +numerous species, belonging to the same genera or families, have really +started into life all at once, the fact would be fatal _to the theory of +descent with slow modification through natural selection_” (p. 302). + +Here “the belief in the transmutation of species,” or descent with +modification, is treated as synonymous with “the theory of descent with +slow modification through natural selection;” but it has nowhere been +explained that there are two widely different “theories of descent with +slow modification through natural selection,” the one of which may be +true enough for all practical purposes, while the other is seen to be +absurd as soon as it is examined closely. The theory of descent with +modification is not properly convertible with either of these two views, +for descent with modification deals with the question whether species are +transmutable or no, and dispute as to the respective merits of the two +natural selections deals with the question how it comes to be transmuted; +nevertheless, the words “the theory of descent with slow modification +through the ordinary course of things” (which is what “descent with +modification through natural selection” comes to) may be considered as +expressing the facts with practical accuracy, if the ordinary course of +nature is supposed to be that modification is mainly consequent on the +discharge of some correlated function, and that modification, if +favourable, will tend to accumulate so long as the given function +continues important to the wellbeing of the organism; the words, however, +have no correspondence with reality if they are supposed to imply that +variations which are mainly matters of pure chance and unconnected in any +way with function will accumulate and result in specific difference, no +matter how much each one of them may be preserved in the generation in +which it appears. In the one case, therefore, the expression natural +selection may be loosely used as a synonym for descent with modification, +and in the other it may not. Unfortunately with Mr. Charles Darwin the +variations are mainly accidental. The words “through natural selection,” +therefore, in the passage last quoted carry no weight, for it is the +wrong natural selection that is, or ought to be, intended; practically, +however, they derived a weight from Mr. Darwin’s name to which they had +no title of their own, and we understood that “the theory of descent with +slow modification” through the kind of natural selection ostensibly +intended by Mr. Darwin was a quasi-synonymous expression for the +transmutation of species. We understood—so far as we understood anything +beyond that we were to believe in descent with modification—that natural +selection was Mr. Darwin’s theory; we therefore concluded, since Mr. +Darwin seemed to say so, that the theory of the transmutation of species +generally was so also. At any rate we felt as regards the passage last +quoted that the theory of descent with modification was the point of +attack and defence, and we supposed it to be the theory so often referred +to by Mr. Darwin as “my.” + +Again:— + +“Some of the most ancient Silurian animals, as the Nautilus, Lingula, +&c., do not differ much from the living species; and it cannot _on my +theory_ be supposed that these old species were the progenitors,” &c. (p. +306) . . . “Consequently _if my theory be true_, it is indisputable,” &c. +(p. 307). + +Here the two “my theories” have been altered, the first into “our +theory,” and the second into “the theory,” both in 1869; but, as usual, +the thing that remains with the reader is the theory of descent, and it +remains morally and practically as much claimed when called “the +theory”—as during the many years throughout which the more open “my” +distinctly claimed it. + +Again:— + +“All the most eminent palæontologists, namely, Cuvier, Owen, Agassiz, +Barrande, E. Forbes, &c., and all our greatest geologists, as Lyell, +Murchison, Sedgwick, &c., have unanimously, often vehemently, maintained +_the immutability of species_. . . . I feel how rash it is to differ from +these great authorities . . . Those who think the natural geological +record in any degree perfect, and who do not attach much weight to the +facts and arguments of other kinds brought forward in this volume, will +undoubtedly at once _reject my theory_” (p. 310). + +What is “my theory” here, if not that of the mutability of species, or +the theory of descent with modification? “My theory” became “the theory” +in 1869. + +Again:— + +“Let us now see whether the several facts and rules relating to the +geological succession of organic beings, better accord with the common +view of the immutability of species, or with that of their _slow and +gradual modification_, _through descent and natural selection_” (p. 312). + +The words “natural selection” are indeed here, but they might as well be +omitted for all the effect they produce. The argument is felt to be +about the two opposed theories of descent, and independent creative +efforts. + +Again:— + +“These several facts accord well with _my theory_” (p. 314). That “my +theory” is the theory of descent is the conclusion most naturally drawn +from the context. “My theory” became “our theory” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“This gradual increase in the number of the species of a group is +strictly conformable _with my theory_; for the process of modification +and the production of a number of allied forms must be slow and gradual, +. . . like the branching of a great tree from a single stem, till the +group becomes large” (p. 314). + +“My theory” became “the theory” in 1869. We took “my theory” to be the +theory of descent; that Mr. Darwin treats this as synonymous with the +theory of natural selection appears from the next paragraph, on the third +line of which we read, “On _the theory of natural selection_ the +extinction of old forms,” &c. + +Again:— + +“_The theory of natural selection_ is grounded on the belief that each +new variety and ultimately each new species, is produced and maintained +by having some advantage over those with which it comes into competition; +and the consequent extinction of less favoured forms almost inevitably +follows” (p. 320). Sense and consistency cannot be made of this passage. +Substitute “The theory of the preservation of favoured races in the +struggle for life” for “The theory of natural selection” (to do this is +only taking Mr. Darwin’s own synonym for natural selection) and see what +the passage comes to. “The preservation of favoured races” is not a +theory, it is a commonly observed fact; it is not “grounded on the belief +that each new variety,” &c., it is one of the ultimate and most +elementary principles in the world of life. When we try to take the +passage seriously and think it out, we soon give it up, and pass on, +substituting “the theory of descent” for “the theory of natural +selection,” and concluding that in some way these two things must be +identical. + +Again:— + +“The manner in which single species and whole groups of species become +extinct accords well with _the theory of natural selection_” (p. 322). + +Again:— + +“This great fact of the parallel succession of the forms of life +throughout the world, is explicable _on the theory of natural selection_” +(p. 325). + +Again:— + +“Let us now look to the mutual affinities of extinct and living species. +They all fall into one grand natural system; and this is at once +explained _on the principle of descent_” (p. 329). + +Putting the three preceding passages together, we naturally inferred that +“the theory of natural selection” and “the principle of descent” were the +same things. We knew Mr. Darwin claimed the first, and therefore +unhesitatingly gave him the second at the same time. + +Again:— + +“Let us see how far these several facts and inferences accord with _the +theory of descent with modification_” (p. 331) + +Again:— + +“Thus, _on the theory of descent with modification_, the main facts with +regard to the mutual affinities of the extinct forms of life to each +other and to living forms, seem to me explained in a satisfactory manner. +And they are wholly inexplicable _on any other view_” (p. 333). + +The words “seem to me” involve a claim in the absence of so much as a +hint in any part of the book concerning indebtedness to earlier writers. + +Again:— + +“_On the theory of descent_, the full meaning of the fossil remains,” &c. +(p. 336). + +In the following paragraph we read:— + +“But in one particular sense the more recent forms must, _on my theory_, +be higher than the more ancient.” + +Again:— + +“Agassiz insists that ancient animals resemble to a certain extent the +embryos of recent animals of the same classes; or that the geological +succession of extinct forms is in some degree parallel to the +embryological development of recent forms. . . . This doctrine of Agassiz +accords well with _the theory of natural selection_” (p. 338). + +“The theory of natural selection” became “our theory” in 1869. The +opinion of Agassiz accords excellently with the theory of descent with +modification, but it is not easy to see how it bears upon the fact that +lucky races are preserved in the struggle for life—which, according to +Mr. Darwin’s title-page, is what is meant by natural selection. + +Again:— + +“_On the theory of descent with modification_, the great law of the +long-enduring but not immutable succession of the same types within the +same areas, is at once explained” (p. 340). + +Again:— + +“It must not be forgotten that, _on my theory_, all the species of the +same genus have descended from some one species” (p. 341). + +“My theory” became “our theory” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“He who rejects these views on the nature of the geological record, will +rightly reject _my whole theory_” (p. 342). + +“My” became “our” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“Passing from these difficulties, the other great leading facts in +palæontology agree admirably with _the theory of descent with +modification through variation and natural selection_” (p. 343). + +Again:— + +The succession of the same types of structure within the same areas +during the later geological periods _ceases to be mysterious_, and _is +simply explained by inheritance_ (p. 345). + +I suppose inheritance was not when Mr. Darwin wrote considered +mysterious. The last few words have been altered to “and is intelligible +on the principle of inheritance.” It seems as though Mr. Darwin did not +like saying that inheritance was not mysterious, but had no objection to +implying that it was intelligible. + +The next paragraph begins—“If, then, the geological record be as +imperfect as I believe it to be, . . . the main objections _to the theory +of natural selection_ are greatly diminished or disappear. On the other +hand, all the chief laws of palæontology plainly proclaim, _as it seems +to me_, _that species have been produced by ordinary generation_.” + +Here again the claim to the theory of descent with modification is +unmistakable; it cannot, moreover, but occur to us that if species “have +been produced by ordinary generation,” then ordinary generation has as +good a claim to be the main means of originating species as natural +selection has. It is hardly necessary to point out that ordinary +generation involves descent with modification, for all known offspring +differ from their parents, so far, at any rate, as that practised judges +can generally tell them apart. + +Again:— + +“We see in these facts some deep organic bond, prevailing throughout +space and time, over the same areas of land and water, and independent of +their physical condition. The naturalist must feel little curiosity who +is not led to inquire what this bond is. + +“This bond, _on my theory_, _is simply inheritance_, that cause which +alone,” &c. (p. 350). + +This passage was altered in 1869 to “The bond is simply inheritance.” +The paragraph concludes, “_On this principle of inheritance with +modification_, we can understand how it is that sections of genera . . . +are confined to the same areas,” &c. + +Again:— + +“He who rejects it rejects the _vera causa of ordinary_ generation,” &c. +(p. 352). + +We naturally ask, Why call natural selection the “main means of +modification,” if “ordinary generation” is a _vera causa_? + +Again:— + +“In discussing this subject, we shall be enabled at the same time to +consider a point equally important for us, namely, whether the several +distinct species of a genus, _which on my theory have all descended from +a common ancestor_, can have migrated (undergoing modification during +some part of their migration) from the area inhabited by their +progenitor” (p. 354). + +The words “on my theory” became “on our theory” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“With those organic beings which never intercross (if such exist) _the +species_, _on my theory_, _must have descended from a succession of +improved varieties_,” &c. (p. 355). + +The words “on my theory” were cut out in 1869. + +Again:— + +“A slow southern migration of a marine fauna will account, _on the theory +of modification_, for many closely allied forms,” &c. (p. 372). + +Again:— + +“But the existence of several quite distinct species, belonging to genera +exclusively confined to the southern hemisphere, is, _on my theory of +descent with modification_, a far more remarkable case of difficulty” (p. +381). + +“My” became “the” in 1866 with the fourth edition. This was the most +categorical claim to the theory of descent with modification in the +“Origin of Species.” The “my” here is the only one that was taken out +before 1869. I suppose Mr. Darwin thought that with the removal of this +“my” he had ceased to claim the theory of descent with modification. +Nothing, however, could be gained by calling the reader’s attention to +what had been done, so nothing was said about it. + +Again:— + +“Some species of fresh-water shells have a very wide range, _and allied +species_, _which_, _on my theory_, _are descended from a single source_, +prevail throughout the world” (p. 385). + +“My theory” became “our theory” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“In the following remarks I shall not confine myself to the mere question +of dispersal, but shall consider some other facts which bear upon the +truth of _the two theories of independent creation and of descent with +modification_” (p. 389). What can be plainer than that the theory which +Mr. Darwin espouses, and has so frequently called “my,” is descent with +modification? + +Again:— + +“But as these animals and their spawn are known to be immediately killed +by sea-water, _on my view_, we can see that there would be great +difficulty in their transportal across the sea, and therefore why they do +not exist on any oceanic island. But why, _on the theory of creation_, +they should not have been created there, it would be very difficult to +explain” (p. 393). + +“On my view” was cut out in 1869. + +On the following page we read—“On my view this question can easily be +answered.” “On my view” is retained in the latest edition. + +Again:— + +“Yet there must be, _on my view_, some unknown but highly efficient means +for their transportation” (p. 397). + +“On my view” became “according to our view” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“I believe this grand fact can receive no sort of explanation _on the +ordinary view of independent creation_; whereas, _on the view here +maintained_, it is obvious that the Galapagos Islands would be likely to +receive colonists . . . from America, and the Cape de Verde Islands from +Africa; and that such colonists would be liable to modification; the +principle of inheritance still betraying their original birth-place” (p. +399). + +Again:— + +“With respect to the distinct species of the same genus which, _on my +theory_, must have spread from one parent source, if we make the same +allowances as before,” &c. + +“On my theory” became “on our theory” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“_On my theory_ these several relations throughout time and space are +intelligible; . . . the forms within each class have been connected by +the same bond of ordinary generation; . . . in both cases the laws of +variation have been the same, and modifications have been accumulated by +the same power of natural selection” (p. 410). + +“On my theory” became “according to our theory” in 1869, and natural +selection is no longer a power, but has become a means. + +Again:— + +“_I believe that something more is included_, and that propinquity of +descent—the only known cause of the similarity of organic beings—is the +bond, hidden as it is by various degrees of modification, which is +partially revealed to us by our classification” (p. 418). + +Again:— + +“_Thus_, _on the view which I hold_, the natural system is genealogical +in its arrangement, like a pedigree” (p. 422). + +“On the view which I hold” was cut out in 1872. + +Again:— + +“We may feel almost sure, _on the theory of descent_, that these +characters have been inherited from a common ancestor” (p. 426). + +Again:— + +“_On my view of characters being of real importance for classification +only in so far as they reveal descent_, we can clearly understand,” &c. +(p. 427). + +“On my view” became “on the view” in 1872. + +Again:— + +“The more aberrant any form is, the greater must be the number of +connecting forms which, _on my theory_, have been exterminated and +utterly lost” (p. 429). + +The words “on my theory” were excised in 1869. + +Again:— + +“Finally, we have seen that _natural selection_ _. . . explains_ that +great and universal feature in the affinities of all organic beings, +namely, their subordination in group under group. _We use the element of +descent_ in classing the individuals of both sexes, &c.; . . . _we use +descent_ in classing acknowledged varieties; . . . and I believe this +element of descent is the hidden bond of connection which naturalists +have sought under the term of the natural system” (p. 433). + +Lamarck was of much the same opinion, as I showed in “Evolution Old and +New.” He wrote:—“An arrangement should be considered systematic, or +arbitrary, when it does not conform to the genealogical order taken by +nature in the development of the things arranged, and when, by +consequence, it is not founded on well-considered analogies. There is a +natural order in every department of nature; it is the order in which its +several component items have been successively developed.” {195a} The +point, however, which should more particularly engage our attention is +that Mr. Darwin in the passage last quoted uses “natural selection” and +“descent” as though they were convertible terms. + +Again:— + +“Nothing can be more hopeless than to attempt to explain this similarity +of pattern in members of the same class by utility or the doctrine of +final causes . . . _On the ordinary view of the independent creation of +each being_, we can only say that so it is . . . _The explanation is +manifest on the theory of the natural selection of successive slight_ +modifications,” &c. (p. 435). + +This now stands—“The explanation is to a large extent simple, on the +theory of the selection of successive, slight modifications.” I do not +like “a large extent” of simplicity; but, waiving this, the point at +issue is not whether the ordinary course of things ensures a +quasi-selection of the types that are best adapted to their surroundings, +with accumulation of modification in various directions, and hence wide +eventual difference between species descended from common progenitors—no +evolutionist since 1750 has doubted this—but whether a general principle +underlies the modifications from among which the quasi-selection is made, +or whether they are destitute of such principle and referable, as far as +we are concerned, to chance only. Waiving this again, we note that the +theories of independent creation and of natural selection are contrasted, +as though they were the only two alternatives; knowing the two +alternatives to be independent creation and descent with modification, we +naturally took natural selection to mean descent with modification. + +Again:— + +“_On the theory of natural selection_ we can satisfactorily answer these +questions” (p. 437). + +“Satisfactorily” now stands “to a certain extent.” + +Again:— + +“_On my view_ these terms may be used literally” (pp. 438, 439). + +“On my view” became “according to the views here maintained such language +may be,” &c., in 1869. + +Again:— + +“I believe all these facts can be explained as follows, _on the view of +descent with modification_” (p. 443). + +This sentence now ends at “follows.” + +Again:— + +“Let us take a genus of birds, _descended_, _on my theory_, _from some +one parent species_, and of which the several new species _have become +modified through natural selection_ in accordance with their divers +habits” (p. 446). + +The words “on my theory” were cut out in 1869, and the passage now +stands, “Let us take a group of birds, descended from some ancient form +and modified through natural selection for different habits.” + +Again:— + +“_On my view of descent with modification_, the origin of rudimentary +organs is simple” (p. 454). + +“On my view” became “_on the view_” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“_On the view of descent with modification_,” &c. (p. 455). + +Again:— + +“_On this same view of descent with modification_ all the great facts of +morphology become intelligible” (p. 456). + +Again:— + +“That many and grave objections may be advanced against _the theory of +descent with modification through natural selection_, I do not deny” (p. +459). + +This now stands, “That many and serious objections may be advanced +against _the theory of descent with modification through variation and +natural selection_, I do not deny.” + +Again:— + +“There are, it must be admitted, cases of special difficulty _on the +theory of natural selection_” (p. 460). + +“On” has become “opposed to;” it is not easy to see why this alteration +was made, unless because “opposed to” is longer. + +Again:— + +“Turning to geographical distribution, the difficulties encountered _on +the theory of descent with modification_ are grave enough.” + +“Grave” has become “serious,” but there is no other change (p. 461). + +Again:— + +“As _on the theory of natural selection_ an interminable number of +intermediate forms must have existed,” &c. + +“On” has become “according to”—which is certainly longer, but does not +appear to possess any other advantage over “on.” It is not easy to +understand why Mr. Darwin should have strained at such a gnat as “on,” +though feeling no discomfort in such an expression as “an interminable +number.” + +Again:— + +“This is the most forcible of the many objections which may be urged +_against my theory_ . . . For certainly, _on my theory_,” &c. (p. 463). + +The “my” in each case became “the” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“Such is the sum of the several chief objections and difficulties which +may be justly urged _against my theory_” (p. 465). + +“My” became “the” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“Grave as these several difficulties are, _in my judgment_ they do not +overthrow _the theory of descent with modifications_” (p. 466). + +This now stands, “Serious as these several objections are, in my judgment +they are by no means sufficient to overthrow _the theory of descent with +subsequent modification_;” which, again, is longer, and shows at what +little, little gnats Mr. Darwin could strain, but is no material +amendment on the original passage. + +Again:— + +“_The theory of natural selection_, even if we looked no further than +this, _seems to me to be in itself probable_” (p. 469). + +This now stands, “The theory of natural selection, even if we look no +further than this, _seems to be in the highest degree probable_.” It is +not only probable, but was very sufficiently proved long before Mr. +Darwin was born, only it must be the right natural selection and not Mr. +Charles Darwin’s. + +Again:— + +“It is inexplicable, _on the theory of creation_, why a part developed, +&c., . . . _but_, _on my view_, this part has undergone,” &c. (p. 474). + +“On my view” became “on our view” in 1869. + +Again:— + +“Glancing at instincts, marvellous as some are, they offer no greater +difficulty than does corporeal structure _on the theory of the natural +selection of successive_, _slight_, _but profitable modifications_” (p. +474). + +Again:— + +“_On the view of all the species of the same genus having descended from +a common parent_, and having inherited much in common, we can understand +how it is,” &c. (p. 474). + +Again:— + +“If we admit that the geological record is imperfect in an extreme +degree, then such facts as the record gives, support _the theory of +descent with modification_. + +“ . . . The extinction of species . . . almost inevitably follows on _the +principle of natural selection_” (p. 475). + +The word “almost” has got a great deal to answer for. + +Again:— + +“We can understand, _on the theory of descent with modification_, most of +the great leading facts in Distribution” (p. 476). + +Again:— + +“The existence of closely allied or representative species in any two +areas, implies, _on the theory of descent with modification_, that the +same parents formerly inhabited both areas . . . It must be admitted that +these facts receive no explanation _on the theory of creation_ . . . The +fact . . . is intelligible _on the theory of natural selection_, with its +contingencies of extinction and divergence of character” (p. 478). + +Again:— + +“Innumerable other such facts at once explain themselves _on the theory +of descent with slow and slight successive modifications_” (p. 479). + +“Any one whose disposition leads him to attach more weight to unexplained +difficulties than to the explanation of a certain number of facts, _will +certainly reject my theory_” (p. 482). + +“My theory” became “the theory” in 1869. + + * * * * * + +From this point to the end of the book the claim is so ubiquitous, either +expressly or by implication, that it is difficult to know what not to +quote. I must, however, content myself with only a few more extracts. +Mr. Darwin says:— + +“It may be asked _how far I extend the doctrine of the modification of +species_” (p. 482). + +Again:— + +“Analogy would lead me one step further, namely, to the belief that all +animals and plants have descended from some one prototype . . . Therefore +I should infer from analogy that probably all the organic beings which +have ever lived on this earth have descended from some one primordial +form, into which life was first breathed.” + +From an amœba—Adam, in fact, though not in name. This last sentence is +now completely altered, as well it might be. + +Again:— + +“When _the views entertained in this volume on the origin of species_, +_or when analogous views are generally admitted_, we can dimly foresee +that there will be a considerable revolution in natural history” (p. +434). + +Possibly. This now stands, “When the views advanced by me in this +volume, and by Mr. Wallace, or when analogous views on the origin of +species are generally admitted, we can dimly foresee,” &c. When the +“Origin of Species” came out we knew nothing of any analogous views, and +Mr. Darwin’s words passed unnoticed. I do not say that he knew they +would, but he certainly ought to have known. + +Again:— + +“_A grand and almost untrodden field of inquiry will be opened_, on the +causes and laws of variation, on correlation of growth, on the effects of +use and disuse, on the direct action of external conditions, and so +forth” (p. 486). + +Buffon and Lamarck had trodden this field to some purpose, but not a hint +to this effect is vouchsafed to us. Again;— + +“_When I view all beings not as special creations_, _but as the lineal +descendants of some few beings which lived long before_ the first bed of +the Silurian system was deposited, they seem to me to become ennobled . . . +We can so far take a prophetic glance into futurity as to foretell that +it will be the common and widely spread species, belonging to the larger +and dominant groups, which will ultimately prevail and procreate new and +dominant species.” + +There is no alteration in this except that “Silurian” has become +“Cambrian.” + +The idyllic paragraph with which Mr. Darwin concludes his book contains +no more special claim to the theory of descent _en bloc_ than many +another which I have allowed to pass unnoticed; it has been, moreover, +dealt with in an earlier chapter (Chapter XII.) + + + + +Chapter XV +The Excised “My’s” + + +I HAVE quoted in all ninety-seven passages, as near as I can make them, +in which Mr. Darwin claimed the theory of descent, either expressly by +speaking of “my theory” in such connection that the theory of descent +ought to be, and, as the event has shown, was, understood as being +intended, or by implication, as in the opening passages of the “Origin of +Species,” in which he tells us how he had thought the matter out without +acknowledging obligation of any kind to earlier writers. The original +edition of the “Origin of Species” contained 490 pp., exclusive of index; +a claim, therefore, more or less explicit, to the theory of descent was +made on the average about once in every five pages throughout the book +from end to end; the claims were most prominent in the most important +parts, that is to say, at the beginning and end of the work, and this +made them more effective than they are made even by their frequency. A +more ubiquitous claim than this it would be hard to find in the case of +any writer advancing a new theory; it is difficult, therefore, to +understand how Mr. Grant Allen could have allowed himself to say that Mr. +Darwin “laid no sort of claim to originality or proprietorship” in the +theory of descent with modification. + +Nevertheless I have only found one place where Mr. Darwin pinned himself +down beyond possibility of retreat, however ignominious, by using the +words “my theory of descent with modification.” {202a} He often, as I +have said, speaks of “my theory,” and then shortly afterwards of “descent +with modification,” under such circumstances that no one who had not been +brought up in the school of Mr. Gladstone could doubt that the two +expressions referred to the same thing. He seems to have felt that he +must be a poor wriggler if he could not wriggle out of this; give him any +loophole, however small, and Mr. Darwin could trust himself to get out +through it; but he did not like saying what left no loophole at all, and +“my theory of descent with modification” closed all exits so firmly that +it is surprising he should ever have allowed himself to use these words. +As I have said, Mr. Darwin only used this direct categorical form of +claim in one place; and even here, after it had stood through three +editions, two of which had been largely altered, he could stand it no +longer, and altered the “my” into “the” in 1866, with the fourth edition +of the “Origin of Species.” + +This was the only one of the original forty-five my’s that was cut out +before the appearance of the fifth edition in 1869, and its excision +throws curious light upon the working of Mr. Darwin’s mind. The +selection of the most categorical my out of the whole forty-five, shows +that Mr. Darwin knew all about his my’s, and, while seeing reason to +remove this, held that the others might very well stand. He even left +“On my _view_ of descent with modification,” {203a} which, though more +capable of explanation than “my theory,” &c., still runs it close; +nevertheless the excision of even a single my that had been allowed to +stand through such close revision as those to which the “Origin of +Species” had been subjected betrays uneasiness of mind, for it is +impossible that even Mr. Darwin should not have known that though the my +excised in 1866 was the most technically categorical, the others were in +reality just as guilty, though no tower of Siloam in the shape of +excision fell upon them. If, then, Mr. Darwin was so uncomfortable about +this one as to cut it out, it is probable he was far from comfortable +about the others. + +This view derives confirmation from the fact that in 1869, with the fifth +edition of the “Origin of Species,” there was a stampede of my’s +throughout the whole work, no less than thirty out of the original +forty-five being changed into “the,” “our,” “this,” or some other word, +which, though having all the effect of my, still did not say “my” +outright. These my’s were, if I may say so, sneaked out; nothing was +said to explain their removal to the reader or call attention to it. +Why, it may be asked, having been considered during the revisions of 1861 +and 1866, and with only one exception allowed to stand, why should they +be smitten with a homing instinct in such large numbers with the fifth +edition? It cannot be maintained that Mr. Darwin had had his attention +called now for the first time to the fact that he had used my perhaps a +little too freely, and had better be more sparing of it for the future. +The my excised in 1866 shows that Mr. Darwin had already considered this +question, and saw no reason to remove any but the one that left him no +loophole. Why, then, should that which was considered and approved in +1859, 1861, and 1866 (not to mention the second edition of 1859 or 1860) +be retreated from with every appearance of panic in 1869? Mr. Darwin +could not well have cut out more than he did—not at any rate without +saying something about it, and it would not be easy to know exactly what +say. Of the fourteen my’s that were left in 1869, five more were cut out +in 1872, and nine only were allowed eventually to remain. We naturally +ask, Why leave any if thirty-six ought to be cut out, or why cut out +thirty-six if nine ought to be left—especially when the claim remains +practically just the same after the excision as before it? + +I imagine complaint had early reached Mr. Darwin that the difference +between himself and his predecessors was unsubstantial and hard to grasp; +traces of some such feeling appear even in the late Sir Charles Lyell’s +“Principles of Geology,” in which he writes that he had reprinted his +abstract of Lamarck’s doctrine word for word, “in justice to Lamarck, in +order to show how nearly the opinions taught by him at the beginning of +this century resembled those now in vogue among a large body of +naturalists respecting the infinite variability of species, and the +progressive development in past time of the organic world.” {205a} Sir +Charles Lyell could not have written thus if he had thought that Mr. +Darwin had already done “justice to Lamarck,” nor is it likely that he +stood alone in thinking as he did. It is probable that more reached Mr. +Darwin than reached the public, and that the historical sketch prefixed +to all editions after the first six thousand copies had been sold—meagre +and slovenly as it is—was due to earlier manifestation on the part of +some of Mr. Darwin’s friends of the feeling that was afterwards expressed +by Sir Charles Lyell in the passage quoted above. I suppose the removal +of the my that was cut out in 1866 to be due partly to the Gladstonian +tendencies of Mr. Darwin’s mind, which would naturally make that +particular my at all times more or less offensive to him, and partly to +the increase of objection to it that must have ensued on the addition of +the “brief but imperfect” historical sketch in 1861; it is doubtless only +by an oversight that this particular my was not cut out in 1861. The +stampede of 1869 was probably occasioned by the appearance in Germany of +Professor Haeckel’s “History of Creation.” This was published in 1868, +and Mr. Darwin no doubt foresaw that it would be translated into English, +as indeed it subsequently was. In this book some account is given—very +badly, but still much more fully than by Mr. Darwin—of Lamarck’s work; +and even Erasmus Darwin is mentioned—inaccurately—but still he is +mentioned. Professor Haeckel says:— + +“Although the theory of development had been already maintained at the +beginning of this century by several great naturalists, especially by +Lamarck and Goethe, it only received complete demonstration and causal +foundation nine years ago through Darwin’s work, and it is on this +account that it is now generally (though not altogether rightly) regarded +as exclusively Mr. Darwin’s theory.” {206a} + +Later on, after giving nearly a hundred pages to the works of the early +evolutionists—pages that would certainly disquiet the sensitive writer +who had cut out the “my” which disappeared in 1866—he continued:— + +“We must distinguish clearly (though this is not usually done) between, +firstly, the theory of descent as advanced by Lamarck, which deals only +with the fact of all animals and plants being descended from a common +source, and secondly, Darwin’s theory of natural selection, which shows +us _why_ this progressive modification of organic forms took place” (p. +93). + +This passage is as inaccurate as most of those by Professor Haeckel that +I have had occasion to examine have proved to be. Letting alone that +Buffon, not Lamarck, is the foremost name in connection with descent, I +have already shown in “Evolution Old and New” that Lamarck goes +exhaustively into the how and why of modification. He alleges the +conservation, or preservation, in the ordinary course of nature, of the +most favourable among variations that have been induced mainly by +function; this, I have sufficiently explained, is natural selection, +though the words “natural selection” are not employed; but it is the true +natural selection which (if so metaphorical an expression is allowed to +pass) actually does take place with the results ascribed to it by +Lamarck, and not the false Charles-Darwinian natural selection that does +not correspond with facts, and cannot result in specific differences such +as we now observe. But, waiving this, the “my’s,” within which a little +rift had begun to show itself in 1866, might well become as mute in 1869 +as they could become without attracting attention, when Mr. Darwin saw +the passages just quoted, and the hundred pages or so that lie between +them. + +I suppose Mr. Darwin cut out the five more my’s that disappeared in 1872 +because he had not yet fully recovered from his scare, and allowed nine +to remain in order to cover his retreat, and tacitly say that he had not +done anything and knew nothing whatever about it. Practically, indeed, +he had not retreated, and must have been well aware that he was only +retreating technically; for he must have known that the absence of +acknowledgment to any earlier writers in the body of his work, and the +presence of the many passages in which every word conveyed the impression +that the writer claimed descent with modification, amounted to a claim as +much when the actual word “my” had been taken out as while it was allowed +to stand. We took Mr. Darwin at his own estimate because we could not +for a moment suppose that a man of means, position, and education,—one, +moreover, who was nothing if he was not unself-seeking—could play such a +trick upon us while pretending to take us into his confidence; hence the +almost universal belief on the part of the public, of which Professors +Haeckel and Ray Lankester and Mr. Grant Allen alike complain—namely, that +Mr. Darwin is the originator of the theory of descent, and that his +variations are mainly functional. Men of science must not be surprised +if the readiness with which we responded to Mr. Darwin’s appeal to our +confidence is succeeded by a proportionate resentment when the peculiar +shabbiness of his action becomes more generally understood. For myself, +I know not which most to wonder at—the meanness of the writer himself, or +the greatness of the service that, in spite of that meanness, he +unquestionably rendered. + +If Mr. Darwin had been dealing fairly by us, when he saw that we had +failed to catch the difference between the Erasmus-Darwinian theory of +descent through natural selection from among variations that are mainly +functional, and his own alternative theory of descent through natural +selection from among variations that are mainly accidental, and, above +all, when he saw we were crediting him with other men’s work, he would +have hastened to set us right. “It is with great regret,” he might have +written, “and with no small surprise, that I find how generally I have +been misunderstood as claiming to be the originator of the theory of +descent with modification; nothing can be further from my intention; the +theory of descent has been familiar to all biologists from the year 1749, +when Buffon advanced it in its most comprehensive form, to the present +day.” If Mr. Darwin had said something to the above effect, no one would +have questioned his good faith, but it is hardly necessary to say that +nothing of the kind is to be found in any one of Mr. Darwin’s many books +or many editions; nor is the reason why the requisite correction was +never made far to seek. For if Mr. Darwin had said as much as I have put +into his mouth above, he should have said more, and would ere long have +been compelled to have explained to us wherein the difference between +himself and his predecessors precisely lay, and this would not have been +easy. Indeed, if Mr. Darwin had been quite open with us he would have +had to say much as follows:— + +“I should point out that, according to the evolutionists of the last +century, improvement in the eye, as in any other organ, is mainly due to +persistent, rational, employment of the organ in question, in such +slightly modified manner as experience and changed surroundings may +suggest. You will have observed that, according to my system, this goes +for very little, and that the accumulation of fortunate accidents, +irrespectively of the use that may be made of them, is by far the most +important means of modification. Put more briefly still, the distinction +between me and my predecessors lies in this;—my predecessors thought they +knew the main normal cause or principle that underlies variation, whereas +I think that there is no general principle underlying it at all, or that +even if there is, we know hardly anything about it. This is my +distinctive feature; there is no deception; I shall not consider the +arguments of my predecessors, nor show in what respect they are +insufficient; in fact, I shall say nothing whatever about them. Please +to understand that I alone am in possession of the master key that can +unlock the bars of the future progress of evolutionary science; so great +an improvement, in fact, is my discovery that it justifies me in claiming +the theory of descent generally, and I accordingly claim it. If you ask +me in what my discovery consists, I reply in this;—that the variations +which we are all agreed accumulate are caused—by variation. {209a} I +admit that this is not telling you much about them, but it is as much as +I think proper to say at present; above all things, let me caution you +against thinking that there is any principle of general application +underlying variation.” + +This would have been right. This is what Mr. Darwin would have had to +have said if he had been frank with us; it is not surprising, therefore, +that he should have been less frank than might have been wished. I have +no doubt that many a time between 1859 and 1882, the year of his death, +Mr. Darwin bitterly regretted his initial error, and would have been only +too thankful to repair it, but he could only put the difference between +himself and the early evolutionists clearly before his readers at the +cost of seeing his own system come tumbling down like a pack of cards; +this was more than he could stand, so he buried his face, ostrich-like, +in the sand. I know no more pitiable figure in either literature or +science. + +As I write these lines (July 1886) I see a paragraph in _Nature_ which I +take it is intended to convey the impression that Mr. Francis Darwin’s +life and letters of his father will appear shortly. I can form no idea +whether Mr. F. Darwin’s forthcoming work is likely to appear before this +present volume; still less can I conjecture what it may or may not +contain; but I can give the reader a criterion by which to test the good +faith with which it is written. If Mr. F. Darwin puts the distinctive +feature that differentiates Mr. C. Darwin from his predecessors clearly +before his readers, enabling them to seize and carry it away with them +once for all—if he shows no desire to shirk this question, but, on the +contrary, faces it and throws light upon it, then we shall know that his +work is sincere, whatever its shortcomings may be in other respects; and +when people are doing their best to help us and make us understand all +that they understand themselves, a great deal may be forgiven them. If, +on the other hand, we find much talk about the wonderful light which Mr. +Charles Darwin threw on evolution by his theory of natural selection, +without any adequate attempt to make us understand the difference between +the natural selection, say, of Mr. Patrick Matthew, and that of his more +famous successor, then we may know that we are being trifled with; and +that an attempt is being again made to throw dust in our eyes. + + + + +Chapter XVI +Mr. Grant Allen’s “Charles Darwin” + + +IT is here that Mr. Grant Allen’s book fails. It is impossible to +believe it written in good faith, with no end in view, save to make +something easy which might otherwise be found difficult; on the contrary, +it leaves the impression of having been written with a desire to hinder +us, as far as possible, from understanding things that Mr. Allen himself +understood perfectly well. + +After saying that “in the public mind Mr. Darwin is perhaps most commonly +regarded as the discoverer and founder of the evolution hypothesis,” he +continues that “the grand idea which he did really originate was not the +idea of ‘descent with modification,’ but the idea of ‘natural +selection,’” and adds that it was Mr. Darwin’s “peculiar glory” to have +shown the “nature of the machinery” by which all the variety of animal +and vegetable life might have been produced by slow modifications in one +or more original types. “The theory of evolution,” says Mr. Allen, +“already existed in a more or less shadowy and undeveloped shape;” it was +Mr. Darwin’s “task in life to raise this theory from the rank of a mere +plausible and happy guess to the rank of a highly elaborate and almost +universally accepted biological system” (pp. 3–5). + +We all admit the value of Mr. Darwin’s work as having led to the general +acceptance of evolution. No one who remembers average middle-class +opinion on this subject before 1860 will deny that it was Mr. Darwin who +brought us all round to descent with modification; but Mr. Allen cannot +rightly say that evolution had only existed before Mr. Darwin’s time in +“a shadowy, undeveloped state,” or as “a mere plausible and happy guess.” +It existed in the same form as that in which most people accept it now, +and had been carried to its extreme development, before Mr. Darwin’s +father had been born. It is idle to talk of Buffon’s work as “a mere +plausible and happy guess,” or to imply that the first volume of the +“Philosophie Zoologique” of Lamarck was a less full and sufficient +demonstration of descent with modification than the “Origin of Species” +is. It has its defects, shortcomings, and mistakes, but it is an +incomparably sounder work than the “Origin of Species;” and though it +contains the deplorable omission of any reference to Buffon, Lamarck does +not first grossly misrepresent Buffon, and then tell him to go away, as +Mr. Darwin did to the author of the “Vestiges” and to Lamarck. If Mr. +Darwin was believed and honoured for saying much the same as Lamarck had +said, it was because Lamarck had borne the brunt of the laughing. The +“Origin of Species” was possible because the “Vestiges” had prepared the +way for it. The “Vestiges” were made possible by Lamarck and Erasmus +Darwin, and these two were made possible by Buffon. Here a somewhat +sharper line can be drawn than is usually found possible when defining +the ground covered by philosophers. No one broke the ground for Buffon +to anything like the extent that he broke it for those who followed him, +and these broke it for one another. + +Mr. Allen says (p. 11) that, “in Charles Darwin’s own words, Lamarck +‘first did the eminent service of arousing attention to the probability +of all change in the organic as well as in the inorganic world being the +result of law, and not of miraculous interposition.’” Mr. Darwin did +indeed use these words, but Mr. Allen omits the pertinent fact that he +did not use them till six thousand copies of his work had been issued, +and an impression been made as to its scope and claims which the event +has shown to be not easily effaced; nor does he say that Mr. Darwin only +pays these few words of tribute in a quasi-preface, which, though +prefixed to his later editions of the “Origin of Species,” is amply +neutralised by the spirit which I have shown to be omnipresent in the +body of the work itself. Moreover, Mr. Darwin’s statement is inaccurate +to an unpardonable extent; his words would be fairly accurate if applied +to Buffon, but they do not apply to Lamarck. + +Mr. Darwin continues that Lamarck “seems to attribute all the beautiful +adaptations in nature, such as the long neck of the giraffe for browsing +on the branches of trees,” to the effects of habit. Mr. Darwin should +not say that Lamarck “seems” to do this. It was his business to tell us +what led Lamarck to his conclusions, not what “seemed” to do so. Any one +who knows the first volume of the “Philosophie Zoologique” will be aware +that there is no “seems” in the matter. Mr. Darwin’s words “seem” to say +that it really could not be worth any practical naturalist’s while to +devote attention to Lamarck’s argument; the inquiry might be of interest +to antiquaries, but Mr. Darwin had more important work in hand than +following the vagaries of one who had been so completely exploded as +Lamarck had been. “Seem” is to men what “feel” is to women; women who +feel, and men who grease every other sentence with a “seem,” are alike to +be looked on with distrust. + +“Still,” continues Mr. Allen, “Darwin gave no sign. A flaccid, +cartilaginous, unphilosophic evolutionism had full possession of the +field for the moment, and claimed, as it were, to be the genuine +representative of the young and vigorous biological creed, while he +himself was in truth the real heir to all the honours of the situation. +He was in possession of the master-key which alone could unlock the bars +that opposed the progress of evolution, and still he waited. He could +afford to wait. He was diligently collecting, amassing, investigating; +eagerly reading every new systematic work, every book of travels, every +scientific journal, every record of sport, or exploration, or discovery, +to extract from the dead mass of undigested fact whatever item of +implicit value might swell the definite co-ordinated series of notes in +his own commonplace books for the now distinctly contemplated ‘Origin of +Species.’ His way was to make all sure behind him, to summon up all his +facts in irresistible array, and never to set out upon a public progress +until he was secure against all possible attacks of the ever-watchful and +alert enemy in the rear,” &c. (p. 73). + +It would not be easy to beat this. Mr. Darwin’s worst enemy could wish +him no more damaging eulogist. + +Of the “Vestiges” Mr. Allen says that Mr. Darwin “felt sadly” the +inaccuracy and want of profound technical knowledge everywhere displayed +by the anonymous author. Nevertheless, long after, in the “Origin of +Species,” the great naturalist wrote with generous appreciation of the +“Vestiges of Creation”—“In my opinion it has done excellent service in +this country in calling attention to the subject, in removing prejudice, +and in thus preparing the ground for the reception of analogous views.” + +I have already referred to the way in which Mr. Darwin treated the author +of the “Vestiges,” and have stated the facts at greater length in +“Evolution Old and New,” but it may be as well to give Mr. Darwin’s words +in full; he wrote as follows on the third page of the original edition of +the “Origin of Species”:— + +“The author of the ‘Vestiges of Creation’ would, I presume, say that, +after a certain unknown number of generations, some bird had given birth +to a woodpecker, and some plant to the mistletoe, and that these had been +produced perfect as we now see them; but this assumption seems to me to +be no explanation, for it leaves the case of the coadaptation of organic +beings to each other and to their physical conditions of life untouched +and unexplained.” + +The author of the “Vestiges” did, doubtless, suppose that “_some_ bird” +had given birth to a woodpecker, or more strictly, that a couple of birds +had done so—and this is all that Mr. Darwin has committed himself to—but +no one better knew that these two birds would, according to the author of +the “Vestiges,” be just as much woodpeckers, and just as little +woodpeckers, as they would be with Mr. Darwin himself. Mr. Chambers did +not suppose that a woodpecker became a woodpecker _per saltum_ though +born of some widely different bird, but Mr. Darwin’s words have no +application unless they convey this impression. The reader will note +that though the impression is conveyed, Mr. Darwin avoids conveying it +categorically. I suppose this is what Mr. Allen means by saying that he +“made all things sure behind him.” Mr. Chambers did indeed believe in +occasional sports; so did Mr. Darwin, and we have seen that in the later +editions of the “Origin of Species” he found himself constrained to lay +greater stress on these than he had originally done. Substantially, Mr. +Chambers held much the same opinion as to the suddenness or slowness of +modification as Mr. Darwin did, nor can it be doubted that Mr. Darwin +knew this perfectly well. + +What I have said about the woodpecker applies also to the mistletoe. +Besides, it was Mr. Darwin’s business not to presume anything about the +matter; his business was to tell us what the author of the “Vestiges” had +said, or to refer us to the page of the “Vestiges” on which we should +find this. I suppose he was too busy “collecting, amassing, +investigating,” &c., to be at much pains not to misrepresent those who +had been in the field before him. There is no other reference to the +“Vestiges” in the “Origin of Species” than this suave but singularly +fraudulent passage. + +In his edition of 1860 the author of the “Vestiges” showed that he was +nettled, and said it was to be regretted Mr. Darwin had read the +“Vestiges” “almost as much amiss as if, like its declared opponents, he +had an interest in misunderstanding it;” and a little lower he adds that +Mr. Darwin’s book “in no essential respect contradicts the ‘Vestiges,’” +but that, on the contrary, “while adding to its explanations of nature, +it expressed the same general ideas.” {216a} This is substantially true; +neither Mr. Darwin’s nor Mr. Chambers’s are good books, but the main +object of both is to substantiate the theory of descent with +modification, and, bad as the “Vestiges” is, it is ingenuous as compared +with the “Origin of Species.” Subsequently to Mr. Chambers’ protest, and +not till, as I have said, six thousand copies of the “Origin of Species” +had been issued, the sentence complained of by Mr. Chambers was expunged, +but without a word of retractation, and the passage which Mr. Allen +thinks so generous was inserted into the “brief but imperfect” sketch +which Mr. Darwin prefixed—after Mr. Chambers had been effectually snuffed +out—to all subsequent editions of his “Origin of Species.” There is no +excuse for Mr. Darwin’s not having said at least this much about the +author of the “Vestiges” in his first edition; and on finding that he had +misrepresented him in a passage which he did not venture to retain, he +should not have expunged it quietly, but should have called attention to +his mistake in the body of his book, and given every prominence in his +power to the correction. + +Let us now examine Mr. Allen’s record in the matter of natural selection. +For years he was one of the foremost apostles of Neo-Darwinism, and any +who said a good word for Lamarck were told that this was the “kind of +mystical nonsense” from which Mr. Allen “had hoped Mr. Darwin had for +ever saved us.” {216b} Then in October 1883 came an article in “Mind,” +from which it appeared as though Mr. Allen had abjured Mr. Darwin and all +his works. + +“There are only two conceivable ways,” he then wrote, “in which any +increment of brain power can ever have arisen in any individual. The one +is the Darwinian way, by spontaneous variation, that is to say, by +variation due to minute physical circumstances affecting the individual +in the germ. The other is the Spencerian way, by functional increment, +that is to say, by the effect of increased use and constant exposure to +varying circumstances during conscious life.” + +Mr. Allen calls this the Spencerian view, and so it is in so far as that +Mr. Spencer has adopted it. Most people will call it Lamarckian. This, +however, is a detail. Mr. Allen continues:— + +“I venture to think that the first way, if we look it clearly in the +face, will be seen to be practically unthinkable; and that we have no +alternative, therefore, but to accept the second.” + +I like our looking a “way” which is “practically unthinkable” “clearly in +the face.” I particularly like “practically unthinkable.” I suppose we +can think it in theory, but not in practice. I like almost everything +Mr. Allen says or does; it is not necessary to go far in search of his +good things; dredge up any bit of mud from him at random and we are +pretty sure to find an oyster with a pearl in it, if we look it clearly +in the face; I mean, there is sure to be something which will be at any +rate “almost” practically unthinkable. But however this may be, when Mr. +Allen wrote his article in “Mind” two years ago, he was in substantial +agreement with myself about the value of natural selection as a means of +modification—by natural selection I mean, of course, the commonly known +Charles-Darwinian natural selection from fortuitous variations; now, +however, in 1885, he is all for this same natural selection again, and in +the preface to his “Charles Darwin” writes (after a handsome +acknowledgment of “Evolution Old and New”) that he “differs from” me +“fundamentally in” my “estimate of the worth of Charles Darwin’s +distinctive discovery of natural selection.” + +This he certainly does, for on page 81 of the work itself he speaks of +“the distinctive notion of natural selection” as having, “like all true +and fruitful ideas, more than once flashed,” &c. I have explained _usque +ad nauseam_, and will henceforth explain no longer, that natural +selection is no “distinctive notion” of Mr. Darwin’s. Mr. Darwin’s +“distinctive notion” is natural selection from among fortuitous +variations. + +Writing again (p. 89) of Mr. Spencer’s essay in the “Leader,” {218a} Mr. +Allen says:— + +“It contains, in a very philosophical and abstract form, the theory of +‘descent with modification’ without the distinctive Darwinian adjunct of +‘natural selection’ or survival of the fittest. Yet it was just that +lever dexterously applied, and carefully weighted with the whole weight +of his endlessly accumulated inductive instances, that finally enabled +our modern Archimedes to move the world.” + +Again:— + +“To account for adaptation, for the almost perfect fitness of every plant +and every animal to its position in life, for the existence (in other +words) of definitely correlated parts and organs, we must call in the aid +of survival of the fittest. Without that potent selective agent, our +conception of the becoming of life is a mere chaos; order and +organisation are utterly inexplicable save by the brilliant illuminating +ray of the Darwinian principle” (p. 93). + +And yet two years previously this same principle, after having been +thinkable for many years, had become “unthinkable.” + +Two years previously, writing of the Charles-Darwinian scheme of +evolution, Mr. Allen had implied it as his opinion “that all brains are +what they are in virtue of antecedent function.” “The one creed,” he +wrote—referring to Mr Darwin’s—“makes the man depend mainly upon the +accidents of molecular physics in a colliding germ cell and sperm cell; +the other makes him depend mainly on the doings and gains of his +ancestors as modified and altered by himself.” + +This second creed is pure Erasmus-Darwinism and Lamarck. + +Again:— + +“It seems to me easy to understand how survival of the fittest may result +in progress _starting from such functionally produced gains_ (italics +mine), but impossible to understand how it could result in progress, if +it had to start in mere accidental structural increments due to +spontaneous variation alone.” {219a} + +Which comes to saying that it is easy to understand the Lamarckian system +of evolution, but not the Charles-Darwinian. Mr. Allen concluded his +article a few pages later on by saying:— + +“The first hypothesis” (Mr. Darwin’s) “is one that throws no light upon +any of the facts. The second hypothesis” (which is unalloyed Erasmus +Darwin and Lamarck) “is one that explains them all with transparent +lucidity.” Yet in his “Charles Darwin” Mr. Allen tells us that though +Mr. Darwin “did not invent the development theory, he made it believable +and comprehensible” (p. 4). + +In his “Charles Darwin” Mr. Allen does not tell us how recently he had, +in another place, expressed an opinion about the value of Mr. Darwin’s +“distinctive contribution” to the theory of evolution, so widely +different from the one he is now expressing with characteristic +appearance of ardour. He does not explain how he is able to execute such +rapid changes of front without forfeiting his claim on our attention; +explanations on matters of this sort seem out of date with modern +scientists. I can only suppose that Mr. Allen regards himself as having +taken a brief, as it were, for the production of a popular work, and +feels more bound to consider the interests of the gentleman who pays him +than to say what he really thinks; for surely Mr. Allen would not have +written as he did in such a distinctly philosophical and scientific +journal as “Mind” without weighing his words, and nothing has transpired +lately, _apropos_ of evolution, which will account for his present +recantation. I said in my book “Selections,” &c., that when Mr. Allen +made stepping-stones of his dead selves, he jumped upon them to some +tune. I was a little scandalised then at the completeness and suddenness +of the movement he executed, and spoke severely; I have sometimes feared +I may have spoken too severely, but his recent performance goes far to +warrant my remarks. + +If, however, there is no dead self about it, and Mr. Allen has only taken +a brief, I confess to being not greatly edified. I grant that a good +case can be made out for an author’s doing as I suppose Mr. Allen to have +done; indeed I am not sure that both science and religion would not gain +if every one rode his neighbour’s theory, as at a donkey-race, and the +least plausible were held to win; but surely, as things stand, a writer +by the mere fact of publishing a book professes to be giving a _bonâ +fide_ opinion. The analogy of the bar does not hold, for not only is it +perfectly understood that a barrister does not necessarily state his own +opinions, but there exists a strict though unwritten code to protect the +public against the abuses to which such a system must be liable. In +religion and science no such code exists—the supposition being that these +two holy callings are above the necessity for anything of the kind. +Science and religion are not as business is; still, if the public do not +wish to be taken in, they must be at some pains to find out whether they +are in the hands of one who, while pretending to be a judge, is in +reality a paid advocate, with no one’s interests at heart except his +client’s, or in those of one who, however warmly he may plead, will say +nothing but what springs from mature and genuine conviction. + +The present unsettled and unsatisfactory state of the moral code in this +respect is at the bottom of the supposed antagonism between religion and +science. These two are not, or never ought to be, antagonistic. They +should never want what is spoken of as reconciliation, for in reality +they are one. Religion is the quintessence of science, and science the +raw material of religion; when people talk about reconciling religion and +science they do not mean what they say; they mean reconciling the +statements made by one set of professional men with those made by another +set whose interests lie in the opposite direction—and with no recognised +president of the court to keep them within due bounds this is not always +easy. + +Mr. Allen says:— + +“At the same time it must be steadily remembered that there are many +naturalists at the present day, especially among those of the lower order +of intelligence, who, while accepting evolutionism in a general way, and +therefore always describing themselves as Darwinians, do not believe, and +often cannot even understand, the distinctive Darwinian addition to the +evolutionary doctrine—namely, the principle of natural selection. Such +hazy and indistinct thinkers as these are still really at the prior stage +of Lamarckian evolution” (p. 199). + +Considering that Mr. Allen was at that stage himself so recently, he +might deal more tenderly with others who still find “the distinctive +Darwinian adjunct” “unthinkable.” It is perhaps, however, because he +remembers his difficulties that Mr. Allen goes on as follows:— + +“It is probable that in the future, while a formal acceptance of +Darwinism becomes general, the special theory of natural selection will +be thoroughly understood and assimilated only by the more abstract and +philosophical minds.” + +By the kind of people, in fact, who read the _Spectator_ and are called +thoughtful; and in point of fact less than a twelvemonth after this +passage was written, natural selection was publicly abjured as “a theory +of the origin of species” by Mr. Romanes himself, with the implied +approval of the _Times_. + +“Thus,” continues Mr. Allen, “the name of Darwin will often no doubt be +tacked on to what are in reality the principles of Lamarck.” + +It requires no great power of prophecy to foretell this, considering that +it is done daily by nine out of ten who call themselves Darwinians. Ask +ten people of ordinary intelligence how Mr. Darwin explains the fact that +giraffes have long necks, and nine of them will answer “through +continually stretching them to reach higher and higher boughs.” They do +not understand that this is the Lamarckian view of evolution, not the +Darwinian; nor will Mr. Allen’s book greatly help the ordinary reader to +catch the difference between the two theories, in spite of his frequent +reference to Mr. Darwin’s “distinctive feature,” and to his “master-key.” +No doubt the British public will get to understand all about it some day, +but it can hardly be expected to do so all at once, considering the way +in which Mr. Allen and so many more throw dust in its eyes, and will +doubtless continue to throw it as long as an honest penny is to be turned +by doing so. Mr. Allen, then, is probably right in saying that “the name +of Darwin will no doubt be often tacked on to what are in reality the +principles of Lamarck,” nor can it be denied that Mr. Darwin, by his +practice of using “the theory of natural selection” as though it were a +synonym for “the theory of descent with modification,” contributed to +this result. + +I do not myself doubt that he intended to do this, but Mr. Allen would +say no less confidently he did not. He writes of Mr. Darwin as follows:— + +“Of Darwin’s pure and exalted moral nature no Englishman of the present +generation can trust himself to speak with becoming moderation.” + +He proceeds to trust himself thus:— + +“His love of truth, his singleness of heart, his sincerity, his +earnestness, his modesty, his candour, his absolute sinking of self and +selfishness—these, indeed are all conspicuous to every reader on the very +face of every word he ever printed.” + +This “conspicuous sinking of self” is of a piece with the “delightful +unostentatiousness _which every one must have noticed_” about which Mr. +Allen writes on page 65. Does he mean that Mr. Darwin was +“ostentatiously unostentatious,” or that he was “unostentatiously +ostentatious”? I think we may guess from this passage who it was that in +the old days of the _Pall Mall Gazelle_ called Mr. Darwin “a master of a +certain happy simplicity.” + +Mr. Allen continues:— + +“Like his works themselves, they must long outlive him. But his +sympathetic kindliness, his ready generosity, the staunchness of his +friendship, the width and depth and breadth of his affections, the manner +in which ‘he bore with those who blamed him unjustly without blaming them +again’—these things can never be so well known to any other generation of +men as to the three generations that walked the world with him” (pp. 174, +175). + +Again:— + +“He began early in life to collect and arrange a vast encyclopædia of +facts, all finally focussed with supreme skill upon the great principle +he so clearly perceived and so lucidly expounded. He brought to bear +upon the question an amount of personal observation, of minute +experiment, of world-wide book knowledge, of universal scientific +ability, such as never, perhaps, was lavished by any other man upon any +other department of study. His conspicuous and beautiful love of truth, +his unflinching candour, his transparent fearlessness and honesty of +purpose, his childlike simplicity, his modesty of demeanour, his charming +manner, his affectionate disposition, his kindliness to friends, his +courtesy to opponents, his gentleness to harsh and often bitter +assailants, kindled in the minds of men of science everywhere throughout +the world a contagious enthusiasm only equalled perhaps among the +disciples of Socrates and the great teachers of the revival of learning. +His name became a rallying-point for the children of light in every +country” (pp. 196, 197). + +I need not quote more; the sentence goes on to talk about “firmly +grounding” something which philosophers and speculators might have taken +a century or two more “to establish in embryo;” but those who wish to see +it must turn to Mr. Allen’s book. + +If I have formed too severe an estimate of Mr. Darwin’s work and +character—and this is more than likely—the fulsomeness of the adulation +lavished on him by his admirers for many years past must be in some +measure my excuse. We grow tired even of hearing Aristides called just, +but what is so freely said about Mr. Darwin puts us in mind more of what +the people said about Herod—that he spoke with the voice of a God, not of +a man. So we saw Professor Ray Lankester hail him not many years ago as +the “greatest of living men.” {224a} + +It is ill for any man’s fame that he should be praised so extravagantly. +Nobody ever was as good as Mr. Darwin looked, and a counterblast to such +a hurricane of praise as has been lately blowing will do no harm to his +ultimate reputation, even though it too blow somewhat fiercely. Art, +character, literature, religion, science (I have named them in +alphabetical order), thrive best in a breezy, bracing air; I heartily +hope I may never be what is commonly called successful in my own +lifetime—and if I go on as I am doing now, I have a fair chance of +succeeding in not succeeding. + + + + +Chapter XVII +Professor Ray Lankester and Lamarck + + +BEING anxious to give the reader a sample of the arguments against the +theory of natural selection from among variations that are mainly either +directly or indirectly functional in their inception, or more briefly +against the Erasmus-Darwinian and Lamarckian systems, I can find nothing +more to the point, or more recent, than Professor Ray Lankester’s letter +to the _Athenæum_ of March 29, 1884, to the latter part of which, +however, I need alone call attention. Professor Ray Lankester says:— + +“And then we are introduced to the discredited speculations of Lamarck, +which have found a worthy advocate in Mr. Butler, as really solid +contributions to the discovery of the _veræ causæ_ of variation! A much +more important attempt to do something for Lamarck’s hypothesis, of the +transmission to offspring of structural peculiarities acquired by the +parents, was recently made by an able and experienced naturalist, +Professor Semper of Wurzburg. His book on ‘Animal Life,’ &c., is +published in the ‘International Scientific Series.’ Professor Semper +adduces an immense number and variety of cases of structural change in +animals and plants brought about in the individual by adaptation (during +its individual life-history) to new conditions. Some of these are very +marked changes, such as the loss of its horny coat in the gizzard of a +pigeon fed on meat; _but in no single instance could Professor Semper +show_—although it was his object and desire to do so if possible—that +such change was transmitted from parent to offspring. Lamarckism looks +all very well on paper, but, as Professor Semper’s book shows, when put +to the test of observation and experiment it collapses absolutely.” + +I should have thought it would have been enough if it had collapsed +without the “absolutely,” but Professor Ray Lankester does not like doing +things by halves. Few will be taken in by the foregoing quotation, +except those who do not greatly care whether they are taken in or not; +but to save trouble to readers who may have neither Lamarck nor Professor +Semper at hand, I will put the case as follows:— + +Professor Semper writes a book to show, we will say, that the hour-hand +of the clock moves gradually forward, in spite of its appearing +stationary. He makes his case sufficiently clear, and then might have +been content to leave it; nevertheless, in the innocence of his heart, he +adds the admission that though he had often looked at the clock for a +long time together, he had never been able actually to see the hour-hand +moving. “There now,” exclaims Professor Ray Lankester on this, “I told +you so; the theory collapses absolutely; his whole object and desire is +to show that the hour-hand moves, and yet when it comes to the point, he +is obliged to confess that he cannot see it do so.” It is not worth +while to meet what Professor Ray Lankester has been above quoted as +saying about Lamarckism beyond quoting the following passage from a +review of “The Neanderthal Skull on Evolution” in the “Monthly Journal of +Science” for June, 1885 (p. 362):— + +“On the very next page the author reproduces the threadbare objection +that the ‘supporters of the theory have never yet succeeded in observing +a single instance in all the millions of years invented (!) in its +support of one species of animal turning into another.’ Now, _ex +hypothesi_, one species turns into another not rapidly, as in a +transformation scene, but in successive generations, each being born a +shade different from its progenitors. Hence to observe such a change is +excluded by the very terms of the question. Does Mr. Saville forget Mr. +Herbert Spencer’s apologue of the ephemeron which had never witnessed the +change of a child into a man?” + +The apologue, I may say in passing, is not Mr. Spencer’s; it is by the +author of the “Vestiges,” and will be found on page 161 of the 1853 +edition of that book; but let this pass. How impatient Professor Ray +Lankester is of any attempt to call attention to the older view of +evolution appears perhaps even more plainly in a review of this same book +of Professor Semper’s that appeared in “Nature,” March 3, 1881. The +tenor of the remarks last quoted shows that though what I am about to +quote is now more than five years old, it may be taken as still giving us +the position which Professor Ray Lankester takes on these matters. He +wrote:— + +“It is necessary,” he exclaims, “to plainly and emphatically state” (Why +so much emphasis? Why not “it should be stated”?) “that Professor Semper +and a few other writers of similar views” {227a} (I have sent for the +number of “Modern Thought” referred to by Professor Ray Lankester but +find no article by Mr. Henslow, and do not, therefore, know what he had +said) “are not adding to or building on Mr. Darwin’s theory, but are +actually opposing all that is essential and distinctive in that theory, +by the revival of the exploded notion of ‘directly transforming agents’ +advocated by Lamarck and others.” + +It may be presumed that these writers know they are not “adding to or +building on” Mr. Darwin’s theory, and do not wish to build on it, as not +thinking it a sound foundation. Professor Ray Lankester says they are +“actually opposing,” as though there were something intolerably audacious +in this; but it is not easy to see why he should be more angry with them +for “actually opposing” Mr. Darwin than they may be with him, if they +think it worth while, for “actually defending” the exploded notion of +natural selection—for assuredly the Charles-Darwinian system is now more +exploded than Lamarck’s is. + +What Professor Ray Lankester says about Lamarck and “directly +transforming agents” will mislead those who take his statement without +examination. Lamarck does not say that modification is effected by means +of “directly transforming agents;” nothing can be more alien to the +spirit of his teaching. With him the action of the external conditions +of existence (and these are the only transforming agents intended by +Professor Ray Lankester) is not direct, but indirect. Change in +surroundings changes the organism’s outlook, and thus changes its +desires; desires changing, there is corresponding change in the actions +performed; actions changing, a corresponding change is by-and-by induced +in the organs that perform them; this, if long continued, will be +transmitted; becoming augmented by accumulation in many successive +generations, and further modifications perhaps arising through further +changes in surroundings, the change will amount ultimately to specific +and generic difference. Lamarck knows no drug, nor operation, that will +medicine one organism into another, and expects the results of adaptive +effort to be so gradual as to be only perceptible when accumulated in the +course of many generations. When, therefore, Professor Ray Lankester +speaks of Lamarck as having “advocated directly transforming agents,” he +either does not know what he is talking about, or he is trifling with his +readers. Professor Ray Lankester continues:— + +“They do not seem to be aware of this, for they make no attempt to +examine Mr. Darwin’s accumulated facts and arguments.” Professor Ray +Lankester need not shake Mr. Darwin’s “accumulated facts and arguments” +at us. We have taken more pains to understand them than Professor Ray +Lankester has taken to understand Lamarck, and by this time know them +sufficiently. We thankfully accept by far the greater number, and rely +on them as our sheet-anchors to save us from drifting on to the +quicksands of Neo-Darwinian natural selection; few of them, indeed, are +Mr. Darwin’s, except in so far as he has endorsed them and given them +publicity, but I do not know that this detracts from their value. We +have paid great attention to Mr. Darwin’s facts, and if we do not +understand all his arguments—for it is not always given to mortal man to +understand these—yet we think we know what he was driving at. We believe +we understand this to the full as well as Mr. Darwin intended us to do, +and perhaps better. Where the arguments tend to show that all animals +and plants are descended from a common source we find them much the same +as Buffon’s, or as those of Erasmus Darwin or Lamarck, and have nothing +to say against them; where, on the other hand, they aim at proving that +the main means of modification has been the fact that if an animal has +been “favoured” it will be “preserved”—then we think that the animal’s +own exertions will, in the long run, have had more to do with its +preservation than any real or fancied “favour.” Professor Ray Lankester +continues:— + +“The doctrine of evolution has become an accepted truth” (Professor Ray +Lankester writes as though the making of truth and falsehood lay in the +hollow of Mr. Darwin’s hand. Surely “has become accepted” should be +enough; Mr. Darwin did not make the doctrine true) “entirely in +consequence of Mr. Darwin’s having demonstrated the mechanism.” (There +is no mechanism in the matter, and if there is, Mr. Darwin did not show +it. He made some words which confused us and prevented us from seeing +that “the preservation of favoured races” was a cloak for “luck,” and +that this was all the explanation he was giving) “by which the evolution +is possible; it was almost universally rejected, while such +undemonstrable agencies as those arbitrarily asserted to exist by +Professor Semper and Mr. George Henslow were the only means suggested by +its advocates.” + +Undoubtedly the theory of descent with modification, which received its +first sufficiently ample and undisguised exposition in 1809 with the +“Philosophie Zoologique” of Lamarck, shared the common fate of all +theories that revolutionise opinion on important matters, and was +fiercely opposed by the Huxleys, Romaneses, Grant Allens, and Ray +Lankesters of its time. It had to face the reaction in favour of the +Church which began in the days of the First Empire, as a natural +consequence of the horrors of the Revolution; it had to face the social +influence and then almost Darwinian reputation of Cuvier, whom Lamarck +could not, or would not, square; it was put forward by one who was old, +poor, and ere long blind. What theory could do more than just keep +itself alive under conditions so unfavourable? Even under the most +favourable conditions descent with modification would have been a hard +plant to rear, but, as things were, the wonder is that it was not killed +outright at once. We all know how large a share social influences have +in deciding what kind of reception a book or theory is to meet with; +true, these influences are not permanent, but at first they are almost +irresistible; in reality it was not the theory of descent that was +matched against that of fixity, but Lamarck against Cuvier; who can be +surprised that Cuvier for a time should have had the best of it? + +And yet it is pleasant to reflect that his triumph was not, as triumphs +go, long lived. How is Cuvier best known now? As one who missed a great +opportunity; as one who was great in small things, and stubbornly small +in great ones. Lamarck died in 1831; in 1861 descent with modification +was almost universally accepted by those most competent to form an +opinion. This result was by no means so exclusively due to Mr. Darwin’s +“Origin of Species” as is commonly believed. During the thirty years +that followed 1831 Lamarck’s opinions made more way than Darwinians are +willing to allow. Granted that in 1861 the theory was generally accepted +under the name of Darwin, not under that of Lamarck, still it was Lamarck +and not Darwin that was being accepted; it was descent, not descent with +modification by means of natural selection from among fortuitous +variations, that we carried away with us from the “Origin of Species.” +The thing triumphed whether the name was lost or not. I need not waste +the reader’s time by showing further how little weight he need attach to +the fact that Lamarckism was not immediately received with open arms by +an admiring public. The theory of descent has become accepted as +rapidly, if I am not mistaken, as the Copernican theory, or as Newton’s +theory of gravitation. + +When Professor Ray Lankester goes on to speak of the “undemonstrable +agencies” “arbitrarily asserted” to exist by Professor Semper, he is +again presuming on the ignorance of his readers. Professor Semper’s +agencies are in no way more undemonstrable than Mr. Darwin’s are. Mr. +Darwin was perfectly cogent as long as he stuck to Lamarck’s +demonstration; his arguments were sound as long as they were Lamarck’s, +or developments of, and riders upon, Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck, +and almost incredibly silly when they were his own. Fortunately the +greater part of the “Origin of Species” is devoted to proving the theory +of descent with modification, by arguments against which no exception +would have been taken by Mr. Darwin’s three great precursors, except in +so far as the variations whose accumulation results in specific +difference are supposed to be fortuitous—and, to do Mr. Darwin justice, +the fortuitousness, though always within hail, is kept as far as possible +in the background. + +“Mr. Darwin’s arguments,” says Professor Ray Lankester, “rest on the +_proved_ existence of minute, many-sided, irrelative variations _not_ +produced by directly transforming agents.” Mr. Darwin throughout the +body of the “Origin of Species” is not supposed to know what his +variations are or are not produced by; if they come, they come, and if +they do not come, they do not come. True, we have seen that in the last +paragraph of the book all this was changed, and the variations were +ascribed to the conditions of existence, and to use and disuse, but a +concluding paragraph cannot be allowed to override a whole book +throughout which the variations have been kept to hand as accidental. +Mr. Romanes is perfectly correct when he says {232a} that “natural +selection” (meaning the Charles-Darwinian natural selection) “trusts to +the chapter of accidents in the matter of variation” this is all that Mr. +Darwin can tell us; whether they come from directly transforming agents +or no he neither knows nor says. Those who accept Lamarck will know that +the agencies are not, as a rule, directly transforming, but the followers +of Mr. Darwin cannot. + +“But showing themselves,” continues Professor Ray Lankester, “at each new +act of reproduction, as part of the phenomena of heredity such minute +‘sports’ or ‘variations’ are due to constitutional disturbance” (No +doubt. The difference, however, between Mr. Darwin and Lamarck consists +in the fact that Lamarck believes he knows what it is that so disturbs +the constitution as generally to induce variation, whereas Mr. Darwin +says he does not know), “and appear not in individuals subjected to new +conditions” (What organism can pass through life without being subjected +to more or less new conditions? What life is ever the exact fac-simile +of another? And in a matter of such extreme delicacy as the adjustment +of psychical and physical relations, who can say how small a disturbance +of established equilibrium may not involve how great a rearrangement?), +“but in the offspring of all, though more freely in the offspring of +those subjected to special causes of constitutional disturbance. Mr. +Darwin has further proved that these slight variations can be transmitted +and intensified by selective breeding.” + +Mr. Darwin did, indeed, follow Buffon and Lamarck in at once turning to +animals and plants under domestication in order to bring the plasticity +of organic forms more easily home to his readers, but the fact that +variations can be transmitted and intensified by selective breeding had +been so well established and was so widely known long before Mr. Darwin +was born, that he can no more be said to have proved it than Newton can +be said to have proved the revolution of the earth on its own axis. +Every breeder throughout the world had known it for centuries. I believe +even Virgil knew it. + +“They have,” continues Professor Ray Lankester, “in reference to +breeding, a remarkably tenacious, persistent character, as might be +expected from their origin in connection with the reproductive process.” + +The variations do not normally “originate in connection with the +reproductive process,” though it is during this process that they receive +organic expression. They originate mainly, so far as anything originates +anywhere, in the life of the parent or parents. Without going so far as +to say that no variation can arise in connection with the reproductive +system—for, doubtless, striking and successful sports do occasionally so +arise—it is more probable that the majority originate earlier. Professor +Ray Lankester proceeds:— + +“On the other hand, mutilations and other effects of directly +transforming agents are rarely, if ever, transmitted.” Professor Ray +Lankester ought to know the facts better than to say that the effects of +mutilation are rarely, if ever, transmitted. The rule is, that they will +not be transmitted unless they have been followed by disease, but that +where disease has supervened they not uncommonly descend to offspring. +{234a} I know Brown-Séquard considered it to be the morbid state of the +nervous system consequent upon the mutilation that is transmitted, rather +than the immediate effects of the mutilation, but this distinction is +somewhat finely drawn. + +When Professor Ray Lankester talks about the “other effects of directly +transforming agents” being rarely transmitted, he should first show us +the directly transforming agents. Lamarck, as I have said, knows them +not. “It is little short of an absurdity,” he continues, “for people to +come forward at this epoch, when evolution is at length accepted solely +because of Mr. Darwin’s doctrine, and coolly to propose to replace that +doctrine by the old notion so often tried and rejected.” + +Whether this is an absurdity or no, Professor Lankester will do well to +learn to bear it without showing so much warmth, for it is one that is +becoming common. Evolution has been accepted not “because of” Mr. +Darwin’s doctrine, but because Mr. Darwin so fogged us about his doctrine +that we did not understand it. We thought we were backing his bill for +descent with modification, whereas we were in reality backing it for +descent with modification by means of natural selection from among +fortuitous variations. This last really is Mr. Darwin’s theory, except +in so far as it is also Mr. A. R. Wallace’s; descent, alone, is just as +much and just as little Mr. Darwin’s doctrine as it is Professor Ray +Lankester’s or mine. I grant it is in great measure through Mr. Darwin’s +books that descent has become so widely accepted; it has become so +through his books, but in spite of, rather than by reason of, his +doctrine. Indeed his doctrine was no doctrine, but only a back-door for +himself to escape by in the event of flood or fire; the flood and fire +have come; it remains to be seen how far the door will work +satisfactorily. + +Professor Ray Lankester, again, should not say that Lamarck’s doctrine +has been “so often tried and rejected.” M. Martins, in his edition of +the “Philosophie Zoologique,” {235a} said truly that Lamarck’s theory had +never yet had the honour of being seriously discussed. It never has—not +at least in connection with the name of its propounder. To mention +Lamarck’s name in the presence of the conventional English society +naturalist has always been like shaking a red rag at a cow; he is at once +infuriated; “as if it were possible,” to quote from Isidore Geoffroy St. +Hilaire, whose defence of Lamarck is one of the best things in his book, +{235b} “that so great labour on the part of so great a naturalist should +have led him to ‘a fantastic conclusion’ only—to ‘a flighty error,’ and, +as has been often said, though not written, to ‘one absurdity the more.’ +Such was the language which Lamarck heard during his protracted old age, +saddened alike by the weight of years and blindness; this was what people +did not hesitate to utter over his grave, yet barely closed, and what, +indeed, they are still saying—commonly too, without any knowledge of what +Lamarck maintained, but merely repeating at second hand bad caricatures +of his teaching. + +“When will the time come when we may see Lamarck’s theory discussed, and +I may as well at once say refuted, in some important points, with at any +rate the respect due to one of the most illustrious masters of our +science? And when will this theory, the hardihood of which has been +greatly exaggerated, become freed from the interpretations and +commentaries by the false light of which so many naturalists have formed +their opinion concerning it? If its author is to be condemned, let it, +at any rate, not be before he has been heard.” + +Lamarck was the Lazarus of biology. I wish his more fortunate brethren, +instead of intoning the old Church argument that he has “been refuted +over and over again,” would refer us to some of the best chapters in the +writers who have refuted him. My own reading has led me to become +moderately well acquainted with the literature of evolution, but I have +never come across a single attempt fairly to grapple with Lamarck, and it +is plain that neither Isidore Geoffroy nor M. Martins knows of such an +attempt any more than I do. When Professor Ray Lankester puts his finger +on Lamarck’s weak places, then, but not till then, may he complain of +those who try to replace Mr. Darwin’s doctrine by Lamarck’s. + +Professor Ray Lankester concludes his note thus:— + +“That such an attempt should be made is an illustration of a curious +weakness of humanity. Not infrequently, after a long contested cause has +triumphed, and all have yielded allegiance thereto, you will find, when +few generations have passed, that men have clean forgotten what and who +it was that made that cause triumphant, and ignorantly will set up for +honour the name of a traitor or an impostor, or attribute to a great man +as a merit deeds and thoughts which he spent a long life in opposing.” + +Exactly so; that is what one rather feels, but surely Professor Ray +Lankester should say “in trying to filch while pretending to oppose and +to amend.” He is complaining here that people persistently ascribe +Lamarck’s doctrine to Mr. Darwin. Of course they do; but, as I have +already perhaps too abundantly asked, whose fault is this? If a man +knows his own mind, and wants others to understand it, it is not often +that he is misunderstood for any length of time. If he finds he is being +misapprehended in a way he does not like, he will write another book and +make his meaning plainer. He will go on doing this for as long time as +he thinks necessary. I do not suppose, for example, that people will say +I originated the theory of descent by means of natural selection from +among fortunate accidents, or even that I was one of its supporters as a +means of modification; but if this impression were to prevail, I cannot +think I should have much difficulty in removing it. At any rate no such +misapprehension could endure for more than twenty years, during which I +continued to address a public who welcomed all I wrote, unless I myself +aided and abetted the mistake. Mr. Darwin wrote many books, but the +impression that Darwinism and evolution, or descent with modification, +are identical is still nearly as prevalent as it was soon after the +appearance of the “Origin of Species;” the reason of this is, that Mr. +Darwin was at no pains to correct us. Where, in any one of his many +later books, is there a passage which sets the matter in its true light, +and enters a protest against the misconception of which Professor Ray +Lankester complains so bitterly? The only inference from this is, that +Mr. Darwin was not displeased at our thinking him to be the originator of +the theory of descent with modification, and did not want us to know more +about Lamarck than he could help. If we wanted to know about him, we +must find out what he had said for ourselves, it was no part of Mr. +Darwin’s business to tell us; he had no interest in our catching the +distinctive difference between himself and that writer; perhaps not; but +this approaches closely to wishing us to misunderstand it. When Mr. +Darwin wished us to understand this or that, no one knew better how to +show it to us. + +We were aware, on reading the “Origin of Species,” that there was a +something about it of which we had not full hold; nevertheless we gave +Mr. Darwin our confidence at once, partly because he led off by telling +us that we must trust him to a great extent, and explained that the +present book was only an instalment of a larger work which, when it came +out, would make everything perfectly clear; partly, again, because the +case for descent with modification, which was the leading idea throughout +the book, was so obviously strong, but perhaps mainly because every one +said Mr. Darwin was so good, and so much less self-heeding than other +people; besides, he had so “patiently” and “carefully” accumulated “such +a vast store of facts” as no other naturalist, living or dead, had ever +yet even tried to get together; he was so kind to us with his, “May we +not believe?” and his “Have we any right to infer that the Creator?” &c. +“Of course we have not,” we exclaimed, almost with tears in our eyes—“not +if you ask us in that way.” Now that we understand what it was that +puzzled us in Mr. Darwin’s work we do not think highly either of the +chief offender, or of the accessories after the fact, many of whom are +trying to brazen the matter out, and on a smaller scale to follow his +example. + + + + +Chapter XVIII +Per Contra + + +“‘THE evil that men do lives after them” {239a} is happily not so true as +that the good lives after them, while the ill is buried with their bones, +and to no one does this correction of Shakespeare’s unwonted spleen apply +more fully than to Mr. Darwin. Indeed it was somewhat thus that we +treated his books even while he was alive; the good, descent, remained +with us, while the ill, the deification of luck, was forgotten as soon as +we put down his work. Let me now, therefore, as far as possible, quit +the ungrateful task of dwelling on the defects of Mr. Darwin’s work and +character, for the more pleasant one of insisting upon their better side, +and of explaining how he came to be betrayed into publishing the “Origin +of Species” without reference to the works of his predecessors. + +In the outset I would urge that it is not by any single book that Mr. +Darwin should be judged. I do not believe that any one of the three +principal works on which his reputation is founded will maintain with the +next generation the place it has acquired with ourselves; nevertheless, +if asked to say who was the man of our own times whose work had produced +the most important, and, on the whole, beneficial effect, I should +perhaps wrongly, but still both instinctively and on reflection, name him +to whom I have, unfortunately, found myself in more bitter opposition +than to any other in the whole course of my life. I refer, of course, to +Mr. Darwin. + +His claim upon us lies not so much in what is actually found within the +four corners of any one of his books, as in the fact of his having +written them at all—in the fact of his having brought out one after +another, with descent always for its keynote, until the lesson was +learned too thoroughly to make it at all likely that it will be +forgotten. Mr. Darwin wanted to move his generation, and had the +penetration to see that this is not done by saying a thing once for all +and leaving it. It almost seems as though it matters less what a man +says than the number of times he repeats it, in a more or less varied +form. It was here the author of the “Vestiges of Creation” made his most +serious mistake. He relied on new editions, and no one pays much +attention to new editions—the mark a book makes is almost always made by +its first edition. If, instead of bringing out a series of amended +editions during the fifteen years’ law which Mr. Darwin gave him, Mr. +Chambers had followed up the “Vestiges” with new book upon new book, he +would have learned much more, and, by consequence, not have been snuffed +out so easily once for all as he was in 1859 when the “Origin of Species” +appeared. + +The tenacity of purpose which appears to have been one of Mr. Darwin’s +most remarkable characteristics was visible even in his outward +appearance. He always reminded me of Raffaelle’s portrait of Pope Julius +the Second, which, indeed, would almost do for a portrait of Mr. Darwin +himself. I imagine that these two men, widely as the sphere of their +action differed, must have been like each other in more respects than +looks alone. Each, certainly, had a hand of iron; whether Pope Julius +wore a velvet glove or no, I do not know; I rather think not, for, if I +remember rightly, he boxed Michael Angelo’s ears for giving him a saucy +answer. We cannot fancy Mr. Darwin boxing any one’s ears; indeed there +can be no doubt he wore a very thick velvet glove, but the hand +underneath it was none the less of iron. It was to his tenacity of +purpose, doubtless, that his success was mainly due; but for this he must +inevitably have fallen before the many inducements to desist from the +pursuit of his main object, which beset him in the shape of ill health, +advancing years, ample private means, large demands upon his time, and a +reputation already great enough to satisfy the ambition of any ordinary +man. + +I do not gather from those who remember Mr. Darwin as a boy, and as a +young man, that he gave early signs of being likely to achieve greatness; +nor, as it seems to me, is there any sign of unusual intellectual power +to be detected in his earliest book. Opening this “almost” at random I +read—“Earthquakes alone are sufficient to destroy the prosperity of any +country. If, for instance, beneath England the now inert subterraneous +forces should exert those powers which most assuredly in former +geological ages they have exerted, how completely would the entire +condition of the country be changed! What would become of the lofty +houses, thickly-packed cities, great manufacturies (_sic_), the beautiful +public and private edifices? If the new period of disturbance were to +commence by some great earthquake in the dead of night, how terrific +would be the carnage! England would be at once bankrupt; all papers, +records, and accounts would from that moment be lost. Government being +unable to collect the taxes, and failing to maintain its authority, the +hand of violence and rapine would go uncontrolled. In every large town +famine would be proclaimed, pestilence and death following in its train.” +{240a} Great allowance should be made for a first work, and I admit that +much interesting matter is found in Mr. Darwin’s journal; still, it was +hardly to be expected that the writer who at the age of thirty-three +could publish the foregoing passage should twenty years later achieve the +reputation of being the profoundest philosopher of his time. + +I have not sufficient technical knowledge to enable me to speak +certainly, but I question his having been the great observer and master +of experiment which he is generally believed to have been. His accuracy +was, I imagine, generally to be relied upon as long as accuracy did not +come into conflict with his interests as a leader in the scientific +world; when these were at stake he was not to be trusted for a moment. +Unfortunately they were directly or indirectly at stake more often than +one could wish. His book on the action of worms, however, was shown by +Professor Paley and other writers {242a} to contain many serious errors +and omissions, though it involved no personal question; but I imagine him +to have been more or less _hébété_ when he wrote this book. On the whole +I should doubt his having been a better observer of nature than nine +country gentlemen out of ten who have a taste for natural history. + +Presumptuous as I am aware it must appear to say so, I am unable to see +more than average intellectual power even in Mr. Darwin’s later books. +His great contribution to science is supposed to have been the theory of +natural selection, but enough has been said to show that this, if +understood as he ought to have meant it to be understood, cannot be rated +highly as an intellectual achievement. His other most important +contribution was his provisional theory of pan-genesis, which is admitted +on all hands to have been a failure. Though, however, it is not likely +that posterity will consider him as a man of transcendent intellectual +power, he must be admitted to have been richly endowed with a much more +valuable quality than either originality or literary power—I mean with +_savoir faire_. The cards he held—and, on the whole, his hand was a good +one—he played with judgment; and though not one of those who would have +achieved greatness under any circumstances, he nevertheless did achieve +greatness of no mean order. Greatness, indeed, of the highest kind—that +of one who is without fear and without reproach—will not ultimately be +allowed him, but greatness of a rare kind can only be denied him by those +whose judgment is perverted by temper or personal ill-will. He found the +world believing in fixity of species, and left it believing—in spite of +his own doctrine—in descent with modification. + +I have said on an earlier page that Mr. Darwin was heir to a discredited +truth, and left behind him an accredited fallacy. This is true as +regards men of science and cultured classes who understood his +distinctive feature, or thought they did, and so long as Mr. Darwin lived +accepted it with very rare exceptions; but it is not true as regards the +unreading, unreflecting public, who seized the salient point of descent +with modification only, and troubled themselves little about the +distinctive feature. It would almost seem as if Mr. Darwin had reversed +the usual practice of philosophers and given his esoteric doctrine to the +world, while reserving the exoteric for his most intimate and faithful +adherents. This, however, is a detail; the main fact is, that Mr. Darwin +brought us all round to evolution. True, it was Mr. Darwin backed by the +_Times_ and the other most influential organs of science and culture, but +it was one of Mr. Darwin’s great merits to have developed and organised +this backing, as part of the work which he knew was essential if so great +a revolution was to be effected. + +This is an exceedingly difficult and delicate thing to do. If people +think they need only write striking and well-considered books, and that +then the _Times_ will immediately set to work to call attention to them, +I should advise them not to be too hasty in basing action upon this +hypothesis. I should advise them to be even less hasty in basing it upon +the assumption that to secure a powerful literary backing is a matter +within the compass of any one who chooses to undertake it. No one who +has not a strong social position should ever advance a new theory, unless +a life of hard fighting is part of what he lays himself out for. It was +one of Mr. Darwin’s great merits that he had a strong social position, +and had the good sense to know how to profit by it. The magnificent feat +which he eventually achieved was unhappily tarnished by much that +detracts from the splendour that ought to have attended it, but a +magnificent feat it must remain. + +Whose work in this imperfect world is not tarred and tarnished by +something that detracts from its ideal character? It is enough that a +man should be the right man in the right place, and this Mr. Darwin +pre-eminently was. If he had been more like the ideal character which +Mr. Allen endeavours to represent him, it is not likely that he would +have been able to do as much, or nearly as much, as he actually did; he +would have been too wide a cross with his generation to produce much +effect upon it. Original thought is much more common than is generally +believed. Most people, if they only knew it, could write a good book or +play, paint a good picture, compose a fine oratorio; but it takes an +unusually able person to get the book well reviewed, persuade a manager +to bring the play out, sell the picture, or compass the performance of +the oratorio; indeed, the more vigorous and original any one of these +things may be, the more difficult will it prove to even bring it before +the notice of the public. The error of most original people is in being +just a trifle too original. It was in his business qualities—and these, +after all, are the most essential to success, that Mr. Darwin showed +himself so superlative. These are not only the most essential to +success, but it is only by blaspheming the world in a way which no good +citizen of the world will do, that we can deny them to be the ones which +should most command our admiration. We are in the world; surely so long +as we are in it we should be of it, and not give ourselves airs as though +we were too good for our generation, and would lay ourselves out to +please any other by preference. Mr. Darwin played for his own +generation, and he got in the very amplest measure the recognition which +he endeavoured, as we all do, to obtain. + +His success was, no doubt, in great measure due to the fact that he knew +our little ways, and humoured them; but if he had not had little ways of +his own, he never could have been so much _au fait_ with ours. He knew, +for example, we should be pleased to hear that he had taken his boots off +so as not to disturb his worms when watching them by night, so he told us +of this, and we were delighted. He knew we should like his using the +word “sag,” so he used it, {245a} and we said it was beautiful. True, he +used it wrongly, for he was writing about tesselated pavement, and +builders assure me that “sag” is a word which applies to timber only, but +this is not to the point; the point was, that Mr. Darwin should have used +a word that we did not understand; this showed that he had a vast fund of +knowledge at his command about all sorts of practical details with which +he might have well been unacquainted. We do not deal the same measure to +man and to the lower animals in the matter of intelligence; the less we +understand these last, the less, we say, not we, but they can understand; +whereas the less we can understand a man, the more intelligent we are apt +to think him. No one should neglect by-play of this description; if I +live to be strong enough to carry it through, I mean to play “cambre,” +and I shall spell it “camber.” I wonder Mr. Darwin never abused this +word. Laugh at him, however, as we may for having said “sag,” if he had +not been the kind of man to know the value of these little hits, neither +would he have been the kind of man to persuade us into first tolerating, +and then cordially accepting, descent with modification. There is a +correlation of mental as well as of physical growth, and we could not +probably have had one set of Mr. Darwin’s qualities without the other. +If he had been more faultless, he might have written better books, but we +should have listened worse. A book’s prosperity is like a jest’s—in the +ear of him that hears it. + +Mr. Spencer would not—at least one cannot think he would—have been able +to effect the revolution which will henceforth doubtless be connected +with Mr. Darwin’s name. He had been insisting on evolution for some +years before the “Origin of Species” came out, but he might as well have +preached to the winds, for all the visible effect that had been produced. +On the appearance of Mr. Darwin’s book the effect was instantaneous; it +was like the change in the condition of a patient when the right medicine +has been hit on after all sorts of things have been tried and failed. +Granted that it was comparatively easy for Mr. Darwin, as having been +born into the household of one of the prophets of evolution, to arrive at +conclusions about the fixity of species which, if not so born, he might +never have reached at all; this does not make it any easier for him to +have got others to agree with him. Any one, again, may have money left +him, or run up against it, or have it run up against him, as it does +against some people, but it is only a very sensible person who does not +lose it. Moreover, once begin to go behind achievement and there is an +end of everything. Did the world give much heed to or believe in +evolution before Mr. Darwin’s time? Certainly not. Did we begin to +attend and be persuaded soon after Mr. Darwin began to write? Certainly +yes. Did we ere long go over _en masse_? Assuredly. If, as I said in +“Life and Habit,” any one asks who taught the world to believe in +evolution, the answer to the end of time must be that it was Mr. Darwin. +And yet the more his work is looked at, the more marvellous does its +success become. It seems as if some organisms can do anything with +anything. Beethoven picked his teeth with the snuffers, and seems to +have picked them sufficiently to his satisfaction. So Mr. Darwin with +one of the worst styles imaginable did all that the clearest, tersest +writer could have done. Strange, that such a master of cunning (in the +sense of my title) should have been the apostle of luck, and one so +terribly unlucky as Lamarck, of cunning, but such is the irony of nature. +Buffon planted, Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck watered, but it was Mr. Darwin +who said, “That fruit is ripe,” and shook it into his lap. + +With this Mr. Darwin’s best friends ought to be content; his admirers are +not well advised in representing him as endowed with all sorts of +qualities which he was very far from possessing. Thus it is pretended +that he was one of those men who were ever on the watch for new ideas, +ever ready to give a helping hand to those who were trying to advance our +knowledge, ever willing to own to a mistake and give up even his most +cherished ideas if truth required them at his hands. No conception can +be more wantonly inexact. I grant that if a writer was sufficiently at +once incompetent and obsequious Mr. Darwin was “ever ready,” &c. So the +Emperors of Austria wash a few poor people’s feet on some one of the +festivals of the Church, but it would not be safe to generalise from this +yearly ceremony, and conclude that the Emperors of Austria are in the +habit of washing poor people’s feet. I can understand Mr. Darwin’s not +having taken any public notice, for example, of “Life and Habit,” for +though I did not attack him in force in that book, it was abundantly +clear that an attack could not be long delayed, and a man may be pardoned +for not doing anything to advertise the works of his opponents; but there +is no excuse for his never having referred to Professor Hering’s work +either in “Nature,” when Professor Ray Lankester first called attention +to it (July 13, 1876), or in some one of his subsequent books. If his +attitude towards those who worked in the same field as himself had been +the generous one which his admirers pretend, he would have certainly come +forward, not necessarily as adopting Professor Hering’s theory, but still +as helping it to obtain a hearing. + +His not having done so is of a piece with his silence about Buffon, +Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck in the early editions of the “Origin of +Species,” and with the meagre reference to them which is alone found in +the later ones. It is of a piece also with the silence which Mr. Darwin +invariably maintained when he saw his position irretrievably damaged, as, +for example, by Mr. Spencer’s objection already referred to, and by the +late Professor Fleeming Jenkin in the _North British Review_ (June 1867). +Science, after all, should form a kingdom which is more or less not of +this world. The ideal scientist should know neither self nor friend nor +foe—he should be able to hob-nob with those whom he most vehemently +attacks, and to fly at the scientific throat of those to whom he is +personally most attached; he should be neither grateful for a favourable +review nor displeased at a hostile one; his literary and scientific life +should be something as far apart as possible from his social; it is thus, +at least, alone that any one will be able to keep his eye single for +facts, and their legitimate inferences. We have seen Professor Mivart +lately taken to task by Mr. Romanes for having said {248a} that Mr. +Darwin was singularly sensitive to criticism, and made it impossible for +Professor Mivart to continue friendly personal relations with him after +he had ventured to maintain his own opinion. I see no reason to question +Professor Mivart’s accuracy, and find what he has said to agree alike +with my own personal experience of Mr. Darwin, and with all the light +that his works throw upon his character. + +The most substantial apology that can be made for his attempt to claim +the theory of descent with modification is to be found in the practice of +Lamarck, Mr. Patrick Matthew, the author of the “Vestiges of Creation,” +and Mr. Herbert Spencer, and, again, in the total absence of complaint +which this practice met with. If Lamarck might write the “Philosophie +Zoologique” without, so far as I remember, one word of reference to +Buffon, and without being complained of, why might not Mr. Darwin write +the “Origin of Species” without more than a passing allusion to Lamarck? +Mr. Patrick Matthew, again, though writing what is obviously a _résumé_ +of the evolutionary theories of his time, makes no mention of Lamarck, +Erasmus Darwin, or Buffon. I have not the original edition of the +“Vestiges of Creation” before me, but feel sure I am justified in saying +that it claimed to be a more or less Minerva-like work, that sprang full +armed from the brain of Mr. Chambers himself. This at least is how it +was received by the public; and, however violent the opposition it met +with, I cannot find that its author was blamed for not having made +adequate mention of Lamarck. When Mr. Spencer wrote his first essay on +evolution in the _Leader_ (March 20, 1852) he did indeed begin his +argument, “Those who cavalierly reject the doctrine of Lamarck,” &c., so +that his essay purports to be written in support of Lamarck; but when he +republished his article in 1858, the reference to Lamarck was cut out. + +I make no doubt that it was the bad example set him by the writers named +in the preceding paragraph which betrayed Mr. Darwin into doing as they +did, but being more conscientious than they, he could not bring himself +to do it without having satisfied himself that he had got hold of a more +or less distinctive feature, and this, of course, made matters worse. +The distinctive feature was not due to any deep-laid plan for +pitchforking mind out of the universe, or as part of a scheme of +materialistic philosophy, though it has since been made to play an +important part in the attempt to further this; Mr. Darwin was perfectly +innocent of any intention of getting rid of mind, and did not, probably, +care the toss of sixpence whether the universe was instinct with mind or +no—what he did care about was carrying off the palm in the matter of +descent with modification, and the distinctive feature was an adjunct +with which his nervous, sensitive, Gladstonian nature would not allow him +to dispense. + +And why, it may be asked, should not the palm be given to Mr. Darwin if +he wanted it, and was at so much pains to get it? Why, if science is a +kingdom not of this world, make so much fuss about settling who is +entitled to what? At best such questions are of a sorry personal nature, +that can have little bearing upon facts, and it is these that alone +should concern us. The answer is, that if the question is so merely +personal and unimportant, Mr. Darwin may as well yield as Buffon, Erasmus +Darwin, and Lamarck; Mr. Darwin’s admirers find no difficulty in +appreciating the importance of a personal element as far as he is +concerned; let them not wonder, then, if others, while anxious to give +him the laurels to which he is entitled, are somewhat indignant at the +attempt to crown him with leaves that have been filched from the brows of +the great dead who went before him. _Palmam qui meruit ferat_. The +instinct which tells us that no man in the scientific or literary world +should claim more than his due is an old and, I imagine, a wholesome one, +and if a scientific self-denying ordinance is demanded, we may reply with +justice, _Que messieurs les Charles-Darwinies commencent_. Mr. Darwin +will have a crown sufficient for any ordinary brow remaining in the +achievement of having done more than any other writer, living or dead, to +popularise evolution. This much may be ungrudgingly conceded to him, but +more than this those who have his scientific position most at heart will +be well advised if they cease henceforth to demand. + + + + +Chapter XIX +Conclusion + + +AND now I bring this book to a conclusion. So many things requiring +attention have happened since it was begun that I leave it in a very +different shape to the one which it was originally intended to bear. I +have omitted much that I had meant to deal with, and have been tempted +sometimes to introduce matter the connection of which with my subject is +not immediately apparent. Such however, as the book is, it must now go +in the form into which it has grown almost more in spite of me than from +_malice prepense_ on my part. I was afraid that it might thus set me at +defiance, and in an early chapter expressed a doubt whether I should find +it redound greatly to my advantage with men of science; in this +concluding chapter I may say that doubt has deepened into something like +certainty. I regret this, but cannot help it. + +Among the points with which it was most incumbent upon me to deal was +that of vegetable intelligence. A reader may well say that unless I give +plants much the same sense of pleasure and pain, memory, power of will, +and intelligent perception of the best way in which to employ their +opportunities that I give to low animals, my argument falls to the +ground. If I declare organic modification to be mainly due to function, +and hence in the closest correlation with mental change, I must give +plants, as well as animals, a mind, and endow them with power to reflect +and reason upon all that most concerns them. Many who will feel little +difficulty about admitting that animal modification is upon the whole +mainly due to the secular cunning of the animals themselves will yet +hesitate before they admit that plants also can have a reason and cunning +of their own. + +Unwillingness to concede this is based principally upon the error +concerning intelligence to which I have already referred—I mean to our +regarding intelligence not so much as the power of understanding as that +of being understood by ourselves. Once admit that the evidence in favour +of a plant’s knowing its own business depends more on the efficiency with +which that business is conducted than either on our power of +understanding how it can be conducted, or on any signs on the plant’s +part of a capacity for understanding things that do not concern it, and +there will be no further difficulty about supposing that in its own +sphere a plant is just as intelligent as an animal, and keeps a sharp +look-out upon its own interests, however indifferent it may seem to be to +ours. So strong has been the set of recent opinion in this direction +that with botanists the foregoing now almost goes without saying, though +few five years ago would have accepted it. + +To no one of the several workers in this field are we more indebted for +the change which has been brought about in this respect than to my late +valued and lamented friend Mr. Alfred Tylor. Mr. Tylor was not the +discoverer of the protoplasmic continuity that exists in plants, but he +was among the very first to welcome this discovery, and his experiments +at Carshalton in the years 1883 and 1884 demonstrated that, whether there +was protoplasmic continuity in plants or no, they were at any rate +endowed with some measure of reason, forethought, and power of +self-adaptation to varying surroundings. It is not for me to give the +details of these experiments. I had the good fortune to see them more +than once while they were in progress, and was present when they were +made the subject of a paper read by Mr. Sydney B. J. Skertchly before the +Linnean Society, Mr. Tylor being then too ill to read it himself. The +paper has since been edited by Mr. Skertchly, and published. {253a} +Anything that should be said further about it will come best from Mr. +Skertchly; it will be enough here if I give the _résumé_ of it prepared +by Mr. Tylor himself. + +In this Mr. Tylor said:—“The principles which underlie this paper are the +individuality of plants, the necessity for some co-ordinating system to +enable the parts to act in concert, and the probability that this also +necessitates the admission that plants have a dim sort of intelligence. + +“It is shown that a tree, for example, is something more than an +aggregation of tissues, but is a complex being performing acts as a +whole, and not merely responsive to the direct influence of light, &c. +The tree knows more than its branches, as the species know more than the +individual, the community than the unit. + +“Moreover, inasmuch as my experiments show that many plants and trees +possess the power of adapting themselves to unfamiliar circumstances, +such as, for instance, avoiding obstacles by bending aside before +touching, or by altering the leaf arrangement, it seems probable that at +least as much voluntary power must be accorded to such plants as to +certain lowly organised animals. + +“Finally, a connecting system by means of which combined movements take +place is found in the threads of protoplasm which unite the various +cells, and which I have now shown to exist even in the wood of trees. + +“One of the important facts seems to be the universality of the upward +curvature of the tips of growing branches of trees, and the power +possessed by the tree to straighten its branches afterwards, so that new +growth shall by similar means be able to obtain the necessary light and +air. + +“A house, to use a sanitary analogy, is functionally useless without it +obtains a good supply of light and air. The architect strives so to +produce the house as to attain this end, and still leave the house +comfortable. But the house, though dependent upon, is not produced by, +the light and air. So a tree is functionally useless, and cannot even +exist without a proper supply of light and air; but, whereas it has been +the custom to ascribe the heliotropic and other motions to the direct +influence of those agents, I would rather suggest that the movements are +to some extent due to the desire of the plant to acquire its necessaries +of life.” + +The more I have reflected upon Mr. Tylor’s Carshalton experiments, the +more convinced I am of their great value. No one, indeed, ought to have +doubted that plants were intelligent, but we all of us do much that we +ought not to do, and Mr. Tylor supplied a demonstration which may be +henceforth authoritatively appealed to. + +I will take the present opportunity of insisting upon a suggestion which +I made in “Alps and Sanctuaries” (New edition, pp. 152, 153), with which +Mr. Tylor was much pleased, and which, at his request, I made the subject +of a few words that I ventured to say at the Linnean Society’s rooms +after his paper had been read. “Admitting,” I said, “the common +protoplasmic origin of animals and plants, and setting aside the notion +that plants preceded animals, we are still faced by the problem why +protoplasm should have developed into the organic life of the world, +along two main lines, and only two—the animal and the vegetable. Why, if +there was an early schism—and this there clearly was—should there not +have been many subsequent ones of equal importance? We see innumerable +sub-divisions of animals and plants, but we see no other such great +subdivision of organic life as that whereby it ranges itself, for the +most part readily, as either animal or vegetable. Why any +subdivision?—but if any, why not more than two great classes?” + +The two main stems of the tree of life ought, one would think, to have +been formed on the same principle as the boughs which represent genera, +and the twigs which stand for species and varieties. If specific +differences arise mainly from differences of action taken in consequence +of differences of opinion, then, so ultimately do generic; so, therefore, +again, do differences between families; so therefore, by analogy, should +that greatest of differences in virtue of which the world of life is +mainly animal, or vegetable. In this last case as much as in that of +specific difference, we ought to find divergent form the embodiment and +organic expression of divergent opinion. Form is mind made manifest in +flesh through action: shades of mental difference being expressed in +shades of physical difference, while broad fundamental differences of +opinion are expressed in broad fundamental differences of bodily shape. + +Or to put it thus:— + +If form and habit be regarded as functionally interdependent, that is to +say, if neither form nor habit can vary without corresponding variation +in the other, and if habit and opinion concerning advantage are also +functionally interdependent, it follows self-evidently that form and +opinion concerning advantage (and hence form and cunning) will be +functionally interdependent also, and that there can be no great +modification of the one without corresponding modification of the other. +Let there, then, be a point in respect of which opinion might be early +and easily divided—a point in respect of which two courses involving +different lines of action presented equally-balanced advantages—and there +would be an early subdivision of primordial life, according as the one +view or the other was taken. + +It is obvious that the pros and cons for either course must be supposed +very nearly equal, otherwise the course which presented the fewest +advantages would be attended with the probable gradual extinction of the +organised beings that adopted it, but there being supposed two possible +modes of action very evenly balanced as regards advantage and +disadvantages, then the ultimate appearance of two corresponding forms of +life is a _sequitur_ from the admission that form varies as function, and +function as opinion concerning advantage. If there are three, four, +five, or six such opinions tenable, we ought to have three, four, five, +or six main subdivisions of life. As things are, we have two only. Can +we, then, see a matter on which opinion was likely to be easily and early +divided into two, and only two, main divisions—no third course being +conceivable? If so, this should suggest itself as the probable source +from which the two main forms of organic life have been derived. + +I submit that we can see such a matter in the question whether it pays +better to sit still and make the best of what comes in one’s way, or to +go about in search of what one can find. Of course we, as animals, +naturally hold that it is better to go about in search of what we can +find than to sit still and make the best of what comes; but there is +still so much to be said on the other side, that many classes of animals +have settled down into sessile habits, while a perhaps even larger number +are, like spiders, habitual liers in wait rather than travellers in +search of food. I would ask my reader, therefore, to see the opinion +that it is better to go in search of prey as formulated, and finding its +organic expression, in animals; and the other—that it is better to be +ever on the look-out to make the best of what chance brings up to them—in +plants. Some few intermediate forms still record to us the long struggle +during which the schism was not yet complete, and the halting between two +opinions which it might be expected that some organisms should exhibit. + +“Neither class,” I said in “Alps and Sanctuaries,” “has been quite +consistent. Who ever is or can be? Every extreme—every opinion carried +to its logical end—will prove to be an absurdity. Plants throw out roots +and boughs and leaves; this is a kind of locomotion; and, as Dr. Erasmus +Darwin long since pointed out, they do sometimes approach nearly to what +may be called travelling; a man of consistent character will never look +at a bough, a root, or a tendril without regarding it as a melancholy and +unprincipled compromise” (New edition, p. 153). + +Having called attention to this view, and commended it to the +consideration of my readers, I proceed to another which should not have +been left to be touched upon only in a final chapter, and which, indeed, +seems to require a book to itself—I refer to the origin and nature of the +feelings, which those who accept volition as having had a large share in +organic modification must admit to have had a no less large share in the +formation of volition. Volition grows out of ideas, ideas from feelings. +What, then, is feeling, and the subsequent mental images or ideas? + +The image of a stone formed in our minds is no representation of the +object which has given rise to it. Not only, as has been often remarked, +is there no resemblance between the particular thought and the particular +thing, but thoughts and things generally are too unlike to be compared. +An idea of a stone may be like an idea of another stone, or two stones +may be like one another; but an idea of a stone is not like a stone; it +cannot be thrown at anything, it occupies no room in space, has no +specific gravity, and when we come to know more about stones, we find our +ideas concerning them to be but rude, epitomised, and highly conventional +renderings of the actual facts, mere hieroglyphics, in fact, or, as it +were, counters or bank-notes, which serve to express and to convey +commodities with which they have no pretence of analogy. + +Indeed we daily find that, as the range of our perceptions becomes +enlarged either by invention of new appliances or after use of old ones, +we change our ideas though we have no reason to think that the thing +about which we are thinking has changed. In the case of a stone, for +instance, the rude, unassisted, uneducated senses see it as above all +things motionless, whereas assisted and trained ideas concerning it +represent motion as its most essential characteristic; but the stone has +not changed. So, again, the uneducated idea represents it as above all +things mindless, and is as little able to see mind in connection with it +as it lately was to see motion; it will be no greater change of opinion +than we have most of us undergone already if we come presently to see it +as no less full of elementary mind than of elementary motion, but the +stone will not have changed. + +The fact that we modify our opinions suggests that our ideas are formed +not so much in involuntary self-adjusting mimetic correspondence with the +objects that we believe to give rise to them, as by what was in the +outset voluntary, conventional arrangement in whatever way we found +convenient, of sensation and perception-symbols, which had nothing +whatever to do with the objects, and were simply caught hold of as the +only things we could grasp. It would seem as if, in the first instance, +we must have arbitrarily attached some one of the few and vague +sensations which we could alone at first command, to certain motions of +outside things as echoed by our brain, and used them to think and feel +the things with, so as to docket them, and recognise them with greater +force, certainty, and clearness—much as we use words to help us to docket +and grasp our feelings and thoughts, or written characters to help us to +docket and grasp our words. + +If this view be taken we stand in much the same attitude towards our +feelings as a dog may be supposed to do towards our own reading and +writing. The dog may be supposed to marvel at the wonderful instinctive +faculty by which we can tell the price of the different railway stocks +merely by looking at a sheet of paper; he supposes this power to be a +part of our nature, to have come of itself by luck and not by cunning, +but a little reflection will show that feeling is not more likely to have +“come by nature” than reading and writing are. Feeling is in all +probability the result of the same kind of slow laborious development as +that which has attended our more recent arts and our bodily organs; its +development must be supposed to have followed the same lines as that of +our other arts, and indeed of the body itself, which is the _ars +artium_—for growth of mind is throughout coincident with growth of +organic resources, and organic resources grow with growing mind. + +Feeling is the art the possession of which differentiates the civilised +organic world from that of brute inorganic matter, but still it is an +art; it is the outcome of a mind that is common both to organic and +inorganic, and which the organic has alone cultivated. It is not a part +of mind itself; it is no more this than language and writing are parts of +thought. The organic world can alone feel, just as man can alone speak; +but as speech is only the development of powers the germs of which are +possessed by the lower animals, so feeling is only a sign of the +employment and development of powers the germs of which exist in +inorganic substances. It has all the characteristics of an art, and +though it must probably rank as the oldest of those arts that are +peculiar to the organic world, it is one which is still in process of +development. None of us, indeed, can feel well on more than a very few +subjects, and many can hardly feel at all. + +But, however this may be, our sensations and perceptions of material +phenomena are attendant on the excitation of certain motions in the +anterior parts of the brain. Whenever certain motions are excited in +this substance, certain sensations and ideas of resistance, extension, +&c., are either concomitant, or ensue within a period too brief for our +cognisance. It is these sensations and ideas that we directly cognise, +and it is to them that we have attached the idea of the particular kind +of matter we happen to be thinking of. As this idea is not like the +thing itself, so neither is it like the motions in our brain on which it +is attendant. It is no more like these than, say, a stone is like the +individual characters, written or spoken, that form the word “stone,” or +than these last are, in sound, like the word “stone” itself, whereby the +idea of a stone is so immediately and vividly presented to us. True, +this does not involve that our idea shall not resemble the object that +gave rise to it, any more than the fact that a looking-glass bears no +resemblance to the things reflected in it involves that the reflection +shall not resemble the things reflected; the shifting nature, however, of +our ideas and conceptions is enough to show that they must be symbolical, +and conditioned by changes going on within ourselves as much as by those +outside us; and if, going behind the ideas which suffice for daily use, +we extend our inquiries in the direction of the reality underlying our +conception, we find reason to think that the brain-motions which attend +our conception correspond with exciting motions in the object that +occasions it, and that these, rather than anything resembling our +conception itself, should be regarded as the reality. + +This leads to a third matter, on which I can only touch with extreme +brevity. + +Different modes of motion have long been known as the causes of our +different colour perceptions, or at any rate as associated therewith, and +of late years, more especially since the promulgation of Newlands’ {260a} +law, it has been perceived that what we call the kinds or properties of +matter are not less conditioned by motion than colour is. The substance +or essence of unconditioned matter, as apart from the relations between +its various states (which we believe to be its various conditions of +motion) must remain for ever unknown to us, for it is only the relations +between the conditions of the underlying substance that we cognise at +all, and where there are no conditions, there is nothing for us to seize, +compare, and, hence, cognise; unconditioned matter must, therefore, be as +inconceivable by us as unmattered condition; {261a} but though we can +know nothing about matter as apart from its conditions or states, opinion +has been for some time tending towards the belief that what we call the +different states, or kinds, of matter are only our ways of mentally +characterising and docketing our estimates of the different kinds of +motion going on in this otherwise uncognisable substratum. + +Our conception, then, concerning the nature of any matter depends solely +upon its kind and degree of unrest, that is to say, on the +characteristics of the vibrations that are going on within it. The +exterior object vibrating in a certain way imparts some of its vibrations +to our brain—but if the state of the thing itself depends upon its +vibrations, it must be considered as to all intents and purposes the +vibrations themselves—plus, of course, the underlying substance that is +vibrating. If, for example, a pat of butter is a portion of the +unknowable underlying substance in such-and-such a state of molecular +disturbance, and it is only by alteration of the disturbance that the +substance can be altered—the disturbance of the substance is practically +equivalent to the substance: a pat of butter is such-and-such a +disturbance of the unknowable underlying substance, and such-and-such a +disturbance of the underlying substance is a pat of butter. In +communicating its vibrations, therefore, to our brain a substance does +actually communicate what is, as far as we are concerned, a portion of +itself. Our perception of a thing and its attendant feeling are symbols +attaching to an introduction within our brain of a feeble state of the +thing itself. Our recollection of it is occasioned by a feeble +continuance of this feeble state in our brains, becoming less feeble +through the accession of fresh but similar vibrations from without. The +molecular vibrations which make the thing an idea of which is conveyed to +our minds, put within our brain a little feeble emanation from the thing +itself—if we come within their reach. This being once put there, will +remain as it were dust, till dusted out, or till it decay, or till it +receive accession of new vibrations. + +The vibrations from a pat of butter do, then, actually put butter into a +man’s head. This is one of the commonest of expressions, and would +hardly be so common if it were not felt to have some foundation in fact. +At first the man does not know what feeling or complex of feelings to +employ so as to docket the vibrations, any more than he knows what word +to employ so as to docket the feelings, or with what written characters +to docket his word; but he gets over this, and henceforward the +vibrations of the exterior object (that is to say, the thing) never set +up their characteristic disturbances, or, in other words, never come into +his head, without the associated feeling presenting itself as readily as +word and characters present themselves, on the presence of the feeling. +The more butter a man sees and handles, the more he gets butter on the +brain—till, though he can never get anything like enough to be strictly +called butter, it only requires the slightest molecular disturbance with +characteristics like those of butter to bring up a vivid and highly +sympathetic idea of butter in the man’s mind. + +If this view is adopted, our memory of a thing is our retention within +the brain of a small leaven of the actual thing itself, or of what _quâ_ +us is the thing that is remembered, and the ease with which habitual +actions come to be performed is due to the power of the vibrations having +been increased and modified by continual accession from without till they +modify the molecular disturbances of the nervous system, and therefore +its material substance, which we have already settled to be only our way +of docketing molecular disturbances. The same vibrations, therefore, +form the substance remembered, introduce an infinitesimal dose of it +within the brain, modify the substance remembering, and, in the course of +time, create and further modify the mechanism of both the sensory and +motor nerves. Thought and thing are one. + +I commend these two last speculations to the reader’s charitable +consideration, as feeling that I am here travelling beyond the ground on +which I can safely venture; nevertheless, as it may be some time before I +have another opportunity of coming before the public, I have thought it, +on the whole, better not to omit them, but to give them thus +provisionally. I believe they are both substantially true, but am by no +means sure that I have expressed them either clearly or accurately; I +cannot, however, further delay the issue of my book. + +Returning to the point raised in my title, is luck, I would ask, or +cunning, the more fitting matter to be insisted upon in connection with +organic modification? Do animals and plants grow into conformity with +their surroundings because they and their fathers and mothers take pains, +or because their uncles and aunts go away? For the survival of the +fittest is only the non-survival or going away of the unfittest—in whose +direct line the race is not continued, and who are therefore only uncles +and aunts of the survivors. I can quite understand its being a good +thing for any race that its uncles and aunts should go away, but I do not +believe the accumulation of lucky accidents could result in an eye, no +matter how many uncles and aunts may have gone away during how many +generations. + +I would ask the reader to bear in mind the views concerning life and +death expressed in an early chapter. They seem to me not, indeed, to +take away any very considerable part of the sting from death; this should +not be attempted or desired, for with the sting of death the sweets of +life are inseparably bound up so that neither can be weakened without +damaging the other. Weaken the fear of death, and the love of life would +be weakened. Strengthen it, and we should cling to life even more +tenaciously than we do. But though death must always remain as a shock +and change of habits from which we must naturally shrink—still it is not +the utter end of our being, which, until lately, it must have seemed to +those who have been unable to accept the grosser view of the resurrection +with which we were familiarised in childhood. We too now know that +though worms destroy this body, yet in our flesh shall we so far see God +as to be still in Him and of Him—biding our time for a resurrection in a +new and more glorious body; and, moreover, that we shall be to the full +as conscious of this as we are at present of much that concerns us as +closely as anything can concern us. + +The thread of life cannot be shorn between successive generations, except +upon grounds which will in equity involve its being shorn between +consecutive seconds, and fractions of seconds. On the other hand, it +cannot be left unshorn between consecutive seconds without necessitating +that it should be left unshorn also beyond the grave, as well as in +successive generations. Death is as salient a feature in what we call +our life as birth was, but it is no more than this. As a salient +feature, it is a convenient epoch for the drawing of a defining line, by +the help of which we may better grasp the conception of life, and think +it more effectually, but it is a _façon de parler_ only; it is, as I said +in “Life and Habit,” {264a} “the most inexorable of all conventions,” but +our idea of it has no correspondence with eternal underlying realities. + +Finally, we must have evolution; consent is too spontaneous, instinctive, +and universal among those most able to form an opinion, to admit of +further doubt about this. We must also have mind and design. The +attempt to eliminate intelligence from among the main agencies of the +universe has broken down too signally to be again ventured upon—not until +the recent rout has been forgotten. Nevertheless the old, far-foreseeing +_Deus ex machinâ_ design as from a point outside the universe, which +indeed it directs, but of which it is no part, is negatived by the facts +of organism. What, then, remains, but the view that I have again in this +book endeavoured to uphold—I mean, the supposition that the mind or +cunning of which we see such abundant evidence all round us, is, like the +kingdom of heaven, within us, and within all things at all times +everywhere? There is design, or cunning, but it is a cunning not +despotically fashioning us from without as a potter fashions his clay, +but inhering democratically within the body which is its highest outcome, +as life inheres within an animal or plant. + +All animals and plants are corporations, or forms of democracy, and may +be studied by the light of these, as democracies, not infrequently, by +that of animals and plants. The solution of the difficult problem of +reflex action, for example, is thus facilitated, by supposing it to be +departmental in character; that is to say, by supposing it to be action +of which the department that attends to it is alone cognisant, and which +is not referred to the central government so long as things go normally. +As long, therefore, as this is the case, the central government is +unconscious of what is going on, but its being thus unconscious is no +argument that the department is unconscious also. + +I know that contradiction in terms lurks within much that I have said, +but the texture of the world is a warp and woof of contradiction in +terms; of continuity in discontinuity, and discontinuity in continuity; +of unity in diversity, and of diversity in unity. As in the development +of a fugue, where, when the subject and counter subject have been +enounced, there must henceforth be nothing new, and yet all must be new, +so throughout organic life—which is as a fugue developed to great length +from a very simple subject—everything is linked on to and grows out of +that which comes next to it in order—errors and omissions excepted. It +crosses and thwarts what comes next to it with difference that involves +resemblance, and resemblance that involves difference, and there is no +juxtaposition of things that differ too widely by omission of necessary +links, or too sudden departure from recognised methods of procedure. + +To conclude; bodily form may be almost regarded as idea and memory in a +solidified state—as an accumulation of things each one of them so tenuous +as to be practically without material substance. It is as a million +pounds formed by accumulated millionths of farthings; more compendiously +it arises normally from, and through, action. Action arises normally +from, and through, opinion. Opinion, from, and through, hypothesis. +“Hypothesis,” as the derivation of the word itself shows, is singularly +near akin to “underlying, and only in part knowable, substratum;” and +what is this but “God” translated from the language of Moses into that of +Mr. Herbert Spencer? The conception of God is like nature—it returns to +us in another shape, no matter how often we may expel it. Vulgarised as +it has been by Michael Angelo, Raffaelle, and others who shall be +nameless, it has been like every other _corruptio optimi—pessimum_: used +as a hieroglyph by the help of which we may better acknowledge the height +and depth of our own ignorance, and at the same time express our sense +that there is an unseen world with which we in some mysterious way come +into contact, though the writs of our thoughts do not run within it—used +in this way, the idea and the word have been found enduringly convenient. +The theory that luck is the main means of organic modification is the +most absolute denial of God which it is possible for the human mind to +conceive—while the view that God is in all His creatures, He in them and +they in Him, is only expressed in other words by declaring that the main +means of organic modification is, not luck, but cunning. + + + + +Footnotes + + +{17a} “_Nature_,” Nov. 12, 1885. + +{20a} “Hist. Nat. Gén.,” tom. ii. p. 411, 1859. + +{23a} “Selections, &c.” Trübner & Co., 1884. [Out of print.] + +{29a} “Selections, &c., and Remarks on Romanes’ ‘Mental Intelligence in +Animals,’” Trübner & Co., 1884. pp. 228, 229. [Out of print.] + +{35a} Quoted by M. Vianna De Lima in his “Exposé Sommaire,” &c., p. 6. +Paris, Delagrave, 1886. + +{40a} I have given the passage in full on p. 254a of my “Selections,” +&c. [Now out of print.] I observe that Canon Kingsley felt exactly the +same difficulty that I had felt myself, and saw also how alone it could +be met. He makes the wood-wren say, “Something told him his mother had +done it before him, and he was flesh of her flesh, life of her life, and +had inherited her instinct (as we call hereditary memory, to avoid the +trouble of finding out what it is and how it comes).”—_Fraser_, June, +1867. Canon Kingsley felt he must insist on the continued personality of +the two generations before he could talk about inherited memory. On the +other hand, though he does indeed speak of this as almost a synonym for +instinct, he seems not to have realised how right he was, and implies +that we should find some fuller and more satisfactory explanation behind +this, only that we are too lazy to look for it. + +{44a} 26 Sept., 1877. “Unconscious Memory.” ch. ii. + +{52a} This chapter is taken almost entirely from my book, “Selections, +&c.. and Remarks on Romanes’ ‘Mental Evolution in Animals.’” Trübner, +1884. [Now out of print.] + +{52b} “Mental Evolution in Animals,” p. 113. Kegan Paul, Nov., 1883. + +{52c} Ibid. p. 115. + +{52d} Ibid. p. 116. + +{53a} “Mental Evolution in Animals.” p. 131. Kegan Paul, Nov., 1883. + +{54a} Vol. I, 3rd ed., 1874, p. 141, and Problem I. 21. + +{54b} “Mental Evolution in Animals,” pp. 177, 178. Nov., 1883. + +{55a} “Mental Evolution in Animals,” p. 192. + +{55b} _Ibid._ p. 195. + +{55c} _Ibid._ p. 296. Nov., 1883. + +{56a} “Mental Evolution in Animals,” p. 33. Nov., 1883. + +{56b} _Ibid._, p. 116. + +{56c} _Ibid._, p. 178. + +{59a} “Evolution Old and New,” pp. 357, 358. + +{60a} “Mental Evolution in Animals,” p. 159. Kegan Paul & Co., 1883. + +{61a} “Zoonomia,” vol. i. p. 484. + +{61b} “Mental Evolution in Animals,” p. 297. Kegan Paul & Co., 1883. + +{61c} _Ibid._, p. 201. Kegan Paul & Co., 1883. + +{62a} “Mental Evolution in Animals,” p. 301. November, 1883. + +{62b} “Origin of Species,” ed. i. p. 209. + +{62c} _Ibid._, ed. vi., 1876. p. 206. + +{62d} “Formation of Vegetable Mould,” etc., p. 98. + +{62e} Quoted by Mr. Romanes as written in the last year of Mr. Darwin’s +life. + +{63a} Macmillan, 1883. + +{66a} “Nature,” August 5, 1886. + +{67a} London, H. K. Lewis, 1886. + +{70a} “Charles Darwin.” Longmans, 1885. + +{70b} Lectures at the London Institution, Feb., 1886. + +{70c} “Charles Darwin.” Leipzig. 1885. + +{72a} See Professor Hering’s “Zur Lehre von der Beziehung zwischen Leib +und Seele. Mittheilung über Fechner’s psychophysisches Gesetz.” + +{73a} Quoted by M. Vianna De Lima in his “Exposé Sommaire des Théories +Transformistes de Lamarck, Darwin, et Hæckel.” Paris, 1886, p. 23. + +{81a} “Origin of Species,” ed. i., p. 6; see also p. 43. + +{83a} “I think it can be shown that there is such a power at work in +‘Natural Selection’ (the title of my book).”—“Proceedings of the Linnean +Society for 1858,” vol. iii., p. 51. + +{86a} “On Naval Timber and Arboriculture,” 1831, pp. 384, 385. See also +“Evolution Old and New,” pp. 320, 321. + +{87a} “Origin of Species,” p. 49, ed. vi. + +{92a} “Origin of Species,” ed. i., pp. 188, 189. + +{93a} Page 9. + +{94a} Page 226. + +{96a} “Journal of the Proceedings of the Linnean Society.” Williams and +Norgate, 1858, p. 61. + +{102a} “Zoonomia,” vol. i., p. 505. + +{104a} See “Evolution Old and New.” p. 122. + +{105a} “Phil. Zool.,” i., p. 80. + +{105b} _Ibid._, i. 82. + +{105c} _Ibid._ vol. i., p. 237. + +{107a} See concluding chapter. + +{122a} Report, 9, 26. + +{135a} Ps. cii. 25–27, Bible version. + +{136a} Ps. cxxxix., Prayer-book version. + +{140a} _Contemporary Review_, August, 1885, p. 84. + +{142a} London, David Bogue, 1881, p. 60. + +{144a} August 12, 1886. + +{150a} Paris, Delagrave, 1886. + +{150b} Page 60. + +{150c} “Œuvre complètes,” tom. ix. p. 422. Paris, Garnier frères, 1875. + +{150d} “Hist. Nat.,” tom. i., p. 13, 1749, quoted “Evol. Old and New,” +p. 108. + +{156a} “Origin of Species,” ed. vi., p. 107. + +{156b} _Ibid._, ed. vi., p. 166. + +{157a} “Origin of Species,” ed. vi., p. 233. + +{157b} _Ibid._ + +{157c} _Ibid._, ed. vi., p. 109. + +{157d} _Ibid._, ed. vi., p. 401. + +{158a} “Origin of Species,” ed. i., p. 490. + +{161a} “Origin of Species,” ed. vi., 1876, p. 171. + +{163a} “Charles Darwin,” p. 113. + +{164a} “Animals and Plants under Domestication,” vol. ii., p. 367, ed. +1875. + +{168a} Page 3. + +{168b} Page 4. + +{169a} It should be remembered this was the year in which the “Vestiges +of Creation” appeared. + +{173a} “Charles Darwin,” p. 67. + +{173b} H. S. King & Co., 1876. + +{174a} Page 17. + +{195a} “Phil. Zool.,” tom. i., pp. 34, 35. + +{202a} “Origin of Species,” p. 381, ed. i. + +{203a} Page 454, ed. i. + +{205a} “Principles of Geology,” vol. ii., chap. xxxiv., ed. 1872. + +{206a} “Natürliche Schöpfungsgeschichte,” p. 3. Berlin, 1868. + +{209a} See “Evolution Old and New,” pp. 8, 9. + +{216a} “Vestiges,” &c., ed. 1860; Proofs, Illustrations, &c., p. xiv. + +{216b} _Examiner_, May 17, 1879, review of “Evolution Old and New.” + +{218a} Given in part in “Evolution Old and New.” + +{219a} “Mind,” p. 498, Oct., 1883. + +{224a} “Degeneration,” 1880, p. 10. + +{227a} E.g. the Rev. George Henslow, in “Modern Thought,” vol. ii., No. +5, 1881. + +{232a} “Nature,” Aug. 6, 1886. + +{234a} See Mr. Darwin’s “Animals and Plants under Domestication,” vol. +i., p. 466, &c., ed. 1875. + +{235a} Paris, 1873, Introd., p. vi. + +{235b} “Hist. Nat. Gen.,” ii. 404, 1859. + +{239a} As these pages are on the point of going to press, I see that the +writer of an article on Liszt in the “Athenæum” makes the same emendation +on Shakespeare’s words that I have done. + +{240a} “Voyages of the _Adventure_ and _Beagle_,” vol. iii., p. 373. +London, 1839. + +{242a} See Professor Paley, “Fraser,” Jan., 1882, “Science Gossip,” Nos. +162, 163, June and July, 1878, and “Nature,” Jan. 3, Jan. 10, Feb. 28, +and March 27, 1884. + +{245a} “Formation of Vegetable Mould,” etc., p. 217. Murray, 1882. + +{248a} “Fortnightly Review,” Jan., 1886. + +{253a} “On the Growth of Trees and Protoplasmic Continuity.” London, +Stanford, 1886. + +{260a} Sometimes called Mendelejeff’s (see “Monthly Journal of Science,” +April, 1884). + +{261a} I am aware that attempts have been made to say that we can +conceive a condition of matter, although there is no matter in connection +with it—as, for example, that we can have motion without anything moving +(see “Nature,” March 5, March 12, and April 9, 1885)—but I think it +little likely that this opinion will meet general approbation. + +{264a} Page 53. + + + + +***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LUCK OR CUNNING*** + + +******* This file should be named 4967-0.txt or 4967-0.zip ******* + + +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: +http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/4/9/6/4967 + + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + + + + +Title: Luck or Cunning + as the Main Means of Organic Modification + + +Author: Samuel Butler + +Editor: Henry Festing Jones + +Release Date: August 3, 2014 [eBook #4967] +[This file was first posted on April 5, 2002] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LUCK OR CUNNING*** +</pre> +<p>Transcribed from the 1922 Jonathan Cape edition by David +Price, email ccx074@pglaf.org</p> +<h1>Luck, or Cunning<br /> +As the Main Means of<br /> +Organic Modification?</h1> +<p style="text-align: center"> +<a href="images/tpb.jpg"> +<img alt= +"Decorative graphic" +title= +"Decorative graphic" +src="images/tps.jpg" /> +</a></p> + +<div class="gapspace"> </div> +<p style="text-align: center">Jonathan Cape<br /> +Eleven Gower Street, London</p> + +<div class="gapspace"> </div> +<table> +<tr> +<td><p><i>First Published</i></p> +</td> +<td><p>1887</p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p><i>Second Edition</i></p> +</td> +<td><p>1920</p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p><i>Re-issued</i></p> +</td> +<td><p>1922</p> +</td> +</tr> +</table> + +<div class="gapspace"> </div> +<p style="text-align: center"><span class="GutSmall">TO THE +MEMORY OF</span><br /> +<span class="GutSmall">THE LATE</span></p> +<p style="text-align: center"><i>ALFRED TAYLOR</i>, <span +class="smcap">Esq</span>., <i>&c.</i></p> +<p style="text-align: center"><span class="GutSmall">WHOSE +EXPERIMENTS AT CARSHALTON</span><br /> +<span class="GutSmall">IN THE YEARS 1883 AND 1884</span><br /> +<span class="GutSmall">ESTABLISHED THAT PLANTS ALSO ARE ENDOWED +WITH</span><br /> +<span class="GutSmall">INTELLIGENTIAL AND VOLITIONAL +FACULTIES</span><br /> +<span class="GutSmall">THIS BOOK</span><br /> +<span class="GutSmall">BEGUN AT HIS INSTIGATION</span><br /> +<span class="GutSmall">IS GRATEFULLY AND AFFECTIONATELY +INSCRIBED</span></p> +<h2><a name="page6"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +6</span>Note</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">This</span> second edition of <i>Luck</i>, +<i>or Cunning</i>? is a reprint of the first edition, dated 1887, +but actually published in November, 1886. The only +alterations of any consequence are in the Index, which has been +enlarged by the incorporation of several entries made by the +author in a copy of the book which came into my possession on the +death of his literary executor, Mr. R. A. Streatfeild. I +thank Mr. G. W. Webb, of the University Library, Cambridge, for +the care and skill with which he has made the necessary +alterations; it was a troublesome job because owing to the +re-setting, the pagination was no longer the same.</p> +<p><i>Luck</i>, <i>or Cunning</i>? is the fourth of +Butler’s evolution books; it was followed in 1890 by three +articles in <i>The Universal Review</i> entitled “The +Deadlock in Darwinism” (republished in <i>The Humour of +Homer</i>), after which he published no more upon that +subject.</p> +<p>In this book, as he says in his Introduction, he insists upon +two main points: (1) the substantial identity between heredity +and memory, and (2) the reintroduction of design into organic +development; and these two points he treats as though they have +something of that physical life with which they are so closely +associated. He was aware that what he had to say was likely +to prove more interesting to future generations than to his +immediate public, “but any book that desires to see out a +literary three-score years and ten must offer something to future +generations as well as to its own.” By next year one +half of the three-score years and ten will have passed, and the +new generation by their constant enquiries for the work have +already begun to show their appreciation of Butler’s method +of treating the subject, and their readiness to listen to what +was addressed to them as well as to their fathers.</p> +<p style="text-align: right">HENRY FESTING JONES.</p> +<p><i>March</i>, 1920.</p> +<h2><a name="page7"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +7</span>Author’s Preface to First Edition</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">This</span> book, as I have said in my +concluding chapter, has turned out very different from the one I +had it in my mind to write when I began it. It arose out of +a conversation with the late Mr. Alfred Tylor soon after his +paper on the growth of trees and protoplasmic continuity was read +before the Linnean Society—that is to say, in December, +1884—and I proposed to make the theory concerning the +subdivision of organic life into animal and vegetable, which I +have broached in my concluding chapter, the main feature of the +book. One afternoon, on leaving Mr. Tylor’s bedside, +much touched at the deep disappointment he evidently felt at +being unable to complete the work he had begun so ably, it +occurred to me that it might be some pleasure to him if I +promised to dedicate my own book to him, and thus, however +unworthy it might be, connect it with his name. It occurred +to me, of course, also that the honour to my own book would be +greater than any it could confer, but the time was not one for +balancing considerations nicely, and when I made my suggestion to +Mr. Tylor on the last occasion that I ever saw him, the manner in +which he received it settled the question. If he had lived +I should no doubt have kept more closely to my plan, and should +probably have been furnished by him with much that would have +enriched the book and made it more worthy of his acceptance; but +this was not to be.</p> +<p>In the course of writing I became more and more convinced that +no progress could be made towards a sounder view of the theory of +descent until people came to understand what the late Mr. Charles +Darwin’s theory of natural selection amounted to, and how +it was that it ever came to be propounded. Until the +mindless theory of Charles Darwinian natural selection was +finally discredited, and a mindful theory of evolution was +substituted in its place, neither Mr. Tylor’s experiments +nor my own theories could stand much chance of being attended +to. I therefore devoted myself mainly, as I had done in +“Evolution Old and New,” and in “Unconscious +Memory,” to considering whether the view taken by the late +Mr. Darwin, or the one put forward by his three most illustrious +predecessors, should most command our assent.</p> +<p>The deflection from my original purpose was increased by the +appearance, about a year ago, of Mr. Grant Allen’s +“Charles Darwin,” which I imagine to have had a very +large circulation. So important, indeed, did I think it not +to leave Mr. Allen’s statements unchallenged, that in +November last I recast my book completely, cutting out much that +I had written, and practically starting anew. How far Mr. +Tylor would have liked it, or even sanctioned its being dedicated +to him, if he were now living, I cannot, of course, say. I +never heard him speak of the late Mr. Darwin in any but terms of +warm respect, and am by no means sure that he would have been +well pleased at an attempt to connect him with a book so +polemical as the present. On the other hand, a promise made +and received as mine was, cannot be set aside lightly. The +understanding was that my next book was to be dedicated to Mr. +Tylor; I have written the best I could, and indeed never took so +much pains with any other; to Mr. Tylor’s memory, +therefore, I have most respectfully, and regretfully, inscribed +it.</p> +<p>Desiring that the responsibility for what has been done should +rest with me, I have avoided saying anything about the book while +it was in progress to any of Mr Tylor’s family or +representatives. They know nothing, therefore, of its +contents, and if they did, would probably feel with myself very +uncertain how far it is right to use Mr. Tylor’s name in +connection with it. I can only trust that, on the whole, +they may think I have done most rightly in adhering to the letter +of my promise.</p> +<p><i>October</i> 15, 1886.</p> +<h2>Contents</h2> +<table> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right"> </p> +</td> +<td><p> </p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span +class="GutSmall">Page</span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right"> </p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Note</span>, <span class="smcap">by +Henry Festing Jones</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page6">6</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right"> </p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Author’s Preface to First +Edition</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page7">7</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">I.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Introduction</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page13">13</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">II.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Mr. Herbert Spencer</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page28">28</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">III.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Mr. Herbert Spencer</span> +(<i>continued</i>)</p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page42">42</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">IV.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Mr. Romanes’ “Mental +Evolution in Animals”</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page52">52</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">V.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Statement of the Question at +Issue</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page70">70</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">VI.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Statement of the Question at +Issue</span> (<i>continued</i>)</p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page80">80</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">VII.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Mr. Spencer’s “The Factors +of Organic Evolution”</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page100">100</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">VIII.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Property</span>, <span +class="smcap">Common Sense</span>, <span class="smcap">and +Protoplasm</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page112">112</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">IX.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Property</span>, <span +class="smcap">Common Sense</span>, <span class="smcap">and +Protoplasm</span> (<i>continued</i>)</p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page125">125</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">X.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">The Attempt to Eliminate +Mind</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page135">135</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">XI.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">The Way of Escape</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page147">147</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">XII.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Why Darwin’s Variations were +Accidental</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page156">156</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">XIII.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Darwin’s Claim to Descent with +Modification</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page168">168</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">XIV.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Darwin and Descent with +Modification</span> (<i>continued</i>)</p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page177">177</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">XV.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">The Excised +“My’s”</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page202">202</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">XVI.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Mr. Grant Allen’s “Charles +Darwin”</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page211">211</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">XVII.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Professor Ray Lankester and +Lamarck</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page225">225</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">XVIII.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Per Contra</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page239">239</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +<tr> +<td><p style="text-align: right">XIX.</p> +</td> +<td><p><span class="smcap">Conclusion</span></p> +</td> +<td><p style="text-align: right"><span class="indexpageno"><a +href="#page251">251</a></span></p> +</td> +</tr> +</table> +<h2><a name="page13"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +13</span>Chapter I<br /> +Introduction</h2> +<p>I <span class="smcap">shall</span> perhaps best promote the +acceptance of the two main points on which I have been insisting +for some years past, I mean, the substantial identity between +heredity and memory, and the reintroduction of design into +organic development, by treating them as if they had something of +that physical life with which they are so closely +connected. Ideas are like plants and animals in this +respect also, as in so many others, that they are more fully +understood when their relations to other ideas of their time, and +the history of their development are known and borne in +mind. By development I do not merely mean their growth in +the minds of those who first advanced them, but that larger +development which consists in their subsequent good or evil +fortunes—in their reception, favourable or otherwise, by +those to whom they were presented. This is to an idea what +its surroundings are to an organism, and throws much the same +light upon it that knowledge of the conditions under which an +organism lives throws upon the organism itself. I shall, +therefore, begin this new work with a few remarks about its +predecessors.</p> +<p>I am aware that what I may say on this head is likely to prove +more interesting to future students of the literature of descent +than to my immediate public, but any book that desires to see out +a literary three-score years and ten must offer something to +future generations as well as to its own. It is a condition +of its survival that it shall do this, and herein lies one of the +author’s chief difficulties. If books only lived as +long as men and women, we should know better how to grow them; as +matters stand, however, the author lives for one or two +generations, whom he comes in the end to understand fairly well, +while the book, if reasonable pains have been taken with it, +should live more or less usefully for a dozen. About the +greater number of these generations the author is in the dark; +but come what may, some of them are sure to have arrived at +conclusions diametrically opposed to our own upon every subject +connected with art, science, philosophy, and religion; it is +plain, therefore, that if posterity is to be pleased, it can only +be at the cost of repelling some present readers. Unwilling +as I am to do this, I still hold it the lesser of two evils; I +will be as brief, however, as the interests of the opinions I am +supporting will allow.</p> +<p>In “Life and Habit” I contended that heredity was +a mode of memory. I endeavoured to show that all hereditary +traits, whether of mind or body, are inherited in virtue of, and +as a manifestation of, the same power whereby we are able to +remember intelligently what we did half an hour, yesterday, or a +twelvemonth since, and this in no figurative but in a perfectly +real sense. If life be compared to an equation of a hundred +unknown quantities, I followed Professor Hering of Prague in +reducing it to one of ninety-nine only, by showing two of the +supposed unknown quantities to be so closely allied that they +should count as one. I maintained that instinct was +inherited memory, and this without admitting more exceptions and +qualifying clauses than arise, as it were, by way of harmonics +from every proposition, and must be neglected if thought and +language are to be possible.</p> +<p>I showed that if the view for which I was contending was +taken, many facts which, though familiar, were still without +explanation or connection with our other ideas, would remain no +longer isolated, but be seen at once as joined with the mainland +of our most assured convictions. Among the things thus +brought more comfortably home to us was the principle underlying +longevity. It became apparent why some living beings should +live longer than others, and how any race must be treated whose +longevity it is desired to increase. Hitherto we had known +that an elephant was a long-lived animal and a fly short-lived, +but we could give no reason why the one should live longer than +the other; that is to say, it did not follow in immediate +coherence with, or as intimately associated with, any familiar +principle that an animal which is late in the full development of +its reproductive system will tend to live longer than one which +reproduces early. If the theory of “Life and +Habit” be admitted, the fact of a slow-growing animal being +in general longer lived than a quick developer is seen to be +connected with, and to follow as a matter of course from, the +fact of our being able to remember anything at all, and all the +well-known traits of memory, as observed where we can best take +note of them, are perceived to be reproduced with singular +fidelity in the development of an animal from its embryonic +stages to maturity.</p> +<p>Take this view, and the very general sterility of hybrids from +being a <i>crux</i> of the theory of descent becomes a stronghold +of defence. It appears as part of the same story as the +benefit derived from judicious, and the mischief from +injudicious, crossing; and this, in its turn, is seen as part of +the same story, as the good we get from change of air and scene +when we are overworked. I will not amplify; but reversion +to long-lost, or feral, characteristics, the phenomena of old +age, the fact of the reproductive system being generally the last +to arrive at maturity—few further developments occurring in +any organism after this has been attained—the sterility of +many animals in confinement, the development in both males and +females under certain circumstances of the characteristics of the +opposite sex, the latency of memory, the unconsciousness with +which we grow, and indeed perform all familiar actions, these +points, though hitherto, most of them, so apparently inexplicable +that no one even attempted to explain them, became at once +intelligible, if the contentions of “Life and Habit” +were admitted.</p> +<p>Before I had finished writing this book I fell in with +Professor Mivart’s “Genesis of Species,” and +for the first time understood the distinction between the +Lamarckian and Charles-Darwinian systems of evolution. This +had not, so far as I then knew, been as yet made clear to us by +any of our more prominent writers upon the subject of descent +with modification; the distinction was unknown to the general +public, and indeed is only now beginning to be widely +understood. While reading Mr. Mivart’s book, however, +I became aware that I was being faced by two facts, each +incontrovertible, but each, if its leading exponents were to be +trusted, incompatible with the other.</p> +<p>On the one hand there was descent; we could not read Mr. +Darwin’s books and doubt that all, both animals and plants, +were descended from a common source. On the other, there +was design; we could not read Paley and refuse to admit that +design, intelligence, adaptation of means to ends, must have had +a large share in the development of the life we saw around us; it +seemed indisputable that the minds and bodies of all living +beings must have come to be what they are through a wise ordering +and administering of their estates. We could not, +therefore, dispense either with descent or with design, and yet +it seemed impossible to keep both, for those who offered us +descent stuck to it that we could have no design, and those, +again, who spoke so wisely and so well about design would not for +a moment hear of descent with modification.</p> +<p>Each, moreover, had a strong case. Who could reflect +upon rudimentary organs, and grant Paley the kind of design that +alone would content him? And yet who could examine the foot +or the eye, and grant Mr. Darwin his denial of forethought and +plan?</p> +<p>For that Mr. Darwin did deny skill and contrivance in +connection with the greatly preponderating part of organic +developments cannot be and is not now disputed. In the +first chapter of “Evolution Old and New” I brought +forward passages to show how completely he and his followers deny +design, but will here quote one of the latest of the many that +have appeared to the same effect since “Evolution Old and +New” was published; it is by Mr. Romanes, and runs as +follows:—</p> +<p>“It is the <i>very essence</i> of the Darwinian +hypothesis that it only seeks to explain the <i>apparently</i> +purposive variations, or variations of an adaptive kind.” +<a name="citation17a"></a><a href="#footnote17a" +class="citation">[17a]</a></p> +<p>The words “apparently purposive” show that those +organs in animals and plants which at first sight seem to have +been designed with a view to the work they have to do—that +is to say, with a view to future function—had not, +according to Mr. Darwin, in reality any connection with, or +inception in, effort; effort involves purpose and design; they +had therefore no inception in design, however much they might +present the appearance of being designed; the appearance was +delusive; Mr. Romanes correctly declares it to be “the very +essence” of Mr. Darwin’s system to attempt an +explanation of these seemingly purposive variations which shall +be compatible with their having arisen without being in any way +connected with intelligence or design.</p> +<p>As it is indisputable that Mr. Darwin denied design, so +neither can it be doubted that Paley denied descent with +modification. What, then, were the wrong entries in these +two sets of accounts, on the detection and removal of which they +would be found to balance as they ought?</p> +<p>Paley’s weakest place, as already implied, is in the +matter of rudimentary organs; the almost universal presence in +the higher organisms of useless, and sometimes even troublesome, +organs is fatal to the kind of design he is trying to uphold; +granted that there is design, still it cannot be so final and +far-foreseeing as he wishes to make it out. Mr. +Darwin’s weak place, on the other hand, lies, firstly, in +the supposition that because rudimentary organs imply no purpose +now, they could never in time past have done so—that +because they had clearly not been designed with an eye to all +circumstances and all time, they never, therefore, could have +been designed with an eye to any time or any circumstances; and, +secondly, in maintaining that “accidental,” +“fortuitous,” “spontaneous” variations +could be accumulated at all except under conditions that have +never been fulfilled yet, and never will be; in other words, his +weak place lay in the contention (for it comes to this) that +there can be sustained accumulation of bodily wealth, more than +of wealth of any other kind, unless sustained experience, +watchfulness, and good sense preside over the accumulation. +In “Life and Habit,” following Mr. Mivart, and, as I +now find, Mr. Herbert Spencer, I showed (pp. 279–281) how +impossible it was for variations to accumulate unless they were +for the most part underlain by a sustained general principle; but +this subject will be touched upon more fully later on.</p> +<p>The accumulation of accidental variations which owed nothing +to mind either in their inception, or their accumulation, the +pitchforking, in fact, of mind out of the universe, or at any +rate its exclusion from all share worth talking about in the +process of organic development, this was the pill Mr. Darwin had +given us to swallow; but so thickly had he gilded it with descent +with modification, that we did as we were told, swallowed it +without a murmur, were lavish in our expressions of gratitude, +and, for some twenty years or so, through the mouths of our +leading biologists, ordered design peremptorily out of court, if +she so much as dared to show herself. Indeed, we have even +given life pensions to some of the most notable of these +biologists, I suppose in order to reward them for having +hoodwinked us so much to our satisfaction.</p> +<p>Happily the old saying, <i>Naturam expellas furcâ</i>, +<i>tamen usque recurret</i>, still holds true, and the reaction +that has been gaining force for some time will doubtless ere long +brush aside the cobwebs with which those who have a vested +interest in Mr. Darwin’s reputation as a philosopher still +try to fog our outlook. Professor Mivart was, as I have +said, among the first to awaken us to Mr. Darwin’s denial +of design, and to the absurdity involved therein. He well +showed how incredible Mr Darwin’s system was found to be, +as soon as it was fully realised, but there he rather left +us. He seemed to say that we must have our descent and our +design too, but he did not show how we were to manage this with +rudimentary organs still staring us in the face. His work +rather led up to the clearer statement of the difficulty than +either put it before us in so many words, or tried to remove +it. Nevertheless there can be no doubt that the +“Genesis of Species” gave Natural Selection what will +prove sooner or later to be its death-blow, in spite of the +persistence with which many still declare that it has received no +hurt, and the sixth edition of the “Origin of +Species,” published in the following year, bore abundant +traces of the fray. Moreover, though Mr. Mivart gave us no +overt aid, he pointed to the source from which help might come, +by expressly saying that his most important objection to +Neo-Darwinism had no force against Lamarck.</p> +<p>To Lamarck, therefore, I naturally turned, and soon saw that +the theory on which I had been insisting in “Life and +Habit” was in reality an easy corollary on his system, +though one which he does not appear to have caught sight +of. I saw also that his denial of design was only, so to +speak, skin deep, and that his system was in reality +teleological, inasmuch as, to use Isidore Geoffroy’s words, +it makes the organism design itself. In making variations +depend on changed actions, and these, again, on changed views of +life, efforts, and designs, in consequence of changed conditions +of life, he in effect makes effort, intention, will, all of which +involve design (or at any rate which taken together involve it), +underlie progress in organic development. True, he did not +know he was a teleologist, but he was none the less a teleologist +for this. He was an unconscious teleologist, and as such +perhaps more absolutely an upholder of teleology than Paley +himself; but this is neither here nor there; our concern is not +with what people think about themselves, but with what their +reasoning makes it evident that they really hold.</p> +<p>How strange the irony that hides us from ourselves! When +Isidore Geoffroy said that according to Lamarck organisms +designed themselves, <a name="citation20a"></a><a +href="#footnote20a" class="citation">[20a]</a> and endorsed this, +as to a great extent he did, he still does not appear to have +seen that either he or Lamarck were in reality reintroducing +design into organism; he does not appear to have seen this more +than Lamarck himself had seen it, but, on the contrary, like +Lamarck, remained under the impression that he was opposing +teleology or purposiveness.</p> +<p>Of course in one sense he did oppose it; so do we all, if the +word design be taken to intend a very far-foreseeing of minute +details, a riding out to meet trouble long before it comes, a +provision on academic principles for contingencies that are +little likely to arise. We can see no evidence of any such +design as this in nature, and much everywhere that makes against +it. There is no such improvidence as over providence, and +whatever theories we may form about the origin and development of +the universe, we may be sure that it is not the work of one who +is unable to understand how anything can possibly go right unless +he sees to it himself. Nature works departmentally and by +way of leaving details to subordinates. But though those +who see nature thus do indeed deny design of the +prescient-from-all-eternity order, they in no way impugn a method +which is far more in accord with all that we commonly think of as +design. A design which is as incredible as that a ewe +should give birth to a lion becomes of a piece with all that we +observe most frequently if it be regarded rather as an +aggregation of many small steps than as a single large one. +This principle is very simple, but it seems rather difficult to +understand. It has taken several generations before people +would admit it as regards organism even after it was pointed out +to them, and those who saw it as regards organism still failed to +understand it as regards design; an inexorable “Thus far +shalt thou go and no farther” barred them from fruition of +the harvest they should have been the first to reap. The +very men who most insisted that specific difference was the +accumulation of differences so minute as to be often hardly, if +at all, perceptible, could not see that the striking and baffling +phenomena of design in connection with organism admitted of +exactly the same solution as the riddle of organic development, +and should be seen not as a result reached <i>per saltum</i>, but +as an accumulation of small steps or leaps in a given +direction. It was as though those who had insisted on the +derivation of all forms of the steam-engine from the common +kettle, and who saw that this stands in much the same relations +to the engines, we will say, of the Great Eastern steamship as +the amœba to man, were to declare that the Great Eastern +engines were not designed at all, on the ground that no one in +the early kettle days had foreseen so great a future development, +and were unable to understand that a piecemeal <i>solvitur +ambulando</i> design is more omnipresent, all-seeing, and +all-searching, and hence more truly in the strictest sense +design, than any speculative leap of fancy, however bold and even +at times successful.</p> +<p>From Lamarck I went on to Buffon and Erasmus +Darwin—better men both of them than Lamarck, and treated by +him much as he has himself been treated by those who have come +after him—and found that the system of these three writers, +if considered rightly, and if the corollary that heredity is only +a mode of memory were added, would get us out of our dilemma as +regards descent and design, and enable us to keep both. We +could do this by making the design manifested in organism more +like the only design of which we know anything, and therefore the +only design of which we ought to speak—I mean our own.</p> +<p>Our own design is tentative, and neither very far-foreseeing +nor very retrospective; it is a little of both, but much of +neither; it is like a comet with a little light in front of the +nucleus and a good deal more behind it, which ere long, however, +fades away into the darkness; it is of a kind that, though a +little wise before the event, is apt to be much wiser after it, +and to profit even by mischance so long as the disaster is not an +overwhelming one; nevertheless, though it is so interwoven with +luck, there is no doubt about its being design; why, then, should +the design which must have attended organic development be other +than this? If the thing that has been is the thing that +also shall be, must not the thing which is be that which also has +been? Was there anything in the phenomena of organic life +to militate against such a view of design as this? Not only +was there nothing, but this view made things plain, as the +connecting of heredity and memory had already done, which till +now had been without explanation. Rudimentary organs were +no longer a hindrance to our acceptance of design, they became +weighty arguments in its favour.</p> +<p>I therefore wrote “Evolution Old and New,” with +the object partly of backing up “Life and Habit,” and +showing the easy rider it admitted, partly to show how superior +the old view of descent had been to Mr. Darwin’s, and +partly to reintroduce design into organism. I wrote +“Life and Habit” to show that our mental and bodily +acquisitions were mainly stores of memory: I wrote +“Evolution Old and New” to add that the memory must +be a mindful and designing memory.</p> +<p>I followed up these two books with “Unconscious +Memory,” the main object of which was to show how Professor +Hering of Prague had treated the connection between memory and +heredity; to show, again, how substantial was the difference +between Von Hartmann and myself in spite of some little +superficial resemblance; to put forward a suggestion as regards +the physics of memory, and to meet the most plausible objection +which I have yet seen brought against “Life and +Habit.”</p> +<p>Since writing these three books I have published nothing on +the connection between heredity and memory, except a few pages of +remarks on Mr. Romanes’ “Mental Evolution in +Animals” in my book, <a name="citation23a"></a><a +href="#footnote23a" class="citation">[23a]</a> from which I will +draw whatever seems to be more properly placed here. I have +collected many facts that make my case stronger, but am precluded +from publishing them by the reflection that it is strong enough +already. I have said enough in “Life and Habit” +to satisfy any who wish to be satisfied, and those who wish to be +dissatisfied would probably fail to see the force of what I said, +no matter how long and seriously I held forth to them; I believe, +therefore, that I shall do well to keep my facts for my own +private reading and for that of my executors.</p> +<p>I once saw a copy of “Life and Habit” on Mr. +Bogue’s counter, and was told by the very obliging shopman +that a customer had just written something in it which I might +like to see. I said of course I should like to see, and +immediately taking the book read the following—which it +occurs to me that I am not justified in publishing. What +was written ran thus:—</p> +<p>“As a reminder of our pleasant hours on the broad +Atlantic, will Mr. — please accept this book (which I think +contains more truth, and less evidence of it, than any other I +have met with) from his friend —?”</p> +<p>I presume the gentleman had met with the Bible—a work +which lays itself open to a somewhat similar comment. I was +gratified, however, at what I had read, and take this opportunity +of thanking the writer, an American, for having liked my +book. It was so plain he had been relieved at not finding +the case smothered to death in the weight of its own evidences, +that I resolved not to forget the lesson his words had taught +me.</p> +<p>The only writer in connection with “Life and +Habit” to whom I am anxious to reply is Mr. Herbert +Spencer, but before doing this I will conclude the present +chapter with a consideration of some general complaints that have +been so often brought against me that it may be worth while to +notice them.</p> +<p>These general criticisms have resolved themselves mainly into +two.</p> +<p>Firstly, it is said that I ought not to write about biology on +the ground of my past career, which my critics declare to have +been purely literary. I wish I might indulge a reasonable +hope of one day becoming a literary man; the expression is not a +good one, but there is no other in such common use, and this must +excuse it; if a man can be properly called literary, he must have +acquired the habit of reading accurately, thinking attentively, +and expressing himself clearly. He must have endeavoured in +all sorts of ways to enlarge the range of his sympathies so as to +be able to put himself easily <i>en rapport</i> with those whom +he is studying, and those whom he is addressing. If he +cannot speak with tongues himself, he is the interpreter of those +who can—without whom they might as well be silent. I +wish I could see more signs of literary culture among my +scientific opponents; I should find their books much more easy +and agreeable reading if I could; and then they tell me to +satirise the follies and abuses of the age, just as if it was not +this that I was doing in writing about themselves.</p> +<p>What, I wonder, would they say if I were to declare that they +ought not to write books at all, on the ground that their past +career has been too purely scientific to entitle them to a +hearing? They would reply with justice that I should not +bring vague general condemnations, but should quote examples of +their bad writing. I imagine that I have done this more +than once as regards a good many of them, and I dare say I may do +it again in the course of this book; but though I must own to +thinking that the greater number of our scientific men write +abominably, I should not bring this against them if I believed +them to be doing their best to help us; many such men we happily +have, and doubtless always shall have, but they are not those who +push to the fore, and it is these last who are most angry with me +for writing on the subjects I have chosen. They constantly +tell me that I am not a man of science; no one knows this better +than I do, and I am quite used to being told it, but I am not +used to being confronted with the mistakes that I have made in +matters of fact, and trust that this experience is one which I +may continue to spare no pains in trying to avoid.</p> +<p>Nevertheless I again freely grant that I am not a man of +science. I have never said I was. I was educated for +the Church. I was once inside the Linnean Society’s +rooms, but have no present wish to go there again; though not a +man of science, however, I have never affected indifference to +the facts and arguments which men of science have made it their +business to lay before us; on the contrary, I have given the +greater part of my time to their consideration for several years +past. I should not, however, say this unless led to do so +by regard to the interests of theories which I believe to be as +nearly important as any theories can be which do not directly +involve money or bodily convenience.</p> +<p>The second complaint against me is to the effect that I have +made no original experiments, but have taken all my facts at +second hand. This is true, but I do not see what it has to +do with the question. If the facts are sound, how can it +matter whether A or B collected them? If Professor Huxley, +for example, has made a series of valuable original observations +(not that I know of his having done so), why am I to make them +over again? What are fact-collectors worth if the fact +co-ordinators may not rely upon them? It seems to me that +no one need do more than go to the best sources for his facts, +and tell his readers where he got them. If I had had +occasion for more facts I daresay I should have taken the +necessary steps to get hold of them, but there was no difficulty +on this score; every text-book supplied me with all, and more +than all, I wanted; my complaint was that the facts which Mr. +Darwin supplied would not bear the construction he tried to put +upon them; I tried, therefore, to make them bear another which +seemed at once more sound and more commodious; rightly or wrongly +I set up as a builder, not as a burner of bricks, and the +complaint so often brought against me of not having made +experiments is about as reasonable as complaint against an +architect on the score of his not having quarried with his own +hands a single one of the stones which he has used in +building. Let my opponents show that the facts which they +and I use in common are unsound, or that I have misapplied them, +and I will gladly learn my mistake, but this has hardly, to my +knowledge, been attempted. To me it seems that the chief +difference between myself and some of my opponents lies in this, +that I take my facts from them with acknowledgment, and they take +their theories from me—without.</p> +<p>One word more and I have done. I should like to say that +I do not return to the connection between memory and heredity +under the impression that I shall do myself much good by doing +so. My own share in the matter was very small. The +theory that heredity is only a mode of memory is not mine, but +Professor Hering’s. He wrote in 1870, and I not till +1877. I should be only too glad if he would take his theory +and follow it up himself; assuredly he could do so much better +than I can; but with the exception of his one not lengthy address +published some fifteen or sixteen years ago he has said nothing +upon the subject, so far at least as I have been able to +ascertain; I tried hard to draw him in 1880, but could get +nothing out of him. If, again, any of our more influential +writers, not a few of whom evidently think on this matter much as +I do, would eschew ambiguities and tell us what they mean in +plain language, I would let the matter rest in their abler hands, +but of this there does not seem much chance at present.</p> +<p>I wish there was, for in spite of the interest I have felt in +working the theory out and the information I have been able to +collect while doing so, I must confess that I have found it +somewhat of a white elephant. It has got me into the +hottest of hot water, made a literary Ishmael of me, lost me +friends whom I have been sorry to lose, cost me a good deal of +money, done everything to me, in fact, which a good theory ought +not to do. Still, as it seems to have taken up with me, and +no one else is inclined to treat it fairly, I shall continue to +report its developments from time to time as long as life and +health are spared me. Moreover, Ishmaels are not without +their uses, and they are not a drug in the market just now.</p> +<p>I may now go on to Mr. Spencer.</p> +<h2><a name="page28"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +28</span>Chapter II<br /> +Mr. Herbert Spencer</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Herbert Spencer</span> wrote to the +<i>Athenæum</i> (April 5, 1884), and quoted certain +passages from the 1855 edition of his “Principles of +Psychology,” “the meanings and implications” +from which he contended were sufficiently clear. The +passages he quoted were as follows:—</p> +<blockquote><p>Though it is manifest that reflex and instinctive +sequences are not determined by the experiences of the +<i>individual</i> organism manifesting them, yet there still +remains the hypothesis that they are determined by the +experiences of the <i>race</i> of organisms forming its ancestry, +which by infinite repetition in countless successive generations +have established these sequences as organic relations (p. +526).</p> +<p>The modified nervous tendencies produced by such new habits of +life are also bequeathed (p. 526).</p> +<p>That is to say, the tendencies to certain combinations of +psychical changes have become organic (p. 527).</p> +<p>The doctrine that the connections among our ideas are +determined by experience must, in consistency, be extended not +only to all the connections established by the accumulated +experiences of every individual, but to all those established by +the accumulated experiences of every race (p. 529).</p> +<p>Here, then, we have one of the simpler forms of instinct +which, under the requisite conditions, must necessarily be +established by accumulated experiences (p. 547).</p> +<p>And manifestly, if the organisation of inner relations, in +correspondence with outer relations, results from a continual +registration of experiences, &c. (p. 551).</p> +<p>On the one hand, Instinct may be regarded as a kind of +organised memory; on the other hand, Memory may be regarded as a +kind of incipient instinct (pp. 555–6).</p> +<p>Memory, then, pertains to all that class of psychical states +which are in process of being organised. It continues so +long as the organising of them continues; and disappears when the +organisation of them is complete. In the advance of the +correspondence, each more complex class of phenomena which the +organism acquires the power of recognising is responded to at +first irregularly and uncertainly; and there is then a weak +remembrance of the relations. By multiplication of +experiences this remembrance becomes stronger, and the response +more certain. By further multiplication of experiences the +internal relations are at last automatically organised in +correspondence with the external ones; and so conscious memory +passes into unconscious or organic memory. At the same +time, a new and still more complex order of experiences is thus +rendered appreciable; the relations they present occupy the +memory in place of the simpler one; they become gradually +organised; and, like the previous ones, are succeeded by others +more complex still (p. 563).</p> +<p>Just as we saw that the establishment of those compound reflex +actions which we call instincts is comprehensible on the +principle that inner relations are, by perpetual repetition, +organised into correspondence with outer relations; so the +establishment of those consolidated, those indissoluble, those +instinctive mental relations constituting our ideas of Space and +Time, is comprehensible on the same principle (p. 579).</p> +</blockquote> +<p>In a book published a few weeks before Mr. Spencer’s +letter appeared <a name="citation29a"></a><a href="#footnote29a" +class="citation">[29a]</a> I had said that though Mr. Spencer at +times closely approached Professor Hering and “Life and +Habit,” he had nevertheless nowhere shown that he +considered memory and heredity to be parts of the same story and +parcel of one another. In his letter to the +<i>Athenæum</i>, indeed, he does not profess to have upheld +this view, except “by implications;” nor yet, though +in the course of the six or seven years that had elapsed since +“Life and Habit” was published I had brought out more +than one book to support my earlier one, had he said anything +during those years to lead me to suppose that I was trespassing +upon ground already taken by himself. Nor, again, had he +said anything which enabled me to appeal to his +authority—which I should have been only too glad to do; at +last, however, he wrote, as I have said, to the +<i>Athenæum</i> a letter which, indeed, made no express +claim, and nowhere mentioned myself, but “the meanings and +implications” from which were this time as clear as could +be desired, and amount to an order to Professor Hering and myself +to stand aside.</p> +<p>The question is, whether the passages quoted by Mr. Spencer, +or any others that can be found in his works, show that he +regarded heredity in all its manifestations as a mode of +memory. I submit that this conception is not derivable from +Mr. Spencer’s writings, and that even the passages in which +he approaches it most closely are unintelligible till read by the +light of Professor Hering’s address and of “Life and +Habit.”</p> +<p>True, Mr. Spencer made abundant use of such expressions as +“the experience of the race,” “accumulated +experiences,” and others like them, but he did not +explain—and it was here the difficulty lay—how a race +could have any experience at all. We know what we mean when +we say that an individual has had experience; we mean that he is +the same person now (in the common use of the words), on the +occasion of some present action, as the one who performed a like +action at some past time or times, and that he remembers how he +acted before, so as to be able to turn his past action to +account, gaining in proficiency through practice. Continued +personality and memory are the elements that constitute +experience; where these are present there may, and commonly will, +be experience; where they are absent the word +“experience” cannot properly be used.</p> +<p>Formerly we used to see an individual as one, and a race as +many. We now see that though this is true as far as it +goes, it is by no means the whole truth, and that in certain +important respects it is the race that is one, and the individual +many. We all admit and understand this readily enough now, +but it was not understood when Mr. Spencer wrote the passages he +adduced in the letter to the <i>Athenæum</i> above referred +to. In the then state of our ideas a race was only a +succession of individuals, each one of them new persons, and as +such incapable of profiting by the experience of its predecessors +except in the very limited number of cases where oral teaching, +or, as in recent times, writing, was possible. The thread +of life was, as I have elsewhere said, remorselessly shorn +between each successive generation, and the importance of the +physical and psychical connection between parents and offspring +had been quite, or nearly quite, lost sight of. It seems +strange how this could ever have been allowed to come about, but +it should be remembered that the Church in the Middle Ages would +strongly discourage attempts to emphasize a connection that would +raise troublesome questions as to who in a future state was to be +responsible for what; and, after all, for nine purposes of life +out of ten the generally received opinion that each person is +himself and nobody else is on many grounds the most +convenient. Every now and then, however, there comes a +tenth purpose, for which the continued personality side of the +connection between successive generations is as convenient as the +new personality side is for the remaining nine, and these tenth +purposes—some of which are not unimportant—are +obscured and fulfilled amiss owing to the completeness with which +the more commonly needed conception has overgrown the other.</p> +<p>Neither view is more true than the other, but the one was +wanted every hour and minute of the day, and was therefore kept, +so to speak, in stock, and in one of the most accessible places +of our mental storehouse, while the other was so seldom asked for +that it became not worth while to keep it. By-and-by it was +found so troublesome to send out for it, and so hard to come by +even then, that people left off selling it at all, and if any one +wanted it he must think it out at home as best he could; this was +troublesome, so by common consent the world decided no longer to +busy itself with the continued personality of successive +generations—which was all very well until it also decided +to busy itself with the theory of descent with +modification. On the introduction of a foe so inimical to +many of our pre-existing ideas the balance of power among them +was upset, and a readjustment became necessary, which is still +far from having attained the next settlement that seems likely to +be reasonably permanent.</p> +<p>To change the illustration, the ordinary view is true for +seven places of decimals, and this commonly is enough; occasions, +however, have now arisen when the error caused by neglect of the +omitted places is appreciably disturbing, and we must have three +or four more. Mr. Spencer showed no more signs of seeing +that he must supply these, and make personal identity continue +between successive generations before talking about inherited (as +opposed to post-natal and educational) experience, than others +had done before him; the race with him, as with every one else +till recently, was not one long individual living indeed in +pulsations, so to speak, but no more losing continued personality +by living in successive generations, than an individual loses it +by living in consecutive days; a race was simply a succession of +individuals, each one of which was held to be an entirely new +person, and was regarded exclusively, or very nearly so, from +this point of view.</p> +<p>When I wrote “Life and Habit” I knew that the +words “experience of the race” sounded familiar, and +were going about in magazines and newspapers, but I did not know +where they came from; if I had, I should have given their +source. To me they conveyed no meaning, and vexed me as an +attempt to make me take stones instead of bread, and to palm off +an illustration upon me as though it were an explanation. +When I had worked the matter out in my own way, I saw that the +illustration, with certain additions, would become an +explanation, but I saw also that neither he who had adduced it +nor any one else could have seen how right he was, till much had +been said which had not, so far as I knew, been said yet, and +which undoubtedly would have been said if people had seen their +way to saying it.</p> +<p>“What is this talk,” I wrote, “which is made +about the experience of the race, as though the experience of one +man could profit another who knows nothing about him? If a +man eats his dinner it nourishes him and not his neighbour; if he +learns a difficult art it is he that can do it and not his +neighbour” (“Life and Habit,” p. 49).</p> +<p>When I wrote thus in 1877, it was not generally seen that +though the father is not nourished by the dinners that the son +eats, yet the son was fed when the father ate before he begot +him.</p> +<p>“Is there any way,” I continued, “of showing +that this experience of the race about which so much is said +without the least attempt to show in what way it may, or does, +become the experience of the individual, is in sober seriousness +the experience of one single being only, who repeats on a great +many different occasions, and in slightly different ways, certain +performances with which he has already become exceedingly +familiar?”</p> +<p>I felt, as every one else must have felt who reflected upon +the expression in question, that it was fallacious till this was +done. When I first began to write “Life and +Habit” I did not believe it could be done, but when I had +gone right up to the end, as it were, of my <i>cu de sac</i>, I +saw the path which led straight to the point I had despaired of +reaching—I mean I saw that personality could not be broken +as between generations, without also breaking it between the +years, days, and moments of a man’s life. What +differentiates “Life and Habit” from the +“Principles of Psychology” is the prominence given to +continued personal identity, and hence to <i>bonâ fide</i> +memory, as between successive generations; but surely this makes +the two books differ widely.</p> +<p>Ideas can be changed to almost any extent in almost any +direction, if the change is brought about gradually and in +accordance with the rules of all development. As in music +we may take almost any possible discord with pleasing effect if +we have prepared and resolved it rightly, so our ideas will +outlive and outgrow almost any modification which is approached +and quitted in such a way as to fuse the old and new +harmoniously. Words are to ideas what the fairy invisible +cloak was to the prince who wore it—only that the prince +was seen till he put on the cloak, whereas ideas are unseen until +they don the robe of words which reveals them to us; the words, +however, and the ideas, should be such as fit each other and +stick to one another in our minds as soon as they are brought +together, or the ideas will fly off, and leave the words void of +that spirit by the aid of which alone they can become transmuted +into physical action and shape material things with their own +impress. Whether a discord is too violent or no, depends on +what we have been accustomed to, and on how widely the new +differs from the old, but in no case can we fuse and assimilate +more than a very little new at a time without exhausting our +tempering power—and hence presently our temper.</p> +<p>Mr. Spencer appears to have forgotten that though <i>de +minimis non curat lex</i>,—though all the laws fail when +applied to trifles,—yet too sudden a change in the manner +in which our ideas are associated is as cataclysmic and +subversive of healthy evolution as are material convulsions, or +too violent revolutions in politics. This must always be +the case, for change is essentially miraculous, and the only +lawful home of the miracle is in the microscopically small. +Here, indeed, miracles were in the beginning, are now, and ever +shall be, but we are deadened if they are required of us on a +scale which is visible to the naked eye. If we are told to +work them our hands fall nerveless down; if, come what may, we +must do or die, we are more likely to die than to succeed in +doing. If we are required to believe them—which only +means to fuse them with our other ideas—we either take the +law into our own hands, and our minds being in the dark fuse +something easier of assimilation, and say we have fused the +miracle; or if we play more fairly and insist on our minds +swallowing and assimilating it, we weaken our judgments, and +<i>pro tanto</i> kill our souls. If we stick out beyond a +certain point we go mad, as fanatics, or at the best make +Coleridges of ourselves; and yet upon a small scale these same +miracles are the breath and essence of life; to cease to work +them is to die. And by miracle I do not merely mean +something new, strange, and not very easy of +comprehension—I mean something which violates every canon +of thought which in the palpable world we are accustomed to +respect; something as alien to, and inconceivable by, us as +contradiction in terms, the destructibility of force or matter, +or the creation of something out of nothing. This, which +when writ large maddens and kills, writ small is our meat and +drink; it attends each minutest and most impalpable detail of the +ceaseless fusion and diffusion in which change appears to us as +consisting, and which we recognise as growth and decay, or as +life and death.</p> +<p>Claude Bernard says, <i>Rien ne nait</i>, <i>rien ne se +crée</i>, <i>tout se continue</i>. <i>La nature ne +nous offre le spectacle d’aucune création</i>, +<i>elle est d’une éternelle continuation</i>; <a +name="citation35a"></a><a href="#footnote35a" +class="citation">[35a]</a> but surely he is insisting upon one +side of the truth only, to the neglect of another which is just +as real, and just as important; he might have said, <i>Rien ne se +continue</i>, <i>tout nait</i>, <i>tout se crée</i>. +<i>La nature ne nous offre le spectacle d’aucune +continuation</i>. <i>Elle est d’une éternelle +création</i>; for change is no less patent a fact than +continuity, and, indeed, the two stand or fall together. +True, discontinuity, where development is normal, is on a very +small scale, but this is only the difference between looking at +distances on a small instead of a large map; we cannot have even +the smallest change without a small partial corresponding +discontinuity; on a small scale—too small, indeed, for us +to cognise—these breaks in continuity, each one of which +must, so far as our understanding goes, rank as a creation, are +as essential a factor of the phenomena we see around us, as is +the other factor that they shall normally be on too small a scale +for us to find it out. Creations, then, there must be, but +they must be so small that practically they are no +creations. We must have a continuity in discontinuity, and +a discontinuity in continuity; that is to say, we can only +conceive the help of change at all by the help of flat +contradiction in terms. It comes, therefore, to this, that +if we are to think fluently and harmoniously upon any subject +into which change enters (and there is no conceivable subject +into which it does not), we must begin by flying in the face of +every rule that professors of the art of thinking have drawn up +for our instruction. These rules may be good enough as +servants, but we have let them become the worst of masters, +forgetting that philosophy is made for man, not man for +philosophy. Logic has been the true Tower of Babel, which +we have thought to build so that we might climb up into the +heavens, and have no more miracle, but see God and live—nor +has confusion of tongues failed to follow on our +presumption. Truly St. Paul said well that the just shall +live by faith; and the question “By what faith?” is a +detail of minor moment, for there are as many faiths as species, +whether of plants or animals, and each of them is in its own way +both living and saving.</p> +<p>All, then, whether fusion or diffusion, whether of ideas or +things, is miraculous. It is the two in one, and at the +same time one in two, which is only two and two making five put +before us in another shape; yet this fusion—so easy to +think so long as it is not thought about, and so unthinkable if +we try to think it—is, as it were, the matrix from which +our more thinkable thought is taken; it is the cloud gathering in +the unseen world from which the waters of life descend in an +impalpable dew. Granted that all, whether fusion or +diffusion, whether of ideas or things, is, if we dwell upon it +and take it seriously, an outrage upon our understandings which +common sense alone enables us to brook; granted that it carries +with it a distinctly miraculous element which should vitiate the +whole process <i>ab initio</i>, still, if we have faith we can so +work these miracles as Orpheus-like to charm denizens of the +unseen world into the seen again—provided we do not look +back, and provided also we do not try to charm half a dozen +Eurydices at a time. To think is to fuse and diffuse ideas, +and to fuse and diffuse ideas is to feed. We can all feed, +and by consequence within reasonable limits we can fuse ideas; or +we can fuse ideas, and by consequence within reasonable limits we +can feed; we know not which comes first, the food or the ideas, +but we must not overtax our strength; the moment we do this we +taste of death.</p> +<p>It is in the closest connection with this that we must chew +our food fine before we can digest it, and that the same food +given in large lumps will choke and kill which in small pieces +feeds us; or, again, that that which is impotent as a pellet may +be potent as a gas. Food is very thoughtful: through +thought it comes, and back through thought it shall return; the +process of its conversion and comprehension within our own system +is mental as well as physical, and here, as everywhere else with +mind and evolution, there must be a cross, but not too wide a +cross—that is to say, there must be a miracle, but not upon +a large scale. Granted that no one can draw a clear line +and define the limits within which a miracle is healthy working +and beyond which it is unwholesome, any more than he can +prescribe the exact degree of fineness to which we must comminute +our food; granted, again, that some can do more than others, and +that at all times all men sport, so to speak, and surpass +themselves, still we know as a general rule near enough, and find +that the strongest can do but very little at a time, and, to +return to Mr. Spencer, the fusion of two such hitherto +unassociated ideas as race and experience was a miracle beyond +our strength.</p> +<p>Assuredly when Mr. Spencer wrote the passages he quoted in the +letter to the <i>Athenæum</i> above referred to, we were +not in the habit of thinking of any one as able to remember +things that had happened before he had been born or thought +of. This notion will still strike many of my non-readers as +harsh and strained; no such discord, therefore, should have been +taken unprepared, and when taken it should have been resolved +with pomp and circumstance. Mr Spencer, however, though he +took it continually, never either prepared it or resolved it at +all, but by using the words “experience of the race” +sprang this seeming paradox upon us, with the result that his +words were barren. They were barren because they were +incoherent; they were incoherent because they were approached and +quitted too suddenly. While we were realising +“experience” our minds excluded “race,” +inasmuch as experience was an idea we had been accustomed +hitherto to connect only with the individual; while realising the +idea “race,” for the same reason, we as a matter of +course excluded experience. We were required to fuse two +ideas that were alien to one another, without having had those +other ideas presented to us which would alone flux them. +The absence of these—which indeed were not immediately +ready to hand, or Mr. Spencer would have doubtless grasped +them—made nonsense of the whole thing; we saw the ideas +propped up as two cards one against the other, on one of Mr. +Spencer’s pages, only to find that they had fallen asunder +before we had turned over to the next, so we put down his book +resentfully, as written by one who did not know what to do with +his meaning even if he had one, or bore it meekly while he +chastised us with scorpions, as Mr. Darwin had done with whips, +according to our temperaments.</p> +<p>I may say, in passing, that the barrenness of incoherent +ideas, and the sterility of widely distant species and genera of +animals and plants, are one in principle—the sterility of +hybrids being just as much due to inability to fuse widely unlike +and unfamiliar ideas into a coherent whole, as barrenness of +ideas is, and, indeed, resolving itself ultimately into neither +more nor less than barrenness of ideas—that is to say, into +inability to think at all, or at any rate to think as their +neighbours do.</p> +<p>If Mr. Spencer had made it clear that the generations of any +race are <i>bonâ fide</i> united by a common personality, +and that in virtue of being so united each generation remembers +(within, of course, the limits to which all memory is subject) +what happened to it while still in the persons of its +progenitors—then his order to Professor Hering and myself +should be immediately obeyed; but this was just what was at once +most wanted, and least done by Mr. Spencer. Even in the +passages given above—passages collected by Mr. Spencer +himself—this point is altogether ignored; make it clear as +Professor Hering made it—put continued personality and +memory in the foreground as Professor Hering did, instead of +leaving them to be discovered “by implications,” and +then such expressions as “accumulated experiences” +and “experience of the race” become luminous; till +this had been done they were <i>Vox et præterea +nihil</i>.</p> +<p>To sum up briefly. The passages quoted by Mr. Spencer +from his “Principles of Psychology” can hardly be +called clear, even now that Professor Hering and others have +thrown light upon them. If, indeed, they had been clear Mr. +Spencer would probably have seen what they necesitated, and found +the way of meeting the difficulties of the case which occurred to +Professor Hering and myself. Till we wrote, very few +writers had even suggested this. The idea that offspring +was only “an elongation or branch proceeding from its +parents” had scintillated in the ingenious brain of Dr. +Erasmus Darwin, and in that of the designer of Jesse tree +windows, but it had kindled no fire; it now turns out that Canon +Kingsley had once called instinct inherited memory, <a +name="citation40a"></a><a href="#footnote40a" +class="citation">[40a]</a> but the idea, if born alive at all, +died on the page on which it saw light: Professor Ray Lankester, +again called attention to Professor Hering’s address +(<i>Nature</i>, July 13, 1876), but no discussion followed, and +the matter dropped without having produced visible effect. +As for offspring remembering in any legitimate sense of the words +what it had done, and what had happened to it, before it was +born, no such notion was understood to have been gravely mooted +till very recently. I doubt whether Mr. Spencer and Mr. +Romanes would accept this even now, when it is put thus +undisguisedly; but this is what Professor Hering and I mean, and +it is the only thing that should be meant, by those who speak of +instinct as inherited memory. Mr Spencer cannot maintain +that these two startling novelties went without saying “by +implication” from the use of such expressions as +“accumulated experiences” or “experience of the +race.”</p> +<h2><a name="page42"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +42</span>Chapter III<br /> +Mr. Herbert Spencer (<i>continued</i>)</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">Whether</span> they ought to have gone or +not, they did not go.</p> +<p>When “Life and Habit” was first published no one +considered Mr. Spencer to be maintaining the phenomena of +heredity to be in reality phenomena of memory. When, for +example, Professor Ray Lankester first called attention to +Professor Hering’s address, he did not understand Mr. +Spencer to be intending this. “Professor +Hering,” he wrote (<i>Nature</i>, July 13, 1876), +“helps us to a comprehensive view of the nature of heredity +and adaptation, by giving us the word ‘memory,’ +conscious or unconscious, for the continuity of Mr. +Spencer’s polar forces or polarities of physiological +units.” He evidently found the prominence given to +memory a help to him which he had not derived from reading Mr. +Spencer’s works.</p> +<p>When, again, he attacked me in the <i>Athenæum</i> +(March 29, 1884), he spoke of my “tardy recognition” +of the fact that Professor Hering had preceded me “in +treating all manifestations of heredity as a form of +memory.” Professor Lankester’s words could have +no force if he held that any other writer, and much less so well +known a writer as Mr. Spencer, had preceded me in putting forward +the theory in question.</p> +<p>When Mr. Romanes reviewed “Unconscious Memory” in +<i>Nature</i> (January 27, 1881) the notion of a +“race-memory,” to use his own words, was still so new +to him that he declared it “simply absurd” to suppose +that it could “possibly be fraught with any benefit to +science,” and with him too it was Professor Hering who had +anticipated me in the matter, not Mr. Spencer.</p> +<p>In his “Mental Evolution in Animals” (p. 296) he +said that Canon Kingsley, writing in 1867, was the first to +advance the theory that instinct is inherited memory; he could +not have said this if Mr. Spencer had been understood to have +been upholding this view for the last thirty years.</p> +<p>Mr. A. R. Wallace reviewed “Life and Habit” in +<i>Nature</i> (March 27, 1879), but he did not find the line I +had taken a familiar one, as he surely must have done if it had +followed easily by implication from Mr. Spencer’s +works. He called it “an ingenious and paradoxical +explanation” which was evidently new to him. He +concluded by saying that “it might yet afford a clue to +some of the deepest mysteries of the organic world.”</p> +<p>Professor Mivart, when he reviewed my books on Evolution in +the <i>American Catholic Quarterly Review</i> (July 1881), said, +“Mr Butler is not only perfectly logical and consistent in +the startling consequences he deduces from his principles, +but,” &c. Professor Mivart could not have found +my consequences startling if they had already been insisted upon +for many years by one of the best-known writers of the day.</p> +<p>The reviewer of “Evolution Old and New” in the +<i>Saturday Review</i> (March 31, 1879), of whom all I can +venture to say is that he or she is a person whose name carries +weight in matters connected with biology, though he (for brevity) +was in the humour for seeing everything objectionable in me that +could be seen, still saw no Mr. Spencer in me. He +said—“Mr Butler’s own particular contribution +to the terminology of Evolution is the phrase two or three times +repeated with some emphasis” (I repeated it not two or +three times only, but whenever and wherever I could venture to do +so without wearying the reader beyond endurance) “oneness +of personality between parents and offspring.” The +writer proceeded to reprobate this in language upon which a +Huxley could hardly improve, but as he declares himself unable to +discover what it means, it may be presumed that the idea of +continued personality between successive generations was new to +him.</p> +<p>When Dr. Francis Darwin called on me a day or two before +“Life and Habit” went to the press, he said the +theory which had pleased him more than any he had seen for some +time was one which referred all life to memory; <a +name="citation44a"></a><a href="#footnote44a" +class="citation">[44a]</a> he doubtless intended “which +referred all the phenomena of heredity to memory.” He +then mentioned Professor Ray Lankester’s article in +<i>Nature</i>, of which I had not heard, but he said nothing +about Mr. Spencer, and spoke of the idea as one which had been +quite new to him.</p> +<p>The above names comprise (excluding Mr. Spencer himself) +perhaps those of the best-known writers on evolution that can be +mentioned as now before the public; it is curious that Mr Spencer +should be the only one of them to see any substantial resemblance +between the “Principles of Psychology” and Professor +Hering’s address and “Life and Habit.”</p> +<p>I ought, perhaps, to say that Mr. Romanes, writing to the +<i>Athenæum</i> (March 8, 1884), took a different view of +the value of the theory of inherited memory to the one he took in +1881.</p> +<p>In 1881 he said it was “simply absurd” to suppose +it could “possibly be fraught with any benefit to +science” or “reveal any truth of profound +significance;” in 1884 he said of the same theory, that +“it formed the backbone of all the previous literature upon +instinct” by Darwin, Spencer, Lewes, Fiske, and Spalding, +“not to mention their numerous followers, and is by all of +them elaborately stated as clearly as any theory can be stated in +words.”</p> +<p>Few except Mr. Romanes will say this. I grant it ought +to “have formed the backbone,” &c., and ought +“to have been elaborately stated,” &c., but when +I wrote “Life and Habit” neither Mr Romanes nor any +one else understood it to have been even glanced at by more than +a very few, and as for having been “elaborately +stated,” it had been stated by Professor Hering as +elaborately as it could be stated within the limits of an address +of only twenty-two pages, but with this exception it had never +been stated at all. It is not too much to say that +“Life and Habit,” when it first came out, was +considered so startling a paradox that people would not believe +in my desire to be taken seriously, or at any rate were able to +pretend that they thought I was not writing seriously.</p> +<p>Mr. Romanes knows this just as well as all must do who keep an +eye on evolution; he himself, indeed, had said (<i>Nature</i>, +January 27, 1881) that so long as I “aimed only at +entertaining” my “readers by such works as +‘Erewhon’ and ‘Life and Habit’” (as +though these books were of kindred character) I was in my proper +sphere. It would be doing too little credit to Mr. +Romanes’ intelligence to suppose him not to have known when +he said this that “Life and Habit” was written as +seriously as my subsequent books on evolution, but it suited him +at the moment to join those who professed to consider it another +book of paradoxes such as, I suppose, “Erewhon” had +been, so he classed the two together. He could not have +done this unless enough people thought, or said they thought, the +books akin, to give colour to his doing so.</p> +<p>One alone of all my reviewers has, to my knowledge, brought +Mr. Spencer against me. This was a writer in the <i>St. +James’s Gazette</i> (December 2, 1880). I challenged +him in a letter which appeared (December 8, 1880), and said, +“I would ask your reviewer to be kind enough to refer your +readers to those passages of Mr. Spencer’s +“Principles of Psychology” which in any direct +intelligible way refer the phenomena of instinct and heredity +generally, to memory on the part of offspring of the action it +<i>bonâ fide</i> took in the persons of its +forefathers.” The reviewer made no reply, and I +concluded, as I have since found correctly, that he could not +find the passages.</p> +<p>True, in his “Principles of Psychology” (vol. ii. +p. 195) Mr. Spencer says that we have only to expand the doctrine +that all intelligence is acquired through experience “so as +to make it include with the experience of each individual the +experiences of all ancestral individuals,” &c. +This is all very good, but it is much the same as saying, +“We have only got to stand on our heads and we shall be +able to do so and so.” We did not see our way to +standing on our heads, and Mr. Spencer did not help us; we had +been accustomed, as I am afraid I must have said <i>usque ad +nauseam</i> already, to lose sight of the physical connection +existing between parents and offspring; we understood from the +marriage service that husband and wife were in a sense one flesh, +but not that parents and children were so also; and without this +conception of the matter, which in its way is just as true as the +more commonly received one, we could not extend the experience of +parents to offspring. It was not in the bond or +<i>nexus</i> of our ideas to consider experience as appertaining +to more than a single individual in the common acceptance of the +term; these two ideas were so closely bound together that +wherever the one went the other went perforce. Here, +indeed, in the very passage of Mr. Spencer’s just referred +to, the race is throughout regarded as “a series of +individuals”—without an attempt to call attention to +that other view, in virtue of which we are able to extend to many +an idea we had been accustomed to confine to one.</p> +<p>In his chapter on Memory, Mr. Spencer certainly approaches the +Heringian view. He says, “On the one hand, Instinct +may be regarded as a kind of organised memory; on the other, +Memory may be regarded as a kind of incipient instinct” +(“Principles of Psychology,” ed. 2, vol. i. p. +445). Here the ball has fallen into his hands, but if he +had got firm hold of it he could not have written, +“Instinct <i>may be</i> regarded as <i>a kind of</i>, +&c.;” to us there is neither “may be regarded +as” nor “kind of” about it; we require, +“Instinct is inherited memory,” with an explanation +making it intelligible how memory can come to be inherited at +all. I do not like, again, calling memory “a kind of +incipient instinct;” as Mr. Spencer puts them the words +have a pleasant antithesis, but “instinct is inherited +memory” covers all the ground, and to say that memory is +inherited instinct is surplusage.</p> +<p>Nor does he stick to it long when he says that “instinct +is a kind of organised memory,” for two pages later he says +that memory, to be memory at all, must be tolerably conscious or +deliberate; he, therefore (vol. i. p. 447), denies that there can +be such a thing as unconscious memory; but without this it is +impossible for us to see instinct as the “kind of organised +memory” which he has just been calling it, inasmuch as +instinct is notably undeliberate and unreflecting.</p> +<p>A few pages farther on (vol. i. p. 452) he finds himself +driven to unconscious memory after all, and says that +“conscious memory passes into unconscious or organic +memory.” Having admitted unconscious memory, he +declares (vol. i. p. 450) that “as fast as those +connections among psychical states, which we form in memory, grow +by constant repetition automatic—they <i>cease to be part +of memory</i>,” or, in other words, he again denies that +there can be an unconscious memory.</p> +<p>Mr. Spencer doubtless saw that he was involved in +contradiction in terms, and having always understood that +contradictions in terms were very dreadful things—which, of +course, under some circumstances they are—thought it well +so to express himself that his readers should be more likely to +push on than dwell on what was before them at the moment. I +should be the last to complain of him merely on the ground that +he could not escape contradiction in terms: who can? When +facts conflict, contradict one another, melt into one another as +the colours of the spectrum so insensibly that none can say where +one begins and the other ends, contradictions in terms become +first fruits of thought and speech. They are the basis of +intellectual consciousness, in the same way that a physical +obstacle is the basis of physical sensation. No opposition, +no sensation, applies as much to the psychical as to the physical +kingdom, as soon as these two have got well above the horizon of +our thoughts and can be seen as two. No contradiction, no +consciousness; no cross, no crown; contradictions are the very +small deadlocks without which there is no going; going is our +sense of a succession of small impediments or deadlocks; it is a +succession of cutting Gordian knots, which on a small scale +please or pain as the case may be; on a larger, give an ecstasy +of pleasure, or shock to the extreme of endurance; and on a still +larger, kill whether they be on the right side or the +wrong. Nature, as I said in “Life and Habit,” +hates that any principle should breed hermaphroditically, but +will give to each an helpmeet for it which shall cross it and be +the undoing of it; and in the undoing, do; and in the doing, +undo, and so <i>ad infinitum</i>. Cross-fertilisation is +just as necessary for continued fertility of ideas as for that of +organic life, and the attempt to frown this or that down merely +on the ground that it involves contradiction in terms, without at +the same time showing that the contradiction is on a larger scale +than healthy thought can stomach, argues either small sense or +small sincerity on the part of those who make it. The +contradictions employed by Mr. Spencer are objectionable, not on +the ground of their being contradictions at all, but on the +ground of their being blinked, and used unintelligently.</p> +<p>But though it is not possible for any one to get a clear +conception of Mr. Spencer’s meaning, we may say with more +confidence what it was that he did not mean. He did not +mean to make memory the keystone of his system; he has none of +that sense of the unifying, binding force of memory which +Professor Hering has so well expressed, nor does he show any +signs of perceiving the far-reaching consequences that ensue if +the phenomena of heredity are considered as phenomena of +memory. Thus, when he is dealing with the phenomena of old +age (vol. i. p. 538, ed. 2) he does not ascribe them to lapse and +failure of memory, nor surmise the principle underlying +longevity. He never mentions memory in connection with +heredity without presently saying something which makes us +involuntarily think of a man missing an easy catch at cricket; it +is only rarely, however, that he connects the two at all. I +have only been able to find the word “inherited” or +any derivative of the verb “to inherit” in connection +with memory once in all the 1300 long pages of the +“Principles of Psychology.” It occurs in vol +ii. p. 200, 2d ed., where the words stand, “Memory, +inherited or acquired.” I submit that this was +unintelligible when Mr. Spencer wrote it, for want of an +explanation which he never gave; I submit, also, that he could +not have left it unexplained, nor yet as an unrepeated expression +not introduced till late in his work, if he had had any idea of +its pregnancy.</p> +<p>At any rate, whether he intended to imply what he now implies +that he intended to imply (for Mr. Spencer, like the late Mr. +Darwin, is fond of qualifying phrases), I have shown that those +most able and willing to understand him did not take him to mean +what he now appears anxious to have it supposed that he +meant. Surely, moreover, if he had meant it he would have +spoken sooner, when he saw his meaning had been missed. I +can, however, have no hesitation in saying that if I had known +the “Principles of Psychology” earlier, as well as I +know the work now, I should have used it largely.</p> +<p>It may be interesting, before we leave Mr. Spencer, to see +whether he even now assigns to continued personality and memory +the place assigned to it by Professor Hering and myself. I +will therefore give the concluding words of the letter to the +<i>Athenæum</i> already referred to, in which he tells us +to stand aside. He writes “I still hold that +inheritance of functionally produced modifications is the chief +factor throughout the higher stages of organic evolution, bodily +as well as mental (see ‘Principles of Biology,’ i. +166), while I recognise the truth that throughout the lower +stages survival of the fittest is the chief factor, and in the +lowest the almost exclusive factor.”</p> +<p>This is the same confused and confusing utterance which Mr. +Spencer has been giving us any time this thirty years. +According to him the fact that variations can be inherited and +accumulated has less to do with the first development of organic +life, than the fact that if a square organism happens to get into +a square hole, it will live longer and more happily than a square +organism which happens to get into a round one; he declares +“the survival of the fittest”—and this is +nothing but the fact that those who “fit” best into +their surroundings will live longest and most +comfortably—to have more to do with the development of the +amœba into, we will say, a mollusc than heredity +itself. True, “inheritance of functionally produced +modifications” is allowed to be the chief factor throughout +the “higher stages of organic evolution,” but it has +very little to do in the lower; in these “the almost +exclusive factor” is not heredity, or inheritance, but +“survival of the fittest.”</p> +<p>Of course we know that Mr. Spencer does not believe this; of +course, also, all who are fairly well up in the history of the +development theory will see why Mr. Spencer has attempted to draw +this distinction between the “factors” of the +development of the higher and lower forms of life; but no matter +how or why Mr. Spencer has been led to say what he has, he has no +business to have said it. What can we think of a writer +who, after so many years of writing upon his subject, in a +passage in which he should make his meaning doubly clear, +inasmuch as he is claiming ground taken by other writers, +declares that though hereditary use and disuse, or, to use his +own words, “the inheritance of functionally produced +modifications,” is indeed very important in connection with +the development of the higher forms of life, yet heredity itself +has little or nothing to do with that of the lower? +Variations, whether produced functionally or not, can only be +perpetuated and accumulated because they can be +inherited;—and this applies just as much to the lower as to +the higher forms of life; the question which Professor Hering and +I have tried to answer is, “How comes it that anything can +be inherited at all? In virtue of what power is it that +offspring can repeat and improve upon the performances of their +parents?” Our answer was, “Because in a very +valid sense, though not perhaps in the most usually understood, +there is continued personality and an abiding memory between +successive generations.” How does Mr. Spencer’s +confession of faith touch this? If any meaning can be +extracted from his words, he is no more supporting this view now +than he was when he wrote the passages he has adduced to show +that he was supporting it thirty years ago; but after all no +coherent meaning can be got out of Mr. Spencer’s +letter—except, of course, that Professor Hering and myself +are to stand aside. I have abundantly shown that I am very +ready to do this in favour of Professor Hering, but see no reason +for admitting Mr. Spencer’s claim to have been among the +forestallers of “Life and Habit.”</p> +<h2><a name="page52"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +52</span>Chapter IV <a name="citation52a"></a><a +href="#footnote52a" class="citation">[52a]</a><br /> +Mr. Romanes’ “Mental Evolution in Animals”</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">Without</span> raising the unprofitable +question how Mr. Romanes, in spite of the indifference with which +he treated the theory of Inherited Memory in 1881, came, in 1883, +to be sufficiently imbued with a sense of its importance, I still +cannot afford to dispense with the weight of his authority, and +in this chapter will show how closely he not infrequently +approaches the Heringian position.</p> +<p>Thus, he says that the analogies between the memory with which +we are familiar in daily life and hereditary memory “are so +numerous and precise” as to justify us in considering them +to be of essentially the same kind. <a name="citation52b"></a><a +href="#footnote52b" class="citation">[52b]</a></p> +<p>Again, he says that although the memory of milk shown by +new-born infants is “at all events in large part +hereditary, it is none the less memory” of a certain kind. +<a name="citation52c"></a><a href="#footnote52c" +class="citation">[52c]</a></p> +<p>Two lines lower down he writes of “hereditary memory or +instinct,” thereby implying that instinct is +“hereditary memory.” “It makes no +essential difference,” he says, “whether the past +sensation was actually experienced by the individual itself, or +bequeathed it, so to speak, by its ancestors. <a +name="citation52d"></a><a href="#footnote52d" +class="citation">[52d]</a> For it makes no essential +difference whether the nervous changes . . . were occasioned +during the life-time of the individual or during that of the +species, and afterwards impressed by heredity on the +individual.”</p> +<p>Lower down on the same page he writes:—</p> +<p>“As showing how close is the connection between +hereditary memory and instinct,” &c.</p> +<p>And on the following page:—</p> +<p>“And this shows how closely the phenomena of hereditary +memory are related to those of individual memory: at this stage . +. . it is practically impossible to disentangle the effects of +hereditary memory from those of the individual.”</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Another point which we have here to consider is the +part which heredity has played in forming the perceptive faculty +of the individual prior to its own experience. We have +already seen that heredity plays an important part in forming +memory of ancestral experiences, and thus it is that many animals +come into the world with their power of perception already +largely developed. The wealth of ready-formed information, +and therefore of ready-made powers of perception, with which many +newly-born or newly-hatched animals are provided, is so great and +so precise that it scarcely requires to be supplemented by the +subsequent experience of the individual.” <a +name="citation53a"></a><a href="#footnote53a" +class="citation">[53a]</a></p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Instincts probably owe their origin and development to +one or other of the two principles.</p> +<p>“I. The first mode of origin consists in natural +selection or survival of the fittest, continuously preserving +actions, &c. &c.</p> +<p>“II. The second mode of origin is as +follows:—By the effects of habit in successive generations, +actions which were originally intelligent become as it were +stereotyped into permanent instincts. Just as in the +lifetime of the individual adjustive actions which were +originally intelligent may by frequent repetition become +automatic, so in the lifetime of species actions originally +intelligent may by frequent repetition and heredity so write +their effects on the nervous system that the latter is prepared, +even before individual experience, to perform adjustive actions +mechanically which in previous generations were performed +intelligently. This mode of origin of instincts has been +appropriately called (by Lewes—see “Problems of Life +and Mind” <a name="citation54a"></a><a href="#footnote54a" +class="citation">[54a]</a>) the ‘lapsing of +intelligence.’” <a name="citation54b"></a><a +href="#footnote54b" class="citation">[54b]</a></p> +<p>I may say in passing that in spite of the great stress laid by +Mr. Romanes both in his “Mental Evolution in Animals” +and in his letters to the <i>Athenæum</i> in March 1884, on +Natural Selection as an originator and developer of instinct, he +very soon afterwards let the Natural Selection part of the story +go as completely without saying as I do myself, or as Mr. Darwin +did during the later years of his life. Writing to +<i>Nature</i>, April 10, 1884, he said: “To deny <i>that +experience in the course of successive generations is the source +of instinct</i>, is not to meet by way of argument the enormous +mass of evidence which goes to prove <i>that this is the +case</i>.” Here, then, instinct is referred, without +reservation, to “experience in successive +generations,” and this is nonsense unless explained as +Professor Hering and I explain it. Mr. Romanes’ +words, in fact, amount to an unqualified acceptance of the +chapter “Instinct as Inherited Memory” given in +“Life and Habit,” of which Mr. Romanes in March 1884 +wrote in terms which it is not necessary to repeat.</p> +<p>Later on:—</p> +<p>“That ‘practice makes perfect’ is a matter, +as I have previously said, of daily observation. Whether we +regard a juggler, a pianist, or a billiard-player, a child +learning his lesson or an actor his part by frequently repeating +it, or a thousand other illustrations of the same process, we see +at once that there is truth in the cynical definition of a man as +a ‘bundle of habits.’ And the same, of course, +is true of animals.” <a name="citation55a"></a><a +href="#footnote55a" class="citation">[55a]</a></p> +<p>From this Mr. Romanes goes on to show “that automatic +actions and conscious habits may be inherited,” <a +name="citation55b"></a><a href="#footnote55b" +class="citation">[55b]</a> and in the course of doing this +contends that “instincts may be lost by disuse, and +conversely that they may be acquired as instincts by the +hereditary transmission of ancestral experience.”</p> +<p>On another page Mr. Romanes says:—</p> +<p>“Let us now turn to the second of these two assumptions, +viz., that some at least among migratory birds must possess, by +inheritance alone, a very precise knowledge of the particular +direction to be pursued. It is without question an +astonishing fact that a young cuckoo should be prompted to leave +its foster parents at a particular season of the year, and +without any guide to show the course previously taken by its own +parents, but this is a fact which must be met by any theory of +instinct which aims at being complete. Now upon our own +theory it can only be met by taking it to be due to inherited +memory.”</p> +<p>A little lower Mr. Romanes says: “Of what kind, then, is +the inherited memory on which the young cuckoo (if not also other +migratory birds) depends? We can only answer, of the same +kind, whatever this may be, as that upon which the old bird +depends.” <a name="citation55c"></a><a href="#footnote55c" +class="citation">[55c]</a></p> +<p>I have given above most of the more marked passages which I +have been able to find in Mr. Romanes’ book which attribute +instinct to memory, and which admit that there is no fundamental +difference between the kind of memory with which we are all +familiar and hereditary memory as transmitted from one generation +to another.</p> +<p>But throughout his work there are passages which suggest, +though less obviously, the same inference.</p> +<p>The passages I have quoted show that Mr. Romanes is upholding +the same opinions as Professor Hering’s and my own, but +their effect and tendency is more plain here than in Mr +Romanes’ own book, where they are overlaid by nearly 400 +long pages of matter which is not always easy of +comprehension.</p> +<p>Moreover, at the same time that I claim the weight of Mr. +Romanes’ authority, I am bound to admit that I do not find +his support satisfactory. The late Mr. Darwin +himself—whose mantle seems to have fallen more especially +and particularly on Mr. Romanes—could not contradict +himself more hopelessly than Mr. Romanes often does. Indeed +in one of the very passages I have quoted in order to show that +Mr. Romanes accepts the phenomena of heredity as phenomena of +memory, he speaks of “heredity as playing an important part +<i>in forming memory</i> of ancestral experiences;” so +that, whereas I want him to say that the phenomena of heredity +are due to memory, he will have it that the memory is due to the +heredity, which seems to me absurd.</p> +<p>Over and over again Mr. Romanes insists that it is heredity +which does this or that. Thus it is “<i>heredity with +natural selection which adapt</i> the anatomical plan of the +ganglia.” <a name="citation56a"></a><a href="#footnote56a" +class="citation">[56a]</a> It is heredity which impresses +nervous changes on the individual. <a name="citation56b"></a><a +href="#footnote56b" class="citation">[56b]</a> “In +the lifetime of species actions originally intelligent may by +frequent repetition and heredity,” &c.; <a +name="citation56c"></a><a href="#footnote56c" +class="citation">[56c]</a> but he nowhere tells us what heredity +is any more than Messrs. Herbert Spencer, Darwin, and Lewes have +done. This, however, is exactly what Professor Hering, whom +I have unwittingly followed, does. He resolves all +phenomena of heredity, whether in respect of body or mind, into +phenomena of memory. He says in effect, “A man grows +his body as he does, and a bird makes her nest as she does, +because both man and bird remember having grown body and made +nest as they now do, or very nearly so, on innumerable past +occasions.” He thus, as I have said on an earlier +page, reduces life from an equation of say 100 unknown quantities +to one of 99 only by showing that heredity and memory, two of the +original 100 unknown quantities, are in reality part of one and +the same thing.</p> +<p>That he is right Mr. Romanes seems to me to admit, though in a +very unsatisfactory way.</p> +<p>What, for example, can be more unsatisfactory than the +following?—Mr. Romanes says that the most fundamental +principle of mental operation is that of memory, and that this +“is the <i>conditio sine quâ non</i> of all mental +life” (page 35).</p> +<p>I do not understand Mr. Romanes to hold that there is any +living being which has no mind at all, and I do understand him to +admit that development of body and mind are closely +interdependent.</p> +<p>If, then, “the most fundamental principle” of mind +is memory, it follows that memory enters also as a fundamental +principle into development of body. For mind and body are +so closely connected that nothing can enter largely into the one +without correspondingly affecting the other.</p> +<p>On a later page Mr. Romanes speaks point-blank of the new-born +child as “<i>embodying</i> the results of a great mass of +<i>hereditary experience</i>” (p. 77), so that what he is +driving at can be collected by those who take trouble, but is not +seen until we call up from our own knowledge matter whose +relevancy does not appear on the face of it, and until we connect +passages many pages asunder, the first of which may easily be +forgotten before we reach the second. There can be no +doubt, however, that Mr. Romanes does in reality, like Professor +Hering and myself, regard development, whether of mind or body, +as due to memory, for it is now pretty generally seen to be +nonsense to talk about “hereditary experience” or +“hereditary memory” if anything else is intended.</p> +<p>I have said above that on page 113 of his recent work Mr. +Romanes declares the analogies between the memory with which we +are familiar in daily life, and hereditary memory, to be +“so numerous and precise” as to justify us in +considering them as of one and the same kind.</p> +<p>This is certainly his meaning, but, with the exception of the +words within inverted commas, it is not his language. His +own words are these:—</p> +<p>“Profound, however, as our ignorance unquestionably is +concerning the physical substratum of memory, I think we are at +least justified in regarding this substratum as the same both in +ganglionic or organic, and in the conscious or psychological +memory, seeing that the analogies between them are so numerous +and precise. Consciousness is but an adjunct which arises +when the physical processes, owing to infrequency of repetition, +complexity of operation, or other causes, involve what I have +before called ganglionic friction.”</p> +<p>I submit that I have correctly translated Mr. Romanes’ +meaning, and also that we have a right to complain of his not +saying what he has to say in words which will involve less +“ganglionic friction” on the part of the reader.</p> +<p>Another example may be found on p. 43 of Mr. Romanes’ +book. “Lastly,” he writes, “just as +innumerable special mechanisms of muscular co-ordinations are +found to be inherited, innumerable special associations of ideas +are found to be the same, and in one case as in the other the +strength of the organically imposed connection is found to bear a +direct proportion to the frequency with which in the history of +the species it has occurred.”</p> +<p>Mr. Romanes is here intending what the reader will find +insisted on on p. 51 of “Life and Habit;” but how +difficult he has made what could have been said intelligibly +enough, if there had been nothing but the reader’s comfort +to be considered. Unfortunately that seems to have been by +no means the only thing of which Mr. Romanes was thinking, or +why, after implying and even saying over and over again that +instinct is inherited habit due to inherited memory, should he +turn sharply round on p. 297 and praise Mr. Darwin for trying to +snuff out “the well-known doctrine of inherited habit as +advanced by Lamarck”? The answer is not far to +seek. It is because Mr. Romanes did not merely want to tell +us all about instinct, but wanted also, if I may use a homely +metaphor, to hunt with the hounds and run with the hare at one +and the same time.</p> +<p>I remember saying that if the late Mr. Darwin “had told +us what the earlier evolutionists said, why they said it, wherein +he differed from them, and in what way he proposed to set them +straight, he would have taken a course at once more agreeable +with usual practice, and more likely to remove misconception from +his own mind and from those of his readers.” <a +name="citation59a"></a><a href="#footnote59a" +class="citation">[59a]</a> This I have no doubt was one of +the passages which made Mr. Romanes so angry with me. I can +find no better words to apply to Mr. Romanes himself. He +knows perfectly well what others have written about the +connection between heredity and memory, and he knows no less well +that so far as he is intelligible at all he is taking the same +view that they have taken. If he had begun by saying what +they had said, and had then improved on it, I for one should have +been only too glad to be improved upon.</p> +<p>Mr. Romanes has spoiled his book just because this plain +old-fashioned method of procedure was not good enough for +him. One-half the obscurity which makes his meaning so hard +to apprehend is due to exactly the same cause as that which has +ruined so much of the late Mr. Darwin’s work—I mean +to a desire to appear to be differing altogether from others with +whom he knew himself after all to be in substantial +agreement. He adopts, but (probably quite unconsciously) in +his anxiety to avoid appearing to adopt, he obscures what he is +adopting.</p> +<p>Here, for example, is Mr. Romanes’ definition of +instinct:—</p> +<p>“Instinct is reflex action into which there is imported +the element of consciousness. The term is therefore a +generic one, comprising all those faculties of mind which are +concerned in conscious and adaptive action, antecedent to +individual experience, without necessary knowledge of the +relation between means employed and ends attained, but similarly +performed under similar and frequently recurring circumstances by +all the individuals of the same species.” <a +name="citation60a"></a><a href="#footnote60a" +class="citation">[60a]</a></p> +<p>If Mr. Romanes would have been content to build frankly upon +Professor Hering’s foundation, the soundness of which he +has elsewhere abundantly admitted, he might have said—</p> +<p>“Instinct is knowledge or habit acquired in past +generations—the new generation remembering what happened to +it before it parted company with the old. More briefly, +Instinct is inherited memory.” Then he might have +added a rider—</p> +<p>“If a habit is acquired as a new one, during any given +lifetime, it is not an instinct. If having been acquired in +one lifetime it is transmitted to offspring, it is an instinct in +the offspring, though it was not an instinct in the parent. +If the habit is transmitted partially, it must be considered as +partly instinctive and partly acquired.”</p> +<p>This is easy; it tells people how they may test any action so +as to know what they ought to call it; it leaves well alone by +avoiding all such debatable matters as reflex action, +consciousness, intelligence, purpose, knowledge of purpose, +&c.; it both introduces the feature of inheritance which is +the one mainly distinguishing instinctive from so-called +intelligent actions, and shows the manner in which these last +pass into the first, that is to say, by way of memory and +habitual repetition; finally it points the fact that the new +generation is not to be looked upon as a new thing, but (as Dr. +Erasmus Darwin long since said <a name="citation61a"></a><a +href="#footnote61a" class="citation">[61a]</a>) as “a +branch or elongation” of the one immediately preceding +it.</p> +<p>In Mr. Darwin’s case it is hardly possible to exaggerate +the waste of time, money and trouble that has been caused, by his +not having been content to appear as descending with modification +like other people from those who went before him. It will +take years to get the evolution theory out of the mess in which +Mr. Darwin has left it. He was heir to a discredited truth; +he left behind him an accredited fallacy. Mr. Romanes, if +he is not stopped in time, will get the theory connecting +heredity and memory into just such another muddle as Mr. Darwin +has got evolution, for surely the writer who can talk about +“<i>heredity being able to work up</i> the faculty of +homing into the instinct of migration,” <a +name="citation61b"></a><a href="#footnote61b" +class="citation">[61b]</a> or of “the principle of +(natural) selection combining with that of lapsing intelligence +to the formation of a joint result,” <a +name="citation61c"></a><a href="#footnote61c" +class="citation">[61c]</a> is little likely to depart from the +usual methods of scientific procedure with advantage either to +himself or any one else. Fortunately Mr. Romanes is not Mr. +Darwin, and though he has certainly got Mr. Darwin’s +mantle, and got it very much too, it will not on Mr. +Romanes’ shoulders hide a good deal that people were not +going to observe too closely while Mr. Darwin wore it.</p> +<p>I ought to say that the late Mr. Darwin appears himself +eventually to have admitted the soundness of the theory +connecting heredity and memory. Mr. Romanes quotes a letter +written by Mr. Darwin in the last year of his life, in which he +speaks of an intelligent action gradually becoming +“<i>instinctive</i>, <i>i.e.</i>, <i>memory transmitted +from one generation to another</i>.” <a +name="citation62a"></a><a href="#footnote62a" +class="citation">[62a]</a></p> +<p>Briefly, the stages of Mr. Darwin’s opinion upon the +subject of hereditary memory are as follows:—</p> +<p>1859. “It would be <i>the most serious error</i> +to suppose that the greater number of instincts have been +acquired by habit in one generation and transmitted by +inheritance to succeeding generations.” <a +name="citation62b"></a><a href="#footnote62b" +class="citation">[62b]</a> And this more especially applies +to the instincts of many ants.</p> +<p>1876. “It would be a <i>serious error</i> to +suppose,” &c., as before. <a name="citation62c"></a><a +href="#footnote62c" class="citation">[62c]</a></p> +<p>1881. “We should remember <i>what a mass of +inherited knowledge</i> is crowded into the minute brain of a +worker ant.” <a name="citation62d"></a><a +href="#footnote62d" class="citation">[62d]</a></p> +<p>1881 or 1882. Speaking of a given habitual action Mr. +Darwin writes: “It does not seem to me at all incredible +that this action [and why this more than any other habitual +action?] should then become instinctive:” i.e., <i>memory +transmitted from one generation to another</i>. <a +name="citation62e"></a><a href="#footnote62e" +class="citation">[62e]</a></p> +<p>And yet in 1839, or thereabouts, Mr. Darwin had pretty nearly +grasped the conception from which until the last year or two of +his life he so fatally strayed; for in his contribution to the +volumes giving an account of the voyages of the <i>Adventure</i> +and <i>Beagle</i>, he wrote: “Nature by making habit +omnipotent and its effects hereditary, has fitted the Fuegian for +the climate and productions of his country” (p. 237).</p> +<p>What is the secret of the long departure from the simple +common-sense view of the matter which he took when he was a young +man? I imagine simply what I have referred to in the +preceding chapter, over-anxiety to appear to be differing from +his grandfather, Dr. Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck.</p> +<p>I believe I may say that Mr. Darwin before he died not only +admitted the connection between memory and heredity, but came +also to see that he must readmit that design in organism which he +had so many years opposed. For in the preface to Hermann +Müller’s “Fertilisation of Flowers,” <a +name="citation63a"></a><a href="#footnote63a" +class="citation">[63a]</a> which bears a date only a very few +weeks prior to Mr. Darwin’s death, I find him +saying:—“Design in nature has for a long time deeply +interested many men, and though the subject must now be looked at +from a somewhat different point of view from what was formerly +the case, it is not on that account rendered less +interesting.” This is mused forth as a general gnome, +and may mean anything or nothing: the writer of the letterpress +under the hieroglyph in Old Moore’s Almanac could not be +more guarded; but I think I know what it does mean.</p> +<p>I cannot, of course, be sure; Mr. Darwin did not probably +intend that I should; but I assume with confidence that whether +there is design in organism or no, there is at any rate design in +this passage of Mr. Darwin’s. This, we may be sure, +is not a fortuitous variation; and, moreover, it is introduced +for some reason which made Mr. Darwin think it worth while to go +out of his way to introduce it. It has no fitness in its +connection with Hermann Müller’s book, for what little +Hermann Müller says about teleology at all is to condemn it; +why, then, should Mr. Darwin muse here of all places in the world +about the interest attaching to design in organism? Neither +has the passage any connection with the rest of the +preface. There is not another word about design, and even +here Mr. Darwin seems mainly anxious to face both ways, and pat +design as it were on the head while not committing himself to any +proposition which could be disputed.</p> +<p>The explanation is sufficiently obvious. Mr Darwin +wanted to hedge. He saw that the design which his works had +been mainly instrumental in pitchforking out of organisms no less +manifestly designed than a burglar’s jemmy is designed, had +nevertheless found its way back again, and that though, as I +insisted in “Evolution Old and New,” and +“Unconscious Memory,” it must now be placed within +the organism instead of outside it, as “was formerly the +case,” it was not on that account any the +less—design, as well as interesting.</p> +<p>I should like to have seen Mr. Darwin say this more +explicitly. Indeed I should have liked to have seen Mr. +Darwin say anything at all about the meaning of which there could +be no mistake, and without contradicting himself elsewhere; but +this was not Mr. Darwin’s manner.</p> +<p>In passing I will give another example of Mr Darwin’s +manner when he did not quite dare even to hedge. It is to +be found in the preface which he wrote to Professor +Weismann’s “Studies in the Theory of Descent,” +published in 1881.</p> +<p>“Several distinguished naturalists,” says Mr. +Darwin, “maintain with much confidence that organic beings +tend to vary and to rise in the scale, independently of the +conditions to which they and their progenitors have been exposed; +whilst others maintain that all variation is due to such +exposure, though the manner in which the environment acts is as +yet quite unknown. At the present time there is hardly any +question in biology of more importance than this of the nature +and causes of variability; and the reader will find in the +present work an able discussion on the whole subject, which will +probably lead him to pause before he admits the existence of an +innate tendency to perfectibility”—or towards +<i>being able to be perfected</i>.</p> +<p>I could find no able discussion upon the whole subject in +Professor Weismann’s book. There was a little +something here and there, but not much.</p> +<p>It may be expected that I should say something here about Mr. +Romanes’ latest contribution to biology—I mean his +theory of physiological selection, of which the two first +instalments have appeared in <i>Nature</i> just as these pages +are leaving my hands, and many months since the foregoing, and +most of the following chapters were written. I admit to +feeling a certain sense of thankfulness that they did not appear +earlier; as it is, my book is too far advanced to be capable of +further embryonic change, and this must be my excuse for saying +less about Mr. Romanes’ theory than I might perhaps +otherwise do. I cordially, however, agree with the +<i>Times</i>, which says that “Mr. George Romanes appears +to be the biological investigator on whom the mantle of Mr. +Darwin has most conspicuously descended” (August 16, +1886). Mr. Romanes is just the person whom the late Mr. +Darwin would select to carry on his work, and Mr. Darwin was just +the kind of person towards whom Mr. Romanes would find himself +instinctively attracted.</p> +<p>The <i>Times</i> continues—“The position which Mr. +Romanes takes up is the result of his perception shared by many +evolutionists, that the theory of natural selection is not really +a theory of the origin of species. . . .” What, then, +becomes of Mr. Darwin’s most famous work, which was written +expressly to establish natural selection as the main means of +organic modification? “The new factor which Mr. +Romanes suggests,” continues the <i>Times</i>, “is +that at a certain stage of development of varieties in a state of +nature a change takes place in their reproductive systems, +rendering those which differ in some particulars mutually +infertile, and thus the formation of new permanent species takes +place without the swamping effect of free intercrossing. . . +. How his theory can be properly termed one of selection he +fails to make clear. If correct, it is a law or principle +of operation rather than a process of selection. It has +been objected to Mr. Romanes’ theory that it is the +re-statement of a fact. This objection is less important +than the lack of facts in support of the theory.” The +<i>Times</i>, however, implies it as its opinion that the +required facts will be forthcoming by and by, and that when they +have been found Mr. Romanes’ suggestion will constitute +“the most important addition to the theory of evolution +since the publication of the ‘Origin of +Species.’” Considering that the <i>Times</i> +has just implied the main thesis of the “Origin of +Species” to be one which does not stand examination, this +is rather a doubtful compliment.</p> +<p>Neither Mr. Romanes nor the writer in the <i>Times</i> appears +to perceive that the results which may or may not be supposed to +ensue on choice depend upon what it is that is supposed to be +chosen from; they do not appear to see that though the expression +natural selection must be always more or less objectionable, as +too highly charged with metaphor for purposes of science, there +is nevertheless a natural selection which is open to no other +objection than this, and which, when its metaphorical character +is borne well in mind, may be used without serious risk of error, +whereas natural selection from variations that are mainly +fortuitous is chimerical as well as metaphorical. Both +writers speak of natural selection as though there could not +possibly be any selection in the course of nature, or natural +survival, of any but accidental variations. Thus Mr. +Romanes says: <a name="citation66a"></a><a href="#footnote66a" +class="citation">[66a]</a> “The swamping effect of +free inter-crossing upon an individual variation constitutes +perhaps the most formidable difficulty with which <i>the theory +of natural selection</i> is beset.” And the writer of +the article in the <i>Times</i> above referred to says: “In +truth <i>the theory of natural selection</i> presents many facts +and results which increase rather than diminish the difficulty of +accounting for the existence of species.” The +assertion made in each case is true if the Charles-Darwinian +selection from fortuitous variations is intended, but it does not +hold good if the selection is supposed to be made from variations +under which there lies a general principle of wide and abiding +application. It is not likely that a man of Mr. +Romanes’ antecedents should not be perfectly awake to +considerations so obvious as the foregoing, and I am afraid I am +inclined to consider his whole suggestion as only an attempt upon +the part of the wearer of Mr. Darwin’s mantle to carry on +Mr. Darwin’s work in Mr. Darwin’s spirit.</p> +<p>I have seen Professor Hering’s theory adopted recently +more unreservedly by Dr. Creighton in his “Illustrations of +Unconscious Memory in Disease.” <a +name="citation67a"></a><a href="#footnote67a" +class="citation">[67a]</a> Dr. Creighton avowedly bases his +system on Professor Hering’s address, and endorses it; it +is with much pleasure that I have seen him lend the weight of his +authority to the theory that each cell and organ has an +individual memory. In “Life and Habit” I +expressed a hope that the opinions it upheld would be found +useful by medical men, and am therefore the more glad to see that +this has proved to be the case. I may perhaps be pardoned +if I quote the passage in “Life and Habit” to which I +am referring. It runs:—</p> +<p>“<i>Mutatis mutandis</i>, the above would seem to hold +as truly about medicine as about politics. We cannot reason +with our cells, for they know so much more” (of course I +mean “about their own business”) “than we do, +that they cannot understand us;—but though we cannot reason +with them, we can find out what they have been most accustomed +to, and what, therefore, they are most likely to expect; we can +see that they get this as far as it is in our power to give it +them, and may then generally leave the rest to them, only bearing +in mind that they will rebel equally against too sudden a change +of treatment and no change at all” (p. 305).</p> +<p>Dr. Creighton insists chiefly on the importance of change, +which—though I did not notice his saying so—he would +doubtless see as a mode of cross-fertilisation, fraught in all +respects with the same advantages as this, and requiring the same +precautions against abuse; he would not, however, I am sure, deny +that there could be no fertility of good results if too wide a +cross were attempted, so that I may claim the weight of his +authority as supporting both the theory of an unconscious memory +in general, and the particular application of it to medicine +which I had ventured to suggest.</p> +<p>“Has the word ‘memory,’” he asks, +“a real application to unconscious organic phenomena, or do +we use it outside its ancient limits only in a figure of +speech?”</p> +<p>“If I had thought,” he continues later, +“that unconscious memory was no more than a metaphor, and +the detailed application of it to these various forms of disease +merely allegorical, I should still have judged it not +unprofitable to represent a somewhat hackneyed class of maladies +in the light of a parable. None of our faculties is more +familiar to us in its workings than the memory, and there is +hardly any force or power in nature which every one knows so well +as the force of habit. To say that a neurotic subject is +like a person with a retentive memory, or that a diathesis +gradually acquired is like an over-mastering habit, is at all +events to make comparisons with things that we all +understand.</p> +<p>“For reasons given chiefly in the first chapter, I +conclude that retentiveness, with reproduction, is a single +undivided faculty throughout the whole of our life, whether +mental or bodily, conscious or unconscious; and I claim the +description of a certain class of maladies according to the +phraseology of memory and habit as a real description and not a +figurative.” (p. 2.)</p> +<p>As a natural consequence of the foregoing he regards +“alterative action” as “habit-breaking +action.”</p> +<p>As regards the organism’s being guided throughout its +development to maturity by an unconscious memory, Dr. Creighton +says that “Professor Bain calls reproduction the acme of +organic complication.” “I should prefer to +say,” he adds, “the acme of organic implication; for +the reason that the sperm and germ elements are perfectly simple, +having nothing in their form or structure to show for the +marvellous potentialities within them.</p> +<p>“I now come to the application of these considerations +to the doctrine of unconscious memory. If generation is the +acme of organic implicitness, what is its correlative in nature, +what is the acme of organic explicitness? Obviously the +fine flower of consciousness. Generation is implicit +memory, consciousness is explicit memory; generation is potential +memory, consciousness is actual memory.”</p> +<p>I am not sure that I understand the preceding paragraph as +clearly as I should wish, but having quoted enough to perhaps +induce the reader to turn to Dr. Creighton’s book, I will +proceed to the subject indicated in my title.</p> +<h2><a name="page70"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +70</span>Chapter V<br /> +Statement of the Question at Issue</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">Of</span> the two points referred to in +the opening sentence of this book—I mean the connection +between heredity and memory, and the reintroduction of design +into organic modification—the second is both the more +important and the one which stands most in need of support. +The substantial identity between heredity and memory is becoming +generally admitted; as regards my second point, however, I cannot +flatter myself that I have made much way against the formidable +array of writers on the neo-Darwinian side; I shall therefore +devote the rest of my book as far as possible to this subject +only. Natural selection (meaning by these words the +preservation in the ordinary course of nature of favourable +variations that are supposed to be mainly matters of pure good +luck and in no way arising out of function) has been, to use an +Americanism than which I can find nothing apter, the biggest +biological boom of the last quarter of a century; it is not, +therefore, to be wondered at that Professor Ray Lankester, Mr. +Romanes, Mr. Grant Allen, and others, should show some impatience +at seeing its value as prime means of modification called in +question. Within the last few months, indeed, Mr. Grant +Allen <a name="citation70a"></a><a href="#footnote70a" +class="citation">[70a]</a> and Professor Ray Lankester <a +name="citation70b"></a><a href="#footnote70b" +class="citation">[70b]</a> in England, and Dr. Ernst Krause <a +name="citation70c"></a><a href="#footnote70c" +class="citation">[70c]</a> in Germany, have spoken and written +warmly in support of the theory of natural selection, and in +opposition to the views taken by myself; if they are not to be +left in possession of the field the sooner they are met the +better.</p> +<p>Stripped of detail the point at issue is this;—whether +luck or cunning is the fitter to be insisted on as the main means +of organic development. Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck answered +this question in favour of cunning. They settled it in +favour of intelligent perception of the situation—within, +of course, ever narrower and narrower limits as organism retreats +farther backwards from ourselves—and persistent effort to +turn it to account. They made this the soul of all +development whether of mind or body.</p> +<p>And they made it, like all other souls, liable to aberration +both for better and worse. They held that some organisms +show more ready wit and <i>savoir faire</i> than others; that +some give more proofs of genius and have more frequent happy +thoughts than others, and that some have even gone through waters +of misery which they have used as wells.</p> +<p>The sheet anchor both of Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck is in good +sense and thrift; still they are aware that money has been +sometimes made by “striking oil,” and ere now been +transmitted to descendants in spite of the haphazard way in which +it was originally acquired. No speculation, no commerce; +“nothing venture, nothing have,” is as true for the +development of organic wealth as for that of any other kind, and +neither Erasmus Darwin nor Lamarck hesitated about admitting that +highly picturesque and romantic incidents of developmental +venture do from time to time occur in the race histories even of +the dullest and most dead-level organisms under the name of +“sports;” but they would hold that even these occur +most often and most happily to those that have persevered in +well-doing for some generations. Unto the organism that +hath is given, and from the organism that hath not is taken away; +so that even “sports” prove to be only a little off +thrift, which still remains the sheet anchor of the early +evolutionists. They believe, in fact, that more organic +wealth has been made by saving than in any other way. The +race is not in the long run to the phenomenally swift nor the +battle to the phenomenally strong, but to the good average +all-round organism that is alike shy of Radical crotchets and old +world obstructiveness. <i>Festina</i>, but <i>festina +lente</i>—perhaps as involving so completely the +contradiction in terms which must underlie all +modification—is the motto they would assign to organism, +and <i>Chi va piano va lontano</i>, they hold to be a maxim as +old, if not as the hills (and they have a hankering even after +these), at any rate as the amœba.</p> +<p>To repeat in other words. All enduring forms establish a +<i>modus vivendi</i> with their surroundings. They can do +this because both they and the surroundings are plastic within +certain undefined but somewhat narrow limits. They are +plastic because they can to some extent change their habits, and +changed habit, if persisted in, involves corresponding change, +however slight, in the organs employed; but their plasticity +depends in great measure upon their failure to perceive that they +are moulding themselves. If a change is so great that they +are seriously incommoded by its novelty, they are not likely to +acquiesce in it kindly enough to grow to it, but they will make +no difficulty about the miracle involved in accommodating +themselves to a difference of only two or three per cent. <a +name="citation72a"></a><a href="#footnote72a" +class="citation">[72a]</a></p> +<p>As long as no change exceeds this percentage, and as long, +also, as fresh change does not supervene till the preceding one +is well established, there seems no limit to the amount of +modification which may be accumulated in the course of +generations—provided, of course, always, that the +modification continues to be in conformity with the instinctive +habits and physical development of the organism in their +collective capacity. Where the change is too great, or +where an organ has been modified cumulatively in some one +direction, until it has reached a development too seriously out +of harmony with the habits of the organism taken collectively, +then the organism holds itself excused from further effort, +throws up the whole concern, and takes refuge in the liquidation +and reconstruction of death. It is only on the +relinquishing of further effort that this death ensues; as long +as effort endures, organisms go on from change to change, +altering and being altered—that is to say, either killing +themselves piecemeal in deference to the surroundings or killing +the surroundings piecemeal to suit themselves. There is a +ceaseless higgling and haggling, or rather a life-and-death +struggle between these two things as long as life lasts, and one +or other or both have in no small part to re-enter into the womb +from whence they came and be born again in some form which shall +give greater satisfaction.</p> +<p>All change is <i>pro tanto</i> death or <i>pro tanto</i> +birth. Change is the common substratum which underlies both +life and death; life and death are not two distinct things +absolutely antagonistic to one another; in the highest life there +is still much death, and in the most complete death there is +still not a little life. <i>La vie</i>, says Claud Bernard, +<a name="citation73a"></a><a href="#footnote73a" +class="citation">[73a]</a> <i>c’est la mort</i>: he might +have added, and perhaps did, <i>et la mort ce n’est que la +vie transformée</i>. Life and death are the extreme +modes of something which is partly both and wholly neither; this +something is common, ordinary change; solve any change and the +mystery of life and death will be revealed; show why and how +anything becomes ever anything other in any respect than what it +is at any given moment, and there will be little secret left in +any other change. One is not in its ultimate essence more +miraculous that another; it may be more striking—a greater +<i>congeries</i> of shocks, it may be more credible or more +incredible, but not more miraculous; all change is +<i>quâ</i> us absolutely incomprehensible and miraculous; +the smallest change baffles the greatest intellect if its +essence, as apart from its phenomena, be inquired into.</p> +<p>But however this may be, all organic change is either a growth +or a dissolution, or a combination of the two. Growth is +the coming together of elements with <i>quasi</i> similar +characteristics. I understand it is believed to be the +coming together of matter in certain states of motion with other +matter in states so nearly similar that the rhythms of the one +coalesce with and hence reinforce the rhythms pre-existing in the +other—making, rather than marring and undoing them. +Life and growth are an attuning, death and decay are an untuning; +both involve a succession of greater or smaller attunings and +untunings; organic life is “the diapason closing full in +man”; it is the fulness of a tone that varies in pitch, +quality, and in the harmonics to which it gives rise; it ranges +through every degree of complexity from the endless combinations +of life-and-death within life-and-death which we find in the +mammalia, to the comparative simplicity of the amœba. +Death, again, like life, ranges through every degree of +complexity. All pleasant changes are recreative; they are +<i>pro tanto</i> births; all unpleasant changes are wearing, and, +as such, <i>pro tanto</i> deaths, but we can no more exhaust +either wholly of the other, than we can exhaust all the air out +of a receiver; pleasure and pain lurk within one another, as life +in death, and death in life, or as rest and unrest in one +another.</p> +<p>There is no greater mystery in life than in death. We +talk as though the riddle of life only need engage us; this is +not so; death is just as great a miracle as life; the one is two +and two making five, the other is five splitting into two and +two. Solve either, and we have solved the other; they +should be studied not apart, for they are never parted, but +together, and they will tell more tales of one another than +either will tell about itself. If there is one thing which +advancing knowledge makes clearer than another, it is that death +is swallowed up in life, and life in death; so that if the last +enemy that shall be subdued is death, then indeed is our +salvation nearer than what we thought, for in strictness there is +neither life nor death, nor thought nor thing, except as figures +of speech, and as the approximations which strike us for the time +as most convenient. There is neither perfect life nor +perfect death, but a being ever with the Lord only, in the +eternal φορα, or going to and fro and heat +and fray of the universe. When we were young we thought the +one certain thing was that we should one day come to die; now we +know the one certain thing to be that we shall never wholly do +so. <i>Non omnis moriar</i>, says Horace, and “I die +daily,” says St. Paul, as though a life beyond the grave, +and a death on this side of it, were each some strange thing +which happened to them alone of all men; but who dies absolutely +once for all, and for ever at the hour that is commonly called +that of death, and who does not die daily and hourly? Does +any man in continuing to live from day to day or moment to +moment, do more than continue in a changed body, with changed +feelings, ideas, and aims, so that he lives from moment to moment +only in virtue of a simultaneous dying from moment to moment +also? Does any man in dying do more than, on a larger and +more complete scale, what he has been doing on a small one, as +the most essential factor of his life, from the day that he +became “he” at all? When the note of life is +struck the harmonics of death are sounded, and so, again, to +strike death is to arouse the infinite harmonics of life that +rise forthwith as incense curling upwards from a censer. If +in the midst of life we are in death, so also in the midst of +death we are in life, and whether we live or whether we die, +whether we like it and know anything about it or no, still we do +it to the Lord—living always, dying always, and in the Lord +always, the unjust and the just alike, for God is no respecter of +persons.</p> +<p>Consciousness and change, so far as we can watch them, are as +functionally interdependent as mind and matter, or condition and +substance, are—for the condition of every substance may be +considered as the expression and outcome of its mind. Where +there is consciousness there is change; where there is no change +there is no consciousness; may we not suspect that there is no +change without a <i>pro tanto</i> consciousness however simple +and unspecialised? Change and motion are one, so that we +have substance, feeling, change (or motion), as the ultimate +three-in-one of our thoughts, and may suspect all change, and all +feeling, attendant or consequent, however limited, to be the +interaction of those states which for want of better terms we +call mind and matter. Action may be regarded as a kind of +middle term between mind and matter; it is the throe of thought +and thing, the quivering clash and union of body and soul; +commonplace enough in practice; miraculous, as violating every +canon on which thought and reason are founded, if we theorise +about it, put it under the microscope, and vivisect it. It +is here, if anywhere, that body or substance is guilty of the +contradiction in terms of combining with that which is without +material substance and cannot, therefore, be conceived by us as +passing in and out with matter, till the two become a body +ensouled and a soul embodied.</p> +<p>All body is more or less ensouled. As it gets farther +and farther from ourselves, indeed, we sympathise less with it; +nothing, we say to ourselves, can have intelligence unless we +understand all about it—as though intelligence in all +except ourselves meant the power of being understood rather than +of understanding. We are intelligent, and no intelligence, +so different from our own as to baffle our powers of +comprehension deserves to be called intelligence at all. +The more a thing resembles ourselves, the more it thinks as we +do—and thus by implication tells us that we are right, the +more intelligent we think it; and the less it thinks as we do, +the greater fool it must be; if a substance does not succeed in +making it clear that it understands our business, we conclude +that it cannot have any business of its own, much less understand +it, or indeed understand anything at all. But letting this +pass, so far as we are concerned, +χρημάτων +πάντων μέτρον +άνθρωπος; we are body +ensouled, and soul embodied, ourselves, nor is it possible for us +to think seriously of anything so unlike ourselves as to consist +either of soul without body, or body without soul. +Unmattered condition, therefore, is as inconceivable by us as +unconditioned matter; and we must hold that all body with which +we can be conceivably concerned is more or less ensouled, and all +soul, in like manner, more or less embodied. Strike either +body or soul—that is to say, effect either a physical or a +mental change, and the harmonics of the other sound. So +long as body is minded in a certain way—so long, that is to +say, as it feels, knows, remembers, concludes, and forecasts one +set of things—it will be in one form; if it assumes a new +one, otherwise than by external violence, no matter how slight +the change may be, it is only through having changed its mind, +through having forgotten and died to some trains of thought, and +having been correspondingly born anew by the adoption of new +ones. What it will adopt depends upon which of the various +courses open to it it considers most to its advantage.</p> +<p>What it will think to its advantage depends mainly on the past +habits of its race. Its past and now invisible lives will +influence its desires more powerfully than anything it may itself +be able to add to the sum of its likes and dislikes; +nevertheless, over and above preconceived opinion and the habits +to which all are slaves, there is a small salary, or, as it were, +agency commission, which each may have for himself, and spend +according to his fancy; from this, indeed, income-tax must be +deducted; still there remains a little margin of individual +taste, and here, high up on this narrow, inaccessible ledge of +our souls, from year to year a breed of not unprolific variations +build where reason cannot reach them to despoil them; for <i>de +gustibus non est disputandum</i>.</p> +<p>Here we are as far as we can go. Fancy, which sometimes +sways so much and is swayed by so little, and which sometimes, +again, is so hard to sway, and moves so little when it is swayed; +whose ways have a method of their own, but are not as our +ways—fancy, lies on the extreme borderland of the realm +within which the writs of our thoughts run, and extends into that +unseen world wherein they have no jurisdiction. Fancy is as +the mist upon the horizon which blends earth and sky; where, +however, it approaches nearest to the earth and can be reckoned +with, it is seen as melting into desire, and this as giving birth +to design and effort. As the net result and outcome of +these last, living forms grow gradually but persistently into +physical conformity with their own intentions, and become outward +and visible signs of the inward and spiritual faiths, or wants of +faith, that have been most within them. They thus very +gradually, but none the less effectually, design themselves.</p> +<p>In effect, therefore, Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck introduce +uniformity into the moral and spiritual worlds as it was already +beginning to be introduced into the physical. According to +both these writers development has ever been a matter of the same +energy, effort, good sense, and perseverance, as tend to +advancement of life now among ourselves. In essence it is +neither more nor less than this, as the rain-drop which denuded +an ancient formation is of the same kind as that which is +denuding a modern one, though its effect may vary in geometrical +ratio with the effect it has produced already. As we are +extending reason to the lower animals, so we must extend a system +of moral government by rewards and punishments no less surely; +and if we admit that to some considerable extent man is man, and +master of his fate, we should admit also that all organic forms +which are saved at all have been in proportionate degree masters +of their fate too, and have worked out, not only their own +salvation, but their salvation according, in no small measure, to +their own goodwill and pleasure, at times with a light heart, and +at times in fear and trembling. I do not say that Erasmus +Darwin and Lamarck saw all the foregoing as clearly as it is easy +to see it now; what I have said, however, is only the natural +development of their system.</p> +<h2><a name="page80"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +80</span>Chapter VI<br /> +Statement of the Question at Issue (<i>continued</i>)</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">So</span> much for the older view; and now +for the more modern opinion. According to Messrs. Darwin +and Wallace, and ostensibly, I am afraid I should add, a great +majority of our most prominent biologists, the view taken by +Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck is not a sound one. Some +organisms, indeed, are so admirably adapted to their +surroundings, and some organs discharge their functions with so +much appearance of provision, that we are apt to think they must +owe their development to sense of need and consequent +contrivance, but this opinion is fantastic; the appearance of +design is delusive; what we are tempted to see as an accumulated +outcome of desire and cunning, we should regard as mainly an +accumulated outcome of good luck.</p> +<p>Let us take the eye as a somewhat crucial example. It is +a seeing-machine, or thing to see with. So is a telescope; +the telescope in its highest development is a secular +accumulation of cunning, sometimes small, sometimes great; +sometimes applied to this detail of the instrument, and sometimes +to that. It is an admirable example of design; +nevertheless, as I said in “Evolution Old and New,” +he who made the first rude telescope had probably no idea of any +more perfect form of the instrument than the one he had himself +invented. Indeed, if he had, he would have carried his idea +out in practice. He would have been unable to conceive such +an instrument as Lord Rosse’s; the design, therefore, at +present evidenced by the telescope was not design all on the part +of one and the same person. Nor yet was it unmixed with +chance; many a detail has been doubtless due to an accident or +coincidence which was forthwith seized and made the best +of. Luck there always has been and always will be, until +all brains are opened, and all connections made known, but luck +turned to account becomes design; there is, indeed, if things are +driven home, little other design than this. The telescope, +therefore, is an instrument designed in all its parts for the +purpose of seeing, and, take it all round, designed with singular +skill.</p> +<p>Looking at the eye, we are at first tempted to think that it +must be the telescope over again, only more so; we are tempted to +see it as something which has grown up little by little from +small beginnings, as the result of effort well applied and handed +down from generation to generation, till, in the vastly greater +time during which the eye has been developing as compared with +the telescope, a vastly more astonishing result has been arrived +at. We may indeed be tempted to think this, but, according +to Mr. Darwin, we should be wrong. Design had a great deal +to do with the telescope, but it had nothing or hardly anything +whatever to do with the eye. The telescope owes its +development to cunning, the eye to luck, which, it would seem, is +so far more cunning than cunning that one does not quite +understand why there should be any cunning at all. The main +means of developing the eye was, according to Mr. Darwin, not use +as varying circumstances might direct with consequent slow +increase of power and an occasional happy flight of genius, but +natural selection. Natural selection, according to him, +though not the sole, is still the most important means of its +development and modification. <a name="citation81a"></a><a +href="#footnote81a" class="citation">[81a]</a> What, then, +is natural selection?</p> +<p>Mr. Darwin has told us this on the title-page of the +“Origin of Species.” He there defines it as +“The Preservation of Favoured Races;” +“Favoured” is “Fortunate,” and +“Fortunate” “Lucky;” it is plain, +therefore, that with Mr. Darwin natural selection comes to +“The Preservation of Lucky Races,” and that he +regarded luck as the most important feature in connection with +the development even of so apparently purposive an organ as the +eye, and as the one, therefore, on which it was most proper to +insist. And what is luck but absence of intention or +design? What, then, can Mr. Darwin’s title-page +amount to when written out plainly, but to an assertion that the +main means of modification has been the preservation of races +whose variations have been unintentional, that is to say, not +connected with effort or intention, devoid of mind or meaning, +fortuitous, spontaneous, accidental, or whatever kindred word is +least disagreeable to the reader? It is impossible to +conceive any more complete denial of mind as having had anything +to do with organic development, than is involved in the +title-page of the “Origin of Species” when its +doubtless carefully considered words are studied—nor, let +me add, is it possible to conceive a title-page more likely to +make the reader’s attention rest much on the main doctrine +of evolution, and little, to use the words now most in vogue +concerning it, on Mr. Darwin’s own “distinctive +feature.”</p> +<p>It should be remembered that the full title of the +“Origin of Species” is, “On the origin of +species by means of natural selection, or the preservation of +favoured races in the struggle for life.” The +significance of the expansion of the title escaped the greater +number of Mr. Darwin’s readers. Perhaps it ought not +to have done so, but we certainly failed to catch it. The +very words themselves escaped us—and yet there they were +all the time if we had only chosen to look. We thought the +book was called “On the Origin of Species,” and so it +was on the outside; so it was also on the inside fly-leaf; so it +was on the title-page itself as long as the most prominent type +was used; the expanded title was only given once, and then in +smaller type; so the three big “Origins of Species” +carried us with them to the exclusion of the rest.</p> +<p>The short and working title, “On the Origin of +Species,” in effect claims descent with modification +generally; the expanded and technically true title only claims +the discovery that luck is the main means of organic +modification, and this is a very different matter. The book +ought to have been entitled, “On Natural Selection, or the +preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life, as the +main means of the origin of species;” this should have been +the expanded title, and the short title should have been +“On Natural Selection.” The title would not +then have involved an important difference between its working +and its technical forms, and it would have better fulfilled the +object of a title, which is, of course, to give, as far as may +be, the essence of a book in a nutshell. We learn on the +authority of Mr. Darwin himself <a name="citation83a"></a><a +href="#footnote83a" class="citation">[83a]</a> that the +“Origin of Species” was originally intended to bear +the title “Natural Selection;” nor is it easy to see +why the change should have been made if an accurate expression of +the contents of the book was the only thing which Mr. Darwin was +considering. It is curious that, writing the later chapters +of “Life and Habit” in great haste, I should have +accidentally referred to the “Origin of Species” as +“Natural Selection;” it seems hard to believe that +there was no intention in my thus unconsciously reverting to Mr. +Darwin’s own original title, but there certainly was none, +and I did not then know what the original title had been.</p> +<p>If we had scrutinised Mr. Darwin’s title-page as closely +as we should certainly scrutinise anything written by Mr. Darwin +now, we should have seen that the title did not technically claim +the theory of descent; practically, however, it so turned out +that we unhesitatingly gave that theory to the author, being, as +I have said, carried away by the three large “Origins of +Species” (which we understood as much the same thing as +descent with modification), and finding, as I shall show in a +later chapter, that descent was ubiquitously claimed throughout +the work, either expressly or by implication, as Mr. +Darwin’s theory. It is not easy to see how any one +with ordinary instincts could hesitate to believe that Mr. Darwin +was entitled to claim what he claimed with so much +insistance. If <i>ars est celare artem</i> Mr. Darwin must +be allowed to have been a consummate artist, for it took us years +to understand the ins and outs of what had been done.</p> +<p>I may say in passing that we never see the “Origin of +Species” spoken of as “On the Origin of Species, +&c.,” or as “The Origin of Species, +&c.” (the word “on” being dropped in +the latest editions). The distinctive feature of the book +lies, according to its admirers, in the “&c.,” +but they never give it. To avoid pedantry I shall continue +to speak of the “Origin of Species.”</p> +<p>At any rate it will be admitted that Mr. Darwin did not make +his title-page express his meaning so clearly that his readers +could readily catch the point of difference between himself and +his grandfather and Lamarck; nevertheless the point just touched +upon involves the only essential difference between the systems +of Mr. Charles Darwin and those of his three most important +predecessors. All four writers agree that animals and +plants descend with modification; all agree that the fittest +alone survive; all agree about the important consequences of the +geometrical ratio of increase; Mr. Charles Darwin has said more +about these last two points than his predecessors did, but all +three were alike cognisant of the facts and attached the same +importance to them, and would have been astonished at its being +supposed possible that they disputed them. The fittest +alone survive; yes—but the fittest from among what? +Here comes the point of divergence; the fittest from among +organisms whose variations arise mainly through use and +disuse? In other words, from variations that are mainly +functional? Or from among organisms whose variations are in +the main matters of luck? From variations into which a +moral and intellectual system of payment according to results has +largely entered? Or from variations which have been thrown +for with dice? From variations among which, though cards +tell, yet play tells as much or more? Or from those in +which cards are everything and play goes for so little as to be +not worth taking into account? Is “the survival of +the fittest” to be taken as meaning “the survival of +the luckiest” or “the survival of those who know best +how to turn fortune to account”? Is luck the only +element of fitness, or is not cunning even more +indispensable?</p> +<p>Mr. Darwin has a habit, borrowed, perhaps, <i>mutatis +mutandis</i>, from the framers of our collects, of every now and +then adding the words “through natural selection,” as +though this squared everything, and descent with modification +thus became his theory at once. This is not the case. +Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck believed in natural selection +to the full as much as any follower of Mr. Charles Darwin can +do. They did not use the actual words, but the idea +underlying them is the essence of their system. Mr. Patrick +Matthew epitomised their doctrine more tersely, perhaps, than was +done by any other of the pre-Charles-Darwinian evolutionists, in +the following passage which appeared in 1831, and which I have +already quoted in “Evolution Old and New” (pp. 320, +323). The passage runs:—</p> +<p>“The self-regulating adaptive disposition of organised +life may, in part, be traced to the extreme fecundity of nature, +who, as before stated, has in all the varieties of her offspring +a prolific power much beyond (in many cases a thousandfold) what +is necessary to fill up the vacancies caused by senile +decay. As the field of existence is limited and +preoccupied, it is only the hardier, more robust, better suited +to circumstance individuals, who are able to struggle forward to +maturity, these inhabiting only the situations to which they have +superior adaptation and greater power of occupancy than any other +kind; the weaker and less circumstance-suited being prematurely +destroyed. This principle is in constant action; it +regulates the colour, the figure, the capacities, and instincts; +those individuals in each species whose colour and covering are +best suited to concealment or protection from enemies, or defence +from inclemencies or vicissitudes of climate, whose figure is +best accommodated to health, strength, defence, and support; +whose capacities and instincts can best regulate the physical +energies to self-advantage according to circumstances—in +such immense waste of primary and youthful life those only come +forward to maturity from <i>the strict ordeal by which nature +tests their adaptation to her standard of perfection</i> and +fitness to continue their kind by reproduction.” <a +name="citation86a"></a><a href="#footnote86a" +class="citation">[86a]</a> A little lower down Mr. Matthew +speaks of animals under domestication “<i>not having +undergone selection by the law of nature</i>, <i>of which we have +spoken</i>, and hence being unable to maintain their ground +without culture and protection.”</p> +<p>The distinction between Darwinism and Neo-Darwinism is +generally believed to lie in the adoption of a theory of natural +selection by the younger Darwin and its non-adoption by the +elder. This is true in so far as that the elder Darwin does +not use the words “natural selection,” while the +younger does, but it is not true otherwise. Both writers +agree that offspring tends to inherit modifications that have +been effected, from whatever cause, in parents; both hold that +the best adapted to their surroundings live longest and leave +most offspring; both, therefore, hold that favourable +modifications will tend to be preserved and intensified in the +course of many generations, and that this leads to divergence of +type; but these opinions involve a theory of natural selection or +quasi-selection, whether the words “natural +selection” are used or not; indeed it is impossible to +include wild species in any theory of descent with modification +without implying a quasi-selective power on the part of nature; +but even with Mr. Charles Darwin the power is only +quasi-selective; there is no conscious choice, and hence there is +nothing that can in strictness be called selection.</p> +<p>It is indeed true that the younger Darwin gave the words +“natural selection” the importance which of late +years they have assumed; he probably adopted them unconsciously +from the passage of Mr. Matthew’s quoted above, but he +ultimately said, <a name="citation87a"></a><a href="#footnote87a" +class="citation">[87a]</a> “In the literal sense of the +word (<i>sic</i>) no doubt natural selection is a false +term,” as personifying a fact, making it exercise the +conscious choice without which there can be no selection, and +generally crediting it with the discharge of functions which can +only be ascribed legitimately to living and reasoning +beings. Granted, however, that while Mr. Charles Darwin +adopted the expression natural selection and admitted it to be a +bad one, his grandfather did not use it at all; still Mr. Darwin +did not mean the natural selection which Mr. Matthew and those +whose opinions he was epitomising meant. Mr. Darwin meant +the selection to be made from variations into which purpose +enters to only a small extent comparatively. The +difference, therefore, between the older evolutionists and their +successor does not lie in the acceptance by the more recent +writer of a quasi-selective power in nature which his +predecessors denied, but in the background—hidden behind +the words natural selection, which have served to cloak +it—in the views which the old and the new writers severally +took of the variations from among which they are alike agreed +that a selection or quasi-selection is made.</p> +<p>It now appears that there is not one natural selection, and +one survival of the fittest only, but two natural selections, and +two survivals of the fittest, the one of which may be objected to +as an expression more fit for religious and general literature +than for science, but may still be admitted as sound in +intention, while the other, inasmuch as it supposes accident to +be the main purveyor of variations, has no correspondence with +the actual course of things; for if the variations are matters of +chance or hazard unconnected with any principle of constant +application, they will not occur steadily enough, throughout a +sufficient number of successive generations, nor to a sufficient +number of individuals for many generations together at the same +time and place, to admit of the fixing and permanency of +modification at all. The one theory of natural selection, +therefore, may, and indeed will, explain the facts that surround +us, whereas the other will not. Mr. Charles Darwin’s +contribution to the theory of evolution was not, as is commonly +supposed, “natural selection,” but the hypothesis +that natural selection from variations that are in the main +fortuitous could accumulate and result in specific and generic +differences.</p> +<p>In the foregoing paragraph I have given the point of +difference between Mr. Charles Darwin and his predecessors. +Why, I wonder, have neither he nor any of his exponents put this +difference before us in such plain words that we should readily +apprehend it? Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck were understood by +all who wished to understand them; why is it that the +misunderstanding of Mr. Darwin’s “distinctive +feature” should have been so long and obstinate? Why +is it that, no matter how much writers like Mr. Grant Allen and +Professor Ray Lankester may say about “Mr. Darwin’s +master-key,” nor how many more like hyperboles they +brandish, they never put a succinct <i>résumé</i> +of Mr. Darwin’s theory side by side with a similar +<i>résumé</i> of his grandfather’s and +Lamarck’s? Neither Mr. Darwin himself, not any of +those to whose advocacy his reputation is mainly due, have done +this. Professor Huxley is the man of all others who foisted +Mr. Darwin most upon us, but in his famous lecture on the coming +of age of the “Origin of Species” he did not explain +to his hearers wherein the Neo-Darwinian theory of evolution +differed from the old; and why not? Surely, because no +sooner is this made clear than we perceive that the idea +underlying the old evolutionists is more in accord with +instinctive feelings that we have cherished too long to be able +now to disregard them than the central idea which underlies the +“Origin of Species.”</p> +<p>What should we think of one who maintained that the +steam-engine and telescope were not developed mainly through +design and effort (letting the indisputably existing element of +luck go without saying), but to the fact that if any telescope or +steam-engine “happened to be made ever such a little more +conveniently for man’s purposes than another,” +&c., &c.?</p> +<p>Let us suppose a notorious burglar found in possession of a +jemmy; it is admitted on all hands that he will use it as soon as +he gets a chance; there is no doubt about this; how perverted +should we not consider the ingenuity of one who tried to persuade +us we were wrong in thinking that the burglar compassed the +possession of the jemmy by means involving ideas, however vague +in the first instance, of applying it to its subsequent +function.</p> +<p>If any one could be found so blind to obvious inferences as to +accept natural selection, “or the preservation of favoured +machines,” as the main means of mechanical modification, we +might suppose him to argue much as follows:—“I can +quite understand,” he would exclaim, “how any one who +reflects upon the originally simple form of the earliest jemmies, +and observes the developments they have since attained in the +hands of our most accomplished housebreakers, might at first be +tempted to believe that the present form of the instrument has +been arrived at by long-continued improvement in the hands of an +almost infinite succession of thieves; but may not this inference +be somewhat too hastily drawn? Have we any right to assume +that burglars work by means analogous to those employed by other +people? If any thief happened to pick up any crowbar which +happened to be ever such a little better suited to his purpose +than the one he had been in the habit of using hitherto, he would +at once seize and carefully preserve it. If it got worn out +or broken he would begin searching for a crowbar as like as +possible to the one that he had lost; and when, with advancing +skill, and in default of being able to find the exact thing he +wanted, he took at length to making a jemmy for himself, he would +imitate the latest and most perfect adaptation, which would thus +be most likely to be preserved in the struggle of competitive +forms. Let this process go on for countless generations, +among countless burglars of all nations, and may we not suppose +that a jemmy would be in time arrived at, as superior to any that +could have been designed as the effect of the Niagara Falls is +superior to the puny efforts of the landscape +gardener?”</p> +<p>For the moment I will pass over the obvious retort that there +is no sufficient parallelism between bodily organs and mechanical +inventions to make a denial of design in the one involve in +equity a denial of it in the other also, and that therefore the +preceding paragraph has no force. A man is not bound to +deny design in machines wherein it can be clearly seen because he +denies it in living organs where at best it is a matter of +inference. This retort is plausible, but in the course of +the two next following chapters but one it will be shown to be +without force; for the moment, however, beyond thus calling +attention to it, I must pass it by.</p> +<p>I do not mean to say that Mr. Darwin ever wrote anything which +made the utility of his contention as apparent as it is made by +what I have above put into the mouth of his supposed +follower. Mr. Darwin was the Gladstone of biology, and so +old a scientific hand was not going to make things unnecessarily +clear unless it suited his convenience. Then, indeed, he +was like the man in “The Hunting of the Snark,” who +said, “I told you once, I told you twice, what I tell you +three times is true.” That what I have supposed said, +however, above about the jemmy is no exaggeration of Mr. +Darwin’s attitude as regards design in organism will appear +from the passage about the eye already referred to, which it may +perhaps be as well to quote in full. Mr. Darwin +says:—</p> +<p>“It is scarcely possible to avoid comparing the eye to a +telescope. We know that this instrument has been perfected +by the long-continued efforts of the highest human intellects, +and we naturally infer that the eye has been formed by a somewhat +analogous process. But may not this inference be +presumptuous? Have we any right to assume that the Creator +works by intellectual powers like those of men? If we must +compare the eye to an optical instrument, we ought in imagination +to take a thick layer of transparent tissue, with a nerve +sensitive to light beneath, and then suppose every part of this +layer to be continually changing slowly in density, so as to +separate into layers of different densities and thicknesses, +placed at different distances from each other, and with the +surfaces of each layer slowly changing in form. Further, we +must suppose that there is a power always intently watching each +slight accidental alteration in the transparent layers, and +carefully selecting each alteration which, under varied +circumstances, may in any way, or in any degree, tend to produce +a distincter image. We must suppose each new state of the +instrument to be multiplied by the million, and each to be +preserved till a better be produced, and then the old ones to be +destroyed. In living bodies variation will cause the slight +alterations, generation will multiply them almost infinitely, and +natural selection will pick out with unerring skill each +improvement. Let this process go on for millions on +millions of years, and during each year on millions of +individuals of many kinds; and may we not believe that a living +optical instrument might thus be formed as superior to one of +glass as the works of the Creator are to those of man?” <a +name="citation92a"></a><a href="#footnote92a" +class="citation">[92a]</a></p> +<p>Mr. Darwin does not in this passage deny design, or cunning, +point blank; he was not given to denying things point blank, nor +is it immediately apparent that he is denying design at all, for +he does not emphasize and call attention to the fact that the +<i>variations</i> on whose accumulation he relies for his +ultimate specific difference are accidental, and, to use his own +words, in the passage last quoted, caused by +<i>variation</i>. He does, indeed, in his earlier editions, +call the variations “accidental,” and accidental they +remained for ten years, but in 1869 the word +“accidental” was taken out. Mr. Darwin probably +felt that the variations had been accidental as long as was +desirable; and though they would, of course, in reality remain as +accidental as ever, still, there could be no use in crying +“accidental variations” further. If the reader +wants to know whether they were accidental or no, he had better +find out for himself. Mr. Darwin was a master of what may +be called scientific chiaroscuro, and owes his reputation in no +small measure to the judgment with which he kept his meaning dark +when a less practised hand would have thrown light upon it. +There can, however, be no question that Mr. Darwin, though not +denying purposiveness point blank, was trying to refer the +development of the eye to the accumulation of small accidental +improvements, which were not as a rule due to effort and design +in any way analogous to those attendant on the development of the +telescope.</p> +<p>Though Mr. Darwin, if he was to have any point of difference +from his grandfather, was bound to make his variations +accidental, yet, to do him justice, he did not like it. +Even in the earlier editions of the “Origin of +Species,” where the “alterations” in the +passage last quoted are called “accidental” in +express terms, the word does not fall, so to speak, on a strong +beat of the bar, and is apt to pass unnoticed. Besides, Mr. +Darwin does not say point blank “we may believe,” or +“we ought to believe;” he only says “may we not +believe?” The reader should always be on his guard +when Mr. Darwin asks one of these bland and child-like questions, +and he is fond of asking them; but, however this may be, it is +plain, as I pointed out in “Evolution Old and New” <a +name="citation93a"></a><a href="#footnote93a" +class="citation">[93a]</a> that the only “skill,” +that is to say the only thing that can possibly involve design, +is “the unerring skill” of natural selection.</p> +<p>In the same paragraph Mr. Darwin has already said: +“Further, we must suppose that there is a power represented +by natural selection or the survival of the fittest always +intently watching each slight alteration, &c.” +Mr. Darwin probably said “a power represented by natural +selection” instead of “natural selection” only, +because he saw that to talk too frequently about the fact that +the most lucky live longest as “intently watching” +something was greater nonsense than it would be prudent even for +him to write, so he fogged it by making the intent watching done +by “a power represented by” a fact, instead of by the +fact itself. As the sentence stands it is just as great +nonsense as it would have been if “the survival of the +fittest” had been allowed to do the watching instead of +“the power represented by” the survival of the +fittest, but the nonsense is harder to dig up, and the reader is +more likely to pass it over.</p> +<p>This passage gave Mr. Darwin no less trouble than it must have +given to many of his readers. In the original edition of +the “Origin of Species” it stood, “Further, we +must suppose that there is a power always intently watching each +slight accidental variation.” I suppose it was felt +that if this was allowed to stand, it might be fairly asked what +natural selection was doing all this time? If the power was +able to do everything that was necessary now, why not always? and +why any natural selection at all? This clearly would not +do, so in 1861 the power was allowed, by the help of brackets, +actually to become natural selection, and remained so till 1869, +when Mr. Darwin could stand it no longer, and, doubtless for the +reason given above, altered the passage to “a power +represented by natural selection,” at the same time cutting +out the word “accidental.”</p> +<p>It may perhaps make the workings of Mr. Darwin’s mind +clearer to the reader if I give the various readings of this +passage as taken from the three most important editions of the +“Origin of Species.”</p> +<p>In 1859 it stood, “Further, we must suppose that there +is a power always intently watching each slight accidental +alteration,” &c.</p> +<p>In 1861 it stood, “Further, we must suppose that there +is a power (natural selection) always intently watching each +slight accidental alteration,” &c.</p> +<p>And in 1869, “Further, we must suppose that there is a +power represented by natural selection or the survival of the +fittest always intently watching each slight alteration,” +&c. <a name="citation94a"></a><a href="#footnote94a" +class="citation">[94a]</a></p> +<p>The hesitating feeble gait of one who fears a pitfall at every +step, so easily recognisable in the “numerous, successive, +slight alterations” in the foregoing passage, may be traced +in many another page of the “Origin of Species” by +those who will be at the trouble of comparing the several +editions. It is only when this is done, and the working of +Mr. Darwin’s mind can be seen as though it were the +twitchings of a dog’s nose, that any idea can be formed of +the difficulty in which he found himself involved by his initial +blunder of thinking he had got a distinctive feature which +entitled him to claim the theory of evolution as an original idea +of his own. He found his natural selection hang round his +neck like a millstone. There is hardly a page in the +“Origin of Species” in which traces of the struggle +going on in Mr. Darwin’s mind are not discernible, with a +result alike exasperating and pitiable. I can only repeat +what I said in “Evolution Old and New,” namely, that +I find the task of extracting a well-defined meaning out of Mr. +Darwin’s words comparable only to that of trying to act on +the advice of a lawyer who has obscured the main issue as much as +he can, and whose chief aim has been to leave as many loopholes +as possible for himself to escape by, if things should go wrong +hereafter. Or, again, to that of one who has to construe an +Act of Parliament which was originally drawn with a view to +throwing as much dust as possible in the eyes of those who would +oppose the measure, and which, having been found utterly +unworkable in practice, has had clauses repealed up and down it +till it is now in an inextricable tangle of confusion and +contradiction.</p> +<p>The more Mr. Darwin’s work is studied, and more +especially the more his different editions are compared, the more +impossible is it to avoid a suspicion of <i>arrière +pensée</i> as pervading it whenever the “distinctive +feature” is on the <i>tapis</i>. It is right to say, +however, that no such suspicion attaches to Mr. A. R. Wallace, +Mr. Darwin’s fellow discoverer of natural selection. +It is impossible to doubt that Mr. Wallace believed he had made a +real and important improvement upon the Lamarckian system, and, +as a natural consequence, unlike Mr. Darwin, he began by telling +us what Lamarck had said. He did not, I admit, say quite +all that I should have been glad to have seen him say, nor use +exactly the words I should myself have chosen, but he said enough +to make it impossible to doubt his good faith, and his desire +that we should understand that with him, as with Mr. Darwin, +variations are mainly accidental, not functional. Thus, in +his memorable paper communicated to the Linnean Society in 1858 +he said, in a passage which I have quoted in “Unconscious +Memory”:</p> +<p>“The hypothesis of Lamarck—that progressive +changes in species have been produced by the attempts of the +animals to increase the development of their own organs, and thus +modify their structures and habits—has been repeatedly and +easily refuted by all writers on the subject of varieties and +species; . . . but the view here developed renders such an +hypothesis quite unnecessary. . . . The powerful retractile +talons of the falcon and cat tribes have not been produced or +increased by the volition of those animals; . . . neither did the +giraffe acquire its long neck by desiring to reach the foliage of +the more lofty shrubs, and constantly stretching its neck for +this purpose, but because any varieties which occurred among its +antitypes with a longer neck than usual <i>at once secured a +fresh range of pasture over the same ground as their +shorter-necked companions</i>, <i>and on the first scarcity of +food were thus enabled to outlive them</i>” (italics in +original). <a name="citation96a"></a><a href="#footnote96a" +class="citation">[96a]</a></p> +<p>“Which occurred” is obviously “which +happened to occur, by some chance or accident entirely +unconnected with use and disuse;” and though the word +“accidental” is never used, there can be no doubt +about Mr. Wallace’s desire to make the reader catch the +fact that with him accident, and not, as with Erasmus Darwin and +Lamarck, sustained effort, is the main purveyor of the variations +whose accumulation amounts ultimately to specific +difference. It is a pity, however, that instead of +contenting himself like a theologian with saying that his +opponent had been refuted over and over again, he did not refer +to any particular and tolerably successful attempt to refute the +theory that modifications in organic structure are mainly +functional. I am fairly well acquainted with the literature +of evolution, and have never met with any such attempt. But +let this pass; as with Mr. Darwin, so with Mr. Wallace, and so +indeed with all who accept Mr. Charles Darwin’s natural +selection as the main means of modification, the central idea is +luck, while the central idea of the Erasmus-Darwinian system is +cunning.</p> +<p>I have given the opinions of these contending parties in their +extreme development; but they both admit abatements which bring +them somewhat nearer to one another. Design, as even its +most strenuous upholders will admit, is a difficult word to deal +with; it is, like all our ideas, substantial enough until we try +to grasp it—and then, like all our ideas, it mockingly +eludes us; it is like life or death—a rope of many strands; +there is design within design, and design within undesign; there +is undesign within design (as when a man shuffles cards designing +that there shall be no design in their arrangement), and undesign +within undesign; when we speak of cunning or design in connection +with organism we do not mean cunning, all cunning, and nothing +but cunning, so that there shall be no place for luck; we do not +mean that conscious attention and forethought shall have been +bestowed upon the minutest details of action, and nothing been +left to work itself out departmentally according to precedent, or +as it otherwise best may according to the chapter of +accidents.</p> +<p>So, again, when Mr. Darwin and his followers deny design and +effort to have been the main purveyors of the variations whose +accumulation results in specific difference, they do not entirely +exclude the action of use and disuse—and this at once opens +the door for cunning; nevertheless, according to Erasmus Darwin +and Lamarck, the human eye and the long neck of the giraffe are +alike due to the accumulation of variations that are mainly +functional, and hence practical; according to Charles Darwin they +are alike due to the accumulation of variations that are +accidental, fortuitous, spontaneous, that is to say, mainly +cannot be reduced to any known general principle. According +to Charles Darwin “the preservation of favoured,” or +lucky, “races” is by far the most important means of +modification; according to Erasmus Darwin effort <i>non sibi res +sed se rebus subjungere</i> is unquestionably the most potent +means; roughly, therefore, there is no better or fairer way of +putting the matter, than to say that Charles Darwin is the +apostle of luck, and his grandfather, and Lamarck, of +cunning.</p> +<p>It should be observed also that the distinction between the +organism and its surroundings—on which both systems are +founded—is one that cannot be so universally drawn as we +find it convenient to allege. There is a debatable ground +of considerable extent on which <i>res</i> and <i>me</i>, ego and +non ego, luck and cunning, necessity and freewill, meet and pass +into one another as night and day, or life and death. No +one can draw a sharp line between ego and non ego, nor indeed any +sharp line between any classes of phenomena. Every part of +the ego is non ego <i>quâ</i> organ or tool in use, and +much of the non ego runs up into the ego and is inseparably +united with it; still there is enough that it is obviously most +convenient to call ego, and enough that it is no less obviously +most convenient to call non ego, as there is enough obvious day +and obvious night, or obvious luck and obvious cunning, to make +us think it advisable to keep separate accounts for each.</p> +<p>I will say more on this head in a following chapter; in this +present one my business should be confined to pointing out as +clearly and succinctly as I can the issue between the two great +main contending opinions concerning organic development that +obtain among those who accept the theory of descent at all; nor +do I believe that this can be done more effectually and +accurately than by saying, as above, that Mr. Charles Darwin +(whose name, by the way, was “Charles Robert,” and +not, as would appear from the title-pages of his books, +“Charles” only), Mr. A. R. Wallace, and their +supporters are the apostles of luck, while Erasmus Darwin and +Lamarck, followed, more or less timidly, by the Geoffroys and by +Mr. Herbert Spencer, and very timidly indeed by the Duke of +Argyll, preach cunning as the most important means of organic +modification.</p> + +<div class="gapspace"> </div> +<p><span class="smcap">Note</span>.—It appears from +“Samuel Butler: A Memoir” (II, 29) that Butler wrote +to his father (Dec. 1885) about a passage in Horace (near the +beginning of the First Epistle of the First Book)—</p> +<p class="poetry">Nunc in Aristippi furtim praecepta relabor,<br +/> +Et mihi res, non me rebus subjungere conor.</p> +<p>On the preceding page he is adapting the second of these two +verses to his own purposes.—H. F. J.</p> +<h2><a name="page100"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +100</span>Chapter VII<br /> +(<i>Intercalated</i>)<br /> +Mr. Spencer’s “The Factors of Organic +Evolution”</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">Since</span> the foregoing and several of +the succeeding chapters were written, Mr. Herbert Spencer has +made his position at once more clear and more widely understood +by his articles “The Factors of Organic Evolution” +which appeared in the <i>Nineteenth Century</i> for April and +May, 1886. The present appears the fittest place in which +to intercalate remarks concerning them.</p> +<p>Mr. Spencer asks whether those are right who regard Mr. +Charles Darwin’s theory of natural selection as by itself +sufficient to account for organic evolution.</p> +<p>“On critically examining the evidence” (modern +writers never examine evidence, they always +“critically,” or “carefully,” or +“patiently,” examine it), he writes, “we shall +find reason to think that it by no means explains all that has to +be explained. Omitting for the present any consideration of +a factor which may be considered primordial, it may be contended +that one of the factors alleged by Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck +must be recognised as a co-operator. Unless that increase +of a part resulting from extra activity, and that decrease of it +resulting from inactivity, are transmissible to descendants, we +are without a key to many phenomena of organic evolution. +<i>Utterly inadequate to explain the major part of the facts as +is the hypothesis of the inheritance of functionally produced +modifications</i>, yet there is a minor part of the facts very +extensive though less, which must be ascribed to this +cause.” (Italics mine.)</p> +<p>Mr. Spencer does not here say expressly that Erasmus Darwin +and Lamarck considered inheritance of functionally produced +modifications to be the sole explanation of the facts of organic +life; modern writers on evolution for the most part avoid saying +anything expressly; this nevertheless is the conclusion which the +reader naturally draws—and was doubtless intended to +draw—from Mr. Spencer’s words. He gathers that +these writers put forward an “utterly inadequate” +theory, which cannot for a moment be entertained in the form in +which they left it, but which, nevertheless, contains +contributions to the formation of a just opinion which of late +years have been too much neglected.</p> +<p>This inference would be, as Mr. Spencer ought to know, a +mistaken one. Erasmus Darwin, who was the first to depend +mainly on functionally produced modifications, attributes, if not +as much importance to variations induced either by what we must +call chance, or by causes having no connection with use and +disuse, as Mr. Spencer does, still so nearly as much that there +is little to choose between them. Mr. Spencer’s words +show that he attributes, if not half, still not far off half the +modification that has actually been produced, to use and +disuse. Erasmus Darwin does not say whether he considers +use and disuse to have brought about more than half or less than +half; he only says that animal and vegetable modification is +“in part produced” by the exertions of the animals +and vegetables themselves; the impression I have derived is, that +just as Mr. Spencer considers rather less than half to be due to +use and disuse, so Erasmus Darwin considers decidedly more than +half—so much more, in fact, than half as to make function +unquestionably the factor most proper to be insisted on if only +one can be given. Further than this he did not go. I +will quote enough of Dr. Erasmus Darwin’s own words to put +his position beyond doubt. He writes:—</p> +<p>“Thirdly, when we enumerate the great changes produced +in the species of animals before their nativity, as, for example, +when the offspring reproduces the effects produced upon the +parent by accident or culture, or the changes produced by the +mixture of species, as in mules; or the changes produced probably +by exuberance of nourishment supplied to the foetus, as in +monstrous births with additional limbs; many of these enormities +are propagated and continued as a variety at least, if not as a +new species of animal. I have seen a breed of cats with an +additional claw on every foot; of poultry also with an additional +claw and with wings to their feet; and of others without +rumps. Mr. Buffon” (who, by the way, surely, was no +more “Mr. Buffon” than Lord Salisbury is “Mr. +Salisbury”) “mentions a breed of dogs without tails +which are common at Rome and Naples—which he supposes to +have been produced by a custom long established of cutting their +tails close off.” <a name="citation102a"></a><a +href="#footnote102a" class="citation">[102a]</a></p> +<p>Here not one of the causes of variation adduced is connected +with use and disuse, or effort, volition, and purpose; the +manner, moreover, in which they are brought forward is not that +of one who shows signs of recalcitrancy about admitting other +causes of modification as well as use and disuse; indeed, a +little lower down he almost appears to assign the subordinate +place to functionally produced modifications, for he +says—“Fifthly, from their first rudiments or +primordium to the termination of their lives, all animals undergo +perpetual transformations; <i>which are in part produced</i> by +their own exertions in consequence of their desires and +aversions, of their pleasures and their pains, or of irritations +or of associations; and many of these acquired forms or +propensities are transmitted to their posterity.”</p> +<p>I have quoted enough to show that Dr. Erasmus Darwin would +have protested against the supposition that functionally produced +modifications were an adequate explanation of all the phenomena +of organic modification. He declares accident and the +chances and changes of this mortal life to be potent and frequent +causes of variations, which, being not infrequently inherited, +result in the formation of varieties and even species, but +considers these causes if taken alone as no less insufficient to +account for observable facts than the theory of functionally +produced modifications would be if not supplemented by +inheritance of so-called fortuitous, or spontaneous +variations. The difference between Dr. Erasmus Darwin and +Mr. Spencer does not consist in the denial by the first, that a +variety which happens, no matter how accidentally, to have varied +in a way that enables it to comply more fully and readily with +the conditions of its existence, is likely to live longer and +leave more offspring than one less favoured; nor in the denial by +the second of the inheritance and accumulation of functionally +produced modifications; but in the amount of stress which they +respectively lay on the relative importance of the two great +factors of organic evolution, the existence of which they are +alike ready to admit.</p> +<p>With Erasmus Darwin there is indeed luck, and luck has had a +great deal to do with organic modification, but no amount of luck +would have done unless cunning had known how to take advantage of +it; whereas if cunning be given, a very little luck at a time +will accumulate in the course of ages and become a mighty +heap. Cunning, therefore, is the factor on which, having +regard to the usage of language and the necessity for simplifying +facts, he thinks it most proper to insist. Surely this is +as near as may be the opinion which common consent ascribes to +Mr. Spencer himself. It is certainly the one which, in +supporting Erasmus Darwin’s system as against his +grandson’s, I have always intended to support. With +Charles Darwin, on the other hand, there is indeed cunning, +effort, and consequent use and disuse; nor does he deny that +these have produced some, and sometimes even an important, effect +in modifying species, but he assigns by far the most important +<i>rôle</i> in the whole scheme to natural selection, +which, as I have already shown, must, with him, be regarded as a +synonym for luck pure and simple. This, for reasons well +shown by Mr. Spencer in the articles under consideration, is so +untenable that it seems only possible to account for its having +been advanced at all by supposing Mr. Darwin’s judgment to +have been perverted by some one or more of the many causes that +might tend to warp them. What the chief of those causes may +have been I shall presently point out.</p> +<p>Buffon erred rather on the side of ignoring functionally +produced modifications than of insisting on them. The main +agency with him is the direct action of the environment upon the +organism. This, no doubt, is a flaw in Buffon’s +immortal work, but it is one which Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck +easily corrected; nor can we doubt that Buffon would have readily +accepted their amendment if it had been suggested to him. +Buffon did infinitely more in the way of discovering and +establishing the theory of descent with modification than any one +has ever done either before or since. He was too much +occupied with proving the fact of evolution at all, to dwell as +fully as might have been wished upon the details of the process +whereby the amœba had become man, but we have already seen +that he regarded inherited mutilation as the cause of +establishing a new breed of dogs, and this is at any rate not +laying much stress on functionally produced modifications. +Again, when writing of the dog, he speaks of variations arising +“<i>by some chance</i> common enough with nature,” <a +name="citation104a"></a><a href="#footnote104a" +class="citation">[104a]</a> and clearly does not contemplate +function as the sole cause of modification. Practically, +though I grant I should be less able to quote passages in support +of my opinion than I quite like, I do not doubt that his position +was much the same as that of his successors, Erasmus Darwin and +Lamarck.</p> +<p>Lamarck is more vulnerable than either Erasmus Darwin or +Buffon on the score of unwillingness to assign its full share to +mere chance, but I do not for a moment believe his comparative +reticence to have been caused by failure to see that the chapter +of accidents is a fateful one. He saw that the cunning or +functional side had been too much lost sight of, and therefore +insisted on it, but he did not mean to say that there is no such +thing as luck. “Let us suppose,” he says, +“that a grass growing in a low-lying meadow, gets carried +<i>by some accident</i> to the brow of a neighbouring hill, where +the soil is still damp enough for the plant to be able to +exist.” <a name="citation105a"></a><a href="#footnote105a" +class="citation">[105a]</a> Or again—“With +sufficient time, favourable conditions of life, successive +changes in the condition of the globe, and the power of new +surroundings and habits to modify the organs of living bodies, +all animal and vegetable forms have been imperceptibly rendered +such as we now see them.” <a name="citation105b"></a><a +href="#footnote105b" class="citation">[105b]</a> Who can +doubt that accident is here regarded as a potent factor of +evolution, as well as the design that is involved in the +supposition that modification is, in the main, functionally +induced? Again he writes, “As regards the +circumstances that give rise to variation, the principal are +climatic changes, different temperatures of any of a +creature’s environments, differences of abode, of habit, of +the most frequent actions, and lastly of the means of obtaining +food, self-defence, reproduction,” &c. <a +name="citation105c"></a><a href="#footnote105c" +class="citation">[105c]</a> I will not dwell on the small +inconsistencies which may be found in the passages quoted above; +the reader will doubtless see them, and will also doubtless see +that in spite of them there can be no doubt that Lamarck, while +believing modification to be effected mainly by the survival in +the struggle for existence of modifications which had been +induced functionally, would not have hesitated to admit the +survival of favourable variations due to mere accident as also a +potent factor in inducing the results we see around us.</p> +<p>For the rest, Mr. Spencer’s articles have relieved me +from the necessity of going into the evidence which proves that +such structures as a giraffe’s neck, for example, cannot +possibly have been produced by the accumulation of variations +which had their origin mainly in accident. There is no +occasion to add anything to what Mr. Spencer has said on this +score, and I am satisfied that those who do not find his argument +convince them would not be convinced by anything I might say; I +shall, therefore, omit what I had written on this subject, and +confine myself to giving the substance of Mr. Spencer’s +most telling argument against Mr. Darwin’s theory that +accidental variations, if favourable, would accumulate and result +in seemingly adaptive structures. Mr. Spencer well shows +that luck or chance is insufficient as a motive-power, or helm, +of evolution; but luck is only absence of design; if, then, +absence of design is found to fail, it follows that there must +have been design somewhere, nor can the design be more +conveniently placed than in association with function.</p> +<p>Mr. Spencer contends that where life is so simple as to +consist practically in the discharge of only one function, or +where circumstances are such that some one function is supremely +important (a state of things, by the way, more easily found in +hypothesis than in nature—at least as continuing without +modification for many successive seasons), then accidental +variations, if favourable, would indeed accumulate and result in +modification, without the aid of the transmission of functionally +produced modification. This is true; it is also true, +however, that only a very small number of species in comparison +with those we see around us could thus arise, and that we should +never have got plants and animals as embodiments of the two great +fundamental principles on which it is alone possible that life +can be conducted, <a name="citation107a"></a><a +href="#footnote107a" class="citation">[107a]</a> and species of +plants and animals as embodiments of the details involved in +carrying out these two main principles.</p> +<p>If the earliest organism could have only varied favourably in +one direction, the one possible favourable accidental variation +would have accumulated so long as the organism continued to exist +at all, inasmuch as this would be preserved whenever it happened +to occur, while every other would be lost in the struggle of +competitive forms; but even in the lowest forms of life there is +more than one condition in respect of which the organism must be +supposed sensitive, and there are as many directions in which +variations may be favourable as there are conditions of the +environment that affect the organism. We cannot conceive of +a living form as having a power of adaptation limited to one +direction only; the elasticity which admits of a not being +“extreme to mark that which is done amiss” in one +direction will commonly admit of it in as many directions as +there are possible favourable modes of variation; the number of +these, as has been just said, depends upon the number of the +conditions of the environment that affect the organism, and these +last, though in the long run and over considerable intervals of +time tolerably constant, are over shorter intervals liable to +frequent and great changes; so that there is nothing in Mr. +Charles Darwin’s system of modification through the natural +survival of the lucky, to prevent gain in one direction one year +from being lost irretrievably in the next, through the greater +success of some in no way correlated variation, the fortunate +possessors of which alone survive. This, in its turn, is as +likely as not to disappear shortly through the arising of some +difficulty in some entirely new direction, and so on; nor, if +function be regarded as of small effect in determining organism, +is there anything to ensure either that, even if ground be lost +for a season or two in any one direction, it shall be recovered +presently on resumption by the organism of the habits that called +it into existence, or that it shall appear synchronously in a +sufficient number of individuals to ensure its not being soon +lost through gamogenesis.</p> +<p>How is progress ever to be made if races keep reversing, +Penelope-like, in one generation all that they have been +achieving in the preceding? And how, on Mr. Darwin’s +system, of which the accumulation of strokes of luck is the +greatly preponderating feature, is a hoard ever to be got +together and conserved, no matter how often luck may have thrown +good things in an organism’s way? Luck, or absence of +design, may be sometimes almost said to throw good things in our +way, or at any rate we may occasionally get more through having +made no design than any design we should have been likely to have +formed would have given us; but luck does not hoard these good +things for our use and make our wills for us, nor does it keep +providing us with the same good gifts again and again, and no +matter how often we reject them.</p> +<p>I had better, perhaps, give Mr. Spencer’s own words as +quoted by himself in his article in the <i>Nineteenth Century</i> +for April, 1886. He there wrote as follows, quoting from +§ 166 of his “Principles of Biology,” which +appeared in 1864:—</p> +<p>“Where the life is comparatively simple, or where +surrounding circumstances render some one function supremely +important, the survival of the fittest” (which means here +the survival of the luckiest) “may readily bring about the +appropriate structural change, without any aid from the +transmission of functionally-acquired modifications” (into +which effort and design have entered). “But in +proportion as the life grows complex—in proportion as a +healthy existence cannot be secured by a large endowment of some +one power, but demands many powers; in the same proportion do +there arise obstacles to the increase of any particular power, by +‘the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for +life’” (that is to say, through mere survival of the +luckiest). “As fast as the faculties are multiplied, +so fast does it become possible for the several members of a +species to have various kinds of superiority over one +another. While one saves its life by higher speed, another +does the like by clearer vision, another by keener scent, another +by quicker hearing, another by greater strength, another by +unusual power of enduring cold or hunger, another by special +sagacity, another by special timidity, another by special +courage; and others by other bodily and mental attributes. +Now it is unquestionably true that, other things equal, each of +these attributes, giving its possessor an equal extra chance of +life, is likely to be transmitted to posterity. But there +seems no reason to believe it will be increased in subsequent +generations by natural selection. That it may be thus +increased, the animals not possessing more than average +endowments of it must be more frequently killed off than +individuals highly endowed with it; and this can only happen when +the attribute is one of greater importance, for the time being, +than most of the other attributes. If those members of the +species which have but ordinary shares of it, nevertheless +survive by virtue of other superiorities which they severally +possess, then it is not easy to see how this particular attribute +can be developed by natural selection in subsequent +generations.” (For if some other superiority is a +greater source of luck, then natural selection, or survival of +the luckiest, will ensure that this other superiority be +preserved at the expense of the one acquired in the earlier +generation.) “The probability seems rather to be, +that by gamogenesis, this extra endowment will, on the average, +be diminished in posterity—just serving in the long run to +compensate the deficient endowments of other individuals, whose +special powers lie in other directions; and so to keep up the +normal structure of the species. The working out of the +process is here somewhat difficult to follow” (there is no +difficulty as soon as it is perceived that Mr. Darwin’s +natural selection invariably means, or ought to mean, the +survival of the luckiest, and that seasons and what they bring +with them, though fairly constant on an average, yet individually +vary so greatly that what is luck in one season is disaster in +another); “but it appears to me that as fast as the number +of bodily and mental faculties increases, and as fast as the +maintenance of life comes to depend less on the amount of any +one, and more on the combined action of all, so fast does the +production of specialities of character by natural selection +alone become difficult. Particularly does this seem to be +so with a species so multitudinous in powers as mankind; and +above all does it seem to be so with such of the human powers as +have but minor shares in aiding the struggle for life—the +æsthetic faculties, for example.</p> +<p>“Dwelling for a moment on this last illustration of the +class of difficulties described, let us ask how we are to +interpret the development of the musical faculty; how came there +that endowment of musical faculty which characterises modern +Europeans at large, as compared with their remote +ancestors? The monotonous chants of low savages cannot be +said to show any melodic inspiration; and it is not evident that +an individual savage who had a little more musical perception +than the rest would derive any such advantage in the maintenance +of life as would secure the spread of his superiority by +inheritance of the variation,” &c.</p> +<p>It should be observed that the passage given in the last +paragraph but one appeared in 1864, only five years after the +first edition of the “Origin of Species,” but, +crushing as it is, Mr. Darwin never answered it. He treated +it as nonexistent—and this, doubtless from a business +standpoint, was the best thing he could do. How far such a +course was consistent with that single-hearted devotion to the +interests of science for which Mr. Darwin developed such an +abnormal reputation, is a point which I must leave to his many +admirers to determine.</p> +<h2><a name="page112"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +112</span>Chapter VIII<br /> +Property, Common Sense, and Protoplasm</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">One</span> would think the issue stated in +the three preceding chapters was decided in the stating. +This, as I have already implied, is probably the reason why those +who have a vested interest in Mr. Darwin’s philosophical +reputation have avoided stating it.</p> +<p>It may be said that, seeing the result is a joint one, +inasmuch as both “res” and “me,” or both +luck and cunning, enter so largely into development, neither +factor can claim pre-eminence to the exclusion of the +other. But life is short and business long, and if we are +to get the one into the other we must suppress details, and leave +our words pregnant, as painters leave their touches when painting +from nature. If one factor concerns us greatly more than +the other, we should emphasize it, and let the other go without +saying, by force of association. There is no fear of its +being lost sight of; association is one of the few really liberal +things in nature; by liberal, I mean precipitate and inaccurate; +the power of words, as of pictures, and indeed the power to carry +on life at all, vests in the fact that association does not stick +to the letter of its bond, but will take the half for the whole +without even looking closely at the coin given to make sure that +it is not counterfeit. Through the haste and high pressure +of business, errors arise continually, and these errors give us +the shocks of which our consciousness is compounded. Our +whole conscious life, therefore, grows out of memory and out of +the power of association, in virtue of which not only does the +right half pass for the whole, but the wrong half not +infrequently passes current for it also, without being challenged +and found out till, as it were, the accounts come to be balanced, +and it is found that they will not do so.</p> +<p>Variations are an organism’s way of getting over an +unexpected discrepancy between its resources as shown by the +fly-leaves of its own cheques and the universe’s passbook; +the universe is generally right, or would be upheld as right if +the matter were to come before the not too incorruptible courts +of nature, and in nine cases out of ten the organism has made the +error in its own favour, so that it must now pay or die. It +can only pay by altering its mode of life, and how long is it +likely to be before a new departure in its mode of life comes out +in its own person and in those of its family? Granted it +will at first come out in their appearance only, but there can be +no change in appearance without some slight corresponding organic +modification. In practice there is usually compromise in +these matters. The universe, if it does not give an +organism short shrift and eat it at once, will commonly abate +something of its claim; it gets tricked out of an additional +moiety by the organism; the organism really does pay something by +way of changed habits; this results in variation, in virtue of +which the accounts are cooked, cobbled, and passed by a series of +those miracles of inconsistency which was call compromises, and +after this they cannot be reopened—not till next time.</p> +<p>Surely of the two factors which go to the making up of +development, cunning is the one more proper to be insisted on as +determining the physical and psychical well or ill being, and +hence, ere long, the future form of the organism. We can +hardly open a newspaper without seeing some sign of this; take, +for example, the following extract from a letter in the +<i>Times</i> of the day on which I am writing (February 8, +1886)—“You may pass along a road which divides a +settlement of Irish Celts from one of Germans. They all +came to the country equally without money, and have had to fight +their way in the forest, but the difference in their condition is +very remarkable; on the German side there is comfort, thrift, +peace, but on the other side the spectacle is very +different.” Few will deny that slight organic +differences, corresponding to these differences of habit, are +already perceptible; no Darwinian will deny that these +differences are likely to be inherited, and, in the absence of +intermarriage between the two colonies, to result in still more +typical difference than that which exists at present. +According to Mr. Darwin, the improved type of the more successful +race would not be due mainly to transmitted perseverance in +well-doing, but to the fact that if any member of the German +colony “happened” to be born “ever so +slightly,” &c. Of course this last is true to a +certain extent also; if any member of the German colony does +“happen to be born,” &c., then he will stand a +better chance of surviving, and, if he marries a wife like +himself, of transmitting his good qualities; but how about the +happening? How is it that this is of such frequent +occurrence in the one colony, and is so rare in the other? +<i>Fortes creantur fortibus et bonis</i>. True, but how and +why? Through the race being favoured? In one sense, +doubtless, it is true that no man can have anything except it be +given him from above, but it must be from an above into the +composition of which he himself largely enters. God gives +us all things; but we are a part of God, and that part of Him, +moreover, whose department it more especially is to look after +ourselves. It cannot be through luck, for luck is blind, +and does not pick out the same people year after year and +generation after generation; shall we not rather say, then, that +it is because mind, or cunning, is a great factor in the +achievement of physical results, and because there is an abiding +memory between successive generations, in virtue of which the +cunning of an earlier one enures to the benefit of its +successors?</p> +<p>It is one of the commonplaces of biology that the nature of +the organism (which is mainly determined by ancestral +antecedents) is greatly more important in determining its future +than the conditions of its environment, provided, of course, that +these are not too cruelly abnormal, so that good seed will do +better on rather poor soil, than bad seed on rather good soil; +this alone should be enough to show that cunning, or individual +effort, is more important in determining organic results than +luck is, and therefore that if either is to be insisted on to the +exclusion of the other, it should be cunning, not luck. +Which is more correctly said to be the main means of the +development of capital—Luck? or Cunning? Of course +there must be something to be developed—and luck, that is +to say, the unknowable and unforeseeable, enters everywhere; but +is it more convenient with our oldest and best-established ideas +to say that luck is the main means of the development of capital, +or that cunning is so? Can there be a moment’s +hesitation in admitting that if capital is found to have been +developed largely, continuously, by many people, in many ways, +over a long period of time, it can only have been by means of +continued application, energy, effort, industry, and good +sense? Granted there has been luck too; of course there +has, but we let it go without saying, whereas we cannot let the +skill or cunning go without saying, inasmuch as we feel the +cunning to have been the essence of the whole matter.</p> +<p>Granted, again, that there is no test more fallacious on a +small scale than that of immediate success. As applied to +any particular individual, it breaks down completely. It is +unfortunately no rare thing to see the good man striving against +fate, and the fool born with a silver spoon in his mouth. +Still on a large scale no test can be conceivably more reliable; +a blockhead may succeed for a time, but a succession of many +generations of blockheads does not go on steadily gaining ground, +adding field to field and farm to farm, and becoming year by year +more capable and prosperous. Given time—of which +there is no scant in the matter of organic development—and +cunning will do more with ill luck than folly with good. +People do not hold six trumps every hand for a dozen games of +whist running, if they do not keep a card or two up their +sleeves. Cunning, if it can keep its head above water at +all, will beat mere luck unaided by cunning, no matter what start +luck may have had, if the race be a fairly long one. Growth +is a kind of success which does indeed come to some organisms +with less effort than to others, but it cannot be maintained and +improved upon without pains and effort. A foolish organism +and its fortuitous variation will be soon parted, for, as a +general rule, unless the variation has so much connection with +the organism’s past habits and ways of thought as to be in +no proper sense of the word “fortuitous,” the +organism will not know what to do with it when it has got it, no +matter how favourable it may be, and it is little likely to be +handed down to descendants. Indeed the kind of people who +get on best in the world—and what test to a Darwinian can +be comparable to this?—commonly do insist on cunning rather +than on luck, sometimes perhaps even unduly; speaking, at least, +from experience, I have generally found myself more or less of a +failure with those Darwinians to whom I have endeavoured to +excuse my shortcomings on the score of luck.</p> +<p>It may be said that the contention that the nature of the +organism does more towards determining its future than the +conditions of its immediate environment do, is only another way +of saying that the accidents which have happened to an organism +in the persons of its ancestors throughout all time are more +irresistible by it for good or ill than any of the more ordinary +chances and changes of its own immediate life. I do not +deny this; but these ancestral accidents were either turned to +account, or neglected where they might have been taken advantage +of; they thus passed either into skill, or want of skill; so that +whichever way the fact is stated the result is the same; and if +simplicity of statement be regarded, there is no more convenient +way of putting the matter than to say that though luck is mighty, +cunning is mightier still. Organism commonly shows its +cunning by practising what Horace preached, and treating itself +as more plastic than its surroundings; those indeed who have had +the greatest the first to admit that they had gained their ends +more by reputation as moulders of circumstances have ever been +shaping their actions and themselves to suit events, than by +trying to shape events to suit themselves and their +actions. Modification, like charity, begins at home.</p> +<p>But however this may be, there can be no doubt that cunning is +in the long run mightier than luck as regards the acquisition of +property, and what applies to property applies to organism +also. Property, as I have lately seen was said by Rosmini, +is a kind of extension of the personality into the outside +world. He might have said as truly that it is a kind of +penetration of the outside world within the limits of the +personality, or that it is at any rate a prophesying of, and +essay after, the more living phase of matter in the direction of +which it is tending. If approached from the dynamical or +living side of the underlying substratum, it is the beginning of +the comparatively stable equilibrium which we call brute matter; +if from the statical side, that is to say, from that of brute +matter, it is the beginning of that dynamical state which we +associate with life; it is the last of ego and first of non ego, +or <i>vice versâ</i>, as the case may be; it is the ground +whereon the two meet and are neither wholly one nor wholly the +other, but a whirling mass of contradictions such as attends all +fusion.</p> +<p>What property is to a man’s mind or soul that his body +is also, only more so. The body is property carried to the +bitter end, or property is the body carried to the bitter end, +whichever the reader chooses; the expression “organic +wealth” is not figurative; none other is so apt and +accurate; so universally, indeed, is this recognised that the +fact has found expression in our liturgy, which bids us pray for +all those who are any wise afflicted “in mind, body, or +estate;” no inference, therefore, can be more simple and +legitimate than the one in accordance with which the laws that +govern the development of wealth generally are supposed also to +govern the particular form of health and wealth which comes most +closely home to us—I mean that of our bodily implements or +organs. What is the stomach but a living sack, or purse of +untanned leather, wherein we keep our means of subsistence? +Food is money made easy; it is petty cash in its handiest and +most reduced form; it is our way of assimilating our possessions +and making them indeed our own. What is the purse but a +kind of abridged extra corporeal stomach wherein we keep the +money which we convert by purchase into food, as we presently +convert the food by digestion into flesh and blood? And +what living form is there which is without a purse or stomach, +even though it have to job it by the meal as the amœba +does, and exchange it for some other article as soon as it has +done eating? How marvellously does the analogy hold between +the purse and the stomach alike as regards form and function; and +I may say in passing that, as usual, the organ which is the more +remote from protoplasm is at once more special, more an object of +our consciousness, and less an object of its own.</p> +<p>Talk of ego and non ego meeting, and of the hopelessness of +avoiding contradiction in terms—talk of this, and look, in +passing, at the amœba. It is itself <i>quâ</i> +maker of the stomach and being fed; it is not itself +<i>quâ</i> stomach and <i>quâ</i> its using itself as +a mere tool or implement to feed itself with. It is active +and passive, object and subject, <i>ego</i> and <i>non +ego</i>—every kind of Irish bull, in fact, which a sound +logician abhors—and it is only because it has persevered, +as I said in “Life and Habit,” in thus defying logic +and arguing most virtuously in a most vicious circle, that it has +come in the persons of some of its descendants to reason with +sufficient soundness. And what the amœba is man is +also; man is only a great many amœbas, most of them +dreadfully narrow-minded, going up and down the country with +their goods and chattels like gipsies in a caravan; he is only a +great many amœbas that have had much time and money spent +on their education, and received large bequests of organised +intelligence from those that have gone before them.</p> +<p>The most incorporate tool—we will say an eye, or a +tooth, or the closed fist when used to strike—has still +something of the <i>non ego</i> about it in so far as it is used; +those organs, again, that are the most completely separate from +the body, as the locomotive engine, must still from time to time +kiss the soil of the human body, and be handled and thus crossed +with man again if they would remain in working order. They +cannot be cut adrift from the most living form of matter (I mean +most living from our point of view), and remain absolutely +without connection with it for any length of time, any more than +a seal can live without coming up sometimes to breathe; and in so +far as they become linked on to living beings they live. +Everything is living which is in close communion with, and +interpermeated by, that something which we call mind or +thought. Giordano Bruno saw this long ago when he made an +interlocutor in one of his dialogues say that a man’s hat +and cloak are alive when he is wearing them. “Thy +boots and spurs live,” he exclaims, “when thy feet +carry them; thy hat lives when thy head is within it; and so the +stable lives when it contains the horse or mule, or even +yourself;” nor is it easy to see how this is to be refuted +except at a cost which no one in his senses will offer.</p> +<p>It may be said that the life of clothes in wear and implements +in use is no true life, inasmuch as it differs from flesh and +blood life in too many and important respects; that we have made +up our minds about not letting life outside the body too +decisively to allow the question to be reopened; that if this be +tolerated we shall have societies for the prevention of cruelty +to chairs and tables, or cutting clothes amiss, or wearing them +to tatters, or whatever other absurdity may occur to idle and +unkind people; the whole discussion, therefore, should be ordered +out of court at once.</p> +<p>I admit that this is much the most sensible position to take, +but it can only be taken by those who turn the deafest of deaf +ears to the teachings of science, and tolerate no going even for +a moment below the surface of things. People who take this +line must know how to put their foot down firmly in the matter of +closing a discussion. Some one may perhaps innocently say +that some parts of the body are more living and vital than +others, and those who stick to common sense may allow this, but +if they do they must close the discussion on the spot; if they +listen to another syllable they are lost; if they let the +innocent interlocutor say so much as that a piece of +well-nourished healthy brain is more living than the end of a +finger-nail that wants cutting, or than the calcareous parts of a +bone, the solvent will have been applied which will soon make an +end of common sense ways of looking at the matter. Once +even admit the use of the participle “dying,” which +involves degrees of death, and hence an entry of death in part +into a living body, and common sense must either close the +discussion at once, or ere long surrender at discretion.</p> +<p>Common sense can only carry weight in respect of matters with +which every one is familiar, as forming part of the daily and +hourly conduct of affairs; if we would keep our comfortable hard +and fast lines, our rough and ready unspecialised ways of dealing +with difficult questions, our impatience of what St. Paul calls +“doubtful disputations,” we must refuse to quit the +ground on which the judgments of mankind have been so long and +often given that they are not likely to be questioned. +Common sense is not yet formulated in manners of science or +philosophy, for only few consider them; few decisions, therefore, +have been arrived at which all hold final. Science is, like +love, “too young to know what conscience,” or common +sense, is. As soon as the world began to busy itself with +evolution it said good-bye to common sense, and must get on with +uncommon sense as best it can. The first lesson that +uncommon sense will teach it is that contradiction in terms is +the foundation of all sound reasoning—and, as an obvious +consequence, compromise, the foundation of all sound +practice. This, it follows easily, involves the corollary +that as faith, to be of any value, must be based on reason, so +reason, to be of any value, must be based on faith, and that +neither can stand alone or dispense with the other, any more than +culture or vulgarity can stand unalloyed with one another without +much danger of mischance.</p> +<p>It may not perhaps be immediately apparent why the admission +that a piece of healthy living brain is more living than the end +of a finger-nail, is so dangerous to common sense ways of looking +at life and death; I had better, therefore, be more +explicit. By this admission degrees of livingness are +admitted within the body; this involves approaches to +non-livingness. On this the question arises, “Which +are the most living parts?” The answer to this was +given a few years ago with a flourish of trumpets, and our +biologists shouted with one voice, “Great is +protoplasm. There is no life but protoplasm, and Huxley is +its prophet.” Read Huxley’s “Physical +Basis of Mind.” Read Professor Mivart’s +article, “What are Living Beings?” in the +<i>Contemporary Review</i>, July, 1879. Read Dr. Andrew +Wilson’s article in the <i>Gentleman’s Magazine</i>, +October, 1879. Remember Professor Allman’s address to +the British Association, 1879; ask, again, any medical man what +is the most approved scientific attitude as regards the +protoplasmic and non-protoplasmic parts of the body, and he will +say that the thinly veiled conclusion arrived at by all of them +is, that the protoplasmic parts are alone truly living, and that +the non-protoplasmic are non-living.</p> +<p>It may suffice if I confine myself to Professor Allman’s +address to the British Association in 1879, as a representative +utterance. Professor Allman said:—</p> +<p>“Protoplasm lies at the base of every vital +phenomenon. It is, as Huxley has well expressed it, +‘the physical basis of life;’ wherever there is life +from its lowest to its highest manifestation there is protoplasm; +wherever there is protoplasm there is life.” <a +name="citation122a"></a><a href="#footnote122a" +class="citation">[122a]</a></p> +<p>To say wherever there is life there is protoplasm, is to say +that there can be no life without protoplasm, and this is saying +that where there is no protoplasm there is no life. But +large parts of the body are non-protoplasmic; a bone is, indeed, +permeated by protoplasm, but it is not protoplasm; it follows, +therefore, that according to Professor Allman bone is not in any +proper sense of words a living substance. From this it +should follow, and doubtless does follow in Professor +Allman’s mind, that large tracts of the human body, if not +the greater part by weight (as bones, skin, muscular tissues, +&c.), are no more alive than a coat or pair of boots in wear +is alive, except in so far as the bones, &c., are more +closely and nakedly permeated by protoplasm than the coat or +boots, and are thus brought into closer, directer, and more +permanent communication with that which, if not life itself, +still has more of the ear of life, and comes nearer to its royal +person than anything else does. Indeed that this is +Professor Allman’s opinion appears from the passage on page +26 of the report, in which he says that in “protoplasm we +find the only form of matter in which life can manifest +itself.”</p> +<p>According to this view the skin and other tissues are supposed +to be made from dead protoplasm which living protoplasm turns to +account as the British Museum authorities are believed to stuff +their new specimens with the skins of old ones; the matter used +by the living protoplasm for this purpose is held to be entirely +foreign to protoplasm itself, and no more capable of acting in +concert with it than bricks can understand and act in concert +with the bricklayer. As the bricklayer is held to be living +and the bricks non-living, so the bones and skin which protoplasm +is supposed to construct are held non-living and the protoplasm +alone living. Protoplasm, it is said, goes about masked +behind the clothes or habits which it has fashioned. It has +habited itself as animals and plants, and we have mistaken the +garment for the wearer—as our dogs and cats doubtless think +with Giordano Bruno that our boots live when we are wearing them, +and that we keep spare paws in our bedrooms which lie by the wall +and go to sleep when we have not got them on.</p> +<p>If, in answer to the assertion that the osseous parts of bone +are non-living, it is said that they must be living, for they +heal if broken, which no dead matter can do, it is answered that +the broken pieces of bone do not grow together; they are mended +by the protoplasm which permeates the Haversian canals; the bones +themselves are no more living merely because they are tenanted by +something which really does live, than a house lives because men +and women inhabit it; and if a bone is repaired, it no more +repairs itself than a house can be said to have repaired itself +because its owner has sent for the bricklayer and seen that what +was wanted was done.</p> +<p>We do not know, it is said, by what means the structureless +viscid substance which we call protoplasm can build for itself a +solid bone; we do not understand how an amœba makes its +test; no one understands how anything is done unless he can do it +himself; and even then he probably does not know how he has done +it. Set a man who has never painted, to watch Rembrandt +paint the Burgomaster Six, and he will no more understand how +Rembrandt can have done it, than we can understand how the +amœba makes its test, or the protoplasm cements two broken +ends of a piece of bone. <i>Ces choses se font mais ne +s’expliquent pas</i>. So some denizen of another +planet looking at our earth through a telescope which showed him +much, but still not quite enough, and seeing the St. Gothard +tunnel plumb on end so that he could not see the holes of entry +and exit, would think the trains there a kind of caterpillar +which went through the mountain by a pure effort of the +will—that enabled them in some mysterious way to disregard +material obstacles and dispense with material means. We +know, of course, that it is not so, and that exemption from the +toil attendant on material obstacles has been compounded for, in +the ordinary way, by the single payment of a tunnel; and so with +the cementing of a bone, our biologists say that the protoplasm, +which is alone living, cements it much as a man might mend a +piece of broken china, but that it works by methods and processes +which elude us, even as the holes of the St. Gothard tunnel may +be supposed to elude a denizen of another world.</p> +<p>The reader will already have seen that the toils are beginning +to close round those who, while professing to be guided by common +sense, still parley with even the most superficial probers +beneath the surface; this, however, will appear more clearly in +the following chapter. It will also appear how far-reaching +were the consequences of the denial of design that was involved +in Mr. Darwin’s theory that luck is the main element in +survival, and how largely this theory is responsible for the +fatuous developments in connection alike with protoplasm and +automatism which a few years ago seemed about to carry everything +before them.</p> +<h2><a name="page125"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +125</span>Chapter IX<br /> +Property, Common Sense, and Protoplasm (<i>continued</i>)</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">The</span> position, then, stands +thus. Common sense gave the inch of admitting some parts of +the body to be less living than others, and philosophy took the +ell of declaring the body to be almost all of it stone +dead. This is serious; still if it were all, for a quiet +life, we might put up with it. Unfortunately we know only +too well that it will not be all. Our bodies, which seemed +so living and now prove so dead, have served us such a trick that +we can have no confidence in anything connected with them. +As with skin and bones to-day, so with protoplasm +to-morrow. Protoplasm is mainly oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, +and carbon; if we do not keep a sharp look out, we shall have it +going the way of the rest of the body, and being declared dead in +respect, at any rate, of these inorganic components. +Science has not, I believe, settled all the components of +protoplasm, but this is neither here nor there; she has settled +what it is in great part, and there is no trusting her not to +settle the rest at any moment, even if she has not already done +so. As soon as this has been done we shall be told that +nine-tenths of the protoplasm of which we are composed must go +the way of our non-protoplasmic parts, and that the only really +living part of us is the something with a new name that runs the +protoplasm that runs the flesh and bones that run the +organs—</p> +<p>Why stop here? Why not add “which run the tools +and properties which are as essential to our life and health as +much that is actually incorporate with us?” The same +breach which has let the non-living effect a lodgment within the +body must, in all equity, let the organic +character—bodiliness, so to speak—pass out beyond its +limits and effect a lodgment in our temporary and extra-corporeal +limbs. What, on the protoplasmic theory, the skin and bones +are, that the hammer and spade are also; they differ in the +degree of closeness and permanence with which they are associated +with protoplasm, but both bones and hammers are alike non-living +things which protoplasm uses for its own purposes and keeps +closer or less close at hand as custom and convenience may +determine.</p> +<p>According to this view, the non-protoplasmic parts of the body +are tools of the first degree; they are not living, but they are +in such close and constant contact with that which really lives, +that an aroma of life attaches to them. Some of these, +however, such as horns, hooves, and tusks, are so little +permeated by protoplasm that they cannot rank much higher than +the tools of the second degree, which come next to them in +order.</p> +<p>These tools of the second degree are either picked up +ready-made, or are manufactured directly by the body, as being +torn or bitten into shape, or as stones picked up to throw at +prey or at an enemy.</p> +<p>Tools of the third degree are made by the instrumentality of +tools of the second and first degrees; as, for example, chipped +flint, arrow-heads, &c.</p> +<p>Tools of the fourth degree are made by those of the third, +second, and first. They consist of the simpler compound +instruments that yet require to be worked by hand, as hammers, +spades, and even hand flour-mills.</p> +<p>Tools of the fifth degree are made by the help of those of the +fourth, third, second, and first. They are compounded of +many tools, worked, it may be, by steam or water and requiring no +constant contact with the body.</p> +<p>But each one of these tools of the fifth degree was made in +the first instance by the sole instrumentality of the four +preceding kinds of tool. They must all be linked on to +protoplasm, which is the one original tool-maker, but which can +only make the tools that are more remote from itself by the help +of those that are nearer, that is to say, it can only work when +it has suitable tools to work with, and when it is allowed to use +them in its own way. There can be no direct communication +between protoplasm and a steam-engine; there may be and often is +direct communication between machines of even the fifth order and +those of the first, as when an engine-man turns a cock, or +repairs something with his own hands if he has nothing better to +work with. But put a hammer, for example, to a piece of +protoplasm, and the protoplasm will no more know what to do with +it than we should be able to saw a piece of wood in two without a +saw. Even protoplasm from the hand of a carpenter who has +been handling hammers all his life would be hopelessly put off +its stroke if not allowed to work in its usual way but put bare +up against a hammer; it would make a slimy mess and then dry up; +still there can be no doubt (so at least those who uphold +protoplasm as the one living substance would say) that the closer +a machine can be got to protoplasm and the more permanent the +connection, the more living it appears to be, or at any rate the +more does it appear to be endowed with spontaneous and reasoning +energy, so long, of course, as the closeness is of a kind which +protoplasm understands and is familiar with. This, they +say, is why we do not like using any implement or tool with +gloves on, for these impose a barrier between the tool and its +true connection with protoplasm by means of the nervous +system. For the same reason we put gloves on when we box so +as to bar the connection.</p> +<p>That which we handle most unglovedly is our food, which we +handle with our stomachs rather than with our hands. Our +hands are so thickly encased with skin that protoplasm can hold +but small conversation with what they contain, unless it be held +for a long time in the closed fist, and even so the converse is +impeded as in a strange language; the inside of our mouths is +more naked, and our stomachs are more naked still; it is here +that protoplasm brings its fullest powers of suasion to bear on +those whom it would proselytise and receive as it were into its +own communion—whom it would convert and bring into a +condition of mind in which they shall see things as it sees them +itself, and, as we commonly say, “agree with” it, +instead of standing out stiffly for their own opinion. We +call this digesting our food; more properly we should call it +being digested by our food, which reads, marks, learns, and +inwardly digests us, till it comes to understand us and encourage +us by assuring us that we were perfectly right all the time, no +matter what any one might have said, or say, to the +contrary. Having thus recanted all its own past heresies, +it sets to work to convert everything that comes near it and +seems in the least likely to be converted. Eating is a mode +of love; it is an effort after a closer union; so we say we love +roast beef. A French lady told me once that she adored +veal; and a nurse tells her child that she would like to eat +it. Even he who caresses a dog or horse <i>pro tanto</i> +both weds and eats it. Strange how close the analogy +between love and hunger; in each case the effort is after closer +union and possession; in each case the outcome is reproduction +(for nutrition is the most complete of reproductions), and in +each case there are <i>residua</i>. But to return.</p> +<p>I have shown above that one consequence of the attempt so +vigorously made a few years ago to establish protoplasm as the +one living substance, is the making it clear that the +non-protoplasmic parts of the body and the simpler +extra-corporeal tools or organs must run on all fours in the +matter of livingness and non-livingness. If the +protoplasmic parts of the body are held living in virtue of their +being used by something that really lives, then so, though in a +less degree, must tools and machines. If, on the other +hand, tools and machines are held non-living inasmuch as they +only owe what little appearance of life they may present when in +actual use to something else that lives, and have no life of +their own—so, though in a less degree, must the +non-protoplasmic parts of the body. Allow an overflowing +aroma of life to vivify the horny skin under the heel, and from +this there will be a spilling which will vivify the boot in +wear. Deny an aroma of life to the boot in wear, and it +must ere long be denied to ninety-nine per cent. of the body; and +if the body is not alive while it can walk and talk, what in the +name of all that is unreasonable can be held to be so?</p> +<p>That the essential identity of bodily organs and tools is no +ingenious paradoxical way of putting things is evident from the +fact that we speak of bodily organs at all. Organ means +tool. There is nothing which reveals our most genuine +opinions to us so unerringly as our habitual and unguarded +expressions, and in the case under consideration so completely do +we instinctively recognise the underlying identity of tools and +limbs, that scientific men use the word “organ” for +any part of the body that discharges a function, practically to +the exclusion of any other term. Of course, however, the +above contention as to the essential identity of tools and organs +does not involve a denial of their obvious superficial +differences—differences so many and so great as to justify +our classing them in distinct categories so long as we have +regard to the daily purposes of life without looking at remoter +ones.</p> +<p>If the above be admitted, we can reply to those who in an +earlier chapter objected to our saying that if Mr. Darwin denied +design in the eye he should deny it in the burglar’s jemmy +also. For if bodily and non-bodily organs are essentially +one in kind, being each of them both living and non-living, and +each of them only a higher development of principles already +admitted and largely acted on in the other, then the method of +procedure observable in the evolution of the organs whose history +is within our ken should throw light upon the evolution of that +whose history goes back into so dim a past that we can only know +it by way of inference. In the absence of any show of +reason to the contrary we should argue from the known to the +unknown, and presume that even as our non-bodily organs +originated and were developed through gradual accumulation of +design, effort, and contrivance guided by experience, so also +must our bodily organs have been, in spite of the fact that the +contrivance has been, as it were, denuded of external evidences +in the course of long time. This at least is the most +obvious inference to draw; the burden of proof should rest not +with those who uphold function as the most important means of +organic modification, but with those who impugn it; it is hardly +necessary, however, to say that Mr. Darwin never attempted to +impugn by way of argument the conclusions either of his +grandfather or of Lamarck. He waved them both aside in one +or two short semi-contemptuous sentences, and said no more about +them—not, at least, until late in life he wrote his +“Erasmus Darwin,” and even then his remarks were +purely biographical; he did not say one syllable by way of +refutation, or even of explanation.</p> +<p>I am free to confess that, overwhelming as is the evidence +brought forward by Mr. Spencer in the articles already referred +to, as showing that accidental variations, unguided by the helm +of any main general principle which should as it were keep their +heads straight, could never accumulate with the results supposed +by Mr. Darwin; and overwhelming, again, as is the consideration +that Mr. Spencer’s most crushing argument was allowed by +Mr. Darwin to go without reply, still the considerations arising +from the discoveries of the last forty years or so in connection +with protoplasm, seem to me almost more overwhelming still. +This evidence proceeds on different lines from that adduced by +Mr. Spencer, but it points to the same conclusion, namely, that +though luck will avail much if backed by cunning and experience, +it is unavailing for any permanent result without them. +There is an irony which seems almost always to attend on those +who maintain that protoplasm is the only living substance which +ere long points their conclusions the opposite way to that which +they desire—in the very last direction, indeed, in which +they of all people in the world would willingly see them +pointed.</p> +<p>It may be asked why I should have so strong an objection to +seeing protoplasm as the only living substance, when I find this +view so useful to me as tending to substantiate +design—which I admit that I have as much and as seriously +at heart as I can allow myself to have any matter which, after +all, can so little affect daily conduct; I reply that it is no +part of my business to inquire whether this or that makes for my +pet theories or against them; my concern is to inquire whether or +no it is borne out by facts, and I find the opinion that +protoplasm is the one living substance unstable, inasmuch as it +is an attempt to make a halt where no halt can be made. +This is enough; but, furthermore, the fact that the protoplasmic +parts of the body are <i>more</i> living than the +non-protoplasmic—which I cannot deny, without denying that +it is any longer convenient to think of life and death at +all—will answer my purpose to the full as well or +better.</p> +<p>I pointed out another consequence, which, again, was cruelly +the reverse of what the promoters of the protoplasm movement +might be supposed anxious to arrive at—in a series of +articles which appeared in the <i>Examiner</i> during the summer +of 1879, and showed that if protoplasm were held to be the sole +seat of life, then this unity in the substance vivifying all, +both animals and plants, must be held as uniting them into a +single corporation or body—especially when their community +of descent is borne in mind—more effectually than any +merely superficial separation into individuals can be held to +disunite them, and that thus protoplasm must be seen as the life +of the world—as a vast body corporate, never dying till the +earth itself shall pass away. This came practically to +saying that protoplasm was God Almighty, who, of all the forms +open to Him, had chosen this singularly unattractive one as the +channel through which to make Himself manifest in the flesh by +taking our nature upon Him, and animating us with His own +Spirit. Our biologists, in fact, were fast nearing the +conception of a God who was both personal and material, but who +could not be made to square with pantheistic notions inasmuch as +no provision was made for the inorganic world; and, indeed, they +seem to have become alarmed at the grotesqueness of the position +in which they must ere long have found themselves, for in the +autumn of 1879 the boom collapsed, and thenceforth the leading +reviews and magazines have known protoplasm no more. About +the same time bathybius, which at one time bade fair to supplant +it upon the throne of popularity, died suddenly, as I am told, at +Norwich, under circumstances which did not transpire, nor has its +name, so far as I am aware, been ever again mentioned.</p> +<p>So much for the conclusions in regard to the larger aspect of +life taken as a whole which must follow from confining life to +protoplasm; but there is another aspect—that, namely, which +regards the individual. The inevitable consequences of +confining life to the protoplasmic parts of the body were just as +unexpected and unwelcome here as they had been with regard to +life at large; for, as I have already pointed out, there is no +drawing the line at protoplasm and resting at this point; nor yet +at the next halting-point beyond; nor at the one beyond +that. How often is this process to be repeated? and in what +can it end but in the rehabilitation of the soul as an ethereal, +spiritual, vital principle, apart from matter, which, +nevertheless, it animates, vivifying the clay of our +bodies? No one who has followed the course either of +biology or psychology during this century, and more especially +during the last five-and-twenty years, will tolerate the +reintroduction of the soul as something apart from the substratum +in which both feeling and action must be held to inhere. +The notion of matter being ever changed except by other matter in +another state is so shocking to the intellectual conscience that +it may be dismissed without discussion; yet if bathybius had not +been promptly dealt with, it must have become apparent even to +the British public that there were indeed but few steps from +protoplasm, as the only living substance, to vital +principle. Our biologists therefore stifled bathybius, +perhaps with justice, certainly with prudence, and left +protoplasm to its fate.</p> +<p>Any one who reads Professor Allman’s address above +referred to with due care will see that he was uneasy about +protoplasm, even at the time of its greatest popularity. +Professor Allman never says outright that the non-protoplasmic +parts of the body are no more alive than chairs and tables +are. He said what involved this as an inevitable +consequence, and there can be no doubt that this is what he +wanted to convey, but he never insisted on it with the +outspokenness and emphasis with which so startling a paradox +should alone be offered us for acceptance; nor is it easy to +believe that his reluctance to express his conclusion <i>totidem +verbis</i> was not due to a sense that it might ere long prove +more convenient not to have done so. When I advocated the +theory of the livingness, or quasi-livingness of machines, in the +chapters of “Erewhon” of which all else that I have +written on biological subjects is a development, I took care that +people should see the position in its extreme form; the +non-livingness of bodily organs is to the full as startling a +paradox as the livingness of non-bodily ones, and we have a right +to expect the fullest explicitness from those who advance +it. Of course it must be borne in mind that a machine can +only claim any appreciable even aroma of livingness so long as it +is in actual use. In “Erewhon” I did not think +it necessary to insist on this, and did not, indeed, yet fully +know what I was driving at.</p> +<p>The same disposition to avoid committing themselves to the +assertion that any part of the body is non-living may be observed +in the writings of the other authorities upon protoplasm above +referred to; I have searched all they said, and cannot find a +single passage in which they declare even the osseous parts of a +bone to be non-living, though this conclusion was the <i>raison +d’être</i> of all they were saying and followed as an +obvious inference. The reader will probably agree with me +in thinking that such reticence can only have been due to a +feeling that the ground was one on which it behoved them to walk +circumspectly; they probably felt, after a vague, ill-defined +fashion, that the more they reduced the body to mechanism the +more they laid it open to an opponent to raise mechanism to the +body, but, however this may be, they dropped protoplasm, as I +have said, in some haste with the autumn of 1879.</p> +<h2><a name="page135"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +135</span>Chapter X<br /> +The Attempt to Eliminate Mind</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">What</span>, it may be asked, were our +biologists really aiming at?—for men like Professor Huxley +do not serve protoplasm for nought. They wanted a good many +things, some of them more righteous than others, but all +intelligible. Among the more lawful of their desires was a +craving after a monistic conception of the universe. We all +desire this; who can turn his thoughts to these matters at all +and not instinctively lean towards the old conception of one +supreme and ultimate essence as the source from which all things +proceed and have proceeded, both now and ever? The most +striking and apparently most stable theory of the last quarter of +a century had been Sir William Grove’s theory of the +conservation of energy; and yet wherein is there any substantial +difference between this recent outcome of modern amateur, and +hence most sincere, science—pointing as it does to an +imperishable, and as such unchangeable, and as such, again, for +ever unknowable underlying substance the modes of which alone +change—wherein, except in mere verbal costume, does this +differ from the conclusions arrived at by the psalmist?</p> +<p>“Of old,” he exclaims, “hast Thou laid the +foundation of the earth; and the heavens are the work of Thy +hands. They shall perish, but Thou shalt endure; yea, all +of them shall wax old like a garment; as a vesture shalt Thou +change them and they shall be changed; but Thou art the same, and +Thy years shall have no end.” <a name="citation135a"></a><a +href="#footnote135a" class="citation">[135a]</a></p> +<p>I know not what theologians may think of this passage, but +from a scientific point of view it is unassailable. So +again, “O Lord,” he exclaims, “Thou hast +searched me out, and known me: Thou knowest my down-sitting and +mine up-rising; Thou understandest my thoughts long before. +Thou art about my path, and about my bed: and spiest out all my +ways. For lo, there is not a word in my tongue but Thou, O +Lord, knowest it altogether . . . Whither shall I go, then, from +Thy Spirit? Or whither shall I go, then, from Thy +presence? If I climb up into heaven Thou art there: if I go +down to hell, Thou art there also. If I take the wings of +the morning, and remain in the uttermost parts of the sea, even +there also shall Thy hand lead me and Thy right hand shall hold +me. If I say, Peradventure the darkness shall cover me, +then shall my night be turned to day. Yea, the darkness is +no darkness with Thee, but . . . the darkness and light to Thee +are both alike.” <a name="citation136a"></a><a +href="#footnote136a" class="citation">[136a]</a></p> +<p>What convention or short cut can symbolise for us the results +of laboured and complicated chains of reasoning or bring them +more aptly and concisely home to us than the one supplied long +since by the word God? What can approach more nearly to a +rendering of that which cannot be rendered—the idea of an +essence omnipresent in all things at all times everywhere in sky +and earth and sea; ever changing, yet the same yesterday, to-day, +and for ever; the ineffable contradiction in terms whose presence +none can either ever enter, or ever escape? Or rather, what +convention would have been more apt if it had not been lost sight +of as a convention and come to be regarded as an idea in actual +correspondence with a more or less knowable reality? A +convention was converted into a fetish, and now that its +worthlessness as a fetish is being generally felt, its great +value as a hieroglyph or convention is in danger of being lost +sight of. No doubt the psalmist was seeking for Sir William +Grove’s conception, if haply he might feel after it and +find it, and assuredly it is not far from every one of us. +But the course of true philosophy never did run smooth; no sooner +have we fairly grasped the conception of a single eternal and for +ever unknowable underlying substance, then we are faced by mind +and matter. Long-standing ideas and current language alike +lead us to see these as distinct things—mind being still +commonly regarded as something that acts on body from without as +the wind blows upon a leaf, and as no less an actual entity than +the body. Neither body nor mind seems less essential to our +existence than the other; not only do we feel this as regards our +own existence, but we feel it also as pervading the whole world +of life; everywhere we see body and mind working together towards +results that must be ascribed equally to both; but they are two, +not one; if, then, we are to have our monistic conception, it +would seem as though one of these must yield to the other; which, +therefore, is it to be?</p> +<p>This is a very old question. Some, from time immemorial, +have tried to get rid of matter by reducing it to a mere concept +of the mind, and their followers have arrived at conclusions that +may be logically irrefragable, but are as far removed from common +sense as they are in accord with logic; at any rate they have +failed to satisfy, and matter is no nearer being got rid of now +than it was when the discussion first began. Others, again, +have tried materialism, have declared the causative action of +both thought and feeling to be deceptive, and posit matter +obeying fixed laws of which thought and feeling must be admitted +as concomitants, but with which they have no causal +connection. The same thing has happened to these men as to +their opponents; they made out an excellent case on paper, but +thought and feeling still remain the mainsprings of action that +they have been always held to be. We still say, “I +gave him £5 because I felt pleased with him, and thought he +would like it;” or, “I knocked him down because I +felt angry, and thought I would teach him better +manners.” Omnipresent life and mind with appearances +of brute non-livingness—which appearances are deceptive; +this is one view. Omnipresent non-livingness or mechanism +with appearances as though the mechanism were guided and +controlled by thought—which appearances are deceptive; this +is the other. Between these two views the slaves of logic +have oscillated for centuries, and to all appearance will +continue to oscillate for centuries more.</p> +<p>People who think—as against those who feel and +act—want hard and fast lines—without which, indeed, +they cannot think at all; these lines are as it were steps cut on +a slope of ice without which there would be no descending +it. When we have begun to travel the downward path of +thought, we ask ourselves questions about life and death, ego and +non ego, object and subject, necessity and free will, and other +kindred subjects. We want to know where we are, and in the +hope of simplifying matters, strip, as it were, each subject to +the skin, and finding that even this has not freed it from all +extraneous matter, flay it alive in the hope that if we grub down +deep enough we shall come upon it in its pure unalloyed state +free from all inconvenient complication through intermixture with +anything alien to itself. Then, indeed, we can docket it, +and pigeon-hole it for what it is; but what can we do with it +till we have got it pure? We want to account for things, +which means that we want to know to which of the various accounts +opened in our mental ledger we ought to carry them—and how +can we do this if we admit a phenomenon to be neither one thing +nor the other, but to belong to half-a-dozen different accounts +in proportions which often cannot even approximately be +determined? If we are to keep accounts we must keep them in +reasonable compass; and if keeping them within reasonable compass +involves something of a Procrustean arrangement, we may regret +it, but cannot help it; having set up as thinkers we have got to +think, and must adhere to the only conditions under which thought +is possible; life, therefore, must be life, all life, and nothing +but life, and so with death, free will, necessity, design, and +everything else. This, at least, is how philosophers must +think concerning them in theory; in practice, however, not even +John Stuart Mill himself could eliminate all taint of its +opposite from any one of these things, any more than Lady Macbeth +could clear her hand of blood; indeed, the more nearly we think +we have succeeded the more certain are we to find ourselves ere +long mocked and baffled; and this, I take it, is what our +biologists began in the autumn of 1879 to discover had happened +to themselves.</p> +<p>For some years they had been trying to get rid of feeling, +consciousness, and mind generally, from active participation in +the evolution of the universe. They admitted, indeed, that +feeling and consciousness attend the working of the world’s +gear, as noise attends the working of a steam-engine, but they +would not allow that consciousness produced more effect in the +working of the world than noise on that of the +steam-engine. Feeling and noise were alike accidental +unessential adjuncts and nothing more. Incredible as it may +seem to those who are happy enough not to know that this attempt +is an old one, they were trying to reduce the world to the level +of a piece of unerring though sentient mechanism. Men and +animals must be allowed to feel and even to reflect; this much +must be conceded, but granted that they do, still (so, at least, +it was contended) it has no effect upon the result; it does not +matter as far as this is concerned whether they feel and think or +not; everything would go on exactly as it does and always has +done, though neither man nor beast knew nor felt anything at +all. It is only by maintaining things like this that people +will get pensions out of the British public.</p> +<p>Some such position as this is a <i>sine quâ non</i> for +the Neo-Darwinistic doctrine of natural selection, which, as Von +Hartmann justly observes, involves an essentially mechanical +mindless conception of the universe; to natural selection’s +door, therefore, the blame of the whole movement in favour of +mechanism must be justly laid. It was natural that those +who had been foremost in preaching mindless designless luck as +the main means of organic modification, should lend themselves +with alacrity to the task of getting rid of thought and feeling +from all share in the direction and governance of the +world. Professor Huxley, as usual, was among the foremost +in this good work, and whether influenced by Hobbes, or +Descartes, or Mr. Spalding, or even by the machine chapters in +“Erewhon” which were still recent, I do not know, led +off with his article “On the hypothesis that animals are +automata” (which it may be observed is the exact converse +of the hypothesis that automata are animated) in the +<i>Fortnightly Review</i> for November 1874. Professor +Huxley did not say outright that men and women were just as +living and just as dead as their own watches, but this was what +his article came to in substance. The conclusion arrived at +was that animals were automata; true, they were probably +sentient, still they were automata pure and simple, mere sentient +pieces of exceedingly elaborate clockwork, and nothing more.</p> +<p>“Professor Huxley,” says Mr. Romanes, in his Rede +Lecture for 1885, <a name="citation140a"></a><a +href="#footnote140a" class="citation">[140a]</a> “argues by +way of perfectly logical deduction from this statement, that +thought and feeling have nothing to do with determining action; +they are merely the bye-products of cerebration, or, as he +expresses it, the indices of changes which are going on in the +brain. Under this view we are all what he terms conscious +automata, or machines which happen, as it were by chance, to be +conscious of some of their own movements. But the +consciousness is altogether adventitious, and bears the same +ineffectual relation to the activity of the brain as a steam +whistle bears to the activity of a locomotive, or the striking of +a clock to the time-keeping adjustments of the clockwork. +Here, again, we meet with an echo of Hobbes, who opens his work +on the commonwealth with these words:—</p> +<p>“‘Nature, the art whereby God hath made and +governs the world, is by the <i>art</i> of man, as in many other +things, in this also imitated, that it can make an artificial +animal. For seeing life is but a motion of limbs, the +beginning whereof is in the principal part within; why may we not +say that all automata (engines that move themselves by springs +and wheels as doth a watch) have an artificial life? For +what is the <i>heart</i> but a spring, and the <i>nerves</i> but +so many <i>strings</i>; and the <i>joints</i> but so many +<i>wheels</i> giving motion to the whole body, such as was +intended by the artificer?’</p> +<p>“Now this theory of conscious automatism is not merely a +legitimate outcome of the theory that nervous changes are the +causes of mental changes, but it is logically the only possible +outcome. Nor do I see any way in which this theory can be +fought on grounds of physiology.”</p> +<p>In passing, I may say the theory that living beings are +conscious machines, can be fought just as much and just as little +as the theory that machines are unconscious living beings; +everything that goes to prove either of these propositions goes +just as well to prove the other also. But I have perhaps +already said as much as is necessary on this head; the main point +with which I am concerned is the fact that Professor Huxley was +trying to expel consciousness and sentience from any causative +action in the working of the universe. In the following +month appeared the late Professor Clifford’s hardly less +outspoken article, “Body and Mind,” to the same +effect, also in the <i>Fortnightly Review</i>, then edited by Mr. +John Morley. Perhaps this view attained its frankest +expression in an article by the late Mr. Spalding, which appeared +in <i>Nature</i>, August 2, 1877; the following extracts will +show that Mr. Spalding must be credited with not playing fast and +loose with his own conclusions, and knew both how to think a +thing out to its extreme consequences, and how to put those +consequences clearly before his readers. Mr. Spalding +said:—</p> +<p>“Against Mr. Lewes’s proposition that the +movements of living beings are prompted and guided by feeling, I +urged that the amount and direction of every nervous discharge +must depend solely on physical conditions. And I contended +that to see this clearly is to see that when we speak of movement +being guided by feeling, we use the language of a less advanced +stage of enlightenment. This view has since occupied a good +deal of attention. Under the name of automatism it has been +advocated by Professor Huxley, and with firmer logic by Professor +Clifford. In the minds of our savage ancestors feeling was +the source of all movement . . . Using the word feeling in its +ordinary sense . . . <i>we assert not only that no evidence can +be given that feeling ever does guide or prompt action</i>, +<i>but that the process of its doing so is +inconceivable</i>. (Italics mine.) How can we picture +to ourselves a state of consciousness putting in motion any +particle of matter, large or small? Puss, while dozing +before the fire, hears a light rustle in the corner, and darts +towards the spot. What has happened? Certain +sound-waves have reached the ear, a series of physical changes +have taken place within the organism, special groups of muscles +have been called into play, and the body of the cat has changed +its position on the floor. Is it asserted that this chain +of physical changes is not at all points complete and sufficient +in itself?”</p> +<p>I have been led to turn to this article of Mr. +Spalding’s by Mr. Stewart Duncan, who, in his +“Conscious Matter,” <a name="citation142a"></a><a +href="#footnote142a" class="citation">[142a]</a> quotes the +latter part of the foregoing extract. Mr. Duncan goes on to +quote passages from Professor Tyndall’s utterances of about +the same date which show that he too took much the same +line—namely, that there is no causative connection between +mental and physical processes; from this it is obvious he must +have supposed that physical processes would go on just as well if +there were no accompaniment of feeling and consciousness at +all.</p> +<p>I have said enough to show that in the decade, roughly, +between 1870 and 1880 the set of opinion among our leading +biologists was strongly against mind, as having in any way +influenced the development of animal and vegetable life, and it +is not likely to be denied that the prominence which the mindless +theory of natural selection had assumed in men’s thoughts +since 1860 was one of the chief reasons, if not the chief, for +the turn opinion was taking. Our leading biologists had +staked so heavily upon natural selection from among fortuitous +variations that they would have been more than human if they had +not caught at everything that seemed to give it colour and +support. It was while this mechanical fit was upon them, +and in the closest connection with it, that the protoplasm boom +developed. It was doubtless felt that if the public could +be got to dislodge life, consciousness, and mind from any +considerable part of the body, it would be no hard matter to +dislodge it, presently, from the remainder; on this the +deceptiveness of mind as a causative agent, and the sufficiency +of a purely automatic conception of the universe, as of something +that will work if a penny be dropped into the box, would be +proved to demonstration. It would be proved from the side +of mind by considerations derivable from automatic and +unconscious action where mind <i>ex hypothesi</i> was not, but +where action went on as well or better without it than with it; +it would be proved from the side of body by what they would +doubtless call the “most careful and exhaustive” +examination of the body itself by the aid of appliances more +ample than had ever before been within the reach of man.</p> +<p>This was all very well, but for its success one thing was a +<i>sine quâ non</i>—I mean the dislodgment must be +thorough; the key must be got clean of even the smallest trace of +blood, for unless this could be done all the argument went to the +profit not of the mechanism, with which, for some reason or +other, they were so much enamoured, but of the soul and design, +the ideas which of all others were most distasteful to +them. They shut their eyes to this for a long time, but in +the end appear to have seen that if they were in search of an +absolute living and absolute non-living, the path along which +they were travelling would never lead them to it. They were +driving life up into a corner, but they were not eliminating it, +and, moreover, at the very moment of their thinking they had +hedged it in and could throw their salt upon it, it flew +mockingly over their heads and perched upon the place of all +others where they were most scandalised to see it—I mean +upon machines in use. So they retired sulkily to their +tents baffled but not ashamed.</p> + +<div class="gapspace"> </div> +<p>Some months subsequent to the completion of the foregoing +chapter, and indeed just as this book is on the point of leaving +my hands, there appears in <i>Nature</i> <a +name="citation144a"></a><a href="#footnote144a" +class="citation">[144a]</a> a letter from the Duke of Argyll, +which shows that he too is impressed with the conviction +expressed above—I mean that the real object our men of +science have lately had in view has been the getting rid of mind +from among the causes of evolution. The Duke +says:—</p> +<p>“The violence with which false interpretations were put +upon this theory (natural selection) and a function was assigned +to it which it could never fulfil, will some day be recognised as +one of the least creditable episodes in the history of +science. With a curious perversity it was the weakest +elements in the theory which were seized upon as the most +valuable, particularly the part assigned to blind chance in the +occurrence of variations. This was valued not for its +scientific truth,—for it could pretend to none,—but +because of its assumed bearing upon another field of thought and +the weapon it afforded for expelling mind from the causes of +evolution.”</p> +<p>The Duke, speaking of Mr. Herbert Spencer’s two articles +in the <i>Nineteenth Century</i> for April and May, 1886, to +which I have already called attention, continues:—</p> +<p>“In these two articles we have for the first time an +avowed and definite declaration against some of the leading ideas +on which the mechanical philosophy depends; and yet the caution, +and almost timidity, with which a man so eminent approaches the +announcement of conclusions of the most self-evident truth is a +most curious proof of the reign of terror which has come to be +established.”</p> +<p>Against this I must protest; the Duke cannot seriously +maintain that the main scope and purpose of Mr. Herbert +Spencer’s articles is new. Their substance has been +before us in Mr. Spencer’s own writings for some +two-and-twenty years, in the course of which Mr. Spencer has been +followed by Professor Mivart, the Rev. J. J. Murphy, the Duke of +Argyll himself, and many other writers of less note. When +the Duke talks about the establishment of a scientific reign of +terror, I confess I regard such an exaggeration with something +like impatience. Any one who has known his own mind and has +had the courage of his opinions has been able to say whatever he +wanted to say with as little let or hindrance during the last +twenty years, as during any other period in the history of +literature. Of course, if a man will keep blurting out +unpopular truths without considering whose toes he may or may not +be treading on, he will make enemies some of whom will doubtless +be able to give effect to their displeasure; but that is part of +the game. It is hardly possible for any one to oppose the +fallacy involved in the Charles-Darwinian theory of natural +selection more persistently and unsparingly than I have done +myself from the year 1877 onwards; naturally I have at times been +very angrily attacked in consequence, and as a matter of business +have made myself as unpleasant as I could in my rejoinders, but I +cannot remember anything having been ever attempted against me +which could cause fear in any ordinarily constituted +person. If, then, the Duke of Argyll is right in saying +that Mr. Spencer has shown a caution almost amounting to timidity +in attacking Mr. Darwin’s theory, either Mr. Spencer must +be a singularly timid person, or there must be some cause for his +timidity which is not immediately obvious. If terror reigns +anywhere among scientific men, I should say it reigned among +those who have staked imprudently on Mr. Darwin’s +reputation as a philosopher. I may add that the discovery +of the Duke’s impression that there exists a scientific +reign of terror, explains a good deal in his writings which it +has not been easy to understand hitherto.</p> +<p>As regards the theory of natural selection, the Duke +says:—</p> +<p>“From the first discussions which arose on this subject, +I have ventured to maintain that . . . the phrase +‘natural-selection’ represented no true physical +cause, still less the complete set of causes requisite to account +for the orderly procession of organic forms in Nature; that in so +far as it assumed variations to arise by accident it was not only +essentially faulty and incomplete, but fundamentally erroneous; +in short, that its only value lay in the convenience with which +it groups under one form of words, highly charged with metaphor, +an immense variety of causes, some purely mental, some purely +vital, and others purely physical or mechanical.”</p> +<h2><a name="page147"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +147</span>Chapter XI<br /> +The Way of Escape</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">To</span> sum up the conclusions hitherto +arrived at. Our philosophers have made the mistake of +forgetting that they cannot carry the rough-and-ready language of +common sense into precincts within which politeness and +philosophy are supreme. Common sense sees life and death as +distinct states having nothing in common, and hence in all +respects the antitheses of one another; so that with common sense +there should be no degrees of livingness, but if a thing is alive +at all it is as much alive as the most living of us, and if dead +at all it is stone dead in every part of it. Our +philosophers have exercised too little consideration in retaining +this view of the matter. They say that an amœba is as +much a living being as a man is, and do not allow that a +well-grown, highly educated man in robust health is more living +than an idiot cripple. They say he differs from the cripple +in many important respects, but not in degree of +livingness. Yet, as we have seen already, even common sense +by using the word “dying” admits degrees of life; +that is to say, it admits a more and a less; those, then, for +whom the superficial aspects of things are insufficient should +surely find no difficulty in admitting that the degrees are more +numerous than is dreamed of in the somewhat limited philosophy +which common sense alone knows. Livingness depends on range +of power, versatility, wealth of body and mind—how often, +indeed, do we not see people taking a new lease of life when they +have come into money even at an advanced age; it varies as these +vary, beginning with things that, though they have mind enough +for an outsider to swear by, can hardly be said to have yet found +it out themselves, and advancing to those that know their own +minds as fully as anything in this world does so. The more +a thing knows its own mind the more living it becomes, for life +viewed both in the individual and in the general as the outcome +of accumulated developments, is one long process of specialising +consciousness and sensation; that is to say, of getting to know +one’s own mind more and more fully upon a greater and +greater variety of subjects. On this I hope to touch more +fully in another book; in the meantime I would repeat that the +error of our philosophers consists in not having borne in mind +that when they quitted the ground on which common sense can claim +authority, they should have reconsidered everything that common +sense had taught them.</p> +<p>The votaries of common sense make the same mistake as +philosophers do, but they make it in another way. +Philosophers try to make the language of common sense serve for +purposes of philosophy, forgetting that they are in another +world, in which another tongue is current; common sense people, +on the other hand, every now and then attempt to deal with +matters alien to the routine of daily life. The boundaries +between the two kingdoms being very badly defined, it is only by +giving them a wide berth and being so philosophical as almost to +deny that there is any either life or death at all, or else so +full of common sense as to refuse to see one part of the body as +less living than another, that we can hope to steer clear of +doubt, inconsistency, and contradiction in terms in almost every +other word we utter. We cannot serve the God of philosophy +and the Mammon of common sense at one and the same time, and yet +it would almost seem as though the making the best that can be +made of both these worlds were the whole duty of organism.</p> +<p>It is easy to understand how the error of philosophers arose, +for, slaves of habit as we all are, we are more especially slaves +when the habit is one that has not been found troublesome. +There is no denying that it saves trouble to have things either +one thing or the other, and indeed for all the common purposes of +life if a thing is either alive or dead the small supplementary +residue of the opposite state should be neglected as too small to +be observable. If it is good to eat we have no difficulty +in knowing when it is dead enough to be eaten; if not good to +eat, but valuable for its skin, we know when it is dead enough to +be skinned with impunity; if it is a man, we know when he has +presented enough of the phenomena of death to allow of our +burying him and administering his estate; in fact, I cannot call +to mind any case in which the decision of the question whether +man or beast is alive or dead is frequently found to be +perplexing; hence we have become so accustomed to think there can +be no admixture of the two states, that we have found it almost +impossible to avoid carrying this crude view of life and death +into domains of thought in which it has no application. +There can be no doubt that when accuracy is required we should +see life and death not as fundamentally opposed, but as +supplementary to one another, without either’s being ever +able to exclude the other altogether; thus we should indeed see +some things as more living than others, but we should see nothing +as either unalloyedly living or unalloyedly non-living. If +a thing is living, it is so living that it has one foot in the +grave already; if dead, it is dead as a thing that has already +re-entered into the womb of Nature. And within the residue +of life that is in the dead there is an element of death; and +within this there is an element of life, and so <i>ad +infinitum</i>—again, as reflections in two mirrors that +face one another.</p> +<p>In brief, there is nothing in life of which there are not +germs, and, so to speak, harmonics in death, and nothing in death +of which germs and harmonics may not be found in life. Each +emphasizes what the other passes over most lightly—each +carries to its extreme conceivable development that which in the +other is only sketched in by a faint suggestion—but neither +has any feature rigorously special to itself. Granted that +death is a greater new departure in an organism’s life, +than any since that <i>congeries</i> of births and deaths to +which the name embryonic stages is commonly given, still it is a +new departure of the same essential character as any +other—that is to say, though there be much new there is +much, not to say more, old along with it. We shrink from it +as from any other change to the unknown, and also perhaps from an +instinctive sense that the fear of death is a <i>sine quâ +non</i> for physical and moral progress, but the fear is like all +else in life, a substantial thing which, if its foundations be +dug about, is found to rest on a superstitious basis.</p> +<p>Where, and on what principle, are the dividing lines between +living and non-living to be drawn? All attempts to draw +them hitherto have ended in deadlock and disaster; of this M. +Vianna De Lima, in his “Exposé Sommaire des +Théories transformistes de Lamarck, Darwin, et +Haeckel,” <a name="citation150a"></a><a +href="#footnote150a" class="citation">[150a]</a> says that all +attempts to trace <i>une ligne de démarcation nette et +profonde entre la matière vivante et la matière +inerte</i> have broken down. <a name="citation150b"></a><a +href="#footnote150b" class="citation">[150b]</a> <i>Il y a +un reste de vie dans le cadavre</i>, says Diderot, <a +name="citation150c"></a><a href="#footnote150c" +class="citation">[150c]</a> speaking of the more gradual decay of +the body after an easy natural death, than after a sudden and +violent one; and so Buffon begins his first volume by saying that +“we can descend, by almost imperceptible degrees, from the +most perfect creature to the most formless matter—from the +most highly organised matter to the most entirely inorganic +substance.” <a name="citation150d"></a><a +href="#footnote150d" class="citation">[150d]</a></p> +<p>Is the line to be so drawn as to admit any of the non-living +within the body? If we answer “yes,” then, as +we have seen, moiety after moiety is filched from us, till we +find ourselves left face to face with a tenuous quasi immaterial +vital principle or soul as animating an alien body, with which it +not only has no essential underlying community of substance, but +with which it has no conceivable point in common to render a +union between the two possible, or give the one a grip of any +kind over the other; in fact, the doctrine of disembodied +spirits, so instinctively rejected by all who need be listened +to, comes back as it would seem, with a scientific +<i>imprimatur</i>; if, on the other hand, we exclude the +non-living from the body, then what are we to do with nails that +want cutting, dying skin, or hair that is ready to fall +off? Are they less living than brain? Answer +“yes,” and degrees are admitted, which we have +already seen prove fatal; answer “no,” and we must +deny that one part of the body is more vital than +another—and this is refusing to go as far even as common +sense does; answer that these things are not very important, and +we quit the ground of equity and high philosophy on which we have +given ourselves such airs, and go back to common sense as unjust +judges that will hear those widows only who importune us.</p> +<p>As with the non-living so also with the living. Are we +to let it pass beyond the limits of the body, and allow a certain +temporary overflow of livingness to ordain as it were machines in +use? Then death will fare, if we once let life without the +body, as life fares if we once let death within it. It +becomes swallowed up in life, just as in the other case life was +swallowed up in death. Are we to confine it to the +body? If so, to the whole body, or to parts? And if +to parts, to what parts, and why? The only way out of the +difficulty is to rehabilitate contradiction in terms, and say +that everything is both alive and dead at one and the same +time—some things being much living and little dead, and +others, again, much dead and little living. Having done +this we have only got to settle what a thing is—when a +thing is a thing pure and simple, and when it is only a +<i>congeries</i> of things—and we shall doubtless then live +very happily and very philosophically ever afterwards.</p> +<p>But here another difficulty faces us. Common sense does +indeed know what is meant by a “thing” or “an +individual,” but philosophy cannot settle either of these +two points. Professor Mivart made the question “What +are Living Beings?” the subject of an article in one of our +leading magazines only a very few years ago. He asked, but +he did not answer. And so Professor Moseley was reported +(<i>Times</i>, January 16, 1885) as having said that it was +“almost impossible” to say what an individual +was. Surely if it is only “almost” impossible +for philosophy to determine this, Professor Moseley should have +at any rate tried to do it; if, however, he had tried and failed, +which from my own experience I should think most likely, he might +have spared his “almost.” “Almost” +is a very dangerous word. I once heard a man say that an +escape he had had from drowning was “almost” +providential. The difficulty about defining an individual +arises from the fact that we may look at “almost” +everything from two different points of view. If we are in +a common-sense humour for simplifying things, treating them +broadly, and emphasizing resemblances rather than differences, we +can find excellent reasons for ignoring recognised lines of +demarcation, calling everything by a new name, and unifying up +till we have united the two most distant stars in heaven as +meeting and being linked together in the eyes and souls of men; +if we are in this humour individuality after individuality +disappears, and ere long, if we are consistent, nothing will +remain but one universal whole, one true and only atom from which +alone nothing can be cut off and thrown away on to something +else; if, on the other hand, we are in a subtle philosophically +accurate humour for straining at gnats and emphasizing +differences rather than resemblances, we can draw distinctions, +and give reasons for subdividing and subdividing, till, unless we +violate what we choose to call our consistency somewhere, we +shall find ourselves with as many names as atoms and possible +combinations and permutations of atoms. The lines we draw, +the moments we choose for cutting this or that off at this or +that place, and thenceforth the dubbing it by another name, are +as arbitrary as the moments chosen by a South-Eastern Railway +porter for leaving off beating doormats; in each case doubtless +there is an approximate equity, but it is of a very rough and +ready kind.</p> +<p>What else, however, can we do? We can only escape the +Scylla of calling everything by one name, and recognising no +individual existences of any kind, by falling into the Charybdis +of having a name for everything, or by some piece of intellectual +sharp practice like that of the shrewd but unprincipled +Ulysses. If we were consistent honourable gentlemen, into +Charybdis or on to Scylla we should go like lambs; every +subterfuge by the help of which we escape our difficulty is but +an arbitrary high-handed act of classification that turns a deaf +ear to everything not robust enough to hold its own; nevertheless +even the most scrupulous of philosophers pockets his consistency +at a pinch, and refuses to let the native hue of resolution be +sicklied o’er with the pale cast of thought, nor yet fobbed +by the rusty curb of logic. He is right, for assuredly the +poor intellectual abuses of the time want countenancing now as +much as ever, but so far as he countenances them, he should bear +in mind that he is returning to the ground of common sense, and +should not therefore hold himself too stiffly in the matter of +logic.</p> +<p>As with life and death so with design and absence of design or +luck. So also with union and disunion. There is never +either absolute design rigorously pervading every detail, nor yet +absolute absence of design pervading any detail rigorously, so, +as between substances, there is neither absolute union and +homogeneity, not absolute disunion and heterogeneity; there is +always a little place left for repentance; that is to say, in +theory we should admit that both design and chance, however well +defined, each have an aroma, as it were, of the other. Who +can think of a case in which his own design—about which he +should know more than any other, and from which, indeed, all his +ideas of design are derived—was so complete that there was +no chance in any part of it? Who, again, can bring forward +a case even of the purest chance or good luck into which no +element of design had entered directly or indirectly at any +juncture? This, nevertheless, does not involve our being +unable ever to ascribe a result baldly either to luck or +cunning. In some cases a decided preponderance of the +action, whether seen as a whole or looked at in detail, is +recognised at once as due to design, purpose, forethought, skill, +and effort, and then we properly disregard the undesigned +element; in others the details cannot without violence be +connected with design, however much the position which rendered +the main action possible may involve design—as, for +example, there is no design in the way in which individual pieces +of coal may hit one another when shot out of a sack, but there +may be design in the sack’s being brought to the particular +place where it is emptied; in others design may be so hard to +find that we rightly deny its existence, nevertheless in each +case there will be an element of the opposite, and the residuary +element would, if seen through a mental microscope, be found to +contain a residuary element of <i>its</i> opposite, and this +again of <i>its</i> opposite, and so on <i>ad infinitum</i>, as +with mirrors standing face to face. This having been +explained, and it being understood that when we speak of design +in organism we do so with a mental reserve of <i>exceptis +excipiendis</i>, there should be no hesitation in holding the +various modifications of plants and animals to be in such +preponderating measure due to function, that design, which +underlies function, is the fittest idea with which to connect +them in our minds.</p> +<p>We will now proceed to inquire how Mr. Darwin came to +substitute, or try to substitute, the survival of the luckiest +fittest, for the survival of the most cunning fittest, as held by +Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck; or more briefly how he came to +substitute luck for cunning.</p> +<h2><a name="page156"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +156</span>Chapter XII<br /> +Why Darwin’s Variations were Accidental</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">Some</span> may perhaps deny that Mr. +Darwin did this, and say he laid so much stress on use and disuse +as virtually to make function his main factor of evolution.</p> +<p>If, indeed, we confine ourselves to isolated passages, we +shall find little difficulty in making out a strong case to this +effect. Certainly most people believe this to be Mr. +Darwin’s doctrine, and considering how long and fully he +had the ear of the public, it is not likely they would think thus +if Mr. Darwin had willed otherwise, nor could he have induced +them to think as they do if he had not said a good deal that was +capable of the construction so commonly put upon it; but it is +hardly necessary, when addressing biologists, to insist on the +fact that Mr. Darwin’s distinctive doctrine is the denial +of the comparative importance of function, or use and disuse, as +a purveyor of variations,—with some, but not very +considerable, exceptions, chiefly in the cases of domesticated +animals.</p> +<p>He did not, however, make his distinctive feature as distinct +as he should have done. Sometimes he said one thing, and +sometimes the directly opposite. Sometimes, for example, +the conditions of existence “included natural +selection” or the fact that the best adapted to their +surroundings live longest and leave most offspring; <a +name="citation156a"></a><a href="#footnote156a" +class="citation">[156a]</a> sometimes “the principle of +natural selection” “fully embraced” “the +expression of conditions of existence.” <a +name="citation156b"></a><a href="#footnote156b" +class="citation">[156b]</a> It would not be easy to find +more unsatisfactory writing than this is, nor any more clearly +indicating a mind ill at ease with itself. Sometimes +“ants work <i>by inherited instincts</i> and inherited +tools;” <a name="citation157a"></a><a href="#footnote157a" +class="citation">[157a]</a> sometimes, again, it is surprising +that the case of ants working by inherited instincts has not been +brought as a demonstrative argument “against the well-known +doctrine of <i>inherited habit</i>, as advanced by +Lamarck.” <a name="citation157b"></a><a +href="#footnote157b" class="citation">[157b]</a> Sometimes +the winglessness of beetles inhabiting ocean islands is +“mainly due to natural selection,” <a +name="citation157c"></a><a href="#footnote157c" +class="citation">[157c]</a> and though we might be tempted to +ascribe the rudimentary condition of the wing to disuse, we are +on no account to do so—though disuse was probably to some +extent “combined with” natural selection; at other +times “it is probable that disuse has been the main means +of rendering the wings of beetles living on small exposed +islands” rudimentary. <a name="citation157d"></a><a +href="#footnote157d" class="citation">[157d]</a> We may +remark in passing that if disuse, as Mr. Darwin admits on this +occasion, is the main agent in rendering an organ rudimentary, +use should have been the main agent in rendering it the opposite +of rudimentary—that is to say, in bringing about its +development. The ostensible <i>raison +d’être</i>, however, of the “Origin of +Species” is to maintain that this is not the case.</p> +<p>There is hardly an opinion on the subject of descent with +modification which does not find support in some one passage or +another of the “Origin of Species.” If it were +desired to show that there is no substantial difference between +the doctrine of Erasmus Darwin and that of his grandson, it would +be easy to make out a good case for this, in spite of Mr. +Darwin’s calling his grandfather’s views +“erroneous,” in the historical sketch prefixed to the +later editions of the “Origin of Species.” +Passing over the passage already quoted on p. 62 of this book, in +which Mr. Darwin declares “habit omnipotent and its effects +hereditary”—a sentence, by the way, than which none +can be either more unfalteringly Lamarckian or less tainted with +the vices of Mr. Darwin’s later style—passing this +over as having been written some twenty years before the +“Origin of Species”—the last paragraph of the +“Origin of Species” itself is purely Lamarckian and +Erasmus-Darwinian. It declares the laws in accordance with +which organic forms assumed their present shape to +be—“Growth with reproduction; Variability from the +indirect and direct action of the external conditions of life and +from use and disuse, &c.” <a name="citation158a"></a><a +href="#footnote158a" class="citation">[158a]</a> Wherein +does this differ from the confession of faith made by Erasmus +Darwin and Lamarck? Where are the accidental fortuitous, +spontaneous variations now? And if they are not found +important enough to demand mention in this peroration and +<i>stretto</i>, as it were, of the whole matter, in which special +prominence should be given to the special feature of the work, +where ought they to be made important?</p> +<p>Mr. Darwin immediately goes on: “A ratio of existence so +high as to lead to a struggle for life, and as a consequence to +natural selection, entailing divergence of character and the +extinction of less improved forms;” so that natural +selection turns up after all. Yes—in the letters that +compose it, but not in the spirit; not in the special sense up to +this time attached to it in the “Origin of +Species.” The expression as used here is one with +which Erasmus Darwin would have found little fault, for it means +not as elsewhere in Mr. Darwin’s book and on his title-page +the preservation of “favoured” or lucky varieties, +but the preservation of varieties that have come to be varieties +through the causes assigned in the preceding two or three lines +of Mr. Darwin’s sentence; and these are mainly functional +or Erasmus-Darwinian; for the indirect action of the conditions +of life is mainly functional, and the direct action is admitted +on all hands to be but small.</p> +<p>It now appears more plainly, as insisted upon on an earlier +page, that there is not one natural selection and one survival of +the fittest, but two, inasmuch as there are two classes of +variations from which nature (supposing no exception taken to her +personification) can select. The bottles have the same +labels, and they are of the same colour, but the one holds +brandy, and the other toast and water. Nature can, by a +figure of speech, be said to select from variations that are +mainly functional or from variations that are mainly accidental; +in the first case she will eventually get an accumulation of +variation, and widely different types will come into existence; +in the second, the variations will not occur with sufficient +steadiness for accumulation to be possible. In the body of +Mr. Darwin’s book the variations are supposed to be mainly +due to accident, and function, though not denied all efficacy, is +declared to be the greatly subordinate factor; natural selection, +therefore, has been hitherto throughout tantamount to luck; in +the peroration the position is reversed <i>in toto</i>; the +selection is now made from variations into which luck has entered +so little that it may be neglected, the greatly preponderating +factor being function; here, then, natural selection is +tantamount to cunning. We are such slaves of words that, +seeing the words “natural selection” +employed—and forgetting that the results ensuing on natural +selection will depend entirely on what it is that is selected +from, so that the gist of the matter lies in this and not in the +words “natural selection”—it escaped us that a +change of front had been made, and a conclusion entirely alien to +the tenor of the whole book smuggled into the last paragraph as +the one which it had been written to support; the book preached +luck, the peroration cunning.</p> +<p>And there can be no doubt Mr. Darwin intended that the change +of front should escape us; for it cannot be believed that he did +not perfectly well know what he had done. Mr. Darwin edited +and re-edited with such minuteness of revision that it may be +said no detail escaped him provided it was small enough; it is +incredible that he should have allowed this paragraph to remain +from first to last unchanged (except for the introduction of the +words “by the Creator,” which are wanting in the +first edition) if they did not convey the conception he most +wished his readers to retain. Even if in his first edition +he had failed to see that he was abandoning in his last paragraph +all that it had been his ostensible object most especially to +support in the body of his book, he must have become aware of it +long before he revised the “Origin of Species” for +the last time; still he never altered it, and never put us on our +guard.</p> +<p>It was not Mr. Darwin’s manner to put his reader on his +guard; we might as well expect Mr. Gladstone to put us on our +guard about the Irish land bills. Caveat <i>lector</i> +seems to have been his motto. Mr. Spencer, in the articles +already referred to, is at pains to show that Mr. Darwin’s +opinions in later life underwent a change in the direction of +laying greater stress on functionally produced modifications, and +points out that in the sixth edition of the “Origin of +Species” Mr. Darwin says, “I think there can be no +doubt that use in our domestic animals has strengthened and +enlarged certain parts, and disuse diminished them;” +whereas in his first edition he said, “I think there can be +<i>little</i> doubt” of this. Mr. Spencer also quotes +a passage from “The Descent of Man,” in which Mr. +Darwin said that <i>even in the first edition</i> of the +“Origin of Species” he had attributed great effect to +function, as though in the later ones he had attributed still +more; but if there was any considerable change of position, it +should not have been left to be toilsomely collected by collation +of editions, and comparison of passages far removed from one +another in other books. If his mind had undergone the +modification supposed by Mr. Spencer, Mr. Darwin should have said +so in a prominent passage of some later edition of the +“Origin of Species.” He should have +said—“In my earlier editions I underrated, as now +seems probable, the effects of use and disuse as purveyors of the +slight successive modifications whose accumulation in the +ordinary course of things results in specific difference, and I +laid too much stress on the accumulation of merely accidental +variations;” having said this, he should have summarised +the reasons that had made him change his mind, and given a list +of the most important cases in which he has seen fit to alter +what he had originally written. If Mr. Darwin had dealt +thus with us we should have readily condoned all the mistakes he +would have been at all likely to have made, for we should have +known him as one who was trying to help us, tidy us up, keep us +straight, and enable us to use our judgments to the best +advantage. The public will forgive many errors alike of +taste and judgment, where it feels that a writer persistently +desires this.</p> +<p>I can only remember a couple of sentences in the later +editions of the “Origin of Species” in which Mr. +Darwin directly admits a change of opinion as regards the main +causes of organic modification. How shuffling the first of +these is I have already shown in “Life and Habit,” p. +260, and in “Evolution, Old and New,” p. 359; I need +not, therefore, say more here, especially as there has been no +rejoinder to what I then said. Curiously enough the +sentence does not bear out Mr. Spencer’s contention that +Mr. Darwin in his later years leaned more decidedly towards +functionally produced modifications, for it runs: <a +name="citation161a"></a><a href="#footnote161a" +class="citation">[161a]</a>—“In the earlier editions +of this work I underrated, as now seems probable, the frequency +and importance of modifications due,” not, as Mr. Spencer +would have us believe, to use and disuse, but “to +spontaneous variability,” by which can only be intended, +“to variations in no way connected with use and +disuse,” as not being assignable to any known cause of +general application, and referable as far as we are concerned to +accident only; so that he gives the natural survival of the +luckiest, which is indeed his distinctive feature, if it deserve +to be called a feature at all, greater prominence than +ever. Nevertheless there is no change in his concluding +paragraph, which still remains an embodiment of the views of +Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck.</p> +<p>The other passage is on p. 421 of the edition of 1876. +It stands:—“I have now recapitulated the facts and +considerations which have thoroughly” (why +“thoroughly”?) “convinced me that species have +been modified during a long course of descent. This has +been effected chiefly through the natural selection of numerous, +successive, slight, favourable variations; aided in an important +manner by the inherited effects of the use and disuse of parts; +and in an unimportant manner, that is, in relation to adaptive +structures, whether past or present, by the direct action of +external conditions, and by variations which seem to us in our +ignorance to arise spontaneously. It appears that I +formerly underrated the frequency and value of these latter forms +of variation as leading to permanent modifications of structure +independently of natural selection.”</p> +<p>Here, again, it is not use and disuse which Mr. Darwin +declares himself to have undervalued, but spontaneous +variations. The sentence just given is one of the most +confusing I ever read even in the works of Mr Darwin. It is +the essence of his theory that the “numerous successive, +slight, favourable variations,” above referred to, should +be fortuitous, accidental, spontaneous; it is evident, moreover, +that they are intended in this passage to be accidental or +spontaneous, although neither of these words is employed, +inasmuch as use and disuse and the action of the conditions of +existence, whether direct or indirect, are mentioned specially as +separate causes which purvey only the minor part of the +variations from among which nature selects. The words +“that is, in relation to adaptive forms” should be +omitted, as surplusage that draws the reader’s attention +from the point at issue; the sentence really amounts to +this—that modification has been effected <i>chiefly through +selection</i> in the ordinary course of nature <i>from among +spontaneous variations</i>, <i>aided in an unimportant manner by +variations which quâ us are spontaneous</i>. +Nevertheless, though these spontaneous variations are still so +trifling in effect that they only aid spontaneous variations in +an unimportant manner, in his earlier editions Mr. Darwin thought +them still less important than he does now.</p> +<p>This comes of tinkering. We do not know whether we are +on our heads or our heels. We catch ourselves repeating +“important,” “unimportant,” +“unimportant,” “important,” like the King +when addressing the jury in “Alice in Wonderland;” +and yet this is the book of which Mr. Grant Allen <a +name="citation163a"></a><a href="#footnote163a" +class="citation">[163a]</a> says that it is “one of the +greatest, and most learned, the most lucid, the most logical, the +most crushing, the most conclusive, that the world has ever +seen. Step by step, and principle by principle, it proved +every point in its progress triumphantly before it went on to the +next. So vast an array of facts so thoroughly in hand had +never before been mustered and marshalled in favour of any +biological theory.” The book and the eulogy are well +mated.</p> +<p>I see that in the paragraph following on the one just quoted, +Mr. Allen says, that “to the world at large Darwinism and +evolution became at once synonymous terms.” Certainly +it was no fault of Mr. Darwin’s if they did not, but I will +add more on this head presently; for the moment, returning to Mr. +Darwin, it is hardly credible, but it is nevertheless true, that +Mr Darwin begins the paragraph next following on the one on which +I have just reflected so severely, with the words, “It can +hardly be supposed that a false theory would explain in so +satisfactory a manner as does the theory of natural selection, +the several large classes of facts above specified.” +If Mr. Darwin found the large classes of facts +“satisfactorily” explained by the survival of the +luckiest irrespectively of the cunning which enabled them to turn +their luck to account, he must have been easily satisfied. +Perhaps he was in the same frame of mind as when he said <a +name="citation164a"></a><a href="#footnote164a" +class="citation">[164a]</a> that “even an imperfect answer +would be satisfactory,” but surely this is being thankful +for small mercies.</p> +<p>On the following page Mr. Darwin says:—“Although I +am fully” (why “fully”?) “convinced of +the truth of the views given in this volume under the form of an +abstract, I by no means expect to convince experienced +naturalists,” &c. I have not quoted the whole of +Mr. Darwin’s sentence, but it implies that any experienced +naturalist who remained unconvinced was an old-fashioned, +prejudiced person. I confess that this is what I rather +feel about the experienced naturalists who differ in only too +great numbers from myself, but I did not expect to find so much +of the old Adam remaining in Mr. Darwin; I did not expect to find +him support me in the belief that naturalists are made of much +the same stuff as other people, and, if they are wise, will look +upon new theories with distrust until they find them becoming +generally accepted. I am not sure that Mr. Darwin is not +just a little bit flippant here.</p> +<p>Sometimes I ask myself whether it is possible that, not being +convinced, I may be an experienced naturalist after all; at other +times, when I read Mr. Darwin’s works and those of his +eulogists, I wonder whether there is not some other Mr. Darwin, +some other “Origin of Species,” some other Professors +Huxley, Tyndal, and Ray Lankester, and whether in each case some +malicious fiend has not palmed off a counterfeit upon me that +differs <i>toto cælo</i> from the original. I felt +exactly the same when I read Goethe’s “Wilhelm +Meister”; I could not believe my eyes, which nevertheless +told me that the dull diseased trash I was so toilsomely reading +was a work which was commonly held to be one of the great +literary masterpieces of the world. It seemed to me that +there must be some other Goethe and some other Wilhelm +Meister. Indeed I find myself so depressingly out of +harmony with the prevailing not opinion only, but +spirit—if, indeed, the Huxleys, Tyndals, Miss Buckleys, Ray +Lankesters, and Romaneses express the prevailing spirit as +accurately as they appear to do—that at times I find it +difficult to believe I am not the victim of hallucination; +nevertheless I know that either every canon, whether of criticism +or honourable conduct, which I have learned to respect is an +impudent swindle, suitable for the cloister only, and having no +force or application in the outside world; or else that Mr. +Darwin and his supporters are misleading the public to the full +as much as the theologians of whom they speak at times so +disapprovingly. They sin, moreover, with incomparably less +excuse. Right as they doubtless are in much, and much as we +doubtless owe them (so we owe much also to the theologians, and +they also are right in much), they are giving way to a temper +which cannot be indulged with impunity. I know the great +power of academicism; I know how instinctively academicism +everywhere must range itself on Mr. Darwin’s side, and how +askance it must look on those who write as I do; but I know also +that there is a power before which even academicism must bow, and +to this power I look not unhopefully for support.</p> +<p>As regards Mr. Spencer’s contention that Mr. Darwin +leaned more towards function as he grew older, I do not doubt +that at the end of his life Mr. Darwin believed modification to +be mainly due to function, but the passage quoted on page 62 +written in 1839, coupled with the concluding paragraph of the +“Origin of Species” written in 1859, and allowed to +stand during seventeen years of revision, though so much else was +altered—these passages, when their dates and surroundings +are considered, suggest strongly that Mr. Darwin thought during +all the forty years or so thus covered exactly as his grandfather +and Lamarck had done, and indeed as all sensible people since +Buffon wrote have done if they have accepted evolution at +all.</p> +<p>Then why should he not have said so? What object could +he have in writing an elaborate work to support a theory which he +knew all the time to be untenable? The impropriety of such +a course, unless the work was, like Buffon’s, transparently +ironical, could only be matched by its fatuousness, or indeed by +the folly of one who should assign action so motiveless to any +one out of a lunatic asylum.</p> +<p>This sounds well, but unfortunately we cannot forget that when +Mr. Darwin wrote the “Origin of Species” he claimed +to be the originator of the theory of descent with modification +generally; that he did this without one word of reference either +to Buffon or Erasmus Darwin until the first six thousand copies +of his book had been sold, and then with as meagre, inadequate +notice as can be well conceived. Lamarck was just named in +the first editions of the “Origin of Species,” but +only to be told that Mr. Darwin had not got anything to give him, +and he must go away; the author of the “Vestiges of +Creation” was also just mentioned, but only in a sentence +full of such gross misrepresentation that Mr. Darwin did not +venture to stand by it, and expunged it in later editions, as +usual, without calling attention to what he had done. It +would have been in the highest degree imprudent, not to say +impossible, for one so conscientious as Mr. Darwin to have taken +the line he took in respect of descent with modification +generally, if he were not provided with some ostensibly +distinctive feature, in virtue of which, if people said anything, +he might claim to have advanced something different, and widely +different, from the theory of evolution propounded by his +illustrious predecessors; a distinctive theory of some sort, +therefore, had got to be looked for—and if people look in +this spirit they can generally find.</p> +<p>I imagine that Mr. Darwin, casting about for a substantial +difference, and being unable to find one, committed the +Gladstonian blunder of mistaking an unsubstantial for a +substantial one. It was doubtless because he suspected it +that he never took us fully into his confidence, nor in all +probability allowed even to himself how deeply he distrusted +it. Much, however, as he disliked the accumulation of +accidental variations, he disliked not claiming the theory of +descent with modification still more; and if he was to claim +this, accidental his variations had got to be. Accidental +they accordingly were, but in as obscure and perfunctory a +fashion as Mr. Darwin could make them consistently with their +being to hand as accidental variations should later developments +make this convenient. Under these circumstances it was +hardly to be expected that Mr. Darwin should help the reader to +follow the workings of his mind—nor, again, that a book the +writer of which was hampered as I have supposed should prove +clear and easy reading.</p> +<p>The attitude of Mr. Darwin’s mind, whatever it may have +been in regard to the theory of descent with modification +generally, goes so far to explain his attitude in respect to the +theory of natural selection (which, it cannot be too often +repeated, is only one of the conditions of existence advanced as +the main means of modification by the earlier evolutionists), +that it is worth while to settle the question once for all +whether Mr. Darwin did or did not believe himself justified in +claiming the theory of descent as an original discovery of his +own. This will be a task of some little length, and may +perhaps try the reader’s patience, as it assuredly tried +mine; if, however, he will read the two following chapters, he +will probably be able to make up his mind upon much that will +otherwise, if he thinks about it at all, continue to puzzle +him.</p> +<h2><a name="page168"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +168</span>Chapter XIII<br /> +Darwin’s Claim to Descent with Modification</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Allen</span>, in his “Charles +Darwin,” <a name="citation168a"></a><a href="#footnote168a" +class="citation">[168a]</a> says that “in the public mind +Mr. Darwin is commonly regarded as the discoverer and founder of +the evolution hypothesis,” and on p. 177 he says that to +most men Darwinism and evolution mean one and the same +thing. Mr. Allen declares misconception on this matter to +be “so extremely general” as to be “almost +universal;” this is more true than creditable to Mr. +Darwin.</p> +<p>Mr. Allen says <a name="citation168b"></a><a +href="#footnote168b" class="citation">[168b]</a> that though Mr. +Darwin gained “far wider general acceptance” for both +the doctrine of descent in general, and for that of the descent +of man from a simious or semi-simious ancestor in particular, +“he laid no sort of claim to originality or proprietorship +in either theory.” This is not the case. No one +can claim a theory more frequently and more effectually than Mr. +Darwin claimed descent with modification, nor, as I have already +said, is it likely that the misconception of which Mr. Allen +complains would be general, if he had not so claimed it. +The “Origin of Species” begins:—</p> +<p>“When on board H.M.S. <i>Beagle</i>, as naturalist, I +was much struck with certain facts in the distribution of the +inhabitants of South America, and in the geological relation of +the present to the past inhabitants of that continent. +These facts seemed to me to throw some light on the origin of +species—that mystery of mysteries, as it has been called by +one of our greatest philosophers. On my return home it +occurred to me, in 1837, that something might perhaps be made out +on this question by patiently accumulating and reflecting upon +all sorts of facts which could possibly have any bearing on +it. After five years’ work I allowed myself to +speculate upon the subject, and drew up some short notes; these I +enlarged in 1844 <a name="citation169a"></a><a +href="#footnote169a" class="citation">[169a]</a> into a sketch of +the conclusions which then seemed to me probable. From that +period to the present day I have steadily pursued the same +object. I hope I may be excused these personal details, as +I give them to show that I have not been hasty in coming to a +decision.”</p> +<p>This is bland, but peremptory. Mr. Darwin implies that +the mere asking of the question how species has come about opened +up a field into which speculation itself had hardly yet ventured +to intrude. It was the mystery of mysteries; one of our +greatest philosophers had said so; not one little feeble ray of +light had ever yet been thrown upon it. Mr. Darwin knew all +this, and was appalled at the greatness of the task that lay +before him; still, after he had pondered on what he had seen in +South America, it really did occur to him, that if he was very +very patient, and went on reflecting for years and years longer, +upon all sorts of facts, good, bad, and indifferent, which could +possibly have any bearing on the subject—and what fact +might not possibly have some bearing?—well, something, as +against the nothing that had been made out hitherto, might by +some faint far-away possibility be one day dimly seem. It +was only what he had seen in South America that made all this +occur to him. He had never seen anything about descent with +modification in any book, nor heard any one talk about it as +having been put forward by other people; if he had, he would, of +course, have been the first to say so; he was not as other +philosophers are; so the mountain went on for years and years +gestating, but still there was no labour.</p> +<p>“My work,” continues Mr. Darwin, “is now +nearly finished; but as it will take me two or three years to +complete it, and as my health is far from strong, I have been +urged to publish this abstract. I have been more especially +induced to do this, as Mr. Wallace, who is now studying the +natural history of the Malay Archipelago, has arrived at almost +exactly the same general conclusions that I have on the origin of +species.” Mr. Darwin was naturally anxious to +forestall Mr. Wallace, and hurried up with his book. What +reader, on finding descent with modification to be its most +prominent feature, could doubt—especially if new to the +subject, as the greater number of Mr. Darwin’s readers in +1859 were—that this same descent with modification was the +theory which Mr. Darwin and Mr. Wallace had jointly hit upon, and +which Mr. Darwin was so anxious to show that he had not been +hasty in adopting? When Mr. Darwin went on to say that his +abstract would be very imperfect, and that he could not give +references and authorities for his several statements, we did not +suppose that such an apology could be meant to cover silence +concerning writers who during their whole lives, or nearly so, +had borne the burden and heat of the day in respect of descent +with modification in its most extended application. +“I much regret,” says Mr. Darwin, “that want of +space prevents my having the satisfaction of acknowledging the +generous assistance I have received from very many naturalists, +some of them personally unknown to me.” This is like +what the Royal Academicians say when they do not intend to hang +our pictures; they can, however, generally find space for a +picture if they want to hang it, and we assume with safety that +there are no master-works by painters of the very highest rank +for which no space has been available. Want of space will, +indeed, prevent my quoting from more than one other paragraph of +Mr. Darwin’s introduction; this paragraph, however, should +alone suffice to show how inaccurate Mr. Allen is in saying that +Mr. Darwin “laid no sort of claim to originality or +proprietorship” in the theory of descent with modification, +and this is the point with which we are immediately +concerned. Mr. Darwin says:—</p> +<p>“In considering the origin of species, it is quite +conceivable that a naturalist, reflecting on the mutual +affinities of organic beings, on their embryological relations, +their geographical distribution, geological succession, and other +such facts, might come to the conclusion that each species had +not been independently created, but had descended like varieties +from other species.”</p> +<p>It will be observed that not only is no hint given here that +descent with modification was a theory which, though unknown to +the general public, had been occupying the attention of +biologists for a hundred years and more, but it is distinctly +implied that this was not the case. When Mr. Darwin said it +was “conceivable that a naturalist might” arrive at +the theory of descent, straightforward readers took him to mean +that though this was conceivable, it had never, to Mr. +Darwin’s knowledge, been done. If we had a notion +that we had already vaguely heard of the theory that men and the +lower animals were descended from common ancestors, we must have +been wrong; it was not this that we had heard of, but something +else, which, though doubtless a little like it, was all wrong, +whereas this was obviously going to be all right.</p> +<p>To follow the rest of the paragraph with the closeness that it +merits would be a task at once so long and so unpleasant that I +will omit further reference to any part of it except the last +sentence. That sentence runs:—</p> +<p>“In the case of the mistletoe, which draws its +nourishment from certain trees, which has seeds that must be +transported by certain birds, and which has flowers with separate +sexes absolutely requiring the agency of certain insects to bring +pollen from one flower to the other, it is equally preposterous +to account for the structure of this parasite, with its relations +to several distinct organic beings, by the effects of the +external conditions, or of habit, or of the volition of the plant +itself.”</p> +<p>Doubtless it would be preposterous to refer the structure of +either woodpecker or mistletoe to the single agency of any one of +these three causes; but neither Lamarck nor any other writer on +evolution has, so far as I know, even contemplated this; the +early evolutionists supposed organic modification to depend on +the action and interaction of all three, and I venture to think +that this will ere long be considered as, to say the least of it, +not more preposterous than the assigning of the largely +preponderating share in the production of such highly and +variously correlated organisms as the mistletoe and woodpecker +mainly to luck pure and simple, as is done by Mr. Charles +Darwin’s theory.</p> +<p>It will be observed that in the paragraph last quoted from, +Mr. Darwin, <i>more suo</i>, is careful not to commit +himself. All he has said is, that it would be preposterous +to do something the preposterousness of which cannot be +reasonably disputed; the impression, however, is none the less +effectually conveyed, that some one of the three assigned +agencies, taken singly, was the only cause of modification ever +yet proposed, if, indeed, any writer had even gone so far as +this. We knew we did not know much about the matter +ourselves, and that Mr. Darwin was a naturalist of long and high +standing; we naturally, therefore, credited him with the same +good faith as a writer that we knew in ourselves as readers; it +never so much as crossed our minds to suppose that the head which +he was holding up all dripping before our eyes as that of a fool, +was not that of a fool who had actually lived and written, but +only of a figure of straw which had been dipped in a bucket of +red paint. Naturally enough we concluded, since Mr. Darwin +seemed to say so, that if his predecessors had nothing better to +say for themselves than this, it would not be worth while to +trouble about them further; especially as we did not know who +they were, nor what they had written, and Mr. Darwin did not tell +us. It would be better and less trouble to take the goods +with which it was plain Mr. Darwin was going to provide us, and +ask no questions. We have seen that even tolerably obvious +conclusions were rather slow in occurring to poor simple-minded +Mr. Darwin, and may be sure that it never once occurred to him +that the British public would be likely to argue thus; he had no +intention of playing the scientific confidence trick upon +us. I dare say not, but unfortunately the result has +closely resembled the one that would have ensued if Mr. Darwin +had had such an intention.</p> +<p>The claim to originality made so distinctly in the opening +sentences of the “Origin of Species” is repeated in a +letter to Professor Haeckel, written October 8, 1864, and giving +an account of the development of his belief in descent with +modification. This letter, part of which is quoted by Mr. +Allen, <a name="citation173a"></a><a href="#footnote173a" +class="citation">[173a]</a> is given on p. 134 of the English +translation of Professor Haeckel’s “History of +Creation,” <a name="citation173b"></a><a +href="#footnote173b" class="citation">[173b]</a> and runs as +follows:—</p> +<p>“In South America three classes of facts were brought +strongly before my mind. Firstly, the manner in which +closely allied species replace species in going southward. +Secondly, the close affinity of the species inhabiting the +islands near South America to those proper to the +continent. This struck me profoundly, especially the +difference of the species in the adjoining islets in the +Galapagos Archipelago. Thirdly, the relation of the living +Edentata and Rodentia to the extinct species. I shall never +forget my astonishment when I dug out a gigantic piece of armour +like that of the living armadillo.</p> +<p>“Reflecting on these facts, and collecting analogous +ones, it seemed to me probable that allied species were descended +from a common ancestor. But during several years I could +not conceive how each form could have been modified so as to +become admirably adapted to its place in nature. I began, +therefore, to study domesticated animals and cultivated plants, +and after a time perceived that man’s power of selecting +and breeding from certain individuals was the most powerful of +all means in the production of new races. Having attended +to the habits of animals and their relations to the surrounding +conditions, I was able to realise the severe struggle for +existence to which all organisms are subjected, and my geological +observations had allowed me to appreciate to a certain extent the +duration of past geological periods. Therefore, when I +happened to read Malthus on population, the idea of natural +selection flashed on me. Of all minor points, the last +which I appreciated was the importance and cause of the principle +of divergence.”</p> +<p>This is all very naïve, and accords perfectly with the +introductory paragraphs of the “Origin of Species;” +it gives us the same picture of a solitary thinker, a poor, +lonely, friendless student of nature, who had never so much as +heard of Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, or Lamarck. Unfortunately, +however, we cannot forget the description of the influences +which, according to Mr. Grant Allen, did in reality surround Mr. +Darwin’s youth, and certainly they are more what we should +have expected than those suggested rather than expressly stated +by Mr. Darwin. “Everywhere around him,” says +Mr. Allen, <a name="citation174a"></a><a href="#footnote174a" +class="citation">[174a]</a> “in his childhood and youth +these great but formless” (why “formless”?) +“evolutionary ideas were brewing and fermenting. The +scientific society of his elders and of the contemporaries among +whom he grew up was permeated with the leaven of Laplace and +Lamarck, of Hutton and of Herschel. Inquiry was especially +everywhere rife as to the origin and nature of specific +distinctions among plants and animals. Those who believed +in the doctrine of Buffon and of the ‘Zoonomia,’ and +those who disbelieved in it, alike, were profoundly interested +and agitated in soul by the far-reaching implications of that +fundamental problem. On every side evolutionism, in its +crude form.” (I suppose Mr. Allen could not help +saying “in its crude form,” but descent with +modification in 1809 meant, to all intents and purposes, and was +understood to mean, what it means now, or ought to mean, to most +people.) “The universal stir,” says Mr. Allen +on the following page, “and deep prying into evolutionary +questions which everywhere existed among scientific men in his +early days was naturally communicated to a lad born of a +scientific family and inheriting directly in blood and bone the +biological tastes and tendencies of Erasmus Darwin.”</p> +<p>I confess to thinking that Mr. Allen’s account of the +influences which surrounded Mr. Darwin’s youth, if tainted +with picturesqueness, is still substantially correct. On an +earlier page he had written:—“It is impossible to +take up any scientific memoirs or treatises of the first half of +our own century without seeing at a glance how every mind of high +original scientific importance was permeated and disturbed by the +fundamental questions aroused, but not fully answered, by Buffon, +Lamarck, and Erasmus Darwin. In Lyell’s letters, and +in Agassiz’s lectures, in the ‘Botanic Journal’ +and in the ‘Philosophical Transactions,’ in treatises +on Madeira beetles and the Australian flora, we find everywhere +the thoughts of men profoundly influenced in a thousand +directions by this universal evolutionary solvent and leaven.</p> +<p>“And while the world of thought was thus seething and +moving restlessly before the wave of ideas set in motion by these +various independent philosophers, another group of causes in +another field was rendering smooth the path beforehand for the +future champion of the amended evolutionism. Geology on the +one hand and astronomy on the other were making men’s minds +gradually familiar with the conception of slow natural +development, as opposed to immediate and miraculous creation.</p> +<p style="text-align: center">. . .</p> +<p>“The influence of these novel conceptions upon the +growth and spread of evolutionary ideas was far-reaching and +twofold. In the first place, the discovery of a definite +succession of nearly related organic forms following one another +with evident closeness through the various ages, inevitably +suggested to every inquiring observer the possibility of their +direct descent one from the other. In the second place, the +discovery that geological formations were not really separated +each from its predecessor by violent revolutions, but were the +result of gradual and ordinary changes, discredited the old idea +of frequent fresh creations after each catastrophe, and +familiarised the minds of men of science with the alternative +notion of slow and natural evolutionary processes. The past +was seen in effect to be the parent of the present; the present +was recognised as the child of the past.”</p> +<p>This is certainly not Mr. Darwin’s own account of the +matter. Probably the truth will lie somewhere between the +two extreme views: and on the one hand, the world of thought was +not seething quite so badly as Mr. Allen represents it, while on +the other, though “three classes of fact,” &c., +were undoubtedly “brought strongly before” Mr. +Darwin’s “mind in South America,” yet some of +them had perhaps already been brought before it at an earlier +time, which he did not happen to remember at the moment of +writing his letter to Professor Haeckel and the opening paragraph +of the “Origin of Species.”</p> +<h2><a name="page177"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +177</span>Chapter XIV<br /> +Darwin and Descent with Modification (<i>continued</i>)</h2> +<p>I <span class="smcap">have</span> said enough to show that Mr. +Darwin claimed I to have been the originator of the theory of +descent with modification as distinctly as any writer usually +claims any theory; but it will probably save the reader trouble +in the end if I bring together a good many, though not, probably, +all (for I much disliked the task, and discharged it +perfunctorily), of the passages in the “Origin of +Species” in which the theory of descent with modification +in its widest sense is claimed expressly or by implication. +I shall quote from the original edition, which, it should be +remembered, consisted of the very unusually large number of four +thousand copies, and from which no important deviation was made +either by addition or otherwise until a second edition of two +thousand further copies had been sold; the “Historical +Sketch,” &c., being first given with the third +edition. The italics, which I have employed so as to catch +the reader’s eye, are mine, not Mr. Darwin’s. +Mr. Darwin writes:—</p> +<p>“Although much remains obscure, and will long remain +obscure, <i>I can entertain no doubt</i>, <i>after the most +deliberate study and dispassionate judgment of which I am +capable</i>, <i>that the view which most naturalists +entertain</i>, <i>and which I formerly entertained—namely +that each species has been independently created—is +erroneous</i>. I am fully convinced that species are not +immutable, but that those belonging to what are called the same +genera are lineal descendants of some other and generally extinct +species, in the same manner as the acknowledged varieties of any +one species are the descendants of that species. +Furthermore, I am convinced that natural selection” (or the +preservation of fortunate races) “has been the main but not +exclusive means of modification” (p. 6).</p> +<p>It is not here expressly stated that the theory of the +mutability of species is Mr. Darwin’s own; this, +nevertheless, is the inference which the great majority of his +readers were likely to draw, and did draw, from Mr. +Darwin’s words.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“It is not that all large genera are now varying much, +and are thus increasing in the number of their species, or that +no small genera are now multiplying and increasing; for if this +had been so it would have been fatal to <i>my theory</i>; +inasmuch as geology,” &c. (p. 56).</p> +<p>The words “my theory” stand in all the +editions. Again:—</p> +<p>“This relation has a clear meaning <i>on my view</i> of +the subject; I look upon all the species of any genus as having +as certainly descended from the same progenitor, as have the two +sexes of any one of the species” (p. 157).</p> +<p>“My view” here, especially in the absence of +reference to any other writer as having held the same opinion, +implies as its most natural interpretation that descent pure and +simple is Mr. Darwin’s view. Substitute “the +theory of descent” for “my view,” and we do not +feel that we are misinterpreting the author’s +meaning. The words “my view” remain in all +editions.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Long before having arrived at this part of my work, a +crowd of difficulties will have occurred to the reader. +Some of them are so grave that to this day I can never reflect on +them without being staggered; but to the best of my belief the +greater number are only apparent, and those that are real are +not, I think, <i>fatal to my theory</i>.</p> +<p>“These difficulties and objections may be classed under +the following heads:—Firstly, if species have descended +from other species by insensibly fine gradations, why do we not +everywhere see?” &c. (p. 171).</p> +<p>We infer from this that “my theory” is the theory +“that species have descended from other species by +insensibly fine gradations”—that is to say, that it +is the theory of descent with modification; for the theory that +is being objected to is obviously the theory of descent <i>in +toto</i>, and not a mere detail in connection with that +theory.</p> +<p>The words “my theory” were altered in 1872, with +the sixth edition of the “Origin of species,” into +“the theory;” but I am chiefly concerned with the +first edition of the work, my object being to show that Mr. +Darwin was led into his false position as regards natural +selection by a desire to claim the theory of descent with +modification; if he claimed it in the first edition, this is +enough to give colour to the view which I take; but it must be +remembered that descent with modification remained, by the +passage just quoted “my theory,” for thirteen years, +and even when in 1869 and 1872, for a reason that I can only +guess at, “my theory” became generally “the +theory,” this did not make it become any one else’s +theory. It is hard to say whose or what it became, if the +words are to be construed technically; practically, however, with +all ingenuous readers, “the theory” remained as much +Mr. Darwin’s theory as though the words “my +theory” had been retained, and Mr. Darwin cannot be +supposed so simple-minded as not to have known this would be the +case. Moreover, it appears, from the next page but one to +the one last quoted, that Mr. Darwin claimed the theory of +descent with modification generally, even to the last, for we +there read, “<i>By my theory</i> these allied species have +descended from a common parent,” and the “my” +has been allowed, for some reason not quite obvious, to survive +the general massacre of Mr. Darwin’s +“my’s” which occurred in 1869 and 1872.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“He who believes that each being has been created as we +now see it, must occasionally have felt surprise when he has +met,” &c. (p. 185).</p> +<p>Here the argument evidently lies between descent and +independent acts of creation. This appears from the +paragraph immediately following, which begins, “He who +believes in separate and innumerable acts of creation,” +&c. We therefore understand descent to be the theory so +frequently spoken of by Mr. Darwin as “my.”</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“He who will go thus far, if he find on finishing this +treatise that large bodies of facts, otherwise inexplicable, can +be explained <i>by the theory of descent</i>, ought not to +hesitate to go farther, and to admit that a structure even as +perfect as an eagle’s eye might be formed <i>by natural +selection</i>, although in this case he does not know any of the +transitional grades” (p. 188).</p> +<p>The natural inference from this is that descent and natural +selection are one and the same thing.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“If it could be demonstrated that any complex organ +existed which could not possibly have been formed by numerous, +successive, slight modifications, <i>my theory</i> would +absolutely break down. But I can find out no such +case. No doubt many organs exist of which we do not know +the transitional grades, more especially if we look to +much-isolated species, round which, according to my +<i>theory</i>, there has been much extinction” (p. +189).</p> +<p>This makes “my theory” to be “the theory +that complex organs have arisen by numerous, successive, slight +modifications;” that is to say, to be the theory of descent +with modification. The first of the two “my +theory’s” in the passage last quoted has been allowed +to stand. The second became “the theory” in +1872. It is obvious, therefore, that “the +theory” means “my theory;” it is not so obvious +why the change should have been made at all, nor why the one +“my theory” should have been taken and the other +left, but I will return to this question.</p> +<p>Again, Mr. Darwin writes:—</p> +<p>“Although we must be extremely cautious in concluding +that any organ could not possibly have been produced by small +successive transitional gradations, yet, undoubtedly grave cases +of difficulty occur, some of which will be discussed in my future +work” (p. 192).</p> +<p>This, as usual, implies descent with modification to be the +theory that Mr. Darwin is trying to make good.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“I have been astonished how rarely an organ can be named +towards which no transitional variety is known to lead . . . Why, +<i>on the theory of creation</i>, should this be so? Why +should not nature have taken a leap from structure to +structure? <i>On the theory of natural selection</i> we can +clearly understand why she should not; for natural selection can +act only by taking advantage of slight successive variations; she +can never take a leap, but must advance by the slowest and +shortest steps” (p. 194).</p> +<p>Here “the theory of natural selection” is opposed +to “the theory of creation;” we took it, therefore, +to be another way of saying “the theory of descent with +modification.”</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“We have in this chapter discussed some of the +difficulties and objections which may be urged against <i>my +theory</i>. Many of them are very grave, but I think that +in the discussion light has been thrown on several facts which, +<i>on the theory of independent acts of creation</i>, are utterly +obscure” (p. 203).</p> +<p>Here we have, on the one hand, “my theory,” on the +other, “independent acts of creation.” The +natural antithesis to independent acts of creation is descent, +and we assumed with reason that Mr. Darwin was claiming this when +he spoke of “my theory.” “My +theory” became “the theory” in 1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“On the theory of natural selection we can clearly +understand the full meaning of that old canon in natural history, +‘<i>Natura non facit saltum</i>.’ This canon, +if we look only to the present inhabitants of the world is not +strictly correct, but if we include all those of past times, it +must <i>by my theory</i> be strictly true” (p. 206).</p> +<p>Here the natural interpretation of “by my theory” +is “by the theory of descent with modification;” the +words “on the theory of natural selection,” with +which the sentence opens, lead us to suppose that Mr. Darwin +regarded natural selection and descent as convertible +terms. “My theory” was altered to “this +theory” in 1872. Six lines lower down we read, +“<i>On my theory</i> unity of type is explained by unity of +descent.” The “my” here has been allowed +to stand.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Again, as in the case of corporeal structure, and +conformably with <i>my theory</i>, the instinct of each species +is good for itself, but has never,” &c. (p. 210).</p> +<p>Who was to see that “my theory” did not include +descent with modification? The “my” here has +been allowed to stand.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“The fact that instincts . . . are liable to make +mistakes;—that no instinct has been produced for the +exclusive good of other animals, but that each animal takes +advantage of the instincts of others;—that the canon of +natural history, ‘<i>Natura non facit saltum</i>,’ is +applicable to instincts as well as to corporeal structure, and is +plainly explicable on the foregoing views, but is otherwise +inexplicable,—<i>all tend to corroborate the theory of +natural selection</i>” (p. 243).</p> +<p>We feel that it is the theory of evolution, or descent with +modification, that is here corroborated, and that it is this +which Mr. Darwin is mainly trying to establish; the sentence +should have ended “all tend to corroborate the theory of +descent with modification;” the substitution of +“natural selection” for descent tends to make us +think that these conceptions are identical. That they are +so regarded, or at any rate that it is the theory of descent in +full which Mr. Darwin has in his mind, appears from the +immediately succeeding paragraph, which begins “<i>This +theory</i>,” and continues six lines lower, “For +instance, we can understand, on the <i>principle of +inheritance</i>, how it is that,” &c.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“In the first place, it should always be borne in mind +what sort of intermediate forms must, <i>on my theory</i>, +formerly have existed” (p. 280).</p> +<p>“My theory” became “the theory” in +1869. No reader who read in good faith could doubt that the +theory of descent with modification was being here intended.</p> +<p>“It is just possible <i>by my theory</i>, that one of +two living forms might have descended from the other; for +instance, a horse from a tapir; but in this case <i>direct</i> +intermediate links will have existed between them” (p. +281).</p> +<p>“My theory” became “the theory” in +1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>By the theory of natural selection</i> all living +species have been connected with the parent species of each +genus,” &c. We took this to mean, “By the +theory of descent with modification all living species,” +&c. (p. 281).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Some experienced conchologists are now sinking many of +the very fine species of D’Orbigny and others into the rank +of varieties; and on this view we do find the kind of evidence of +change which <i>on my theory</i> we ought to find” (p. +297).</p> +<p>“My theory” became “the theory” in +1869.</p> +<p>In the fourth edition (1866), in a passage which is not in +either of the two first editions, we read (p. 359), “So +that here again we have undoubted evidence of change in the +direction required by <i>my theory</i>.” “My +theory” became “the theory” in 1869; the theory +of descent with modification is unquestionably intended.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Geological research has done scarcely anything in +breaking down the distinction between species, by connecting them +together by numerous, fine, intermediate varieties; and this not +having been effected, is probably the gravest and most obvious of +all the many objections which may be urged against <i>my +views</i>” (p. 299).</p> +<p>We naturally took “my views” to mean descent with +modification. The “my” has been allowed to +stand.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“If, then, there be some degree of truth in these +remarks, we have no right to expect to find in our geological +formations an infinite number of those transitional forms which +<i>on my theory</i> assuredly have connected all the past and +present species of the same group in one long and branching chain +of life . . . But I do not pretend that I should ever have +suspected how poor was the record in the best preserved +geological sections, had not the absence of innumerable +transitional links between the species which lived at the +commencement and at the close of each formation pressed so hardly +<i>on my theory</i>” (pp. 301, 302).</p> +<p>Substitute “descent with modification” for +“my theory” and the meaning does not suffer. +The first of the two “my theories” in the passage +last quoted was altered in 1869 into “our theory;” +the second has been allowed to stand.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“The abrupt manner in which whole groups of species +suddenly appear in some formations, has been urged by several +palæontologists . . . as a fatal objection <i>to the belief +in the transmutation of species</i>. If numerous species, +belonging to the same genera or families, have really started +into life all at once, the fact would be fatal <i>to the theory +of descent with slow modification through natural +selection</i>” (p. 302).</p> +<p>Here “the belief in the transmutation of species,” +or descent with modification, is treated as synonymous with +“the theory of descent with slow modification through +natural selection;” but it has nowhere been explained that +there are two widely different “theories of descent with +slow modification through natural selection,” the one of +which may be true enough for all practical purposes, while the +other is seen to be absurd as soon as it is examined +closely. The theory of descent with modification is not +properly convertible with either of these two views, for descent +with modification deals with the question whether species are +transmutable or no, and dispute as to the respective merits of +the two natural selections deals with the question how it comes +to be transmuted; nevertheless, the words “the theory of +descent with slow modification through the ordinary course of +things” (which is what “descent with modification +through natural selection” comes to) may be considered as +expressing the facts with practical accuracy, if the ordinary +course of nature is supposed to be that modification is mainly +consequent on the discharge of some correlated function, and that +modification, if favourable, will tend to accumulate so long as +the given function continues important to the wellbeing of the +organism; the words, however, have no correspondence with reality +if they are supposed to imply that variations which are mainly +matters of pure chance and unconnected in any way with function +will accumulate and result in specific difference, no matter how +much each one of them may be preserved in the generation in which +it appears. In the one case, therefore, the expression +natural selection may be loosely used as a synonym for descent +with modification, and in the other it may not. +Unfortunately with Mr. Charles Darwin the variations are mainly +accidental. The words “through natural +selection,” therefore, in the passage last quoted carry no +weight, for it is the wrong natural selection that is, or ought +to be, intended; practically, however, they derived a weight from +Mr. Darwin’s name to which they had no title of their own, +and we understood that “the theory of descent with slow +modification” through the kind of natural selection +ostensibly intended by Mr. Darwin was a quasi-synonymous +expression for the transmutation of species. We +understood—so far as we understood anything beyond that we +were to believe in descent with modification—that natural +selection was Mr. Darwin’s theory; we therefore concluded, +since Mr. Darwin seemed to say so, that the theory of the +transmutation of species generally was so also. At any rate +we felt as regards the passage last quoted that the theory of +descent with modification was the point of attack and defence, +and we supposed it to be the theory so often referred to by Mr. +Darwin as “my.”</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Some of the most ancient Silurian animals, as the +Nautilus, Lingula, &c., do not differ much from the living +species; and it cannot <i>on my theory</i> be supposed that these +old species were the progenitors,” &c. (p. 306) . . . +“Consequently <i>if my theory be true</i>, it is +indisputable,” &c. (p. 307).</p> +<p>Here the two “my theories” have been altered, the +first into “our theory,” and the second into +“the theory,” both in 1869; but, as usual, the thing +that remains with the reader is the theory of descent, and it +remains morally and practically as much claimed when called +“the theory”—as during the many years +throughout which the more open “my” distinctly +claimed it.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“All the most eminent palæontologists, namely, +Cuvier, Owen, Agassiz, Barrande, E. Forbes, &c., and all our +greatest geologists, as Lyell, Murchison, Sedgwick, &c., have +unanimously, often vehemently, maintained <i>the immutability of +species</i>. . . . I feel how rash it is to differ from these +great authorities . . . Those who think the natural geological +record in any degree perfect, and who do not attach much weight +to the facts and arguments of other kinds brought forward in this +volume, will undoubtedly at once <i>reject my theory</i>” +(p. 310).</p> +<p>What is “my theory” here, if not that of the +mutability of species, or the theory of descent with +modification? “My theory” became “the +theory” in 1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Let us now see whether the several facts and rules +relating to the geological succession of organic beings, better +accord with the common view of the immutability of species, or +with that of their <i>slow and gradual modification</i>, +<i>through descent and natural selection</i>” (p. 312).</p> +<p>The words “natural selection” are indeed here, but +they might as well be omitted for all the effect they +produce. The argument is felt to be about the two opposed +theories of descent, and independent creative efforts.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“These several facts accord well with <i>my +theory</i>” (p. 314). That “my theory” is +the theory of descent is the conclusion most naturally drawn from +the context. “My theory” became “our +theory” in 1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“This gradual increase in the number of the species of a +group is strictly conformable <i>with my theory</i>; for the +process of modification and the production of a number of allied +forms must be slow and gradual, . . . like the branching of a +great tree from a single stem, till the group becomes +large” (p. 314).</p> +<p>“My theory” became “the theory” in +1869. We took “my theory” to be the theory of +descent; that Mr. Darwin treats this as synonymous with the +theory of natural selection appears from the next paragraph, on +the third line of which we read, “On <i>the theory of +natural selection</i> the extinction of old forms,” +&c.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>The theory of natural selection</i> is grounded on +the belief that each new variety and ultimately each new species, +is produced and maintained by having some advantage over those +with which it comes into competition; and the consequent +extinction of less favoured forms almost inevitably +follows” (p. 320). Sense and consistency cannot be +made of this passage. Substitute “The theory of the +preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life” +for “The theory of natural selection” (to do this is +only taking Mr. Darwin’s own synonym for natural selection) +and see what the passage comes to. “The preservation +of favoured races” is not a theory, it is a commonly +observed fact; it is not “grounded on the belief that each +new variety,” &c., it is one of the ultimate and most +elementary principles in the world of life. When we try to +take the passage seriously and think it out, we soon give it up, +and pass on, substituting “the theory of descent” for +“the theory of natural selection,” and concluding +that in some way these two things must be identical.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“The manner in which single species and whole groups of +species become extinct accords well with <i>the theory of natural +selection</i>” (p. 322).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“This great fact of the parallel succession of the forms +of life throughout the world, is explicable <i>on the theory of +natural selection</i>” (p. 325).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Let us now look to the mutual affinities of extinct and +living species. They all fall into one grand natural +system; and this is at once explained <i>on the principle of +descent</i>” (p. 329).</p> +<p>Putting the three preceding passages together, we naturally +inferred that “the theory of natural selection” and +“the principle of descent” were the same +things. We knew Mr. Darwin claimed the first, and therefore +unhesitatingly gave him the second at the same time.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Let us see how far these several facts and inferences +accord with <i>the theory of descent with modification</i>” +(p. 331)</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Thus, <i>on the theory of descent with +modification</i>, the main facts with regard to the mutual +affinities of the extinct forms of life to each other and to +living forms, seem to me explained in a satisfactory +manner. And they are wholly inexplicable <i>on any other +view</i>” (p. 333).</p> +<p>The words “seem to me” involve a claim in the +absence of so much as a hint in any part of the book concerning +indebtedness to earlier writers.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>On the theory of descent</i>, the full meaning of +the fossil remains,” &c. (p. 336).</p> +<p>In the following paragraph we read:—</p> +<p>“But in one particular sense the more recent forms must, +<i>on my theory</i>, be higher than the more ancient.”</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Agassiz insists that ancient animals resemble to a +certain extent the embryos of recent animals of the same classes; +or that the geological succession of extinct forms is in some +degree parallel to the embryological development of recent forms. +. . . This doctrine of Agassiz accords well with <i>the theory of +natural selection</i>” (p. 338).</p> +<p>“The theory of natural selection” became +“our theory” in 1869. The opinion of Agassiz +accords excellently with the theory of descent with modification, +but it is not easy to see how it bears upon the fact that lucky +races are preserved in the struggle for life—which, +according to Mr. Darwin’s title-page, is what is meant by +natural selection.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>On the theory of descent with modification</i>, the +great law of the long-enduring but not immutable succession of +the same types within the same areas, is at once explained” +(p. 340).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“It must not be forgotten that, <i>on my theory</i>, all +the species of the same genus have descended from some one +species” (p. 341).</p> +<p>“My theory” became “our theory” in +1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“He who rejects these views on the nature of the +geological record, will rightly reject <i>my whole +theory</i>” (p. 342).</p> +<p>“My” became “our” in 1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Passing from these difficulties, the other great +leading facts in palæontology agree admirably with <i>the +theory of descent with modification through variation and natural +selection</i>” (p. 343).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>The succession of the same types of structure within the same +areas during the later geological periods <i>ceases to be +mysterious</i>, and <i>is simply explained by inheritance</i> (p. +345).</p> +<p>I suppose inheritance was not when Mr. Darwin wrote considered +mysterious. The last few words have been altered to +“and is intelligible on the principle of +inheritance.” It seems as though Mr. Darwin did not +like saying that inheritance was not mysterious, but had no +objection to implying that it was intelligible.</p> +<p>The next paragraph begins—“If, then, the +geological record be as imperfect as I believe it to be, . . . +the main objections <i>to the theory of natural selection</i> are +greatly diminished or disappear. On the other hand, all the +chief laws of palæontology plainly proclaim, <i>as it seems +to me</i>, <i>that species have been produced by ordinary +generation</i>.”</p> +<p>Here again the claim to the theory of descent with +modification is unmistakable; it cannot, moreover, but occur to +us that if species “have been produced by ordinary +generation,” then ordinary generation has as good a claim +to be the main means of originating species as natural selection +has. It is hardly necessary to point out that ordinary +generation involves descent with modification, for all known +offspring differ from their parents, so far, at any rate, as that +practised judges can generally tell them apart.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“We see in these facts some deep organic bond, +prevailing throughout space and time, over the same areas of land +and water, and independent of their physical condition. The +naturalist must feel little curiosity who is not led to inquire +what this bond is.</p> +<p>“This bond, <i>on my theory</i>, <i>is simply +inheritance</i>, that cause which alone,” &c. (p. +350).</p> +<p>This passage was altered in 1869 to “The bond is simply +inheritance.” The paragraph concludes, “<i>On +this principle of inheritance with modification</i>, we can +understand how it is that sections of genera . . . are confined +to the same areas,” &c.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“He who rejects it rejects the <i>vera causa of +ordinary</i> generation,” &c. (p. 352).</p> +<p>We naturally ask, Why call natural selection the “main +means of modification,” if “ordinary +generation” is a <i>vera causa</i>?</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“In discussing this subject, we shall be enabled at the +same time to consider a point equally important for us, namely, +whether the several distinct species of a genus, <i>which on my +theory have all descended from a common ancestor</i>, can have +migrated (undergoing modification during some part of their +migration) from the area inhabited by their progenitor” (p. +354).</p> +<p>The words “on my theory” became “on our +theory” in 1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“With those organic beings which never intercross (if +such exist) <i>the species</i>, <i>on my theory</i>, <i>must have +descended from a succession of improved varieties</i>,” +&c. (p. 355).</p> +<p>The words “on my theory” were cut out in 1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“A slow southern migration of a marine fauna will +account, <i>on the theory of modification</i>, for many closely +allied forms,” &c. (p. 372).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“But the existence of several quite distinct species, +belonging to genera exclusively confined to the southern +hemisphere, is, <i>on my theory of descent with modification</i>, +a far more remarkable case of difficulty” (p. 381).</p> +<p>“My” became “the” in 1866 with the +fourth edition. This was the most categorical claim to the +theory of descent with modification in the “Origin of +Species.” The “my” here is the only one +that was taken out before 1869. I suppose Mr. Darwin +thought that with the removal of this “my” he had +ceased to claim the theory of descent with modification. +Nothing, however, could be gained by calling the reader’s +attention to what had been done, so nothing was said about +it.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Some species of fresh-water shells have a very wide +range, <i>and allied species</i>, <i>which</i>, <i>on my +theory</i>, <i>are descended from a single source</i>, prevail +throughout the world” (p. 385).</p> +<p>“My theory” became “our theory” in +1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“In the following remarks I shall not confine myself to +the mere question of dispersal, but shall consider some other +facts which bear upon the truth of <i>the two theories of +independent creation and of descent with modification</i>” +(p. 389). What can be plainer than that the theory which +Mr. Darwin espouses, and has so frequently called +“my,” is descent with modification?</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“But as these animals and their spawn are known to be +immediately killed by sea-water, <i>on my view</i>, we can see +that there would be great difficulty in their transportal across +the sea, and therefore why they do not exist on any oceanic +island. But why, <i>on the theory of creation</i>, they +should not have been created there, it would be very difficult to +explain” (p. 393).</p> +<p>“On my view” was cut out in 1869.</p> +<p>On the following page we read—“On my view this +question can easily be answered.” “On my +view” is retained in the latest edition.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Yet there must be, <i>on my view</i>, some unknown but +highly efficient means for their transportation” (p. +397).</p> +<p>“On my view” became “according to our +view” in 1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“I believe this grand fact can receive no sort of +explanation <i>on the ordinary view of independent creation</i>; +whereas, <i>on the view here maintained</i>, it is obvious that +the Galapagos Islands would be likely to receive colonists . . . +from America, and the Cape de Verde Islands from Africa; and that +such colonists would be liable to modification; the principle of +inheritance still betraying their original birth-place” (p. +399).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“With respect to the distinct species of the same genus +which, <i>on my theory</i>, must have spread from one parent +source, if we make the same allowances as before,” +&c.</p> +<p>“On my theory” became “on our theory” +in 1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>On my theory</i> these several relations throughout +time and space are intelligible; . . . the forms within each +class have been connected by the same bond of ordinary +generation; . . . in both cases the laws of variation have been +the same, and modifications have been accumulated by the same +power of natural selection” (p. 410).</p> +<p>“On my theory” became “according to our +theory” in 1869, and natural selection is no longer a +power, but has become a means.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>I believe that something more is included</i>, and +that propinquity of descent—the only known cause of the +similarity of organic beings—is the bond, hidden as it is +by various degrees of modification, which is partially revealed +to us by our classification” (p. 418).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>Thus</i>, <i>on the view which I hold</i>, the +natural system is genealogical in its arrangement, like a +pedigree” (p. 422).</p> +<p>“On the view which I hold” was cut out in +1872.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“We may feel almost sure, <i>on the theory of +descent</i>, that these characters have been inherited from a +common ancestor” (p. 426).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>On my view of characters being of real importance +for classification only in so far as they reveal descent</i>, we +can clearly understand,” &c. (p. 427).</p> +<p>“On my view” became “on the view” in +1872.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“The more aberrant any form is, the greater must be the +number of connecting forms which, <i>on my theory</i>, have been +exterminated and utterly lost” (p. 429).</p> +<p>The words “on my theory” were excised in 1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Finally, we have seen that <i>natural selection</i> +<i>. . . explains</i> that great and universal feature in the +affinities of all organic beings, namely, their subordination in +group under group. <i>We use the element of descent</i> in +classing the individuals of both sexes, &c.; . . . <i>we use +descent</i> in classing acknowledged varieties; . . . and I +believe this element of descent is the hidden bond of connection +which naturalists have sought under the term of the natural +system” (p. 433).</p> +<p>Lamarck was of much the same opinion, as I showed in +“Evolution Old and New.” He +wrote:—“An arrangement should be considered +systematic, or arbitrary, when it does not conform to the +genealogical order taken by nature in the development of the +things arranged, and when, by consequence, it is not founded on +well-considered analogies. There is a natural order in +every department of nature; it is the order in which its several +component items have been successively developed.” <a +name="citation195a"></a><a href="#footnote195a" +class="citation">[195a]</a> The point, however, which +should more particularly engage our attention is that Mr. Darwin +in the passage last quoted uses “natural selection” +and “descent” as though they were convertible +terms.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Nothing can be more hopeless than to attempt to explain +this similarity of pattern in members of the same class by +utility or the doctrine of final causes . . . <i>On the +ordinary view of the independent creation of each being</i>, we +can only say that so it is . . . <i>The explanation is manifest +on the theory of the natural selection of successive slight</i> +modifications,” &c. (p. 435).</p> +<p>This now stands—“The explanation is to a large +extent simple, on the theory of the selection of successive, +slight modifications.” I do not like “a large +extent” of simplicity; but, waiving this, the point at +issue is not whether the ordinary course of things ensures a +quasi-selection of the types that are best adapted to their +surroundings, with accumulation of modification in various +directions, and hence wide eventual difference between species +descended from common progenitors—no evolutionist since +1750 has doubted this—but whether a general principle +underlies the modifications from among which the quasi-selection +is made, or whether they are destitute of such principle and +referable, as far as we are concerned, to chance only. +Waiving this again, we note that the theories of independent +creation and of natural selection are contrasted, as though they +were the only two alternatives; knowing the two alternatives to +be independent creation and descent with modification, we +naturally took natural selection to mean descent with +modification.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>On the theory of natural selection</i> we can +satisfactorily answer these questions” (p. 437).</p> +<p>“Satisfactorily” now stands “to a certain +extent.”</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>On my view</i> these terms may be used +literally” (pp. 438, 439).</p> +<p>“On my view” became “according to the views +here maintained such language may be,” &c., in +1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“I believe all these facts can be explained as follows, +<i>on the view of descent with modification</i>” (p. +443).</p> +<p>This sentence now ends at “follows.”</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Let us take a genus of birds, <i>descended</i>, <i>on +my theory</i>, <i>from some one parent species</i>, and of which +the several new species <i>have become modified through natural +selection</i> in accordance with their divers habits” (p. +446).</p> +<p>The words “on my theory” were cut out in 1869, and +the passage now stands, “Let us take a group of birds, +descended from some ancient form and modified through natural +selection for different habits.”</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>On my view of descent with modification</i>, the +origin of rudimentary organs is simple” (p. 454).</p> +<p>“On my view” became “<i>on the +view</i>” in 1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>On the view of descent with modification</i>,” +&c. (p. 455).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>On this same view of descent with modification</i> +all the great facts of morphology become intelligible” (p. +456).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“That many and grave objections may be advanced against +<i>the theory of descent with modification through natural +selection</i>, I do not deny” (p. 459).</p> +<p>This now stands, “That many and serious objections may +be advanced against <i>the theory of descent with modification +through variation and natural selection</i>, I do not +deny.”</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“There are, it must be admitted, cases of special +difficulty <i>on the theory of natural selection</i>” (p. +460).</p> +<p>“On” has become “opposed to;” it is +not easy to see why this alteration was made, unless because +“opposed to” is longer.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Turning to geographical distribution, the difficulties +encountered <i>on the theory of descent with modification</i> are +grave enough.”</p> +<p>“Grave” has become “serious,” but +there is no other change (p. 461).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“As <i>on the theory of natural selection</i> an +interminable number of intermediate forms must have +existed,” &c.</p> +<p>“On” has become “according +to”—which is certainly longer, but does not appear to +possess any other advantage over “on.” It is +not easy to understand why Mr. Darwin should have strained at +such a gnat as “on,” though feeling no discomfort in +such an expression as “an interminable number.”</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“This is the most forcible of the many objections which +may be urged <i>against my theory</i> . . . For certainly, <i>on +my theory</i>,” &c. (p. 463).</p> +<p>The “my” in each case became “the” in +1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Such is the sum of the several chief objections and +difficulties which may be justly urged <i>against my +theory</i>” (p. 465).</p> +<p>“My” became “the” in 1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Grave as these several difficulties are, <i>in my +judgment</i> they do not overthrow <i>the theory of descent with +modifications</i>” (p. 466).</p> +<p>This now stands, “Serious as these several objections +are, in my judgment they are by no means sufficient to overthrow +<i>the theory of descent with subsequent modification</i>;” +which, again, is longer, and shows at what little, little gnats +Mr. Darwin could strain, but is no material amendment on the +original passage.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>The theory of natural selection</i>, even if we +looked no further than this, <i>seems to me to be in itself +probable</i>” (p. 469).</p> +<p>This now stands, “The theory of natural selection, even +if we look no further than this, <i>seems to be in the highest +degree probable</i>.” It is not only probable, but +was very sufficiently proved long before Mr. Darwin was born, +only it must be the right natural selection and not Mr. Charles +Darwin’s.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“It is inexplicable, <i>on the theory of creation</i>, +why a part developed, &c., . . . <i>but</i>, <i>on my +view</i>, this part has undergone,” &c. (p. 474).</p> +<p>“On my view” became “on our view” in +1869.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Glancing at instincts, marvellous as some are, they +offer no greater difficulty than does corporeal structure <i>on +the theory of the natural selection of successive</i>, +<i>slight</i>, <i>but profitable modifications</i>” (p. +474).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>On the view of all the species of the same genus +having descended from a common parent</i>, and having inherited +much in common, we can understand how it is,” &c. (p. +474).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“If we admit that the geological record is imperfect in +an extreme degree, then such facts as the record gives, support +<i>the theory of descent with modification</i>.</p> +<p>“ . . . The extinction of species . . . almost +inevitably follows on <i>the principle of natural +selection</i>” (p. 475).</p> +<p>The word “almost” has got a great deal to answer +for.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“We can understand, <i>on the theory of descent with +modification</i>, most of the great leading facts in +Distribution” (p. 476).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“The existence of closely allied or representative +species in any two areas, implies, <i>on the theory of descent +with modification</i>, that the same parents formerly inhabited +both areas . . . It must be admitted that these facts receive no +explanation <i>on the theory of creation</i> . . . The fact . . . +is intelligible <i>on the theory of natural selection</i>, with +its contingencies of extinction and divergence of +character” (p. 478).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Innumerable other such facts at once explain themselves +<i>on the theory of descent with slow and slight successive +modifications</i>” (p. 479).</p> +<p>“Any one whose disposition leads him to attach more +weight to unexplained difficulties than to the explanation of a +certain number of facts, <i>will certainly reject my +theory</i>” (p. 482).</p> +<p>“My theory” became “the theory” in +1869.</p> + +<div class="gapspace"> </div> +<p>From this point to the end of the book the claim is so +ubiquitous, either expressly or by implication, that it is +difficult to know what not to quote. I must, however, +content myself with only a few more extracts. Mr. Darwin +says:—</p> +<p>“It may be asked <i>how far I extend the doctrine of the +modification of species</i>” (p. 482).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“Analogy would lead me one step further, namely, to the +belief that all animals and plants have descended from some one +prototype . . . Therefore I should infer from analogy that +probably all the organic beings which have ever lived on this +earth have descended from some one primordial form, into which +life was first breathed.”</p> +<p>From an amœba—Adam, in fact, though not in +name. This last sentence is now completely altered, as well +it might be.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“When <i>the views entertained in this volume on the +origin of species</i>, <i>or when analogous views are generally +admitted</i>, we can dimly foresee that there will be a +considerable revolution in natural history” (p. 434).</p> +<p>Possibly. This now stands, “When the views +advanced by me in this volume, and by Mr. Wallace, or when +analogous views on the origin of species are generally admitted, +we can dimly foresee,” &c. When the “Origin +of Species” came out we knew nothing of any analogous +views, and Mr. Darwin’s words passed unnoticed. I do +not say that he knew they would, but he certainly ought to have +known.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“<i>A grand and almost untrodden field of inquiry will +be opened</i>, on the causes and laws of variation, on +correlation of growth, on the effects of use and disuse, on the +direct action of external conditions, and so forth” (p. +486).</p> +<p>Buffon and Lamarck had trodden this field to some purpose, but +not a hint to this effect is vouchsafed to us. +Again;—</p> +<p>“<i>When I view all beings not as special creations</i>, +<i>but as the lineal descendants of some few beings which lived +long before</i> the first bed of the Silurian system was +deposited, they seem to me to become ennobled . . . We can so far +take a prophetic glance into futurity as to foretell that it will +be the common and widely spread species, belonging to the larger +and dominant groups, which will ultimately prevail and procreate +new and dominant species.”</p> +<p>There is no alteration in this except that +“Silurian” has become “Cambrian.”</p> +<p>The idyllic paragraph with which Mr. Darwin concludes his book +contains no more special claim to the theory of descent <i>en +bloc</i> than many another which I have allowed to pass +unnoticed; it has been, moreover, dealt with in an earlier +chapter (Chapter XII.)</p> +<h2><a name="page202"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +202</span>Chapter XV<br /> +The Excised “My’s”</h2> +<p>I <span class="smcap">have</span> quoted in all ninety-seven +passages, as near as I can make them, in which Mr. Darwin claimed +the theory of descent, either expressly by speaking of “my +theory” in such connection that the theory of descent ought +to be, and, as the event has shown, was, understood as being +intended, or by implication, as in the opening passages of the +“Origin of Species,” in which he tells us how he had +thought the matter out without acknowledging obligation of any +kind to earlier writers. The original edition of the +“Origin of Species” contained 490 pp., exclusive of +index; a claim, therefore, more or less explicit, to the theory +of descent was made on the average about once in every five pages +throughout the book from end to end; the claims were most +prominent in the most important parts, that is to say, at the +beginning and end of the work, and this made them more effective +than they are made even by their frequency. A more +ubiquitous claim than this it would be hard to find in the case +of any writer advancing a new theory; it is difficult, therefore, +to understand how Mr. Grant Allen could have allowed himself to +say that Mr. Darwin “laid no sort of claim to originality +or proprietorship” in the theory of descent with +modification.</p> +<p>Nevertheless I have only found one place where Mr. Darwin +pinned himself down beyond possibility of retreat, however +ignominious, by using the words “my theory of descent with +modification.” <a name="citation202a"></a><a +href="#footnote202a" class="citation">[202a]</a> He often, +as I have said, speaks of “my theory,” and then +shortly afterwards of “descent with modification,” +under such circumstances that no one who had not been brought up +in the school of Mr. Gladstone could doubt that the two +expressions referred to the same thing. He seems to have +felt that he must be a poor wriggler if he could not wriggle out +of this; give him any loophole, however small, and Mr. Darwin +could trust himself to get out through it; but he did not like +saying what left no loophole at all, and “my theory of +descent with modification” closed all exits so firmly that +it is surprising he should ever have allowed himself to use these +words. As I have said, Mr. Darwin only used this direct +categorical form of claim in one place; and even here, after it +had stood through three editions, two of which had been largely +altered, he could stand it no longer, and altered the +“my” into “the” in 1866, with the fourth +edition of the “Origin of Species.”</p> +<p>This was the only one of the original forty-five my’s +that was cut out before the appearance of the fifth edition in +1869, and its excision throws curious light upon the working of +Mr. Darwin’s mind. The selection of the most +categorical my out of the whole forty-five, shows that Mr. Darwin +knew all about his my’s, and, while seeing reason to remove +this, held that the others might very well stand. He even +left “On my <i>view</i> of descent with +modification,” <a name="citation203a"></a><a +href="#footnote203a" class="citation">[203a]</a> which, though +more capable of explanation than “my theory,” +&c., still runs it close; nevertheless the excision of even a +single my that had been allowed to stand through such close +revision as those to which the “Origin of Species” +had been subjected betrays uneasiness of mind, for it is +impossible that even Mr. Darwin should not have known that though +the my excised in 1866 was the most technically categorical, the +others were in reality just as guilty, though no tower of Siloam +in the shape of excision fell upon them. If, then, Mr. +Darwin was so uncomfortable about this one as to cut it out, it +is probable he was far from comfortable about the others.</p> +<p>This view derives confirmation from the fact that in 1869, +with the fifth edition of the “Origin of Species,” +there was a stampede of my’s throughout the whole work, no +less than thirty out of the original forty-five being changed +into “the,” “our,” “this,” or +some other word, which, though having all the effect of my, still +did not say “my” outright. These my’s +were, if I may say so, sneaked out; nothing was said to explain +their removal to the reader or call attention to it. Why, +it may be asked, having been considered during the revisions of +1861 and 1866, and with only one exception allowed to stand, why +should they be smitten with a homing instinct in such large +numbers with the fifth edition? It cannot be maintained +that Mr. Darwin had had his attention called now for the first +time to the fact that he had used my perhaps a little too freely, +and had better be more sparing of it for the future. The my +excised in 1866 shows that Mr. Darwin had already considered this +question, and saw no reason to remove any but the one that left +him no loophole. Why, then, should that which was +considered and approved in 1859, 1861, and 1866 (not to mention +the second edition of 1859 or 1860) be retreated from with every +appearance of panic in 1869? Mr. Darwin could not well have +cut out more than he did—not at any rate without saying +something about it, and it would not be easy to know exactly what +say. Of the fourteen my’s that were left in 1869, +five more were cut out in 1872, and nine only were allowed +eventually to remain. We naturally ask, Why leave any if +thirty-six ought to be cut out, or why cut out thirty-six if nine +ought to be left—especially when the claim remains +practically just the same after the excision as before it?</p> +<p>I imagine complaint had early reached Mr. Darwin that the +difference between himself and his predecessors was unsubstantial +and hard to grasp; traces of some such feeling appear even in the +late Sir Charles Lyell’s “Principles of +Geology,” in which he writes that he had reprinted his +abstract of Lamarck’s doctrine word for word, “in +justice to Lamarck, in order to show how nearly the opinions +taught by him at the beginning of this century resembled those +now in vogue among a large body of naturalists respecting the +infinite variability of species, and the progressive development +in past time of the organic world.” <a +name="citation205a"></a><a href="#footnote205a" +class="citation">[205a]</a> Sir Charles Lyell could not +have written thus if he had thought that Mr. Darwin had already +done “justice to Lamarck,” nor is it likely that he +stood alone in thinking as he did. It is probable that more +reached Mr. Darwin than reached the public, and that the +historical sketch prefixed to all editions after the first six +thousand copies had been sold—meagre and slovenly as it +is—was due to earlier manifestation on the part of some of +Mr. Darwin’s friends of the feeling that was afterwards +expressed by Sir Charles Lyell in the passage quoted above. +I suppose the removal of the my that was cut out in 1866 to be +due partly to the Gladstonian tendencies of Mr. Darwin’s +mind, which would naturally make that particular my at all times +more or less offensive to him, and partly to the increase of +objection to it that must have ensued on the addition of the +“brief but imperfect” historical sketch in 1861; it +is doubtless only by an oversight that this particular my was not +cut out in 1861. The stampede of 1869 was probably +occasioned by the appearance in Germany of Professor +Haeckel’s “History of Creation.” This was +published in 1868, and Mr. Darwin no doubt foresaw that it would +be translated into English, as indeed it subsequently was. +In this book some account is given—very badly, but still +much more fully than by Mr. Darwin—of Lamarck’s work; +and even Erasmus Darwin is mentioned—inaccurately—but +still he is mentioned. Professor Haeckel says:—</p> +<p>“Although the theory of development had been already +maintained at the beginning of this century by several great +naturalists, especially by Lamarck and Goethe, it only received +complete demonstration and causal foundation nine years ago +through Darwin’s work, and it is on this account that it is +now generally (though not altogether rightly) regarded as +exclusively Mr. Darwin’s theory.” <a +name="citation206a"></a><a href="#footnote206a" +class="citation">[206a]</a></p> +<p>Later on, after giving nearly a hundred pages to the works of +the early evolutionists—pages that would certainly disquiet +the sensitive writer who had cut out the “my” which +disappeared in 1866—he continued:—</p> +<p>“We must distinguish clearly (though this is not usually +done) between, firstly, the theory of descent as advanced by +Lamarck, which deals only with the fact of all animals and plants +being descended from a common source, and secondly, +Darwin’s theory of natural selection, which shows us +<i>why</i> this progressive modification of organic forms took +place” (p. 93).</p> +<p>This passage is as inaccurate as most of those by Professor +Haeckel that I have had occasion to examine have proved to +be. Letting alone that Buffon, not Lamarck, is the foremost +name in connection with descent, I have already shown in +“Evolution Old and New” that Lamarck goes +exhaustively into the how and why of modification. He +alleges the conservation, or preservation, in the ordinary course +of nature, of the most favourable among variations that have been +induced mainly by function; this, I have sufficiently explained, +is natural selection, though the words “natural +selection” are not employed; but it is the true natural +selection which (if so metaphorical an expression is allowed to +pass) actually does take place with the results ascribed to it by +Lamarck, and not the false Charles-Darwinian natural selection +that does not correspond with facts, and cannot result in +specific differences such as we now observe. But, waiving +this, the “my’s,” within which a little rift +had begun to show itself in 1866, might well become as mute in +1869 as they could become without attracting attention, when Mr. +Darwin saw the passages just quoted, and the hundred pages or so +that lie between them.</p> +<p>I suppose Mr. Darwin cut out the five more my’s that +disappeared in 1872 because he had not yet fully recovered from +his scare, and allowed nine to remain in order to cover his +retreat, and tacitly say that he had not done anything and knew +nothing whatever about it. Practically, indeed, he had not +retreated, and must have been well aware that he was only +retreating technically; for he must have known that the absence +of acknowledgment to any earlier writers in the body of his work, +and the presence of the many passages in which every word +conveyed the impression that the writer claimed descent with +modification, amounted to a claim as much when the actual word +“my” had been taken out as while it was allowed to +stand. We took Mr. Darwin at his own estimate because we +could not for a moment suppose that a man of means, position, and +education,—one, moreover, who was nothing if he was not +unself-seeking—could play such a trick upon us while +pretending to take us into his confidence; hence the almost +universal belief on the part of the public, of which Professors +Haeckel and Ray Lankester and Mr. Grant Allen alike +complain—namely, that Mr. Darwin is the originator of the +theory of descent, and that his variations are mainly +functional. Men of science must not be surprised if the +readiness with which we responded to Mr. Darwin’s appeal to +our confidence is succeeded by a proportionate resentment when +the peculiar shabbiness of his action becomes more generally +understood. For myself, I know not which most to wonder +at—the meanness of the writer himself, or the greatness of +the service that, in spite of that meanness, he unquestionably +rendered.</p> +<p>If Mr. Darwin had been dealing fairly by us, when he saw that +we had failed to catch the difference between the +Erasmus-Darwinian theory of descent through natural selection +from among variations that are mainly functional, and his own +alternative theory of descent through natural selection from +among variations that are mainly accidental, and, above all, when +he saw we were crediting him with other men’s work, he +would have hastened to set us right. “It is with +great regret,” he might have written, “and with no +small surprise, that I find how generally I have been +misunderstood as claiming to be the originator of the theory of +descent with modification; nothing can be further from my +intention; the theory of descent has been familiar to all +biologists from the year 1749, when Buffon advanced it in its +most comprehensive form, to the present day.” If Mr. +Darwin had said something to the above effect, no one would have +questioned his good faith, but it is hardly necessary to say that +nothing of the kind is to be found in any one of Mr. +Darwin’s many books or many editions; nor is the reason why +the requisite correction was never made far to seek. For if +Mr. Darwin had said as much as I have put into his mouth above, +he should have said more, and would ere long have been compelled +to have explained to us wherein the difference between himself +and his predecessors precisely lay, and this would not have been +easy. Indeed, if Mr. Darwin had been quite open with us he +would have had to say much as follows:—</p> +<p>“I should point out that, according to the evolutionists +of the last century, improvement in the eye, as in any other +organ, is mainly due to persistent, rational, employment of the +organ in question, in such slightly modified manner as experience +and changed surroundings may suggest. You will have +observed that, according to my system, this goes for very little, +and that the accumulation of fortunate accidents, irrespectively +of the use that may be made of them, is by far the most important +means of modification. Put more briefly still, the +distinction between me and my predecessors lies in this;—my +predecessors thought they knew the main normal cause or principle +that underlies variation, whereas I think that there is no +general principle underlying it at all, or that even if there is, +we know hardly anything about it. This is my distinctive +feature; there is no deception; I shall not consider the +arguments of my predecessors, nor show in what respect they are +insufficient; in fact, I shall say nothing whatever about +them. Please to understand that I alone am in possession of +the master key that can unlock the bars of the future progress of +evolutionary science; so great an improvement, in fact, is my +discovery that it justifies me in claiming the theory of descent +generally, and I accordingly claim it. If you ask me in +what my discovery consists, I reply in this;—that the +variations which we are all agreed accumulate are caused—by +variation. <a name="citation209a"></a><a href="#footnote209a" +class="citation">[209a]</a> I admit that this is not +telling you much about them, but it is as much as I think proper +to say at present; above all things, let me caution you against +thinking that there is any principle of general application +underlying variation.”</p> +<p>This would have been right. This is what Mr. Darwin +would have had to have said if he had been frank with us; it is +not surprising, therefore, that he should have been less frank +than might have been wished. I have no doubt that many a +time between 1859 and 1882, the year of his death, Mr. Darwin +bitterly regretted his initial error, and would have been only +too thankful to repair it, but he could only put the difference +between himself and the early evolutionists clearly before his +readers at the cost of seeing his own system come tumbling down +like a pack of cards; this was more than he could stand, so he +buried his face, ostrich-like, in the sand. I know no more +pitiable figure in either literature or science.</p> +<p>As I write these lines (July 1886) I see a paragraph in +<i>Nature</i> which I take it is intended to convey the +impression that Mr. Francis Darwin’s life and letters of +his father will appear shortly. I can form no idea whether +Mr. F. Darwin’s forthcoming work is likely to appear before +this present volume; still less can I conjecture what it may or +may not contain; but I can give the reader a criterion by which +to test the good faith with which it is written. If Mr. F. +Darwin puts the distinctive feature that differentiates Mr. C. +Darwin from his predecessors clearly before his readers, enabling +them to seize and carry it away with them once for all—if +he shows no desire to shirk this question, but, on the contrary, +faces it and throws light upon it, then we shall know that his +work is sincere, whatever its shortcomings may be in other +respects; and when people are doing their best to help us and +make us understand all that they understand themselves, a great +deal may be forgiven them. If, on the other hand, we find +much talk about the wonderful light which Mr. Charles Darwin +threw on evolution by his theory of natural selection, without +any adequate attempt to make us understand the difference between +the natural selection, say, of Mr. Patrick Matthew, and that of +his more famous successor, then we may know that we are being +trifled with; and that an attempt is being again made to throw +dust in our eyes.</p> +<h2><a name="page211"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +211</span>Chapter XVI<br /> +Mr. Grant Allen’s “Charles Darwin”</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">It</span> is here that Mr. Grant +Allen’s book fails. It is impossible to believe it +written in good faith, with no end in view, save to make +something easy which might otherwise be found difficult; on the +contrary, it leaves the impression of having been written with a +desire to hinder us, as far as possible, from understanding +things that Mr. Allen himself understood perfectly well.</p> +<p>After saying that “in the public mind Mr. Darwin is +perhaps most commonly regarded as the discoverer and founder of +the evolution hypothesis,” he continues that “the +grand idea which he did really originate was not the idea of +‘descent with modification,’ but the idea of +‘natural selection,’” and adds that it was Mr. +Darwin’s “peculiar glory” to have shown the +“nature of the machinery” by which all the variety of +animal and vegetable life might have been produced by slow +modifications in one or more original types. “The +theory of evolution,” says Mr. Allen, “already +existed in a more or less shadowy and undeveloped shape;” +it was Mr. Darwin’s “task in life to raise this +theory from the rank of a mere plausible and happy guess to the +rank of a highly elaborate and almost universally accepted +biological system” (pp. 3–5).</p> +<p>We all admit the value of Mr. Darwin’s work as having +led to the general acceptance of evolution. No one who +remembers average middle-class opinion on this subject before +1860 will deny that it was Mr. Darwin who brought us all round to +descent with modification; but Mr. Allen cannot rightly say that +evolution had only existed before Mr. Darwin’s time in +“a shadowy, undeveloped state,” or as “a mere +plausible and happy guess.” It existed in the same +form as that in which most people accept it now, and had been +carried to its extreme development, before Mr. Darwin’s +father had been born. It is idle to talk of Buffon’s +work as “a mere plausible and happy guess,” or to +imply that the first volume of the “Philosophie +Zoologique” of Lamarck was a less full and sufficient +demonstration of descent with modification than the “Origin +of Species” is. It has its defects, shortcomings, and +mistakes, but it is an incomparably sounder work than the +“Origin of Species;” and though it contains the +deplorable omission of any reference to Buffon, Lamarck does not +first grossly misrepresent Buffon, and then tell him to go away, +as Mr. Darwin did to the author of the “Vestiges” and +to Lamarck. If Mr. Darwin was believed and honoured for +saying much the same as Lamarck had said, it was because Lamarck +had borne the brunt of the laughing. The “Origin of +Species” was possible because the “Vestiges” +had prepared the way for it. The “Vestiges” +were made possible by Lamarck and Erasmus Darwin, and these two +were made possible by Buffon. Here a somewhat sharper line +can be drawn than is usually found possible when defining the +ground covered by philosophers. No one broke the ground for +Buffon to anything like the extent that he broke it for those who +followed him, and these broke it for one another.</p> +<p>Mr. Allen says (p. 11) that, “in Charles Darwin’s +own words, Lamarck ‘first did the eminent service of +arousing attention to the probability of all change in the +organic as well as in the inorganic world being the result of +law, and not of miraculous interposition.’” Mr. +Darwin did indeed use these words, but Mr. Allen omits the +pertinent fact that he did not use them till six thousand copies +of his work had been issued, and an impression been made as to +its scope and claims which the event has shown to be not easily +effaced; nor does he say that Mr. Darwin only pays these few +words of tribute in a quasi-preface, which, though prefixed to +his later editions of the “Origin of Species,” is +amply neutralised by the spirit which I have shown to be +omnipresent in the body of the work itself. Moreover, Mr. +Darwin’s statement is inaccurate to an unpardonable extent; +his words would be fairly accurate if applied to Buffon, but they +do not apply to Lamarck.</p> +<p>Mr. Darwin continues that Lamarck “seems to attribute +all the beautiful adaptations in nature, such as the long neck of +the giraffe for browsing on the branches of trees,” to the +effects of habit. Mr. Darwin should not say that Lamarck +“seems” to do this. It was his business to tell +us what led Lamarck to his conclusions, not what +“seemed” to do so. Any one who knows the first +volume of the “Philosophie Zoologique” will be aware +that there is no “seems” in the matter. Mr. +Darwin’s words “seem” to say that it really +could not be worth any practical naturalist’s while to +devote attention to Lamarck’s argument; the inquiry might +be of interest to antiquaries, but Mr. Darwin had more important +work in hand than following the vagaries of one who had been so +completely exploded as Lamarck had been. “Seem” +is to men what “feel” is to women; women who feel, +and men who grease every other sentence with a +“seem,” are alike to be looked on with distrust.</p> +<p>“Still,” continues Mr. Allen, “Darwin gave +no sign. A flaccid, cartilaginous, unphilosophic +evolutionism had full possession of the field for the moment, and +claimed, as it were, to be the genuine representative of the +young and vigorous biological creed, while he himself was in +truth the real heir to all the honours of the situation. He +was in possession of the master-key which alone could unlock the +bars that opposed the progress of evolution, and still he +waited. He could afford to wait. He was diligently +collecting, amassing, investigating; eagerly reading every new +systematic work, every book of travels, every scientific journal, +every record of sport, or exploration, or discovery, to extract +from the dead mass of undigested fact whatever item of implicit +value might swell the definite co-ordinated series of notes in +his own commonplace books for the now distinctly contemplated +‘Origin of Species.’ His way was to make all +sure behind him, to summon up all his facts in irresistible +array, and never to set out upon a public progress until he was +secure against all possible attacks of the ever-watchful and +alert enemy in the rear,” &c. (p. 73).</p> +<p>It would not be easy to beat this. Mr. Darwin’s +worst enemy could wish him no more damaging eulogist.</p> +<p>Of the “Vestiges” Mr. Allen says that Mr. Darwin +“felt sadly” the inaccuracy and want of profound +technical knowledge everywhere displayed by the anonymous +author. Nevertheless, long after, in the “Origin of +Species,” the great naturalist wrote with generous +appreciation of the “Vestiges of +Creation”—“In my opinion it has done excellent +service in this country in calling attention to the subject, in +removing prejudice, and in thus preparing the ground for the +reception of analogous views.”</p> +<p>I have already referred to the way in which Mr. Darwin treated +the author of the “Vestiges,” and have stated the +facts at greater length in “Evolution Old and New,” +but it may be as well to give Mr. Darwin’s words in full; +he wrote as follows on the third page of the original edition of +the “Origin of Species”:—</p> +<p>“The author of the ‘Vestiges of Creation’ +would, I presume, say that, after a certain unknown number of +generations, some bird had given birth to a woodpecker, and some +plant to the mistletoe, and that these had been produced perfect +as we now see them; but this assumption seems to me to be no +explanation, for it leaves the case of the coadaptation of +organic beings to each other and to their physical conditions of +life untouched and unexplained.”</p> +<p>The author of the “Vestiges” did, doubtless, +suppose that “<i>some</i> bird” had given birth to a +woodpecker, or more strictly, that a couple of birds had done +so—and this is all that Mr. Darwin has committed himself +to—but no one better knew that these two birds would, +according to the author of the “Vestiges,” be just as +much woodpeckers, and just as little woodpeckers, as they would +be with Mr. Darwin himself. Mr. Chambers did not suppose +that a woodpecker became a woodpecker <i>per saltum</i> though +born of some widely different bird, but Mr. Darwin’s words +have no application unless they convey this impression. The +reader will note that though the impression is conveyed, Mr. +Darwin avoids conveying it categorically. I suppose this is +what Mr. Allen means by saying that he “made all things +sure behind him.” Mr. Chambers did indeed believe in +occasional sports; so did Mr. Darwin, and we have seen that in +the later editions of the “Origin of Species” he +found himself constrained to lay greater stress on these than he +had originally done. Substantially, Mr. Chambers held much +the same opinion as to the suddenness or slowness of modification +as Mr. Darwin did, nor can it be doubted that Mr. Darwin knew +this perfectly well.</p> +<p>What I have said about the woodpecker applies also to the +mistletoe. Besides, it was Mr. Darwin’s business not +to presume anything about the matter; his business was to tell us +what the author of the “Vestiges” had said, or to +refer us to the page of the “Vestiges” on which we +should find this. I suppose he was too busy +“collecting, amassing, investigating,” &c., to be +at much pains not to misrepresent those who had been in the field +before him. There is no other reference to the +“Vestiges” in the “Origin of Species” +than this suave but singularly fraudulent passage.</p> +<p>In his edition of 1860 the author of the +“Vestiges” showed that he was nettled, and said it +was to be regretted Mr. Darwin had read the +“Vestiges” “almost as much amiss as if, like +its declared opponents, he had an interest in misunderstanding +it;” and a little lower he adds that Mr. Darwin’s +book “in no essential respect contradicts the +‘Vestiges,’” but that, on the contrary, +“while adding to its explanations of nature, it expressed +the same general ideas.” <a name="citation216a"></a><a +href="#footnote216a" class="citation">[216a]</a> This is +substantially true; neither Mr. Darwin’s nor Mr. +Chambers’s are good books, but the main object of both is +to substantiate the theory of descent with modification, and, bad +as the “Vestiges” is, it is ingenuous as compared +with the “Origin of Species.” Subsequently to +Mr. Chambers’ protest, and not till, as I have said, six +thousand copies of the “Origin of Species” had been +issued, the sentence complained of by Mr. Chambers was expunged, +but without a word of retractation, and the passage which Mr. +Allen thinks so generous was inserted into the “brief but +imperfect” sketch which Mr. Darwin prefixed—after Mr. +Chambers had been effectually snuffed out—to all subsequent +editions of his “Origin of Species.” There is +no excuse for Mr. Darwin’s not having said at least this +much about the author of the “Vestiges” in his first +edition; and on finding that he had misrepresented him in a +passage which he did not venture to retain, he should not have +expunged it quietly, but should have called attention to his +mistake in the body of his book, and given every prominence in +his power to the correction.</p> +<p>Let us now examine Mr. Allen’s record in the matter of +natural selection. For years he was one of the foremost +apostles of Neo-Darwinism, and any who said a good word for +Lamarck were told that this was the “kind of mystical +nonsense” from which Mr. Allen “had hoped Mr. Darwin +had for ever saved us.” <a name="citation216b"></a><a +href="#footnote216b" class="citation">[216b]</a> Then in +October 1883 came an article in “Mind,” from which it +appeared as though Mr. Allen had abjured Mr. Darwin and all his +works.</p> +<p>“There are only two conceivable ways,” he then +wrote, “in which any increment of brain power can ever have +arisen in any individual. The one is the Darwinian way, by +spontaneous variation, that is to say, by variation due to minute +physical circumstances affecting the individual in the +germ. The other is the Spencerian way, by functional +increment, that is to say, by the effect of increased use and +constant exposure to varying circumstances during conscious +life.”</p> +<p>Mr. Allen calls this the Spencerian view, and so it is in so +far as that Mr. Spencer has adopted it. Most people will +call it Lamarckian. This, however, is a detail. Mr. +Allen continues:—</p> +<p>“I venture to think that the first way, if we look it +clearly in the face, will be seen to be practically unthinkable; +and that we have no alternative, therefore, but to accept the +second.”</p> +<p>I like our looking a “way” which is +“practically unthinkable” “clearly in the +face.” I particularly like “practically +unthinkable.” I suppose we can think it in theory, +but not in practice. I like almost everything Mr. Allen +says or does; it is not necessary to go far in search of his good +things; dredge up any bit of mud from him at random and we are +pretty sure to find an oyster with a pearl in it, if we look it +clearly in the face; I mean, there is sure to be something which +will be at any rate “almost” practically +unthinkable. But however this may be, when Mr. Allen wrote +his article in “Mind” two years ago, he was in +substantial agreement with myself about the value of natural +selection as a means of modification—by natural selection I +mean, of course, the commonly known Charles-Darwinian natural +selection from fortuitous variations; now, however, in 1885, he +is all for this same natural selection again, and in the preface +to his “Charles Darwin” writes (after a handsome +acknowledgment of “Evolution Old and New”) that he +“differs from” me “fundamentally in” my +“estimate of the worth of Charles Darwin’s +distinctive discovery of natural selection.”</p> +<p>This he certainly does, for on page 81 of the work itself he +speaks of “the distinctive notion of natural +selection” as having, “like all true and fruitful +ideas, more than once flashed,” &c. I have +explained <i>usque ad nauseam</i>, and will henceforth explain no +longer, that natural selection is no “distinctive +notion” of Mr. Darwin’s. Mr. Darwin’s +“distinctive notion” is natural selection from among +fortuitous variations.</p> +<p>Writing again (p. 89) of Mr. Spencer’s essay in the +“Leader,” <a name="citation218a"></a><a +href="#footnote218a" class="citation">[218a]</a> Mr. Allen +says:—</p> +<p>“It contains, in a very philosophical and abstract form, +the theory of ‘descent with modification’ without the +distinctive Darwinian adjunct of ‘natural selection’ +or survival of the fittest. Yet it was just that lever +dexterously applied, and carefully weighted with the whole weight +of his endlessly accumulated inductive instances, that finally +enabled our modern Archimedes to move the world.”</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“To account for adaptation, for the almost perfect +fitness of every plant and every animal to its position in life, +for the existence (in other words) of definitely correlated parts +and organs, we must call in the aid of survival of the +fittest. Without that potent selective agent, our +conception of the becoming of life is a mere chaos; order and +organisation are utterly inexplicable save by the brilliant +illuminating ray of the Darwinian principle” (p. 93).</p> +<p>And yet two years previously this same principle, after having +been thinkable for many years, had become +“unthinkable.”</p> +<p>Two years previously, writing of the Charles-Darwinian scheme +of evolution, Mr. Allen had implied it as his opinion “that +all brains are what they are in virtue of antecedent +function.” “The one creed,” he +wrote—referring to Mr Darwin’s—“makes the +man depend mainly upon the accidents of molecular physics in a +colliding germ cell and sperm cell; the other makes him depend +mainly on the doings and gains of his ancestors as modified and +altered by himself.”</p> +<p>This second creed is pure Erasmus-Darwinism and Lamarck.</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“It seems to me easy to understand how survival of the +fittest may result in progress <i>starting from such functionally +produced gains</i> (italics mine), but impossible to understand +how it could result in progress, if it had to start in mere +accidental structural increments due to spontaneous variation +alone.” <a name="citation219a"></a><a href="#footnote219a" +class="citation">[219a]</a></p> +<p>Which comes to saying that it is easy to understand the +Lamarckian system of evolution, but not the +Charles-Darwinian. Mr. Allen concluded his article a few +pages later on by saying:—</p> +<p>“The first hypothesis” (Mr. Darwin’s) +“is one that throws no light upon any of the facts. +The second hypothesis” (which is unalloyed Erasmus Darwin +and Lamarck) “is one that explains them all with +transparent lucidity.” Yet in his “Charles +Darwin” Mr. Allen tells us that though Mr. Darwin +“did not invent the development theory, he made it +believable and comprehensible” (p. 4).</p> +<p>In his “Charles Darwin” Mr. Allen does not tell us +how recently he had, in another place, expressed an opinion about +the value of Mr. Darwin’s “distinctive +contribution” to the theory of evolution, so widely +different from the one he is now expressing with characteristic +appearance of ardour. He does not explain how he is able to +execute such rapid changes of front without forfeiting his claim +on our attention; explanations on matters of this sort seem out +of date with modern scientists. I can only suppose that Mr. +Allen regards himself as having taken a brief, as it were, for +the production of a popular work, and feels more bound to +consider the interests of the gentleman who pays him than to say +what he really thinks; for surely Mr. Allen would not have +written as he did in such a distinctly philosophical and +scientific journal as “Mind” without weighing his +words, and nothing has transpired lately, <i>apropos</i> of +evolution, which will account for his present recantation. +I said in my book “Selections,” &c., that when +Mr. Allen made stepping-stones of his dead selves, he jumped upon +them to some tune. I was a little scandalised then at the +completeness and suddenness of the movement he executed, and +spoke severely; I have sometimes feared I may have spoken too +severely, but his recent performance goes far to warrant my +remarks.</p> +<p>If, however, there is no dead self about it, and Mr. Allen has +only taken a brief, I confess to being not greatly edified. +I grant that a good case can be made out for an author’s +doing as I suppose Mr. Allen to have done; indeed I am not sure +that both science and religion would not gain if every one rode +his neighbour’s theory, as at a donkey-race, and the least +plausible were held to win; but surely, as things stand, a writer +by the mere fact of publishing a book professes to be giving a +<i>bonâ fide</i> opinion. The analogy of the bar does +not hold, for not only is it perfectly understood that a +barrister does not necessarily state his own opinions, but there +exists a strict though unwritten code to protect the public +against the abuses to which such a system must be liable. +In religion and science no such code exists—the supposition +being that these two holy callings are above the necessity for +anything of the kind. Science and religion are not as +business is; still, if the public do not wish to be taken in, +they must be at some pains to find out whether they are in the +hands of one who, while pretending to be a judge, is in reality a +paid advocate, with no one’s interests at heart except his +client’s, or in those of one who, however warmly he may +plead, will say nothing but what springs from mature and genuine +conviction.</p> +<p>The present unsettled and unsatisfactory state of the moral +code in this respect is at the bottom of the supposed antagonism +between religion and science. These two are not, or never +ought to be, antagonistic. They should never want what is +spoken of as reconciliation, for in reality they are one. +Religion is the quintessence of science, and science the raw +material of religion; when people talk about reconciling religion +and science they do not mean what they say; they mean reconciling +the statements made by one set of professional men with those +made by another set whose interests lie in the opposite +direction—and with no recognised president of the court to +keep them within due bounds this is not always easy.</p> +<p>Mr. Allen says:—</p> +<p>“At the same time it must be steadily remembered that +there are many naturalists at the present day, especially among +those of the lower order of intelligence, who, while accepting +evolutionism in a general way, and therefore always describing +themselves as Darwinians, do not believe, and often cannot even +understand, the distinctive Darwinian addition to the +evolutionary doctrine—namely, the principle of natural +selection. Such hazy and indistinct thinkers as these are +still really at the prior stage of Lamarckian evolution” +(p. 199).</p> +<p>Considering that Mr. Allen was at that stage himself so +recently, he might deal more tenderly with others who still find +“the distinctive Darwinian adjunct” +“unthinkable.” It is perhaps, however, because +he remembers his difficulties that Mr. Allen goes on as +follows:—</p> +<p>“It is probable that in the future, while a formal +acceptance of Darwinism becomes general, the special theory of +natural selection will be thoroughly understood and assimilated +only by the more abstract and philosophical minds.”</p> +<p>By the kind of people, in fact, who read the <i>Spectator</i> +and are called thoughtful; and in point of fact less than a +twelvemonth after this passage was written, natural selection was +publicly abjured as “a theory of the origin of +species” by Mr. Romanes himself, with the implied approval +of the <i>Times</i>.</p> +<p>“Thus,” continues Mr. Allen, “the name of +Darwin will often no doubt be tacked on to what are in reality +the principles of Lamarck.”</p> +<p>It requires no great power of prophecy to foretell this, +considering that it is done daily by nine out of ten who call +themselves Darwinians. Ask ten people of ordinary +intelligence how Mr. Darwin explains the fact that giraffes have +long necks, and nine of them will answer “through +continually stretching them to reach higher and higher +boughs.” They do not understand that this is the +Lamarckian view of evolution, not the Darwinian; nor will Mr. +Allen’s book greatly help the ordinary reader to catch the +difference between the two theories, in spite of his frequent +reference to Mr. Darwin’s “distinctive +feature,” and to his “master-key.” No +doubt the British public will get to understand all about it some +day, but it can hardly be expected to do so all at once, +considering the way in which Mr. Allen and so many more throw +dust in its eyes, and will doubtless continue to throw it as long +as an honest penny is to be turned by doing so. Mr. Allen, +then, is probably right in saying that “the name of Darwin +will no doubt be often tacked on to what are in reality the +principles of Lamarck,” nor can it be denied that Mr. +Darwin, by his practice of using “the theory of natural +selection” as though it were a synonym for “the +theory of descent with modification,” contributed to this +result.</p> +<p>I do not myself doubt that he intended to do this, but Mr. +Allen would say no less confidently he did not. He writes +of Mr. Darwin as follows:—</p> +<p>“Of Darwin’s pure and exalted moral nature no +Englishman of the present generation can trust himself to speak +with becoming moderation.”</p> +<p>He proceeds to trust himself thus:—</p> +<p>“His love of truth, his singleness of heart, his +sincerity, his earnestness, his modesty, his candour, his +absolute sinking of self and selfishness—these, indeed are +all conspicuous to every reader on the very face of every word he +ever printed.”</p> +<p>This “conspicuous sinking of self” is of a piece +with the “delightful unostentatiousness <i>which every one +must have noticed</i>” about which Mr. Allen writes on page +65. Does he mean that Mr. Darwin was “ostentatiously +unostentatious,” or that he was “unostentatiously +ostentatious”? I think we may guess from this passage +who it was that in the old days of the <i>Pall Mall Gazelle</i> +called Mr. Darwin “a master of a certain happy +simplicity.”</p> +<p>Mr. Allen continues:—</p> +<p>“Like his works themselves, they must long outlive +him. But his sympathetic kindliness, his ready generosity, +the staunchness of his friendship, the width and depth and +breadth of his affections, the manner in which ‘he bore +with those who blamed him unjustly without blaming them +again’—these things can never be so well known to any +other generation of men as to the three generations that walked +the world with him” (pp. 174, 175).</p> +<p>Again:—</p> +<p>“He began early in life to collect and arrange a vast +encyclopædia of facts, all finally focussed with supreme +skill upon the great principle he so clearly perceived and so +lucidly expounded. He brought to bear upon the question an +amount of personal observation, of minute experiment, of +world-wide book knowledge, of universal scientific ability, such +as never, perhaps, was lavished by any other man upon any other +department of study. His conspicuous and beautiful love of +truth, his unflinching candour, his transparent fearlessness and +honesty of purpose, his childlike simplicity, his modesty of +demeanour, his charming manner, his affectionate disposition, his +kindliness to friends, his courtesy to opponents, his gentleness +to harsh and often bitter assailants, kindled in the minds of men +of science everywhere throughout the world a contagious +enthusiasm only equalled perhaps among the disciples of Socrates +and the great teachers of the revival of learning. His name +became a rallying-point for the children of light in every +country” (pp. 196, 197).</p> +<p>I need not quote more; the sentence goes on to talk about +“firmly grounding” something which philosophers and +speculators might have taken a century or two more “to +establish in embryo;” but those who wish to see it must +turn to Mr. Allen’s book.</p> +<p>If I have formed too severe an estimate of Mr. Darwin’s +work and character—and this is more than likely—the +fulsomeness of the adulation lavished on him by his admirers for +many years past must be in some measure my excuse. We grow +tired even of hearing Aristides called just, but what is so +freely said about Mr. Darwin puts us in mind more of what the +people said about Herod—that he spoke with the voice of a +God, not of a man. So we saw Professor Ray Lankester hail +him not many years ago as the “greatest of living +men.” <a name="citation224a"></a><a href="#footnote224a" +class="citation">[224a]</a></p> +<p>It is ill for any man’s fame that he should be praised +so extravagantly. Nobody ever was as good as Mr. Darwin +looked, and a counterblast to such a hurricane of praise as has +been lately blowing will do no harm to his ultimate reputation, +even though it too blow somewhat fiercely. Art, character, +literature, religion, science (I have named them in alphabetical +order), thrive best in a breezy, bracing air; I heartily hope I +may never be what is commonly called successful in my own +lifetime—and if I go on as I am doing now, I have a fair +chance of succeeding in not succeeding.</p> +<h2><a name="page225"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +225</span>Chapter XVII<br /> +Professor Ray Lankester and Lamarck</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">Being</span> anxious to give the reader a +sample of the arguments against the theory of natural selection +from among variations that are mainly either directly or +indirectly functional in their inception, or more briefly against +the Erasmus-Darwinian and Lamarckian systems, I can find nothing +more to the point, or more recent, than Professor Ray +Lankester’s letter to the <i>Athenæum</i> of March +29, 1884, to the latter part of which, however, I need alone call +attention. Professor Ray Lankester says:—</p> +<p>“And then we are introduced to the discredited +speculations of Lamarck, which have found a worthy advocate in +Mr. Butler, as really solid contributions to the discovery of the +<i>veræ causæ</i> of variation! A much more +important attempt to do something for Lamarck’s hypothesis, +of the transmission to offspring of structural peculiarities +acquired by the parents, was recently made by an able and +experienced naturalist, Professor Semper of Wurzburg. His +book on ‘Animal Life,’ &c., is published in the +‘International Scientific Series.’ Professor +Semper adduces an immense number and variety of cases of +structural change in animals and plants brought about in the +individual by adaptation (during its individual life-history) to +new conditions. Some of these are very marked changes, such +as the loss of its horny coat in the gizzard of a pigeon fed on +meat; <i>but in no single instance could Professor Semper +show</i>—although it was his object and desire to do so if +possible—that such change was transmitted from parent to +offspring. Lamarckism looks all very well on paper, but, as +Professor Semper’s book shows, when put to the test of +observation and experiment it collapses absolutely.”</p> +<p>I should have thought it would have been enough if it had +collapsed without the “absolutely,” but Professor Ray +Lankester does not like doing things by halves. Few will be +taken in by the foregoing quotation, except those who do not +greatly care whether they are taken in or not; but to save +trouble to readers who may have neither Lamarck nor Professor +Semper at hand, I will put the case as follows:—</p> +<p>Professor Semper writes a book to show, we will say, that the +hour-hand of the clock moves gradually forward, in spite of its +appearing stationary. He makes his case sufficiently clear, +and then might have been content to leave it; nevertheless, in +the innocence of his heart, he adds the admission that though he +had often looked at the clock for a long time together, he had +never been able actually to see the hour-hand moving. +“There now,” exclaims Professor Ray Lankester on +this, “I told you so; the theory collapses absolutely; his +whole object and desire is to show that the hour-hand moves, and +yet when it comes to the point, he is obliged to confess that he +cannot see it do so.” It is not worth while to meet +what Professor Ray Lankester has been above quoted as saying +about Lamarckism beyond quoting the following passage from a +review of “The Neanderthal Skull on Evolution” in the +“Monthly Journal of Science” for June, 1885 (p. +362):—</p> +<p>“On the very next page the author reproduces the +threadbare objection that the ‘supporters of the theory +have never yet succeeded in observing a single instance in all +the millions of years invented (!) in its support of one species +of animal turning into another.’ Now, <i>ex +hypothesi</i>, one species turns into another not rapidly, as in +a transformation scene, but in successive generations, each being +born a shade different from its progenitors. Hence to +observe such a change is excluded by the very terms of the +question. Does Mr. Saville forget Mr. Herbert +Spencer’s apologue of the ephemeron which had never +witnessed the change of a child into a man?”</p> +<p>The apologue, I may say in passing, is not Mr. +Spencer’s; it is by the author of the +“Vestiges,” and will be found on page 161 of the 1853 +edition of that book; but let this pass. How impatient +Professor Ray Lankester is of any attempt to call attention to +the older view of evolution appears perhaps even more plainly in +a review of this same book of Professor Semper’s that +appeared in “Nature,” March 3, 1881. The tenor +of the remarks last quoted shows that though what I am about to +quote is now more than five years old, it may be taken as still +giving us the position which Professor Ray Lankester takes on +these matters. He wrote:—</p> +<p>“It is necessary,” he exclaims, “to plainly +and emphatically state” (Why so much emphasis? Why +not “it should be stated”?) “that Professor +Semper and a few other writers of similar views” <a +name="citation227a"></a><a href="#footnote227a" +class="citation">[227a]</a> (I have sent for the number of +“Modern Thought” referred to by Professor Ray +Lankester but find no article by Mr. Henslow, and do not, +therefore, know what he had said) “are not adding to or +building on Mr. Darwin’s theory, but are actually opposing +all that is essential and distinctive in that theory, by the +revival of the exploded notion of ‘directly transforming +agents’ advocated by Lamarck and others.”</p> +<p>It may be presumed that these writers know they are not +“adding to or building on” Mr. Darwin’s theory, +and do not wish to build on it, as not thinking it a sound +foundation. Professor Ray Lankester says they are +“actually opposing,” as though there were something +intolerably audacious in this; but it is not easy to see why he +should be more angry with them for “actually +opposing” Mr. Darwin than they may be with him, if they +think it worth while, for “actually defending” the +exploded notion of natural selection—for assuredly the +Charles-Darwinian system is now more exploded than +Lamarck’s is.</p> +<p>What Professor Ray Lankester says about Lamarck and +“directly transforming agents” will mislead those who +take his statement without examination. Lamarck does not +say that modification is effected by means of “directly +transforming agents;” nothing can be more alien to the +spirit of his teaching. With him the action of the external +conditions of existence (and these are the only transforming +agents intended by Professor Ray Lankester) is not direct, but +indirect. Change in surroundings changes the +organism’s outlook, and thus changes its desires; desires +changing, there is corresponding change in the actions performed; +actions changing, a corresponding change is by-and-by induced in +the organs that perform them; this, if long continued, will be +transmitted; becoming augmented by accumulation in many +successive generations, and further modifications perhaps arising +through further changes in surroundings, the change will amount +ultimately to specific and generic difference. Lamarck +knows no drug, nor operation, that will medicine one organism +into another, and expects the results of adaptive effort to be so +gradual as to be only perceptible when accumulated in the course +of many generations. When, therefore, Professor Ray +Lankester speaks of Lamarck as having “advocated directly +transforming agents,” he either does not know what he is +talking about, or he is trifling with his readers. +Professor Ray Lankester continues:—</p> +<p>“They do not seem to be aware of this, for they make no +attempt to examine Mr. Darwin’s accumulated facts and +arguments.” Professor Ray Lankester need not shake +Mr. Darwin’s “accumulated facts and arguments” +at us. We have taken more pains to understand them than +Professor Ray Lankester has taken to understand Lamarck, and by +this time know them sufficiently. We thankfully accept by +far the greater number, and rely on them as our sheet-anchors to +save us from drifting on to the quicksands of Neo-Darwinian +natural selection; few of them, indeed, are Mr. Darwin’s, +except in so far as he has endorsed them and given them +publicity, but I do not know that this detracts from their +value. We have paid great attention to Mr. Darwin’s +facts, and if we do not understand all his arguments—for it +is not always given to mortal man to understand these—yet +we think we know what he was driving at. We believe we +understand this to the full as well as Mr. Darwin intended us to +do, and perhaps better. Where the arguments tend to show +that all animals and plants are descended from a common source we +find them much the same as Buffon’s, or as those of Erasmus +Darwin or Lamarck, and have nothing to say against them; where, +on the other hand, they aim at proving that the main means of +modification has been the fact that if an animal has been +“favoured” it will be +“preserved”—then we think that the +animal’s own exertions will, in the long run, have had more +to do with its preservation than any real or fancied +“favour.” Professor Ray Lankester +continues:—</p> +<p>“The doctrine of evolution has become an accepted +truth” (Professor Ray Lankester writes as though the making +of truth and falsehood lay in the hollow of Mr. Darwin’s +hand. Surely “has become accepted” should be +enough; Mr. Darwin did not make the doctrine true) +“entirely in consequence of Mr. Darwin’s having +demonstrated the mechanism.” (There is no mechanism +in the matter, and if there is, Mr. Darwin did not show it. +He made some words which confused us and prevented us from seeing +that “the preservation of favoured races” was a cloak +for “luck,” and that this was all the explanation he +was giving) “by which the evolution is possible; it was +almost universally rejected, while such undemonstrable agencies +as those arbitrarily asserted to exist by Professor Semper and +Mr. George Henslow were the only means suggested by its +advocates.”</p> +<p>Undoubtedly the theory of descent with modification, which +received its first sufficiently ample and undisguised exposition +in 1809 with the “Philosophie Zoologique” of Lamarck, +shared the common fate of all theories that revolutionise opinion +on important matters, and was fiercely opposed by the Huxleys, +Romaneses, Grant Allens, and Ray Lankesters of its time. It +had to face the reaction in favour of the Church which began in +the days of the First Empire, as a natural consequence of the +horrors of the Revolution; it had to face the social influence +and then almost Darwinian reputation of Cuvier, whom Lamarck +could not, or would not, square; it was put forward by one who +was old, poor, and ere long blind. What theory could do +more than just keep itself alive under conditions so +unfavourable? Even under the most favourable conditions +descent with modification would have been a hard plant to rear, +but, as things were, the wonder is that it was not killed +outright at once. We all know how large a share social +influences have in deciding what kind of reception a book or +theory is to meet with; true, these influences are not permanent, +but at first they are almost irresistible; in reality it was not +the theory of descent that was matched against that of fixity, +but Lamarck against Cuvier; who can be surprised that Cuvier for +a time should have had the best of it?</p> +<p>And yet it is pleasant to reflect that his triumph was not, as +triumphs go, long lived. How is Cuvier best known +now? As one who missed a great opportunity; as one who was +great in small things, and stubbornly small in great ones. +Lamarck died in 1831; in 1861 descent with modification was +almost universally accepted by those most competent to form an +opinion. This result was by no means so exclusively due to +Mr. Darwin’s “Origin of Species” as is commonly +believed. During the thirty years that followed 1831 +Lamarck’s opinions made more way than Darwinians are +willing to allow. Granted that in 1861 the theory was +generally accepted under the name of Darwin, not under that of +Lamarck, still it was Lamarck and not Darwin that was being +accepted; it was descent, not descent with modification by means +of natural selection from among fortuitous variations, that we +carried away with us from the “Origin of +Species.” The thing triumphed whether the name was +lost or not. I need not waste the reader’s time by +showing further how little weight he need attach to the fact that +Lamarckism was not immediately received with open arms by an +admiring public. The theory of descent has become accepted +as rapidly, if I am not mistaken, as the Copernican theory, or as +Newton’s theory of gravitation.</p> +<p>When Professor Ray Lankester goes on to speak of the +“undemonstrable agencies” “arbitrarily +asserted” to exist by Professor Semper, he is again +presuming on the ignorance of his readers. Professor +Semper’s agencies are in no way more undemonstrable than +Mr. Darwin’s are. Mr. Darwin was perfectly cogent as +long as he stuck to Lamarck’s demonstration; his arguments +were sound as long as they were Lamarck’s, or developments +of, and riders upon, Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck, and +almost incredibly silly when they were his own. Fortunately +the greater part of the “Origin of Species” is +devoted to proving the theory of descent with modification, by +arguments against which no exception would have been taken by Mr. +Darwin’s three great precursors, except in so far as the +variations whose accumulation results in specific difference are +supposed to be fortuitous—and, to do Mr. Darwin justice, +the fortuitousness, though always within hail, is kept as far as +possible in the background.</p> +<p>“Mr. Darwin’s arguments,” says Professor Ray +Lankester, “rest on the <i>proved</i> existence of minute, +many-sided, irrelative variations <i>not</i> produced by directly +transforming agents.” Mr. Darwin throughout the body +of the “Origin of Species” is not supposed to know +what his variations are or are not produced by; if they come, +they come, and if they do not come, they do not come. True, +we have seen that in the last paragraph of the book all this was +changed, and the variations were ascribed to the conditions of +existence, and to use and disuse, but a concluding paragraph +cannot be allowed to override a whole book throughout which the +variations have been kept to hand as accidental. Mr. +Romanes is perfectly correct when he says <a +name="citation232a"></a><a href="#footnote232a" +class="citation">[232a]</a> that “natural selection” +(meaning the Charles-Darwinian natural selection) “trusts +to the chapter of accidents in the matter of variation” +this is all that Mr. Darwin can tell us; whether they come from +directly transforming agents or no he neither knows nor +says. Those who accept Lamarck will know that the agencies +are not, as a rule, directly transforming, but the followers of +Mr. Darwin cannot.</p> +<p>“But showing themselves,” continues Professor Ray +Lankester, “at each new act of reproduction, as part of the +phenomena of heredity such minute ‘sports’ or +‘variations’ are due to constitutional +disturbance” (No doubt. The difference, however, +between Mr. Darwin and Lamarck consists in the fact that Lamarck +believes he knows what it is that so disturbs the constitution as +generally to induce variation, whereas Mr. Darwin says he does +not know), “and appear not in individuals subjected to new +conditions” (What organism can pass through life without +being subjected to more or less new conditions? What life +is ever the exact fac-simile of another? And in a matter of +such extreme delicacy as the adjustment of psychical and physical +relations, who can say how small a disturbance of established +equilibrium may not involve how great a rearrangement?), +“but in the offspring of all, though more freely in the +offspring of those subjected to special causes of constitutional +disturbance. Mr. Darwin has further proved that these +slight variations can be transmitted and intensified by selective +breeding.”</p> +<p>Mr. Darwin did, indeed, follow Buffon and Lamarck in at once +turning to animals and plants under domestication in order to +bring the plasticity of organic forms more easily home to his +readers, but the fact that variations can be transmitted and +intensified by selective breeding had been so well established +and was so widely known long before Mr. Darwin was born, that he +can no more be said to have proved it than Newton can be said to +have proved the revolution of the earth on its own axis. +Every breeder throughout the world had known it for +centuries. I believe even Virgil knew it.</p> +<p>“They have,” continues Professor Ray Lankester, +“in reference to breeding, a remarkably tenacious, +persistent character, as might be expected from their origin in +connection with the reproductive process.”</p> +<p>The variations do not normally “originate in connection +with the reproductive process,” though it is during this +process that they receive organic expression. They +originate mainly, so far as anything originates anywhere, in the +life of the parent or parents. Without going so far as to +say that no variation can arise in connection with the +reproductive system—for, doubtless, striking and successful +sports do occasionally so arise—it is more probable that +the majority originate earlier. Professor Ray Lankester +proceeds:—</p> +<p>“On the other hand, mutilations and other effects of +directly transforming agents are rarely, if ever, +transmitted.” Professor Ray Lankester ought to know +the facts better than to say that the effects of mutilation are +rarely, if ever, transmitted. The rule is, that they will +not be transmitted unless they have been followed by disease, but +that where disease has supervened they not uncommonly descend to +offspring. <a name="citation234a"></a><a href="#footnote234a" +class="citation">[234a]</a> I know Brown-Séquard +considered it to be the morbid state of the nervous system +consequent upon the mutilation that is transmitted, rather than +the immediate effects of the mutilation, but this distinction is +somewhat finely drawn.</p> +<p>When Professor Ray Lankester talks about the “other +effects of directly transforming agents” being rarely +transmitted, he should first show us the directly transforming +agents. Lamarck, as I have said, knows them not. +“It is little short of an absurdity,” he continues, +“for people to come forward at this epoch, when evolution +is at length accepted solely because of Mr. Darwin’s +doctrine, and coolly to propose to replace that doctrine by the +old notion so often tried and rejected.”</p> +<p>Whether this is an absurdity or no, Professor Lankester will +do well to learn to bear it without showing so much warmth, for +it is one that is becoming common. Evolution has been +accepted not “because of” Mr. Darwin’s +doctrine, but because Mr. Darwin so fogged us about his doctrine +that we did not understand it. We thought we were backing +his bill for descent with modification, whereas we were in +reality backing it for descent with modification by means of +natural selection from among fortuitous variations. This +last really is Mr. Darwin’s theory, except in so far as it +is also Mr. A. R. Wallace’s; descent, alone, is just as +much and just as little Mr. Darwin’s doctrine as it is +Professor Ray Lankester’s or mine. I grant it is in +great measure through Mr. Darwin’s books that descent has +become so widely accepted; it has become so through his books, +but in spite of, rather than by reason of, his doctrine. +Indeed his doctrine was no doctrine, but only a back-door for +himself to escape by in the event of flood or fire; the flood and +fire have come; it remains to be seen how far the door will work +satisfactorily.</p> +<p>Professor Ray Lankester, again, should not say that +Lamarck’s doctrine has been “so often tried and +rejected.” M. Martins, in his edition of the +“Philosophie Zoologique,” <a +name="citation235a"></a><a href="#footnote235a" +class="citation">[235a]</a> said truly that Lamarck’s +theory had never yet had the honour of being seriously +discussed. It never has—not at least in connection +with the name of its propounder. To mention Lamarck’s +name in the presence of the conventional English society +naturalist has always been like shaking a red rag at a cow; he is +at once infuriated; “as if it were possible,” to +quote from Isidore Geoffroy St. Hilaire, whose defence of Lamarck +is one of the best things in his book, <a +name="citation235b"></a><a href="#footnote235b" +class="citation">[235b]</a> “that so great labour on the +part of so great a naturalist should have led him to ‘a +fantastic conclusion’ only—to ‘a flighty +error,’ and, as has been often said, though not written, to +‘one absurdity the more.’ Such was the language +which Lamarck heard during his protracted old age, saddened alike +by the weight of years and blindness; this was what people did +not hesitate to utter over his grave, yet barely closed, and +what, indeed, they are still saying—commonly too, without +any knowledge of what Lamarck maintained, but merely repeating at +second hand bad caricatures of his teaching.</p> +<p>“When will the time come when we may see Lamarck’s +theory discussed, and I may as well at once say refuted, in some +important points, with at any rate the respect due to one of the +most illustrious masters of our science? And when will this +theory, the hardihood of which has been greatly exaggerated, +become freed from the interpretations and commentaries by the +false light of which so many naturalists have formed their +opinion concerning it? If its author is to be condemned, +let it, at any rate, not be before he has been heard.”</p> +<p>Lamarck was the Lazarus of biology. I wish his more +fortunate brethren, instead of intoning the old Church argument +that he has “been refuted over and over again,” would +refer us to some of the best chapters in the writers who have +refuted him. My own reading has led me to become moderately +well acquainted with the literature of evolution, but I have +never come across a single attempt fairly to grapple with +Lamarck, and it is plain that neither Isidore Geoffroy nor M. +Martins knows of such an attempt any more than I do. When +Professor Ray Lankester puts his finger on Lamarck’s weak +places, then, but not till then, may he complain of those who try +to replace Mr. Darwin’s doctrine by Lamarck’s.</p> +<p>Professor Ray Lankester concludes his note thus:—</p> +<p>“That such an attempt should be made is an illustration +of a curious weakness of humanity. Not infrequently, after +a long contested cause has triumphed, and all have yielded +allegiance thereto, you will find, when few generations have +passed, that men have clean forgotten what and who it was that +made that cause triumphant, and ignorantly will set up for honour +the name of a traitor or an impostor, or attribute to a great man +as a merit deeds and thoughts which he spent a long life in +opposing.”</p> +<p>Exactly so; that is what one rather feels, but surely +Professor Ray Lankester should say “in trying to filch +while pretending to oppose and to amend.” He is +complaining here that people persistently ascribe Lamarck’s +doctrine to Mr. Darwin. Of course they do; but, as I have +already perhaps too abundantly asked, whose fault is this? +If a man knows his own mind, and wants others to understand it, +it is not often that he is misunderstood for any length of +time. If he finds he is being misapprehended in a way he +does not like, he will write another book and make his meaning +plainer. He will go on doing this for as long time as he +thinks necessary. I do not suppose, for example, that +people will say I originated the theory of descent by means of +natural selection from among fortunate accidents, or even that I +was one of its supporters as a means of modification; but if this +impression were to prevail, I cannot think I should have much +difficulty in removing it. At any rate no such +misapprehension could endure for more than twenty years, during +which I continued to address a public who welcomed all I wrote, +unless I myself aided and abetted the mistake. Mr. Darwin +wrote many books, but the impression that Darwinism and +evolution, or descent with modification, are identical is still +nearly as prevalent as it was soon after the appearance of the +“Origin of Species;” the reason of this is, that Mr. +Darwin was at no pains to correct us. Where, in any one of +his many later books, is there a passage which sets the matter in +its true light, and enters a protest against the misconception of +which Professor Ray Lankester complains so bitterly? The +only inference from this is, that Mr. Darwin was not displeased +at our thinking him to be the originator of the theory of descent +with modification, and did not want us to know more about Lamarck +than he could help. If we wanted to know about him, we must +find out what he had said for ourselves, it was no part of Mr. +Darwin’s business to tell us; he had no interest in our +catching the distinctive difference between himself and that +writer; perhaps not; but this approaches closely to wishing us to +misunderstand it. When Mr. Darwin wished us to understand +this or that, no one knew better how to show it to us.</p> +<p>We were aware, on reading the “Origin of Species,” +that there was a something about it of which we had not full +hold; nevertheless we gave Mr. Darwin our confidence at once, +partly because he led off by telling us that we must trust him to +a great extent, and explained that the present book was only an +instalment of a larger work which, when it came out, would make +everything perfectly clear; partly, again, because the case for +descent with modification, which was the leading idea throughout +the book, was so obviously strong, but perhaps mainly because +every one said Mr. Darwin was so good, and so much less +self-heeding than other people; besides, he had so +“patiently” and “carefully” accumulated +“such a vast store of facts” as no other naturalist, +living or dead, had ever yet even tried to get together; he was +so kind to us with his, “May we not believe?” and his +“Have we any right to infer that the Creator?” +&c. “Of course we have not,” we exclaimed, +almost with tears in our eyes—“not if you ask us in +that way.” Now that we understand what it was that +puzzled us in Mr. Darwin’s work we do not think highly +either of the chief offender, or of the accessories after the +fact, many of whom are trying to brazen the matter out, and on a +smaller scale to follow his example.</p> +<h2><a name="page239"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +239</span>Chapter XVIII<br /> +Per Contra</h2> +<p>“‘<span class="smcap">The</span> evil that men do +lives after them” <a name="citation239a"></a><a +href="#footnote239a" class="citation">[239a]</a> is happily not +so true as that the good lives after them, while the ill is +buried with their bones, and to no one does this correction of +Shakespeare’s unwonted spleen apply more fully than to Mr. +Darwin. Indeed it was somewhat thus that we treated his +books even while he was alive; the good, descent, remained with +us, while the ill, the deification of luck, was forgotten as soon +as we put down his work. Let me now, therefore, as far as +possible, quit the ungrateful task of dwelling on the defects of +Mr. Darwin’s work and character, for the more pleasant one +of insisting upon their better side, and of explaining how he +came to be betrayed into publishing the “Origin of +Species” without reference to the works of his +predecessors.</p> +<p>In the outset I would urge that it is not by any single book +that Mr. Darwin should be judged. I do not believe that any +one of the three principal works on which his reputation is +founded will maintain with the next generation the place it has +acquired with ourselves; nevertheless, if asked to say who was +the man of our own times whose work had produced the most +important, and, on the whole, beneficial effect, I should perhaps +wrongly, but still both instinctively and on reflection, name him +to whom I have, unfortunately, found myself in more bitter +opposition than to any other in the whole course of my +life. I refer, of course, to Mr. Darwin.</p> +<p>His claim upon us lies not so much in what is actually found +within the four corners of any one of his books, as in the fact +of his having written them at all—in the fact of his having +brought out one after another, with descent always for its +keynote, until the lesson was learned too thoroughly to make it +at all likely that it will be forgotten. Mr. Darwin wanted +to move his generation, and had the penetration to see that this +is not done by saying a thing once for all and leaving it. +It almost seems as though it matters less what a man says than +the number of times he repeats it, in a more or less varied +form. It was here the author of the “Vestiges of +Creation” made his most serious mistake. He relied on +new editions, and no one pays much attention to new +editions—the mark a book makes is almost always made by its +first edition. If, instead of bringing out a series of +amended editions during the fifteen years’ law which Mr. +Darwin gave him, Mr. Chambers had followed up the +“Vestiges” with new book upon new book, he would have +learned much more, and, by consequence, not have been snuffed out +so easily once for all as he was in 1859 when the “Origin +of Species” appeared.</p> +<p>The tenacity of purpose which appears to have been one of Mr. +Darwin’s most remarkable characteristics was visible even +in his outward appearance. He always reminded me of +Raffaelle’s portrait of Pope Julius the Second, which, +indeed, would almost do for a portrait of Mr. Darwin +himself. I imagine that these two men, widely as the sphere +of their action differed, must have been like each other in more +respects than looks alone. Each, certainly, had a hand of +iron; whether Pope Julius wore a velvet glove or no, I do not +know; I rather think not, for, if I remember rightly, he boxed +Michael Angelo’s ears for giving him a saucy answer. +We cannot fancy Mr. Darwin boxing any one’s ears; indeed +there can be no doubt he wore a very thick velvet glove, but the +hand underneath it was none the less of iron. It was to his +tenacity of purpose, doubtless, that his success was mainly due; +but for this he must inevitably have fallen before the many +inducements to desist from the pursuit of his main object, which +beset him in the shape of ill health, advancing years, ample +private means, large demands upon his time, and a reputation +already great enough to satisfy the ambition of any ordinary +man.</p> +<p>I do not gather from those who remember Mr. Darwin as a boy, +and as a young man, that he gave early signs of being likely to +achieve greatness; nor, as it seems to me, is there any sign of +unusual intellectual power to be detected in his earliest +book. Opening this “almost” at random I +read—“Earthquakes alone are sufficient to destroy the +prosperity of any country. If, for instance, beneath +England the now inert subterraneous forces should exert those +powers which most assuredly in former geological ages they have +exerted, how completely would the entire condition of the country +be changed! What would become of the lofty houses, +thickly-packed cities, great manufacturies (<i>sic</i>), the +beautiful public and private edifices? If the new period of +disturbance were to commence by some great earthquake in the dead +of night, how terrific would be the carnage! England would +be at once bankrupt; all papers, records, and accounts would from +that moment be lost. Government being unable to collect the +taxes, and failing to maintain its authority, the hand of +violence and rapine would go uncontrolled. In every large +town famine would be proclaimed, pestilence and death following +in its train.” <a name="citation240a"></a><a +href="#footnote240a" class="citation">[240a]</a> Great +allowance should be made for a first work, and I admit that much +interesting matter is found in Mr. Darwin’s journal; still, +it was hardly to be expected that the writer who at the age of +thirty-three could publish the foregoing passage should twenty +years later achieve the reputation of being the profoundest +philosopher of his time.</p> +<p>I have not sufficient technical knowledge to enable me to +speak certainly, but I question his having been the great +observer and master of experiment which he is generally believed +to have been. His accuracy was, I imagine, generally to be +relied upon as long as accuracy did not come into conflict with +his interests as a leader in the scientific world; when these +were at stake he was not to be trusted for a moment. +Unfortunately they were directly or indirectly at stake more +often than one could wish. His book on the action of worms, +however, was shown by Professor Paley and other writers <a +name="citation242a"></a><a href="#footnote242a" +class="citation">[242a]</a> to contain many serious errors and +omissions, though it involved no personal question; but I imagine +him to have been more or less <i>hébété</i> +when he wrote this book. On the whole I should doubt his +having been a better observer of nature than nine country +gentlemen out of ten who have a taste for natural history.</p> +<p>Presumptuous as I am aware it must appear to say so, I am +unable to see more than average intellectual power even in Mr. +Darwin’s later books. His great contribution to +science is supposed to have been the theory of natural selection, +but enough has been said to show that this, if understood as he +ought to have meant it to be understood, cannot be rated highly +as an intellectual achievement. His other most important +contribution was his provisional theory of pan-genesis, which is +admitted on all hands to have been a failure. Though, +however, it is not likely that posterity will consider him as a +man of transcendent intellectual power, he must be admitted to +have been richly endowed with a much more valuable quality than +either originality or literary power—I mean with <i>savoir +faire</i>. The cards he held—and, on the whole, his +hand was a good one—he played with judgment; and though not +one of those who would have achieved greatness under any +circumstances, he nevertheless did achieve greatness of no mean +order. Greatness, indeed, of the highest kind—that of +one who is without fear and without reproach—will not +ultimately be allowed him, but greatness of a rare kind can only +be denied him by those whose judgment is perverted by temper or +personal ill-will. He found the world believing in fixity +of species, and left it believing—in spite of his own +doctrine—in descent with modification.</p> +<p>I have said on an earlier page that Mr. Darwin was heir to a +discredited truth, and left behind him an accredited +fallacy. This is true as regards men of science and +cultured classes who understood his distinctive feature, or +thought they did, and so long as Mr. Darwin lived accepted it +with very rare exceptions; but it is not true as regards the +unreading, unreflecting public, who seized the salient point of +descent with modification only, and troubled themselves little +about the distinctive feature. It would almost seem as if +Mr. Darwin had reversed the usual practice of philosophers and +given his esoteric doctrine to the world, while reserving the +exoteric for his most intimate and faithful adherents. +This, however, is a detail; the main fact is, that Mr. Darwin +brought us all round to evolution. True, it was Mr. Darwin +backed by the <i>Times</i> and the other most influential organs +of science and culture, but it was one of Mr. Darwin’s +great merits to have developed and organised this backing, as +part of the work which he knew was essential if so great a +revolution was to be effected.</p> +<p>This is an exceedingly difficult and delicate thing to +do. If people think they need only write striking and +well-considered books, and that then the <i>Times</i> will +immediately set to work to call attention to them, I should +advise them not to be too hasty in basing action upon this +hypothesis. I should advise them to be even less hasty in +basing it upon the assumption that to secure a powerful literary +backing is a matter within the compass of any one who chooses to +undertake it. No one who has not a strong social position +should ever advance a new theory, unless a life of hard fighting +is part of what he lays himself out for. It was one of Mr. +Darwin’s great merits that he had a strong social position, +and had the good sense to know how to profit by it. The +magnificent feat which he eventually achieved was unhappily +tarnished by much that detracts from the splendour that ought to +have attended it, but a magnificent feat it must remain.</p> +<p>Whose work in this imperfect world is not tarred and tarnished +by something that detracts from its ideal character? It is +enough that a man should be the right man in the right place, and +this Mr. Darwin pre-eminently was. If he had been more like +the ideal character which Mr. Allen endeavours to represent him, +it is not likely that he would have been able to do as much, or +nearly as much, as he actually did; he would have been too wide a +cross with his generation to produce much effect upon it. +Original thought is much more common than is generally +believed. Most people, if they only knew it, could write a +good book or play, paint a good picture, compose a fine oratorio; +but it takes an unusually able person to get the book well +reviewed, persuade a manager to bring the play out, sell the +picture, or compass the performance of the oratorio; indeed, the +more vigorous and original any one of these things may be, the +more difficult will it prove to even bring it before the notice +of the public. The error of most original people is in +being just a trifle too original. It was in his business +qualities—and these, after all, are the most essential to +success, that Mr. Darwin showed himself so superlative. +These are not only the most essential to success, but it is only +by blaspheming the world in a way which no good citizen of the +world will do, that we can deny them to be the ones which should +most command our admiration. We are in the world; surely so +long as we are in it we should be of it, and not give ourselves +airs as though we were too good for our generation, and would lay +ourselves out to please any other by preference. Mr. Darwin +played for his own generation, and he got in the very amplest +measure the recognition which he endeavoured, as we all do, to +obtain.</p> +<p>His success was, no doubt, in great measure due to the fact +that he knew our little ways, and humoured them; but if he had +not had little ways of his own, he never could have been so much +<i>au fait</i> with ours. He knew, for example, we should +be pleased to hear that he had taken his boots off so as not to +disturb his worms when watching them by night, so he told us of +this, and we were delighted. He knew we should like his +using the word “sag,” so he used it, <a +name="citation245a"></a><a href="#footnote245a" +class="citation">[245a]</a> and we said it was beautiful. +True, he used it wrongly, for he was writing about tesselated +pavement, and builders assure me that “sag” is a word +which applies to timber only, but this is not to the point; the +point was, that Mr. Darwin should have used a word that we did +not understand; this showed that he had a vast fund of knowledge +at his command about all sorts of practical details with which he +might have well been unacquainted. We do not deal the same +measure to man and to the lower animals in the matter of +intelligence; the less we understand these last, the less, we +say, not we, but they can understand; whereas the less we can +understand a man, the more intelligent we are apt to think +him. No one should neglect by-play of this description; if +I live to be strong enough to carry it through, I mean to play +“cambre,” and I shall spell it +“camber.” I wonder Mr. Darwin never abused this +word. Laugh at him, however, as we may for having said +“sag,” if he had not been the kind of man to know the +value of these little hits, neither would he have been the kind +of man to persuade us into first tolerating, and then cordially +accepting, descent with modification. There is a +correlation of mental as well as of physical growth, and we could +not probably have had one set of Mr. Darwin’s qualities +without the other. If he had been more faultless, he might +have written better books, but we should have listened +worse. A book’s prosperity is like a +jest’s—in the ear of him that hears it.</p> +<p>Mr. Spencer would not—at least one cannot think he +would—have been able to effect the revolution which will +henceforth doubtless be connected with Mr. Darwin’s +name. He had been insisting on evolution for some years +before the “Origin of Species” came out, but he might +as well have preached to the winds, for all the visible effect +that had been produced. On the appearance of Mr. +Darwin’s book the effect was instantaneous; it was like the +change in the condition of a patient when the right medicine has +been hit on after all sorts of things have been tried and +failed. Granted that it was comparatively easy for Mr. +Darwin, as having been born into the household of one of the +prophets of evolution, to arrive at conclusions about the fixity +of species which, if not so born, he might never have reached at +all; this does not make it any easier for him to have got others +to agree with him. Any one, again, may have money left him, +or run up against it, or have it run up against him, as it does +against some people, but it is only a very sensible person who +does not lose it. Moreover, once begin to go behind +achievement and there is an end of everything. Did the +world give much heed to or believe in evolution before Mr. +Darwin’s time? Certainly not. Did we begin to +attend and be persuaded soon after Mr. Darwin began to +write? Certainly yes. Did we ere long go over <i>en +masse</i>? Assuredly. If, as I said in “Life +and Habit,” any one asks who taught the world to believe in +evolution, the answer to the end of time must be that it was Mr. +Darwin. And yet the more his work is looked at, the more +marvellous does its success become. It seems as if some +organisms can do anything with anything. Beethoven picked +his teeth with the snuffers, and seems to have picked them +sufficiently to his satisfaction. So Mr. Darwin with one of +the worst styles imaginable did all that the clearest, tersest +writer could have done. Strange, that such a master of +cunning (in the sense of my title) should have been the apostle +of luck, and one so terribly unlucky as Lamarck, of cunning, but +such is the irony of nature. Buffon planted, Erasmus Darwin +and Lamarck watered, but it was Mr. Darwin who said, “That +fruit is ripe,” and shook it into his lap.</p> +<p>With this Mr. Darwin’s best friends ought to be content; +his admirers are not well advised in representing him as endowed +with all sorts of qualities which he was very far from +possessing. Thus it is pretended that he was one of those +men who were ever on the watch for new ideas, ever ready to give +a helping hand to those who were trying to advance our knowledge, +ever willing to own to a mistake and give up even his most +cherished ideas if truth required them at his hands. No +conception can be more wantonly inexact. I grant that if a +writer was sufficiently at once incompetent and obsequious Mr. +Darwin was “ever ready,” &c. So the +Emperors of Austria wash a few poor people’s feet on some +one of the festivals of the Church, but it would not be safe to +generalise from this yearly ceremony, and conclude that the +Emperors of Austria are in the habit of washing poor +people’s feet. I can understand Mr. Darwin’s +not having taken any public notice, for example, of “Life +and Habit,” for though I did not attack him in force in +that book, it was abundantly clear that an attack could not be +long delayed, and a man may be pardoned for not doing anything to +advertise the works of his opponents; but there is no excuse for +his never having referred to Professor Hering’s work either +in “Nature,” when Professor Ray Lankester first +called attention to it (July 13, 1876), or in some one of his +subsequent books. If his attitude towards those who worked +in the same field as himself had been the generous one which his +admirers pretend, he would have certainly come forward, not +necessarily as adopting Professor Hering’s theory, but +still as helping it to obtain a hearing.</p> +<p>His not having done so is of a piece with his silence about +Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck in the early editions of the +“Origin of Species,” and with the meagre reference to +them which is alone found in the later ones. It is of a +piece also with the silence which Mr. Darwin invariably +maintained when he saw his position irretrievably damaged, as, +for example, by Mr. Spencer’s objection already referred +to, and by the late Professor Fleeming Jenkin in the <i>North +British Review</i> (June 1867). Science, after all, should +form a kingdom which is more or less not of this world. The +ideal scientist should know neither self nor friend nor +foe—he should be able to hob-nob with those whom he most +vehemently attacks, and to fly at the scientific throat of those +to whom he is personally most attached; he should be neither +grateful for a favourable review nor displeased at a hostile one; +his literary and scientific life should be something as far apart +as possible from his social; it is thus, at least, alone that any +one will be able to keep his eye single for facts, and their +legitimate inferences. We have seen Professor Mivart lately +taken to task by Mr. Romanes for having said <a +name="citation248a"></a><a href="#footnote248a" +class="citation">[248a]</a> that Mr. Darwin was singularly +sensitive to criticism, and made it impossible for Professor +Mivart to continue friendly personal relations with him after he +had ventured to maintain his own opinion. I see no reason +to question Professor Mivart’s accuracy, and find what he +has said to agree alike with my own personal experience of Mr. +Darwin, and with all the light that his works throw upon his +character.</p> +<p>The most substantial apology that can be made for his attempt +to claim the theory of descent with modification is to be found +in the practice of Lamarck, Mr. Patrick Matthew, the author of +the “Vestiges of Creation,” and Mr. Herbert Spencer, +and, again, in the total absence of complaint which this practice +met with. If Lamarck might write the “Philosophie +Zoologique” without, so far as I remember, one word of +reference to Buffon, and without being complained of, why might +not Mr. Darwin write the “Origin of Species” without +more than a passing allusion to Lamarck? Mr. Patrick +Matthew, again, though writing what is obviously a +<i>résumé</i> of the evolutionary theories of his +time, makes no mention of Lamarck, Erasmus Darwin, or +Buffon. I have not the original edition of the +“Vestiges of Creation” before me, but feel sure I am +justified in saying that it claimed to be a more or less +Minerva-like work, that sprang full armed from the brain of Mr. +Chambers himself. This at least is how it was received by +the public; and, however violent the opposition it met with, I +cannot find that its author was blamed for not having made +adequate mention of Lamarck. When Mr. Spencer wrote his +first essay on evolution in the <i>Leader</i> (March 20, 1852) he +did indeed begin his argument, “Those who cavalierly reject +the doctrine of Lamarck,” &c., so that his essay +purports to be written in support of Lamarck; but when he +republished his article in 1858, the reference to Lamarck was cut +out.</p> +<p>I make no doubt that it was the bad example set him by the +writers named in the preceding paragraph which betrayed Mr. +Darwin into doing as they did, but being more conscientious than +they, he could not bring himself to do it without having +satisfied himself that he had got hold of a more or less +distinctive feature, and this, of course, made matters +worse. The distinctive feature was not due to any deep-laid +plan for pitchforking mind out of the universe, or as part of a +scheme of materialistic philosophy, though it has since been made +to play an important part in the attempt to further this; Mr. +Darwin was perfectly innocent of any intention of getting rid of +mind, and did not, probably, care the toss of sixpence whether +the universe was instinct with mind or no—what he did care +about was carrying off the palm in the matter of descent with +modification, and the distinctive feature was an adjunct with +which his nervous, sensitive, Gladstonian nature would not allow +him to dispense.</p> +<p>And why, it may be asked, should not the palm be given to Mr. +Darwin if he wanted it, and was at so much pains to get it? +Why, if science is a kingdom not of this world, make so much fuss +about settling who is entitled to what? At best such +questions are of a sorry personal nature, that can have little +bearing upon facts, and it is these that alone should concern +us. The answer is, that if the question is so merely +personal and unimportant, Mr. Darwin may as well yield as Buffon, +Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck; Mr. Darwin’s admirers find no +difficulty in appreciating the importance of a personal element +as far as he is concerned; let them not wonder, then, if others, +while anxious to give him the laurels to which he is entitled, +are somewhat indignant at the attempt to crown him with leaves +that have been filched from the brows of the great dead who went +before him. <i>Palmam qui meruit ferat</i>. The +instinct which tells us that no man in the scientific or literary +world should claim more than his due is an old and, I imagine, a +wholesome one, and if a scientific self-denying ordinance is +demanded, we may reply with justice, <i>Que messieurs les +Charles-Darwinies commencent</i>. Mr. Darwin will have a +crown sufficient for any ordinary brow remaining in the +achievement of having done more than any other writer, living or +dead, to popularise evolution. This much may be +ungrudgingly conceded to him, but more than this those who have +his scientific position most at heart will be well advised if +they cease henceforth to demand.</p> +<h2><a name="page251"></a><span class="pagenum">p. +251</span>Chapter XIX<br /> +Conclusion</h2> +<p><span class="smcap">And</span> now I bring this book to a +conclusion. So many things requiring attention have +happened since it was begun that I leave it in a very different +shape to the one which it was originally intended to bear. +I have omitted much that I had meant to deal with, and have been +tempted sometimes to introduce matter the connection of which +with my subject is not immediately apparent. Such however, +as the book is, it must now go in the form into which it has +grown almost more in spite of me than from <i>malice prepense</i> +on my part. I was afraid that it might thus set me at +defiance, and in an early chapter expressed a doubt whether I +should find it redound greatly to my advantage with men of +science; in this concluding chapter I may say that doubt has +deepened into something like certainty. I regret this, but +cannot help it.</p> +<p>Among the points with which it was most incumbent upon me to +deal was that of vegetable intelligence. A reader may well +say that unless I give plants much the same sense of pleasure and +pain, memory, power of will, and intelligent perception of the +best way in which to employ their opportunities that I give to +low animals, my argument falls to the ground. If I declare +organic modification to be mainly due to function, and hence in +the closest correlation with mental change, I must give plants, +as well as animals, a mind, and endow them with power to reflect +and reason upon all that most concerns them. Many who will +feel little difficulty about admitting that animal modification +is upon the whole mainly due to the secular cunning of the +animals themselves will yet hesitate before they admit that +plants also can have a reason and cunning of their own.</p> +<p>Unwillingness to concede this is based principally upon the +error concerning intelligence to which I have already +referred—I mean to our regarding intelligence not so much +as the power of understanding as that of being understood by +ourselves. Once admit that the evidence in favour of a +plant’s knowing its own business depends more on the +efficiency with which that business is conducted than either on +our power of understanding how it can be conducted, or on any +signs on the plant’s part of a capacity for understanding +things that do not concern it, and there will be no further +difficulty about supposing that in its own sphere a plant is just +as intelligent as an animal, and keeps a sharp look-out upon its +own interests, however indifferent it may seem to be to +ours. So strong has been the set of recent opinion in this +direction that with botanists the foregoing now almost goes +without saying, though few five years ago would have accepted +it.</p> +<p>To no one of the several workers in this field are we more +indebted for the change which has been brought about in this +respect than to my late valued and lamented friend Mr. Alfred +Tylor. Mr. Tylor was not the discoverer of the protoplasmic +continuity that exists in plants, but he was among the very first +to welcome this discovery, and his experiments at Carshalton in +the years 1883 and 1884 demonstrated that, whether there was +protoplasmic continuity in plants or no, they were at any rate +endowed with some measure of reason, forethought, and power of +self-adaptation to varying surroundings. It is not for me +to give the details of these experiments. I had the good +fortune to see them more than once while they were in progress, +and was present when they were made the subject of a paper read +by Mr. Sydney B. J. Skertchly before the Linnean Society, Mr. +Tylor being then too ill to read it himself. The paper has +since been edited by Mr. Skertchly, and published. <a +name="citation253a"></a><a href="#footnote253a" +class="citation">[253a]</a> Anything that should be said +further about it will come best from Mr. Skertchly; it will be +enough here if I give the <i>résumé</i> of it +prepared by Mr. Tylor himself.</p> +<p>In this Mr. Tylor said:—“The principles which +underlie this paper are the individuality of plants, the +necessity for some co-ordinating system to enable the parts to +act in concert, and the probability that this also necessitates +the admission that plants have a dim sort of intelligence.</p> +<p>“It is shown that a tree, for example, is something more +than an aggregation of tissues, but is a complex being performing +acts as a whole, and not merely responsive to the direct +influence of light, &c. The tree knows more than its +branches, as the species know more than the individual, the +community than the unit.</p> +<p>“Moreover, inasmuch as my experiments show that many +plants and trees possess the power of adapting themselves to +unfamiliar circumstances, such as, for instance, avoiding +obstacles by bending aside before touching, or by altering the +leaf arrangement, it seems probable that at least as much +voluntary power must be accorded to such plants as to certain +lowly organised animals.</p> +<p>“Finally, a connecting system by means of which combined +movements take place is found in the threads of protoplasm which +unite the various cells, and which I have now shown to exist even +in the wood of trees.</p> +<p>“One of the important facts seems to be the universality +of the upward curvature of the tips of growing branches of trees, +and the power possessed by the tree to straighten its branches +afterwards, so that new growth shall by similar means be able to +obtain the necessary light and air.</p> +<p>“A house, to use a sanitary analogy, is functionally +useless without it obtains a good supply of light and air. +The architect strives so to produce the house as to attain this +end, and still leave the house comfortable. But the house, +though dependent upon, is not produced by, the light and +air. So a tree is functionally useless, and cannot even +exist without a proper supply of light and air; but, whereas it +has been the custom to ascribe the heliotropic and other motions +to the direct influence of those agents, I would rather suggest +that the movements are to some extent due to the desire of the +plant to acquire its necessaries of life.”</p> +<p>The more I have reflected upon Mr. Tylor’s Carshalton +experiments, the more convinced I am of their great value. +No one, indeed, ought to have doubted that plants were +intelligent, but we all of us do much that we ought not to do, +and Mr. Tylor supplied a demonstration which may be henceforth +authoritatively appealed to.</p> +<p>I will take the present opportunity of insisting upon a +suggestion which I made in “Alps and Sanctuaries” +(New edition, pp. 152, 153), with which Mr. Tylor was much +pleased, and which, at his request, I made the subject of a few +words that I ventured to say at the Linnean Society’s rooms +after his paper had been read. “Admitting,” I +said, “the common protoplasmic origin of animals and +plants, and setting aside the notion that plants preceded +animals, we are still faced by the problem why protoplasm should +have developed into the organic life of the world, along two main +lines, and only two—the animal and the vegetable. +Why, if there was an early schism—and this there clearly +was—should there not have been many subsequent ones of +equal importance? We see innumerable sub-divisions of +animals and plants, but we see no other such great subdivision of +organic life as that whereby it ranges itself, for the most part +readily, as either animal or vegetable. Why any +subdivision?—but if any, why not more than two great +classes?”</p> +<p>The two main stems of the tree of life ought, one would think, +to have been formed on the same principle as the boughs which +represent genera, and the twigs which stand for species and +varieties. If specific differences arise mainly from +differences of action taken in consequence of differences of +opinion, then, so ultimately do generic; so, therefore, again, do +differences between families; so therefore, by analogy, should +that greatest of differences in virtue of which the world of life +is mainly animal, or vegetable. In this last case as much +as in that of specific difference, we ought to find divergent +form the embodiment and organic expression of divergent +opinion. Form is mind made manifest in flesh through +action: shades of mental difference being expressed in shades of +physical difference, while broad fundamental differences of +opinion are expressed in broad fundamental differences of bodily +shape.</p> +<p>Or to put it thus:—</p> +<p>If form and habit be regarded as functionally interdependent, +that is to say, if neither form nor habit can vary without +corresponding variation in the other, and if habit and opinion +concerning advantage are also functionally interdependent, it +follows self-evidently that form and opinion concerning advantage +(and hence form and cunning) will be functionally interdependent +also, and that there can be no great modification of the one +without corresponding modification of the other. Let there, +then, be a point in respect of which opinion might be early and +easily divided—a point in respect of which two courses +involving different lines of action presented equally-balanced +advantages—and there would be an early subdivision of +primordial life, according as the one view or the other was +taken.</p> +<p>It is obvious that the pros and cons for either course must be +supposed very nearly equal, otherwise the course which presented +the fewest advantages would be attended with the probable gradual +extinction of the organised beings that adopted it, but there +being supposed two possible modes of action very evenly balanced +as regards advantage and disadvantages, then the ultimate +appearance of two corresponding forms of life is a +<i>sequitur</i> from the admission that form varies as function, +and function as opinion concerning advantage. If there are +three, four, five, or six such opinions tenable, we ought to have +three, four, five, or six main subdivisions of life. As +things are, we have two only. Can we, then, see a matter on +which opinion was likely to be easily and early divided into two, +and only two, main divisions—no third course being +conceivable? If so, this should suggest itself as the +probable source from which the two main forms of organic life +have been derived.</p> +<p>I submit that we can see such a matter in the question whether +it pays better to sit still and make the best of what comes in +one’s way, or to go about in search of what one can +find. Of course we, as animals, naturally hold that it is +better to go about in search of what we can find than to sit +still and make the best of what comes; but there is still so much +to be said on the other side, that many classes of animals have +settled down into sessile habits, while a perhaps even larger +number are, like spiders, habitual liers in wait rather than +travellers in search of food. I would ask my reader, +therefore, to see the opinion that it is better to go in search +of prey as formulated, and finding its organic expression, in +animals; and the other—that it is better to be ever on the +look-out to make the best of what chance brings up to +them—in plants. Some few intermediate forms still +record to us the long struggle during which the schism was not +yet complete, and the halting between two opinions which it might +be expected that some organisms should exhibit.</p> +<p>“Neither class,” I said in “Alps and +Sanctuaries,” “has been quite consistent. Who +ever is or can be? Every extreme—every opinion +carried to its logical end—will prove to be an +absurdity. Plants throw out roots and boughs and leaves; +this is a kind of locomotion; and, as Dr. Erasmus Darwin long +since pointed out, they do sometimes approach nearly to what may +be called travelling; a man of consistent character will never +look at a bough, a root, or a tendril without regarding it as a +melancholy and unprincipled compromise” (New edition, p. +153).</p> +<p>Having called attention to this view, and commended it to the +consideration of my readers, I proceed to another which should +not have been left to be touched upon only in a final chapter, +and which, indeed, seems to require a book to itself—I +refer to the origin and nature of the feelings, which those who +accept volition as having had a large share in organic +modification must admit to have had a no less large share in the +formation of volition. Volition grows out of ideas, ideas +from feelings. What, then, is feeling, and the subsequent +mental images or ideas?</p> +<p>The image of a stone formed in our minds is no representation +of the object which has given rise to it. Not only, as has +been often remarked, is there no resemblance between the +particular thought and the particular thing, but thoughts and +things generally are too unlike to be compared. An idea of +a stone may be like an idea of another stone, or two stones may +be like one another; but an idea of a stone is not like a stone; +it cannot be thrown at anything, it occupies no room in space, +has no specific gravity, and when we come to know more about +stones, we find our ideas concerning them to be but rude, +epitomised, and highly conventional renderings of the actual +facts, mere hieroglyphics, in fact, or, as it were, counters or +bank-notes, which serve to express and to convey commodities with +which they have no pretence of analogy.</p> +<p>Indeed we daily find that, as the range of our perceptions +becomes enlarged either by invention of new appliances or after +use of old ones, we change our ideas though we have no reason to +think that the thing about which we are thinking has +changed. In the case of a stone, for instance, the rude, +unassisted, uneducated senses see it as above all things +motionless, whereas assisted and trained ideas concerning it +represent motion as its most essential characteristic; but the +stone has not changed. So, again, the uneducated idea +represents it as above all things mindless, and is as little able +to see mind in connection with it as it lately was to see motion; +it will be no greater change of opinion than we have most of us +undergone already if we come presently to see it as no less full +of elementary mind than of elementary motion, but the stone will +not have changed.</p> +<p>The fact that we modify our opinions suggests that our ideas +are formed not so much in involuntary self-adjusting mimetic +correspondence with the objects that we believe to give rise to +them, as by what was in the outset voluntary, conventional +arrangement in whatever way we found convenient, of sensation and +perception-symbols, which had nothing whatever to do with the +objects, and were simply caught hold of as the only things we +could grasp. It would seem as if, in the first instance, we +must have arbitrarily attached some one of the few and vague +sensations which we could alone at first command, to certain +motions of outside things as echoed by our brain, and used them +to think and feel the things with, so as to docket them, and +recognise them with greater force, certainty, and +clearness—much as we use words to help us to docket and +grasp our feelings and thoughts, or written characters to help us +to docket and grasp our words.</p> +<p>If this view be taken we stand in much the same attitude +towards our feelings as a dog may be supposed to do towards our +own reading and writing. The dog may be supposed to marvel +at the wonderful instinctive faculty by which we can tell the +price of the different railway stocks merely by looking at a +sheet of paper; he supposes this power to be a part of our +nature, to have come of itself by luck and not by cunning, but a +little reflection will show that feeling is not more likely to +have “come by nature” than reading and writing +are. Feeling is in all probability the result of the same +kind of slow laborious development as that which has attended our +more recent arts and our bodily organs; its development must be +supposed to have followed the same lines as that of our other +arts, and indeed of the body itself, which is the <i>ars +artium</i>—for growth of mind is throughout coincident with +growth of organic resources, and organic resources grow with +growing mind.</p> +<p>Feeling is the art the possession of which differentiates the +civilised organic world from that of brute inorganic matter, but +still it is an art; it is the outcome of a mind that is common +both to organic and inorganic, and which the organic has alone +cultivated. It is not a part of mind itself; it is no more +this than language and writing are parts of thought. The +organic world can alone feel, just as man can alone speak; but as +speech is only the development of powers the germs of which are +possessed by the lower animals, so feeling is only a sign of the +employment and development of powers the germs of which exist in +inorganic substances. It has all the characteristics of an +art, and though it must probably rank as the oldest of those arts +that are peculiar to the organic world, it is one which is still +in process of development. None of us, indeed, can feel +well on more than a very few subjects, and many can hardly feel +at all.</p> +<p>But, however this may be, our sensations and perceptions of +material phenomena are attendant on the excitation of certain +motions in the anterior parts of the brain. Whenever +certain motions are excited in this substance, certain sensations +and ideas of resistance, extension, &c., are either +concomitant, or ensue within a period too brief for our +cognisance. It is these sensations and ideas that we +directly cognise, and it is to them that we have attached the +idea of the particular kind of matter we happen to be thinking +of. As this idea is not like the thing itself, so neither +is it like the motions in our brain on which it is +attendant. It is no more like these than, say, a stone is +like the individual characters, written or spoken, that form the +word “stone,” or than these last are, in sound, like +the word “stone” itself, whereby the idea of a stone +is so immediately and vividly presented to us. True, this +does not involve that our idea shall not resemble the object that +gave rise to it, any more than the fact that a looking-glass +bears no resemblance to the things reflected in it involves that +the reflection shall not resemble the things reflected; the +shifting nature, however, of our ideas and conceptions is enough +to show that they must be symbolical, and conditioned by changes +going on within ourselves as much as by those outside us; and if, +going behind the ideas which suffice for daily use, we extend our +inquiries in the direction of the reality underlying our +conception, we find reason to think that the brain-motions which +attend our conception correspond with exciting motions in the +object that occasions it, and that these, rather than anything +resembling our conception itself, should be regarded as the +reality.</p> +<p>This leads to a third matter, on which I can only touch with +extreme brevity.</p> +<p>Different modes of motion have long been known as the causes +of our different colour perceptions, or at any rate as associated +therewith, and of late years, more especially since the +promulgation of Newlands’ <a name="citation260a"></a><a +href="#footnote260a" class="citation">[260a]</a> law, it has been +perceived that what we call the kinds or properties of matter are +not less conditioned by motion than colour is. The +substance or essence of unconditioned matter, as apart from the +relations between its various states (which we believe to be its +various conditions of motion) must remain for ever unknown to us, +for it is only the relations between the conditions of the +underlying substance that we cognise at all, and where there are +no conditions, there is nothing for us to seize, compare, and, +hence, cognise; unconditioned matter must, therefore, be as +inconceivable by us as unmattered condition; <a +name="citation261a"></a><a href="#footnote261a" +class="citation">[261a]</a> but though we can know nothing about +matter as apart from its conditions or states, opinion has been +for some time tending towards the belief that what we call the +different states, or kinds, of matter are only our ways of +mentally characterising and docketing our estimates of the +different kinds of motion going on in this otherwise uncognisable +substratum.</p> +<p>Our conception, then, concerning the nature of any matter +depends solely upon its kind and degree of unrest, that is to +say, on the characteristics of the vibrations that are going on +within it. The exterior object vibrating in a certain way +imparts some of its vibrations to our brain—but if the +state of the thing itself depends upon its vibrations, it must be +considered as to all intents and purposes the vibrations +themselves—plus, of course, the underlying substance that +is vibrating. If, for example, a pat of butter is a portion +of the unknowable underlying substance in such-and-such a state +of molecular disturbance, and it is only by alteration of the +disturbance that the substance can be altered—the +disturbance of the substance is practically equivalent to the +substance: a pat of butter is such-and-such a disturbance of the +unknowable underlying substance, and such-and-such a disturbance +of the underlying substance is a pat of butter. In +communicating its vibrations, therefore, to our brain a substance +does actually communicate what is, as far as we are concerned, a +portion of itself. Our perception of a thing and its +attendant feeling are symbols attaching to an introduction within +our brain of a feeble state of the thing itself. Our +recollection of it is occasioned by a feeble continuance of this +feeble state in our brains, becoming less feeble through the +accession of fresh but similar vibrations from without. The +molecular vibrations which make the thing an idea of which is +conveyed to our minds, put within our brain a little feeble +emanation from the thing itself—if we come within their +reach. This being once put there, will remain as it were +dust, till dusted out, or till it decay, or till it receive +accession of new vibrations.</p> +<p>The vibrations from a pat of butter do, then, actually put +butter into a man’s head. This is one of the +commonest of expressions, and would hardly be so common if it +were not felt to have some foundation in fact. At first the +man does not know what feeling or complex of feelings to employ +so as to docket the vibrations, any more than he knows what word +to employ so as to docket the feelings, or with what written +characters to docket his word; but he gets over this, and +henceforward the vibrations of the exterior object (that is to +say, the thing) never set up their characteristic disturbances, +or, in other words, never come into his head, without the +associated feeling presenting itself as readily as word and +characters present themselves, on the presence of the +feeling. The more butter a man sees and handles, the more +he gets butter on the brain—till, though he can never get +anything like enough to be strictly called butter, it only +requires the slightest molecular disturbance with characteristics +like those of butter to bring up a vivid and highly sympathetic +idea of butter in the man’s mind.</p> +<p>If this view is adopted, our memory of a thing is our +retention within the brain of a small leaven of the actual thing +itself, or of what <i>quâ</i> us is the thing that is +remembered, and the ease with which habitual actions come to be +performed is due to the power of the vibrations having been +increased and modified by continual accession from without till +they modify the molecular disturbances of the nervous system, and +therefore its material substance, which we have already settled +to be only our way of docketing molecular disturbances. The +same vibrations, therefore, form the substance remembered, +introduce an infinitesimal dose of it within the brain, modify +the substance remembering, and, in the course of time, create and +further modify the mechanism of both the sensory and motor +nerves. Thought and thing are one.</p> +<p>I commend these two last speculations to the reader’s +charitable consideration, as feeling that I am here travelling +beyond the ground on which I can safely venture; nevertheless, as +it may be some time before I have another opportunity of coming +before the public, I have thought it, on the whole, better not to +omit them, but to give them thus provisionally. I believe +they are both substantially true, but am by no means sure that I +have expressed them either clearly or accurately; I cannot, +however, further delay the issue of my book.</p> +<p>Returning to the point raised in my title, is luck, I would +ask, or cunning, the more fitting matter to be insisted upon in +connection with organic modification? Do animals and plants +grow into conformity with their surroundings because they and +their fathers and mothers take pains, or because their uncles and +aunts go away? For the survival of the fittest is only the +non-survival or going away of the unfittest—in whose direct +line the race is not continued, and who are therefore only uncles +and aunts of the survivors. I can quite understand its +being a good thing for any race that its uncles and aunts should +go away, but I do not believe the accumulation of lucky accidents +could result in an eye, no matter how many uncles and aunts may +have gone away during how many generations.</p> +<p>I would ask the reader to bear in mind the views concerning +life and death expressed in an early chapter. They seem to +me not, indeed, to take away any very considerable part of the +sting from death; this should not be attempted or desired, for +with the sting of death the sweets of life are inseparably bound +up so that neither can be weakened without damaging the +other. Weaken the fear of death, and the love of life would +be weakened. Strengthen it, and we should cling to life +even more tenaciously than we do. But though death must +always remain as a shock and change of habits from which we must +naturally shrink—still it is not the utter end of our +being, which, until lately, it must have seemed to those who have +been unable to accept the grosser view of the resurrection with +which we were familiarised in childhood. We too now know +that though worms destroy this body, yet in our flesh shall we so +far see God as to be still in Him and of Him—biding our +time for a resurrection in a new and more glorious body; and, +moreover, that we shall be to the full as conscious of this as we +are at present of much that concerns us as closely as anything +can concern us.</p> +<p>The thread of life cannot be shorn between successive +generations, except upon grounds which will in equity involve its +being shorn between consecutive seconds, and fractions of +seconds. On the other hand, it cannot be left unshorn +between consecutive seconds without necessitating that it should +be left unshorn also beyond the grave, as well as in successive +generations. Death is as salient a feature in what we call +our life as birth was, but it is no more than this. As a +salient feature, it is a convenient epoch for the drawing of a +defining line, by the help of which we may better grasp the +conception of life, and think it more effectually, but it is a +<i>façon de parler</i> only; it is, as I said in +“Life and Habit,” <a name="citation264a"></a><a +href="#footnote264a" class="citation">[264a]</a> “the most +inexorable of all conventions,” but our idea of it has no +correspondence with eternal underlying realities.</p> +<p>Finally, we must have evolution; consent is too spontaneous, +instinctive, and universal among those most able to form an +opinion, to admit of further doubt about this. We must also +have mind and design. The attempt to eliminate intelligence +from among the main agencies of the universe has broken down too +signally to be again ventured upon—not until the recent +rout has been forgotten. Nevertheless the old, +far-foreseeing <i>Deus ex machinâ</i> design as from a +point outside the universe, which indeed it directs, but of which +it is no part, is negatived by the facts of organism. What, +then, remains, but the view that I have again in this book +endeavoured to uphold—I mean, the supposition that the mind +or cunning of which we see such abundant evidence all round us, +is, like the kingdom of heaven, within us, and within all things +at all times everywhere? There is design, or cunning, but +it is a cunning not despotically fashioning us from without as a +potter fashions his clay, but inhering democratically within the +body which is its highest outcome, as life inheres within an +animal or plant.</p> +<p>All animals and plants are corporations, or forms of +democracy, and may be studied by the light of these, as +democracies, not infrequently, by that of animals and +plants. The solution of the difficult problem of reflex +action, for example, is thus facilitated, by supposing it to be +departmental in character; that is to say, by supposing it to be +action of which the department that attends to it is alone +cognisant, and which is not referred to the central government so +long as things go normally. As long, therefore, as this is +the case, the central government is unconscious of what is going +on, but its being thus unconscious is no argument that the +department is unconscious also.</p> +<p>I know that contradiction in terms lurks within much that I +have said, but the texture of the world is a warp and woof of +contradiction in terms; of continuity in discontinuity, and +discontinuity in continuity; of unity in diversity, and of +diversity in unity. As in the development of a fugue, +where, when the subject and counter subject have been enounced, +there must henceforth be nothing new, and yet all must be new, so +throughout organic life—which is as a fugue developed to +great length from a very simple subject—everything is +linked on to and grows out of that which comes next to it in +order—errors and omissions excepted. It crosses and +thwarts what comes next to it with difference that involves +resemblance, and resemblance that involves difference, and there +is no juxtaposition of things that differ too widely by omission +of necessary links, or too sudden departure from recognised +methods of procedure.</p> +<p>To conclude; bodily form may be almost regarded as idea and +memory in a solidified state—as an accumulation of things +each one of them so tenuous as to be practically without material +substance. It is as a million pounds formed by accumulated +millionths of farthings; more compendiously it arises normally +from, and through, action. Action arises normally from, and +through, opinion. Opinion, from, and through, +hypothesis. “Hypothesis,” as the derivation of +the word itself shows, is singularly near akin to +“underlying, and only in part knowable, substratum;” +and what is this but “God” translated from the +language of Moses into that of Mr. Herbert Spencer? The +conception of God is like nature—it returns to us in +another shape, no matter how often we may expel it. +Vulgarised as it has been by Michael Angelo, Raffaelle, and +others who shall be nameless, it has been like every other +<i>corruptio optimi—pessimum</i>: used as a hieroglyph by +the help of which we may better acknowledge the height and depth +of our own ignorance, and at the same time express our sense that +there is an unseen world with which we in some mysterious way +come into contact, though the writs of our thoughts do not run +within it—used in this way, the idea and the word have been +found enduringly convenient. The theory that luck is the +main means of organic modification is the most absolute denial of +God which it is possible for the human mind to +conceive—while the view that God is in all His creatures, +He in them and they in Him, is only expressed in other words by +declaring that the main means of organic modification is, not +luck, but cunning.</p> +<h2>Footnotes</h2> +<p><a name="footnote17a"></a><a href="#citation17a" +class="footnote">[17a]</a> “<i>Nature</i>,” +Nov. 12, 1885.</p> +<p><a name="footnote20a"></a><a href="#citation20a" +class="footnote">[20a]</a> “Hist. Nat. +Gén.,” tom. ii. p. 411, 1859.</p> +<p><a name="footnote23a"></a><a href="#citation23a" +class="footnote">[23a]</a> “Selections, +&c.” Trübner & Co., 1884. [Out of +print.]</p> +<p><a name="footnote29a"></a><a href="#citation29a" +class="footnote">[29a]</a> “Selections, &c., and +Remarks on Romanes’ ‘Mental Intelligence in +Animals,’” Trübner & Co., 1884. pp. 228, +229. [Out of print.]</p> +<p><a name="footnote35a"></a><a href="#citation35a" +class="footnote">[35a]</a> Quoted by M. Vianna De Lima in +his “Exposé Sommaire,” &c., p. 6. +Paris, Delagrave, 1886.</p> +<p><a name="footnote40a"></a><a href="#citation40a" +class="footnote">[40a]</a> I have given the passage in full +on p. 254a of my “Selections,” &c. [Now out +of print.] I observe that Canon Kingsley felt exactly the +same difficulty that I had felt myself, and saw also how alone it +could be met. He makes the wood-wren say, “Something +told him his mother had done it before him, and he was flesh of +her flesh, life of her life, and had inherited her instinct (as +we call hereditary memory, to avoid the trouble of finding out +what it is and how it comes).”—<i>Fraser</i>, June, +1867. Canon Kingsley felt he must insist on the continued +personality of the two generations before he could talk about +inherited memory. On the other hand, though he does indeed +speak of this as almost a synonym for instinct, he seems not to +have realised how right he was, and implies that we should find +some fuller and more satisfactory explanation behind this, only +that we are too lazy to look for it.</p> +<p><a name="footnote44a"></a><a href="#citation44a" +class="footnote">[44a]</a> 26 Sept., 1877. +“Unconscious Memory.” ch. ii.</p> +<p><a name="footnote52a"></a><a href="#citation52a" +class="footnote">[52a]</a> This chapter is taken almost +entirely from my book, “Selections, &c.. and Remarks on +Romanes’ ‘Mental Evolution in +Animals.’” Trübner, 1884. [Now out +of print.]</p> +<p><a name="footnote52b"></a><a href="#citation52b" +class="footnote">[52b]</a> “Mental Evolution in +Animals,” p. 113. Kegan Paul, Nov., 1883.</p> +<p><a name="footnote52c"></a><a href="#citation52c" +class="footnote">[52c]</a> Ibid. p. 115.</p> +<p><a name="footnote52d"></a><a href="#citation52d" +class="footnote">[52d]</a> Ibid. p. 116.</p> +<p><a name="footnote53a"></a><a href="#citation53a" +class="footnote">[53a]</a> “Mental Evolution in +Animals.” p. 131. Kegan Paul, Nov., 1883.</p> +<p><a name="footnote54a"></a><a href="#citation54a" +class="footnote">[54a]</a> Vol. I, 3rd ed., 1874, p. +141, and Problem I. 21.</p> +<p><a name="footnote54b"></a><a href="#citation54b" +class="footnote">[54b]</a> “Mental Evolution in +Animals,” pp. 177, 178. Nov., 1883.</p> +<p><a name="footnote55a"></a><a href="#citation55a" +class="footnote">[55a]</a> “Mental Evolution in +Animals,” p. 192.</p> +<p><a name="footnote55b"></a><a href="#citation55b" +class="footnote">[55b]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 195.</p> +<p><a name="footnote55c"></a><a href="#citation55c" +class="footnote">[55c]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> p. 296. Nov., +1883.</p> +<p><a name="footnote56a"></a><a href="#citation56a" +class="footnote">[56a]</a> “Mental Evolution in +Animals,” p. 33. Nov., 1883.</p> +<p><a name="footnote56b"></a><a href="#citation56b" +class="footnote">[56b]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 116.</p> +<p><a name="footnote56c"></a><a href="#citation56c" +class="footnote">[56c]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 178.</p> +<p><a name="footnote59a"></a><a href="#citation59a" +class="footnote">[59a]</a> “Evolution Old and +New,” pp. 357, 358.</p> +<p><a name="footnote60a"></a><a href="#citation60a" +class="footnote">[60a]</a> “Mental Evolution in +Animals,” p. 159. Kegan Paul & Co., 1883.</p> +<p><a name="footnote61a"></a><a href="#citation61a" +class="footnote">[61a]</a> “Zoonomia,” vol. i. +p. 484.</p> +<p><a name="footnote61b"></a><a href="#citation61b" +class="footnote">[61b]</a> “Mental Evolution in +Animals,” p. 297. Kegan Paul & Co., 1883.</p> +<p><a name="footnote61c"></a><a href="#citation61c" +class="footnote">[61c]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 201. +Kegan Paul & Co., 1883.</p> +<p><a name="footnote62a"></a><a href="#citation62a" +class="footnote">[62a]</a> “Mental Evolution in +Animals,” p. 301. November, 1883.</p> +<p><a name="footnote62b"></a><a href="#citation62b" +class="footnote">[62b]</a> “Origin of Species,” +ed. i. p. 209.</p> +<p><a name="footnote62c"></a><a href="#citation62c" +class="footnote">[62c]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, ed. vi., 1876. p. +206.</p> +<p><a name="footnote62d"></a><a href="#citation62d" +class="footnote">[62d]</a> “Formation of Vegetable +Mould,” etc., p. 98.</p> +<p><a name="footnote62e"></a><a href="#citation62e" +class="footnote">[62e]</a> Quoted by Mr. Romanes as written +in the last year of Mr. Darwin’s life.</p> +<p><a name="footnote63a"></a><a href="#citation63a" +class="footnote">[63a]</a> Macmillan, 1883.</p> +<p><a name="footnote66a"></a><a href="#citation66a" +class="footnote">[66a]</a> “Nature,” August 5, +1886.</p> +<p><a name="footnote67a"></a><a href="#citation67a" +class="footnote">[67a]</a> London, H. K. Lewis, 1886.</p> +<p><a name="footnote70a"></a><a href="#citation70a" +class="footnote">[70a]</a> “Charles +Darwin.” Longmans, 1885.</p> +<p><a name="footnote70b"></a><a href="#citation70b" +class="footnote">[70b]</a> Lectures at the London +Institution, Feb., 1886.</p> +<p><a name="footnote70c"></a><a href="#citation70c" +class="footnote">[70c]</a> “Charles +Darwin.” Leipzig. 1885.</p> +<p><a name="footnote72a"></a><a href="#citation72a" +class="footnote">[72a]</a> See Professor Hering’s +“Zur Lehre von der Beziehung zwischen Leib und Seele. +Mittheilung über Fechner’s psychophysisches +Gesetz.”</p> +<p><a name="footnote73a"></a><a href="#citation73a" +class="footnote">[73a]</a> Quoted by M. Vianna De Lima in +his “Exposé Sommaire des Théories +Transformistes de Lamarck, Darwin, et Hæckel.” +Paris, 1886, p. 23.</p> +<p><a name="footnote81a"></a><a href="#citation81a" +class="footnote">[81a]</a> “Origin of Species,” +ed. i., p. 6; see also p. 43.</p> +<p><a name="footnote83a"></a><a href="#citation83a" +class="footnote">[83a]</a> “I think it can be shown +that there is such a power at work in ‘Natural +Selection’ (the title of my +book).”—“Proceedings of the Linnean Society for +1858,” vol. iii., p. 51.</p> +<p><a name="footnote86a"></a><a href="#citation86a" +class="footnote">[86a]</a> “On Naval Timber and +Arboriculture,” 1831, pp. 384, 385. See also +“Evolution Old and New,” pp. 320, 321.</p> +<p><a name="footnote87a"></a><a href="#citation87a" +class="footnote">[87a]</a> “Origin of Species,” +p. 49, ed. vi.</p> +<p><a name="footnote92a"></a><a href="#citation92a" +class="footnote">[92a]</a> “Origin of Species,” +ed. i., pp. 188, 189.</p> +<p><a name="footnote93a"></a><a href="#citation93a" +class="footnote">[93a]</a> Page 9.</p> +<p><a name="footnote94a"></a><a href="#citation94a" +class="footnote">[94a]</a> Page 226.</p> +<p><a name="footnote96a"></a><a href="#citation96a" +class="footnote">[96a]</a> “Journal of the +Proceedings of the Linnean Society.” Williams and +Norgate, 1858, p. 61.</p> +<p><a name="footnote102a"></a><a href="#citation102a" +class="footnote">[102a]</a> “Zoonomia,” vol. +i., p. 505.</p> +<p><a name="footnote104a"></a><a href="#citation104a" +class="footnote">[104a]</a> See “Evolution Old and +New.” p. 122.</p> +<p><a name="footnote105a"></a><a href="#citation105a" +class="footnote">[105a]</a> “Phil. Zool.,” i., +p. 80.</p> +<p><a name="footnote105b"></a><a href="#citation105b" +class="footnote">[105b]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, i. 82.</p> +<p><a name="footnote105c"></a><a href="#citation105c" +class="footnote">[105c]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> vol. i., p. +237.</p> +<p><a name="footnote107a"></a><a href="#citation107a" +class="footnote">[107a]</a> See concluding chapter.</p> +<p><a name="footnote122a"></a><a href="#citation122a" +class="footnote">[122a]</a> Report, 9, 26.</p> +<p><a name="footnote135a"></a><a href="#citation135a" +class="footnote">[135a]</a> Ps. cii. 25–27, Bible +version.</p> +<p><a name="footnote136a"></a><a href="#citation136a" +class="footnote">[136a]</a> Ps. cxxxix., Prayer-book +version.</p> +<p><a name="footnote140a"></a><a href="#citation140a" +class="footnote">[140a]</a> <i>Contemporary Review</i>, +August, 1885, p. 84.</p> +<p><a name="footnote142a"></a><a href="#citation142a" +class="footnote">[142a]</a> London, David Bogue, 1881, p. +60.</p> +<p><a name="footnote144a"></a><a href="#citation144a" +class="footnote">[144a]</a> August 12, 1886.</p> +<p><a name="footnote150a"></a><a href="#citation150a" +class="footnote">[150a]</a> Paris, Delagrave, 1886.</p> +<p><a name="footnote150b"></a><a href="#citation150b" +class="footnote">[150b]</a> Page 60.</p> +<p><a name="footnote150c"></a><a href="#citation150c" +class="footnote">[150c]</a> “Œuvre +complètes,” tom. ix. p. 422. Paris, Garnier +frères, 1875.</p> +<p><a name="footnote150d"></a><a href="#citation150d" +class="footnote">[150d]</a> “Hist. Nat.,” tom. +i., p. 13, 1749, quoted “Evol. Old and New,” p. +108.</p> +<p><a name="footnote156a"></a><a href="#citation156a" +class="footnote">[156a]</a> “Origin of +Species,” ed. vi., p. 107.</p> +<p><a name="footnote156b"></a><a href="#citation156b" +class="footnote">[156b]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, ed. vi., p. +166.</p> +<p><a name="footnote157a"></a><a href="#citation157a" +class="footnote">[157a]</a> “Origin of +Species,” ed. vi., p. 233.</p> +<p><a name="footnote157b"></a><a href="#citation157b" +class="footnote">[157b]</a> <i>Ibid.</i></p> +<p><a name="footnote157c"></a><a href="#citation157c" +class="footnote">[157c]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, ed. vi., p. +109.</p> +<p><a name="footnote157d"></a><a href="#citation157d" +class="footnote">[157d]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, ed. vi., p. +401.</p> +<p><a name="footnote158a"></a><a href="#citation158a" +class="footnote">[158a]</a> “Origin of +Species,” ed. i., p. 490.</p> +<p><a name="footnote161a"></a><a href="#citation161a" +class="footnote">[161a]</a> “Origin of +Species,” ed. vi., 1876, p. 171.</p> +<p><a name="footnote163a"></a><a href="#citation163a" +class="footnote">[163a]</a> “Charles Darwin,” +p. 113.</p> +<p><a name="footnote164a"></a><a href="#citation164a" +class="footnote">[164a]</a> “Animals and Plants under +Domestication,” vol. ii., p. 367, ed. 1875.</p> +<p><a name="footnote168a"></a><a href="#citation168a" +class="footnote">[168a]</a> Page 3.</p> +<p><a name="footnote168b"></a><a href="#citation168b" +class="footnote">[168b]</a> Page 4.</p> +<p><a name="footnote169a"></a><a href="#citation169a" +class="footnote">[169a]</a> It should be remembered this +was the year in which the “Vestiges of Creation” +appeared.</p> +<p><a name="footnote173a"></a><a href="#citation173a" +class="footnote">[173a]</a> “Charles Darwin,” +p. 67.</p> +<p><a name="footnote173b"></a><a href="#citation173b" +class="footnote">[173b]</a> H. S. King & Co., 1876.</p> +<p><a name="footnote174a"></a><a href="#citation174a" +class="footnote">[174a]</a> Page 17.</p> +<p><a name="footnote195a"></a><a href="#citation195a" +class="footnote">[195a]</a> “Phil. Zool.,” tom. +i., pp. 34, 35.</p> +<p><a name="footnote202a"></a><a href="#citation202a" +class="footnote">[202a]</a> “Origin of +Species,” p. 381, ed. i.</p> +<p><a name="footnote203a"></a><a href="#citation203a" +class="footnote">[203a]</a> Page 454, ed. i.</p> +<p><a name="footnote205a"></a><a href="#citation205a" +class="footnote">[205a]</a> “Principles of +Geology,” vol. ii., chap. xxxiv., ed. 1872.</p> +<p><a name="footnote206a"></a><a href="#citation206a" +class="footnote">[206a]</a> “Natürliche +Schöpfungsgeschichte,” p. 3. Berlin, 1868.</p> +<p><a name="footnote209a"></a><a href="#citation209a" +class="footnote">[209a]</a> See “Evolution Old and +New,” pp. 8, 9.</p> +<p><a name="footnote216a"></a><a href="#citation216a" +class="footnote">[216a]</a> “Vestiges,” +&c., ed. 1860; Proofs, Illustrations, &c., p. xiv.</p> +<p><a name="footnote216b"></a><a href="#citation216b" +class="footnote">[216b]</a> <i>Examiner</i>, May 17, 1879, +review of “Evolution Old and New.”</p> +<p><a name="footnote218a"></a><a href="#citation218a" +class="footnote">[218a]</a> Given in part in +“Evolution Old and New.”</p> +<p><a name="footnote219a"></a><a href="#citation219a" +class="footnote">[219a]</a> “Mind,” p. 498, +Oct., 1883.</p> +<p><a name="footnote224a"></a><a href="#citation224a" +class="footnote">[224a]</a> “Degeneration,” +1880, p. 10.</p> +<p><a name="footnote227a"></a><a href="#citation227a" +class="footnote">[227a]</a> E.g. the Rev. George Henslow, +in “Modern Thought,” vol. ii., No. 5, 1881.</p> +<p><a name="footnote232a"></a><a href="#citation232a" +class="footnote">[232a]</a> “Nature,” Aug. 6, +1886.</p> +<p><a name="footnote234a"></a><a href="#citation234a" +class="footnote">[234a]</a> See Mr. Darwin’s +“Animals and Plants under Domestication,” vol. i., p. +466, &c., ed. 1875.</p> +<p><a name="footnote235a"></a><a href="#citation235a" +class="footnote">[235a]</a> Paris, 1873, Introd., p. +vi.</p> +<p><a name="footnote235b"></a><a href="#citation235b" +class="footnote">[235b]</a> “Hist. Nat. Gen.,” +ii. 404, 1859.</p> +<p><a name="footnote239a"></a><a href="#citation239a" +class="footnote">[239a]</a> As these pages are on the point +of going to press, I see that the writer of an article on Liszt +in the “Athenæum” makes the same emendation on +Shakespeare’s words that I have done.</p> +<p><a name="footnote240a"></a><a href="#citation240a" +class="footnote">[240a]</a> “Voyages of the +<i>Adventure</i> and <i>Beagle</i>,” vol. iii., p. +373. London, 1839.</p> +<p><a name="footnote242a"></a><a href="#citation242a" +class="footnote">[242a]</a> See Professor Paley, +“Fraser,” Jan., 1882, “Science Gossip,” +Nos. 162, 163, June and July, 1878, and “Nature,” +Jan. 3, Jan. 10, Feb. 28, and March 27, 1884.</p> +<p><a name="footnote245a"></a><a href="#citation245a" +class="footnote">[245a]</a> “Formation of Vegetable +Mould,” etc., p. 217. Murray, 1882.</p> +<p><a name="footnote248a"></a><a href="#citation248a" +class="footnote">[248a]</a> “Fortnightly +Review,” Jan., 1886.</p> +<p><a name="footnote253a"></a><a href="#citation253a" +class="footnote">[253a]</a> “On the Growth of Trees +and Protoplasmic Continuity.” London, Stanford, +1886.</p> +<p><a name="footnote260a"></a><a href="#citation260a" +class="footnote">[260a]</a> Sometimes called +Mendelejeff’s (see “Monthly Journal of +Science,” April, 1884).</p> +<p><a name="footnote261a"></a><a href="#citation261a" +class="footnote">[261a]</a> I am aware that attempts have +been made to say that we can conceive a condition of matter, +although there is no matter in connection with it—as, for +example, that we can have motion without anything moving (see +“Nature,” March 5, March 12, and April 9, +1885)—but I think it little likely that this opinion will +meet general approbation.</p> +<p><a name="footnote264a"></a><a href="#citation264a" +class="footnote">[264a]</a> Page 53.</p> +<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LUCK OR CUNNING***</p> +<pre> + + +***** This file should be named 4967-h.htm or 4967-h.zip****** + + +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: +http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/4/9/6/4967 + + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You can also find out about how to make a +donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved. + + +**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** + +**eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** + +*****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** + + +Title: Luck or Cunning? + +Author: Samuel Butler + +Release Date: January, 2004 [EBook #4967] +[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] +[This file was first posted on April 5, 2002] +[Most recently updated: April 5, 2002] + +Edition: 10 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, LUCK OR CUNNING? *** + + + + +Transcribed by David Price, email ccx074@coventry.ac.uk from the +1922 Jonathan Cape edition + + + +LUCK, OR CUNNING AS THE MAIN MEANS OF ORGANIC MODIFICATION + + + + +NOTE + + + +This second edition of Luck, or Cunning? is a reprint of the first +edition, dated 1887, but actually published in November, 1886. The +only alterations of any consequence are in the Index, which has been +enlarged by the incorporation of several entries made by the author +in a copy of the book which came into my possession on the death of +his literary executor, Mr. R. A. Streatfeild. I thank Mr. G. W. +Webb, of the University Library, Cambridge, for the care and skill +with which he has made the necessary alterations; it was a +troublesome job because owing to the re-setting, the pagination was +no longer the same. + +Luck, or Cunning? is the fourth of Butler's evolution books; it was +followed in 1890 by three articles in The Universal Review entitled +"The Deadlock in Darwinism" (republished in The Humour of Homer), +after which he published no more upon that subject. + +In this book, as he says in his Introduction, he insists upon two +main points: (1) the substantial identity between heredity and +memory, and (2) the reintroduction of design into organic +development; and these two points he treats as though they have +something of that physical life with which they are so closely +associated. He was aware that what he had to say was likely to +prove more interesting to future generations than to his immediate +public, "but any book that desires to see out a literary three-score +years and ten must offer something to future generations as well as +to its own." By next year one half of the three-score years and ten +will have passed, and the new generation by their constant enquiries +for the work have already begun to show their appreciation of +Butler's method of treating the subject, and their readiness to +listen to what was addressed to them as well as to their fathers. + +HENRY FESTING JONES. +March, 1920. + + + +AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION + + + +This book, as I have said in my concluding chapter, has turned out +very different from the one I had it in my mind to write when I +began it. It arose out of a conversation with the late Mr. Alfred +Tylor soon after his paper on the growth of trees and protoplasmic +continuity was read before the Linnean Society--that is to say, in +December, 1884--and I proposed to make the theory concerning the +subdivision of organic life into animal and vegetable, which I have +broached in my concluding chapter, the main feature of the book. +One afternoon, on leaving Mr. Tylor's bedside, much touched at the +deep disappointment he evidently felt at being unable to complete +the work he had begun so ably, it occurred to me that it might be +some pleasure to him if I promised to dedicate my own book to him, +and thus, however unworthy it might be, connect it with his name. +It occurred to me, of course, also that the honour to my own book +would be greater than any it could confer, but the time was not one +for balancing considerations nicely, and when I made my suggestion +to Mr. Tylor on the last occasion that I ever saw him, the manner in +which he received it settled the question. If he had lived I should +no doubt have kept more closely to my plan, and should probably +have been furnished by him with much that would have enriched the +book and made it more worthy of his acceptance; but this was not to +be. + +In the course of writing I became more and more convinced that no +progress could be made towards a sounder view of the theory of +descent until people came to understand what the late Mr. Charles +Darwin's theory of natural selection amounted to, and how it was +that it ever came to be propounded. Until the mindless theory of +Charles Darwinian natural selection was finally discredited, and a +mindful theory of evolution was substituted in its place, neither +Mr. Tylor's experiments nor my own theories could stand much chance +of being attended to. I therefore devoted myself mainly, as I had +done in "Evolution Old and New," and in "Unconscious Memory," to +considering whether the view taken by the late Mr. Darwin, or the +one put forward by his three most illustrious predecessors, should +most command our assent. + +The deflection from my original purpose was increased by the +appearance, about a year ago, of Mr. Grant Allen's "Charles Darwin," +which I imagine to have had a very large circulation. So important, +indeed, did I think it not to leave Mr. Allen's statements +unchallenged, that in November last I recast my book completely, +cutting out much that I had written, and practically starting anew. +How far Mr. Tylor would have liked it, or even sanctioned its being +dedicated to him, if he were now living, I cannot, of course, say. +I never heard him speak of the late Mr. Darwin in any but terms of +warm respect, and am by no means sure that he would have been well +pleased at an attempt to connect him with a book so polemical as the +present. On the other hand, a promise made and received as mine +was, cannot be set aside lightly. The understanding was that my +next book was to be dedicated to Mr. Tylor; I have written the best +I could, and indeed never took so much pains with any other; to Mr. +Tylor's memory, therefore, I have most respectfully, and +regretfully, inscribed it. + +Desiring that the responsibility for what has been done should rest +with me, I have avoided saying anything about the book while it was +in progress to any of Mr Tylor's family or representatives. They +know nothing, therefore, of its contents, and if they did, would +probably feel with myself very uncertain how far it is right to use +Mr. Tylor's name in connection with it. I can only trust that, on +the whole, they may think I have done most rightly in adhering to +the letter of my promise. + +October 15, 1886. + + + +CHAPTER I--INTRODUCTION + + + +I shall perhaps best promote the acceptance of the two main points +on which I have been insisting for some years past, I mean, the +substantial identity between heredity and memory, and the +reintroduction of design into organic development, by treating them +as if they had something of that physical life with which they are +so closely connected. Ideas are like plants and animals in this +respect also, as in so many others, that they are more fully +understood when their relations to other ideas of their time, and +the history of their development are known and borne in mind. By +development I do not merely mean their growth in the minds of those +who first advanced them, but that larger development which consists +in their subsequent good or evil fortunes--in their reception, +favourable or otherwise, by those to whom they were presented. This +is to an idea what its surroundings are to an organism, and throws +much the same light upon it that knowledge of the conditions under +which an organism lives throws upon the organism itself. I shall, +therefore, begin this new work with a few remarks about its +predecessors. + +I am aware that what I may say on this head is likely to prove more +interesting to future students of the literature of descent than to +my immediate public, but any book that desires to see out a literary +three-score years and ten must offer something to future generations +as well as to its own. It is a condition of its survival that it +shall do this, and herein lies one of the author's chief +difficulties. If books only lived as long as men and women, we +should know better how to grow them; as matters stand, however, the +author lives for one or two generations, whom he comes in the end to +understand fairly well, while the book, if reasonable pains have +been taken with it, should live more or less usefully for a dozen. +About the greater number of these generations the author is in the +dark; but come what may, some of them are sure to have arrived at +conclusions diametrically opposed to our own upon every subject +connected with art, science, philosophy, and religion; it is plain, +therefore, that if posterity is to be pleased, it can only be at the +cost of repelling some present readers. Unwilling as I am to do +this, I still hold it the lesser of two evils; I will be as brief, +however, as the interests of the opinions I am supporting will +allow. + +In "Life and Habit" I contended that heredity was a mode of memory. +I endeavoured to show that all hereditary traits, whether of mind or +body, are inherited in virtue of, and as a manifestation of, the +same power whereby we are able to remember intelligently what we did +half an hour, yesterday, or a twelvemonth since, and this in no +figurative but in a perfectly real sense. If life be compared to an +equation of a hundred unknown quantities, I followed Professor +Hering of Prague in reducing it to one of ninety-nine only, by +showing two of the supposed unknown quantities to be so closely +allied that they should count as one. I maintained that instinct +was inherited memory, and this without admitting more exceptions and +qualifying clauses than arise, as it were, by way of harmonics from +every proposition, and must be neglected if thought and language are +to be possible. + +I showed that if the view for which I was contending was taken, many +facts which, though familiar, were still without explanation or +connection with our other ideas, would remain no longer isolated, +but be seen at once as joined with the mainland of our most assured +convictions. Among the things thus brought more comfortably home to +us was the principle underlying longevity. It became apparent why +some living beings should live longer than others, and how any race +must be treated whose longevity it is desired to increase. Hitherto +we had known that an elephant was a long-lived animal and a fly +short-lived, but we could give no reason why the one should live +longer than the other; that is to say, it did not follow in +immediate coherence with, or as intimately associated with, any +familiar principle that an animal which is late in the full +development of its reproductive system will tend to live longer than +one which reproduces early. If the theory of "Life and Habit" be +admitted, the fact of a slow-growing animal being in general longer +lived than a quick developer is seen to be connected with, and to +follow as a matter of course from, the fact of our being able to +remember anything at all, and all the well-known traits of memory, +as observed where we can best take note of them, are perceived to be +reproduced with singular fidelity in the development of an animal +from its embryonic stages to maturity. + +Take this view, and the very general sterility of hybrids from being +a CRUX of the theory of descent becomes a stronghold of defence. It +appears as part of the same story as the benefit derived from +judicious, and the mischief from injudicious, crossing; and this, in +its turn, is seen as part of the same story, as the good we get from +change of air and scene when we are overworked. I will not amplify; +but reversion to long-lost, or feral, characteristics, the phenomena +of old age, the fact of the reproductive system being generally the +last to arrive at maturity--few further developments occurring in +any organism after this has been attained--the sterility of many +animals in confinement, the development in both males and females +under certain circumstances of the characteristics of the opposite +sex, the latency of memory, the unconsciousness with which we grow, +and indeed perform all familiar actions, these points, though +hitherto, most of them, so apparently inexplicable that no one even +attempted to explain them, became at once intelligible, if the +contentions of "Life and Habit" were admitted. + +Before I had finished writing this book I fell in with Professor +Mivart's "Genesis of Species," and for the first time understood the +distinction between the Lamarckian and Charles-Darwinian systems of +evolution. This had not, so far as I then knew, been as yet made +clear to us by any of our more prominent writers upon the subject of +descent with modification; the distinction was unknown to the +general public, and indeed is only now beginning to be widely +understood. While reading Mr. Mivart's book, however, I became +aware that I was being faced by two facts, each incontrovertible, +but each, if its leading exponents were to be trusted, incompatible +with the other. + +On the one hand there was descent; we could not read Mr. Darwin's +books and doubt that all, both animals and plants, were descended +from a common source. On the other, there was design; we could not +read Paley and refuse to admit that design, intelligence, adaptation +of means to ends, must have had a large share in the development of +the life we saw around us; it seemed indisputable that the minds and +bodies of all living beings must have come to be what they are +through a wise ordering and administering of their estates. We +could not, therefore, dispense either with descent or with design, +and yet it seemed impossible to keep both, for those who offered us +descent stuck to it that we could have no design, and those, again, +who spoke so wisely and so well about design would not for a moment +hear of descent with modification. + +Each, moreover, had a strong case. Who could reflect upon +rudimentary organs, and grant Paley the kind of design that alone +would content him? And yet who could examine the foot or the eye, +and grant Mr. Darwin his denial of forethought and plan? + +For that Mr. Darwin did deny skill and contrivance in connection +with the greatly preponderating part of organic developments cannot +be and is not now disputed. In the first chapter of "Evolution Old +and New" I brought forward passages to show how completely he and +his followers deny design, but will here quote one of the latest of +the many that have appeared to the same effect since "Evolution Old +and New" was published; it is by Mr. Romanes, and runs as follows:- + +"It is the VERY ESSENCE of the Darwinian hypothesis that it only +seeks to explain the APPARENTLY purposive variations, or variations +of an adaptive kind." {17a} + +The words "apparently purposive" show that those organs in animals +and plants which at first sight seem to have been designed with a +view to the work they have to do--that is to say, with a view to +future function--had not, according to Mr. Darwin, in reality any +connection with, or inception in, effort; effort involves purpose +and design; they had therefore no inception in design, however much +they might present the appearance of being designed; the appearance +was delusive; Mr. Romanes correctly declares it to be "the very +essence" of Mr. Darwin's system to attempt an explanation of these +seemingly purposive variations which shall be compatible with their +having arisen without being in any way connected with intelligence +or design. + +As it is indisputable that Mr. Darwin denied design, so neither can +it be doubted that Paley denied descent with modification. What, +then, were the wrong entries in these two sets of accounts, on the +detection and removal of which they would be found to balance as +they ought? + +Paley's weakest place, as already implied, is in the matter of +rudimentary organs; the almost universal presence in the higher +organisms of useless, and sometimes even troublesome, organs is +fatal to the kind of design he is trying to uphold; granted that +there is design, still it cannot be so final and far-foreseeing as +he wishes to make it out. Mr. Darwin's weak place, on the other +hand, lies, firstly, in the supposition that because rudimentary +organs imply no purpose now, they could never in time past have done +so--that because they had clearly not been designed with an eye to +all circumstances and all time, they never, therefore, could have +been designed with an eye to any time or any circumstances; and, +secondly, in maintaining that "accidental," "fortuitous," +"spontaneous" variations could be accumulated at all except under +conditions that have never been fulfilled yet, and never will be; in +other words, his weak place lay in the contention (for it comes to +this) that there can be sustained accumulation of bodily wealth, +more than of wealth of any other kind, unless sustained experience, +watchfulness, and good sense preside over the accumulation. In +"Life and Habit," following Mr. Mivart, and, as I now find, Mr. +Herbert Spencer, I showed (pp. 279-281) how impossible it was for +variations to accumulate unless they were for the most part +underlain by a sustained general principle; but this subject will be +touched upon more fully later on. + +The accumulation of accidental variations which owed nothing to mind +either in their inception, or their accumulation, the pitchforking, +in fact, of mind out of the universe, or at any rate its exclusion +from all share worth talking about in the process of organic +development, this was the pill Mr. Darwin had given us to swallow; +but so thickly had he gilded it with descent with modification, that +we did as we were told, swallowed it without a murmur, were lavish +in our expressions of gratitude, and, for some twenty years or so, +through the mouths of our leading biologists, ordered design +peremptorily out of court, if she so much as dared to show herself. +Indeed, we have even given life pensions to some of the most notable +of these biologists, I suppose in order to reward them for having +hoodwinked us so much to our satisfaction. + +Happily the old saying, Naturam expellas furca, tamen usque +recurret, still holds true, and the reaction that has been gaining +force for some time will doubtless ere long brush aside the cobwebs +with which those who have a vested interest in Mr. Darwin's +reputation as a philosopher still try to fog our outlook. Professor +Mivart was, as I have said, among the first to awaken us to Mr. +Darwin's denial of design, and to the absurdity involved therein. +He well showed how incredible Mr Darwin's system was found to be, as +soon as it was fully realised, but there he rather left us. He +seemed to say that we must have our descent and our design too, but +he did not show how we were to manage this with rudimentary organs +still staring us in the face. His work rather led up to the clearer +statement of the difficulty than either put it before us in so many +words, or tried to remove it. Nevertheless there can be no doubt +that the "Genesis of Species" gave Natural Selection what will prove +sooner or later to be its death-blow, in spite of the persistence +with which many still declare that it has received no hurt, and the +sixth edition of the" Origin of Species," published in the following +year, bore abundant traces of the fray. Moreover, though Mr. Mivart +gave us no overt aid, he pointed to the source from which help might +come, by expressly saying that his most important objection to Neo- +Darwinism had no force against Lamarck. + +To Lamarck, therefore, I naturally turned, and soon saw that the +theory on which I had been insisting in" Life and Habit" was in +reality an easy corollary on his system, though one which he does +not appear to have caught sight of. I saw also that his denial of +design was only, so to speak, skin deep, and that his system was in +reality teleological, inasmuch as, to use Isidore Geoffroy's words, +it makes the organism design itself. In making variations depend on +changed actions, and these, again, on changed views of life, +efforts, and designs, in consequence of changed conditions of life, +he in effect makes effort, intention, will, all of which involve +design (or at any rate which taken together involve it), underlie +progress in organic development. True, he did not know he was a +teleologist, but he was none the less a teleologist for this. He +was an unconscious teleologist, and as such perhaps more absolutely +an upholder of teleology than Paley himself; but this is neither +here nor there; our concern is not with what people think about +themselves, but with what their reasoning makes it evident that they +really hold. + +How strange the irony that hides us from ourselves! When Isidore +Geoffroy said that according to Lamarck organisms designed +themselves, {20a} and endorsed this, as to a great extent he did, he +still does not appear to have seen that either he or Lamarck were in +reality reintroducing design into organism; he does not appear to +have seen this more than Lamarck himself had seen it, but, on the +contrary, like Lamarck, remained under the impression that he was +opposing teleology or purposiveness. + +Of course in one sense he did oppose it; so do we all, if the word +design be taken to intend a very far-foreseeing of minute details, a +riding out to meet trouble long before it comes, a provision on +academic principles for contingencies that are little likely to +arise. We can see no evidence of any such design as this in nature, +and much everywhere that makes against it. There is no such +improvidence as over providence, and whatever theories we may form +about the origin and development of the universe, we may be sure +that it is not the work of one who is unable to understand how +anything can possibly go right unless he sees to it himself. Nature +works departmentally and by way of leaving details to subordinates. +But though those who see nature thus do indeed deny design of the +prescient-from-all-eternity order, they in no way impugn a method +which is far more in accord with all that we commonly think of as +design. A design which is as incredible as that a ewe should give +birth to a lion becomes of a piece with all that we observe most +frequently if it be regarded rather as an aggregation of many small +steps than as a single large one. This principle is very simple, +but it seems rather difficult to understand. It has taken several +generations before people would admit it as regards organism even +after it was pointed out to them, and those who saw it as regards +organism still failed to understand it as regards design; an +inexorable "Thus far shalt thou go and no farther" barred them from +fruition of the harvest they should have been the first to reap. +The very men who most insisted that specific difference was the +accumulation of differences so minute as to be often hardly, if at +all, perceptible, could not see that the striking and baffling +phenomena of design in connection with organism admitted of exactly +the same solution as the riddle of organic development, and should +be seen not as a result reached per saltum, but as an accumulation +of small steps or leaps in a given direction. It was as though +those who had insisted on the derivation of all forms of the steam- +engine from the common kettle, and who saw that this stands in much +the same relations to the engines, we will say, of the Great Eastern +steamship as the amoeba to man, were to declare that the Great +Eastern engines were not designed at all, on the ground that no one +in the early kettle days had foreseen so great a future development, +and were unable to understand that a piecemeal solvitur ambulando +design is more omnipresent, all-seeing, and all-searching, and hence +more truly in the strictest sense design, than any speculative leap +of fancy, however bold and even at times successful. + +From Lamarck I went on to Buffon and Erasmus Darwin--better men both +of them than Lamarck, and treated by him much as he has himself been +treated by those who have come after him--and found that the system +of these three writers, if considered rightly, and if the corollary +that heredity is only a mode of memory were added, would get us out +of our dilemma as regards descent and design, and enable us to keep +both. We could do this by making the design manifested in organism +more like the only design of which we know anything, and therefore +the only design of which we ought to speak--I mean our own. + +Our own design is tentative, and neither very far-foreseeing nor +very retrospective; it is a little of both, but much of neither; it +is like a comet with a little light in front of the nucleus and a +good deal more behind it, which ere long, however, fades away into +the darkness; it is of a kind that, though a little wise before the +event, is apt to be much wiser after it, and to profit even by +mischance so long as the disaster is not an overwhelming one; +nevertheless, though it is so interwoven with luck, there is no +doubt about its being design; why, then, should the design which +must have attended organic development be other than this? If the +thing that has been is the thing that also shall be, must not the +thing which is be that which also has been? Was there anything in +the phenomena of organic life to militate against such a view of +design as this? Not only was there nothing, but this view made +things plain, as the connecting of heredity and memory had already +done, which till now had been without explanation. Rudimentary +organs were no longer a hindrance to our acceptance of design, they +became weighty arguments in its favour. + +I therefore wrote "Evolution Old and New," with the object partly of +backing up "Life and Habit," and showing the easy rider it admitted, +partly to show how superior the old view of descent had been to Mr. +Darwin's, and partly to reintroduce design into organism. I wrote +"Life and Habit" to show that our mental and bodily acquisitions +were mainly stores of memory: I wrote "Evolution Old and New" to +add that the memory must be a mindful and designing memory. + +I followed up these two books with "Unconscious Memory," the main +object of which was to show how Professor Hering of Prague had +treated the connection between memory and heredity; to show, again, +how substantial was the difference between Von Hartmann and myself +in spite of some little superficial resemblance; to put forward a +suggestion as regards the physics of memory, and to meet the most +plausible objection which I have yet seen brought against "Life and +Habit." + +Since writing these three books I have published nothing on the +connection between heredity and memory, except a few pages of +remarks on Mr. Romanes' "Mental Evolution in Animals" in my book, +{23a} from which I will draw whatever seems to be more properly +placed here. I have collected many facts that make my case +stronger, but am precluded from publishing them by the reflection +that it is strong enough already. I have said enough in "Life and +Habit" to satisfy any who wish to be satisfied, and those who wish +to be dissatisfied would probably fail to see the force of what I +said, no matter how long and seriously I held forth to them; I +believe, therefore, that I shall do well to keep my facts for my own +private reading and for that of my executors. + +I once saw a copy of "Life and Habit" on Mr. Bogue's counter, and +was told by the very obliging shopman that a customer had just +written something in it which I might like to see. I said of course +I should like to see, and immediately taking the book read the +following--which it occurs to me that I am not justified in +publishing. What was written ran thus:- + +"As a reminder of our pleasant hours on the broad Atlantic, will Mr. +-- please accept this book (which I think contains more truth, and +less evidence of it, than any other I have met with) from his friend +-- ?" + +I presume the gentleman had met with the Bible--a work which lays +itself open to a somewhat similar comment. I was gratified, +however, at what I had read, and take this opportunity of thanking +the writer, an American, for having liked my book. It was so plain +he had been relieved at not finding the case smothered to death in +the weight of its own evidences, that I resolved not to forget the +lesson his words had taught me. + +The only writer in connection with "Life and Habit" to whom I am +anxious to reply is Mr. Herbert Spencer, but before doing this I +will conclude the present chapter with a consideration of some +general complaints that have been so often brought against me that +it may be worth while to notice them. + +These general criticisms have resolved themselves mainly into two. + +Firstly, it is said that I ought not to write about biology on the +ground of my past career, which my critics declare to have been +purely literary. I wish I might indulge a reasonable hope of one +day becoming a literary man; the expression is not a good one, but +there is no other in such common use, and this must excuse it; if a +man can be properly called literary, he must have acquired the habit +of reading accurately, thinking attentively, and expressing himself +clearly. He must have endeavoured in all sorts of ways to enlarge +the range of his sympathies so as to be able to put himself easily +en rapport with those whom he is studying, and those whom he is +addressing. If he cannot speak with tongues himself, he is the +interpreter of those who can--without whom they might as well be +silent. I wish I could see more signs of literary culture among my +scientific opponents; I should find their books much more easy and +agreeable reading if I could; and then they tell me to satirise the +follies and abuses of the age, just as if it was not this that I was +doing in writing about themselves. + +What, I wonder, would they say if I were to declare that they ought +not to write books at all, on the ground that their past career has +been too purely scientific to entitle them to a hearing? They would +reply with justice that I should not bring vague general +condemnations, but should quote examples of their bad writing. I +imagine that I have done this more than once as regards a good many +of them, and I dare say I may do it again in the course of this +book; but though I must own to thinking that the greater number of +our scientific men write abominably, I should not bring this against +them if I believed them to be doing their best to help us; many such +men we happily have, and doubtless always shall have, but they are +not those who push to the fore, and it is these last who are most +angry with me for writing on the subjects I have chosen. They +constantly tell me that I am not a man of science; no one knows this +better than I do, and I am quite used to being told it, but I am not +used to being confronted with the mistakes that I have made in +matters of fact, and trust that this experience is one which I may +continue to spare no pains in trying to avoid. + +Nevertheless I again freely grant that I am not a man of science. I +have never said I was. I was educated for the Church. I was once +inside the Linnean Society's rooms, but have no present wish to go +there again; though not a man of science, however, I have never +affected indifference to the facts and arguments which men of +science have made it their business to lay before us; on the +contrary, I have given the greater part of my time to their +consideration for several years past. I should not, however, say +this unless led to do so by regard to the interests of theories +which I believe to be as nearly important as any theories can be +which do not directly involve money or bodily convenience. + +The second complaint against me is to the effect that I have made no +original experiments, but have taken all my facts at second hand. +This is true, but I do not see what it has to do with the question. +If the facts are sound, how can it matter whether A or B collected +them? If Professor Huxley, for example, has made a series of +valuable original observations (not that I know of his having done +so), why am I to make them over again? What are fact-collectors +worth if the fact co-ordinators may not rely upon them? It seems to +me that no one need do more than go to the best sources for his +facts, and tell his readers where he got them. If I had had +occasion for more facts I daresay I should have taken the necessary +steps to get hold of them, but there was no difficulty on this +score; every text-book supplied me with all, and more than all, I +wanted; my complaint was that the facts which Mr. Darwin supplied +would not bear the construction he tried to put upon them; I tried, +therefore, to make them bear another which seemed at once more sound +and more commodious; rightly or wrongly I set up as a builder, not +as a burner of bricks, and the complaint so often brought against me +of not having made experiments is about as reasonable as complaint +against an architect on the score of his not having quarried with +his own hands a single one of the stones which he has used in +building. Let my opponents show that the facts which they and I use +in common are unsound, or that I have misapplied them, and I will +gladly learn my mistake, but this has hardly, to my knowledge, been +attempted. To me it seems that the chief difference between myself +and some of my opponents lies in this, that I take my facts from +them with acknowledgment, and they take their theories from me-- +without. + +One word more and I have done. I should like to say that I do not +return to the connection between memory and heredity under the +impression that I shall do myself much good by doing so. My own +share in the matter was very small. The theory that heredity is +only a mode of memory is not mine, but Professor Hering's. He wrote +in 1870, and I not till 1877. I should be only too glad if he would +take his theory and follow it up himself; assuredly he could do so +much better than I can; but with the exception of his one not +lengthy address published some fifteen or sixteen years ago he has +said nothing upon the subject, so far at least as I have been able +to ascertain; I tried hard to draw him in 1880, but could get +nothing out of him. If, again, any of our more influential writers, +not a few of whom evidently think on this matter much as I do, would +eschew ambiguities and tell us what they mean in plain language, I +would let the matter rest in their abler hands, but of this there +does not seem much chance at present. + +I wish there was, for in spite of the interest I have felt in +working the theory out and the information I have been able to +collect while doing so, I must confess that I have found it somewhat +of a white elephant. It has got me into the hottest of hot water, +made a literary Ishmael of me, lost me friends whom I have been +sorry to lose, cost me a good deal of money, done everything to me, +in fact, which a good theory ought not to do. Still, as it seems to +have taken up with me, and no one else is inclined to treat it +fairly, I shall continue to report its developments from time to +time as long as life and health are spared me. Moreover, Ishmaels +are not without their uses, and they are not a drug in the market +just now. + +I may now go on to Mr. Spencer. + + + +CHAPTER II--MR. HERBERT SPENCER + + + +Mr. Herbert Spencer wrote to the Athenaeum (April 5, 1884), and +quoted certain passages from the 1855 edition of his "Principles of +Psychology," "the meanings and implications" from which he contended +were sufficiently clear. The passages he quoted were as follows:- + +Though it is manifest that reflex and instinctive sequences are not +determined by the experiences of the INDIVIDUAL organism manifesting +them, yet there still remains the hypothesis that they are +determined by the experiences of the RACE of organisms forming its +ancestry, which by infinite repetition in countless successive +generations have established these sequences as organic relations +(p. 526). + +The modified nervous tendencies produced by such new habits of life +are also bequeathed (p. 526). + +That is to say, the tendencies to certain combinations of psychical +changes have become organic (p. 527). + +The doctrine that the connections among our ideas are determined by +experience must, in consistency, be extended not only to all the +connections established by the accumulated experiences of every +individual, but to all those established by the accumulated +experiences of every race (p. 529). + +Here, then, we have one of the simpler forms of instinct which, +under the requisite conditions, must necessarily be established by +accumulated experiences (p. 547). + +And manifestly, if the organisation of inner relations, in +correspondence with outer relations, results from a continual +registration of experiences, &c. (p. 551). + +On the one hand, Instinct may be regarded as a kind of organised +memory; on the other hand, Memory may be regarded as a kind of +incipient instinct (pp. 555-6). + +Memory, then, pertains to all that class of psychical states which +are in process of being organised. It continues so long as the +organising of them continues; and disappears when the organisation +of them is complete. In the advance of the correspondence, each +more complex class of phenomena which the organism acquires the +power of recognising is responded to at first irregularly and +uncertainly; and there is then a weak remembrance of the relations. +By multiplication of experiences this remembrance becomes stronger, +and the response more certain. By further multiplication of +experiences the internal relations are at last automatically +organised in correspondence with the external ones; and so conscious +memory passes into unconscious or organic memory. At the same time, +a new and still more complex order of experiences is thus rendered +appreciable; the relations they present occupy the memory in place +of the simpler one; they become gradually organised; and, like the +previous ones, are succeeded by others more complex still (p. 563). + +Just as we saw that the establishment of those compound reflex +actions which we call instincts is comprehensible on the principle +that inner relations are, by perpetual repetition, organised into +correspondence with outer relations; so the establishment of those +consolidated, those indissoluble, those instinctive mental relations +constituting our ideas of Space and Time, is comprehensible on the +same principle (p. 579). + + +In a book published a few weeks before Mr. Spencer's letter appeared +{29a} I had said that though Mr. Spencer at times closely approached +Professor Hering and "Life and Habit," he had nevertheless nowhere +shown that he considered memory and heredity to be parts of the same +story and parcel of one another. In his letter to the Athenaeum, +indeed, he does not profess to have upheld this view, except "by +implications;" nor yet, though in the course of the six or seven +years that had elapsed since "Life and Habit" was published I had +brought out more than one book to support my earlier one, had he +said anything during those years to lead me to suppose that I was +trespassing upon ground already taken by himself. Nor, again, had +he said anything which enabled me to appeal to his authority--which +I should have been only too glad to do; at last, however, he wrote, +as I have said, to the Athenaeum a letter which, indeed, made no +express claim, and nowhere mentioned myself, but "the meanings and +implications" from which were this time as clear as could be +desired, and amount to an order to Professor Hering and myself to +stand aside. + +The question is, whether the passages quoted by Mr. Spencer, or any +others that can be found in his works, show that he regarded +heredity in all its manifestations as a mode of memory. I submit +that this conception is not derivable from Mr. Spencer's writings, +and that even the passages in which he approaches it most closely +are unintelligible till read by the light of Professor Hering's +address and of "Life and Habit." + +True, Mr. Spencer made abundant use of such expressions as "the +experience of the race," "accumulated experiences," and others like +them, but he did not explain--and it was here the difficulty lay-- +how a race could have any experience at all. We know what we mean +when we say that an individual has had experience; we mean that he +is the same person now (in the common use of the words), on the +occasion of some present action, as the one who performed a like +action at some past time or times, and that he remembers how he +acted before, so as to be able to turn his past action to account, +gaining in proficiency through practice. Continued personality and +memory are the elements that constitute experience; where these are +present there may, and commonly will, be experience; where they are +absent the word "experience" cannot properly be used. + +Formerly we used to see an individual as one, and a race as many. +We now see that though this is true as far as it goes, it is by no +means the whole truth, and that in certain important respects it is +the race that is one, and the individual many. We all admit and +understand this readily enough now, but it was not understood when +Mr. Spencer wrote the passages he adduced in the letter to the +Athenaeum above referred to. In the then state of our ideas a race +was only a succession of individuals, each one of them new persons, +and as such incapable of profiting by the experience of its +predecessors except in the very limited number of cases where oral +teaching, or, as in recent times, writing, was possible. The thread +of life was, as I have elsewhere said, remorselessly shorn between +each successive generation, and the importance of the physical and +psychical connection between parents and offspring had been quite, +or nearly quite, lost sight of. It seems strange how this could +ever have been allowed to come about, but it should be remembered +that the Church in the Middle Ages would strongly discourage +attempts to emphasize a connection that would raise troublesome +questions as to who in a future state was to be responsible for +what; and, after all, for nine purposes of life out of ten the +generally received opinion that each person is himself and nobody +else is on many grounds the most convenient. Every now and then, +however, there comes a tenth purpose, for which the continued +personality side of the connection between successive generations is +as convenient as the new personality side is for the remaining nine, +and these tenth purposes--some of which are not unimportant--are +obscured and fulfilled amiss owing to the completeness with which +the more commonly needed conception has overgrown the other. + +Neither view is more true than the other, but the one was wanted +every hour and minute of the day, and was therefore kept, so to +speak, in stock, and in one of the most accessible places of our +mental storehouse, while the other was so seldom asked for that it +became not worth while to keep it. By-and-by it was found so +troublesome to send out for it, and so hard to come by even then, +that people left off selling it at all, and if any one wanted it he +must think it out at home as best he could; this was troublesome, so +by common consent the world decided no longer to busy itself with +the continued personality of successive generations--which was all +very well until it also decided to busy itself with the theory of +descent with modification. On the introduction of a foe so inimical +to many of our pre-existing ideas the balance of power among them +was upset, and a readjustment became necessary, which is still far +from having attained the next settlement that seems likely to be +reasonably permanent. + +To change the illustration, the ordinary view is true for seven +places of decimals, and this commonly is enough; occasions, however, +have now arisen when the error caused by neglect of the omitted +places is appreciably disturbing, and we must have three or four +more. Mr. Spencer showed no more signs of seeing that he must +supply these, and make personal identity continue between successive +generations before talking about inherited (as opposed to post-natal +and educational) experience, than others had done before him; the +race with him, as with every one else till recently, was not one +long individual living indeed in pulsations, so to speak, but no +more losing continued personality by living in successive +generations, than an individual loses it by living in consecutive +days; a race was simply a succession of individuals, each one of +which was held to be an entirely new person, and was regarded +exclusively, or very nearly so, from this point of view. + +When I wrote "Life and Habit" I knew that the words "experience of +the race" sounded familiar, and were going about in magazines and +newspapers, but I did not know where they came from; if I had, I +should have given their source. To me they conveyed no meaning, and +vexed me as an attempt to make me take stones instead of bread, and +to palm off an illustration upon me as though it were an +explanation. When I had worked the matter out in my own way, I saw +that the illustration, with certain additions, would become an +explanation, but I saw also that neither he who had adduced it nor +any one else could have seen how right he was, till much had been +said which had not, so far as 1 knew, been said yet, and which +undoubtedly would have been said if people had seen their way to +saying it. + +"What is this talk," I wrote, "which is made about the experience of +the race, as though the experience of one man could profit another +who knows nothing about him? If a man eats his dinner it nourishes +him and not his neighbour; if he learns a difficult art it is he +that can do it and not his neighbour" ("Life and Habit," p. 49). + +When I wrote thus in 1877, it was not generally seen that though the +father is not nourished by the dinners that the son eats, yet the +son was fed when the father ate before he begot him. + +"Is there any way," I continued, "of showing that this experience of +the race about which so much is said without the least attempt to +show in what way it may, or does, become the experience of the +individual, is in sober seriousness the experience of one single +being only, who repeats on a great many different occasions, and in +slightly different ways, certain performances with which he has +already become exceedingly familiar?" + +I felt, as every one else must have felt who reflected upon the +expression in question, that it was fallacious till this was done. +When I first began to write "Life and Habit" I did not believe it +could be done, but when I had gone right up to the end, as it were, +of my cu de sac, I saw the path which led straight to the point I +had despaired of reaching--I mean I saw that personality could not +be broken as between generations, without also breaking it between +the years, days, and moments of a man's life. What differentiates +"Life and Habit" from the "Principles of Psychology" is the +prominence given to continued personal identity, and hence to bona +fide memory, as between successive generations; but surely this +makes the two books differ widely. + +Ideas can be changed to almost any extent in almost any direction, +if the change is brought about gradually and in accordance with the +rules of all development. As in music we may take almost any +possible discord with pleasing effect if we have prepared and +resolved it rightly, so our ideas will outlive and outgrow almost +any modification which is approached and quitted in such a way as to +fuse the old and new harmoniously. Words are to ideas what the +fairy invisible cloak was to the prince who wore it--only that the +prince was seen till he put on the cloak, whereas ideas are unseen +until they don the robe of words which reveals them to us; the +words, however, and the ideas, should be such as fit each other and +stick to one another in our minds as soon as they are brought +together, or the ideas will fly off, and leave the words void of +that spirit by the aid of which alone they can become transmuted +into physical action and shape material things with their own +impress. Whether a discord is too violent or no, depends on what we +have been accustomed to, and on how widely the new differs from the +old, but in no case can we fuse and assimilate more than a very +little new at a time without exhausting our tempering power--and +hence presently our temper. + +Mr. Spencer appears to have forgotten that though de minimis non +curat lex,--though all the laws fail when applied to trifles,--yet +too sudden a change in the manner in which our ideas are associated +is as cataclysmic and subversive of healthy evolution as are +material convulsions, or too violent revolutions in politics. This +must always be the case, for change is essentially miraculous, and +the only lawful home of the miracle is in the microscopically small. +Here, indeed, miracles were in the beginning, are now, and ever +shall be, but we are deadened if they are required of us on a scale +which is visible to the naked eye. If we are told to work them our +hands fall nerveless down; if, come what may, we must do or die, we +are more likely to die than to succeed in doing. If we are required +to believe them--which only means to fuse them with our other ideas- +-we either take the law into our own hands, and our minds being in +the dark fuse something easier of assimilation, and say we have +fused the miracle; or if we play more fairly and insist on our minds +swallowing and assimilating it, we weaken our judgments, and pro +tanto kill our souls. If we stick out beyond a certain point we go +mad, as fanatics, or at the best make Coleridges of ourselves; and +yet upon a small scale these same miracles are the breath and +essence of life; to cease to work them is to die. And by miracle I +do not merely mean something new, strange, and not very easy of +comprehension--I mean something which violates every canon of +thought which in the palpable world we are accustomed to respect; +something as alien to, and inconceivable by, us as contradiction in +terms, the destructibility of force or matter, or the creation of +something out of nothing. This, which when writ large maddens and +kills, writ small is our meat and drink; it attends each minutest +and most impalpable detail of the ceaseless fusion and diffusion in +which change appears to us as consisting, and which we recognise as +growth and decay, or as life and death. + +Claude Bernard says, Rien ne nait, rien ne se cree, tout se +continue. La nature ne nous offre le spectacle d'aucune creation, +elle est d'une eternelle continuation; {35a} but surely he is +insisting upon one side of the truth only, to the neglect of another +which is just as real, and just as important; he might have said, +Rien ne se continue, tout nait, tout se cree. La nature ne nous +offre le spectacle d'aucune continuation. Elle est d'une eternelle +creation; for change is no less patent a fact than continuity, and, +indeed, the two stand or fall together. True, discontinuity, where +development is normal, is on a very small scale, but this is only +the difference between looking at distances on a small instead of a +large map; we cannot have even the smallest change without a small +partial corresponding discontinuity; on a small scale--too small, +indeed, for us to cognise--these breaks in continuity, each one of +which must, so far as our understanding goes, rank as a creation, +are as essential a factor of the phenomena we see around us, as is +the other factor that they shall normally be on too small a scale +for us to find it out. Creations, then, there must be, but they +must be so small that practically they are no creations. We must +have a continuity in discontinuity, and a discontinuity in +continuity; that is to say, we can only conceive the help of change +at all by the help of flat contradiction in terms. It comes, +therefore, to this, that if we are to think fluently and +harmoniously upon any subject into which change enters (and there is +no conceivable subject into which it does not), we must begin by +flying in the face of every rule that professors of the art of +thinking have drawn up for our instruction. These rules may be good +enough as servants, but we have let them become the worst of +masters, forgetting that philosophy is made for man, not man for +philosophy. Logic has been the true Tower of Babel, which we have +thought to build so that we might climb up into the heavens, and +have no more miracle, but see God and live--nor has confusion of +tongues failed to follow on our presumption. Truly St. Paul said +well that the just shall live by faith; and the question "By what +faith?" is a detail of minor moment, for there are as many faiths as +species, whether of plants or animals, and each of them is in its +own way both living and saving. + +All, then, whether fusion or diffusion, whether of ideas or things, +is miraculous. It is the two in one, and at the same time one in +two, which is only two and two making five put before us in another +shape; yet this fusion--so easy to think so long as it is not +thought about, and so unthinkable if we try to think it--is, as it +were, the matrix from which our more thinkable thought is taken; it +is the cloud gathering in the unseen world from which the waters of +life descend in an impalpable dew. Granted that all, whether fusion +or diffusion, whether of ideas or things, is, if we dwell upon it +and take it seriously, an outrage upon our understandings which +common sense alone enables us to brook; granted that it carries with +it a distinctly miraculous element which should vitiate the whole +process ab initio, still, if we have faith we can so work these +miracles as Orpheus-like to charm denizens of the unseen world into +the seen again--provided we do not look back, and provided also we +do not try to charm half a dozen Eurydices at a time. To think is +to fuse and diffuse ideas, and to fuse and diffuse ideas is to feed. +We can all feed, and by consequence within reasonable limits we can +fuse ideas; or we can fuse ideas, and by consequence within +reasonable limits we can feed; we know not which comes first, the +food or the ideas, but we must not overtax our strength; the moment +we do this we taste of death. + +It is in the closest connection with this that we must chew our food +fine before we can digest it, and that the same food given in large +lumps will choke and kill which in small pieces feeds us; or, again, +that that which is impotent as a pellet may be potent as a gas. +Food is very thoughtful: through thought it comes, and back through +thought it shall return; the process of its conversion and +comprehension within our own system is mental as well as physical, +and here, as everywhere else with mind and evolution, there must be +a cross, but not too wide a cross--that is to say, there must be a +miracle, but not upon a large scale. Granted that no one can draw a +clear line and define the limits within which a miracle is healthy +working and beyond which it is unwholesome, any more than he can +prescribe the exact degree of fineness to which we must comminute +our food; granted, again, that some can do more than others, and +that at all times all men sport, so to speak, and surpass +themselves, still we know as a general rule near enough, and find +that the strongest can do but very little at a time, and, to return +to Mr. Spencer, the fusion of two such hitherto unassociated ideas +as race and experience was a miracle beyond our strength. + +Assuredly when Mr. Spencer wrote the passages he quoted in the +letter to the Athenaeum above referred to, we were not in the habit +of thinking of any one as able to remember things that had happened +before he had been born or thought of. This notion will still +strike many of my non-readers as harsh and strained; no such +discord, therefore, should have been taken unprepared, and when +taken it should have been resolved with pomp and circumstance. Mr +Spencer, however, though he took it continually, never either +prepared it or resolved it at all, but by using the words +"experience of the race" sprang this seeming paradox upon us, with +the result that his words were barren. They were barren because +they were incoherent; they were incoherent because they were +approached and quitted too suddenly. While we were realising +"experience" our minds excluded "race," inasmuch as experience was +an idea we had been accustomed hitherto to connect only with the +individual; while realising the idea "race," for the same reason, we +as a matter of course excluded experience. We were required to fuse +two ideas that were alien to one another, without having had those +other ideas presented to us which would alone flux them. The +absence of these--which indeed were not immediately ready to hand, +or Mr. Spencer would have doubtless grasped them--made nonsense of +the whole thing; we saw the ideas propped up as two cards one +against the other, on one of Mr. Spencer's pages, only to find that +they had fallen asunder before we had turned over to the next, so we +put down his book resentfully, as written by one who did not know +what to do with his meaning even if he had one, or bore it meekly +while he chastised us with scorpions, as Mr. Darwin had done with +whips, according to our temperaments. + +I may say, in passing, that the barrenness of incoherent ideas, and +the sterility of widely distant species and genera of animals and +plants, are one in principle--the sterility of hybrids being just as +much due to inability to fuse widely unlike and unfamiliar ideas +into a coherent whole, as barrenness of ideas is, and, indeed, +resolving itself ultimately into neither more nor less than +barrenness of ideas--that is to say, into inability to think at all, +or at any rate to think as their neighbours do. + +If Mr. Spencer had made it clear that the generations of any race +are bona fide united by a common personality, and that in virtue of +being so united each generation remembers (within, of course, the +limits to which all memory is subject) what happened to it while +still in the persons of its progenitors--then his order to Professor +Hering and myself should be immediately obeyed; but this was just +what was at once most wanted, and least done by Mr. Spencer. Even +in the passages given above--passages collected by Mr. Spencer +himself--this point is altogether ignored; make it clear as +Professor Hering made it--put continued personality and memory in +the foreground as Professor Hering did, instead of leaving them to +be discovered "by implications," and then such expressions as +"accumulated experiences" and "experience of the race" become +luminous; till this had been done they were Vox et praeterea nihil. + +To sum up briefly. The passages quoted by Mr. Spencer from his +"Principles of Psychology" can hardly be called clear, even now that +Professor Hering and others have thrown light upon them. If, +indeed, they had been clear Mr. Spencer would probably have seen +what they necesitated, and found the way of meeting the difficulties +of the case which occurred to Professor Hering and myself. Till we +wrote, very few writers had even suggested this. The idea that +offspring was only "an elongation or branch proceeding from its +parents" had scintillated in the ingenious brain of Dr. Erasmus +Darwin, and in that of the designer of Jesse tree windows, but it +had kindled no fire; it now turns out that Canon Kingsley had once +called instinct inherited memory, {40a} but the idea, if born alive +at all, died on the page on which it saw light: Professor Ray +Lankester, again called attention to Professor Hering's address +(Nature, July 13, 1876), but no discussion followed, and the matter +dropped without having produced visible effect. As for offspring +remembering in any legitimate sense of the words what it had done, +and what had happened to it, before it was born, no such notion was +understood to have been gravely mooted till very recently. I doubt +whether Mr. Spencer and Mr. Romanes would accept this even now, when +it is put thus undisguisedly; but this is what Professor Hering and +I mean, and it is the only thing that should be meant, by those who +speak of instinct as inherited memory. Mr Spencer cannot maintain +that these two startling novelties went without saying "by +implication" from the use of such expressions as "accumulated +experiences" or "experience of the race." + + + +CHAPTER III--MR. HERBERT SPENCER (continued) + + + +Whether they ought to have gone or not, they did not go. + +When "Life and Habit" was first published no one considered Mr. +Spencer to be maintaining the phenomena of heredity to be in reality +phenomena of memory. When, for example, Professor Ray Lankester +first called attention to Professor Hering's address, he did not +understand Mr. Spencer to be intending this. "Professor Hering," he +wrote (Nature, July 13, 1876), "helps us to a comprehensive view of +the nature of heredity and adaptation, by giving us the word +'memory,' conscious or unconscious, for the continuity of Mr. +Spencer's polar forces or polarities of physiological units." He +evidently found the prominence given to memory a help to him which +he had not derived from reading Mr. Spencer's works. + +When, again, he attacked me in the Athenaeum (March 29, 1884), he +spoke of my "tardy recognition" of the fact that Professor Hering +had preceded me "in treating all manifestations of heredity as a +form of memory." Professor Lankester's words could have no force if +he held that any other writer, and much less so well known a writer +as Mr. Spencer, had preceded me in putting forward the theory in +question. + +When Mr. Romanes reviewed "Unconscious Memory" in Nature (January +27, 1881) the notion of a "race-memory," to use his own words, was +still so new to him that he declared it "simply absurd" to suppose +that it could "possibly be fraught with any benefit to science," and +with him too it was Professor Hering who had anticipated me in the +matter, not Mr. Spencer. + +In his "Mental Evolution in Animals" (p. 296) he said that Canon +Kingsley, writing in 1867, was the first to advance the theory that +instinct is inherited memory; he could not have said this if Mr. +Spencer had been understood to have been upholding this view for the +last thirty years. + +Mr. A. R. Wallace reviewed "Life and Habit" in Nature (March 27, +1879), but he did not find the line I had taken a familiar one, as +he surely must have done if it had followed easily by implication +from Mr. Spencer's works. He called it "an ingenious and +paradoxical explanation" which was evidently new to him. He +concluded by saying that "it might yet afford a clue to some of the +deepest mysteries of the organic world." + +Professor Mivart, when he reviewed my books on Evolution in the +American Catholic Quarterly Review (July 1881), said, "Mr Butler is +not only perfectly logical and consistent in the startling +consequences he deduces from his principles, but," &c. Professor +Mivart could not have found my consequences startling if they had +already been insisted upon for many years by one of the best-known +writers of the day. + +The reviewer of "Evolution Old and New" in the Saturday Review +(March 31, 1879), of whom all I can venture to say is that he or she +is a person whose name carries weight in matters connected with +biology, though he (for brevity) was in the humour for seeing +everything objectionable in me that could be seen, still saw no Mr. +Spencer in me. He said--"Mr Butler's own particular contribution to +the terminology of Evolution is the phrase two or three times +repeated with some emphasis" (I repeated it not two or three times +only, but whenever and wherever I could venture to do so without +wearying the reader beyond endurance) "oneness of personality +between parents and offspring." The writer proceeded to reprobate +this in language upon which a Huxley could hardly improve, but as he +declares himself unable to discover what it means, it may be +presumed that the idea of continued personality between successive +generations was new to him. + +When Dr. Francis Darwin called on me a day or two before "Life and +Habit" went to the press, he said the theory which had pleased him +more than any he had seen for some time was one which referred all +life to memory; {44a} he doubtless intended "which referred all the +phenomena of heredity to memory." He then mentioned Professor Ray +Lankester's article in Nature, of which I had not heard, but he said +nothing about Mr. Spencer, and spoke of the idea as one which had +been quite new to him. + +The above names comprise (excluding Mr. Spencer himself) perhaps +those of the best-known writers on evolution that can be mentioned +as now before the public; it is curious that Mr Spencer should be +the only one of them to see any substantial resemblance between the +"Principles of Psychology" and Professor Hering's address and "Life +and Habit." + +I ought, perhaps, to say that Mr. Romanes, writing to the Athenaeum +(March 8, 1884), took a different view of the value of the theory of +inherited memory to the one he took in 1881. + +In 1881 he said it was "simply absurd" to suppose it could "possibly +be fraught with any benefit to science" or "reveal any truth of +profound significance;" in 1884 he said of the same theory, that "it +formed the backbone of all the previous literature upon instinct" by +Darwin, Spencer, Lewes, Fiske, and Spalding, "not to mention their +numerous followers, and is by all of them elaborately stated as +clearly as any theory can be stated in words." + +Few except Mr. Romanes will say this. I grant it ought to "have +formed the backbone," &c., and ought "to have been elaborately +stated," &c., but when I wrote "Life and Habit" neither Mr Romanes +nor any one else understood it to have been even glanced at by more +than a very few, and as for having been "elaborately stated," it had +been stated by Professor Hering as elaborately as it could be stated +within the limits of an address of only twenty-two pages, but with +this exception it had never been stated at all. It is not too much +to say that "Life and Habit," when it first came out, was considered +so startling a paradox that people would not believe in my desire to +be taken seriously, or at any rate were able to pretend that they +thought I was not writing seriously. + +Mr. Romanes knows this just as well as all must do who keep an eye +on evolution; he himself, indeed, had said (Nature, January 27, +1881) that so long as I "aimed only at entertaining" my "readers by +such works as 'Erewhon' and 'Life and Habit'" (as though these books +were of kindred character) I was in my proper sphere. It would be +doing too little credit to Mr. Romanes' intelligence to suppose him +not to have known when he said this that "Life and Habit" was +written as seriously as my subsequent books on evolution, but it +suited him at the moment to join those who professed to consider it +another book of paradoxes such as, I suppose, "Erewhon" had been, so +he classed the two together. He could not have done this unless +enough people thought, or said they thought, the books akin, to give +colour to his doing so. + +One alone of all my reviewers has, to my knowledge, brought Mr. +Spencer against me. This was a writer in the St. James's Gazette +(December 2, 1880). I challenged him in a letter which appeared +(December 8, 1880), and said, "I would ask your reviewer to be kind +enough to refer your readers to those passages of Mr. Spencer's +"Principles of Psychology" which in any direct intelligible way +refer the phenomena of instinct and heredity generally, to memory on +the part of offspring of the action it bona fide took in the persons +of its forefathers." The reviewer made no reply, and I concluded, +as I have since found correctly, that he could not find the +passages. + +True, in his "Principles of Psychology" (vol. ii. p. 195) Mr. +Spencer says that we have only to expand the doctrine that all +intelligence is acquired through experience "so as to make it +include with the experience of each individual the experiences of +all ancestral individuals," &c. This is all very good, but it is +much the same as saying, "We have only got to stand on our heads and +we shall be able to do so and so." We did not see our way to +standing on our heads, and Mr. Spencer did not help us; we had been +accustomed, as I am afraid I must have said usque ad nauseam +already, to lose sight of the physical connection existing between +parents and offspring; we understood from the marriage service that +husband and wife were in a sense one flesh, but not that parents and +children were so also; and without this conception of the matter, +which in its way is just as true as the more commonly received one, +we could not extend the experience of parents to offspring. It was +not in the bond or nexus of our ideas to consider experience as +appertaining to more than a single individual in the common +acceptance of the term; these two ideas were so closely bound +together that wherever the one went the other went perforce. Here, +indeed, in the very passage of Mr. Spencer's just referred to, the +race is throughout regarded as "a series of individuals"--without an +attempt to call attention to that other view, in virtue of which we +are able to extend to many an idea we had been accustomed to confine +to one. + +In his chapter on Memory, Mr. Spencer certainly approaches the +Heringian view. He says, "On the one hand, Instinct may be regarded +as a kind of organised memory; on the other, Memory may be regarded +as a kind of incipient instinct" ("Principles of Psychology," ed. 2, +vol. i. p. 445). Here the ball has fallen into his hands, but if he +had got firm hold of it he could not have written, "Instinct MAY BE +regarded as A KIND OF, &c.;" to us there is neither "may be regarded +as" nor "kind of" about it; we require, "Instinct is inherited +memory," with an explanation making it intelligible how memory can +come to be inherited at all. I do not like, again, calling memory +"a kind of incipient instinct;" as Mr. Spencer puts them the words +have a pleasant antithesis, but "instinct is inherited memory" +covers all the ground, and to say that memory is inherited instinct +is surplusage. + +Nor does he stick to it long when he says that "instinct is a kind +of organised memory," for two pages later he says that memory, to be +memory at all, must be tolerably conscious or deliberate; he, +therefore (vol. i. p. 447), denies that there can be such a thing as +unconscious memory; but without this it is impossible for us to see +instinct as the "kind of organised memory" which he has just been +calling it, inasmuch as instinct is notably undeliberate and +unreflecting. + +A few pages farther on (vol. i. p. 452) he finds himself driven to +unconscious memory after all, and says that "conscious memory passes +into unconscious or organic memory." Having admitted unconscious +memory, he declares (vol. i. p. 450) that "as fast as those +connections among psychical states, which we form in memory, grow by +constant repetition automatic--they CEASE TO BE PART OF MEMORY," or, +in other words, he again denies that there can be an unconscious +memory. + +Mr. Spencer doubtless saw that he was involved in contradiction in +terms, and having always understood that contradictions in terms +were very dreadful things--which, of course, under some +circumstances they are--thought it well so to express himself that +his readers should be more likely to push on than dwell on what was +before them at the moment. I should be the last to complain of him +merely on the ground that he could not escape contradiction in +terms: who can? When facts conflict, contradict one another, melt +into one another as the colours of the spectrum so insensibly that +none can say where one begins and the other ends, contradictions in +terms become first fruits of thought and speech. They are the basis +of intellectual consciousness, in the same way that a physical +obstacle is the basis of physical sensation. No opposition, no +sensation, applies as much to the psychical as to the physical +kingdom, as soon as these two have got well above the horizon of our +thoughts and can be seen as two. No contradiction, no +consciousness; no cross, no crown; contradictions are the very small +deadlocks without which there is no going; going is our sense of a +succession of small impediments or deadlocks; it is a succession of +cutting Gordian knots, which on a small scale please or pain as the +case may be; on a larger, give an ecstasy of pleasure, or shock to +the extreme of endurance; and on a still larger, kill whether they +be on the right side or the wrong. Nature, as I said in "Life and +Habit," hates that any principle should breed hermaphroditically, +but will give to each an helpmeet for it which shall cross it and be +the undoing of it; and in the undoing, do; and in the doing, undo, +and so ad infinitum. Cross-fertilisation is just as necessary for +continued fertility of ideas as for that of organic life, and the +attempt to frown this or that down merely on the ground that it +involves contradiction in terms, without at the same time showing +that the contradiction is on a larger scale than healthy thought can +stomach, argues either small sense or small sincerity on the part of +those who make it. The contradictions employed by Mr. Spencer are +objectionable, not on the ground of their being contradictions at +all, but on the ground of their being blinked, and used +unintelligently. + +But though it is not possible for any one to get a clear conception +of Mr. Spencer's meaning, we may say with more confidence what it +was that he did not mean. He did not mean to make memory the +keystone of his system; he has none of that sense of the unifying, +binding force of memory which Professor Hering has so well +expressed, nor does he show any signs of perceiving the far-reaching +consequences that ensue if the phenomena of heredity are considered +as phenomena of memory. Thus, when he is dealing with the phenomena +of old age (vol. i. p. 538, ed. 2) he does not ascribe them to lapse +and failure of memory, nor surmise the principle underlying +longevity. He never mentions memory in connection with heredity +without presently saying something which makes us involuntarily +think of a man missing an easy catch at cricket; it is only rarely, +however, that he connects the two at all. I have only been able to +find the word "inherited" or any derivative of the verb "to inherit" +in connection with memory once in all the 1300 long pages of the +"Principles of Psychology." It occurs in vol ii. p. 200, 2d ed., +where the words stand, "Memory, inherited or acquired." I submit +that this was unintelligible when Mr. Spencer wrote it, for want of +an explanation which he never gave; I submit, also, that he could +not have left it unexplained, nor yet as an unrepeated expression +not introduced till late in his work, if he had had any idea of its +pregnancy. + +At any rate, whether he intended to imply what he now implies that +he intended to imply (for Mr. Spencer, like the late Mr. Darwin, is +fond of qualifying phrases), I have shown that those most able and +willing to understand him did not take him to mean what he now +appears anxious to have it supposed that he meant. Surely, +moreover, if he had meant it he would have spoken sooner, when he +saw his meaning had been missed. I can, however, have no hesitation +in saying that if I had known the "Principles of Psychology" +earlier, as well as I know the work now, I should have used it +largely. + +It may be interesting, before we leave Mr. Spencer, to see whether +he even now assigns to continued personality and memory the place +assigned to it by Professor Hering and myself. I will therefore +give the concluding words of the letter to the Athenaeum already +referred to, in which he tells us to stand aside. He writes "I +still hold that inheritance of functionally produced modifications +is the chief factor throughout the higher stages of organic +evolution, bodily as well as mental (see 'Principles of Biology,' i. +166), while I recognise the truth that throughout the lower stages +survival of the fittest is the chief factor, and in the lowest the +almost exclusive factor." + +This is the same confused and confusing utterance which Mr. Spencer +has been giving us any time this thirty years. According to him the +fact that variations can be inherited and accumulated has less to do +with the first development of organic life, than the fact that if a +square organism happens to get into a square hole, it will live +longer and more happily than a square organism which happens to get +into a round one; he declares "the survival of the fittest"--and +this is nothing but the fact that those who "fit" best into their +surroundings will live longest and most comfortably--to have more to +do with the development of the amoeba into, we will say, a mollusc +than heredity itself. True, "inheritance of functionally produced +modifications" is allowed to be the chief factor throughout the +"higher stages of organic evolution," but it has very little to do +in the lower; in these "the almost exclusive factor" is not +heredity, or inheritance, but "survival of the fittest." + +Of course we know that Mr. Spencer does not believe this; of course, +also, all who are fairly well up in the history of the development +theory will see why Mr. Spencer has attempted to draw this +distinction between the "factors" of the development of the higher +and lower forms of life; but no matter how or why Mr. Spencer has +been led to say what he has, he has no business to have said it. +What can we think of a writer who, after so many years of writing +upon his subject, in a passage in which he should make his meaning +doubly clear, inasmuch as he is claiming ground taken by other +writers, declares that though hereditary use and disuse, or, to use +his own words, "the inheritance of functionally produced +modifications," is indeed very important in connection with the +development of the higher forms of life, yet heredity itself has +little or nothing to do with that of the lower? Variations, whether +produced functionally or not, can only be perpetuated and +accumulated because they can be inherited;--and this applies just as +much to the lower as to the higher forms of life; the question which +Professor Hering and I have tried to answer is, "How comes it that +anything can be inherited at all? In virtue of what power is it +that offspring can repeat and improve upon the performances of their +parents?" Our answer was, "Because in a very valid sense, though +not perhaps in the most usually understood, there is continued +personality and an abiding memory between successive generations." +How does Mr. Spencer's confession of faith touch this? If any +meaning can be extracted from his words, he is no more supporting +this view now than he was when he wrote the passages he has adduced +to show that he was supporting it thirty years ago; but after all no +coherent meaning can be got out of Mr. Spencer's letter--except, of +course, that Professor Hering and myself are to stand aside. I have +abundantly shown that I am very ready to do this in favour of +Professor Hering, but see no reason for admitting Mr. Spencer's +claim to have been among the forestallers of "Life and Habit." + + + +CHAPTER IV {52a}--Mr. Romanes' "Mental Evolution in Animals" + + + +Without raising the unprofitable question how Mr. Romanes, in spite +of the indifference with which he treated the theory of Inherited +Memory in 1881, came, in 1883, to be sufficiently imbued with a +sense of its importance, I still cannot afford to dispense with the +weight of his authority, and in this chapter will show how closely +he not infrequently approaches the Heringian position. + +Thus, he says that the analogies between the memory with which we +are familiar in daily life and hereditary memory "are so numerous +and precise" as to justify us in considering them to be of +essentially the same kind. {52b} + +Again, he says that although the memory of milk shown by new-born +infants is "at all events in large part hereditary, it is none the +less memory" of a certain kind. {52c} + +Two lines lower down he writes of "hereditary memory or instinct," +thereby implying that instinct is "hereditary memory." "It makes no +essential difference," he says, "whether the past sensation was +actually experienced by the individual itself, or bequeathed it, so +to speak, by its ancestors. {52d} For it makes no essential +difference whether the nervous changes . . . were occasioned during +the life-time of the individual or during that of the species, and +afterwards impressed by heredity on the individual." + +Lower down on the same page he writes:- + +"As showing how close is the connection between hereditary memory +and instinct," &c. + +And on the following page:- + +"And this shows how closely the phenomena of hereditary memory are +related to those of individual memory: at this stage . . . it is +practically impossible to disentangle the effects of hereditary +memory from those of the individual." + +Again:- + +"Another point which we have here to consider is the part which +heredity has played in forming the perceptive faculty of the +individual prior to its own experience. We have already seen that +heredity plays an important part in forming memory of ancestral +experiences, and thus it is that many animals come into the world +with their power of perception already largely developed. The +wealth of ready-formed information, and therefore of ready-made +powers of perception, with which many newly-born or newly-hatched +animals are provided, is so great and so precise that it scarcely +requires to be supplemented by the subsequent experience of the +individual." {53a} + +Again:- + +"Instincts probably owe their origin and development to one or other +of the two principles. + +"I. The first mode of origin consists in natural selection or +survival of the fittest, continuously preserving actions, &c. &c. + +"II. The second mode of origin is as follows:- By the effects of +habit in successive generations, actions which were originally +intelligent become as it were stereotyped into permanent instincts. +Just as in the lifetime of the individual adjustive actions which +were originally intelligent may by frequent repetition become +automatic, so in the lifetime of species actions originally +intelligent may by frequent repetition and heredity so write their +effects on the nervous system that the latter is prepared, even +before individual experience, to perform adjustive actions +mechanically which in previous generations were performed +intelligently. This mode of origin of instincts has been +appropriately called (by Lewes--see "Problems of Life and Mind" +{54a}) the 'lapsing of intelligence.'" {54b} + +I may say in passing that in spite of the great stress laid by Mr. +Romanes both in his "Mental Evolution in Animals" and in his letters +to the Athenaeum in March 1884, on Natural Selection as an +originator and developer of instinct, he very soon afterwards let +the Natural Selection part of the story go as completely without +saying as I do myself, or as Mr. Darwin did during the later years +of his life. Writing to Nature, April 10, 1884, he said: "To deny +THAT EXPERIENCE IN THE COURSE OF SUCCESSIVE GENERATIONS IS THE +SOURCE OF INSTINCT, is not to meet by way of argument the enormous +mass of evidence which goes to prove THAT THIS IS THE CASE." Here, +then, instinct is referred, without reservation, to "experience in +successive generations," and this is nonsense unless explained as +Professor Hering and I explain it. Mr. Romanes' words, in fact, +amount to an unqualified acceptance of the chapter "Instinct as +Inherited Memory" given in "Life and Habit," of which Mr. Romanes in +March 1884 wrote in terms which it is not necessary to repeat. + +Later on:- + +"That 'practice makes perfect' is a matter, as I have previously +said, of daily observation. Whether we regard a juggler, a pianist, +or a billiard-player, a child learning his lesson or an actor his +part by frequently repeating it, or a thousand other illustrations +of the same process, we see at once that there is truth in the +cynical definition of a man as a 'bundle of habits.' And the same, +of course, is true of animals." {55a} + +From this Mr. Romanes goes on to show "that automatic actions and +conscious habits may be inherited," {55b} and in the course of doing +this contends that "instincts may be lost by disuse, and conversely +that they may be acquired as instincts by the hereditary +transmission of ancestral experience." + +On another page Mr. Romanes says:- + +"Let us now turn to the second of these two assumptions, viz., that +some at least among migratory birds must possess, by inheritance +alone, a very precise knowledge of the particular direction to be +pursued. It is without question an astonishing fact that a young +cuckoo should be prompted to leave its foster parents at a +particular season of the year, and without any guide to show the +course previously taken by its own parents, but this is a fact which +must be met by any theory of instinct which aims at being complete. +Now upon our own theory it can only be met by taking it to be due to +inherited memory." + +A little lower Mr. Romanes says: "Of what kind, then, is the +inherited memory on which the young cuckoo (if not also other +migratory birds) depends? We can only answer, of the same kind, +whatever this may be, as that upon which the old bird depends." +{55c} + +I have given above most of the more marked passages which I have +been able to find in Mr. Romanes' book which attribute instinct to +memory, and which admit that there is no fundamental difference +between the kind of memory with which we are all familiar and +hereditary memory as transmitted from one generation to another. + +But throughout his work there are passages which suggest, though +less obviously, the same inference. + +The passages I have quoted show that Mr. Romanes is upholding the +same opinions as Professor Hering's and my own, but their effect and +tendency is more plain here than in Mr Romanes' own book, where they +are overlaid by nearly 400 long pages of matter which is not always +easy of comprehension. + +Moreover, at the same time that I claim the weight of Mr. Romanes' +authority, I am bound to admit that I do not find his support +satisfactory. The late Mr. Darwin himself--whose mantle seems to +have fallen more especially and particularly on Mr. Romanes--could +not contradict himself more hopelessly than Mr. Romanes often does. +Indeed in one of the very passages I have quoted in order to show +that Mr. Romanes accepts the phenomena of heredity as phenomena of +memory, he speaks of "heredity as playing an important part IN +FORMING MEMORY of ancestral experiences;" so that, whereas I want +him to say that the phenomena of heredity are due to memory, he will +have it that the memory is due to the heredity, which seems to me +absurd. + +Over and over again Mr. Romanes insists that it is heredity which +does this or that. Thus it is "HEREDITY WITH NATURAL SELECTION +WHICH ADAPT the anatomical plan of the ganglia." {56a} It is +heredity which impresses nervous changes on the individual. {56b} +"In the lifetime of species actions originally intelligent may by +frequent repetition and heredity," &c.; {56c} but he nowhere tells +us what heredity is any more than Messrs. Herbert Spencer, Darwin, +and Lewes have done. This, however, is exactly what Professor +Hering, whom I have unwittingly followed, does. He resolves all +phenomena of heredity, whether in respect of body or mind, into +phenomena of memory. He says in effect, "A man grows his body as he +does, and a bird makes her nest as she does, because both man and +bird remember having grown body and made nest as they now do, or +very nearly so, on innumerable past occasions." He thus, as I have +said on an earlier page, reduces life from an equation of say 100 +unknown quantities to one of 99 only by showing that heredity and +memory, two of the original 100 unknown quantities, are in reality +part of one and the same thing. + +That he is right Mr. Romanes seems to me to admit, though in a very +unsatisfactory way. + +What, for example, can be more unsatisfactory than the following?-- +Mr. Romanes says that the most fundamental principle of mental +operation is that of memory, and that this "is the conditio sine qua +non of all mental life" (page 35). + +I do not understand Mr. Romanes to hold that there is any living +being which has no mind at all, and I do understand him to admit +that development of body and mind are closely interdependent. + +If, then, "the most fundamental principle" of mind is memory, it +follows that memory enters also as a fundamental principle into +development of body. For mind and body are so closely connected +that nothing can enter largely into the one without correspondingly +affecting the other. + +On a later page Mr. Romanes speaks point-blank of the new-born child +as "EMBODYING the results of a great mass of HEREDITARY EXPERIENCE" +(p. 77), so that what he is driving at can be collected by those who +take trouble, but is not seen until we call up from our own +knowledge matter whose relevancy does not appear on the face of it, +and until we connect passages many pages asunder, the first of which +may easily be forgotten before we reach the second. There can be no +doubt, however, that Mr. Romanes does in reality, like Professor +Hering and myself, regard development, whether of mind or body, as +due to memory, for it is now pretty generally seen to be nonsense to +talk about "hereditary experience" or "hereditary memory" if +anything else is intended. + +I have said above that on page 113 of his recent work Mr. Romanes +declares the analogies between the memory with which we are familiar +in daily life, and hereditary memory, to be "so numerous and +precise" as to justify us in considering them as of one and the same +kind. + +This is certainly his meaning, but, with the exception of the words +within inverted commas, it is not his language. His own words are +these:- + +"Profound, however, as our ignorance unquestionably is concerning +the physical substratum of memory, I think we are at least justified +in regarding this substratum as the same both in ganglionic or +organic, and in the conscious or psychological memory, seeing that +the analogies between them are so numerous and precise. +Consciousness is but an adjunct which arises when the physical +processes, owing to infrequency of repetition, complexity of +operation, or other causes, involve what I have before called +ganglionic friction." + +I submit that I have correctly translated Mr. Romanes' meaning, and +also that we have a right to complain of his not saying what he has +to say in words which will involve less "ganglionic friction" on the +part of the reader. + +Another example may be found on p. 43 of Mr. Romanes' book. +"Lastly," he writes, "just as innumerable special mechanisms of +muscular co-ordinations are found to be inherited, innumerable +special associations of ideas are found to be the same, and in one +case as in the other the strength of the organically imposed +connection is found to bear a direct proportion to the frequency +with which in the history of the species it has occurred." + +Mr. Romanes is here intending what the reader will find insisted on +on p. 51 of "Life and Habit;" but how difficult he has made what +could have been said intelligibly enough, if there had been nothing +but the reader's comfort to be considered. Unfortunately that seems +to have been by no means the only thing of which Mr. Romanes was +thinking, or why, after implying and even saying over and over again +that instinct is inherited habit due to inherited memory, should he +turn sharply round on p. 297 and praise Mr. Darwin for trying to +snuff out "the well-known doctrine of inherited habit as advanced by +Lamarck"? The answer is not far to seek. It is because Mr. Romanes +did not merely want to tell us all about instinct, but wanted also, +if I may use a homely metaphor, to hunt with the hounds and run with +the hare at one and the same time. + +I remember saying that if the late Mr. Darwin "had told us what the +earlier evolutionists said, why they said it, wherein he differed +from them, and in what way he proposed to set them straight, he +would have taken a course at once more agreeable with usual +practice, and more likely to remove misconception from his own mind +and from those of his readers." {59a} This I have no doubt was one +of the passages which made Mr. Romanes so angry with me. I can find +no better words to apply to Mr. Romanes himself. He knows perfectly +well what others have written about the connection between heredity +and memory, and he knows no less well that so far as he is +intelligible at all he is taking the same view that they have taken. +If he had begun by saying what they had said, and had then improved +on it, I for one should have been only too glad to be improved upon. + +Mr. Romanes has spoiled his book just because this plain old- +fashioned method of procedure was not good enough for him. One-half +the obscurity which makes his meaning so hard to apprehend is due to +exactly the same cause as that which has ruined so much of the late +Mr. Darwin's work--I mean to a desire to appear to be differing +altogether from others with whom he knew himself after all to be in +substantial agreement. He adopts, but (probably quite +unconsciously) in his anxiety to avoid appearing to adopt, he +obscures what he is adopting. + +Here, for example, is Mr. Romanes' definition of instinct:- + +"Instinct is reflex action into which there is imported the element +of consciousness. The term is therefore a generic one, comprising +all those faculties of mind which are concerned in conscious and +adaptive action, antecedent to individual experience, without +necessary knowledge of the relation between means employed and ends +attained, but similarly performed under similar and frequently +recurring circumstances by all the individuals of the same species." +{60a} + +If Mr. Romanes would have been content to build frankly upon +Professor Hering's foundation, the soundness of which he has +elsewhere abundantly admitted, he might have said - + +"Instinct is knowledge or habit acquired in past generations--the +new generation remembering what happened to it before it parted +company with the old. More briefly, Instinct is inherited memory." +Then he might have added a rider - + +"If a habit is acquired as a new one, during any given lifetime, it +is not an instinct. If having been acquired in one lifetime it is +transmitted to offspring, it is an instinct in the offspring, though +it was not an instinct in the parent. If the habit is transmitted +partially, it must be considered as partly instinctive and partly +acquired." + +This is easy; it tells people how they may test any action so as to +know what they ought to call it; it leaves well alone by avoiding +all such debatable matters as reflex action, consciousness, +intelligence, purpose, knowledge of purpose. &c.; it both introduces +the feature of inheritance which is the one mainly distinguishing +instinctive from so-called intelligent actions, and shows the manner +in which these last pass into the first, that is to say, by way of +memory and habitual repetition; finally it points the fact that the +new generation is not to be looked upon as a new thing, but (as Dr. +Erasmus Darwin long since said {61a}) as "a branch or elongation" of +the one immediately preceding it. + +In Mr. Darwin's case it is hardly possible to exaggerate the waste +of time, money and trouble that has been caused, by his not having +been content to appear as descending with modification like other +people from those who went before him. It will take years to get +the evolution theory out of the mess in which Mr. Darwin has left +it. He was heir to a discredited truth; he left behind him an +accredited fallacy. Mr. Romanes, if he is not stopped in time, will +get the theory connecting heredity and memory into just such another +muddle as Mr. Darwin has got evolution, for surely the writer who +can talk about "HEREDITY BEING ABLE TO WORK UP the faculty of homing +into the instinct of migration," {61b} or of "the principle of +(natural) selection combining with that of lapsing intelligence to +the formation of a joint result," {61c} is little likely to depart +from the usual methods of scientific procedure with advantage either +to himself or any one else. Fortunately Mr. Romanes is not Mr. +Darwin, and though he has certainly got Mr. Darwin's mantle, and got +it very much too, it will not on Mr. Romanes' shoulders hide a good +deal that people were not going to observe too closely while Mr. +Darwin wore it. + +I ought to say that the late Mr. Darwin appears himself eventually +to have admitted the soundness of the theory connecting heredity and +memory. Mr. Romanes quotes a letter written by Mr. Darwin in the +last year of his life, in which he speaks of an intelligent action +gradually becoming "INSTINCTIVE, I.E., MEMORY TRANSMITTED FROM ONE +GENERATION TO ANOTHER." {62a} + +Briefly, the stages of Mr. Darwin's opinion upon the subject of +hereditary memory are as follows:- + +1859. "It would be THE MOST SERIOUS ERROR to suppose that the +greater number of instincts have been acquired by habit in one +generation and transmitted by inheritance to succeeding +generations." {62b} And this more especially applies to the +instincts of many ants. + +1876. "It would be a SERIOUS ERROR to suppose," &c., as before. +{62c} + +1881. "We should remember WHAT A MASS OF INHERITED KNOWLEDGE is +crowded into the minute brain of a worker ant." {62d} + +1881 or 1882. Speaking of a given habitual action Mr. Darwin +writes: "It does not seem to me at all incredible that this action +[and why this more than any other habitual action?] should then +become instinctive:" i.e., MEMORY TRANSMITTED FROM ONE GENERATION TO +ANOTHER. {62e} + +And yet in 1839, or thereabouts, Mr. Darwin had pretty nearly +grasped the conception from which until the last year or two of his +life he so fatally strayed; for in his contribution to the volumes +giving an account of the voyages of the Adventure and Beagle, he +wrote: "Nature by making habit omnipotent and its effects +hereditary, has fitted the Fuegian for the climate and productions +of his country" (p. 237). + +What is the secret of the long departure from the simple common- +sense view of the matter which he took when he was a young man? I +imagine simply what I have referred to in the preceding chapter, +over-anxiety to appear to be differing from his grandfather, Dr. +Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck. + +I believe I may say that Mr. Darwin before he died not only admitted +the connection between memory and heredity, but came also to see +that he must readmit that design in organism which he had so many +years opposed. For in the preface to Hermann Muller's +"Fertilisation of Flowers," {63a} which bears a date only a very few +weeks prior to Mr. Darwin's death, I find him saying:- "Design in +nature has for a long time deeply interested many men, and though +the subject must now be looked at from a somewhat different point of +view from what was formerly the case, it is not on that account +rendered less interesting." This is mused forth as a general gnome, +and may mean anything or nothing: the writer of the letterpress +under the hieroglyph in Old Moore's Almanac could not be more +guarded; but I think I know what it does mean. + +I cannot, of course, be sure; Mr. Darwin did not probably intend +that I should; but I assume with confidence that whether there is +design in organism or no, there is at any rate design in this +passage of Mr. Darwin's. This, we may be sure, is not a fortuitous +variation; and, moreover, it is introduced for some reason which +made Mr. Darwin think it worth while to go out of his way to +introduce it. It has no fitness in its connection with Hermann +Muller's book, for what little Hermann Muller says about teleology +at all is to condemn it; why, then, should Mr. Darwin muse here of +all places in the world about the interest attaching to design in +organism? Neither has the passage any connection with the rest of +the preface. There is not another word about design, and even here +Mr. Darwin seems mainly anxious to face both ways, and pat design as +it were on the head while not committing himself to any proposition +which could be disputed. + +The explanation is sufficiently obvious. Mr Darwin wanted to hedge. +He saw that the design which his works had been mainly instrumental +in pitchforking out of organisms no less manifestly designed than a +burglar's jemmy is designed, had nevertheless found its way back +again, and that though, as I insisted in "Evolution Old and New," +and "Unconscious Memory," it must now be placed within the organism +instead of outside it, as "was formerly the case," it was not on +that account any the less--design, as well as interesting. + +I should like to have seen Mr. Darwin say this more explicitly. +Indeed I should have liked to have seen Mr. Darwin say anything at +all about the meaning of which there could be no mistake, and +without contradicting himself elsewhere; but this was not Mr. +Darwin's manner. + +In passing I will give another example of Mr Darwin's manner when he +did not quite dare even to hedge. It is to be found in the preface +which he wrote to Professor Weismann's "Studies in the Theory of +Descent," published in 1881. + +"Several distinguished naturalists," says Mr. Darwin, "maintain with +much confidence that organic beings tend to vary and to rise in the +scale, independently of the conditions to which they and their +progenitors have been exposed; whilst others maintain that all +variation is due to such exposure, though the manner in which the +environment acts is as yet quite unknown. At the present time there +is hardly any question in biology of more importance than this of +the nature and causes of variability; and the reader will find in +the present work an able discussion on the whole subject, which will +probably lead him to pause before he admits the existence of an +innate tendency to perfectibility"--or towards BEING ABLE TO BE +PERFECTED. + +I could find no able discussion upon the whole subject in Professor +Weismann's book. There was a little something here and there, but +not much. + +It may be expected that I should say something here about Mr. +Romanes' latest contribution to biology--I mean his theory of +physiological selection, of which the two first instalments have +appeared in Nature just as these pages are leaving my hands, and +many months since the foregoing, and most of the following chapters +were written. I admit to feeling a certain sense of thankfulness +that they did not appear earlier; as it is, my book is too far +advanced to be capable of further embryonic change, and this must be +my excuse for saying less about Mr. Romanes' theory than I might +perhaps otherwise do. I cordially, however, agree with the Times, +which says that "Mr. George Romanes appears to be the biological +investigator on whom the mantle of Mr. Darwin has most conspicuously +descended" (August 16, 1886). Mr. Romanes is just the person whom +the late Mr. Darwin would select to carry on his work, and Mr. +Darwin was just the kind of person towards whom Mr. Romanes would +find himself instinctively attracted. + +The Times continues--"The position which Mr. Romanes takes up is the +result of his perception shared by many evolutionists, that the +theory of natural selection is not really a theory of the origin of +species. . . ." What, then, becomes of Mr. Darwin's most famous +work, which was written expressly to establish natural selection as +the main means of organic modification? "The new factor which Mr. +Romanes suggests," continues the Times, "is that at a certain stage +of development of varieties in a state of nature a change takes +place in their reproductive systems, rendering those which differ in +some particulars mutually infertile, and thus the formation of new +permanent species takes place without the swamping effect of free +intercrossing. . . . How his theory can be properly termed one of +selection he fails to make clear. If correct, it is a law or +principle of operation rather than a process of selection. It has +been objected to Mr. Romanes' theory that it is the re-statement of +a fact. This objection is less important than the lack of facts in +support of the theory." The Times, however, implies it as its +opinion that the required facts will be forthcoming by and by, and +that when they have been found Mr. Romanes' suggestion will +constitute "the most important addition to the theory of evolution +since the publication of the 'Origin of Species.'" Considering that +the Times has just implied the main thesis of the "Origin of +Species" to be one which does not stand examination, this is rather +a doubtful compliment. + +Neither Mr. Romanes nor the writer in the Times appears to perceive +that the results which may or may not be supposed to ensue on choice +depend upon what it is that is supposed to be chosen from; they do +not appear to see that though the expression natural selection must +be always more or less objectionable, as too highly charged with +metaphor for purposes of science, there is nevertheless a natural +selection which is open to no other objection than this, and which, +when its metaphorical character is borne well in mind, may be used +without serious risk of error, whereas natural selection from +variations that are mainly fortuitous is chimerical as well as +metaphorical. Both writers speak of natural selection as though +there could not possibly be any selection in the course of nature, +or natural survival, of any but accidental variations. Thus Mr. +Romanes says: {66a} "The swamping effect of free inter-crossing +upon an individual variation constitutes perhaps the most formidable +difficulty with which THE THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION is beset." +And the writer of the article in the Times above referred to says: +"In truth THE THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION presents many facts and +results which increase rather than diminish the difficulty of +accounting for the existence of species." The assertion made in +each case is true if the Charles-Darwinian selection from fortuitous +variations is intended, but it does not hold good if the selection +is supposed to be made from variations under which there lies a +general principle of wide and abiding application. It is not likely +that a man of Mr. Romanes' antecedents should not be perfectly awake +to considerations so obvious as the foregoing, and I am afraid I am +inclined to consider his whole suggestion as only an attempt upon +the part of the wearer of Mr. Darwin's mantle to carry on Mr. +Darwin's work in Mr. Darwin's spirit. + +I have seen Professor Hering's theory adopted recently more +unreservedly by Dr. Creighton in his "Illustrations of Unconscious +Memory in Disease." {67a} Dr. Creighton avowedly bases his system +on Professor Hering's address, and endorses it; it is with much +pleasure that I have seen him lend the weight of his authority to +the theory that each cell and organ has an individual memory. In +"Life and Habit" I expressed a hope that the opinions it upheld +would be found useful by medical men, and am therefore the more glad +to see that this has proved to be the case. I may perhaps be +pardoned if I quote the passage in" Life and Habit" to which I am +referring. It runs:- + +"Mutatis mutandis, the above would seem to hold as truly about +medicine as about politics. We cannot reason with our cells, for +they know so much more" (of course I mean "about their own +business") "than we do, that they cannot understand us;--but though +we cannot reason with them, we can find out what they have been most +accustomed to, and what, therefore, they are most likely to expect; +we can see that they get this as far as it is in our power to give +it them, and may then generally leave the rest to them, only bearing +in mind that they will rebel equally against too sudden a change of +treatment and no change at all" (p. 305). + +Dr. Creighton insists chiefly on the importance of change, which-- +though I did not notice his saying so--he would doubtless see as a +mode of cross-fertilisation, fraught in all respects with the same +advantages as this, and requiring the same precautions against +abuse; he would not, however, I am sure, deny that there could be no +fertility of good results if too wide a cross were attempted, so +that I may claim the weight of his authority as supporting both the +theory of an unconscious memory in general, and the particular +application of it to medicine which I had ventured to suggest. + +"Has the word 'memory,'" he asks, "a real application to unconscious +organic phenomena, or do we use it outside its ancient limits only +in a figure of speech?" + +"If I had thought," he continues later, "that unconscious memory was +no more than a metaphor, and the detailed application of it to these +various forms of disease merely allegorical, I should still have +judged it not unprofitable to represent a somewhat hackneyed class +of maladies in the light of a parable. None of our faculties is +more familiar to us in its workings than the memory, and there is +hardly any force or power in nature which every one knows so well as +the force of habit. To say that a neurotic subject is like a person +with a retentive memory, or that a diathesis gradually acquired is +like an over-mastering habit, is at all events to make comparisons +with things that we all understand. + +"For reasons given chiefly in the first chapter, I conclude that +retentiveness, with reproduction, is a single undivided faculty +throughout the whole of our life, whether mental or bodily, +conscious or unconscious; and I claim the description of a certain +class of maladies according to the phraseology of memory and habit +as a real description and not a figurative." (p. 2.) + +As a natural consequence of the foregoing he regards "alterative +action" as "habit-breaking action." + +As regards the organism's being guided throughout its development to +maturity by an unconscious memory, Dr. Creighton says that +"Professor Bain calls reproduction the acme of organic +complication." "I should prefer to say," he adds, "the acme of +organic implication; for the reason that the sperm and germ elements +are perfectly simple, having nothing in their form or structure to +show for the marvellous potentialities within them. + +"I now come to the application of these considerations to the +doctrine of unconscious memory. If generation is the acme of +organic implicitness, what is its correlative in nature, what is the +acme of organic explicitness? Obviously the fine flower of +consciousness. Generation is implicit memory, consciousness is +explicit memory; generation is potential memory, consciousness is +actual memory." + +I am not sure that I understand the preceding paragraph as clearly +as I should wish, but having quoted enough to perhaps induce the +reader to turn to Dr. Creighton's book, I will proceed to the +subject indicated in my title. + + + +CHAPTER V--Statement of the Question at Issue + + + +Of the two points referred to in the opening sentence of this book-- +I mean the connection between heredity and memory, and the +reintroduction of design into organic modification--the second is +both the more important and the one which stands most in need of +support. The substantial identity between heredity and memory is +becoming generally admitted; as regards my second point, however, I +cannot flatter myself that I have made much way against the +formidable array of writers on the neo-Darwinian side; I shall +therefore devote the rest of my book as far as possible to this +subject only. Natural selection (meaning by these words the +preservation in the ordinary course of nature of favourable +variations that are supposed to be mainly matters of pure good luck +and in no way arising out of function) has been, to use an +Americanism than which I can find nothing apter, the biggest +biological boom of the last quarter of a century; it is not, +therefore, to be wondered at that Professor Ray Lankester, Mr. +Romanes, Mr. Grant Allen, and others, should show some impatience at +seeing its value as prime means of modification called in question. +Within the last few months, indeed, Mr. Grant Allen {70a} and +Professor Ray Lankester {70b} in England, and Dr. Ernst Krause {70c} +in Germany, have spoken and written warmly in support of the theory +of natural selection, and in opposition to the views taken by +myself; if they are not to be left in possession of the field the +sooner they are met the better. + +Stripped of detail the point at issue is this;--whether luck or +cunning is the fitter to be insisted on as the main means of organic +development. Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck answered this question in +favour of cunning. They settled it in favour of intelligent +perception of the situation--within, of course, ever narrower and +narrower limits as organism retreats farther backwards from +ourselves--and persistent effort to turn it to account. They made +this the soul of all development whether of mind or body. + +And they made it, like all other souls, liable to aberration both +for better and worse. They held that some organisms show more ready +wit and savoir faire than others; that some give more proofs of +genius and have more frequent happy thoughts than others, and that +some have even gone through waters of misery which they have used as +wells. + +The sheet anchor both of Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck is in good sense +and thrift; still they are aware that money has been sometimes made +by "striking oil," and ere now been transmitted to descendants in +spite of the haphazard way in which it was originally acquired. No +speculation, no commerce; "nothing venture, nothing have," is as +true for the development of organic wealth as for that of any other +kind, and neither Erasmus Darwin nor Lamarck hesitated about +admitting that highly picturesque and romantic incidents of +developmental venture do from time to time occur in the race +histories even of the dullest and most dead-level organisms under +the name of "sports;" but they would hold that even these occur most +often and most happily to those that have persevered in well-doing +for some generations. Unto the organism that hath is given, and +from the organism that hath not is taken away; so that even "sports" +prove to be only a little off thrift, which still remains the sheet +anchor of the early evolutionists. They believe, in fact, that more +organic wealth has been made by saving than in any other way. The +race is not in the long run to the phenomenally swift nor the battle +to the phenomenally strong, but to the good average all-round +organism that is alike shy of Radical crotchets and old world +obstructiveness. Festina, but festina lente--perhaps as involving +so completely the contradiction in terms which must underlie all +modification--is the motto they would assign to organism, and Chi va +piano va lontano, they hold to be a maxim as old, if not as the +hills (and they have a hankering even after these), at any rate as +the amoeba. + +To repeat in other words. All enduring forms establish a modus +vivendi with their surroundings. They can do this because both they +and the surroundings are plastic within certain undefined but +somewhat narrow limits. They are plastic because they can to some +extent change their habits, and changed habit, if persisted in, +involves corresponding change, however slight, in the organs +employed; but their plasticity depends in great measure upon their +failure to perceive that they are moulding themselves. If a change +is so great that they are seriously incommoded by its novelty, they +are not likely to acquiesce in it kindly enough to grow to it, but +they will make no difficulty about the miracle involved in +accommodating themselves to a difference of only two or three per +cent. {72a} + +As long as no change exceeds this percentage, and as long, also, as +fresh change does not supervene till the preceding one is well +established, there seems no limit to the amount of modification +which may be accumulated in the course of generations--provided, of +course, always, that the modification continues to be in conformity +with the instinctive habits and physical development of the organism +in their collective capacity. Where the change is too great, or +where an organ has been modified cumulatively in some one direction, +until it has reached a development too seriously out of harmony with +the habits of the organism taken collectively, then the organism +holds itself excused from further effort, throws up the whole +concern, and takes refuge in the liquidation and reconstruction of +death. It is only on the relinquishing of further effort that this +death ensues; as long as effort endures, organisms go on from change +to change, altering and being altered--that is to say, either +killing themselves piecemeal in deference to the surroundings or +killing the surroundings piecemeal to suit themselves. There is a +ceaseless higgling and haggling, or rather a life-and-death struggle +between these two things as long as life lasts, and one or other or +both have in no small part to re-enter into the womb from whence +they came and be born again in some form which shall give greater +satisfaction. + +All change is pro tanto death or pro tanto birth. Change is the +common substratum which underlies both life and death; life and +death are not two distinct things absolutely antagonistic to one +another; in the highest life there is still much death, and in the +most complete death there is still not a little life. La vie, says +Claud Bernard, {73a} c'est la mort: he might have added, and +perhaps did, et la mort ce n'est que la vie transformee. Life and +death are the extreme modes of something which is partly both and +wholly neither; this something is common, ordinary change; solve any +change and the mystery of life and death will be revealed; show why +and how anything becomes ever anything other in any respect than +what it is at any given moment, and there will be little secret left +in any other change. One is not in its ultimate essence more +miraculous that another; it may be more striking--a greater +congeries of shocks, it may be more credible or more incredible, but +not more miraculous; all change is qua us absolutely +incomprehensible and miraculous; the smallest change baffles the +greatest intellect if its essence, as apart from its phenomena, be +inquired into. + +But however this may be, all organic change is either a growth or a +dissolution, or a combination of the two. Growth is the coming +together of elements with quasi similar characteristics. I +understand it is believed to be the coming together of matter in +certain states of motion with other matter in states so nearly +similar that the rhythms of the one coalesce with and hence +reinforce the rhythms pre-existing in the other--making, rather than +marring and undoing them. Life and growth are an attuning, death +and decay are an untuning; both involve a succession of greater or +smaller attunings and untunings; organic life is "the diapason +closing full in man"; it is the fulness of a tone that varies in +pitch, quality, and in the harmonics to which it gives rise; it +ranges through every degree of complexity from the endless +combinations of life-and-death within life-and-death which we find +in the mammalia, to the comparative simplicity of the amoeba. +Death, again, like life, ranges through every degree of complexity. +All pleasant changes are recreative; they are pro tanto births; all +unpleasant changes are wearing, and, as such, pro tanto deaths, but +we can no more exhaust either wholly of the other, than we can +exhaust all the air out of a receiver; pleasure and pain lurk within +one another, as life in death, and death in life, or as rest and +unrest in one another. + +There is no greater mystery in life than in death. We talk as +though the riddle of life only need engage us; this is not so; death +is just as great a miracle as life; the one is two and two making +five, the other is five splitting into two and two. Solve either, +and we have solved the other; they should be studied not apart, for +they are never parted, but together, and they will tell more tales +of one another than either will tell about itself. If there is one +thing which advancing knowledge makes clearer than another, it is +that death is swallowed up in life, and life in death; so that if +the last enemy that shall be subdued is death, then indeed is our +salvation nearer than what we thought, for in strictness there is +neither life nor death, nor thought nor thing, except as figures of +speech, and as the approximations which strike us for the time as +most convenient. There is neither perfect life nor perfect death, +but a being ever with the Lord only, in the eternal f??a, or going +to and fro and heat and fray of the universe. When we were young we +thought the one certain thing was that we should one day come to +die; now we know the one certain thing to be that we shall never +wholly do so. Non omnis moriar, says Horace, and "I die daily," +says St. Paul, as though a life beyond the grave, and a death on +this side of it, were each some strange thing which happened to them +alone of all men; but who dies absolutely once for all, and for ever +at the hour that is commonly called that of death, and who does not +die daily and hourly? Does any man in continuing to live from day +to day or moment to moment, do more than continue in a changed body, +with changed feelings, ideas, and aims, so that he lives from moment +to moment only in virtue of a simultaneous dying from moment to +moment also? Does any man in dying do more than, on a larger and +more complete scale, what he has been doing on a small one, as the +most essential factor of his life, from the day that he became "he" +at all? When the note of life is struck the harmonics of death are +sounded, and so, again, to strike death is to arouse the infinite +harmonics of life that rise forthwith as incense curling upwards +from a censer. If in the midst of life we are in death, so also in +the midst of death we are in life, and whether we live or whether we +die, whether we like it and know anything about it or no, still we +do it to the Lord--living always, dying always, and in the Lord +always, the unjust and the just alike, for God is no respecter of +persons. + +Consciousness and change, so far as we can watch them, are as +functionally interdependent as mind and matter, or condition and +substance, are--for the condition of every substance may be +considered as the expression and outcome of its mind. Where there +is consciousness there is change; where there is no change there is +no consciousness; may we not suspect that there is no change without +a pro tanto consciousness however simple and unspecialised? Change +and motion are one, so that we have substance, feeling, change (or +motion), as the ultimate three-in-one of our thoughts, and may +suspect all change, and all feeling, attendant or consequent, +however limited, to be the interaction of those states which for +want of better terms we call mind and matter. Action may be +regarded as a kind of middle term between mind and matter; it is the +throe of thought and thing, the quivering clash and union of body +and soul; commonplace enough in practice; miraculous, as violating +every canon on which thought and reason are founded, if we theorise +about it, put it under the microscope, and vivisect it. It is here, +if anywhere, that body or substance is guilty of the contradiction +in terms of combining with that which is without material substance +and cannot, therefore, be conceived by us as passing in and out with +matter, till the two become a body ensouled and a soul embodied. + +All body is more or less ensouled. As it gets farther and farther +from ourselves, indeed, we sympathise less with it; nothing, we say +to ourselves, can have intelligence unless we understand all about +it--as though intelligence in all except ourselves meant the power +of being understood rather than of understanding. We are +intelligent, and no intelligence, so different from our own as to +baffle our powers of comprehension deserves to be called +intelligence at all. The more a thing resembles ourselves, the more +it thinks as we do--and thus by implication tells us that we are +right, the more intelligent we think it; and the less it thinks as +we do, the greater fool it must be; if a substance does not succeed +in making it clear that it understands our business, we conclude +that it cannot have any business of its own, much less understand +it, or indeed understand anything at all. But letting this pass, so +far as we are concerned, [Greek text]; we are +body ensouled, and soul embodied, ourselves, nor is it possible for +us to think seriously of anything so unlike ourselves as to consist +either of soul without body, or body without soul. Unmattered +condition, therefore, is as inconceivable by us as unconditioned +matter; and we must hold that all body with which we can be +conceivably concerned is more or less ensouled, and all soul, in +like manner, more or less embodied. Strike either body or soul-- +that is to say, effect either a physical or a mental change, and the +harmonics of the other sound. So long as body is minded in a +certain way--so long, that is to say, as it feels, knows, remembers, +concludes, and forecasts one set of things--it will be in one form; +if it assumes a new one, otherwise than by external violence, no +matter how slight the change may be, it is only through having +changed its mind, through having forgotten and died to some trains +of thought, and having been correspondingly born anew by the +adoption of new ones. What it will adopt depends upon which of the +various courses open to it it considers most to its advantage. + +What it will think to its advantage depends mainly on the past +habits of its race. Its past and now invisible lives will influence +its desires more powerfully than anything it may itself be able to +add to the sum of its likes and dislikes; nevertheless, over and +above preconceived opinion and the habits to which all are slaves, +there is a small salary, or, as it were, agency commission, which +each may have for himself, and spend according to his fancy; from +this, indeed, income-tax must be deducted; still there remains a +little margin of individual taste, and here, high up on this narrow, +inaccessible ledge of our souls, from year to year a breed of not +unprolific variations build where reason cannot reach them to +despoil them; for de gustibus non est disputandum. + +Here we are as far as we can go. Fancy, which sometimes sways so +much and is swayed by so little, and which sometimes, again, is so +hard to sway, and moves so little when it is swayed; whose ways have +a method of their own, but are not as our ways--fancy, lies on the +extreme borderland of the realm within which the writs of our +thoughts run, and extends into that unseen world wherein they have +no jurisdiction. Fancy is as the mist upon the horizon which blends +earth and sky; where, however, it approaches nearest to the earth +and can be reckoned with, it is seen as melting into desire, and +this as giving birth to design and effort. As the net result and +outcome of these last, living forms grow gradually but persistently +into physical conformity with their own intentions, and become +outward and visible signs of the inward and spiritual faiths, or +wants of faith, that have been most within them. They thus very +gradually, but none the less effectually, design themselves. + +In effect, therefore, Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck introduce +uniformity into the moral and spiritual worlds as it was already +beginning to be introduced into the physical. According to both +these writers development has ever been a matter of the same energy, +effort, good sense, and perseverance, as tend to advancement of life +now among ourselves. In essence it is neither more nor less than +this, as the rain-drop which denuded an ancient formation is of the +same kind as that which is denuding a modern one, though its effect +may vary in geometrical ratio with the effect it has produced +already. As we are extending reason to the lower animals, so we +must extend a system of moral government by rewards and punishments +no less surely; and if we admit that to some considerable extent man +is man, and master of his fate, we should admit also that all +organic forms which are saved at all have been in proportionate +degree masters of their fate too, and have worked out, not only +their own salvation, but their salvation according, in no small +measure, to their own goodwill and pleasure, at times with a light +heart, and at times in fear and trembling. I do not say that +Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck saw all the foregoing as clearly as it is +easy to see it now; what I have said, however, is only the natural +development of their system. + + + +CHAPTER VI--Statement of the Question at Issue (continued) + + + +So much for the older view; and now for the more modern opinion. +According to Messrs. Darwin and Wallace, and ostensibly, I am afraid +I should add, a great majority of our most prominent biologists, the +view taken by Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck is not a sound one. Some +organisms, indeed, are so admirably adapted to their surroundings, +and some organs discharge their functions with so much appearance of +provision, that we are apt to think they must owe their development +to sense of need and consequent contrivance, but this opinion is +fantastic; the appearance of design is delusive; what we are tempted +to see as an accumulated outcome of desire and cunning, we should +regard as mainly an accumulated outcome of good luck. + +Let us take the eye as a somewhat crucial example. It is a seeing- +machine, or thing to see with. So is a telescope; the telescope in +its highest development is a secular accumulation of cunning, +sometimes small, sometimes great; sometimes applied to this detail +of the instrument, and sometimes to that. It is an admirable +example of design; nevertheless, as I said in "Evolution Old and +New," he who made the first rude telescope had probably no idea of +any more perfect form of the instrument than the one he had himself +invented. Indeed, if he had, he would have carried his idea out in +practice. He would have been unable to conceive such an instrument +as Lord Rosse's; the design, therefore, at present evidenced by the +telescope was not design all on the part of one and the same person. +Nor yet was it unmixed with chance; many a detail has been doubtless +due to an accident or coincidence which was forthwith seized and +made the best of. Luck there always has been and always will be, +until all brains are opened, and all connections made known, but +luck turned to account becomes design; there is, indeed, if things +are driven home, little other design than this. The telescope, +therefore, is an instrument designed in all its parts for the +purpose of seeing, and, take it all round, designed with singular +skill. + +Looking at the eye, we are at first tempted to think that it must be +the telescope over again, only more so; we are tempted to see it as +something which has grown up little by little from small beginnings, +as the result of effort well applied and handed down from generation +to generation, till, in the vastly greater time during which the eye +has been developing as compared with the telescope, a vastly more +astonishing result has been arrived at. We may indeed be tempted to +think this, but, according to Mr. Darwin, we should be wrong. +Design had a great deal to do with the telescope, but it had nothing +or hardly anything whatever to do with the eye. The telescope owes +its development to cunning, the eye to luck, which, it would seem, +is so far more cunning than cunning that one does not quite +understand why there should be any cunning at all. The main means +of developing the eye was, according to Mr. Darwin, not use as +varying circumstances might direct with consequent slow increase of +power and an occasional happy flight of genius, but natural +selection. Natural selection, according to him, though not the +sole, is still the most important means of its development and +modification. {81a} What, then, is natural selection? + +Mr. Darwin has told us this on the title-page of the "Origin of +Species." He there defines it as "The Preservation of Favoured +Races;" "Favoured" is "Fortunate," and "Fortunate" "Lucky;" it is +plain, therefore, that with Mr. Darwin natural selection comes to +"The Preservation of Lucky Races," and that he regarded luck as the +most important feature in connection with the development even of so +apparently purposive an organ as the eye, and as the one, therefore, +on which it was most proper to insist. And what is luck but absence +of intention or design? What, then, can Mr. Darwin's title-page +amount to when written out plainly, but to an assertion that the +main means of modification has been the preservation of races whose +variations have been unintentional, that is to say, not connected +with effort or intention, devoid of mind or meaning, fortuitous, +spontaneous, accidental, or whatever kindred word is least +disagreeable to the reader? It is impossible to conceive any more +complete denial of mind as having had anything to do with organic +development, than is involved in the title-page of the "Origin of +Species" when its doubtless carefully considered words are studied-- +nor, let me add, is it possible to conceive a title-page more likely +to make the reader's attention rest much on the main doctrine of +evolution, and little, to use the words now most in vogue concerning +it, on Mr. Darwin's own "distinctive feature." + +It should be remembered that the full title of the "Origin of +Species" is, "On the origin of species by means of natural +selection, or the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for +life." The significance of the expansion of the title escaped the +greater number of Mr. Darwin's readers. Perhaps it ought not to +have done so, but we certainly failed to catch it. The very words +themselves escaped us--and yet there they were all the time if we +had only chosen to look. We thought the book was called "On the +Origin of Species," and so it was on the outside; so it was also on +the inside fly-leaf; so it was on the title-page itself as long as +the most prominent type was used; the expanded title was only given +once, and then in smaller type; so the three big "Origins of +Species" carried us with them to the exclusion of the rest. + +The short and working title, "On the Origin of Species," in effect +claims descent with modification generally; the expanded and +technically true title only claims the discovery that luck is the +main means of organic modification, and this is a very different +matter. The book ought to have been entitled, "On Natural +Selection, or the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for +life, as the main means of the origin of species;" this should have +been the expanded title, and the short title should have been "On +Natural Selection." The title would not then have involved an +important difference between its working and its technical forms, +and it would have better fulfilled the object of a title, which is, +of course, to give, as far as may be, the essence of a book in a +nutshell. We learn on the authority of Mr. Darwin himself {83a} +that the "Origin of Species" was originally intended to bear the +title "Natural Selection;" nor is it easy to see why the change +should have been made if an accurate expression of the contents of +the book was the only thing which Mr. Darwin was considering. It is +curious that, writing the later chapters of "Life and Habit" in +great haste, I should have accidentally referred to the "Origin of +Species" as "Natural Selection;" it seems hard to believe that there +was no intention in my thus unconsciously reverting to Mr. Darwin's +own original title, but there certainly was none, and I did not then +know what the original title had been. + +If we had scrutinised Mr. Darwin's title-page as closely as we +should certainly scrutinise anything written by Mr. Darwin now, we +should have seen that the title did not technically claim the theory +of descent; practically, however, it so turned out that we +unhesitatingly gave that theory to the author, being, as I have +said, carried away by the three large "Origins of Species" (which we +understood as much the same thing as descent with modification), and +finding, as I shall show in a later chapter, that descent was +ubiquitously claimed throughout the work, either expressly or by +implication, as Mr. Darwin's theory. It is not easy to see how any +one with ordinary instincts could hesitate to believe that Mr. +Darwin was entitled to claim what he claimed with so much +insistance. If ars est celare artem Mr. Darwin must be allowed to +have been a consummate artist, for it took us years to understand +the ins and outs of what had been done. + +I may say in passing that we never see the "Origin of Species" +spoken of as "On the Origin of Species, &c.," or as "The Origin of +Species, &c." (the word "on" being dropped in the latest editions). +The distinctive feature of the book lies, according to its admirers, +in the "&c.," but they never give it. To avoid pedantry I shall +continue to speak of the "Origin of Species." + +At any rate it will be admitted that Mr. Darwin did not make his +title-page express his meaning so clearly that his readers could +readily catch the point of difference between himself and his +grandfather and Lamarck; nevertheless the point just touched upon +involves the only essential difference between the systems of Mr. +Charles Darwin and those of his three most important predecessors. +All four writers agree that animals and plants descend with +modification; all agree that the fittest alone survive; all agree +about the important consequences of the geometrical ratio of +increase; Mr. Charles Darwin has said more about these last two +points than his predecessors did, but all three were alike cognisant +of the facts and attached the same importance to them, and would +have been astonished at its being supposed possible that they +disputed them. The fittest alone survive; yes--but the fittest from +among what? Here comes the point of divergence; the fittest from +among organisms whose variations arise mainly through use and +disuse? In other words, from variations that are mainly functional? +Or from among organisms whose variations are in the main matters of +luck? From variations into which a moral and intellectual system of +payment according to results has largely entered? Or from +variations which have been thrown for with dice? From variations +among which, though cards tell, yet play tells as much or more? Or +from those in which cards are everything and play goes for so little +as to be not worth taking into account? Is "the survival of the +fittest" to be taken as meaning "the survival of the luckiest" or +"the survival of those who know best how to turn fortune to +account"? Is luck the only element of fitness, or is not cunning +even more indispensable? + +Mr. Darwin has a habit, borrowed, perhaps, mutatis mutandis, from +the framers of our collects, of every now and then adding the words +"through natural selection," as though this squared everything, and +descent with modification thus became his theory at once. This is +not the case. Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck believed in +natural selection to the full as much as any follower of Mr. Charles +Darwin can do. They did not use the actual words, but the idea +underlying them is the essence of their system. Mr. Patrick Matthew +epitomised their doctrine more tersely, perhaps, than was done by +any other of the pre-Charles-Darwinian evolutionists, in the +following passage which appeared in 1831, and which I have already +quoted in "Evolution Old and New" (pp. 320, 323). The passage +runs:- + +"The self-regulating adaptive disposition of organised life may, in +part, be traced to the extreme fecundity of nature, who, as before +stated, has in all the varieties of her offspring a prolific power +much beyond (in many cases a thousandfold) what is necessary to fill +up the vacancies caused by senile decay. As the field of existence +is limited and preoccupied, it is only the hardier, more robust, +better suited to circumstance individuals, who are able to struggle +forward to maturity, these inhabiting only the situations to which +they have superior adaptation and greater power of occupancy than +any other kind; the weaker and less circumstance-suited being +prematurely destroyed. This principle is in constant action; it +regulates the colour, the figure, the capacities, and instincts; +those individuals in each species whose colour and covering are best +suited to concealment or protection from enemies, or defence from +inclemencies or vicissitudes of climate, whose figure is best +accommodated to health, strength, defence, and support; whose +capacities and instincts can best regulate the physical energies to +self-advantage according to circumstances--in such immense waste of +primary and youthful life those only come forward to maturity from +THE STRICT ORDEAL BY WHICH NATURE TESTS THEIR ADAPTATION TO HER +STANDARD OF PERFECTION and fitness to continue their kind by +reproduction." {86a} A little lower down Mr. Matthew speaks of +animals under domestication "NOT HAVING UNDERGONE SELECTION BY THE +LAW OF NATURE, OF WHICH WE HAVE SPOKEN, and hence being unable to +maintain their ground without culture and protection." + +The distinction between Darwinism and Neo-Darwinism is generally +believed to lie in the adoption of a theory of natural selection by +the younger Darwin and its non-adoption by the elder. This is true +in so far as that the elder Darwin does not use the words "natural +selection," while the younger does, but it is not true otherwise. +Both writers agree that offspring tends to inherit modifications +that have been effected, from whatever cause, in parents; both hold +that the best adapted to their surroundings live longest and leave +most offspring; both, therefore, hold that favourable modifications +will tend to be preserved and intensified in the course of many +generations, and that this leads to divergence of type; but these +opinions involve a theory of natural selection or quasi-selection, +whether the words "natural selection" are used or not; indeed it is +impossible to include wild species in any theory of descent with +modification without implying a quasi-selective power on the part of +nature; but even with Mr. Charles Darwin the power is only quasi- +selective; there is no conscious choice, and hence there is nothing +that can in strictness be called selection. + +It is indeed true that the younger Darwin gave the words "natural +selection" the importance which of late years they have assumed; he +probably adopted them unconsciously from the passage of Mr. +Matthew's quoted above, but he ultimately said, {87a} "In the +literal sense of the word (sic) no doubt natural selection is a +false term," as personifying a fact, making it exercise the +conscious choice without which there can be no selection, and +generally crediting it with the discharge of functions which can +only be ascribed legitimately to living and reasoning beings. +Granted, however, that while Mr. Charles Darwin adopted the +expression natural selection and admitted it to be a bad one, his +grandfather did not use it at all; still Mr. Darwin did not mean the +natural selection which Mr. Matthew and those whose opinions he was +epitomising meant. Mr. Darwin meant the selection to be made from +variations into which purpose enters to only a small extent +comparatively. The difference, therefore, between the older +evolutionists and their successor does not lie in the acceptance by +the more recent writer of a quasi-selective power in nature which +his predecessors denied, but in the background--hidden behind the +words natural selection, which have served to cloak it--in the views +which the old and the new writers severally took of the variations +from among which they are alike agreed that a selection or quasi- +selection is made. + +It now appears that there is not one natural selection, and one +survival of the fittest only, but two natural selections, and two +survivals of the fittest, the one of which may be objected to as an +expression more fit for religious and general literature than for +science, but may still be admitted as sound in intention, while the +other, inasmuch as it supposes accident to be the main purveyor of +variations, has no correspondence with the actual course of things; +for if the variations are matters of chance or hazard unconnected +with any principle of constant application, they will not occur +steadily enough, throughout a sufficient number of successive +generations, nor to a sufficient number of individuals for many +generations together at the same time and place, to admit of the +fixing and permanency of modification at all. The one theory of +natural selection, therefore, may, and indeed will, explain the +facts that surround us, whereas the other will not. Mr. Charles +Darwin's contribution to the theory of evolution was not, as is +commonly supposed, "natural selection," but the hypothesis that +natural selection from variations that are in the main fortuitous +could accumulate and result in specific and generic differences. + +In the foregoing paragraph I have given the point of difference +between Mr. Charles Darwin and his predecessors. Why, I wonder, +have neither he nor any of his exponents put this difference before +us in such plain words that we should readily apprehend it? Erasmus +Darwin and Lamarck were understood by all who wished to understand +them; why is it that the misunderstanding of Mr. Darwin's +"distinctive feature" should have been so long and obstinate? Why +is it that, no matter how much writers like Mr. Grant Allen and +Professor Ray Lankester may say about "Mr. Darwin's master-key," nor +how many more like hyperboles they brandish, they never put a +succinct resume of Mr. Darwin's theory side by side with a similar +resume of his grandfather's and Lamarck's? Neither Mr. Darwin +himself, not any of those to whose advocacy his reputation is mainly +due, have done this. Professor Huxley is the man of all others who +foisted Mr. Darwin most upon us, but in his famous lecture on the +coming of age of the "Origin of Species" he did not explain to his +hearers wherein the Neo-Darwinian theory of evolution differed from +the old; and why not? Surely, because no sooner is this made clear +than we perceive that the idea underlying the old evolutionists is +more in accord with instinctive feelings that we have cherished too +long to be able now to disregard them than the central idea which +underlies the "Origin of Species." + +What should we think of one who maintained that the steam-engine and +telescope were not developed mainly through design and effort +(letting the indisputably existing element of luck go without +saying), but to the fact that if any telescope or steam-engine +"happened to be made ever such a little more conveniently for man's +purposes than another," &c., &c.? + +Let us suppose a notorious burglar found in possession of a jemmy; +it is admitted on all hands that he will use it as soon as he gets a +chance; there is no doubt about this; how perverted should we not +consider the ingenuity of one who tried to persuade us we were wrong +in thinking that the burglar compassed the possession of the jemmy +by means involving ideas, however vague in the first instance, of +applying it to its subsequent function. + +If any one could be found so blind to obvious inferences as to +accept natural selection, "or the preservation of favoured +machines," as the main means of mechanical modification, we might +suppose him to argue much as follows:- "I can quite understand," he +would exclaim, "how any one who reflects upon the originally simple +form of the earliest jemmies, and observes the developments they +have since attained in the hands of our most accomplished +housebreakers, might at first be tempted to believe that the present +form of the instrument has been arrived at by long-continued +improvement in the hands of an almost infinite succession of +thieves; but may not this inference be somewhat too hastily drawn? +Have we any right to assume that burglars work by means analogous to +those employed by other people? If any thief happened to pick up +any crowbar which happened to be ever such a little better suited to +his purpose than the one he had been in the habit of using hitherto, +he would at once seize and carefully preserve it. If it got worn +out or broken he would begin searching for a crowbar as like as +possible to the one that he had lost; and when, with advancing +skill, and in default of being able to find the exact thing he +wanted, he took at length to making a jemmy for himself, he would +imitate the latest and most perfect adaptation, which would thus be +most likely to be preserved in the struggle of competitive forms. +Let this process go on for countless generations, among countless +burglars of all nations, and may we not suppose that a jemmy would +be in time arrived at, as superior to any that could have been +designed as the effect of the Niagara Falls is superior to the puny +efforts of the landscape gardener?" + +For the moment I will pass over the obvious retort that there is no +sufficient parallelism between bodily organs and mechanical +inventions to make a denial of design in the one involve in equity a +denial of it in the other also, and that therefore the preceding +paragraph has no force. A man is not bound to deny design in +machines wherein it can be clearly seen because he denies it in +living organs where at best it is a matter of inference. This +retort is plausible, but in the course of the two next following +chapters but one it will be shown to be without force; for the +moment, however, beyond thus calling attention to it, I must pass it +by. + +I do not mean to say that Mr. Darwin ever wrote anything which made +the utility of his contention as apparent as it is made by what I +have above put into the mouth of his supposed follower. Mr. Darwin +was the Gladstone of biology, and so old a scientific hand was not +going to make things unnecessarily clear unless it suited his +convenience. Then, indeed, he was like the man in "The Hunting of +the Snark," who said, "I told you once, I told you twice, what I +tell you three times is true." That what I have supposed said, +however, above about the jemmy is no exaggeration of Mr. Darwin's +attitude as regards design in organism will appear from the passage +about the eye already referred to, which it may perhaps be as well +to quote in full. Mr. Darwin says:- + +"It is scarcely possible to avoid comparing the eye to a telescope. +We know that this instrument has been perfected by the long- +continued efforts of the highest human intellects, and we naturally +infer that the eye has been formed by a somewhat analogous process. +But may not this inference be presumptuous? Have we any right to +assume that the Creator works by intellectual powers like those of +men? If we must compare the eye to an optical instrument, we ought +in imagination to take a thick layer of transparent tissue, with a +nerve sensitive to light beneath, and then suppose every part of +this layer to be continually changing slowly in density, so as to +separate into layers of different densities and thicknesses, placed +at different distances from each other, and with the surfaces of +each layer slowly changing in form. Further, we must suppose that +there is a power always intently watching each slight accidental +alteration in the transparent layers, and carefully selecting each +alteration which, under varied circumstances, may in any way, or in +any degree, tend to produce a distincter image. We must suppose +each new state of the instrument to be multiplied by the million, +and each to be preserved till a better be produced, and then the old +ones to be destroyed. In living bodies variation will cause the +slight alterations, generation will multiply them almost infinitely, +and natural selection will pick out with unerring skill each +improvement. Let this process go on for millions on millions of +years, and during each year on millions of individuals of many +kinds; and may we not believe that a living optical instrument might +thus be formed as superior to one of glass as the works of the +Creator are to those of man?" {92a} + +Mr. Darwin does not in this passage deny design, or cunning, point +blank; he was not given to denying things point blank, nor is it +immediately apparent that he is denying design at all, for he does +not emphasize and call attention to the fact that the VARIATIONS on +whose accumulation he relies for his ultimate specific difference +are accidental, and, to use his own words, in the passage last +quoted, caused by VARIATION. He does, indeed, in his earlier +editions, call the variations "accidental," and accidental they +remained for ten years, but in 1869 the word "accidental" was taken +out. Mr. Darwin probably felt that the variations had been +accidental as long as was desirable; and though they would, of +course, in reality remain as accidental as ever, still, there could +be no use in crying "accidental variations" further. If the reader +wants to know whether they were accidental or no, he had better find +out for himself. Mr. Darwin was a master of what may be called +scientific chiaroscuro, and owes his reputation in no small measure +to the judgment with which he kept his meaning dark when a less +practised hand would have thrown light upon it. There can, however, +be no question that Mr. Darwin, though not denying purposiveness +point blank, was trying to refer the development of the eye to the +accumulation of small accidental improvements, which were not as a +rule due to effort and design in any way analogous to those +attendant on the development of the telescope. + +Though Mr. Darwin, if he was to have any point of difference from +his grandfather, was bound to make his variations accidental, yet, +to do him justice, he did not like it. Even in the earlier editions +of the "Origin of Species," where the "alterations" in the passage +last quoted are called "accidental" in express terms, the word does +not fall, so to speak, on a strong beat of the bar, and is apt to +pass unnoticed. Besides, Mr. Darwin does not say point blank "we +may believe," or "we ought to believe;" he only says "may we not +believe?" The reader should always be on his guard when Mr. Darwin +asks one of these bland and child-like questions, and he is fond of +asking them; but, however this may be, it is plain, as I pointed out +in "Evolution Old and New" {93a} that the only "skill," that is to +say the only thing that can possibly involve design, is "the +unerring skill" of natural selection. + +In the same paragraph Mr. Darwin has already said: "Further, we +must suppose that there is a power represented by natural selection +or the survival of the fittest always intently watching each slight +alteration, &c." Mr. Darwin probably said "a power represented by +natural selection" instead of "natural selection" only, because he +saw that to talk too frequently about the fact that the most lucky +live longest as "intently watching" something was greater nonsense +than it would be prudent even for him to write, so he fogged it by +making the intent watching done by "a power represented by" a fact, +instead of by the fact itself. As the sentence stands it is just as +great nonsense as it would have been if "the survival of the +fittest" had been allowed to do the watching instead of "the power +represented by" the survival of the fittest, but the nonsense is +harder to dig up, and the reader is more likely to pass it over. + +This passage gave Mr. Darwin no less trouble than it must have given +to many of his readers. In the original edition of the "Origin of +Species" it stood, "Further, we must suppose that there is a power +always intently watching each slight accidental variation." I +suppose it was felt that if this was allowed to stand, it might be +fairly asked what natural selection was doing all this time? If the +power was able to do everything that was necessary now, why not +always? and why any natural selection at all? This clearly would +not do, so in 1861 the power was allowed, by the help of brackets, +actually to become natural selection, and remained so till 1869, +when Mr. Darwin could stand it no longer, and, doubtless for the +reason given above, altered the passage to "a power represented by +natural selection," at the same time cutting out the word +"accidental." + +It may perhaps make the workings of Mr. Darwin's mind clearer to the +reader if I give the various readings of this passage as taken from +the three most important editions of the "Origin of Species." + +In 1859 it stood, "Further, we must suppose that there is a power +always intently watching each slight accidental alteration," &c. + +In 1861 it stood, "Further, we must suppose that there is a power +(natural selection) always intently watching each slight accidental +alteration," &c. + +And in 1869, "Further, we must suppose that there is a power +represented by natural selection or the survival of the fittest +always intently watching each slight alteration," &c. {94a} + +The hesitating feeble gait of one who fears a pitfall at every step, +so easily recognisable in the "numerous, successive, slight +alterations" in the foregoing passage, may be traced in many another +page of the "Origin of Species" by those who will be at the trouble +of comparing the several editions. It is only when this is done, +and the working of Mr. Darwin's mind can be seen as though it were +the twitchings of a dog's nose, that any idea can be formed of the +difficulty in which he found himself involved by his initial blunder +of thinking he had got a distinctive feature which entitled him to +claim the theory of evolution as an original idea of his own. He +found his natural selection hang round his neck like a millstone. +There is hardly a page in the "Origin of Species" in which traces of +the struggle going on in Mr. Darwin's mind are not discernible, with +a result alike exasperating and pitiable. I can only repeat what I +said in "Evolution Old and New," namely, that I find the task of +extracting a well-defined meaning out of Mr. Darwin's words +comparable only to that of trying to act on the advice of a lawyer +who has obscured the main issue as much as he can, and whose chief +aim has been to leave as many loopholes as possible for himself to +escape by, if things should go wrong hereafter. Or, again, to that +of one who has to construe an Act of Parliament which was originally +drawn with a view to throwing as much dust as possible in the eyes +of those who would oppose the measure, and which, having been found +utterly unworkable in practice, has had clauses repealed up and down +it till it is now in an inextricable tangle of confusion and +contradiction. + +The more Mr. Darwin's work is studied, and more especially the more +his different editions are compared, the more impossible is it to +avoid a suspicion of arriere pensee as pervading it whenever the +"distinctive feature" is on the tapis. It is right to say, however, +that no such suspicion attaches to Mr. A. R. Wallace, Mr. Darwin's +fellow discoverer of natural selection. It is impossible to doubt +that Mr. Wallace believed he had made a real and important +improvement upon the Lamarckian system, and, as a natural +consequence, unlike Mr. Darwin, he began by telling us what Lamarck +had said. He did not, I admit, say quite all that I should have +been glad to have seen him say, nor use exactly the words I should +myself have chosen, but he said enough to make it impossible to +doubt his good faith, and his desire that we should understand that +with him, as with Mr. Darwin, variations are mainly accidental, not +functional. Thus, in his memorable paper communicated to the +Linnean Society in 1858 he said, in a passage which I have quoted in +"Unconscious Memory": + +"The hypothesis of Lamarck--that progressive changes in species have +been produced by the attempts of the animals to increase the +development of their own organs, and thus modify their structures +and habits--has been repeatedly and easily refuted by all writers on +the subject of varieties and species; . . . but the view here +developed renders such an hypothesis quite unnecessary. . . . The +powerful retractile talons of the falcon and cat tribes have not +been produced or increased by the volition of those animals; . . . +neither did the giraffe acquire its long neck by desiring to reach +the foliage of the more lofty shrubs, and constantly stretching its +neck for this purpose, but because any varieties which occurred +among its antitypes with a longer neck than usual AT ONCE SECURED A +FRESH RANGE OF PASTURE OVER THE SAME GROUND AS THEIR SHORTER-NECKED +COMPANIONS, AND ON THE FIRST SCARCITY OF FOOD WERE THUS ENABLED TO +OUTLIVE THEM" (italics in original). {96a} + +"Which occurred" is obviously "which happened to occur, by some +chance or accident entirely unconnected with use and disuse;" and +though the word "accidental" is never used, there can be no doubt +about Mr. Wallace's desire to make the reader catch the fact that +with him accident, and not, as with Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck, +sustained effort, is the main purveyor of the variations whose +accumulation amounts ultimately to specific difference. It is a +pity, however, that instead of contenting himself like a theologian +with saying that his opponent had been refuted over and over again, +he did not refer to any particular and tolerably successful attempt +to refute the theory that modifications in organic structure are +mainly functional. I am fairly well acquainted with the literature +of evolution, and have never met with any such attempt. But let +this pass; as with Mr. Darwin, so with Mr. Wallace, and so indeed +with all who accept Mr. Charles Darwin's natural selection as the +main means of modification, the central idea is luck, while the +central idea of the Erasmus-Darwinian system is cunning. + +I have given the opinions of these contending parties in their +extreme development; but they both admit abatements which bring them +somewhat nearer to one another. Design, as even its most strenuous +upholders will admit, is a difficult word to deal with; it is, like +all our ideas, substantial enough until we try to grasp it--and +then, like all our ideas, it mockingly eludes us; it is like life or +death--a rope of many strands; there is design within design, and +design within undesign; there is undesign within design (as when a +man shuffles cards designing that there shall be no design in their +arrangement), and undesign within undesign; when we speak of cunning +or design in connection with organism we do not mean cunning, all +cunning, and nothing but cunning, so that there shall be no place +for luck; we do not mean that conscious attention and forethought +shall have been bestowed upon the minutest details of action, and +nothing been left to work itself out departmentally according to +precedent, or as it otherwise best may according to the chapter of +accidents. + +So, again, when Mr. Darwin and his followers deny design and effort +to have been the main purveyors of the variations whose accumulation +results in specific difference, they do not entirely exclude the +action of use and disuse--and this at once opens the door for +cunning; nevertheless, according to Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck, the +human eye and the long neck of the giraffe are alike due to the +accumulation of variations that are mainly functional, and hence +practical; according to Charles Darwin they are alike due to the +accumulation of variations that are accidental, fortuitous, +spontaneous, that is to say, mainly cannot be reduced to any known +general principle. According to Charles Darwin "the preservation of +favoured," or lucky, "races" is by far the most important means of +modification; according to Erasmus Darwin effort non sibi res sed se +rebus subjungere is unquestionably the most potent means; roughly, +therefore, there is no better or fairer way of putting the matter, +than to say that Charles Darwin is the apostle of luck, and his +grandfather, and Lamarck, of cunning. + +It should be observed also that the distinction between the organism +and its surroundings--on which both systems are founded--is one that +cannot be so universally drawn as we find it convenient to allege. +There is a debatable ground of considerable extent on which RES and +ME, ego and non ego, luck and cunning, necessity and freewill, meet +and pass into one another as night and day, or life and death. No +one can draw a sharp line between ego and non ego, nor indeed any +sharp line between any classes of phenomena. Every part of the ego +is non ego qua organ or tool in use, and much of the non ego runs up +into the ego and is inseparably united with it; still there is +enough that it is obviously most convenient to call ego, and enough +that it is no less obviously most convenient to call non ego, as +there is enough obvious day and obvious night, or obvious luck and +obvious cunning, to make us think it advisable to keep separate +accounts for each. + +I will say more on this head in a following chapter; in this present +one my business should be confined to pointing out as clearly and +succinctly as I can the issue between the two great main contending +opinions concerning organic development that obtain among those who +accept the theory of descent at all; nor do I believe that this can +be done more effectually and accurately than by saying, as above, +that Mr. Charles Darwin (whose name, by the way, was "Charles +Robert," and not, as would appear from the title-pages of his books, +"Charles" only), Mr. A. R. Wallace, and their supporters are the +apostles of luck, while Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck, followed, more +or less timidly, by the Geoffroys and by Mr. Herbert Spencer, and +very timidly indeed by the Duke of Argyll, preach cunning as the +most important means of organic modification. + +NOTE.--It appears from "Samuel Butler: A Memoir" (II, 29) that +Butler wrote to his father (Dec. 1885) about a passage in Horace +(near the beginning of the First Epistle of the First Book) - + +Nunc in Aristippi furtim praecepta relabor, +Et mihi res, non me rebus subjungere conor. + +On the preceding page he is adapting the second of these two verses +to his own purposes.--H. F. J. + + + +CHAPTER VII--(Intercalated) Mr. Spencer's "The Factors of Organic +Evolution" + + + +Since the foregoing and several of the succeeding chapters were +written, Mr. Herbert Spencer has made his position at once more +clear and more widely understood by his articles "The Factors of +Organic Evolution" which appeared in the Nineteenth Century for +April and May, 1886. The present appears the fittest place in which +to intercalate remarks concerning them. + +Mr. Spencer asks whether those are right who regard Mr. Charles +Darwin's theory of natural selection as by itself sufficient to +account for organic evolution. + +"On critically examining the evidence" (modern writers never examine +evidence, they always "critically," or "carefully," or "patiently," +examine it), he writes, we shall find reason to think that it by no +means explains all that has to be explained. Omitting for the +present any consideration of a factor which may be considered +primordial, it may be contended that one of the factors alleged by +Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck must be recognised as a co-operator. +Unless that increase of a part resulting from extra activity, and +that decrease of it resulting from inactivity, are transmissible to +descendants, we are without a key to many phenomena of organic +evolution. UTTERLY INADEQUATE TO EXPLAIN THE MAJOR PART OF THE +FACTS AS IS THE HYPOTHESIS OF THE INHERITANCE OF FUNCTIONALLY +PRODUCED MODIFICATIONS, yet there is a minor part of the facts very +extensive though less, which must be ascribed to this cause." +(Italics mine.) + +Mr. Spencer does not here say expressly that Erasmus Darwin and +Lamarck considered inheritance of functionally produced +modifications to be the sole explanation of the facts of organic +life; modern writers on evolution for the most part avoid saying +anything expressly; this nevertheless is the conclusion which the +reader naturally draws--and was doubtless intended to draw--from Mr. +Spencer's words. He gathers that these writers put forward an +"utterly inadequate" theory, which cannot for a moment be +entertained in the form in which they left it, but which, +nevertheless, contains contributions to the formation of a just +opinion which of late years have been too much neglected. + +This inference would be, as Mr. Spencer ought to know, a mistaken +one. Erasmus Darwin, who was the first to depend mainly on +functionally produced modifications, attributes, if not as much +importance to variations induced either by what we must call chance, +or by causes having no connection with use and disuse, as Mr. +Spencer does, still so nearly as much that there is little to choose +between them. Mr. Spencer's words show that he attributes, if not +half, still not far off half the modification that has actually been +produced, to use and disuse. Erasmus Darwin does not say whether he +considers use and disuse to have brought about more than half or +less than half; he only says that animal and vegetable modification +is "in part produced" by the exertions of the animals and vegetables +themselves; the impression I have derived is, that just as Mr. +Spencer considers rather less than half to be due to use and disuse, +so Erasmus Darwin considers decidedly more than half--so much more, +in fact, than half as to make function unquestionably the factor +most proper to be insisted on if only one can be given. Further +than this he did not go. I will quote enough of Dr. Erasmus +Darwin's own words to put his position beyond doubt. He writes:- + +"Thirdly, when we enumerate the great changes produced in the +species of animals before their nativity, as, for example, when the +offspring reproduces the effects produced upon the parent by +accident or culture, or the changes produced by the mixture of +species, as in mules; or the changes produced probably by exuberance +of nourishment supplied to the foetus, as in monstrous births with +additional limbs; many of these enormities are propagated and +continued as a variety at least, if not as a new species of animal. +I have seen a breed of cats with an additional claw on every foot; +of poultry also with an additional claw and with wings to their +feet; and of others without rumps. Mr. Buffon" (who, by the way, +surely, was no more "Mr. Buffon" than Lord Salisbury is "Mr. +Salisbury") "mentions a breed of dogs without tails which are common +at Rome and Naples--which he supposes to have been produced by a +custom long established of cutting their tails close off." {102a} + +Here not one of the causes of variation adduced is connected with +use and disuse, or effort, volition, and purpose; the manner, +moreover, in which they are brought forward is not that of one who +shows signs of recalcitrancy about admitting other causes of +modification as well as use and disuse; indeed, a little lower down +he almost appears to assign the subordinate place to functionally +produced modifications, for he says--"Fifthly, from their first +rudiments or primordium to the termination of their lives, all +animals undergo perpetual transformations; WHICH ARE IN PART +PRODUCED by their own exertions in consequence of their desires and +aversions, of their pleasures and their pains, or of irritations or +of associations; and many of these acquired forms or propensities +are transmitted to their posterity." + +I have quoted enough to show that Dr. Erasmus Darwin would have +protested against the supposition that functionally produced +modifications were an adequate explanation of all the phenomena of +organic modification. He declares accident and the chances and +changes of this mortal life to be potent and frequent causes of +variations, which, being not infrequently inherited, result in the +formation of varieties and even species, but considers these causes +if taken alone as no less insufficient to account for observable +facts than the theory of functionally produced modifications would +be if not supplemented by inheritance of so-called fortuitous, or +spontaneous variations. The difference between Dr. Erasmus Darwin +and Mr. Spencer does not consist in the denial by the first, that a +variety which happens, no matter how accidentally, to have varied in +a way that enables it to comply more fully and readily with the +conditions of its existence, is likely to live longer and leave more +offspring than one less favoured; nor in the denial by the second of +the inheritance and accumulation of functionally produced +modifications; but in the amount of stress which they respectively +lay on the relative importance of the two great factors of organic +evolution, the existence of which they are alike ready to admit. + +With Erasmus Darwin there is indeed luck, and luck has had a great +deal to do with organic modification, but no amount of luck would +have done unless cunning had known how to take advantage of it; +whereas if cunning be given, a very little luck at a time will +accumulate in the course of ages and become a mighty heap. Cunning, +therefore, is the factor on which, having regard to the usage of +language and the necessity for simplifying facts, he thinks it most +proper to insist. Surely this is as near as may be the opinion +which common consent ascribes to Mr. Spencer himself. It is +certainly the one which, in supporting Erasmus Darwin's system as +against his grandson's, I have always intended to support. With +Charles Darwin, on the other hand, there is indeed cunning, effort, +and consequent use and disuse; nor does he deny that these have +produced some, and sometimes even an important, effect in modifying +species, but he assigns by far the most important role in the whole +scheme to natural selection, which, as I have already shown, must, +with him, be regarded as a synonym for luck pure and simple. This, +for reasons well shown by Mr. Spencer in the articles under +consideration, is so untenable that it seems only possible to +account for its having been advanced at all by supposing Mr. +Darwin's judgment to have been perverted by some one or more of the +many causes that might tend to warp them. What the chief of those +causes may have been I shall presently point out. + +Buffon erred rather on the side of ignoring functionally produced +modifications than of insisting on them. The main agency with him +is the direct action of the environment upon the organism. This, no +doubt, is a flaw in Buffon's immortal work, but it is one which +Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck easily corrected; nor can we doubt that +Buffon would have readily accepted their amendment if it had been +suggested to him. Buffon did infinitely more in the way of +discovering and establishing the theory of descent with modification +than any one has ever done either before or since. He was too much +occupied with proving the fact of evolution at all, to dwell as +fully as might have been wished upon the details of the process +whereby the amoeba had become man, but we have already seen that he +regarded inherited mutilation as the cause of establishing a new +breed of dogs, and this is at any rate not laying much stress on +functionally produced modifications. Again, when writing of the +dog, he speaks of variations arising "BY SOME CHANCE common enough +with nature," {104a} and clearly does not contemplate function as +the sole cause of modification. Practically, though I grant I +should be less able to quote passages in support of my opinion than +I quite like, I do not doubt that his position was much the same as +that of his successors, Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck. + +Lamarck is more vulnerable than either Erasmus Darwin or Buffon on +the score of unwillingness to assign its full share to mere chance, +but I do not for a moment believe his comparative reticence to have +been caused by failure to see that the chapter of accidents is a +fateful one. He saw that the cunning or functional side had been +too much lost sight of, and therefore insisted on it, but he did not +mean to say that there is no such thing as luck. "Let us suppose," +he says, "that a grass growing in a low-lying meadow, gets carried +BY SOME ACCIDENT to the brow of a neighbouring hill, where the soil +is still damp enough for the plant to be able to exist." {105a} Or +again--"With sufficient time, favourable conditions of life, +successive changes in the condition of the globe, and the power of +new surroundings and habits to modify the organs of living bodies, +all animal and vegetable forms have been imperceptibly rendered such +as we now see them." {105b} Who can doubt that accident is here +regarded as a potent factor of evolution, as well as the design that +is involved in the supposition that modification is, in the main, +functionally induced? Again he writes, "As regards the +circumstances that give rise to variation, the principal are +climatic changes, different temperatures of any of a creature's +environments, differences of abode, of habit, of the most frequent +actions, and lastly of the means of obtaining food, self-defence, +reproduction," &c. {105c} I will not dwell on the small +inconsistencies which may be found in the passages quoted above; the +reader will doubtless see them, and will also doubtless see that in +spite of them there can be no doubt that Lamarck, while believing +modification to be effected mainly by the survival in the struggle +for existence of modifications which had been induced functionally, +would not have hesitated to admit the survival of favourable +variations due to mere accident as also a potent factor in inducing +the results we see around us. + +For the rest, Mr. Spencer's articles have relieved me from the +necessity of going into the evidence which proves that such +structures as a giraffe's neck, for example, cannot possibly have +been produced by the accumulation of variations which had their +origin mainly in accident. There is no occasion to add anything to +what Mr. Spencer has said on this score, and I am satisfied that +those who do not find his argument convince them would not be +convinced by anything I might say; I shall, therefore, omit what I +had written on this subject, and confine myself to giving the +substance of Mr. Spencer's most telling argument against Mr. +Darwin's theory that accidental variations, if favourable, would +accumulate and result in seemingly adaptive structures. Mr. Spencer +well shows that luck or chance is insufficient as a motive-power, or +helm, of evolution; but luck is only absence of design; if, then, +absence of design is found to fail, it follows that there must have +been design somewhere, nor can the design be more conveniently +placed than in association with function. + +Mr. Spencer contends that where life is so simple as to consist +practically in the discharge of only one function, or where +circumstances are such that some one function is supremely important +(a state of things, by the way, more easily found in hypothesis than +in nature--at least as continuing without modification for many +successive seasons), then accidental variations, if favourable, +would indeed accumulate and result in modification, without the aid +of the transmission of functionally produced modification. This is +true; it is also true, however, that only a very small number of +species in comparison with those we see around us could thus arise, +and that we should never have got plants and animals as embodiments +of the two great fundamental principles on which it is alone +possible that life can be conducted, {107a} and species of plants +and animals as embodiments of the details involved in carrying out +these two main principles. + +If the earliest organism could have only varied favourably in one +direction, the one possible favourable accidental variation would +have accumulated so long as the organism continued to exist at all, +inasmuch as this would be preserved whenever it happened to occur, +while every other would be lost in the struggle of competitive +forms; but even in the lowest forms of life there is more than one +condition in respect of which the organism must be supposed +sensitive, and there are as many directions in which variations may +be favourable as there are conditions of the environment that affect +the organism. We cannot conceive of a living form as having a power +of adaptation limited to one direction only; the elasticity which +admits of a not being "extreme to mark that which is done amiss" in +one direction will commonly admit of it in as many directions as +there are possible favourable modes of variation; the number of +these, as has been just said, depends upon the number of the +conditions of the environment that affect the organism, and these +last, though in the long run and over considerable intervals of time +tolerably constant, are over shorter intervals liable to frequent +and great changes; so that there is nothing in Mr. Charles Darwin's +system of modification through the natural survival of the lucky, to +prevent gain in one direction one year from being lost irretrievably +in the next, through the greater success of some in no way +correlated variation, the fortunate possessors of which alone +survive. This, in its turn, is as likely as not to disappear +shortly through the arising of some difficulty in some entirely new +direction, and so on; nor, if function be regarded as of small +effect in determining organism, is there anything to ensure either +that, even if ground be lost for a season or two in any one +direction, it shall be recovered presently on resumption by the +organism of the habits that called it into existence, or that it +shall appear synchronously in a sufficient number of individuals to +ensure its not being soon lost through gamogenesis. + +How is progress ever to be made if races keep reversing, Penelope- +like, in one generation all that they have been achieving in the +preceding? And how, on Mr. Darwin's system, of which the +accumulation of strokes of luck is the greatly preponderating +feature, is a hoard ever to be got together and conserved, no matter +how often luck may have thrown good things in an organism's way? +Luck, or absence of design, may be sometimes almost said to throw +good things in our way, or at any rate we may occasionally get more +through having made no design than any design we should have been +likely to have formed would have given us; but luck does not hoard +these good things for our use and make our wills for us, nor does it +keep providing us with the same good gifts again and again, and no +matter how often we reject them. + +I had better, perhaps, give Mr. Spencer's own words as quoted by +himself in his article in the Nineteenth Century for April, 1886. +He there wrote as follows, quoting from section 166 of his +"Principles of Biology," which appeared in 1864:- + +"Where the life is comparatively simple, or where surrounding +circumstances render some one function supremely important, the +survival of the fittest" (which means here the survival of the +luckiest) "may readily bring about the appropriate structural +change, without any aid from the transmission of functionally- +acquired modifications" (into which effort and design have entered). +"But in proportion as the life grows complex--in proportion as a +healthy existence cannot be secured by a large endowment of some one +power, but demands many powers; in the same proportion do there +arise obstacles to the increase of any particular power, by 'the +preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life'" (that is +to say, through mere survival of the luckiest). "As fast as the +faculties are multiplied, so fast does it become possible for the +several members of a species to have various kinds of superiority +over one another. While one saves its life by higher speed, another +does the like by clearer vision, another by keener scent, another by +quicker hearing, another by greater strength, another by unusual +power of enduring cold or hunger, another by special sagacity, +another by special timidity, another by special courage; and others +by other bodily and mental attributes. Now it is unquestionably +true that, other things equal, each of these attributes, giving its +possessor an equal extra chance of life, is likely to be transmitted +to posterity. But there seems no reason to believe it will be +increased in subsequent generations by natural selection. That it +may be thus increased, the animals not possessing more than average +endowments of it must be more frequently killed off than individuals +highly endowed with it; and this can only happen when the attribute +is one of greater importance, for the time being, than most of the +other attributes. + +If those members of the species which have but ordinary shares of +it, nevertheless survive by virtue of other superiorities which they +severally possess, then it is not easy to see how this particular +attribute can be developed by natural selection in subsequent +generations." (For if some other superiority is a greater source of +luck, then natural selection, or survival of the luckiest, will +ensure that this other superiority be preserved at the expense of +the one acquired in the earlier generation.) "The probability seems +rather to be, that by gamogenesis, this extra endowment will, on the +average, be diminished in posterity--just serving in the long run to +compensate the deficient endowments of other individuals, whose +special powers lie in other directions; and so to keep up the normal +structure of the species. The working out of the process is here +somewhat difficult to follow" (there is no difficulty as soon as it +is perceived that Mr. Darwin's natural selection invariably means, +or ought to mean, the survival of the luckiest, and that seasons and +what they bring with them, though fairly constant on an average, yet +individually vary so greatly that what is luck in one season is +disaster in another); "but it appears to me that as fast as the +number of bodily and mental faculties increases, and as fast as the +maintenance of life comes to depend less on the amount of any one, +and more on the combined action of all, so fast does the production +of specialities of character by natural selection alone become +difficult. Particularly does this seem to be so with a species so +multitudinous in powers as mankind; and above all does it seem to be +so with such of the human powers as have but minor shares in aiding +the struggle for life--the aesthetic faculties, for example. + +"Dwelling for a moment on this last illustration of the class of +difficulties described, let us ask how we are to interpret the +development of the musical faculty; how came there that endowment of +musical faculty which characterises modern Europeans at large, as +compared with their remote ancestors? The monotonous chants of low +savages cannot be said to show any melodic inspiration; and it is +not evident that an individual savage who had a little more musical +perception than the rest would derive any such advantage in the +maintenance of life as would secure the spread of his superiority by +inheritance of the variation," &c. + +It should be observed that the passage given in the last paragraph +but one appeared in 1864, only five years after the first edition of +the "Origin of Species," but, crushing as it is, Mr. Darwin never +answered it. He treated it as nonexistent--and this, doubtless from +a business standpoint, was the best thing he could do. How far such +a course was consistent with that single-hearted devotion to the +interests of science for which Mr. Darwin developed such an abnormal +reputation, is a point which I must leave to his many admirers to +determine. + + + +CHAPTER VIII--Property, Common Sense, and Protoplasm + + + +One would think the issue stated in the three preceding chapters was +decided in the stating. This, as I have already implied, is +probably the reason why those who have a vested interest in Mr. +Darwin's philosophical reputation have avoided stating it. + +It may be said that, seeing the result is a joint one, inasmuch as +both "res" and "me," or both luck and cunning, enter so largely into +development, neither factor can claim pre-eminence to the exclusion +of the other. But life is short and business long, and if we are to +get the one into the other we must suppress details, and leave our +words pregnant, as painters leave their touches when painting from +nature. If one factor concerns us greatly more than the other, we +should emphasize it, and let the other go without saying, by force +of association. There is no fear of its being lost sight of; +association is one of the few really liberal things in nature; by +liberal, I mean precipitate and inaccurate; the power of words, as +of pictures, and indeed the power to carry on life at all, vests in +the fact that association does not stick to the letter of its bond, +but will take the half for the whole without even looking closely at +the coin given to make sure that it is not counterfeit. Through the +haste and high pressure of business, errors arise continually, and +these errors give us the shocks of which our consciousness is +compounded. Our whole conscious life, therefore, grows out of +memory and out of the power of association, in virtue of which not +only does the right half pass for the whole, but the wrong half not +infrequently passes current for it also, without being challenged +and found out till, as it were, the accounts come to be balanced, +and it is found that they will not do so. + +Variations are an organism's way of getting over an unexpected +discrepancy between its resources as shown by the fly-leaves of its +own cheques and the universe's passbook; the universe is generally +right, or would be upheld as right if the matter were to come before +the not too incorruptible courts of nature, and in nine cases out of +ten the organism has made the error in its own favour, so that it +must now pay or die. It can only pay by altering its mode of life, +and how long is it likely to be before a new departure in its mode +of life comes out in its own person and in those of its family? +Granted it will at first come out in their appearance only, but +there can be no change in appearance without some slight +corresponding organic modification. In practice there is usually +compromise in these matters. The universe, if it does not give an +organism short shrift and eat it at once, will commonly abate +something of its claim; it gets tricked out of an additional moiety +by the organism; the organism really does pay something by way of +changed habits; this results in variation, in virtue of which the +accounts are cooked, cobbled, and passed by a series of those +miracles of inconsistency which was call compromises, and after this +they cannot be reopened--not till next time. + +Surely of the two factors which go to the making up of development, +cunning is the one more proper to be insisted on as determining the +physical and psychical well or ill being, and hence, ere long, the +future form of the organism. We can hardly open a newspaper without +seeing some sign of this; take, for example, the following extract +from a letter in the Times of the day on which I am writing +(February 8, 1886)-- "You may pass along a road which divides a +settlement of Irish Celts from one of Germans. They all came to the +country equally without money, and have had to fight their way in +the forest, but the difference in their condition is very +remarkable; on the German side there is comfort, thrift, peace, but +on the other side the spectacle is very different." Few will deny +that slight organic differences, corresponding to these differences +of habit, are already perceptible; no Darwinian will deny that these +differences are likely to be inherited, and, in the absence of +intermarriage between the two colonies, to result in still more +typical difference than that which exists at present. According to +Mr. Darwin, the improved type of the more successful race would not +be due mainly to transmitted perseverance in well-doing, but to the +fact that if any member of the German colony "happened" to be born +"ever so slightly," &c. Of course this last is true to a certain +extent also; if any member of the German colony does "happen to be +born," &c., then he will stand a better chance of surviving, and, if +he marries a wife like himself, of transmitting his good qualities; +but how about the happening? How is it that this is of such +frequent occurrence in the one colony, and is so rare in the other? +Fortes creantur fortibus et bonis. True, but how and why? Through +the race being favoured? In one sense, doubtless, it is true that +no man can have anything except it be given him from above, but it +must be from an above into the composition of which he himself +largely enters. God gives us all things; but we are a part of God, +and that part of Him, moreover, whose department it more especially +is to look after ourselves. It cannot be through luck, for luck is +blind, and does not pick out the same people year after year and +generation after generation; shall we not rather say, then, that it +is because mind, or cunning, is a great factor in the achievement of +physical results, and because there is an abiding memory between +successive generations, in virtue of which the cunning of an earlier +one enures to the benefit of its successors? + +It is one of the commonplaces of biology that the nature of the +organism (which is mainly determined by ancestral antecedents) is +greatly more important in determining its future than the conditions +of its environment, provided, of course, that these are not too +cruelly abnormal, so that good seed will do better on rather poor +soil, than bad seed on rather good soil; this alone should be enough +to show that cunning, or individual effort, is more important in +determining organic results than luck is, and therefore that if +either is to be insisted on to the exclusion of the other, it should +be cunning, not luck. Which is more correctly said to be the main +means of the development of capital--Luck? or Cunning? Of course +there must be something to be developed--and luck, that is to say, +the unknowable and unforeseeable, enters everywhere; but is it more +convenient with our oldest and best-established ideas to say that +luck is the main means of the development of capital, or that +cunning is so? Can there be a moment's hesitation in admitting that +if capital is found to have been developed largely, continuously, by +many people, in many ways, over a long period of time, it can only +have been by means of continued application, energy, effort, +industry, and good sense? Granted there has been luck too; of +course there has, but we let it go without saying, whereas we cannot +let the skill or cunning go without saying, inasmuch as we feel the +cunning to have been the essence of the whole matter. + +Granted, again, that there is no test more fallacious on a small +scale than that of immediate success. As applied to any particular +individual, it breaks down completely. It is unfortunately no rare +thing to see the good man striving against fate, and the fool born +with a silver spoon in his mouth. Still on a large scale no test +can be conceivably more reliable; a blockhead may succeed for a +time, but a succession of many generations of blockheads does not go +on steadily gaining ground, adding field to field and farm to farm, +and becoming year by year more capable and prosperous. Given time-- +of which there is no scant in the matter of organic development--and +cunning will do more with ill luck than folly with good. People do +not hold six trumps every hand for a dozen games of whist running, +if they do not keep a card or two up their sleeves. Cunning, if it +can keep its head above water at all, will beat mere luck unaided by +cunning, no matter what start luck may have had, if the race be a +fairly long one. Growth is a kind of success which does indeed come +to some organisms with less effort than to others, but it cannot be +maintained and improved upon without pains and effort. A foolish +organism and its fortuitous variation will be soon parted, for, as a +general rule, unless the variation has so much connection with the +organism's past habits and ways of thought as to be in no proper +sense of the word "fortuitous," the organism will not know what to +do with it when it has got it, no matter how favourable it may be, +and it is little likely to be handed down to descendants. Indeed +the kind of people who get on best in the world--and what test to a +Darwinian can be comparable to this?--commonly do insist on cunning +rather than on luck, sometimes perhaps even unduly; speaking, at +least, from experience, I have generally found myself more or less +of a failure with those Darwinians to whom I have endeavoured to +excuse my shortcomings on the score of luck. + +It may be said that the contention that the nature of the organism +does more towards determining its future than the conditions of its +immediate environment do, is only another way of saying that the +accidents which have happened to an organism in the persons of its +ancestors throughout all time are more irresistible by it for good +or ill than any of the more ordinary chances and changes of its own +immediate life. I do not deny this; but these ancestral accidents +were either turned to account, or neglected where they might have +been taken advantage of; they thus passed either into skill, or want +of skill; so that whichever way the fact is stated the result is the +same; and if simplicity of statement be regarded, there is no more +convenient way of putting the matter than to say that though luck is +mighty, cunning is mightier still. Organism commonly shows its +cunning by practising what Horace preached, and treating itself as +more plastic than its surroundings; those indeed who have had the +greatest the first to admit that they had gained their ends more by +reputation as moulders of circumstances have ever been shaping their +actions and themselves to suit events, than by trying to shape +events to suit themselves and their actions. Modification, like +charity, begins at home. + +But however this may be, there can be no doubt that cunning is in +the long run mightier than luck as regards the acquisition of +property, and what applies to property applies to organism also. +Property, as I have lately seen was said by Rosmini, is a kind of +extension of the personality into the outside world. He might have +said as truly that it is a kind of penetration of the outside world +within the limits of the personality, or that it is at any rate a +prophesying of, and essay after, the more living phase of matter in +the direction of which it is tending. If approached from the +dynamical or living side of the underlying substratum, it is the +beginning of the comparatively stable equilibrium which we call +brute matter; if from the statical side, that is to say, from that +of brute matter, it is the beginning of that dynamical state which +we associate with life; it is the last of ego and first of non ego, +or vice versa, as the case may be; it is the ground whereon the two +meet and are neither wholly one nor wholly the other, but a whirling +mass of contradictions such as attends all fusion. + +What property is to a man's mind or soul that his body is also, only +more so. The body is property carried to the bitter end, or +property is the body carried to the bitter end, whichever the reader +chooses; the expression "organic wealth" is not figurative; none +other is so apt and accurate; so universally, indeed, is this +recognised that the fact has found expression in our liturgy, which +bids us pray for all those who are any wise afflicted "in mind, +body, or estate;" no inference, therefore, can be more simple and +legitimate than the one in accordance with which the laws that +govern the development of wealth generally are supposed also to +govern the particular form of health and wealth which comes most +closely home to us--I mean that of our bodily implements or organs. +What is the stomach but a living sack, or purse of untanned leather, +wherein we keep our means of subsistence? Food is money made easy; +it is petty cash in its handiest and most reduced form; it is our +way of assimilating our possessions and making them indeed our own. +What is the purse but a kind of abridged extra corporeal stomach +wherein we keep the money which we convert by purchase into food, as +we presently convert the food by digestion into flesh and blood? +And what living form is there which is without a purse or stomach, +even though it have to job it by the meal as the amoeba does, and +exchange it for some other article as soon as it has done eating? +How marvellously does the analogy hold between the purse and the +stomach alike as regards form and function; and I may say in passing +that, as usual, the organ which is the more remote from protoplasm +is at once more special, more an object of our consciousness, and +less an object of its own. + +Talk of ego and non ego meeting, and of the hopelessness of avoiding +contradiction in terms--talk of this, and look, in passing, at the +amoeba. It is itself qua maker of the stomach and being fed; it is +not itself qua stomach and qua its using itself as a mere tool or +implement to feed itself with. It is active and passive, object and +subject, ego and non ego--every kind of Irish bull, in fact, which a +sound logician abhors--and it is only because it has persevered, as +I said in "Life and Habit," in thus defying logic and arguing most +virtuously in a most vicious circle, that it has come in the persons +of some of its descendants to reason with sufficient soundness. And +what the amoeba is man is also; man is only a great many amoebas, +most of them dreadfully narrow-minded, going up and down the country +with their goods and chattels like gipsies in a caravan; he is only +a great many amoebas that have had much time and money spent on +their education, and received large bequests of organised +intelligence from those that have gone before them. + +The most incorporate tool--we will say an eye, or a tooth, or the +closed fist when used to strike--has still something of the non ego +about it in so far as it is used; those organs, again, that are the +most completely separate from the body, as the locomotive engine, +must still from time to time kiss the soil of the human body, and be +handled and thus crossed with man again if they would remain in +working order. They cannot be cut adrift from the most living form +of matter (I mean most living from our point of view), and remain +absolutely without connection with it for any length of time, any +more than a seal can live without coming up sometimes to breathe; +and in so far as they become linked on to living beings they live. +Everything is living which is in close communion with, and +interpermeated by, that something which we call mind or thought. +Giordano Bruno saw this long ago when he made an interlocutor in one +of his dialogues say that a man's hat and cloak are alive when he is +wearing them. "Thy boots and spurs live," he exclaims, "when thy +feet carry them; thy hat lives when thy head is within it; and so +the stable lives when it contains the horse or mule, or even +yourself;" nor is it easy to see how this is to be refuted except at +a cost which no one in his senses will offer. + +It may be said that the life of clothes in wear and implements in +use is no true life, inasmuch as it differs from flesh and blood +life in too many and important respects; that we have made up our +minds about not letting life outside the body too decisively to +allow the question to be reopened; that if this be tolerated we +shall have societies for the prevention of cruelty to chairs and +tables, or cutting clothes amiss, or wearing them to tatters, or +whatever other absurdity may occur to idle and unkind people; the +whole discussion, therefore, should be ordered out of court at once. + +I admit that this is much the most sensible position to take, but it +can only be taken by those who turn the deafest of deaf ears to the +teachings of science, and tolerate no going even for a moment below +the surface of things. People who take this line must know how to +put their foot down firmly in the matter of closing a discussion. +Some one may perhaps innocently say that some parts of the body are +more living and vital than others, and those who stick to common +sense may allow this, but if they do they must close the discussion +on the spot; if they listen to another syllable they are lost; if +they let the innocent interlocutor say so much as that a piece of +well-nourished healthy brain is more living than the end of a +finger-nail that wants cutting, or than the calcareous parts of a +bone, the solvent will have been applied which will soon make an end +of common sense ways of looking at the matter. Once even admit the +use of the participle "dying," which involves degrees of death, and +hence an entry of death in part into a living body, and common sense +must either close the discussion at once, or ere long surrender at +discretion. + +Common sense can only carry weight in respect of matters with which +every one is familiar, as forming part of the daily and hourly +conduct of affairs; if we would keep our comfortable hard and fast +lines, our rough and ready unspecialised ways of dealing with +difficult questions, our impatience of what St. Paul calls "doubtful +disputations," we must refuse to quit the ground on which the +judgments of mankind have been so long and often given that they are +not likely to be questioned. Common sense is not yet formulated in +manners of science or philosophy, for only few consider them; few +decisions, therefore, have been arrived at which all hold final. +Science is, like love, "too young to know what conscience," or +common sense, is. As soon as the world began to busy itself with +evolution it said good-bye to common sense, and must get on with +uncommon sense as best it can. The first lesson that uncommon sense +will teach it is that contradiction in terms is the foundation of +all sound reasoning--and, as an obvious consequence, compromise, the +foundation of all sound practice. This, it follows easily, involves +the corollary that as faith, to be of any value, must be based on +reason, so reason, to be of any value, must be based on faith, and +that neither can stand alone or dispense with the other, any more +than culture or vulgarity can stand unalloyed with one another +without much danger of mischance. + +It may not perhaps be immediately apparent why the admission that a +piece of healthy living brain is more living than the end of a +finger-nail, is so dangerous to common sense ways of looking at life +and death; I had better, therefore, be more explicit. By this +admission degrees of livingness are admitted within the body; this +involves approaches to non-livingness. On this the question arises, +"Which are the most living parts?" The answer to this was given a +few years ago with a flourish of trumpets, and our biologists +shouted with one voice, "Great is protoplasm. There is no life but +protoplasm, and Huxley is its prophet." Read Huxley's "Physical +Basis of Mind." Read Professor Mivart's article, "What are Living +Beings?" in the Contemporary Review, July, 1879. Read Dr. Andrew +Wilson's article in the Gentleman's Magazine, October, 1879. +Remember Professor Allman's address to the British Association, +1879; ask, again, any medical man what is the most approved +scientific attitude as regards the protoplasmic and non-protoplasmic +parts of the body, and he will say that the thinly veiled conclusion +arrived at by all of them is, that the protoplasmic parts are alone +truly living, and that the non-protoplasmic are non-living. + +It may suffice if I confine myself to Professor Allman's address to +the British Association in 1879, as a representative utterance. +Professor Allman said:- + +"Protoplasm lies at the base of every vital phenomenon. It is, as +Huxley has well expressed it, 'the physical basis of life;' wherever +there is life from its lowest to its highest manifestation there is +protoplasm; wherever there is protoplasm there is life." {122a} + +To say wherever there is life there is protoplasm, is to say that +there can be no life without protoplasm, and this is saying that +where there is no protoplasm there is no life. But large parts of +the body are non-protoplasmic; a bone is, indeed, permeated by +protoplasm, but it is not protoplasm; it follows, therefore, that +according to Professor Allman bone is not in any proper sense of +words a living substance. From this it should follow, and doubtless +does follow in Professor Allman's mind, that large tracts of the +human body, if not the greater part by weight (as bones, skin, +muscular tissues, &c.), are no more alive than a coat or pair of +boots in wear is alive, except in so far as the bones, &c., are more +closely and nakedly permeated by protoplasm than the coat or boots, +and are thus brought into closer, directer, and more permanent +communication with that which, if not life itself, still has more of +the ear of life, and comes nearer to its royal person than anything +else does. Indeed that this is Professor Allman's opinion appears +from the passage on page 26 of the report, in which he says that in +"protoplasm we find the only form of matter in which life can +manifest itself." + +According to this view the skin and other tissues are supposed to be +made from dead protoplasm which living protoplasm turns to account +as the British Museum authorities are believed to stuff their new +specimens with the skins of old ones; the matter used by the living +protoplasm for this purpose is held to be entirely foreign to +protoplasm itself, and no more capable of acting in concert with it +than bricks can understand and act in concert with the bricklayer. +As the bricklayer is held to be living and the bricks non-living, so +the bones and skin which protoplasm is supposed to construct are +held non-living and the protoplasm alone living. Protoplasm, it is +said, goes about masked behind the clothes or habits which it has +fashioned. It has habited itself as animals and plants, and we have +mistaken the garment for the wearer--as our dogs and cats doubtless +think with Giordano Bruno that our boots live when we are wearing +them, and that we keep spare paws in our bedrooms which lie by the +wall and go to sleep when we have not got them on. + +If, in answer to the assertion that the osseous parts of bone are +non-living, it is said that they must be living, for they heal if +broken, which no dead matter can do, it is answered that the broken +pieces of bone do not grow together; they are mended by the +protoplasm which permeates the Haversian canals; the bones +themselves are no more living merely because they are tenanted by +something which really does live, than a house lives because men and +women inhabit it; and if a bone is repaired, it no more repairs +itself than a house can be said to have repaired itself because its +owner has sent for the bricklayer and seen that what was wanted was +done. + +We do not know, it is said, by what means the structureless viscid +substance which we call protoplasm can build for itself a solid +bone; we do not understand how an amoeba makes its test; no one +understands how anything is done unless he can do it himself; and +even then he probably does not know how he has done it. Set a man +who has never painted, to watch Rembrandt paint the Burgomaster Six, +and he will no more understand how Rembrandt can have done it, than +we can understand how the amoeba makes its test, or the protoplasm +cements two broken ends of a piece of bone. Ces choses se font mais +ne s'expliquent pas. So some denizen of another planet looking at +our earth through a telescope which showed him much, but still not +quite enough, and seeing the St. Gothard tunnel plumb on end so that +he could not see the holes of entry and exit, would think the trains +there a kind of caterpillar which went through the mountain by a +pure effort of the will--that enabled them in some mysterious way to +disregard material obstacles and dispense with material means. We +know, of course, that it is not so, and that exemption from the toil +attendant on material obstacles has been compounded for, in the +ordinary way, by the single payment of a tunnel; and so with the +cementing of a bone, our biologists say that the protoplasm, which +is alone living, cements it much as a man might mend a piece of +broken china, but that it works by methods and processes which elude +us, even as the holes of the St. Gothard tunnel may be supposed to +elude a denizen of another world. + +The reader will already have seen that the toils are beginning to +close round those who, while professing to be guided by common +sense, still parley with even the most superficial probers beneath +the surface; this, however, will appear more clearly in the +following chapter. It will also appear how far-reaching were the +consequences of the denial of design that was involved in Mr. +Darwin's theory that luck is the main element in survival, and how +largely this theory is responsible for the fatuous developments in +connection alike with protoplasm and automatism which a few years +ago seemed about to carry everything before them. + + + +CHAPTER IX--Property, Common Sense, and Protoplasm (continued) + + + +The position, then, stands thus. Common sense gave the inch of +admitting some parts of the body to be less living than others, and +philosophy took the ell of declaring the body to be almost all of it +stone dead. This is serious; still if it were all, for a quiet +life, we might put up with it. Unfortunately we know only too well +that it will not be all. Our bodies, which seemed so living and now +prove so dead, have served us such a trick that we can have no +confidence in anything connected with them. As with skin and bones +to-day, so with protoplasm to-morrow. Protoplasm is mainly oxygen, +hydrogen, nitrogen, and carbon; if we do not keep a sharp look out, +we shall have it going the way of the rest of the body, and being +declared dead in respect, at any rate, of these inorganic +components. Science has not, I believe, settled all the components +of protoplasm, but this is neither here nor there; she has settled +what it is in great part, and there is no trusting her not to settle +the rest at any moment, even if she has not already done so. As +soon as this has been done we shall be told that nine-tenths of the +protoplasm of which we are composed must go the way of our non- +protoplasmic parts, and that the only really living part of us is +the something with a new name that runs the protoplasm that runs the +flesh and bones that run the organs - + +Why stop here? Why not add "which run the tools and properties +which are as essential to our life and health as much that is +actually incorporate with us?" The same breach which has let the +non-living effect a lodgment within the body must, in all equity, +let the organic character--bodiliness, so to speak--pass out beyond +its limits and effect a lodgment in our temporary and extra- +corporeal limbs. What, on the protoplasmic theory, the skin and +bones are, that the hammer and spade are also; they differ in the +degree of closeness and permanence with which they are associated +with protoplasm, but both bones and hammers are alike non-living +things which protoplasm uses for its own purposes and keeps closer +or less close at hand as custom and convenience may determine. + +According to this view, the non-protoplasmic parts of the body are +tools of the first degree; they are not living, but they are in such +close and constant contact with that which really lives, that an +aroma of life attaches to them. Some of these, however, such as +horns, hooves, and tusks, are so little permeated by protoplasm that +they cannot rank much higher than the tools of the second degree, +which come next to them in order. + +These tools of the second degree are either picked up ready-made, or +are manufactured directly by the body, as being torn or bitten into +shape, or as stones picked up to throw at prey or at an enemy. + +Tools of the third degree are made by the instrumentality of tools +of the second and first degrees; as, for example, chipped flint, +arrow-heads, &c. + +Tools of the fourth degree are made by those of the third, second, +and first. They consist of the simpler compound instruments that +yet require to be worked by hand, as hammers, spades, and even hand +flour-mills. + +Tools of the fifth degree are made by the help of those of the +fourth, third, second, and first. They are compounded of many +tools, worked, it may be, by steam or water and requiring no +constant contact with the body. + +But each one of these tools of the fifth degree was made in the +first instance by the sole instrumentality of the four preceding +kinds of tool. They must all be linked on to protoplasm, which is +the one original tool-maker, but which can only make the tools that +are more remote from itself by the help of those that are nearer, +that is to say, it can only work when it has suitable tools to work +with, and when it is allowed to use them in its own way. There can +be no direct communication between protoplasm and a steam-engine; +there may be and often is direct communication between machines of +even the fifth order and those of the first, as when an engine-man +turns a cock, or repairs something with his own hands if he has +nothing better to work with. But put a hammer, for example, to a +piece of protoplasm, and the protoplasm will no more know what to do +with it than we should be able to saw a piece of wood in two without +a saw. Even protoplasm from the hand of a carpenter who has been +handling hammers all his life would be hopelessly put off its stroke +if not allowed to work in its usual way but put bare up against a +hammer; it would make a slimy mess and then dry up; still there can +be no doubt (so at least those who uphold protoplasm as the one +living substance would say) that the closer a machine can be got to +protoplasm and the more permanent the connection, the more living it +appears to be, or at any rate the more does it appear to be endowed +with spontaneous and reasoning energy, so long, of course, as the +closeness is of a kind which protoplasm understands and is familiar +with. This, they say, is why we do not like using any implement or +tool with gloves on, for these impose a barrier between the tool and +its true connection with protoplasm by means of the nervous system. +For the same reason we put gloves on when we box so as to bar the +connection. + +That which we handle most unglovedly is our food, which we handle +with our stomachs rather than with our hands. Our hands are so +thickly encased with skin that protoplasm can hold but small +conversation with what they contain, unless it be held for a long +time in the closed fist, and even so the converse is impeded as in a +strange language; the inside of our mouths is more naked, and our +stomachs are more naked still; it is here that protoplasm brings its +fullest powers of suasion to bear on those whom it would proselytise +and receive as it were into its own communion--whom it would convert +and bring into a condition of mind in which they shall see things as +it sees them itself, and, as we commonly say, "agree with" it, +instead of standing out stiffly for their own opinion. We call this +digesting our food; more properly we should call it being digested +by our food, which reads, marks, learns, and inwardly digests us, +till it comes to understand us and encourage us by assuring us that +we were perfectly right all the time, no matter what any one might +have said, or say, to the contrary. Having thus recanted all its +own past heresies, it sets to work to convert everything that comes +near it and seems in the least likely to be converted. Eating is a +mode of love; it is an effort after a closer union; so we say we +love roast beef. A French lady told me once that she adored veal; +and a nurse tells her child that she would like to eat it. Even he +who caresses a dog or horse pro tanto both weds and eats it. +Strange how close the analogy between love and hunger; in each case +the effort is after closer union and possession; in each case the +outcome is reproduction (for nutrition is the most complete of +reproductions), and in each case there are residua. But to return. + +I have shown above that one consequence of the attempt so vigorously +made a few years ago to establish protoplasm as the one living +substance, is the making it clear that the non-protoplasmic parts of +the body and the simpler extra-corporeal tools or organs must run on +all fours in the matter of livingness and non-livingness. If the +protoplasmic parts of the body are held living in virtue of their +being used by something that really lives, then so, though in a less +degree, must tools and machines. If, on the other hand, tools and +machines are held non-living inasmuch as they only owe what little +appearance of life they may present when in actual use to something +else that lives, and have no life of their own--so, though in a less +degree, must the non-protoplasmic parts of the body. Allow an +overflowing aroma of life to vivify the horny skin under the heel, +and from this there will be a spilling which will vivify the boot in +wear. Deny an aroma of life to the boot in wear, and it must ere +long be denied to ninety-nine per cent. of the body; and if the body +is not alive while it can walk and talk, what in the name of all +that is unreasonable can be held to be so? + +That the essential identity of bodily organs and tools is no +ingenious paradoxical way of putting things is evident from the fact +that we speak of bodily organs at all. Organ means tool. There is +nothing which reveals our most genuine opinions to us so unerringly +as our habitual and unguarded expressions, and in the case under +consideration so completely do we instinctively recognise the +underlying identity of tools and limbs, that scientific men use the +word "organ" for any part of the body that discharges a function, +practically to the exclusion of any other term. Of course, however, +the above contention as to the essential identity of tools and +organs does not involve a denial of their obvious superficial +differences--differences so many and so great as to justify our +classing them in distinct categories so long as we have regard to +the daily purposes of life without looking at remoter ones. + +If the above be admitted, we can reply to those who in an earlier +chapter objected to our saying that if Mr. Darwin denied design in +the eye he should deny it in the burglar's jemmy also. For if +bodily and non-bodily organs are essentially one in kind, being each +of them both living and non-living, and each of them only a higher +development of principles already admitted and largely acted on in +the other, then the method of procedure observable in the evolution +of the organs whose history is within our ken should throw light +upon the evolution of that whose history goes back into so dim a +past that we can only know it by way of inference. In the absence +of any show of reason to the contrary we should argue from the known +to the unknown, and presume that even as our non-bodily organs +originated and were developed through gradual accumulation of +design, effort, and contrivance guided by experience, so also must +our bodily organs have been, in spite of the fact that the +contrivance has been, as it were, denuded of external evidences in +the course of long time. This at least is the most obvious +inference to draw; the burden of proof should rest not with those +who uphold function as the most important means of organic +modification, but with those who impugn it; it is hardly necessary, +however, to say that Mr. Darwin never attempted to impugn by way of +argument the conclusions either of his grandfather or of Lamarck. +He waved them both aside in one or two short semi-contemptuous +sentences, and said no more about them--not, at least, until late in +life he wrote his "Erasmus Darwin," and even then his remarks were +purely biographical; he did not say one syllable by way of +refutation, or even of explanation. + +I am free to confess that, overwhelming as is the evidence brought +forward by Mr. Spencer in the articles already referred to, as +showing that accidental variations, unguided by the helm of any main +general principle which should as it were keep their heads straight, +could never accumulate with the results supposed by Mr. Darwin; and +overwhelming, again, as is the consideration that Mr. Spencer's most +crushing argument was allowed by Mr. Darwin to go without reply, +still the considerations arising from the discoveries of the last +forty years or so in connection with protoplasm, seem to me almost +more overwhelming still. This evidence proceeds on different lines +from that adduced by Mr. Spencer, but it points to the same +conclusion, namely, that though luck will avail much if backed by +cunning and experience, it is unavailing for any permanent result +without them. There is an irony which seems almost always to attend +on those who maintain that protoplasm is the only living substance +which ere long points their conclusions the opposite way to that +which they desire--in the very last direction, indeed, in which they +of all people in the world would willingly see them pointed. + +It may be asked why I should have so strong an objection to seeing +protoplasm as the only living substance, when I find this view so +useful to me as tending to substantiate design--which I admit that I +have as much and as seriously at heart as I can allow myself to have +any matter which, after all, can so little affect daily conduct; I +reply that it is no part of my business to inquire whether this or +that makes for my pet theories or against them; my concern is to +inquire whether or no it is borne out by facts, and I find the +opinion that protoplasm is the one living substance unstable, +inasmuch as it is an attempt to make a halt where no halt can be +made. This is enough; but, furthermore, the fact that the +protoplasmic parts of the body are MORE living than the non- +protoplasmic--which I cannot deny, without denying that it is any +longer convenient to think of life and death at all--will answer my +purpose to the full as well or better. + +I pointed out another consequence, which, again, was cruelly the +reverse of what the promoters of the protoplasm movement might be +supposed anxious to arrive at--in a series of articles which +appeared in the Examiner during the summer of 1879, and showed that +if protoplasm were held to be the sole seat of life, then this unity +in the substance vivifying all, both animals and plants, must be +held as uniting them into a single corporation or body--especially +when their community of descent is borne in mind--more effectually +than any merely superficial separation into individuals can be held +to disunite them, and that thus protoplasm must be seen as the life +of the world--as a vast body corporate, never dying till the earth +itself shall pass away. This came practically to saying that +protoplasm was God Almighty, who, of all the forms open to Him, had +chosen this singularly unattractive one as the channel through which +to make Himself manifest in the flesh by taking our nature upon Him, +and animating us with His own Spirit. Our biologists, in fact, were +fast nearing the conception of a God who was both personal and +material, but who could not be made to square with pantheistic +notions inasmuch as no provision was made for the inorganic world; +and, indeed, they seem to have become alarmed at the grotesqueness +of the position in which they must ere long have found themselves, +for in the autumn of 1879 the boom collapsed, and thenceforth the +leading reviews and magazines have known protoplasm no more. About +the same time bathybius, which at one time bade fair to supplant it +upon the throne of popularity, died suddenly, as I am told, at +Norwich, under circumstances which did not transpire, nor has its +name, so far as I am aware, been ever again mentioned. + +So much for the conclusions in regard to the larger aspect of life +taken as a whole which must follow from confining life to +protoplasm; but there is another aspect--that, namely, which regards +the individual. The inevitable consequences of confining life to +the protoplasmic parts of the body were just as unexpected and +unwelcome here as they had been with regard to life at large; for, +as I have already pointed out, there is no drawing the line at +protoplasm and resting at this point; nor yet at the next halting- +point beyond; nor at the one beyond that. How often is this process +to be repeated? and in what can it end but in the rehabilitation of +the soul as an ethereal, spiritual, vital principle, apart from +matter, which, nevertheless, it animates, vivifying the clay of our +bodies? No one who has followed the course either of biology or +psychology during this century, and more especially during the last +five-and-twenty years, will tolerate the reintroduction of the soul +as something apart from the substratum in which both feeling and +action must be held to inhere. The notion of matter being ever +changed except by other matter in another state is so shocking to +the intellectual conscience that it may be dismissed without +discussion; yet if bathybius had not been promptly dealt with, it +must have become apparent even to the British public that there were +indeed but few steps from protoplasm, as the only living substance, +to vital principle. Our biologists therefore stifled bathybius, +perhaps with justice, certainly with prudence, and left protoplasm +to its fate. + +Any one who reads Professor Allman's address above referred to with +due care will see that he was uneasy about protoplasm, even at the +time of its greatest popularity. Professor Allman never says +outright that the non-protoplasmic parts of the body are no more +alive than chairs and tables are. He said what involved this as an +inevitable consequence, and there can be no doubt that this is what +he wanted to convey, but he never insisted on it with the +outspokenness and emphasis with which so startling a paradox should +alone be offered us for acceptance; nor is it easy to believe that +his reluctance to express his conclusion totidem verbis was not due +to a sense that it might ere long prove more convenient not to have +done so. When I advocated the theory of the livingness, or quasi- +livingness of machines, in the chapters of "Erewhon" of which all +else that I have written on biological subjects is a development, I +took care that people should see the position in its extreme form; +the non-livingness of bodily organs is to the full as startling a +paradox as the livingness of non-bodily ones, and we have a right to +expect the fullest explicitness from those who advance it. Of +course it must be borne in mind that a machine can only claim any +appreciable even aroma of livingness so long as it is in actual use. +In "Erewhon" I did not think it necessary to insist on this, and did +not, indeed, yet fully know what I was driving at. + +The same disposition to avoid committing themselves to the assertion +that any part of the body is non-living may be observed in the +writings of the other authorities upon protoplasm above referred to; +I have searched all they said, and cannot find a single passage in +which they declare even the osseous parts of a bone to be non- +living, though this conclusion was the raison d'etre of all they +were saying and followed as an obvious inference. The reader will +probably agree with me in thinking that such reticence can only have +been due to a feeling that the ground was one on which it behoved +them to walk circumspectly; they probably felt, after a vague, ill- +defined fashion, that the more they reduced the body to mechanism +the more they laid it open to an opponent to raise mechanism to the +body, but, however this may be, they dropped protoplasm, as I have +said, in some haste with the autumn of 1879. + + + +CHAPTER X--The Attempt to Eliminate Mind + + + +What, it may be asked, were our biologists really aiming at?--for +men like Professor Huxley do not serve protoplasm for nought. They +wanted a good many things, some of them more righteous than others, +but all intelligible. Among the more lawful of their desires was a +craving after a monistic conception of the universe. We all desire +this; who can turn his thoughts to these matters at all and not +instinctively lean towards the old conception of one supreme and +ultimate essence as the source from which all things proceed and +have proceeded, both now and ever? The most striking and apparently +most stable theory of the last quarter of a century had been Sir +William Grove's theory of the conservation of energy; and yet +wherein is there any substantial difference between this recent +outcome of modern amateur, and hence most sincere, science--pointing +as it does to an imperishable, and as such unchangeable, and as +such, again, for ever unknowable underlying substance the modes of +which alone change--wherein, except in mere verbal costume, does +this differ from the conclusions arrived at by the psalmist? + +"Of old," he exclaims, "hast Thou laid the foundation of the earth; +and the heavens are the work of Thy hands. They shall perish, but +Thou shalt endure; yea, all of them shall wax old like a garment; as +a vesture shalt Thou change them and they shall be changed; but Thou +art the same, and Thy years shall have no end." {135a} + +I know not what theologians may think of this passage, but from a +scientific point of view it is unassailable. So again, "O Lord," he +exclaims, "Thou hast searched me out, and known me: Thou knowest my +down-sitting and mine up-rising; Thou understandest my thoughts long +before. Thou art about my path, and about my bed: and spiest out +all my ways. For lo, there is not a word in my tongue but Thou, O +Lord, knowest it altogether . . . Whither shall I go, then, from Thy +Spirit? Or whither shall I go, then, from Thy presence? If I climb +up into heaven Thou art there: if I go down to hell, Thou art there +also. If I take the wings of the morning, and remain in the +uttermost parts of the sea, even there also shall Thy hand lead me +and Thy right hand shall hold me. If I say, Peradventure the +darkness shall cover me, then shall my night be turned to day. Yea, +the darkness is no darkness with Thee, but . . . the darkness and +light to Thee are both alike." {136a} + +What convention or short cut can symbolise for us the results of +laboured and complicated chains of reasoning or bring them more +aptly and concisely home to us than the one supplied long since by +the word God? What can approach more nearly to a rendering of that +which cannot be rendered--the idea of an essence omnipresent in all +things at all times everywhere in sky and earth and sea; ever +changing, yet the same yesterday, to-day, and for ever; the +ineffable contradiction in terms whose presence none can either ever +enter, or ever escape? Or rather, what convention would have been +more apt if it had not been lost sight of as a convention and come +to be regarded as an idea in actual correspondence with a more or +less knowable reality? A convention was converted into a fetish, +and now that its worthlessness as a fetish is being generally felt, +its great value as a hieroglyph or convention is in danger of being +lost sight of. No doubt the psalmist was seeking for Sir William +Grove's conception, if haply he might feel after it and find it, and +assuredly it is not far from every one of us. But the course of +true philosophy never did run smooth; no sooner have we fairly +grasped the conception of a single eternal and for ever unknowable +underlying substance, then we are faced by mind and matter. Long- +standing ideas and current language alike lead us to see these as +distinct things--mind being still commonly regarded as something +that acts on body from without as the wind blows upon a leaf, and as +no less an actual entity than the body. Neither body nor mind seems +less essential to our existence than the other; not only do we feel +this as regards our own existence, but we feel it also as pervading +the whole world of life; everywhere we see body and mind working +together towards results that must be ascribed equally to both; but +they are two, not one; if, then, we are to have our monistic +conception, it would seem as though one of these must yield to the +other; which, therefore, is it to be? + +This is a very old question. Some, from time immemorial, have tried +to get rid of matter by reducing it to a mere concept of the mind, +and their followers have arrived at conclusions that may be +logically irrefragable, but are as far removed from common sense as +they are in accord with logic; at any rate they have failed to +satisfy, and matter is no nearer being got rid of now than it was +when the discussion first began. Others, again, have tried +materialism, have declared the causative action of both thought and +feeling to be deceptive, and posit matter obeying fixed laws of +which thought and feeling must be admitted as concomitants, but with +which they have no causal connection. The same thing has happened +to these men as to their opponents; they made out an excellent case +on paper, but thought and feeling still remain the mainsprings of +action that they have been always held to be. We still say, "I gave +him 5 pounds because I felt pleased with him, and thought he would +like it;" or, "I knocked him down because I felt angry, and thought +I would teach him better manners." Omnipresent life and mind with +appearances of brute non-livingness--which appearances are +deceptive; this is one view. Omnipresent non-livingness or +mechanism with appearances as though the mechanism were guided and +controlled by thought--which appearances are deceptive; this is the +other. Between these two views the slaves of logic have oscillated +for centuries, and to all appearance will continue to oscillate for +centuries more. + +People who think--as against those who feel and act--want hard and +fast lines--without which, indeed, they cannot think at all; these +lines are as it were steps cut on a slope of ice without which there +would be no descending it. When we have begun to travel the +downward path of thought, we ask ourselves questions about life and +death, ego and non ego, object and subject, necessity and free will, +and other kindred subjects. We want to know where we are, and in +the hope of simplifying matters, strip, as it were, each subject to +the skin, and finding that even this has not freed it from all +extraneous matter, flay it alive in the hope that if we grub down +deep enough we shall come upon it in its pure unalloyed state free +from all inconvenient complication through intermixture with +anything alien to itself. Then, indeed, we can docket it, and +pigeon-hole it for what it is; but what can we do with it till we +have got it pure? We want to account for things, which means that +we want to know to which of the various accounts opened in our +mental ledger we ought to carry them--and how can we do this if we +admit a phenomenon to be neither one thing nor the other, but to +belong to half-a-dozen different accounts in proportions which often +cannot even approximately be determined? If we are to keep accounts +we must keep them in reasonable compass; and if keeping them within +reasonable compass involves something of a Procrustean arrangement, +we may regret it, but cannot help it; having set up as thinkers we +have got to think, and must adhere to the only conditions under +which thought is possible; life, therefore, must be life, all life, +and nothing but life, and so with death, free will, necessity, +design, and everything else. This, at least, is how philosophers +must think concerning them in theory; in practice, however, not even +John Stuart Mill himself could eliminate all taint of its opposite +from any one of these things, any more than Lady Macbeth could clear +her hand of blood; indeed, the more nearly we think we have +succeeded the more certain are we to find ourselves ere long mocked +and baffled; and this, I take it, is what our biologists began in +the autumn of 1879 to discover had happened to themselves. + +For some years they had been trying to get rid of feeling, +consciousness, and mind generally, from active participation in the +evolution of the universe. They admitted, indeed, that feeling and +consciousness attend the working of the world's gear, as noise +attends the working of a steam-engine, but they would not allow that +consciousness produced more effect in the working of the world than +noise on that of the steam-engine. Feeling and noise were alike +accidental unessential adjuncts and nothing more. Incredible as it +may seem to those who are happy enough not to know that this attempt +is an old one, they were trying to reduce the world to the level of +a piece of unerring though sentient mechanism. Men and animals must +be allowed to feel and even to reflect; this much must be conceded, +but granted that they do, still (so, at least, it was contended) it +has no effect upon the result; it does not matter as far as this is +concerned whether they feel and think or not; everything would go on +exactly as it does and always has done, though neither man nor beast +knew nor felt anything at all. It is only by maintaining things +like this that people will get pensions out of the British public. + +Some such position as this is a sine qua non for the Neo-Darwinistic +doctrine of natural selection, which, as Von Hartmann justly +observes, involves an essentially mechanical mindless conception of +the universe; to natural selection's door, therefore, the blame of +the whole movement in favour of mechanism must be justly laid. It +was natural that those who had been foremost in preaching mindless +designless luck as the main means of organic modification, should +lend themselves with alacrity to the task of getting rid of thought +and feeling from all share in the direction and governance of the +world. Professor Huxley, as usual, was among the foremost in this +good work, and whether influenced by Hobbes, or Descartes, or Mr. +Spalding, or even by the machine chapters in "Erewhon" which were +still recent, I do not know, led off with his article "On the +hypothesis that animals are automata" (which it may be observed is +the exact converse of the hypothesis that automata are animated) in +the Fortnightly Review for November 1874. Professor Huxley did not +say outright that men and women were just as living and just as dead +as their own watches, but this was what his article came to in +substance. The conclusion arrived at was that animals were +automata; true, they were probably sentient, still they were +automata pure and simple, mere sentient pieces of exceedingly +elaborate clockwork, and nothing more. + +"Professor Huxley," says Mr. Romanes, in his Rede Lecture for 1885, +{140a} "argues by way of perfectly logical deduction from this +statement, that thought and feeling have nothing to do with +determining action; they are merely the bye-products of cerebration, +or, as he expresses it, the indices of changes which are going on in +the brain. Under this view we are all what he terms conscious +automata, or machines which happen, as it were by chance, to be +conscious of some of their own movements. But the consciousness is +altogether adventitious, and bears the same ineffectual relation to +the activity of the brain as a steam whistle bears to the activity +of a locomotive, or the striking of a clock to the time-keeping +adjustments of the clockwork. Here, again, we meet with an echo of +Hobbes, who opens his work on the commonwealth with these words:- + +"'Nature, the art whereby God hath made and governs the world, is by +the ART of man, as in many other things, in this also imitated, that +it can make an artificial animal. For seeing life is but a motion +of limbs, the beginning whereof is in the principal part within; why +may we not say that all automata (engines that move themselves by +springs and wheels as doth a watch) have an artificial life? For +what is the HEART but a spring, and the NERVES but so many STRINGS; +and the JOINTS but so many WHEELS giving motion to the whole body, +such as was intended by the artificer?' + +"Now this theory of conscious automatism is not merely a legitimate +outcome of the theory that nervous changes are the causes of mental +changes, but it is logically the only possible outcome. Nor do I +see any way in which this theory can be fought on grounds of +physiology." + +In passing, I may say the theory that living beings are conscious +machines, can be fought just as much and just as little as the +theory that machines are unconscious living beings; everything that +goes to prove either of these propositions goes just as well to +prove the other also. But I have perhaps already said as much as is +necessary on this head; the main point with which I am concerned is +the fact that Professor Huxley was trying to expel consciousness and +sentience from any causative action in the working of the universe. +In the following month appeared the late Professor Clifford's hardly +less outspoken article, "Body and Mind," to the same effect, also in +the Fortnightly Review, then edited by Mr. John Morley. Perhaps +this view attained its frankest expression in an article by the late +Mr. Spalding, which appeared in Nature, August 2, 1877; the +following extracts will show that Mr. Spalding must be credited with +not playing fast and loose with his own conclusions, and knew both +how to think a thing out to its extreme consequences, and how to put +those consequences clearly before his readers. Mr. Spalding said:- + +"Against Mr. Lewes's proposition that the movements of living beings +are prompted and guided by feeling, I urged that the amount and +direction of every nervous discharge must depend solely on physical +conditions. And I contended that to see this clearly is to see that +when we speak of movement being guided by feeling, we use the +language of a less advanced stage of enlightenment. This view has +since occupied a good deal of attention. Under the name of +automatism it has been advocated by Professor Huxley, and with +firmer logic by Professor Clifford. In the minds of our savage +ancestors feeling was the source of all movement . . . Using the +word feeling in its ordinary sense . . . WE ASSERT NOT ONLY THAT NO +EVIDENCE CAN BE GIVEN THAT FEELING EVER DOES GUIDE OR PROMPT ACTION, +BUT THAT THE PROCESS OF ITS DOING SO IS INCONCEIVABLE. (Italics +mine.) How can we picture to ourselves a state of consciousness +putting in motion any particle of matter, large or small? Puss, +while dozing before the fire, hears a light rustle in the corner, +and darts towards the spot. What has happened? Certain sound-waves +have reached the ear, a series of physical changes have taken place +within the organism, special groups of muscles have been called into +play, and the body of the cat has changed its position on the floor. +Is it asserted that this chain of physical changes is not at all +points complete and sufficient in itself?" + +I have been led to turn to this article of Mr. Spalding's by Mr. +Stewart Duncan, who, in his "Conscious Matter," {142a} quotes the +latter part of the foregoing extract. Mr. Duncan goes on to quote +passages from Professor Tyndall's utterances of about the same date +which show that he too took much the same line--namely, that there +is no causative connection between mental and physical processes; +from this it is obvious he must have supposed that physical +processes would go on just as well if there were no accompaniment of +feeling and consciousness at all. + +I have said enough to show that in the decade, roughly, between 1870 +and 1880 the set of opinion among our leading biologists was +strongly against mind, as having in any way influenced the +development of animal and vegetable life, and it is not likely to be +denied that the prominence which the mindless theory of natural +selection had assumed in men's thoughts since 1860 was one of the +chief reasons, if not the chief, for the turn opinion was taking. +Our leading biologists had staked so heavily upon natural selection +from among fortuitous variations that they would have been more than +human if they had not caught at everything that seemed to give it +colour and support. It was while this mechanical fit was upon them, +and in the closest connection with it, that the protoplasm boom +developed. It was doubtless felt that if the public could be got to +dislodge life, consciousness, and mind from any considerable part of +the body, it would be no hard matter to dislodge it, presently, from +the remainder; on this the deceptiveness of mind as a causative +agent, and the sufficiency of a purely automatic conception of the +universe, as of something that will work if a penny be dropped into +the box, would be proved to demonstration. It would be proved from +the side of mind by considerations derivable from automatic and +unconscious action where mind ex hypothesi was not, but where action +went on as well or better without it than with it; it would be +proved from the side of body by what they would doubtless call the +"most careful and exhaustive" examination of the body itself by the +aid of appliances more ample than had ever before been within the +reach of man. + +This was all very well, but for its success one thing was a sine qua +non--I mean the dislodgment must be thorough; the key must be got +clean of even the smallest trace of blood, for unless this could be +done all the argument went to the profit not of the mechanism, with +which, for some reason or other, they were so much enamoured, but of +the soul and design, the ideas which of all others were most +distasteful to them. They shut their eyes to this for a long time, +but in the end appear to have seen that if they were in search of an +absolute living and absolute non-living, the path along which they +were travelling would never lead them to it. They were driving life +up into a corner, but they were not eliminating it, and, moreover, +at the very moment of their thinking they had hedged it in and could +throw their salt upon it, it flew mockingly over their heads and +perched upon the place of all others where they were most +scandalised to see it--I mean upon machines in use. So they retired +sulkily to their tents baffled but not ashamed. + + +Some months subsequent to the completion of the foregoing chapter, +and indeed just as this book is on the point of leaving my hands, +there appears in Nature {144a} a letter from the Duke of Argyll, +which shows that he too is impressed with the conviction expressed +above--I mean that the real object our men of science have lately +had in view has been the getting rid of mind from among the causes +of evolution. The Duke says:- + +"The violence with which false interpretations were put upon this +theory (natural selection) and a function was assigned to it which +it could never fulfil, will some day be recognised as one of the +least creditable episodes in the history of science. With a curious +perversity it was the weakest elements in the theory which were +seized upon as the most valuable, particularly the part assigned to +blind chance in the occurrence of variations. This was valued not +for its scientific truth,--for it could pretend to none,--but +because of its assumed bearing upon another field of thought and the +weapon it afforded for expelling mind from the causes of evolution." + +The Duke, speaking of Mr. Herbert Spencer's two articles in the +Nineteenth Century for April and May, 1886, to which I have already +called attention, continues:- + +"In these two articles we have for the first time an avowed and +definite declaration against some of the leading ideas on which the +mechanical philosophy depends; and yet the caution, and almost +timidity, with which a man so eminent approaches the announcement of +conclusions of the most self-evident truth is a most curious proof +of the reign of terror which has come to be established." + +Against this I must protest; the Duke cannot seriously maintain that +the main scope and purpose of Mr. Herbert Spencer's articles is new. +Their substance has been before us in Mr. Spencer's own writings for +some two-and-twenty years, in the course of which Mr. Spencer has +been followed by Professor Mivart, the Rev. J. J. Murphy, the Duke +of Argyll himself, and many other writers of less note. When the +Duke talks about the establishment of a scientific reign of terror, +I confess I regard such an exaggeration with something like +impatience. Any one who has known his own mind and has had the +courage of his opinions has been able to say whatever he wanted to +say with as little let or hindrance during the last twenty years, as +during any other period in the history of literature. Of course, if +a man will keep blurting out unpopular truths without considering +whose toes he may or may not be treading on, he will make enemies +some of whom will doubtless be able to give effect to their +displeasure; but that is part of the game. It is hardly possible +for any one to oppose the fallacy involved in the Charles-Darwinian +theory of natural selection more persistently and unsparingly than I +have done myself from the year 1877 onwards; naturally I have at +times been very angrily attacked in consequence, and as a matter of +business have made myself as unpleasant as I could in my rejoinders, +but I cannot remember anything having been ever attempted against me +which could cause fear in any ordinarily constituted person. If, +then, the Duke of Argyll is right in saying that Mr. Spencer has +shown a caution almost amounting to timidity in attacking Mr. +Darwin's theory, either Mr. Spencer must be a singularly timid +person, or there must be some cause for his timidity which is not +immediately obvious. If terror reigns anywhere among scientific +men, I should say it reigned among those who have staked imprudently +on Mr. Darwin's reputation as a philosopher. I may add that the +discovery of the Duke's impression that there exists a scientific +reign of terror, explains a good deal in his writings which it has +not been easy to understand hitherto. + +As regards the theory of natural selection, the Duke says:- + +"From the first discussions which arose on this subject, I have +ventured to maintain that . . . the phrase 'natural-selection' +represented no true physical cause, still less the complete set of +causes requisite to account for the orderly procession of organic +forms in Nature; that in so far as it assumed variations to arise by +accident it was not only essentially faulty and incomplete, but +fundamentally erroneous; in short, that its only value lay in the +convenience with which it groups under one form of words, highly +charged with metaphor, an immense variety of causes, some purely +mental, some purely vital, and others purely physical or +mechanical." + + + +CHAPTER XI--The Way of Escape + + + +To sum up the conclusions hitherto arrived at. Our philosophers +have made the mistake of forgetting that they cannot carry the +rough-and-ready language of common sense into precincts within which +politeness and philosophy are supreme. Common sense sees life and +death as distinct states having nothing in common, and hence in all +respects the antitheses of one another; so that with common sense +there should be no degrees of livingness, but if a thing is alive at +all it is as much alive as the most living of us, and if dead at all +it is stone dead in every part of it. Our philosophers have +exercised too little consideration in retaining this view of the +matter. They say that an amoeba is as much a living being as a man +is, and do not allow that a well-grown, highly educated man in +robust health is more living than an idiot cripple. They say he +differs from the cripple in many important respects, but not in +degree of livingness. Yet, as we have seen already, even common +sense by using the word "dying" admits degrees of life; that is to +say, it admits a more and a less; those, then, for whom the +superficial aspects of things are insufficient should surely find no +difficulty in admitting that the degrees are more numerous than is +dreamed of in the somewhat limited philosophy which common sense +alone knows. Livingness depends on range of power, versatility, +wealth of body and mind--how often, indeed, do we not see people +taking a new lease of life when they have come into money even at an +advanced age; it varies as these vary, beginning with things that, +though they have mind enough for an outsider to swear by, can hardly +be said to have yet found it out themselves, and advancing to those +that know their own minds as fully as anything in this world does +so. The more a thing knows its own mind the more living it becomes, +for life viewed both in the individual and in the general as the +outcome of accumulated developments, is one long process of +specialising consciousness and sensation; that is to say, of getting +to know one's own mind more and more fully upon a greater and +greater variety of subjects. On this I hope to touch more fully in +another book; in the meantime I would repeat that the error of our +philosophers consists in not having borne in mind that when they +quitted the ground on which common sense can claim authority, they +should have reconsidered everything that common sense had taught +them. + +The votaries of common sense make the same mistake as philosophers +do, but they make it in another way. Philosophers try to make the +language of common sense serve for purposes of philosophy, +forgetting that they are in another world, in which another tongue +is current; common sense people, on the other hand, every now and +then attempt to deal with matters alien to the routine of daily +life. The boundaries between the two kingdoms being very badly +defined, it is only by giving them a wide berth and being so +philosophical as almost to deny that there is any either life or +death at all, or else so full of common sense as to refuse to see +one part of the body as less living than another, that we can hope +to steer clear of doubt, inconsistency, and contradiction in terms +in almost every other word we utter. We cannot serve the God of +philosophy and the Mammon of common sense at one and the same time, +and yet it would almost seem as though the making the best that can +be made of both these worlds were the whole duty of organism. + +It is easy to understand how the error of philosophers arose, for, +slaves of habit as we all are, we are more especially slaves when +the habit is one that has not been found troublesome. There is no +denying that it saves trouble to have things either one thing or the +other, and indeed for all the common purposes of life if a thing is +either alive or dead the small supplementary residue of the opposite +state should be neglected as too small to be observable. If it is +good to eat we have no difficulty in knowing when it is dead enough +to be eaten; if not good to eat, but valuable for its skin, we know +when it is dead enough to be skinned with impunity; if it is a man, +we know when he has presented enough of the phenomena of death to +allow of our burying him and administering his estate; in fact, I +cannot call to mind any case in which the decision of the question +whether man or beast is alive or dead is frequently found to be +perplexing; hence we have become so accustomed to think there can be +no admixture of the two states, that we have found it almost +impossible to avoid carrying this crude view of life and death into +domains of thought in which it has no application. There can be no +doubt that when accuracy is required we should see life and death +not as fundamentally opposed, but as supplementary to one another, +without either's being ever able to exclude the other altogether; +thus we should indeed see some things as more living than others, +but we should see nothing as either unalloyedly living or +unalloyedly non-living. If a thing is living, it is so living that +it has one foot in the grave already; if dead, it is dead as a thing +that has already re-entered into the womb of Nature. And within the +residue of life that is in the dead there is an element of death; +and within this there is an element of life, and so ad infinitum-- +again, as reflections in two mirrors that face one another. + +In brief, there is nothing in life of which there are not germs, +and, so to speak, harmonics in death, and nothing in death of which +germs and harmonics may not be found in life. Each emphasizes what +the other passes over most lightly--each carries to its extreme +conceivable development that which in the other is only sketched in +by a faint suggestion--but neither has any feature rigorously +special to itself. Granted that death is a greater new departure in +an organism's life, than any since that congeries of births and +deaths to which the name embryonic stages is commonly given, still +it is a new departure of the same essential character as any other-- +that is to say, though there be much new there is much, not to say +more, old along with it. We shrink from it as from any other change +to the unknown, and also perhaps from an instinctive sense that the +fear of death is a sine qua non for physical and moral progress, but +the fear is like all else in life, a substantial thing which, if its +foundations be dug about, is found to rest on a superstitious basis. + +Where, and on what principle, are the dividing lines between living +and non-living to be drawn? All attempts to draw them hitherto have +ended in deadlock and disaster; of this M. Vianna De Lima, in his +"Expose Sommaire des Theories transformistes de Lamarck, Darwin, et +Haeckel," {150a} says that all attempts to trace une ligne de +demarcation nette et profonde entre la matiere vivante et la matiere +inerte have broken down. {150b} Il y a un reste de vie dans le +cadavre, says Diderot, {150c} speaking of the more gradual decay of +the body after an easy natural death, than after a sudden and +violent one; and so Buffon begins his first volume by saying that +"we can descend, by almost imperceptible degrees, from the most +perfect creature to the most formless matter--from the most highly +organised matter to the most entirely inorganic substance." {150d} + +Is the line to be so drawn as to admit any of the non-living within +the body? If we answer "yes," then, as we have seen, moiety after +moiety is filched from us, till we find ourselves left face to face +with a tenuous quasi immaterial vital principle or soul as animating +an alien body, with which it not only has no essential underlying +community of substance, but with which it has no conceivable point +in common to render a union between the two possible, or give the +one a grip of any kind over the other; in fact, the doctrine of +disembodied spirits, so instinctively rejected by all who need be +listened to, comes back as it would seem, with a scientific +imprimatur; if, on the other hand, we exclude the non-living from +the body, then what are we to do with nails that want cutting, dying +skin, or hair that is ready to fall off? Are they less living than +brain? Answer "yes," and degrees are admitted, which we have +already seen prove fatal; answer "no," and we must deny that one +part of the body is more vital than another--and this is refusing to +go as far even as common sense does; answer that these things are +not very important, and we quit the ground of equity and high +philosophy on which we have given ourselves such airs, and go back +to common sense as unjust judges that will hear those widows only +who importune us. + +As with the non-living so also with the living. Are we to let it +pass beyond the limits of the body, and allow a certain temporary +overflow of livingness to ordain as it were machines in use? Then +death will fare, if we once let life without the body, as life fares +if we once let death within it. It becomes swallowed up in life, +just as in the other case life was swallowed up in death. Are we to +confine it to the body? If so, to the whole body, or to parts? And +if to parts, to what parts, and why? The only way out of the +difficulty is to rehabilitate contradiction in terms, and say that +everything is both alive and dead at one and the same time--some +things being much living and little dead, and others, again, much +dead and little living. Having done this we have only got to settle +what a thing is--when a thing is a thing pure and simple, and when +it is only a congeries of things--and we shall doubtless then live +very happily and very philosophically ever afterwards. + +But here another difficulty faces us. Common sense does indeed know +what is meant by a "thing" or "an individual," but philosophy cannot +settle either of these two points. Professor Mivart made the +question "What are Living Beings?" the subject of an article in one +of our leading magazines only a very few years ago. He asked, but +he did not answer. And so Professor Moseley was reported (Times, +January 16, 1885) as having said that it was "almost impossible" to +say what an individual was. Surely if it is only "almost" +impossible for philosophy to determine this, Professor Moseley +should have at any rate tried to do it; if, however, he had tried +and failed, which from my own experience I should think most likely, +he might have spared his "almost." "Almost" is a very dangerous +word. I once heard a man say that an escape he had had from +drowning was "almost" providential. The difficulty about defining +an individual arises from the fact that we may look at "almost" +everything from two different points of view. If we are in a +common-sense humour for simplifying things, treating them broadly, +and emphasizing resemblances rather than differences, we can find +excellent reasons for ignoring recognised lines of demarcation, +calling everything by a new name, and unifying up till we have +united the two most distant stars in heaven as meeting and being +linked together in the eyes and souls of men; if we are in this +humour individuality after individuality disappears, and ere long, +if we are consistent, nothing will remain but one universal whole, +one true and only atom from which alone nothing can be cut off and +thrown away on to something else; if, on the other hand, we are in a +subtle philosophically accurate humour for straining at gnats and +emphasizing differences rather than resemblances, we can draw +distinctions, and give reasons for subdividing and subdividing, +till, unless we violate what we choose to call our consistency +somewhere, we shall find ourselves with as many names as atoms and +possible combinations and permutations of atoms. The lines we draw, +the moments we choose for cutting this or that off at this or that +place, and thenceforth the dubbing it by another name, are as +arbitrary as the moments chosen by a South-Eastern Railway porter +for leaving off beating doormats; in each case doubtless there is an +approximate equity, but it is of a very rough and ready kind. + +What else, however, can we do? We can only escape the Scylla of +calling everything by one name, and recognising no individual +existences of any kind, by falling into the Charybdis of having a +name for everything, or by some piece of intellectual sharp practice +like that of the shrewd but unprincipled Ulysses. If we were +consistent honourable gentlemen, into Charybdis or on to Scylla we +should go like lambs; every subterfuge by the help of which we +escape our difficulty is but an arbitrary high-handed act of +classification that turns a deaf ear to everything not robust enough +to hold its own; nevertheless even the most scrupulous of +philosophers pockets his consistency at a pinch, and refuses to let +the native hue of resolution be sicklied o'er with the pale cast of +thought, nor yet fobbed by the rusty curb of logic. He is right, +for assuredly the poor intellectual abuses of the time want +countenancing now as much as ever, but so far as he countenances +them, he should bear in mind that he is returning to the ground of +common sense, and should not therefore hold himself too stiffly in +the matter of logic. + +As with life and death so with design and absence of design or luck. +So also with union and disunion. There is never either absolute +design rigorously pervading every detail, nor yet absolute absence +of design pervading any detail rigorously, so, as between +substances, there is neither absolute union and homogeneity, not +absolute disunion and heterogeneity; there is always a little place +left for repentance; that is to say, in theory we should admit that +both design and chance, however well defined, each have an aroma, as +it were, of the other. Who can think of a case in which his own +design--about which he should know more than any other, and from +which, indeed, all his ideas of design are derived--was so complete +that there was no chance in any part of it? Who, again, can bring +forward a case even of the purest chance or good luck into which no +element of design had entered directly or indirectly at any +juncture? This, nevertheless, does not involve our being unable +ever to ascribe a result baldly either to luck or cunning. In some +cases a decided preponderance of the action, whether seen as a whole +or looked at in detail, is recognised at once as due to design, +purpose, forethought, skill, and effort, and then we properly +disregard the undesigned element; in others the details cannot +without violence be connected with design, however much the position +which rendered the main action possible may involve design--as, for +example, there is no design in the way in which individual pieces of +coal may hit one another when shot out of a sack, but there may be +design in the sack's being brought to the particular place where it +is emptied; in others design may be so hard to find that we rightly +deny its existence, nevertheless in each case there will be an +element of the opposite, and the residuary element would, if seen +through a mental microscope, be found to contain a residuary element +of ITS opposite, and this again of ITS opposite, and so on ad +infinitum, as with mirrors standing face to face. This having been +explained, and it being understood that when we speak of design in +organism we do so with a mental reserve of exceptis excipiendis, +there should be no hesitation in holding the various modifications +of plants and animals to be in such preponderating measure due to +function, that design, which underlies function, is the fittest idea +with which to connect them in our minds. + +We will now proceed to inquire how Mr. Darwin came to substitute, or +try to substitute, the survival of the luckiest fittest, for the +survival of the most cunning fittest, as held by Erasmus Darwin and +Lamarck; or more briefly how he came to substitute luck for cunning. + + + +CHAPTER XII--Why Darwin's Variations were Accidental + + + +Some may perhaps deny that Mr. Darwin did this, and say he laid so +much stress on use and disuse as virtually to make function his main +factor of evolution. + +If, indeed, we confine ourselves to isolated passages, we shall find +little difficulty in making out a strong case to this effect. +Certainly most people believe this to be Mr. Darwin's doctrine, and +considering how long and fully he had the ear of the public, it is +not likely they would think thus if Mr. Darwin had willed otherwise, +nor could he have induced them to think as they do if he had not +said a good deal that was capable of the construction so commonly +put upon it; but it is hardly necessary, when addressing biologists, +to insist on the fact that Mr. Darwin's distinctive doctrine is the +denial of the comparative importance of function, or use and disuse, +as a purveyor of variations,--with some, but not very considerable, +exceptions, chiefly in the cases of domesticated animals. + +He did not, however, make his distinctive feature as distinct as he +should have done. Sometimes he said one thing, and sometimes the +directly opposite. Sometimes, for example, the conditions of +existence "included natural selection" or the fact that the best +adapted to their surroundings live longest and leave most offspring; +{156a} sometimes "the principle of natural selection" "fully +embraced" "the expression of conditions of existence." {156b} It +would not be easy to find more unsatisfactory writing than this is, +nor any more clearly indicating a mind ill at ease with itself. +Sometimes "ants work BY INHERITED INSTINCTS and inherited tools;" +{157a} sometimes, again, it is surprising that the case of ants +working by inherited instincts has not been brought as a +demonstrative argument "against the well-known doctrine of INHERITED +HABIT, as advanced by Lamarck." {157b} Sometimes the winglessness +of beetles inhabiting ocean islands is "mainly due to natural +selection," {157c} and though we might be tempted to ascribe the +rudimentary condition of the wing to disuse, we are on no account to +do so--though disuse was probably to some extent "combined with" +natural selection; at other times "it is probable that disuse has +been the main means of rendering the wings of beetles living on +small exposed islands" rudimentary. {157d} We may remark in passing +that if disuse, as Mr. Darwin admits on this occasion, is the main +agent in rendering an organ rudimentary, use should have been the +main agent in rendering it the opposite of rudimentary--that is to +say, in bringing about its development. The ostensible raison +d'etre, however, of the "Origin of Species" is to maintain that this +is not the case. + +There is hardly an opinion on the subject of descent with +modification which does not find support in some one passage or +another of the "Origin of Species." If it were desired to show that +there is no substantial difference between the doctrine of Erasmus +Darwin and that of his grandson, it would be easy to make out a good +case for this, in spite of Mr. Darwin's calling his grandfather's +views "erroneous," in the historical sketch prefixed to the later +editions of the "Origin of Species." Passing over the passage +already quoted on p. 62 of this book, in which Mr. Darwin declares +"habit omnipotent and its effects hereditary"--a sentence, by the +way, than which none can be either more unfalteringly Lamarckian or +less tainted with the vices of Mr. Darwin's later style--passing +this over as having been written some twenty years before the +"Origin of Species"--the last paragraph of the "Origin of Species" +itself is purely Lamarckian and Erasmus-Darwinian. It declares the +laws in accordance with which organic forms assumed their present +shape to be--"Growth with reproduction; Variability from the +indirect and direct action of the external conditions of life and +from use and disuse, &c." {158a} Wherein does this differ from the +confession of faith made by Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck? Where are +the accidental fortuitous, spontaneous variations now? And if they +are not found important enough to demand mention in this peroration +and stretto, as it were, of the whole matter, in which special +prominence should be given to the special feature of the work, where +ought they to be made important? + +Mr. Darwin immediately goes on: "A ratio of existence so high as to +lead to a struggle for life, and as a consequence to natural +selection, entailing divergence of character and the extinction of +less improved forms;" so that natural selection turns up after all. +Yes--in the letters that compose it, but not in the spirit; not in +the special sense up to this time attached to it in the "Origin of +Species." The expression as used here is one with which Erasmus +Darwin would have found little fault, for it means not as elsewhere +in Mr. Darwin's book and on his title-page the preservation of +"favoured" or lucky varieties, but the preservation of varieties +that have come to be varieties through the causes assigned in the +preceding two or three lines of Mr. Darwin's sentence; and these are +mainly functional or Erasmus-Darwinian; for the indirect action of +the conditions of life is mainly functional, and the direct action +is admitted on all hands to be but small. + +It now appears more plainly, as insisted upon on an earlier page, +that there is not one natural selection and one survival of the +fittest, but two, inasmuch as there are two classes of variations +from which nature (supposing no exception taken to her +personification) can select. The bottles have the same labels, and +they are of the same colour, but the one holds brandy, and the other +toast and water. Nature can, by a figure of speech, be said to +select from variations that are mainly functional or from variations +that are mainly accidental; in the first case she will eventually +get an accumulation of variation, and widely different types will +come into existence; in the second, the variations will not occur +with sufficient steadiness for accumulation to be possible. In the +body of Mr. Darwin's book the variations are supposed to be mainly +due to accident, and function, though not denied all efficacy, is +declared to be the greatly subordinate factor; natural selection, +therefore, has been hitherto throughout tantamount to luck; in the +peroration the position is reversed in toto; the selection is now +made from variations into which luck has entered so little that it +may be neglected, the greatly preponderating factor being function; +here, then, natural selection is tantamount to cunning. We are such +slaves of words that, seeing the words "natural selection" employed- +-and forgetting that the results ensuing on natural selection will +depend entirely on what it is that is selected from, so that the +gist of the matter lies in this and not in the words "natural +selection"--it escaped us that a change of front had been made, and +a conclusion entirely alien to the tenor of the whole book smuggled +into the last paragraph as the one which it had been written to +support; the book preached luck, the peroration cunning. + +And there can be no doubt Mr. Darwin intended that the change of +front should escape us; for it cannot be believed that he did not +perfectly well know what he had done. Mr. Darwin edited and re- +edited with such minuteness of revision that it may be said no +detail escaped him provided it was small enough; it is incredible +that he should have allowed this paragraph to remain from first to +last unchanged (except for the introduction of the words "by the +Creator," which are wanting in the first edition) if they did not +convey the conception he most wished his readers to retain. Even if +in his first edition he had failed to see that he was abandoning in +his last paragraph all that it had been his ostensible object most +especially to support in the body of his book, he must have become +aware of it long before he revised the "Origin of Species" for the +last time; still he never altered it, and never put us on our guard. + +It was not Mr. Darwin's manner to put his reader on his guard; we +might as well expect Mr. Gladstone to put us on our guard about the +Irish land bills. Caveat lector seems to have been his motto. Mr. +Spencer, in the articles already referred to, is at pains to show +that Mr. Darwin's opinions in later life underwent a change in the +direction of laying greater stress on functionally produced +modifications, and points out that in the sixth edition of the +"Origin of Species" Mr. Darwin says, "I think there can be no doubt +that use in our domestic animals has strengthened and enlarged +certain parts, and disuse diminished them;" whereas in his first +edition he said, "I think there can be LITTLE doubt" of this. Mr. +Spencer also quotes a passage from "The Descent of Man," in which +Mr. Darwin said that EVEN IN THE FIRST EDITION of the "Origin of +Species" he had attributed great effect to function, as though in +the later ones he had attributed still more; but if there was any +considerable change of position, it should not have been left to be +toilsomely collected by collation of editions, and comparison of +passages far removed from one another in other books. If his mind +had undergone the modification supposed by Mr. Spencer, Mr. Darwin +should have said so in a prominent passage of some later edition of +the "Origin of Species." He should have said--"In my earlier +editions I underrated, as now seems probable, the effects of use and +disuse as purveyors of the slight successive modifications whose +accumulation in the ordinary course of things results in specific +difference, and I laid too much stress on the accumulation of merely +accidental variations;" having said this, he should have summarised +the reasons that had made him change his mind, and given a list of +the most important cases in which he has seen fit to alter what he +had originally written. If Mr. Darwin had dealt thus with us we +should have readily condoned all the mistakes he would have been at +all likely to have made, for we should have known him as one who was +trying to help us, tidy us up, keep us straight, and enable us to +use our judgments to the best advantage. The public will forgive +many errors alike of taste and judgment, where it feels that a +writer persistently desires this. + +I can only remember a couple of sentences in the later editions of +the "Origin of Species" in which Mr. Darwin directly admits a change +of opinion as regards the main causes of organic modification. How +shuffling the first of these is I have already shown in "Life and +Habit," p. 260, and in "Evolution, Old and New," p. 359; I need not, +therefore, say more here, especially as there has been no rejoinder +to what I then said. Curiously enough the sentence does not bear +out Mr. Spencer's contention that Mr. Darwin in his later years +leaned more decidedly towards functionally produced modifications, +for it runs: {161a}--"In the earlier editions of this work I +underrated, as now seems probable, the frequency and importance of +modifications due," not, as Mr. Spencer would have us believe, to +use and disuse, but "to spontaneous variability," by which can only +be intended, "to variations in no way connected with use and +disuse," as not being assignable to any known cause of general +application, and referable as far as we are concerned to accident +only; so that he gives the natural survival of the luckiest, which +is indeed his distinctive feature, if it deserve to be called a +feature at all, greater prominence than ever. Nevertheless there is +no change in his concluding paragraph, which still remains an +embodiment of the views of Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck. + +The other passage is on p. 421 of the edition of 1876. It stands:- +"I have now recapitulated the facts and considerations which have +thoroughly" (why "thoroughly"?) "convinced me that species have been +modified during a long course of descent. This has been effected +chiefly through the natural selection of numerous, successive, +slight, favourable variations; aided in an important manner by the +inherited effects of the use and disuse of parts; and in an +unimportant manner, that is, in relation to adaptive structures, +whether past or present, by the direct action of external +conditions, and by variations which seem to us in our ignorance to +arise spontaneously. It appears that I formerly underrated the +frequency and value of these latter forms of variation as leading to +permanent modifications of structure independently of natural +selection." + +Here, again, it is not use and disuse which Mr. Darwin declares +himself to have undervalued, but spontaneous variations. The +sentence just given is one of the most confusing I ever read even in +the works of Mr Darwin. It is the essence of his theory that the +"numerous successive, slight, favourable variations," above referred +to, should be fortuitous, accidental, spontaneous; it is evident, +moreover, that they are intended in this passage to be accidental or +spontaneous, although neither of these words is employed, inasmuch +as use and disuse and the action of the conditions of existence, +whether direct or indirect, are mentioned specially as separate +causes which purvey only the minor part of the variations from among +which nature selects. The words "that is, in relation to adaptive +forms" should be omitted, as surplusage that draws the reader's +attention from the point at issue; the sentence really amounts to +this--that modification has been effected CHIEFLY THROUGH SELECTION +in the ordinary course of nature FROM AMONG SPONTANEOUS VARIATIONS, +AIDED IN AN UNIMPORTANT MANNER BY VARIATIONS WHICH QUa US ARE +SPONTANEOUS. Nevertheless, though these spontaneous variations are +still so trifling in effect that they only aid spontaneous +variations in an unimportant manner, in his earlier editions Mr. +Darwin thought them still less important than he does now. + +This comes of tinkering. We do not know whether we are on our heads +or our heels. We catch ourselves repeating "important," +"unimportant," "unimportant," "important," like the King when +addressing the jury in "Alice in Wonderland;" and yet this is the +book of which Mr. Grant Allen {163a} says that it is "one of the +greatest, and most learned, the most lucid, the most logical, the +most crushing, the most conclusive, that the world has ever seen. +Step by step, and principle by principle, it proved every point in +its progress triumphantly before it went on to the next. So vast an +array of facts so thoroughly in hand had never before been mustered +and marshalled in favour of any biological theory." The book and +the eulogy are well mated. + +I see that in the paragraph following on the one just quoted, Mr. +Allen says, that "to the world at large Darwinism and evolution +became at once synonymous terms." Certainly it was no fault of Mr. +Darwin's if they did not, but I will add more on this head +presently; for the moment, returning to Mr. Darwin, it is hardly +credible, but it is nevertheless true, that Mr Darwin begins the +paragraph next following on the one on which I have just reflected +so severely, with the words, "It can hardly be supposed that a false +theory would explain in so satisfactory a manner as does the theory +of natural selection, the several large classes of facts above +specified." If Mr. Darwin found the large classes of facts +"satisfactorily" explained by the survival of the luckiest +irrespectively of the cunning which enabled them to turn their luck +to account, he must have been easily satisfied. Perhaps he was in +the same frame of mind as when he said {164a} that "even an +imperfect answer would be satisfactory," but surely this is being +thankful for small mercies. + +On the following page Mr. Darwin says:- "Although I am fully" (why +"fully"?) "convinced of the truth of the views given in this volume +under the form of an abstract, I by no means expect to convince +experienced naturalists," &c. I have not quoted the whole of Mr. +Darwin's sentence, but it implies that any experienced naturalist +who remained unconvinced was an old-fashioned, prejudiced person. I +confess that this is what I rather feel about the experienced +naturalists who differ in only too great numbers from myself, but I +did not expect to find so much of the old Adam remaining in Mr. +Darwin; I did not expect to find him support me in the belief that +naturalists are made of much the same stuff as other people, and, if +they are wise, will look upon new theories with distrust until they +find them becoming generally accepted. I am not sure that Mr. +Darwin is not just a little bit flippant here. + +Sometimes I ask myself whether it is possible that, not being +convinced, I may be an experienced naturalist after all; at other +times, when I read Mr. Darwin's works and those of his eulogists, I +wonder whether there is not some other Mr. Darwin, some other +"Origin of Species," some other Professors Huxley, Tyndal, and Ray +Lankester, and whether in each case some malicious fiend has not +palmed off a counterfeit upon me that differs toto caelo from the +original. I felt exactly the same when I read Goethe's "Wilhelm +Meister"; I could not believe my eyes, which nevertheless told me +that the dull diseased trash I was so toilsomely reading was a work +which was commonly held to be one of the great literary masterpieces +of the world. It seemed to me that there must be some other Goethe +and some other Wilhelm Meister. Indeed I find myself so +depressingly out of harmony with the prevailing not opinion only, +but spirit--if, indeed, the Huxleys, Tyndals, Miss Buckleys, Ray +Lankesters, and Romaneses express the prevailing spirit as +accurately as they appear to do--that at times I find it difficult +to believe I am not the victim of hallucination; nevertheless I know +that either every canon, whether of criticism or honourable conduct, +which I have learned to respect is an impudent swindle, suitable for +the cloister only, and having no force or application in the outside +world; or else that Mr. Darwin and his supporters are misleading the +public to the full as much as the theologians of whom they speak at +times so disapprovingly. They sin, moreover, with incomparably less +excuse. Right as they doubtless are in much, and much as we +doubtless owe them (so we owe much also to the theologians, and they +also are right in much), they are giving way to a temper which +cannot be indulged with impunity. I know the great power of +academicism; I know how instinctively academicism everywhere must +range itself on Mr. Darwin's side, and how askance it must look on +those who write as I do; but I know also that there is a power +before which even academicism must bow, and to this power I look not +unhopefully for support. + +As regards Mr. Spencer's contention that Mr. Darwin leaned more +towards function as he grew older, I do not doubt that at the end of +his life Mr. Darwin believed modification to be mainly due to +function, but the passage quoted on page 62 written in 1839, coupled +with the concluding paragraph of the "Origin of Species" written in +1859, and allowed to stand during seventeen years of revision, +though so much else was altered--these passages, when their dates +and surroundings are considered, suggest strongly that Mr. Darwin +thought during all the forty years or so thus covered exactly as his +grandfather and Lamarck had done, and indeed as all sensible people +since Buffon wrote have done if they have accepted evolution at all. + +Then why should he not have said so? What object could he have in +writing an elaborate work to support a theory which he knew all the +time to be untenable? The impropriety of such a course, unless the +work was, like Buffon's, transparently ironical, could only be +matched by its fatuousness, or indeed by the folly of one who should +assign action so motiveless to any one out of a lunatic asylum. + +This sounds well, but unfortunately we cannot forget that when Mr. +Darwin wrote the "Origin of Species" he claimed to be the originator +of the theory of descent with modification generally; that he did +this without one word of reference either to Buffon or Erasmus +Darwin until the first six thousand copies of his book had been +sold, and then with as meagre, inadequate notice as can be well +conceived. Lamarck was just named in the first editions of the +"Origin of Species," but only to be told that Mr. Darwin had not got +anything to give him, and he must go away; the author of the +"Vestiges of Creation" was also just mentioned, but only in a +sentence full of such gross misrepresentation that Mr. Darwin did +not venture to stand by it, and expunged it in later editions, as +usual, without calling attention to what he had done. It would have +been in the highest degree imprudent, not to say impossible, for one +so conscientious as Mr. Darwin to have taken the line he took in +respect of descent with modification generally, if he were not +provided with some ostensibly distinctive feature, in virtue of +which, if people said anything, he might claim to have advanced +something different, and widely different, from the theory of +evolution propounded by his illustrious predecessors; a distinctive +theory of some sort, therefore, had got to be looked for--and if +people look in this spirit they can generally find. + +I imagine that Mr. Darwin, casting about for a substantial +difference, and being unable to find one, committed the Gladstonian +blunder of mistaking an unsubstantial for a substantial one. It was +doubtless because he suspected it that he never took us fully into +his confidence, nor in all probability allowed even to himself how +deeply he distrusted it. Much, however, as he disliked the +accumulation of accidental variations, he disliked not claiming the +theory of descent with modification still more; and if he was to +claim this, accidental his variations had got to be. Accidental +they accordingly were, but in as obscure and perfunctory a fashion +as Mr. Darwin could make them consistently with their being to hand +as accidental variations should later developments make this +convenient. Under these circumstances it was hardly to be expected +that Mr. Darwin should help the reader to follow the workings of his +mind--nor, again, that a book the writer of which was hampered as I +have supposed should prove clear and easy reading. + +The attitude of Mr. Darwin's mind, whatever it may have been in +regard to the theory of descent with modification generally, goes so +far to explain his attitude in respect to the theory of natural +selection (which, it cannot be too often repeated, is only one of +the conditions of existence advanced as the main means of +modification by the earlier evolutionists), that it is worth while +to settle the question once for all whether Mr. Darwin did or did +not believe himself justified in claiming the theory of descent as +an original discovery of his own. This will be a task of some +little length, and may perhaps try the reader's patience, as it +assuredly tried mine; if, however, he will read the two following +chapters, he will probably be able to make up his mind upon much +that will otherwise, if he thinks about it at all, continue to +puzzle him. + + + +CHAPTER XIII--Darwin's Claim to Descent with Modification + + + +Mr. Allen, in his "Charles Darwin," {168a} says that "in the public +mind Mr. Darwin is commonly regarded as the discoverer and founder +of the evolution hypothesis," and on p. 177 he says that to most men +Darwinism and evolution mean one and the same thing. Mr. Allen +declares misconception on this matter to be "so extremely general" +as to be "almost universal;" this is more true than creditable to +Mr. Darwin. + +Mr. Allen says {168b} that though Mr. Darwin gained "far wider +general acceptance" for both the doctrine of descent in general, and +for that of the descent of man from a simious or semi-simious +ancestor in particular, "he laid no sort of claim to originality or +proprietorship in either theory." This is not the case. No one can +claim a theory more frequently and more effectually than Mr. Darwin +claimed descent with modification, nor, as I have already said, is +it likely that the misconception of which Mr. Allen complains would +be general, if he had not so claimed it. The "Origin of Species" +begins:- + +"When on board H.M.S. Beagle, as naturalist, I was much struck with +certain facts in the distribution of the inhabitants of South +America, and in the geological relation of the present to the past +inhabitants of that continent. These facts seemed to me to throw +some light on the origin of species--that mystery of mysteries, as +it has been called by one of our greatest philosophers. On my +return home it occurred to me, in 1837, that something might perhaps +be made out on this question by patiently accumulating and +reflecting upon all sorts of facts which could possibly have any +bearing on it. After five years' work I allowed myself to speculate +upon the subject, and drew up some short notes; these I enlarged in +1844 {169a} into a sketch of the conclusions which then seemed to me +probable. From that period to the present day I have steadily +pursued the same object. I hope I may be excused these personal +details, as I give them to show that I have not been hasty in coming +to a decision." + +This is bland, but peremptory. Mr. Darwin implies that the mere +asking of the question how species has come about opened up a field +into which speculation itself had hardly yet ventured to intrude. +It was the mystery of mysteries; one of our greatest philosophers +had said so; not one little feeble ray of light had ever yet been +thrown upon it. Mr. Darwin knew all this, and was appalled at the +greatness of the task that lay before him; still, after he had +pondered on what he had seen in South America, it really did occur +to him, that if he was very very patient, and went on reflecting for +years and years longer, upon all sorts of facts, good, bad, and +indifferent, which could possibly have any bearing on the subject-- +and what fact might not possibly have some bearing?--well, +something, as against the nothing that had been made out hitherto, +might by some faint far-away possibility be one day dimly seem. It +was only what he had seen in South America that made all this occur +to him. He had never seen anything about descent with modification +in any book, nor heard any one talk about it as having been put +forward by other people; if he had, he would, of course, have been +the first to say so; he was not as other philosophers are; so the +mountain went on for years and years gestating, but still there was +no labour. + +"My work," continues Mr. Darwin, "is now nearly finished; but as it +will take me two or three years to complete it, and as my health is +far from strong, I have been urged to publish this abstract. I have +been more especially induced to do this, as Mr. Wallace, who is now +studying the natural history of the Malay Archipelago, has arrived +at almost exactly the same general conclusions that I have on the +origin of species." Mr. Darwin was naturally anxious to forestall +Mr. Wallace, and hurried up with his book. What reader, on finding +descent with modification to be its most prominent feature, could +doubt--especially if new to the subject, as the greater number of +Mr. Darwin's readers in 1859 were--that this same descent with +modification was the theory which Mr. Darwin and Mr. Wallace had +jointly hit upon, and which Mr. Darwin was so anxious to show that +he had not been hasty in adopting? When Mr. Darwin went on to say +that his abstract would be very imperfect, and that he could not +give references and authorities for his several statements, we did +not suppose that such an apology could be meant to cover silence +concerning writers who during their whole lives, or nearly so, had +borne the burden and heat of the day in respect of descent with +modification in its most extended application. "I much regret," +says Mr. Darwin, "that want of space prevents my having the +satisfaction of acknowledging the generous assistance I have +received from very many naturalists, some of them personally unknown +to me." This is like what the Royal Academicians say when they do +not intend to hang our pictures; they can, however, generally find +space for a picture if they want to hang it, and we assume with +safety that there are no master-works by painters of the very +highest rank for which no space has been available. Want of space +will, indeed, prevent my quoting from more than one other paragraph +of Mr. Darwin's introduction; this paragraph, however, should alone +suffice to show how inaccurate Mr. Allen is in saying that Mr. +Darwin "laid no sort of claim to originality or proprietorship" in +the theory of descent with modification, and this is the point with +which we are immediately concerned. Mr. Darwin says:- + +"In considering the origin of species, it is quite conceivable that +a naturalist, reflecting on the mutual affinities of organic beings, +on their embryological relations, their geographical distribution, +geological succession, and other such facts, might come to the +conclusion that each species had not been independently created, but +had descended like varieties from other species." + +It will be observed that not only is no hint given here that descent +with modification was a theory which, though unknown to the general +public, had been occupying the attention of biologists for a hundred +years and more, but it is distinctly implied that this was not the +case. When Mr. Darwin said it was "conceivable that a naturalist +might" arrive at the theory of descent, straightforward readers took +him to mean that though this was conceivable, it had never, to Mr. +Darwin's knowledge, been done. If we had a notion that we had +already vaguely heard of the theory that men and the lower animals +were descended from common ancestors, we must have been wrong; it +was not this that we had heard of, but something else, which, though +doubtless a little like it, was all wrong, whereas this was +obviously going to be all right. + +To follow the rest of the paragraph with the closeness that it +merits would be a task at once so long and so unpleasant that I will +omit further reference to any part of it except the last sentence. +That sentence runs:- + +"In the case of the mistletoe, which draws its nourishment from +certain trees, which has seeds that must be transported by certain +birds, and which has flowers with separate sexes absolutely +requiring the agency of certain insects to bring pollen from one +flower to the other, it is equally preposterous to account for the +structure of this parasite, with its relations to several distinct +organic beings, by the effects of the external conditions, or of +habit, or of the volition of the plant itself." + +Doubtless it would be preposterous to refer the structure of either +woodpecker or mistletoe to the single agency of any one of these +three causes; but neither Lamarck nor any other writer on evolution +has, so far as I know, even contemplated this; the early +evolutionists supposed organic modification to depend on the action +and interaction of all three, and I venture to think that this will +ere long be considered as, to say the least of it, not more +preposterous than the assigning of the largely preponderating share +in the production of such highly and variously correlated organisms +as the mistletoe and woodpecker mainly to luck pure and simple, as +is done by Mr. Charles Darwin's theory. + +It will be observed that in the paragraph last quoted from, Mr. +Darwin, more suo, is careful not to commit himself. All he has said +is, that it would be preposterous to do something the +preposterousness of which cannot be reasonably disputed; the +impression, however, is none the less effectually conveyed, that +some one of the three assigned agencies, taken singly, was the only +cause of modification ever yet proposed, if, indeed, any writer had +even gone so far as this. We knew we did not know much about the +matter ourselves, and that Mr. Darwin was a naturalist of long and +high standing; we naturally, therefore, credited him with the same +good faith as a writer that we knew in ourselves as readers; it +never so much as crossed our minds to suppose that the head which he +was holding up all dripping before our eyes as that of a fool, was +not that of a fool who had actually lived and written, but only of a +figure of straw which had been dipped in a bucket of red paint. +Naturally enough we concluded, since Mr. Darwin seemed to say so, +that if his predecessors had nothing better to say for themselves +than this, it would not be worth while to trouble about them +further; especially as we did not know who they were, nor what they +had written, and Mr. Darwin did not tell us. It would be better and +less trouble to take the goods with which it was plain Mr. Darwin +was going to provide us, and ask no questions. We have seen that +even tolerably obvious conclusions were rather slow in occurring to +poor simple-minded Mr. Darwin, and may be sure that it never once +occurred to him that the British public would be likely to argue +thus; he had no intention of playing the scientific confidence trick +upon us. I dare say not, but unfortunately the result has closely +resembled the one that would have ensued if Mr. Darwin had had such +an intention. + +The claim to originality made so distinctly in the opening sentences +of the" Origin of Species" is repeated in a letter to Professor +Haeckel, written October 8, 1864, and giving an account of the +development of his belief in descent with modification. This +letter, part of which is quoted by Mr. Allen, {173a} is given on p. +134 of the English translation of Professor Haeckel's "History of +Creation," {173b} and runs as follows:- + +"In South America three classes of facts were brought strongly +before my mind. Firstly, the manner in which closely allied species +replace species in going southward. Secondly, the close affinity of +the species inhabiting the islands near South America to those +proper to the continent. This struck me profoundly, especially the +difference of the species in the adjoining islets in the Galapagos +Archipelago. Thirdly, the relation of the living Edentata and +Rodentia to the extinct species. I shall never forget my +astonishment when I dug out a gigantic piece of armour like that of +the living armadillo. + +"Reflecting on these facts, and collecting analogous ones, it seemed +to me probable that allied species were descended from a common +ancestor. But during several years I could not conceive how each +form could have been modified so as to become admirably adapted to +its place in nature. I began, therefore, to study domesticated +animals and cultivated plants, and after a time perceived that man's +power of selecting and breeding from certain individuals was the +most powerful of all means in the production of new races. Having +attended to the habits of animals and their relations to the +surrounding conditions, I was able to realise the severe struggle +for existence to which all organisms are subjected, and my +geological observations had allowed me to appreciate to a certain +extent the duration of past geological periods. Therefore, when I +happened to read Malthus on population, the idea of natural +selection flashed on me. Of all minor points, the last which I +appreciated was the importance and cause of the principle of +divergence." + +This is all very naive, and accords perfectly with the introductory +paragraphs of the "Origin of Species;" it gives us the same picture +of a solitary thinker, a poor, lonely, friendless student of nature, +who had never so much as heard of Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, or +Lamarck. Unfortunately, however, we cannot forget the description +of the influences which, according to Mr. Grant Allen, did in +reality surround Mr. Darwin's youth, and certainly they are more +what we should have expected than those suggested rather than +expressly stated by Mr. Darwin. "Everywhere around him," says Mr. +Allen, {174a} "in his childhood and youth these great but formless" +(why "formless"?) "evolutionary ideas were brewing and fermenting. +The scientific society of his elders and of the contemporaries among +whom he grew up was permeated with the leaven of Laplace and +Lamarck, of Hutton and of Herschel. Inquiry was especially +everywhere rife as to the origin and nature of specific distinctions +among plants and animals. Those who believed in the doctrine of +Buffon and of the 'Zoonomia,' and those who disbelieved in it, +alike, were profoundly interested and agitated in soul by the far- +reaching implications of that fundamental problem. On every side +evolutionism, in its crude form." (I suppose Mr. Allen could not +help saying "in its crude form," but descent with modification in +1809 meant, to all intents and purposes, and was understood to mean, +what it means now, or ought to mean, to most people.) "The +universal stir," says Mr. Allen on the following page, "and deep +prying into evolutionary questions which everywhere existed among +scientific men in his early days was naturally communicated to a lad +born of a scientific family and inheriting directly in blood and +bone the biological tastes and tendencies of Erasmus Darwin." + +I confess to thinking that Mr. Allen's account of the influences +which surrounded Mr. Darwin's youth, if tainted with +picturesqueness, is still substantially correct. On an earlier page +he had written:- "It is impossible to take up any scientific memoirs +or treatises of the first half of our own century without seeing at +a glance how every mind of high original scientific importance was +permeated and disturbed by the fundamental questions aroused, but +not fully answered, by Buffon, Lamarck, and Erasmus Darwin. In +Lyell's letters, and in Agassiz's lectures, in the 'Botanic Journal' +and in the 'Philosophical Transactions,' in treatises on Madeira +beetles and the Australian flora, we find everywhere the thoughts of +men profoundly influenced in a thousand directions by this universal +evolutionary solvent and leaven. + +"And while the world of thought was thus seething and moving +restlessly before the wave of ideas set in motion by these various +independent philosophers, another group of causes in another field +was rendering smooth the path beforehand for the future champion of +the amended evolutionism. Geology on the one hand and astronomy on +the other were making men's minds gradually familiar with the +conception of slow natural development, as opposed to immediate and +miraculous creation. + +. . . + +"The influence of these novel conceptions upon the growth and spread +of evolutionary ideas was far-reaching and twofold. In the first +place, the discovery of a definite succession of nearly related +organic forms following one another with evident closeness through +the various ages, inevitably suggested to every inquiring observer +the possibility of their direct descent one from the other. In the +second place, the discovery that geological formations were not +really separated each from its predecessor by violent revolutions, +but were the result of gradual and ordinary changes, discredited the +old idea of frequent fresh creations after each catastrophe, and +familiarised the minds of men of science with the alternative notion +of slow and natural evolutionary processes. The past was seen in +effect to be the parent of the present; the present was recognised +as the child of the past." + +This is certainly not Mr. Darwin's own account of the matter. +Probably the truth will lie somewhere between the two extreme views: +and on the one hand, the world of thought was not seething quite so +badly as Mr. Allen represents it, while on the other, though "three +classes of fact," &c., were undoubtedly "brought strongly before" +Mr. Darwin's "mind in South America," yet some of them had perhaps +already been brought before it at an earlier time, which he did not +happen to remember at the moment of writing his letter to Professor +Haeckel and the opening paragraph of the "Origin of Species." + + + +CHAPTER XIV--Darwin and Descent with Modification (continued) + + + +I have said enough to show that Mr. Darwin claimed I to have been +the originator of the theory of descent with modification as +distinctly as any writer usually claims any theory; but it will +probably save the reader trouble in the end if I bring together a +good many, though not, probably, all (for I much disliked the task, +and discharged it perfunctorily), of the passages in the "Origin of +Species" in which the theory of descent with modification in its +widest sense is claimed expressly or by implication. I shall quote +from the original edition, which, it should be remembered, consisted +of the very unusually large number of four thousand copies, and from +which no important deviation was made either by addition or +otherwise until a second edition of two thousand further copies had +been sold; the "Historical Sketch," &c., being first given with the +third edition. The italics, which I have employed so as to catch +the reader's eye, are mine, not Mr. Darwin's. Mr. Darwin writes:- + +"Although much remains obscure, and will long remain obscure, I CAN +ENTERTAIN NO DOUBT, AFTER THE MOST DELIBERATE STUDY AND +DISPASSIONATE JUDGMENT OF WHICH I AM CAPABLE, THAT THE VIEW WHICH +MOST NATURALISTS ENTERTAIN, AND WHICH I FORMERLY ENTERTAINED--NAMELY +THAT EACH SPECIES HAS BEEN INDEPENDENTLY CREATED--IS ERRONEOUS. I +am fully convinced that species are not immutable, but that those +belonging to what are called the same genera are lineal descendants +of some other and generally extinct species, in the same manner as +the acknowledged varieties of any one species are the descendants of +that species. Furthermore, I am convinced that natural selection" +(or the preservation of fortunate races) "has been the main but not +exclusive means of modification" (p. 6). + +It is not here expressly stated that the theory of the mutability of +species is Mr. Darwin's own; this, nevertheless, is the inference +which the great majority of his readers were likely to draw, and did +draw, from Mr. Darwin's words. + +Again:- + +"It is not that all large genera are now varying much, and are thus +increasing in the number of their species, or that no small genera +are now multiplying and increasing; for if this had been so it would +have been fatal to MY THEORY; inasmuch as geology," &c. (p. 56). + +The words "my theory" stand in all the editions. Again:- + +"This relation has a clear meaning ON MY VIEW of the subject; I look +upon all the species of any genus as having as certainly descended +from the same progenitor, as have the two sexes of any one of the +species" (p. 157). + +"My view" here, especially in the absence of reference to any other +writer as having held the same opinion, implies as its most natural +interpretation that descent pure and simple is Mr. Darwin's view. +Substitute "the theory of descent" for "my view," and we do not feel +that we are misinterpreting the author's meaning. The words "my +view" remain in all editions. + +Again:- + +"Long before having arrived at this part of my work, a crowd of +difficulties will have occurred to the reader. Some of them are so +grave that to this day I can never reflect on them without being +staggered; but to the best of my belief the greater number are only +apparent, and those that are real are not, I think, FATAL TO MY +THEORY. + +"These difficulties and objections may be classed under the +following heads:- Firstly, if species have descended from other +species by insensibly fine gradations, why do we not everywhere +see?" &c. (p. 171). + +We infer from this that "my theory" is the theory "that species have +descended from other species by insensibly fine gradations"--that is +to say, that it is the theory of descent with modification; for the +theory that is being objected to is obviously the theory of descent +in toto, and not a mere detail in connection with that theory. + +The words "my theory" were altered in 1872, with the sixth edition +of the "Origin of species," into "the theory;" but I am chiefly +concerned with the first edition of the work, my object being to +show that Mr. Darwin was led into his false position as regards +natural selection by a desire to claim the theory of descent with +modification; if he claimed it in the first edition, this is enough +to give colour to the view which I take; but it must be remembered +that descent with modification remained, by the passage just quoted +"my theory," for thirteen years, and even when in 1869 and 1872, for +a reason that I can only guess at, "my theory" became generally "the +theory," this did not make it become any one else's theory. It is +hard to say whose or what it became, if the words are to be +construed technically; practically, however, with all ingenuous +readers, "the theory" remained as much Mr. Darwin's theory as though +the words "my theory" had been retained, and Mr. Darwin cannot be +supposed so simple-minded as not to have known this would be the +case. Moreover, it appears, from the next page but one to the one +last quoted, that Mr. Darwin claimed the theory of descent with +modification generally, even to the last, for we there read, "BY MY +THEORY these allied species have descended from a common parent," +and the "my" has been allowed, for some reason not quite obvious, to +survive the general massacre of Mr. Darwin's "my's" which occurred +in 1869 and 1872. + +Again:- + +"He who believes that each being has been created as we now see it, +must occasionally have felt surprise when he has met," &c. (p. 185). + +Here the argument evidently lies between descent and independent +acts of creation. This appears from the paragraph immediately +following, which begins, "He who believes in separate and +innumerable acts of creation," &c. We therefore understand descent +to be the theory so frequently spoken of by Mr. Darwin as "my." + +Again:- + +"He who will go thus far, if he find on finishing this treatise that +large bodies of facts, otherwise inexplicable, can be explained BY +THE THEORY OF DESCENT, ought not to hesitate to go farther, and to +admit that a structure even as perfect as an eagle's eye might be +formed BY NATURAL SELECTION, although in this case he does not know +any of the transitional grades" (p. 188). + +The natural inference from this is that descent and natural +selection are one and the same thing. + +Again:- + +"If it could be demonstrated that any complex organ existed which +could not possibly have been formed by numerous, successive, slight +modifications, MY THEORY would absolutely break down. But I can +find out no such case. No doubt many organs exist of which we do +not know the transitional grades, more especially if we look to +much-isolated species, round which, according to my THEORY, there +has been much extinction" (p. 189). + +This makes "my theory" to be "the theory that complex organs have +arisen by numerous, successive, slight modifications;" that is to +say, to be the theory of descent with modification. The first of +the two "my theory's" in the passage last quoted has been allowed to +stand. The second became "the theory" in 1872. It is obvious, +therefore, that "the theory" means "my theory;" it is not so obvious +why the change should have been made at all, nor why the one "my +theory" should have been taken and the other left, but I will return +to this question. + +Again, Mr. Darwin writes:- + +"Although we must be extremely cautious in concluding that any organ +could not possibly have been produced by small successive +transitional gradations, yet, undoubtedly grave cases of difficulty +occur, some of which will be discussed in my future work" (p. 192). + +This, as usual, implies descent with modification to be the theory +that Mr. Darwin is trying to make good. + +Again:- + +"I have been astonished how rarely an organ can be named towards +which no transitional variety is known to lead . . . Why, ON THE +THEORY OF CREATION, should this be so? Why should not nature have +taken a leap from structure to structure? ON THE THEORY OF NATURAL +SELECTION we can clearly understand why she should not; for natural +selection can act only by taking advantage of slight successive +variations; she can never take a leap, but must advance by the +slowest and shortest steps" (p. 194). + +Here "the theory of natural selection" is opposed to "the theory of +creation;" we took it, therefore, to be another way of saying "the +theory of descent with modification." + +Again:- + +"We have in this chapter discussed some of the difficulties and +objections which may be urged against MY THEORY. Many of them are +very grave, but I think that in the discussion light has been thrown +on several facts which, ON THE THEORY OF INDEPENDENT ACTS OF +CREATION, are utterly obscure" (p. 203). + +Here we have, on the one hand, "my theory," on the other, +"independent acts of creation." The natural antithesis to +independent acts of creation is descent, and we assumed with reason +that Mr. Darwin was claiming this when he spoke of "my theory." "My +theory" became "the theory" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"On the theory of natural selection we can clearly understand the +full meaning of that old canon in natural history, 'Natura non facit +saltum.' This canon, if we look only to the present inhabitants of +the world is not strictly correct, but if we include all those of +past times, it must BY MY THEORY be strictly true" (p. 206). + +Here the natural interpretation of "by my theory" is "by the theory +of descent with modification;" the words "on the theory of natural +selection," with which the sentence opens, lead us to suppose that +Mr. Darwin regarded natural selection and descent as convertible +terms. "My theory" was altered to "this theory" in 1872. Six lines +lower down we read, "ON MY THEORY unity of type is explained by +unity of descent." The "my" here has been allowed to stand. + +Again:- + +"Again, as in the case of corporeal structure, and conformably with +MY THEORY, the instinct of each species is good for itself, but has +never," &c. (p. 210). + +Who was to see that "my theory" did not include descent with +modification? The "my" here has been allowed to stand. + +Again:- + +"The fact that instincts . . . are liable to make mistakes;--that no +instinct has been produced for the exclusive good of other animals, +but that each animal takes advantage of the instincts of others;-- +that the canon of natural history, 'Natura non facit saltum,' is +applicable to instincts as well as to corporeal structure, and is +plainly explicable on the foregoing views, but is otherwise +inexplicable,--ALL TEND TO CORROBORATE THE THEORY OF NATURAL +SELECTION" (p. 243). + +We feel that it is the theory of evolution, or descent with +modification, that is here corroborated, and that it is this which +Mr. Darwin is mainly trying to establish; the sentence should have +ended "all tend to corroborate the theory of descent with +modification;" the substitution of "natural selection" for descent +tends to make us think that these conceptions are identical. That +they are so regarded, or at any rate that it is the theory of +descent in full which Mr. Darwin has in his mind, appears from the +immediately succeeding paragraph, which begins "THIS THEORY," and +continues six lines lower, "For instance, we can understand, on the +PRINCIPLE OF INHERITANCE, how it is that," &c. + +Again:- + +"In the first place, it should always be borne in mind what sort of +intermediate forms must, ON MY THEORY, formerly have existed" (p. +280). + +"My theory" became "the theory" in 1869. No reader who read in good +faith could doubt that the theory of descent with modification was +being here intended. + +"It is just possible BY MY THEORY, that one of two living forms +might have descended from the other; for instance, a horse from a +tapir; but in this case DIRECT intermediate links will have existed +between them" (p. 281). + +"My theory" became "the theory" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"BY THE THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION all living species have been +connected with the parent species of each genus," &c. We took this +to mean, "By the theory of descent with modification all living +species," &c. (p. 281). + +Again:- + +"Some experienced conchologists are now sinking many of the very +fine species of D'Orbigny and others into the rank of varieties; and +on this view we do find the kind of evidence of change which ON MY +THEORY we ought to find" (p. 297). + +"My theory" became "the theory" in 1869. + +In the fourth edition (1866), in a passage which is not in either of +the two first editions, we read (p. 359), "So that here again we +have undoubted evidence of change in the direction required by MY +THEORY." "My theory" became "the theory" in 1869; the theory of +descent with modification is unquestionably intended. + +Again:- + +"Geological research has done scarcely anything in breaking down the +distinction between species, by connecting them together by +numerous, fine, intermediate varieties; and this not having been +effected, is probably the gravest and most obvious of all the many +objections which may be urged against MY VIEWS" (p. 299). + +We naturally took "my views" to mean descent with modification. The +"my" has been allowed to stand. + +Again:- + +"If, then, there be some degree of truth in these remarks, we have +no right to expect to find in our geological formations an infinite +number of those transitional forms which ON MY THEORY assuredly have +connected all the past and present species of the same group in one +long and branching chain of life . . . But I do not pretend that I +should ever have suspected how poor was the record in the best +preserved geological sections, had not the absence of innumerable +transitional links between the species which lived at the +commencement and at the close of each formation pressed so hardly ON +MY THEORY" (pp. 301, 302). + +Substitute "descent with modification" for "my theory" and the +meaning does not suffer. The first of the two "my theories" in the +passage last quoted was altered in 1869 into "our theory;" the +second has been allowed to stand. + +Again:- + +"The abrupt manner in which whole groups of species suddenly appear +in some formations, has been urged by several palaeontologists . . . +as a fatal objection TO THE BELIEF IN THE TRANSMUTATION OF SPECIES. +If numerous species, belonging to the same genera or families, have +really started into life all at once, the fact would be fatal TO THE +THEORY OF DESCENT WITH SLOW MODIFICATION THROUGH NATURAL SELECTION" +(p. 302). + +Here "the belief in the transmutation of species," or descent with +modification, is treated as synonymous with "the theory of descent +with slow modification through natural selection; "but it has +nowhere been explained that there are two widely different "theories +of descent with slow modification through natural selection," the +one of which may be true enough for all practical purposes, while +the other is seen to be absurd as soon as it is examined closely. +The theory of descent with modification is not properly convertible +with either of these two views, for descent with modification deals +with the question whether species are transmutable or no, and +dispute as to the respective merits of the two natural selections +deals with the question how it comes to be transmuted; nevertheless, +the words "the theory of descent with slow modification through the +ordinary course of things" (which is what "descent with modification +through natural selection" comes to) may be considered as expressing +the facts with practical accuracy, if the ordinary course of nature +is supposed to be that modification is mainly consequent on the +discharge of some correlated function, and that modification, if +favourable, will tend to accumulate so long as the given function +continues important to the wellbeing of the organism; the words, +however, have no correspondence with reality if they are supposed to +imply that variations which are mainly matters of pure chance and +unconnected in any way with function will accumulate and result in +specific difference, no matter how much each one of them may be +preserved in the generation in which it appears. In the one case, +therefore, the expression natural selection may be loosely used as a +synonym for descent with modification, and in the other it may not. +Unfortunately with Mr. Charles Darwin the variations are mainly +accidental. The words "through natural selection," therefore, in +the passage last quoted carry no weight, for it is the wrong natural +selection that is, or ought to be, intended; practically, however, +they derived a weight from Mr. Darwin's name to which they had no +title of their own, and we understood that "the theory of descent +with slow modification" through the kind of natural selection +ostensibly intended by Mr. Darwin was a quasi-synonymous expression +for the transmutation of species. We understood--so far as we +understood anything beyond that we were to believe in descent with +modification--that natural selection was Mr. Darwin's theory; we +therefore concluded, since Mr. Darwin seemed to say so, that the +theory of the transmutation of species generally was so also. At +any rate we felt as regards the passage last quoted that the theory +of descent with modification was the point of attack and defence, +and we supposed it to be the theory so often referred to by Mr. +Darwin as "my." + +Again:- + +"Some of the most ancient Silurian animals, as the Nautilus, +Lingula, &c., do not differ much from the living species; and it +cannot ON MY THEORY be supposed that these old species were the +progenitors," &c. (p. 306) . . . "Consequently IF MY THEORY BE TRUE, +it is indisputable," &c. (p. 307). + +Here the two "my theories" have been altered, the first into "our +theory," and the second into "the theory," both in 1869; but, as +usual, the thing that remains with the reader is the theory of +descent, and it remains morally and practically as much claimed when +called "the theory"--as during the many years throughout which the +more open "my" distinctly claimed it. + +Again:- + +"All the most eminent palaeontologists, namely, Cuvier, Owen, +Agassiz, Barrande, E. Forbes, &c., and all our greatest geologists, +as Lyell, Murchison, Sedgwick, &c., have unanimously, often +vehemently, maintained THE IMMUTABILITY OF SPECIES. . . . I feel how +rash it is to differ from these great authorities . . . Those who +think the natural geological record in any degree perfect, and who +do not attach much weight to the facts and arguments of other kinds +brought forward in this volume, will undoubtedly at once REJECT MY +THEORY" (p. 310). + +What is "my theory" here, if not that of the mutability of species, +or the theory of descent with modification? "My theory" became "the +theory" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"Let us now see whether the several facts and rules relating to the +geological succession of organic beings, better accord with the +common view of the immutability of species, or with that of their +SLOW AND GRADUAL MODIFICATION, THROUGH DESCENT AND NATURAL +SELECTION" (p. 312). + +The words "natural selection" are indeed here, but they might as +well be omitted for all the effect they produce. The argument is +felt to be about the two opposed theories of descent, and +independent creative efforts. + +Again:- + +"These several facts accord well with MY THEORY" (p. 314). That "my +theory" is the theory of descent is the conclusion most naturally +drawn from the context. "My theory" became "our theory" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"This gradual increase in the number of the species of a group is +strictly conformable WITH MY THEORY; for the process of modification +and the production of a number of allied forms must be slow and +gradual, . . . like the branching of a great tree from a single +stem, till the group becomes large" (p. 314). + +"My theory" became "the theory" in 1869. We took "my theory" to be +the theory of descent; that Mr. Darwin treats this as synonymous +with the theory of natural selection appears from the next +paragraph, on the third line of which we read, "On THE THEORY OF +NATURAL SELECTION the extinction of old forms," &c. + +Again:- + +"THE THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION is grounded on the belief that each +new variety and ultimately each new species, is produced and +maintained by having some advantage over those with which it comes +into competition; and the consequent extinction of less favoured +forms almost inevitably follows" (p. 320). Sense and consistency +cannot be made of this passage. Substitute "The theory of the +preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life" for "The +theory of natural selection" (to do this is only taking Mr. Darwin's +own synonym for natural selection) and see what the passage comes +to. "The preservation of favoured races" is not a theory, it is a +commonly observed fact; it is not "grounded on the belief that each +new variety," &c., it is one of the ultimate and most elementary +principles in the world of life. When we try to take the passage +seriously and think it out, we soon give it up, and pass on, +substituting "the theory of descent" for "the theory of natural +selection," and concluding that in some way these two things must be +identical. + +Again:- + +"The manner in which single species and whole groups of species +become extinct accords well with THE THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION" +(p. 322). + +Again:- + +"This great fact of the parallel succession of the forms of life +throughout the world, is explicable ON THE THEORY OF NATURAL +SELECTION" (p. 325). + +Again:- + +"Let us now look to the mutual affinities of extinct and living +species. They all fall into one grand natural system; and this is +at once explained ON THE PRINCIPLE OF DESCENT" (p. 329). + +Putting the three preceding passages together, we naturally inferred +that "the theory of natural selection" and "the principle of +descent" were the same things. We knew Mr. Darwin claimed the +first, and therefore unhesitatingly gave him the second at the same +time. + +Again:- + +"Let us see how far these several facts and inferences accord with +THE THEORY OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION" (p. 331) + +Again:- + +"Thus, ON THE THEORY OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION, the main facts +with regard to the mutual affinities of the extinct forms of life to +each other and to living forms, seem to me explained in a +satisfactory manner. And they are wholly inexplicable ON ANY OTHER +VIEW" (p. 333). + +The words "seem to me" involve a claim in the absence of so much as +a hint in any part of the book concerning indebtedness to earlier +writers. + +Again:- + +"ON THE THEORY OF DESCENT, the full meaning of the fossil remains," +&c. (p. 336). + +In the following paragraph we read:- + +"But in one particular sense the more recent forms must, ON MY +THEORY, be higher than the more ancient." + +Again:- + +"Agassiz insists that ancient animals resemble to a certain extent +the embryos of recent animals of the same classes; or that the +geological succession of extinct forms is in some degree parallel to +the embryological development of recent forms. . . . This doctrine +of Agassiz accords well with THE THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION" (p. +338). + +"The theory of natural selection" became "our theory" in 1869. The +opinion of Agassiz accords excellently with the theory of descent +with modification, but it is not easy to see how it bears upon the +fact that lucky races are preserved in the struggle for life--which, +according to Mr. Darwin's title-page, is what is meant by natural +selection. + +Again:- + +"ON THE THEORY OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION, the great law of the +long-enduring but not immutable succession of the same types within +the same areas, is at once explained" (p. 340). + +Again:- + +"It must not be forgotten that, ON MY THEORY, all the species of the +same genus have descended from some one species" (p. 341). + +"My theory" became "our theory" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"He who rejects these views on the nature of the geological record, +will rightly reject MY WHOLE THEORY" (p. 342). + +"My" became "our" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"Passing from these difficulties, the other great leading facts in +palaeontology agree admirably with THE THEORY OF DESCENT WITH +MODIFICATION THROUGH VARIATION AND NATURAL SELECTION" (p. 343). + +Again:- + +The succession of the same types of structure within the same areas +during the later geological periods CEASES TO BE MYSTERIOUS, and IS +SIMPLY EXPLAINED BY INHERITANCE (p. 345). + +I suppose inheritance was not when Mr. Darwin wrote considered +mysterious. The last few words have been altered to "and is +intelligible on the principle of inheritance." It seems as though +Mr. Darwin did not like saying that inheritance was not mysterious, +but had no objection to implying that it was intelligible. + +The next paragraph begins--"If, then, the geological record be as +imperfect as I believe it to be, . . . the main objections TO THE +THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION are greatly diminished or disappear. On +the other hand, all the chief laws of palaeontology plainly +proclaim, AS IT SEEMS TO ME, THAT SPECIES HAVE BEEN PRODUCED BY +ORDINARY GENERATION." + +Here again the claim to the theory of descent with modification is +unmistakable; it cannot, moreover, but occur to us that if species +"have been produced by ordinary generation," then ordinary +generation has as good a claim to be the main means of originating +species as natural selection has. It is hardly necessary to point +out that ordinary generation involves descent with modification, for +all known offspring differ from their parents, so far, at any rate, +as that practised judges can generally tell them apart. + +Again:- + +"We see in these facts some deep organic bond, prevailing throughout +space and time, over the same areas of land and water, and +independent of their physical condition. The naturalist must feel +little curiosity who is not led to inquire what this bond is. + +"This bond, ON MY THEORY, IS SIMPLY INHERITANCE, that cause which +alone," &c. (p. 350). + +This passage was altered in 1869 to "The bond is simply +inheritance." The paragraph concludes, "ON THIS PRINCIPLE OF +INHERITANCE WITH MODIFICATION, we can understand how it is that +sections of genera . . . are confined to the same areas," &c. + +Again:- + +"He who rejects it rejects the vera causa of ordinary generation," +&c. (p. 352). + +We naturally ask, Why call natural selection the "main means of +modification," if "ordinary generation" is a vera causa? + +Again:- + +"In discussing this subject, we shall be enabled at the same time to +consider a point equally important for us, namely, whether the +several distinct species of a genus, WHICH ON MY THEORY HAVE ALL +DESCENDED FROM A COMMON ANCESTOR, can have migrated (undergoing +modification during some part of their migration) from the area +inhabited by their progenitor" (p. 354). + +The words "on my theory" became "on our theory" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"With those organic beings which never intercross (if such exist) +THE SPECIES, ON MY THEORY, MUST HAVE DESCENDED FROM A SUCCESSION OF +IMPROVED VARIETIES," &c. (p. 355). + +The words "on my theory" were cut out in 1869. + +Again:- + +"A slow southern migration of a marine fauna will account, ON THE +THEORY OF MODIFICATION, for many closely allied forms," &c. (p. +372). + +Again:- + +"But the existence of several quite distinct species, belonging to +genera exclusively confined to the southern hemisphere, is, ON MY +THEORY OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION, a far more remarkable case of +difficulty" (p. 381). + +"My" became "the" in 1866 with the fourth edition. This was the +most categorical claim to the theory of descent with modification in +the "Origin of Species." The "my" here is the only one that was +taken out before 1869. I suppose Mr. Darwin thought that with the +removal of this "my" he had ceased to claim the theory of descent +with modification. Nothing, however, could be gained by calling the +reader's attention to what had been done, so nothing was said about +it. + +Again:- + +"Some species of fresh-water shells have a very wide range, AND +ALLIED SPECIES, WHICH, ON MY THEORY, ARE DESCENDED FROM A SINGLE +SOURCE, prevail throughout the world" (p. 385). + +"My theory" became "our theory" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"In the following remarks I shall not confine myself to the mere +question of dispersal, but shall consider some other facts which +bear upon the truth of THE TWO THEORIES OF INDEPENDENT CREATION AND +OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION" (p. 389). What can be plainer than +that the theory which Mr. Darwin espouses, and has so frequently +called "my," is descent with modification? + +Again:- + +"But as these animals and their spawn are known to be immediately +killed by sea-water, ON MY VIEW, we can see that there would be +great difficulty in their transportal across the sea, and therefore +why they do not exist on any oceanic island. But why, ON THE THEORY +OF CREATION, they should not have been created there, it would be +very difficult to explain" (p. 393). + +"On my view" was cut out in 1869. + +On the following page we read--"On my view this question can easily +be answered." "On my view" is retained in the latest edition. + +Again:- + +"Yet there must be, ON MY VIEW, some unknown but highly efficient +means for their transportation" (p. 397). + +"On my view" became "according to our view" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"I believe this grand fact can receive no sort of explanation ON THE +ORDINARY VIEW OF INDEPENDENT CREATION; whereas, ON THE VIEW HERE +MAINTAINED, it is obvious that the Galapagos Islands would be likely +to receive colonists . . . from America, and the Cape de Verde +Islands from Africa; and that such colonists would be liable to +modification; the principle of inheritance still betraying their +original birth-place" (p. 399). + +Again:- + +"With respect to the distinct species of the same genus which, ON MY +THEORY, must have spread from one parent source, if we make the same +allowances as before," &c. + +"On my theory" became "on our theory" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"ON MY THEORY these several relations throughout time and space are +intelligible; . . . the forms within each class have been connected +by the same bond of ordinary generation; . . . in both cases the +laws of variation have been the same, and modifications have been +accumulated by the same power of natural selection" (p. 410). + +"On my theory" became "according to our theory" in 1869, and natural +selection is no longer a power, but has become a means. + +Again:- + +"I BELIEVE THAT SOMETHING MORE IS INCLUDED, and that propinquity of +descent--the only known cause of the similarity of organic beings-- +is the bond, hidden as it is by various degrees of modification, +which is partially revealed to us by our classification" (p. 418). + +Again:- + +"THUS, ON THE VIEW WHICH I HOLD, the natural system is genealogical +in its arrangement, like a pedigree" (p. 422). + +"On the view which I hold" was cut out in 1872. + +Again:- + +"We may feel almost sure, ON THE THEORY OF DESCENT, that these +characters have been inherited from a common ancestor" (p. 426). + +Again:- + +"ON MY VIEW OF CHARACTERS BEING OF REAL IMPORTANCE FOR +CLASSIFICATION ONLY IN SO FAR AS THEY REVEAL DESCENT, we can clearly +understand," &c. (p. 427). + +"On my view" became "on the view" in 1872. + +Again:- + +"The more aberrant any form is, the greater must be the number of +connecting forms which, ON MY THEORY, have been exterminated and +utterly lost" (p. 429). + +The words "on my theory" were excised in 1869. + +Again:- + +"Finally, we have seen that NATURAL SELECTION. . . EXPLAINS that +great and universal feature in the affinities of all organic beings, +namely, their subordination in group under group. WE USE THE +ELEMENT OF DESCENT in classing the individuals of both sexes, &c.; . +. . WE USE DESCENT in classing acknowledged varieties; . . . and I +believe this element of descent is the hidden bond of connection +which naturalists have sought under the term of the natural system" +(p. 433). + +Lamarck was of much the same opinion, as I showed in "Evolution Old +and New." He wrote:- "An arrangement should be considered +systematic, or arbitrary, when it does not conform to the +genealogical order taken by nature in the development of the things +arranged, and when, by consequence, it is not founded on well- +considered analogies. There is a natural order in every department +of nature; it is the order in which its several component items have +been successively developed." {195a} The point, however, which +should more particularly engage our attention is that Mr. Darwin in +the passage last quoted uses "natural selection" and "descent" as +though they were convertible terms. + +Again:- + +"Nothing can be more hopeless than to attempt to explain this +similarity of pattern in members of the same class by utility or the +doctrine of final causes . . . ON THE ORDINARY VIEW OF THE +INDEPENDENT CREATION OF EACH BEING, we can only say that so it is . +. . THE EXPLANATION IS MANIFEST ON THE THEORY OF THE NATURAL +SELECTION OF SUCCESSIVE SLIGHT modifications," &c. (p. 435). + +This now stands--"The explanation is to a large extent simple, on +the theory of the selection of successive, slight modifications." I +do not like "a large extent" of simplicity; but, waiving this, the +point at issue is not whether the ordinary course of things ensures +a quasi-selection of the types that are best adapted to their +surroundings, with accumulation of modification in various +directions, and hence wide eventual difference between species +descended from common progenitors--no evolutionist since 1750 has +doubted this--but whether a general principle underlies the +modifications from among which the quasi-selection is made, or +whether they are destitute of such principle and referable, as far +as we are concerned, to chance only. Waiving this again, we note +that the theories of independent creation and of natural selection +are contrasted, as though they were the only two alternatives; +knowing the two alternatives to be independent creation and descent +with modification, we naturally took natural selection to mean +descent with modification. + +Again:- + +"ON THE THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION we can satisfactorily answer +these questions" (p. 437). + +"Satisfactorily" now stands "to a certain extent." + +Again:- + +"ON MY VIEW these terms may be used literally" (pp. 438, 439). + +"On my view" became "according to the views here maintained such +language may be," &c., in 1869. + +Again:- + +"I believe all these facts can be explained as follows, ON THE VIEW +OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION" (p. 443). + +This sentence now ends at "follows." + +Again:- + +"Let us take a genus of birds, DESCENDED, ON MY THEORY, FROM SOME +ONE PARENT SPECIES, and of which the several new species HAVE BECOME +MODIFIED THROUGH NATURAL SELECTION in accordance with their divers +habits" (p. 446). + +The words "on my theory" were cut out in 1869, and the passage now +stands, "Let us take a group of birds, descended from some ancient +form and modified through natural selection for different habits." + +Again:- + +"ON MY VIEW OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION, the origin of rudimentary +organs is simple" (p. 454). + +"On my view" became "ON THE VIEW" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"ON THE VIEW OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION," &c. (p. 455). + +Again:- + +"ON THIS SAME VIEW OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION all the great facts +of morphology become intelligible" (p. 456). + +Again:- + +"That many and grave objections may be advanced against THE THEORY +OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION THROUGH NATURAL SELECTION, I do not +deny" (p. 459). + +This now stands, "That many and serious objections may be advanced +against THE THEORY OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION THROUGH VARIATION +AND NATURAL SELECTION, I do not deny." + +Again:- + +"There are, it must be admitted, cases of special difficulty ON THE +THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION" (p. 460). + +"On" has become "opposed to;" it is not easy to see why this +alteration was made, unless because "opposed to" is longer. + +Again:- + +"Turning to geographical distribution, the difficulties encountered +ON THE THEORY OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION are grave enough." + +"Grave" has become "serious," but there is no other change (p. 461). + +Again:- + +"As ON THE THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION an interminable number of +intermediate forms must have existed," &c. + +"On" has become "according to"--which is certainly longer, but does +not appear to possess any other advantage over "on." It is not easy +to understand why Mr. Darwin should have strained at such a gnat as +"on," though feeling no discomfort in such an expression as "an +interminable number." + +Again:- + +"This is the most forcible of the many objections which may be urged +AGAINST MY THEORY . . . For certainly, ON MY THEORY," &c. (p. 463). + +The "my" in each case became "the" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"Such is the sum of the several chief objections and difficulties +which may be justly urged AGAINST MY THEORY" (p. 465). + +"My" became "the" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"Grave as these several difficulties are, IN MY JUDGMENT they do not +overthrow THE THEORY OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATIONS" (p. 466). + +This now stands, "Serious as these several objections are, in my +judgment they are by no means sufficient to overthrow THE THEORY OF +DESCENT WITH SUBSEQUENT MODIFICATION;" which, again, is longer, and +shows at what little, little gnats Mr. Darwin could strain, but is +no material amendment on the original passage. + +Again:- + +"THE THEORY OF NATURAL SELECTION, even if we looked no further than +this, SEEMS TO ME TO BE IN ITSELF PROBABLE" (p. 469). + +This now stands, "The theory of natural selection, even if we look +no further than this, SEEMS TO BE IN THE HIGHEST DEGREE PROBABLE." +It is not only probable, but was very sufficiently proved long +before Mr. Darwin was born, only it must be the right natural +selection and not Mr. Charles Darwin's. + +Again:- + +"It is inexplicable, ON THE THEORY OF CREATION, why a part +developed, &c., . . . BUT, ON MY VIEW, this part has undergone," &c. +(p. 474). + +"On my view" became "on our view" in 1869. + +Again:- + +"Glancing at instincts, marvellous as some are, they offer no +greater difficulty than does corporeal structure ON THE THEORY OF +THE NATURAL SELECTION OF SUCCESSIVE, SLIGHT, BUT PROFITABLE +MODIFICATIONS" (p. 474). + +Again:- + +"ON THE VIEW OF ALL THE SPECIES OF THE SAME GENUS HAVING DESCENDED +FROM A COMMON PARENT, and having inherited much in common, we can +understand how it is," &c. (p. 474). + +Again:- + +"If we admit that the geological record is imperfect in an extreme +degree, then such facts as the record gives, support THE THEORY OF +DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION. + +" . . . The extinction of species . . . almost inevitably follows on +THE PRINCIPLE OF NATURAL SELECTION" (p. 475). + +The word "almost" has got a great deal to answer for. + +Again:- + +"We can understand, ON THE THEORY OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION, most +of the great leading facts in Distribution" (p. 476). + +Again:- + +"The existence of closely allied or representative species in any +two areas, implies, ON THE THEORY OF DESCENT WITH MODIFICATION, that +the same parents formerly inhabited both areas . . . It must be +admitted that these facts receive no explanation ON THE THEORY OF +CREATION . . . The fact . . . is intelligible ON THE THEORY OF +NATURAL SELECTION, with its contingencies of extinction and +divergence of character" (p. 478). + +Again:- + +"Innumerable other such facts at once explain themselves ON THE +THEORY OF DESCENT WITH SLOW AND SLIGHT SUCCESSIVE MODIFICATIONS" (p. +479). + +"Any one whose disposition leads him to attach more weight to +unexplained difficulties than to the explanation of a certain number +of facts, WILL CERTAINLY REJECT MY THEORY" (p. 482). + +"My theory" became "the theory" in 1869. + + +From this point to the end of the book the claim is so ubiquitous, +either expressly or by implication, that it is difficult to know +what not to quote. I must, however, content myself with only a few +more extracts. Mr. Darwin says:- + +"It may be asked HOW FAR I EXTEND THE DOCTRINE OF THE MODIFICATION +OF SPECIES" (p. 482). + +Again:- + +"Analogy would lead me one step further, namely, to the belief that +all animals and plants have descended from some one prototype . . . +Therefore I should infer from analogy that probably all the organic +beings which have ever lived on this earth have descended from some +one primordial form, into which life was first breathed." + +From an amoeba--Adam, in fact, though not in name. This last +sentence is now completely altered, as well it might be. + +Again:- + +"When THE VIEWS ENTERTAINED IN THIS VOLUME ON THE ORIGIN OF SPECIES, +OR WHEN ANALOGOUS VIEWS ARE GENERALLY ADMITTED, we can dimly foresee +that there will be a considerable revolution in natural history" (p. +434). + +Possibly. This now stands, "When the views advanced by me in this +volume, and by Mr. Wallace, or when analogous views on the origin of +species are generally admitted, we can dimly foresee," &c. When the +"Origin of Species" came out we knew nothing of any analogous views, +and Mr. Darwin's words passed unnoticed. I do not say that he knew +they would, but he certainly ought to have known. + +Again:- + +"A GRAND AND ALMOST UNTRODDEN FIELD OF INQUIRY WILL BE OPENED, on +the causes and laws of variation, on correlation of growth, on the +effects of use and disuse, on the direct action of external +conditions, and so forth" (p. 486). + +Buffon and Lamarck had trodden this field to some purpose, but not a +hint to this effect is vouchsafed to us. Again; - + +"WHEN I VIEW ALL BEINGS NOT AS SPECIAL CREATIONS, BUT AS THE LINEAL +DESCENDANTS OF SOME FEW BEINGS WHICH LIVED LONG BEFORE the first bed +of the Silurian system was deposited, they seem to me to become +ennobled . . . We can so far take a prophetic glance into futurity +as to foretell that it will be the common and widely spread species, +belonging to the larger and dominant groups, which will ultimately +prevail and procreate new and dominant species." + +There is no alteration in this except that "Silurian" has become +"Cambrian." + +The idyllic paragraph with which Mr. Darwin concludes his book +contains no more special claim to the theory of descent en bloc than +many another which I have allowed to pass unnoticed; it has been, +moreover, dealt with in an earlier chapter (Chapter XII.) + + + +CHAPTER XV--The Excised "My's" + + + +I have quoted in all ninety-seven passages, as near as I can make +them, in which Mr. Darwin claimed the theory of descent, either +expressly by speaking of "my theory" in such connection that the +theory of descent ought to be, and, as the event has shown, was, +understood as being intended, or by implication, as in the opening +passages of the "Origin of Species," in which he tells us how he had +thought the matter out without acknowledging obligation of any kind +to earlier writers. The original edition of the "Origin of Species" +contained 490 pp., exclusive of index; a claim, therefore, more or +less explicit, to the theory of descent was made on the average +about once in every five pages throughout the book from end to end; +the claims were most prominent in the most important parts, that is +to say, at the beginning and end of the work, and this made them +more effective than they are made even by their frequency. A more +ubiquitous claim than this it would be hard to find in the case of +any writer advancing a new theory; it is difficult, therefore, to +understand how Mr. Grant Allen could have allowed himself to say +that Mr. Darwin "laid no sort of claim to originality or +proprietorship" in the theory of descent with modification. + +Nevertheless I have only found one place where Mr. Darwin pinned +himself down beyond possibility of retreat, however ignominious, by +using the words "my theory of descent with modification." {202a} He +often, as I have said, speaks of "my theory," and then shortly +afterwards of "descent with modification," under such circumstances +that no one who had not been brought up in the school of Mr. +Gladstone could doubt that the two expressions referred to the same +thing. He seems to have felt that he must be a poor wriggler if he +could not wriggle out of this; give him any loophole, however small, +and Mr. Darwin could trust himself to get out through it; but he did +not like saying what left no loophole at all, and "my theory of +descent with modification" closed all exits so firmly that it is +surprising he should ever have allowed himself to use these words. +As I have said, Mr. Darwin only used this direct categorical form of +claim in one place; and even here, after it had stood through three +editions, two of which had been largely altered, he could stand it +no longer, and altered the "my" into "the" in 1866, with the fourth +edition of the "Origin of Species." + +This was the only one of the original forty-five my's that was cut +out before the appearance of the fifth edition in 1869, and its +excision throws curious light upon the working of Mr. Darwin's mind. +The selection of the most categorical my out of the whole forty- +five, shows that Mr. Darwin knew all about his my's, and, while +seeing reason to remove this, held that the others might very well +stand. He even left "On my VIEW of descent with modification," +{203a} which, though more capable of explanation than "my theory," +&c., still runs it close; nevertheless the excision of even a single +my that had been allowed to stand through such close revision as +those to which the "Origin of Species" had been subjected betrays +uneasiness of mind, for it is impossible that even Mr. Darwin should +not have known that though the my excised in 1866 was the most +technically categorical, the others were in reality just as guilty, +though no tower of Siloam in the shape of excision fell upon them. +If, then, Mr. Darwin was so uncomfortable about this one as to cut +it out, it is probable he was far from comfortable about the others. + +This view derives confirmation from the fact that in 1869, with the +fifth edition of the "Origin of Species," there was a stampede of +my's throughout the whole work, no less than thirty out of the +original forty-five being changed into "the," "our," "this," or some +other word, which, though having all the effect of my, still did not +say "my" outright. These my's were, if I may say so, sneaked out; +nothing was said to explain their removal to the reader or call +attention to it. Why, it may be asked, having been considered +during the revisions of 1861 and 1866, and with only one exception +allowed to stand, why should they be smitten with a homing instinct +in such large numbers with the fifth edition? It cannot be +maintained that Mr. Darwin had had his attention called now for the +first time to the fact that he had used my perhaps a little too +freely, and had better be more sparing of it for the future. The my +excised in 1866 shows that Mr. Darwin had already considered this +question, and saw no reason to remove any but the one that left him +no loophole. Why, then, should that which was considered and +approved in 1859, 1861, and 1866 (not to mention the second edition +of 1859 or 1860) be retreated from with every appearance of panic in +1869? Mr. Darwin could not well have cut out more than he did--not +at any rate without saying something about it, and it would not be +easy to know exactly what say. Of the fourteen my's that were left +in 1869, five more were cut out in 1872, and nine only were allowed +eventually to remain. We naturally ask, Why leave any if thirty-six +ought to be cut out, or why cut out thirty-six if nine ought to be +left--especially when the claim remains practically just the same +after the excision as before it? + +I imagine complaint had early reached Mr. Darwin that the difference +between himself and his predecessors was unsubstantial and hard to +grasp; traces of some such feeling appear even in the late Sir +Charles Lyell's "Principles of Geology," in which he writes that he +had reprinted his abstract of Lamarck's doctrine word for word, "in +justice to Lamarck, in order to show how nearly the opinions taught +by him at the beginning of this century resembled those now in vogue +among a large body of naturalists respecting the infinite +variability of species, and the progressive development in past time +of the organic world." {205a} Sir Charles Lyell could not have +written thus if he had thought that Mr. Darwin had already done +"justice to Lamarck," nor is it likely that he stood alone in +thinking as he did. It is probable that more reached Mr. Darwin +than reached the public, and that the historical sketch prefixed to +all editions after the first six thousand copies had been sold-- +meagre and slovenly as it is--was due to earlier manifestation on +the part of some of Mr. Darwin's friends of the feeling that was +afterwards expressed by Sir Charles Lyell in the passage quoted +above. I suppose the removal of the my that was cut out in 1866 to +be due partly to the Gladstonian tendencies of Mr. Darwin's mind, +which would naturally make that particular my at all times more or +less offensive to him, and partly to the increase of objection to it +that must have ensued on the addition of the "brief but imperfect" +historical sketch in 1861; it is doubtless only by an oversight that +this particular my was not cut out in 1861. The stampede of 1869 +was probably occasioned by the appearance in Germany of Professor +Haeckel's "History of Creation." This was published in 1868, and +Mr. Darwin no doubt foresaw that it would be translated into +English, as indeed it subsequently was. In this book some account +is given--very badly, but still much more fully than by Mr. Darwin-- +of Lamarck's work; and even Erasmus Darwin is mentioned-- +inaccurately--but still he is mentioned. Professor Haeckel says:- + +"Although the theory of development had been already maintained at +the beginning of this century by several great naturalists, +especially by Lamarck and Goethe, it only received complete +demonstration and causal foundation nine years ago through Darwin's +work, and it is on this account that it is now generally (though not +altogether rightly) regarded as exclusively Mr. Darwin's theory." +{206a} + +Later on, after giving nearly a hundred pages to the works of the +early evolutionists--pages that would certainly disquiet the +sensitive writer who had cut out the "my" which disappeared in 1866- +-he continued:- + +"We must distinguish clearly (though this is not usually done) +between, firstly, the theory of descent as advanced by Lamarck, +which deals only with the fact of all animals and plants being +descended from a common source, and secondly, Darwin's theory of +natural selection, which shows us WHY this progressive modification +of organic forms took place" (p. 93). + +This passage is as inaccurate as most of those by Professor Haeckel +that I have had occasion to examine have proved to be. Letting +alone that Buffon, not Lamarck, is the foremost name in connection +with descent, I have already shown in "Evolution Old and New" that +Lamarck goes exhaustively into the how and why of modification. He +alleges the conservation, or preservation, in the ordinary course of +nature, of the most favourable among variations that have been +induced mainly by function; this, I have sufficiently explained, is +natural selection, though the words "natural selection" are not +employed; but it is the true natural selection which (if so +metaphorical an expression is allowed to pass) actually does take +place with the results ascribed to it by Lamarck, and not the false +Charles-Darwinian natural selection that does not correspond with +facts, and cannot result in specific differences such as we now +observe. But, waiving this, the "my's," within which a little rift +had begun to show itself in 1866, might well become as mute in 1869 +as they could become without attracting attention, when Mr. Darwin +saw the passages just quoted, and the hundred pages or so that lie +between them. + +I suppose Mr. Darwin cut out the five more my's that disappeared in +1872 because he had not yet fully recovered from his scare, and +allowed nine to remain in order to cover his retreat, and tacitly +say that he had not done anything and knew nothing whatever about +it. Practically, indeed, he had not retreated, and must have been +well aware that he was only retreating technically; for he must have +known that the absence of acknowledgment to any earlier writers in +the body of his work, and the presence of the many passages in which +every word conveyed the impression that the writer claimed descent +with modification, amounted to a claim as much when the actual word +"my" had been taken out as while it was allowed to stand. We took +Mr. Darwin at his own estimate because we could not for a moment +suppose that a man of means, position, and education,--one, +moreover, who was nothing if he was not unself-seeking--could play +such a trick upon us while pretending to take us into his +confidence; hence the almost universal belief on the part of the +public, of which Professors Haeckel and Ray Lankester and Mr. Grant +Allen alike complain--namely, that Mr. Darwin is the originator of +the theory of descent, and that his variations are mainly +functional. Men of science must not be surprised if the readiness +with which we responded to Mr. Darwin's appeal to our confidence is +succeeded by a proportionate resentment when the peculiar shabbiness +of his action becomes more generally understood. For myself, I know +not which most to wonder at--the meanness of the writer himself, or +the greatness of the service that, in spite of that meanness, he +unquestionably rendered. + +If Mr. Darwin had been dealing fairly by us, when he saw that we had +failed to catch the difference between the Erasmus-Darwinian theory +of descent through natural selection from among variations that are +mainly functional, and his own alternative theory of descent through +natural selection from among variations that are mainly accidental, +and, above all, when he saw we were crediting him with other men's +work, he would have hastened to set us right. "It is with great +regret," he might have written, "and with no small surprise, that I +find how generally I have been misunderstood as claiming to be the +originator of the theory of descent with modification; nothing can +be further from my intention; the theory of descent has been +familiar to all biologists from the year 1749, when Buffon advanced +it in its most comprehensive form, to the present day." If Mr. +Darwin had said something to the above effect, no one would have +questioned his good faith, but it is hardly necessary to say that +nothing of the kind is to be found in any one of Mr. Darwin's many +books or many editions; nor is the reason why the requisite +correction was never made far to seek. For if Mr. Darwin had said +as much as I have put into his mouth above, he should have said +more, and would ere long have been compelled to have explained to us +wherein the difference between himself and his predecessors +precisely lay, and this would not have been easy. Indeed, if Mr. +Darwin had been quite open with us he would have had to say much as +follows:- + +"I should point out that, according to the evolutionists of the last +century, improvement in the eye, as in any other organ, is mainly +due to persistent, rational, employment of the organ in question, in +such slightly modified manner as experience and changed surroundings +may suggest. You will have observed that, according to my system, +this goes for very little, and that the accumulation of fortunate +accidents, irrespectively of the use that may be made of them, is by +far the most important means of modification. Put more briefly +still, the distinction between me and my predecessors lies in this;- +-my predecessors thought they knew the main normal cause or +principle that underlies variation, whereas I think that there is no +general principle underlying it at all, or that even if there is, we +know hardly anything about it. This is my distinctive feature; +there is no deception; I shall not consider the arguments of my +predecessors, nor show in what respect they are insufficient; in +fact, I shall say nothing whatever about them. Please to understand +that I alone am in possession of the master key that can unlock the +bars of the future progress of evolutionary science; so great an +improvement, in fact, is my discovery that it justifies me in +claiming the theory of descent generally, and I accordingly claim +it. If you ask me in what my discovery consists, I reply in this;-- +that the variations which we are all agreed accumulate are caused-- +by variation. {209a} I admit that this is not telling you much +about them, but it is as much as I think proper to say at present; +above all things, let me caution you against thinking that there is +any principle of general application underlying variation." + +This would have been right. This is what Mr. Darwin would have had +to have said if he had been frank with us; it is not surprising, +therefore, that he should have been less frank than might have been +wished. I have no doubt that many a time between 1859 and 1882, the +year of his death, Mr. Darwin bitterly regretted his initial error, +and would have been only too thankful to repair it, but he could +only put the difference between himself and the early evolutionists +clearly before his readers at the cost of seeing his own system come +tumbling down like a pack of cards; this was more than he could +stand, so he buried his face, ostrich-like, in the sand. I know no +more pitiable figure in either literature or science. + +As I write these lines (July 1886) I see a paragraph in Nature which +I take it is intended to convey the impression that Mr. Francis +Darwin's life and letters of his father will appear shortly. I can +form no idea whether Mr. F. Darwin's forthcoming work is likely to +appear before this present volume; still less can I conjecture what +it may or may not contain; but I can give the reader a criterion by +which to test the good faith with which it is written. If Mr. F. +Darwin puts the distinctive feature that differentiates Mr. C. +Darwin from his predecessors clearly before his readers, enabling +them to seize and carry it away with them once for all--if he shows +no desire to shirk this question, but, on the contrary, faces it and +throws light upon it, then we shall know that his work is sincere, +whatever its shortcomings may be in other respects; and when people +are doing their best to help us and make us understand all that they +understand themselves, a great deal may be forgiven them. If, on +the other hand, we find much talk about the wonderful light which +Mr. Charles Darwin threw on evolution by his theory of natural +selection, without any adequate attempt to make us understand the +difference between the natural selection, say, of Mr. Patrick +Matthew, and that of his more famous successor, then we may know +that we are being trifled with; and that an attempt is being again +made to throw dust in our eyes. + + + +CHAPTER XVI--Mr. Grant Allen's "Charles Darwin" + + + +It is here that Mr. Grant Allen's book fails. It is impossible to +believe it written in good faith, with no end in view, save to make +something easy which might otherwise be found difficult; on the +contrary, it leaves the impression of having been written with a +desire to hinder us, as far as possible, from understanding things +that Mr. Allen himself understood perfectly well. + +After saying that "in the public mind Mr. Darwin is perhaps most +commonly regarded as the discoverer and founder of the evolution +hypothesis," he continues that "the grand idea which he did really +originate was not the idea of 'descent with modification,' but the +idea of 'natural selection,'" and adds that it was Mr. Darwin's +"peculiar glory" to have shown the "nature of the machinery" by +which all the variety of animal and vegetable life might have been +produced by slow modifications in one or more original types. "The +theory of evolution," says Mr. Allen, "already existed in a more or +less shadowy and undeveloped shape;" it was Mr. Darwin's "task in +life to raise this theory from the rank of a mere plausible and +happy guess to the rank of a highly elaborate and almost universally +accepted biological system" (pp. 3-5). + +We all admit the value of Mr. Darwin's work as having led to the +general acceptance of evolution. No one who remembers average +middle-class opinion on this subject before 1860 will deny that it +was Mr. Darwin who brought us all round to descent with +modification; but Mr. Allen cannot rightly say that evolution had +only existed before Mr. Darwin's time in "a shadowy, undeveloped +state," or as "a mere plausible and happy guess." It existed in the +same form as that in which most people accept it now, and had been +carried to its extreme development, before Mr. Darwin's father had +been born. It is idle to talk of Buffon's work as "a mere plausible +and happy guess," or to imply that the first volume of the +"Philosophie Zoologique" of Lamarck was a less full and sufficient +demonstration of descent with modification than the "Origin of +Species" is. It has its defects, shortcomings, and mistakes, but it +is an incomparably sounder work than the "Origin of Species;" and +though it contains the deplorable omission of any reference to +Buffon, Lamarck does not first grossly misrepresent Buffon, and then +tell him to go away, as Mr. Darwin did to the author of the +"Vestiges" and to Lamarck. If Mr. Darwin was believed and honoured +for saying much the same as Lamarck had said, it was because Lamarck +had borne the brunt of the laughing. The "Origin of Species" was +possible because the "Vestiges" had prepared the way for it. The +"Vestiges" were made possible by Lamarck and Erasmus Darwin, and +these two were made possible by Buffon. Here a somewhat sharper +line can be drawn than is usually found possible when defining the +ground covered by philosophers. No one broke the ground for Buffon +to anything like the extent that he broke it for those who followed +him, and these broke it for one another. + +Mr. Allen says (p. 11) that, "in Charles Darwin's own words, Lamarck +'first did the eminent service of arousing attention to the +probability of all change in the organic as well as in the inorganic +world being the result of law, and not of miraculous +interposition.'" Mr. Darwin did indeed use these words, but Mr. +Allen omits the pertinent fact that he did not use them till six +thousand copies of his work had been issued, and an impression been +made as to its scope and claims which the event has shown to be not +easily effaced; nor does he say that Mr. Darwin only pays these few +words of tribute in a quasi-preface, which, though prefixed to his +later editions of the "Origin of Species," is amply neutralised by +the spirit which I have shown to be omnipresent in the body of the +work itself. Moreover, Mr. Darwin's statement is inaccurate to an +unpardonable extent; his words would be fairly accurate if applied +to Buffon, but they do not apply to Lamarck. + +Mr. Darwin continues that Lamarck "seems to attribute all the +beautiful adaptations in nature, such as the long neck of the +giraffe for browsing on the branches of trees," to the effects of +habit. Mr. Darwin should not say that Lamarck "seems" to do this. +It was his business to tell us what led Lamarck to his conclusions, +not what "seemed" to do so. Any one who knows the first volume of +the "Philosophie Zoologique" will be aware that there is no "seems" +in the matter. Mr. Darwin's words "seem" to say that it really +could not be worth any practical naturalist's while to devote +attention to Lamarck's argument; the inquiry might be of interest to +antiquaries, but Mr. Darwin had more important work in hand than +following the vagaries of one who had been so completely exploded as +Lamarck had been. "Seem" is to men what "feel" is to women; women +who feel, and men who grease every other sentence with a "seem," are +alike to be looked on with distrust. + +"Still," continues Mr. Allen, "Darwin gave no sign. A flaccid, +cartilaginous, unphilosophic evolutionism had full possession of the +field for the moment, and claimed, as it were, to be the genuine +representative of the young and vigorous biological creed, while he +himself was in truth the real heir to all the honours of the +situation. He was in possession of the master-key which alone could +unlock the bars that opposed the progress of evolution, and still he +waited. He could afford to wait. He was diligently collecting, +amassing, investigating; eagerly reading every new systematic work, +every book of travels, every scientific journal, every record of +sport, or exploration, or discovery, to extract from the dead mass +of undigested fact whatever item of implicit value might swell the +definite co-ordinated series of notes in his own commonplace books +for the now distinctly contemplated 'Origin of Species.' His way +was to make all sure behind him, to summon up all his facts in +irresistible array, and never to set out upon a public progress +until he was secure against all possible attacks of the ever- +watchful and alert enemy in the rear," &c. (p. 73). + +It would not be easy to beat this. Mr. Darwin's worst enemy could +wish him no more damaging eulogist. + +Of the "Vestiges" Mr. Allen says that Mr. Darwin "felt sadly" the +inaccuracy and want of profound technical knowledge everywhere +displayed by the anonymous author. Nevertheless, long after, in the +"Origin of Species," the great naturalist wrote with generous +appreciation of the "Vestiges of Creation"--"In my opinion it has +done excellent service in this country in calling attention to the +subject, in removing prejudice, and in thus preparing the ground for +the reception of analogous views." + +I have already referred to the way in which Mr. Darwin treated the +author of the "Vestiges," and have stated the facts at greater +length in "Evolution Old and New," but it may be as well to give Mr. +Darwin's words in full; he wrote as follows on the third page of the +original edition of the "Origin of Species":- + +"The author of the 'Vestiges of Creation' would, I presume, say +that, after a certain unknown number of generations, some bird had +given birth to a woodpecker, and some plant to the mistletoe, and +that these had been produced perfect as we now see them; but this +assumption seems to me to be no explanation, for it leaves the case +of the coadaptation of organic beings to each other and to their +physical conditions of life untouched and unexplained." + +The author of the "Vestiges" did, doubtless, suppose that "SOME +bird" had given birth to a woodpecker, or more strictly, that a +couple of birds had done so--and this is all that Mr. Darwin has +committed himself to--but no one better knew that these two birds +would, according to the author of the "Vestiges," be just as much +woodpeckers, and just as little woodpeckers, as they would be with +Mr. Darwin himself. Mr. Chambers did not suppose that a woodpecker +became a woodpecker per saltum though born of some widely different +bird, but Mr. Darwin's words have no application unless they convey +this impression. The reader will note that though the impression is +conveyed, Mr. Darwin avoids conveying it categorically. I suppose +this is what Mr. Allen means by saying that he "made all things sure +behind him." Mr. Chambers did indeed believe in occasional sports; +so did Mr. Darwin, and we have seen that in the later editions of +the "Origin of Species" he found himself constrained to lay greater +stress on these than he had originally done. Substantially, Mr. +Chambers held much the same opinion as to the suddenness or slowness +of modification as Mr. Darwin did, nor can it be doubted that Mr. +Darwin knew this perfectly well. + +What I have said about the woodpecker applies also to the mistletoe. +Besides, it was Mr. Darwin's business not to presume anything about +the matter; his business was to tell us what the author of the +"Vestiges" had said, or to refer us to the page of the "Vestiges" on +which we should find this. I suppose he was too busy "collecting, +amassing, investigating," &c., to be at much pains not to +misrepresent those who had been in the field before him. There is +no other reference to the "Vestiges" in the "Origin of Species" than +this suave but singularly fraudulent passage. + +In his edition of 1860 the author of the "Vestiges" showed that he +was nettled, and said it was to be regretted Mr. Darwin had read the +"Vestiges" "almost as much amiss as if, like its declared opponents, +he had an interest in misunderstanding it;" and a little lower he +adds that Mr. Darwin's book "in no essential respect contradicts the +'Vestiges,'" but that, on the contrary, "while adding to its +explanations of nature, it expressed the same general ideas." {216a} +This is substantially true; neither Mr. Darwin's nor Mr. Chambers's +are good books, but the main object of both is to substantiate the +theory of descent with modification, and, bad as the "Vestiges" is, +it is ingenuous as compared with the "Origin of Species." +Subsequently to Mr. Chambers' protest, and not till, as I have said, +six thousand copies of the "Origin of Species" had been issued, the +sentence complained of by Mr. Chambers was expunged, but without a +word of retractation, and the passage which Mr. Allen thinks so +generous was inserted into the "brief but imperfect" sketch which +Mr. Darwin prefixed--after Mr. Chambers had been effectually snuffed +out--to all subsequent editions of his "Origin of Species." There +is no excuse for Mr. Darwin's not having said at least this much +about the author of the "Vestiges" in his first edition; and on +finding that he had misrepresented him in a passage which he did not +venture to retain, he should not have expunged it quietly, but +should have called attention to his mistake in the body of his book, +and given every prominence in his power to the correction. + +Let us now examine Mr. Allen's record in the matter of natural +selection. For years he was one of the foremost apostles of Neo- +Darwinism, and any who said a good word for Lamarck were told that +this was the "kind of mystical nonsense" from which Mr. Allen "had +hoped Mr. Darwin had for ever saved us." {216b} Then in October +1883 came an article in "Mind," from which it appeared as though Mr. +Allen had abjured Mr. Darwin and all his works. + +"There are only two conceivable ways," he then wrote, "in which any +increment of brain power can ever have arisen in any individual. +The one is the Darwinian way, by spontaneous variation, that is to +say, by variation due to minute physical circumstances affecting the +individual in the germ. The other is the Spencerian way, by +functional increment, that is to say, by the effect of increased use +and constant exposure to varying circumstances during conscious +life." + +Mr. Allen calls this the Spencerian view, and so it is in so far as +that Mr. Spencer has adopted it. Most people will call it +Lamarckian. This, however, is a detail. Mr. Allen continues:- + +"I venture to think that the first way, if we look it clearly in the +face, will be seen to be practically unthinkable; and that we have +no alternative, therefore, but to accept the second." + +I like our looking a "way" which is "practically unthinkable" +"clearly in the face." I particularly like "practically +unthinkable." I suppose we can think it in theory, but not in +practice. I like almost everything Mr. Allen says or does; it is +not necessary to go far in search of his good things; dredge up any +bit of mud from him at random and we are pretty sure to find an +oyster with a pearl in it, if we look it clearly in the face; I +mean, there is sure to be something which will be at any rate +"almost" practically unthinkable. But however this may be, when Mr. +Allen wrote his article in "Mind" two years ago, he was in +substantial agreement with myself about the value of natural +selection as a means of modification--by natural selection I mean, +of course, the commonly known Charles-Darwinian natural selection +from fortuitous variations; now, however, in 1885, he is all for +this same natural selection again, and in the preface to his +"Charles Darwin" writes (after a handsome acknowledgment of +"Evolution Old and New") that he "differs from" me "fundamentally +in" my "estimate of the worth of Charles Darwin's distinctive +discovery of natural selection." + +This he certainly does, for on page 81 of the work itself he speaks +of "the distinctive notion of natural selection" as having, "like +all true and fruitful ideas, more than once flashed," &c. I have +explained usque ad nauseam, and will henceforth explain no longer, +that natural selection is no "distinctive notion" of Mr. Darwin's. +Mr. Darwin's "distinctive notion" is natural selection from among +fortuitous variations. + +Writing again (p. 89) of Mr. Spencer's essay in the "Leader," {218a} +Mr. Allen says:- + +"It contains, in a very philosophical and abstract form, the theory +of 'descent with modification' without the distinctive Darwinian +adjunct of 'natural selection' or survival of the fittest. Yet it +was just that lever dexterously applied, and carefully weighted with +the whole weight of his endlessly accumulated inductive instances, +that finally enabled our modern Archimedes to move the world." + +Again:- + +"To account for adaptation, for the almost perfect fitness of every +plant and every animal to its position in life, for the existence +(in other words) of definitely correlated parts and organs, we must +call in the aid of survival of the fittest. Without that potent +selective agent, our conception of the becoming of life is a mere +chaos; order and organisation are utterly inexplicable save by the +brilliant illuminating ray of the Darwinian principle" (p. 93). + +And yet two years previously this same principle, after having been +thinkable for many years, had become "unthinkable." + +Two years previously, writing of the Charles-Darwinian scheme of +evolution, Mr. Allen had implied it as his opinion "that all brains +are what they are in virtue of antecedent function." "The one +creed," he wrote--referring to Mr Darwin's--"makes the man depend +mainly upon the accidents of molecular physics in a colliding germ +cell and sperm cell; the other makes him depend mainly on the doings +and gains of his ancestors as modified and altered by himself." + +This second creed is pure Erasmus-Darwinism and Lamarck. + +Again:- + +"It seems to me easy to understand how survival of the fittest may +result in progress STARTING FROM SUCH FUNCTIONALLY PRODUCED GAINS +(italics mine), but impossible to understand how it could result in +progress, if it had to start in mere accidental structural +increments due to spontaneous variation alone." {219a} + +Which comes to saying that it is easy to understand the Lamarckian +system of evolution, but not the Charles-Darwinian. Mr. Allen +concluded his article a few pages later on by saying + +"The first hypothesis" (Mr. Darwin's) "is one that throws no light +upon any of the facts. The second hypothesis" (which is unalloyed +Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck) "is one that explains them all with +transparent lucidity." Yet in his "Charles Darwin" Mr. Allen tells +us that though Mr. Darwin "did not invent the development theory, he +made it believable and comprehensible" (p. 4). + +In his "Charles Darwin" Mr. Allen does not tell us how recently he +had, in another place, expressed an opinion about the value of Mr. +Darwin's "distinctive contribution" to the theory of evolution, so +widely different from the one he is now expressing with +characteristic appearance of ardour. He does not explain how he is +able to execute such rapid changes of front without forfeiting his +claim on our attention; explanations on matters of this sort seem +out of date with modern scientists. I can only suppose that Mr. +Allen regards himself as having taken a brief, as it were, for the +production of a popular work, and feels more bound to consider the +interests of the gentleman who pays him than to say what he really +thinks; for surely Mr. Allen would not have written as he did in +such a distinctly philosophical and scientific journal as "Mind" +without weighing his words, and nothing has transpired lately, +apropos of evolution, which will account for his present +recantation. I said in my book "Selections," &c., that when Mr. +Allen made stepping-stones of his dead selves, he jumped upon them +to some tune. I was a little scandalised then at the completeness +and suddenness of the movement he executed, and spoke severely; I +have sometimes feared I may have spoken too severely, but his recent +performance goes far to warrant my remarks. + +If, however, there is no dead self about it, and Mr. Allen has only +taken a brief, I confess to being not greatly edified. I grant that +a good case can be made out for an author's doing as I suppose Mr. +Allen to have done; indeed I am not sure that both science and +religion would not gain if every one rode his neighbour's theory, as +at a donkey-race, and the least plausible were held to win; but +surely, as things stand, a writer by the mere fact of publishing a +book professes to be giving a bona fide opinion. The analogy of the +bar does not hold, for not only is it perfectly understood that a +barrister does not necessarily state his own opinions, but there +exists a strict though unwritten code to protect the public against +the abuses to which such a system must be liable. In religion and +science no such code exists--the supposition being that these two +holy callings are above the necessity for anything of the kind. +Science and religion are not as business is; still, if the public do +not wish to be taken in, they must be at some pains to find out +whether they are in the hands of one who, while pretending to be a +judge, is in reality a paid advocate, with no one's interests at +heart except his client's, or in those of one who, however warmly he +may plead, will say nothing but what springs from mature and genuine +conviction. + +The present unsettled and unsatisfactory state of the moral code in +this respect is at the bottom of the supposed antagonism between +religion and science. These two are not, or never ought to be, +antagonistic. They should never want what is spoken of as +reconciliation, for in reality they are one. Religion is the +quintessence of science, and science the raw material of religion; +when people talk about reconciling religion and science they do not +mean what they say; they mean reconciling the statements made by one +set of professional men with those made by another set whose +interests lie in the opposite direction--and with no recognised +president of the court to keep them within due bounds this is not +always easy. + +Mr. Allen says:- + +"At the same time it must be steadily remembered that there are many +naturalists at the present day, especially among those of the lower +order of intelligence, who, while accepting evolutionism in a +general way, and therefore always describing themselves as +Darwinians, do not believe, and often cannot even understand, the +distinctive Darwinian addition to the evolutionary doctrine--namely, +the principle of natural selection. Such hazy and indistinct +thinkers as these are still really at the prior stage of Lamarckian +evolution" (p. 199). + +Considering that Mr. Allen was at that stage himself so recently, he +might deal more tenderly with others who still find "the distinctive +Darwinian adjunct" "unthinkable." It is perhaps, however, because +he remembers his difficulties that Mr. Allen goes on as follows:- + +"It is probable that in the future, while a formal acceptance of +Darwinism becomes general, the special theory of natural selection +will be thoroughly understood and assimilated only by the more +abstract and philosophical minds." + +By the kind of people, in fact, who read the Spectator and are +called thoughtful; and in point of fact less than a twelvemonth +after this passage was written, natural selection was publicly +abjured as "a theory of the origin of species" by Mr. Romanes +himself, with the implied approval of the Times. + +"Thus," continues Mr. Allen, "the name of Darwin will often no doubt +be tacked on to what are in reality the principles of Lamarck." + +It requires no great power of prophecy to foretell this, considering +that it is done daily by nine out of ten who call themselves +Darwinians. Ask ten people of ordinary intelligence how Mr. Darwin +explains the fact that giraffes have long necks, and nine of them +will answer "through continually stretching them to reach higher and +higher boughs." They do not understand that this is the Lamarckian +view of evolution, not the Darwinian; nor will Mr. Allen's book +greatly help the ordinary reader to catch the difference between the +two theories, in spite of his frequent reference to Mr. Darwin's +"distinctive feature," and to his "master-key." No doubt the +British public will get to understand all about it some day, but it +can hardly be expected to do so all at once, considering the way in +which Mr. Allen and so many more throw dust in its eyes, and will +doubtless continue to throw it as long as an honest penny is to be +turned by doing so. Mr. Allen, then, is probably right in saying +that "the name of Darwin will no doubt be often tacked on to what +are in reality the principles of Lamarck," nor can it be denied that +Mr. Darwin, by his practice of using "the theory of natural +selection" as though it were a synonym for "the theory of descent +with modification," contributed to this result. + +I do not myself doubt that he intended to do this, but Mr. Allen +would say no less confidently he did not. He writes of Mr. Darwin +as follows:- + +"Of Darwin's pure and exalted moral nature no Englishman of the +present generation can trust himself to speak with becoming +moderation." + +He proceeds to trust himself thus:- + +"His love of truth, his singleness of heart, his sincerity, his +earnestness, his modesty, his candour, his absolute sinking of self +and selfishness--these, indeed are all conspicuous to every reader +on the very face of every word he ever printed." + +This "conspicuous sinking of self" is of a piece with the +"delightful unostentatiousness WHICH EVERY ONE MUST HAVE NOTICED" +about which Mr. Allen writes on page 65. Does he mean that Mr. +Darwin was "ostentatiously unostentatious," or that he was +"unostentatiously ostentatious"? I think we may guess from this +passage who it was that in the old days of the Pall Mall Gazelle +called Mr. Darwin "a master of a certain happy simplicity." + +Mr. Allen continues:- + +"Like his works themselves, they must long outlive him. But his +sympathetic kindliness, his ready generosity, the staunchness of his +friendship, the width and depth and breadth of his affections, the +manner in which 'he bore with those who blamed him unjustly without +blaming them again'--these things can never be so well known to any +other generation of men as to the three generations that walked the +world with him" (pp. 174, 175). + +Again:- + +"He began early in life to collect and arrange a vast encyclopaedia +of facts, all finally focussed with supreme skill upon the great +principle he so clearly perceived and so lucidly expounded. He +brought to bear upon the question an amount of personal observation, +of minute experiment, of world-wide book knowledge, of universal +scientific ability, such as never, perhaps, was lavished by any +other man upon any other department of study. His conspicuous and +beautiful love of truth, his unflinching candour, his transparent +fearlessness and honesty of purpose, his childlike simplicity, his +modesty of demeanour, his charming manner, his affectionate +disposition, his kindliness to friends, his courtesy to opponents, +his gentleness to harsh and often bitter assailants, kindled in the +minds of men of science everywhere throughout the world a contagious +enthusiasm only equalled perhaps among the disciples of Socrates and +the great teachers of the revival of learning. His name became a +rallying-point for the children of light in every country" (pp. 196, +197). + +I need not quote more; the sentence goes on to talk about "firmly +grounding" something which philosophers and speculators might have +taken a century or two more "to establish in embryo;" but those who +wish to see it must turn to Mr. Allen's book. + +If I have formed too severe an estimate of Mr. Darwin's work and +character--and this is more than likely--the fulsomeness of the +adulation lavished on him by his admirers for many years past must +be in some measure my excuse. We grow tired even of hearing +Aristides called just, but what is so freely said about Mr. Darwin +puts us in mind more of what the people said about Herod--that he +spoke with the voice of a God, not of a man. So we saw Professor +Ray Lankester hail him not many years ago as the "greatest of living +men." {224a} + +It is ill for any man's fame that he should be praised so +extravagantly. Nobody ever was as good as Mr. Darwin looked, and a +counterblast to such a hurricane of praise as has been lately +blowing will do no harm to his ultimate reputation, even though it +too blow somewhat fiercely. Art, character, literature, religion, +science (I have named them in alphabetical order), thrive best in a +breezy, bracing air; I heartily hope I may never be what is commonly +called successful in my own lifetime--and if I go on as I am doing +now, I have a fair chance of succeeding in not succeeding. + + + +CHAPTER XVII--Professor Ray Lankester and Lamarck + + + +Being anxious to give the reader a sample of the arguments against +the theory of natural selection from among variations that are +mainly either directly or indirectly functional in their inception, +or more briefly against the Erasmus-Darwinian and Lamarckian +systems, I can find nothing more to the point, or more recent, than +Professor Ray Lankester's letter to the Athenaeum of March 29, 1884, +to the latter part of which, however, I need alone call attention. +Professor Ray Lankester says:- + +"And then we are introduced to the discredited speculations of +Lamarck, which have found a worthy advocate in Mr. Butler, as really +solid contributions to the discovery of the verae causae of +variation! A much more important attempt to do something for +Lamarck's hypothesis, of the transmission to offspring of structural +peculiarities acquired by the parents, was recently made by an able +and experienced naturalist, Professor Semper of Wurzburg. His book +on 'Animal Life,' &c., is published in the 'International Scientific +Series.' Professor Semper adduces an immense number and variety of +cases of structural change in animals and plants brought about in +the individual by adaptation (during its individual life-history) to +new conditions. Some of these are very marked changes, such as the +loss of its horny coat in the gizzard of a pigeon fed on meat; BUT +IN NO SINGLE INSTANCE COULD PROFESSOR SEMPER SHOW--although it was +his object and desire to do so if possible--that such change was +transmitted from parent to offspring. Lamarckism looks all very +well on paper, but, as Professor Semper's book shows, when put to +the test of observation and experiment it collapses absolutely." + +I should have thought it would have been enough if it had collapsed +without the "absolutely," but Professor Ray Lankester does not like +doing things by halves. Few will be taken in by the foregoing +quotation, except those who do not greatly care whether they are +taken in or not; but to save trouble to readers who may have neither +Lamarck nor Professor Semper at hand, I will put the case as +follows:- + +Professor Semper writes a book to show, we will say, that the hour- +hand of the clock moves gradually forward, in spite of its appearing +stationary. He makes his case sufficiently clear, and then might +have been content to leave it; nevertheless, in the innocence of his +heart, he adds the admission that though he had often looked at the +clock for a long time together, he had never been able actually to +see the hour-hand moving. "There now," exclaims Professor Ray +Lankester on this, "I told you so; the theory collapses absolutely; +his whole object and desire is to show that the hour-hand moves, and +yet when it comes to the point, he is obliged to confess that he +cannot see it do so." It is not worth while to meet what Professor +Ray Lankester has been above quoted as saying about Lamarckism +beyond quoting the following passage from a review of "The +Neanderthal Skull on Evolution" in the "Monthly Journal of Science" +for June, 1885 (p. 362):- + +"On the very next page the author reproduces the threadbare +objection that the 'supporters of the theory have never yet +succeeded in observing a single instance in all the millions of +years invented (!) in its support of one species of animal turning +into another.' Now, ex hypothesi, one species turns into another +not rapidly, as in a transformation scene, but in successive +generations, each being born a shade different from its progenitors. +Hence to observe such a change is excluded by the very terms of the +question. Does Mr. Saville forget Mr. Herbert Spencer's apologue of +the ephemeron which had never witnessed the change of a child into a +man?" + +The apologue, I may say in passing, is not Mr. Spencer's; it is by +the author of the "Vestiges," and will be found on page 161 of the +1853 edition of that book; but let this pass. How impatient +Professor Ray Lankester is of any attempt to call attention to the +older view of evolution appears perhaps even more plainly in a +review of this same book of Professor Semper's that appeared in +"Nature," March 3, 1881. The tenor of the remarks last quoted shows +that though what I am about to quote is now more than five years +old, it may be taken as still giving us the position which Professor +Ray Lankester takes on these matters. He wrote:- + +"It is necessary," he exclaims, "to plainly and emphatically state" +(Why so much emphasis? Why not "it should be stated"?) "that +Professor Semper and a few other writers of similar views" {227a} (I +have sent for the number of "Modern Thought" referred to by +Professor Ray Lankester but find no article by Mr. Henslow, and do +not, therefore, know what he had said) "are not adding to or +building on Mr. Darwin's theory, but are actually opposing all that +is essential and distinctive in that theory, by the revival of the +exploded notion of 'directly transforming agents' advocated by +Lamarck and others." + +It may be presumed that these writers know they are not "adding to +or building on" Mr. Darwin's theory, and do not wish to build on it, +as not thinking it a sound foundation. Professor Ray Lankester says +they are "actually opposing," as though there were something +intolerably audacious in this; but it is not easy to see why he +should be more angry with them for "actually opposing" Mr. Darwin +than they may be with him, if they think it worth while, for +"actually defending" the exploded notion of natural selection--for +assuredly the Charles-Darwinian system is now more exploded than +Lamarck's is. + +What Professor Ray Lankester says about Lamarck and "directly +transforming agents" will mislead those who take his statement +without examination. Lamarck does not say that modification is +effected by means of "directly transforming agents;" nothing can be +more alien to the spirit of his teaching. With him the action of +the external conditions of existence (and these are the only +transforming agents intended by Professor Ray Lankester) is not +direct, but indirect. Change in surroundings changes the organism's +outlook, and thus changes its desires; desires changing, there is +corresponding change in the actions performed; actions changing, a +corresponding change is by-and-by induced in the organs that perform +them; this, if long continued, will be transmitted; becoming +augmented by accumulation in many successive generations, and +further modifications perhaps arising through further changes in +surroundings, the change will amount ultimately to specific and +generic difference. Lamarck knows no drug, nor operation, that will +medicine one organism into another, and expects the results of +adaptive effort to be so gradual as to be only perceptible when +accumulated in the course of many generations. When, therefore, +Professor Ray Lankester speaks of Lamarck as having "advocated +directly transforming agents," he either does not know what he is +talking about, or he is trifling with his readers. Professor Ray +Lankester continues:- + +"They do not seem to be aware of this, for they make no attempt to +examine Mr. Darwin's accumulated facts and arguments." Professor +Ray Lankester need not shake Mr. Darwin's "accumulated facts and +arguments" at us. We have taken more pains to understand them than +Professor Ray Lankester has taken to understand Lamarck, and by this +time know them sufficiently. We thankfully accept by far the +greater number, and rely on them as our sheet-anchors to save us +from drifting on to the quicksands of Neo-Darwinian natural +selection; few of them, indeed, are Mr. Darwin's, except in so far +as he has endorsed them and given them publicity, but I do not know +that this detracts from their value. We have paid great attention +to Mr. Darwin's facts, and if we do not understand all his +arguments--for it is not always given to mortal man to understand +these--yet we think we know what he was driving at. We believe we +understand this to the full as well as Mr. Darwin intended us to do, +and perhaps better. Where the arguments tend to show that all +animals and plants are descended from a common source we find them +much the same as Buffon's, or as those of Erasmus Darwin or Lamarck, +and have nothing to say against them; where, on the other hand, they +aim at proving that the main means of modification has been the fact +that if an animal has been "favoured" it will be "preserved"--then +we think that the animal's own exertions will, in the long run, have +had more to do with its preservation than any real or fancied +"favour." Professor Ray Lankester continues:- + +"The doctrine of evolution has become an accepted truth" (Professor +Ray Lankester writes as though the making of truth and falsehood lay +in the hollow of Mr. Darwin's hand. Surely "has become accepted" +should be enough; Mr. Darwin did not make the doctrine true) +"entirely in consequence of Mr. Darwin's having demonstrated the +mechanism." (There is no mechanism in the matter, and if there is, +Mr. Darwin did not show it. He made some words which confused us +and prevented us from seeing that "the preservation of favoured +races" was a cloak for "luck," and that this was all the explanation +he was giving) "by which the evolution is possible; it was almost +universally rejected, while such undemonstrable agencies as those +arbitrarily asserted to exist by Professor Semper and Mr. George +Henslow were the only means suggested by its advocates." + +Undoubtedly the theory of descent with modification, which received +its first sufficiently ample and undisguised exposition in 1809 with +the "Philosophie Zoologique" of Lamarck, shared the common fate of +all theories that revolutionise opinion on important matters, and +was fiercely opposed by the Huxleys, Romaneses, Grant Allens, and +Ray Lankesters of its time. It had to face the reaction in favour +of the Church which began in the days of the First Empire, as a +natural consequence of the horrors of the Revolution; it had to face +the social influence and then almost Darwinian reputation of Cuvier, +whom Lamarck could not, or would not, square; it was put forward by +one who was old, poor, and ere long blind. What theory could do +more than just keep itself alive under conditions so unfavourable? +Even under the most favourable conditions descent with modification +would have been a hard plant to rear, but, as things were, the +wonder is that it was not killed outright at once. We all know how +large a share social influences have in deciding what kind of +reception a book or theory is to meet with; true, these influences +are not permanent, but at first they are almost irresistible; in +reality it was not the theory of descent that was matched against +that of fixity, but Lamarck against Cuvier; who can be surprised +that Cuvier for a time should have had the best of it? + +And yet it is pleasant to reflect that his triumph was not, as +triumphs go, long lived. How is Cuvier best known now? As one who +missed a great opportunity; as one who was great in small things, +and stubbornly small in great ones. Lamarck died in 1831; in 1861 +descent with modification was almost universally accepted by those +most competent to form an opinion. This result was by no means so +exclusively due to Mr. Darwin's "Origin of Species" as is commonly +believed. During the thirty years that followed 1831 Lamarck's +opinions made more way than Darwinians are willing to allow. +Granted that in 1861 the theory was generally accepted under the +name of Darwin, not under that of Lamarck, still it was Lamarck and +not Darwin that was being accepted; it was descent, not descent with +modification by means of natural selection from among fortuitous +variations, that we carried away with us from the "Origin of +Species." The thing triumphed whether the name was lost or not. I +need not waste the reader's time by showing further how little +weight he need attach to the fact that Lamarckism was not +immediately received with open arms by an admiring public. The +theory of descent has become accepted as rapidly, if I am not +mistaken, as the Copernican theory, or as Newton's theory of +gravitation. + +When Professor Ray Lankester goes on to speak of the "undemonstrable +agencies" "arbitrarily asserted" to exist by Professor Semper, he is +again presuming on the ignorance of his readers. Professor Semper's +agencies are in no way more undemonstrable than Mr. Darwin's are. +Mr. Darwin was perfectly cogent as long as he stuck to Lamarck's +demonstration; his arguments were sound as long as they were +Lamarck's, or developments of, and riders upon, Buffon, Erasmus +Darwin, and Lamarck, and almost incredibly silly when they were his +own. Fortunately the greater part of the "Origin of Species" is +devoted to proving the theory of descent with modification, by +arguments against which no exception would have been taken by Mr. +Darwin's three great precursors, except in so far as the variations +whose accumulation results in specific difference are supposed to be +fortuitous--and, to do Mr. Darwin justice, the fortuitousness, +though always within hail, is kept as far as possible in the +background. + +"Mr. Darwin's arguments," says Professor Ray Lankester, "rest on the +PROVED existence of minute, many-sided, irrelative variations NOT +produced by directly transforming agents." Mr. Darwin throughout +the body of the "Origin of Species" is not supposed to know what his +variations are or are not produced by; if they come, they come, and +if they do not come, they do not come. True, we have seen that in +the last paragraph of the book all this was changed, and the +variations were ascribed to the conditions of existence, and to use +and disuse, but a concluding paragraph cannot be allowed to override +a whole book throughout which the variations have been kept to hand +as accidental. Mr. Romanes is perfectly correct when he says {232a} +that "natural selection" (meaning the Charles-Darwinian natural +selection) "trusts to the chapter of accidents in the matter of +variation" this is all that Mr. Darwin can tell us; whether they +come from directly transforming agents or no he neither knows nor +says. Those who accept Lamarck will know that the agencies are not, +as a rule, directly transforming, but the followers of Mr. Darwin +cannot. + +"But showing themselves," continues Professor Ray Lankester, "at +each new act of reproduction, as part of the phenomena of heredity +such minute 'sports' or 'variations' are due to constitutional +disturbance" (No doubt. The difference, however, between Mr. Darwin +and Lamarck consists in the fact that Lamarck believes he knows what +it is that so disturbs the constitution as generally to induce +variation, whereas Mr. Darwin says he does not know), "and appear +not in individuals subjected to new conditions" (What organism can +pass through life without being subjected to more or less new +conditions? What life is ever the exact fac-simile of another? And +in a matter of such extreme delicacy as the adjustment of psychical +and physical relations, who can say how small a disturbance of +established equilibrium may not involve how great a rearrangement?), +"but in the offspring of all, though more freely in the offspring of +those subjected to special causes of constitutional disturbance. +Mr. Darwin has further proved that these slight variations can be +transmitted and intensified by selective breeding." + +Mr. Darwin did, indeed, follow Buffon and Lamarck in at once turning +to animals and plants under domestication in order to bring the +plasticity of organic forms more easily home to his readers, but the +fact that variations can be transmitted and intensified by selective +breeding had been so well established and was so widely known long +before Mr. Darwin was born, that he can no more be said to have +proved it than Newton can be said to have proved the revolution of +the earth on its own axis. Every breeder throughout the world had +known it for centuries. I believe even Virgil knew it. + +"They have," continues Professor Ray Lankester, "in reference to +breeding, a remarkably tenacious, persistent character, as might be +expected from their origin in connection with the reproductive +process." + +The variations do not normally "originate in connection with the +reproductive process," though it is during this process that they +receive organic expression. They originate mainly, so far as +anything originates anywhere, in the life of the parent or parents. +Without going so far as to say that no variation can arise in +connection with the reproductive system--for, doubtless, striking +and successful sports do occasionally so arise--it is more probable +that the majority originate earlier. Professor Ray Lankester +proceeds:- + +"On the other hand, mutilations and other effects of directly +transforming agents are rarely, if ever, transmitted." Professor +Ray Lankester ought to know the facts better than to say that the +effects of mutilation are rarely, if ever, transmitted. The rule +is, that they will not be transmitted unless they have been followed +by disease, but that where disease has supervened they not +uncommonly descend to offspring. {234a} I know Brown-Sequard +considered it to be the morbid state of the nervous system +consequent upon the mutilation that is transmitted, rather than the +immediate effects of the mutilation, but this distinction is +somewhat finely drawn. + +When Professor Ray Lankester talks about the "other effects of +directly transforming agents" being rarely transmitted, he should +first show us the directly transforming agents. Lamarck, as I have +said, knows them not. "It is little short of an absurdity," he +continues, "for people to come forward at this epoch, when evolution +is at length accepted solely because of Mr. Darwin's doctrine, and +coolly to propose to replace that doctrine by the old notion so +often tried and rejected." + +Whether this is an absurdity or no, Professor Lankester will do well +to learn to bear it without showing so much warmth, for it is one +that is becoming common. Evolution has been accepted not "because +of" Mr. Darwin's doctrine, but because Mr. Darwin so fogged us about +his doctrine that we did not understand it. We thought we were +backing his bill for descent with modification, whereas we were in +reality backing it for descent with modification by means of natural +selection from among fortuitous variations. This last really is Mr. +Darwin's theory, except in so far as it is also Mr. A. R. Wallace's; +descent, alone, is just as much and just as little Mr. Darwin's +doctrine as it is Professor Ray Lankester's or mine. I grant it is +in great measure through Mr. Darwin's books that descent has become +so widely accepted; it has become so through his books, but in spite +of, rather than by reason of, his doctrine. Indeed his doctrine was +no doctrine, but only a back-door for himself to escape by in the +event of flood or fire; the flood and fire have come; it remains to +be seen how far the door will work satisfactorily. + +Professor Ray Lankester, again, should not say that Lamarck's +doctrine has been "so often tried and rejected." M. Martins, in his +edition of the "Philosophie Zoologique," {235a} said truly that +Lamarck's theory had never yet had the honour of being seriously +discussed. It never has--not at least in connection with the name +of its propounder. To mention Lamarck's name in the presence of the +conventional English society naturalist has always been like shaking +a red rag at a cow; he is at once infuriated; "as if it were +possible," to quote from Isidore Geoffroy St. Hilaire, whose defence +of Lamarck is one of the best things in his book, {235b} "that so +great labour on the part of so great a naturalist should have led +him to 'a fantastic conclusion' only--to 'a flighty error,' and, as +has been often said, though not written, to 'one absurdity the +more.' Such was the language which Lamarck heard during his +protracted old age, saddened alike by the weight of years and +blindness; this was what people did not hesitate to utter over his +grave, yet barely closed, and what, indeed, they are still saying-- +commonly too, without any knowledge of what Lamarck maintained, but +merely repeating at second hand bad caricatures of his teaching. + +"When will the time come when we may see Lamarck's theory discussed, +and I may as well at once say refuted, in some important points, +with at any rate the respect due to one of the most illustrious +masters of our science? And when will this theory, the hardihood of +which has been greatly exaggerated, become freed from the +interpretations and commentaries by the false light of which so many +naturalists have formed their opinion concerning it? If its author +is to be condemned, let it, at any rate, not be before he has been +heard." + +Lamarck was the Lazarus of biology. I wish his more fortunate +brethren, instead of intoning the old Church argument that he has +"been refuted over and over again," would refer us to some of the +best chapters in the writers who have refuted him. My own reading +has led me to become moderately well acquainted with the literature +of evolution, but I have never come across a single attempt fairly +to grapple with Lamarck, and it is plain that neither Isidore +Geoffroy nor M. Martins knows of such an attempt any more than I do. +When Professor Ray Lankester puts his finger on Lamarck's weak +places, then, but not till then, may he complain of those who try to +replace Mr. Darwin's doctrine by Lamarck's. + +Professor Ray Lankester concludes his note thus:- + +"That such an attempt should be made is an illustration of a curious +weakness of humanity. Not infrequently, after a long contested +cause has triumphed, and all have yielded allegiance thereto, you +will find, when few generations have passed, that men have clean +forgotten what and who it was that made that cause triumphant, and +ignorantly will set up for honour the name of a traitor or an +impostor, or attribute to a great man as a merit deeds and thoughts +which he spent a long life in opposing." + +Exactly so; that is what one rather feels, but surely Professor Ray +Lankester should say "in trying to filch while pretending to oppose +and to amend." He is complaining here that people persistently +ascribe Lamarck's doctrine to Mr. Darwin. Of course they do; but, +as I have already perhaps too abundantly asked, whose fault is this? +If a man knows his own mind, and wants others to understand it, it +is not often that he is misunderstood for any length of time. If he +finds he is being misapprehended in a way he does not like, he will +write another book and make his meaning plainer. He will go on +doing this for as long time as he thinks necessary. I do not +suppose, for example, that people will say I originated the theory +of descent by means of natural selection from among fortunate +accidents, or even that I was one of its supporters as a means of +modification; but if this impression were to prevail, I cannot think +I should have much difficulty in removing it. At any rate no such +misapprehension could endure for more than twenty years, during +which I continued to address a public who welcomed all I wrote, +unless I myself aided and abetted the mistake. Mr. Darwin wrote +many books, but the impression that Darwinism and evolution, or +descent with modification, are identical is still nearly as +prevalent as it was soon after the appearance of the "Origin of +Species;" the reason of this is, that Mr. Darwin was at no pains to +correct us. Where, in any one of his many later books, is there a +passage which sets the matter in its true light, and enters a +protest against the misconception of which Professor Ray Lankester +complains so bitterly? The only inference from this is, that Mr. +Darwin was not displeased at our thinking him to be the originator +of the theory of descent with modification, and did not want us to +know more about Lamarck than he could help. If we wanted to know +about him, we must find out what he had said for ourselves, it was +no part of Mr. Darwin's business to tell us; he had no interest in +our catching the distinctive difference between himself and that +writer; perhaps not; but this approaches closely to wishing us to +misunderstand it. When Mr. Darwin wished us to understand this or +that, no one knew better how to show it to us. + +We were aware, on reading the "Origin of Species," that there was a +something about it of which we had not full hold; nevertheless we +gave Mr. Darwin our confidence at once, partly because he led off by +telling us that we must trust him to a great extent, and explained +that the present book was only an instalment of a larger work which, +when it came out, would make everything perfectly clear; partly, +again, because the case for descent with modification, which was the +leading idea throughout the book, was so obviously strong, but +perhaps mainly because every one said Mr. Darwin was so good, and so +much less self-heeding than other people; besides, he had so +"patiently" and "carefully" accumulated "such a vast store of facts" +as no other naturalist, living or dead, had ever yet even tried to +get together; he was so kind to us with his, "May we not believe?" +and his "Have we any right to infer that the Creator?" &c. "Of +course we have not," we exclaimed, almost with tears in our eyes-- +"not if you ask us in that way." Now that we understand what it was +that puzzled us in Mr. Darwin's work we do not think highly either +of the chief offender, or of the accessories after the fact, many of +whom are trying to brazen the matter out, and on a smaller scale to +follow his example. + + + +CHAPTER XVIII--Per Contra + + + +"'The evil that men do lives after them" {239a} is happily not so +true as that the good lives after them, while the ill is buried with +their bones, and to no one does this correction of Shakespeare's +unwonted spleen apply more fully than to Mr. Darwin. Indeed it was +somewhat thus that we treated his books even while he was alive; the +good, descent, remained with us, while the ill, the deification of +luck, was forgotten as soon as we put down his work. Let me now, +therefore, as far as possible, quit the ungrateful task of dwelling +on the defects of Mr. Darwin's work and character, for the more +pleasant one of insisting upon their better side, and of explaining +how he came to be betrayed into publishing the "Origin of Species" +without reference to the works of his predecessors. + +In the outset I would urge that it is not by any single book that +Mr. Darwin should be judged. I do not believe that any one of the +three principal works on which his reputation is founded will +maintain with the next generation the place it has acquired with +ourselves; nevertheless, if asked to say who was the man of our own +times whose work had produced the most important, and, on the whole, +beneficial effect, I should perhaps wrongly, but still both +instinctively and on reflection, name him to whom I have, +unfortunately, found myself in more bitter opposition than to any +other in the whole course of my life. I refer, of course, to Mr. +Darwin. + +His claim upon us lies not so much in what is actually found within +the four corners of any one of his books, as in the fact of his +having written them at all--in the fact of his having brought out +one after another, with descent always for its keynote, until the +lesson was learned too thoroughly to make it at all likely that it +will be forgotten. Mr. Darwin wanted to move his generation, and +had the penetration to see that this is not done by saying a thing +once for all and leaving it. It almost seems as though it matters +less what a man says than the number of times he repeats it, in a +more or less varied form. It was here the author of the "Vestiges +of Creation" made his most serious mistake. He relied on new +editions, and no one pays much attention to new editions--the mark a +book makes is almost always made by its first edition. If, instead +of bringing out a series of amended editions during the fifteen +years' law which Mr. Darwin gave him, Mr. Chambers had followed up +the "Vestiges" with new book upon new book, he would have learned +much more, and, by consequence, not have been snuffed out so easily +once for all as he was in 1859 when the "Origin of Species" +appeared. + +The tenacity of purpose which appears to have been one of Mr. +Darwin's most remarkable characteristics was visible even in his +outward appearance. He always reminded me of Raffaelle's portrait +of Pope Julius the Second, which, indeed, would almost do for a +portrait of Mr. Darwin himself. I imagine that these two men, +widely as the sphere of their action differed, must have been like +each other in more respects than looks alone. Each, certainly, had +a hand of iron; whether Pope Julius wore a velvet glove or no, I do +not know; I rather think not, for, if I remember rightly, he boxed +Michael Angelo's ears for giving him a saucy answer. We cannot +fancy Mr. Darwin boxing any one's ears; indeed there can be no doubt +he wore a very thick velvet glove, but the hand underneath it was +none the less of iron. It was to his tenacity of purpose, +doubtless, that his success was mainly due; but for this he must +inevitably have fallen before the many inducements to desist from +the pursuit of his main object, which beset him in the shape of ill +health, advancing years, ample private means, large demands upon his +time, and a reputation already great enough to satisfy the ambition +of any ordinary man. + +I do not gather from those who remember Mr. Darwin as a boy, and as +a young man, that he gave early signs of being likely to achieve +greatness; nor, as it seems to me, is there any sign of unusual +intellectual power to be detected in his earliest book. Opening +this "almost" at random I read--"Earthquakes alone are sufficient to +destroy the prosperity of any country. If, for instance, beneath +England the now inert subterraneous forces should exert those powers +which most assuredly in former geological ages they have exerted, +how completely would the entire condition of the country be changed! +What would become of the lofty houses, thickly-packed cities, great +manufacturies (sic), the beautiful public and private edifices? If +the new period of disturbance were to commence by some great +earthquake in the dead of night, how terrific would be the carnage! +England would be at once bankrupt; all papers, records, and accounts +would from that moment be lost. Government being unable to collect +the taxes, and failing to maintain its authority, the hand of +violence and rapine would go uncontrolled. In every large town +famine would be proclaimed, pestilence and death following in its +train." {240a} Great allowance should be made for a first work, and +I admit that much interesting matter is found in Mr. Darwin's +journal; still, it was hardly to be expected that the writer who at +the age of thirty-three could publish the foregoing passage should +twenty years later achieve the reputation of being the profoundest +philosopher of his time. + +I have not sufficient technical knowledge to enable me to speak +certainly, but I question his having been the great observer and +master of experiment which he is generally believed to have been. +His accuracy was, I imagine, generally to be relied upon as long as +accuracy did not come into conflict with his interests as a leader +in the scientific world; when these were at stake he was not to be +trusted for a moment. Unfortunately they were directly or +indirectly at stake more often than one could wish. His book on the +action of worms, however, was shown by Professor Paley and other +writers {242a} to contain many serious errors and omissions, though +it involved no personal question; but I imagine him to have been +more or less hebete when he wrote this book. On the whole I should +doubt his having been a better observer of nature than nine country +gentlemen out of ten who have a taste for natural history. + +Presumptuous as I am aware it must appear to say so, I am unable to +see more than average intellectual power even in Mr. Darwin's later +books. His great contribution to science is supposed to have been +the theory of natural selection, but enough has been said to show +that this, if understood as he ought to have meant it to be +understood, cannot be rated highly as an intellectual achievement. +His other most important contribution was his provisional theory of +pan-genesis, which is admitted on all hands to have been a failure. +Though, however, it is not likely that posterity will consider him +as a man of transcendent intellectual power, he must be admitted to +have been richly endowed with a much more valuable quality than +either originality or literary power--I mean with savoir faire. The +cards he held--and, on the whole, his hand was a good one--he played +with judgment; and though not one of those who would have achieved +greatness under any circumstances, he nevertheless did achieve +greatness of no mean order. Greatness, indeed, of the highest kind- +-that of one who is without fear and without reproach--will not +ultimately be allowed him, but greatness of a rare kind can only be +denied him by those whose judgment is perverted by temper or +personal ill-will. He found the world believing in fixity of +species, and left it believing--in spite of his own doctrine--in +descent with modification. + +I have said on an earlier page that Mr. Darwin was heir to a +discredited truth, and left behind him an accredited fallacy. This +is true as regards men of science and cultured classes who +understood his distinctive feature, or thought they did, and so long +as Mr. Darwin lived accepted it with very rare exceptions; but it is +not true as regards the unreading, unreflecting public, who seized +the salient point of descent with modification only, and troubled +themselves little about the distinctive feature. It would almost +seem as if Mr. Darwin had reversed the usual practice of +philosophers and given his esoteric doctrine to the world, while +reserving the exoteric for his most intimate and faithful adherents. +This, however, is a detail; the main fact is, that Mr. Darwin +brought us all round to evolution. True, it was Mr. Darwin backed +by the Times and the other most influential organs of science and +culture, but it was one of Mr. Darwin's great merits to have +developed and organised this backing, as part of the work which he +knew was essential if so great a revolution was to be effected. + +This is an exceedingly difficult and delicate thing to do. If +people think they need only write striking and well-considered +books, and that then the Times will immediately set to work to call +attention to them, I should advise them not to be too hasty in +basing action upon this hypothesis. I should advise them to be even +less hasty in basing it upon the assumption that to secure a +powerful literary backing is a matter within the compass of any one +who chooses to undertake it. No one who has not a strong social +position should ever advance a new theory, unless a life of hard +fighting is part of what he lays himself out for. It was one of Mr. +Darwin's great merits that he had a strong social position, and had +the good sense to know how to profit by it. The magnificent feat +which he eventually achieved was unhappily tarnished by much that +detracts from the splendour that ought to have attended it, but a +magnificent feat it must remain. + +Whose work in this imperfect world is not tarred and tarnished by +something that detracts from its ideal character? It is enough that +a man should be the right man in the right place, and this Mr. +Darwin pre-eminently was. If he had been more like the ideal +character which Mr. Allen endeavours to represent him, it is not +likely that he would have been able to do as much, or nearly as +much, as he actually did; he would have been too wide a cross with +his generation to produce much effect upon it. Original thought is +much more common than is generally believed. Most people, if they +only knew it, could write a good book or play, paint a good picture, +compose a fine oratorio; but it takes an unusually able person to +get the book well reviewed, persuade a manager to bring the play +out, sell the picture, or compass the performance of the oratorio; +indeed, the more vigorous and original any one of these things may +be, the more difficult will it prove to even bring it before the +notice of the public. The error of most original people is in being +just a trifle too original. It was in his business qualities--and +these, after all, are the most essential to success, that Mr. Darwin +showed himself so superlative. These are not only the most +essential to success, but it is only by blaspheming the world in a +way which no good citizen of the world will do, that we can deny +them to be the ones which should most command our admiration. We +are in the world; surely so long as we are in it we should be of it, +and not give ourselves airs as though we were too good for our +generation, and would lay ourselves out to please any other by +preference. Mr. Darwin played for his own generation, and he got in +the very amplest measure the recognition which he endeavoured, as we +all do, to obtain. + +His success was, no doubt, in great measure due to the fact that he +knew our little ways, and humoured them; but if he had not had +little ways of his own, he never could have been so much au fait +with ours. He knew, for example, we should be pleased to hear that +he had taken his boots off so as not to disturb his worms when +watching them by night, so he told us of this, and we were +delighted. He knew we should like his using the word "sag," so he +used it, {245a} and we said it was beautiful. True, he used it +wrongly, for he was writing about tesselated pavement, and builders +assure me that "sag" is a word which applies to timber only, but +this is not to the point; the point was, that Mr. Darwin should have +used a word that we did not understand; this showed that he had a +vast fund of knowledge at his command about all sorts of practical +details with which he might have well been unacquainted. We do not +deal the same measure to man and to the lower animals in the matter +of intelligence; the less we understand these last, the less, we +say, not we, but they can understand; whereas the less we can +understand a man, the more intelligent we are apt to think him. No +one should neglect by-play of this description; if I live to be +strong enough to carry it through, I mean to play "cambre," and I +shall spell it "camber." I wonder Mr. Darwin never abused this +word. Laugh at him, however, as we may for having said "sag," if he +had not been the kind of man to know the value of these little hits, +neither would he have been the kind of man to persuade us into first +tolerating, and then cordially accepting, descent with modification. +There is a correlation of mental as well as of physical growth, and +we could not probably have had one set of Mr. Darwin's qualities +without the other. If he had been more faultless, he might have +written better books, but we should have listened worse. A book's +prosperity is like a jest's--in the ear of him that hears it. + +Mr. Spencer would not--at least one cannot think he would--have been +able to effect the revolution which will henceforth doubtless be +connected with Mr. Darwin's name. He had been insisting on +evolution for some years before the "Origin of Species" came out, +but he might as well have preached to the winds, for all the visible +effect that had been produced. On the appearance of Mr. Darwin's +book the effect was instantaneous; it was like the change in the +condition of a patient when the right medicine has been hit on after +all sorts of things have been tried and failed. Granted that it was +comparatively easy for Mr. Darwin, as having been born into the +household of one of the prophets of evolution, to arrive at +conclusions about the fixity of species which, if not so born, he +might never have reached at all; this does not make it any easier +for him to have got others to agree with him. Any one, again, may +have money left him, or run up against it, or have it run up against +him, as it does against some people, but it is only a very sensible +person who does not lose it. Moreover, once begin to go behind +achievement and there is an end of everything. Did the world give +much heed to or believe in evolution before Mr. Darwin's time? +Certainly not. Did we begin to attend and be persuaded soon after +Mr. Darwin began to write? Certainly yes. Did we ere long go over +en masse? Assuredly. If, as I said in "Life and Habit," any one +asks who taught the world to believe in evolution, the answer to the +end of time must be that it was Mr. Darwin. And yet the more his +work is looked at, the more marvellous does its success become. It +seems as if some organisms can do anything with anything. Beethoven +picked his teeth with the snuffers, and seems to have picked them +sufficiently to his satisfaction. So Mr. Darwin with one of the +worst styles imaginable did all that the clearest, tersest writer +could have done. Strange, that such a master of cunning (in the +sense of my title) should have been the apostle of luck, and one so +terribly unlucky as Lamarck, of cunning, but such is the irony of +nature. Buffon planted, Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck watered, but it +was Mr. Darwin who said, "That fruit is ripe," and shook it into his +lap. + +With this Mr. Darwin's best friends ought to be content; his +admirers are not well advised in representing him as endowed with +all sorts of qualities which he was very far from possessing. Thus +it is pretended that he was one of those men who were ever on the +watch for new ideas, ever ready to give a helping hand to those who +were trying to advance our knowledge, ever willing to own to a +mistake and give up even his most cherished ideas if truth required +them at his hands. No conception can be more wantonly inexact. I +grant that if a writer was sufficiently at once incompetent and +obsequious Mr. Darwin was "ever ready," &c. So the Emperors of +Austria wash a few poor people's feet on some one of the festivals +of the Church, but it would not be safe to generalise from this +yearly ceremony, and conclude that the Emperors of Austria are in +the habit of washing poor people's feet. I can understand Mr. +Darwin's not having taken any public notice, for example, of "Life +and Habit," for though I did not attack him in force in that book, +it was abundantly clear that an attack could not be long delayed, +and a man may be pardoned for not doing anything to advertise the +works of his opponents; but there is no excuse for his never having +referred to Professor Hering's work either in "Nature," when +Professor Ray Lankester first called attention to it (July 13, +1876), or in some one of his subsequent books. If his attitude +towards those who worked in the same field as himself had been the +generous one which his admirers pretend, he would have certainly +come forward, not necessarily as adopting Professor Hering's theory, +but still as helping it to obtain a hearing. + +His not having done so is of a piece with his silence about Buffon, +Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck in the early editions of the "Origin of +Species," and with the meagre reference to them which is alone found +in the later ones. It is of a piece also with the silence which Mr. +Darwin invariably maintained when he saw his position irretrievably +damaged, as, for example, by Mr. Spencer's objection already +referred to, and by the late Professor Fleeming Jenkin in the North +British Review (June 1867). Science, after all, should form a +kingdom which is more or less not of this world. The ideal +scientist should know neither self nor friend nor foe--he should be +able to hob-nob with those whom he most vehemently attacks, and to +fly at the scientific throat of those to whom he is personally most +attached; he should be neither grateful for a favourable review nor +displeased at a hostile one; his literary and scientific life should +be something as far apart as possible from his social; it is thus, +at least, alone that any one will be able to keep his eye single for +facts, and their legitimate inferences. We have seen Professor +Mivart lately taken to task by Mr. Romanes for having said {248a} +that Mr. Darwin was singularly sensitive to criticism, and made it +impossible for Professor Mivart to continue friendly personal +relations with him after he had ventured to maintain his own +opinion. I see no reason to question Professor Mivart's accuracy, +and find what he has said to agree alike with my own personal +experience of Mr. Darwin, and with all the light that his works +throw upon his character. + +The most substantial apology that can be made for his attempt to +claim the theory of descent with modification is to be found in the +practice of Lamarck, Mr. Patrick Matthew, the author of the +"Vestiges of Creation," and Mr. Herbert Spencer, and, again, in the +total absence of complaint which this practice met with. If Lamarck +might write the "Philosophie Zoologique" without, so far as I +remember, one word of reference to Buffon, and without being +complained of, why might not Mr. Darwin write the "Origin of +Species" without more than a passing allusion to Lamarck? Mr. +Patrick Matthew, again, though writing what is obviously a resume of +the evolutionary theories of his time, makes no mention of Lamarck, +Erasmus Darwin, or Buffon. I have not the original edition of the +"Vestiges of Creation" before me, but feel sure I am justified in +saying that it claimed to be a more or less Minerva-like work, that +sprang full armed from the brain of Mr. Chambers himself. This at +least is how it was received by the public; and, however violent the +opposition it met with, I cannot find that its author was blamed for +not having made adequate mention of Lamarck. When Mr. Spencer wrote +his first essay on evolution in the Leader (March 20, 1852) he did +indeed begin his argument, "Those who cavalierly reject the doctrine +of Lamarck," &c., so that his essay purports to be written in +support of Lamarck; but when he republished his article in 1858, the +reference to Lamarck was cut out. + +I make no doubt that it was the bad example set him by the writers +named in the preceding paragraph which betrayed Mr. Darwin into +doing as they did, but being more conscientious than they, he could +not bring himself to do it without having satisfied himself that he +had got hold of a more or less distinctive feature, and this, of +course, made matters worse. The distinctive feature was not due to +any deep-laid plan for pitchforking mind out of the universe, or as +part of a scheme of materialistic philosophy, though it has since +been made to play an important part in the attempt to further this; +Mr. Darwin was perfectly innocent of any intention of getting rid of +mind, and did not, probably, care the toss of sixpence whether the +universe was instinct with mind or no--what he did care about was +carrying off the palm in the matter of descent with modification, +and the distinctive feature was an adjunct with which his nervous, +sensitive, Gladstonian nature would not allow him to dispense. + +And why, it may be asked, should not the palm be given to Mr. Darwin +if he wanted it, and was at so much pains to get it? Why, if +science is a kingdom not of this world, make so much fuss about +settling who is entitled to what? At best such questions are of a +sorry personal nature, that can have little bearing upon facts, and +it is these that alone should concern us. The answer is, that if +the question is so merely personal and unimportant, Mr. Darwin may +as well yield as Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck; Mr. Darwin's +admirers find no difficulty in appreciating the importance of a +personal element as far as he is concerned; let them not wonder, +then, if others, while anxious to give him the laurels to which he +is entitled, are somewhat indignant at the attempt to crown him with +leaves that have been filched from the brows of the great dead who +went before him. Palmam qui meruit ferat. The instinct which tells +us that no man in the scientific or literary world should claim more +than his due is an old and, I imagine, a wholesome one, and if a +scientific self-denying ordinance is demanded, we may reply with +justice, Que messieurs les Charles-Darwinies commencent. Mr. Darwin +will have a crown sufficient for any ordinary brow remaining in the +achievement of having done more than any other writer, living or +dead, to popularise evolution. This much may be ungrudgingly +conceded to him, but more than this those who have his scientific +position most at heart will be well advised if they cease henceforth +to demand. + + + +CHAPTER XIX--Conclusion + + + +And now I bring this book to a conclusion. So many things requiring +attention have happened since it was begun that I leave it in a very +different shape to the one which it was originally intended to bear. +I have omitted much that I had meant to deal with, and have been +tempted sometimes to introduce matter the connection of which with +my subject is not immediately apparent. Such however, as the book +is, it must now go in the form into which it has grown almost more +in spite of me than from malice prepense on my part. I was afraid +that it might thus set me at defiance, and in an early chapter +expressed a doubt whether I should find it redound greatly to my +advantage with men of science; in this concluding chapter I may say +that doubt has deepened into something like certainty. I regret +this, but cannot help it. + +Among the points with which it was most incumbent upon me to deal +was that of vegetable intelligence. A reader may well say that +unless I give plants much the same sense of pleasure and pain, +memory, power of will, and intelligent perception of the best way in +which to employ their opportunities that I give to low animals, my +argument falls to the ground. If I declare organic modification to +be mainly due to function, and hence in the closest correlation with +mental change, I must give plants, as well as animals, a mind, and +endow them with power to reflect and reason upon all that most +concerns them. Many who will feel little difficulty about admitting +that animal modification is upon the whole mainly due to the secular +cunning of the animals themselves will yet hesitate before they +admit that plants also can have a reason and cunning of their own. + +Unwillingness to concede this is based principally upon the error +concerning intelligence to which I have already referred--I mean to +our regarding intelligence not so much as the power of understanding +as that of being understood by ourselves. Once admit that the +evidence in favour of a plant's knowing its own business depends +more on the efficiency with which that business is conducted than +either on our power of understanding how it can be conducted, or on +any signs on the plant's part of a capacity for understanding things +that do not concern it, and there will be no further difficulty +about supposing that in its own sphere a plant is just as +intelligent as an animal, and keeps a sharp look-out upon its own +interests, however indifferent it may seem to be to ours. So strong +has been the set of recent opinion in this direction that with +botanists the foregoing now almost goes without saying, though few +five years ago would have accepted it. + +To no one of the several workers in this field are we more indebted +for the change which has been brought about in this respect than to +my late valued and lamented friend Mr. Alfred Tylor. Mr. Tylor was +not the discoverer of the protoplasmic continuity that exists in +plants, but he was among the very first to welcome this discovery, +and his experiments at Carshalton in the years 1883 and 1884 +demonstrated that, whether there was protoplasmic continuity in +plants or no, they were at any rate endowed with some measure of +reason, forethought, and power of self-adaptation to varying +surroundings. It is not for me to give the details of these +experiments. I had the good fortune to see them more than once +while they were in progress, and was present when they were made the +subject of a paper read by Mr. Sydney B. J. Skertchly before the +Linnean Society, Mr. Tylor being then too ill to read it himself. +The paper has since been edited by Mr. Skertchly, and published. +{253a} Anything that should be said further about it will come best +from Mr. Skertchly; it will be enough here if I give the resume of +it prepared by Mr. Tylor himself. + +In this Mr. Tylor said:- "The principles which underlie this paper +are the individuality of plants, the necessity for some co- +ordinating system to enable the parts to act in concert, and the +probability that this also necessitates the admission that plants +have a dim sort of intelligence. + +"It is shown that a tree, for example, is something more than an +aggregation of tissues, but is a complex being performing acts as a +whole, and not merely responsive to the direct influence of light, +&c. The tree knows more than its branches, as the species know more +than the individual, the community than the unit. + +"Moreover, inasmuch as my experiments show that many plants and +trees possess the power of adapting themselves to unfamiliar +circumstances, such as, for instance, avoiding obstacles by bending +aside before touching, or by altering the leaf arrangement, it seems +probable that at least as much voluntary power must be accorded to +such plants as to certain lowly organised animals. + +"Finally, a connecting system by means of which combined movements +take place is found in the threads of protoplasm which unite the +various cells, and which I have now shown to exist even in the wood +of trees. + +"One of the important facts seems to be the universality of the +upward curvature of the tips of growing branches of trees, and the +power possessed by the tree to straighten its branches afterwards, +so that new growth shall by similar means be able to obtain the +necessary light and air. + +"A house, to use a sanitary analogy, is functionally useless without +it obtains a good supply of light and air. The architect strives so +to produce the house as to attain this end, and still leave the +house comfortable. But the house, though dependent upon, is not +produced by, the light and air. So a tree is functionally useless, +and cannot even exist without a proper supply of light and air; but, +whereas it has been the custom to ascribe the heliotropic and other +motions to the direct influence of those agents, I would rather +suggest that the movements are to some extent due to the desire of +the plant to acquire its necessaries of life." + +The more I have reflected upon Mr. Tylor's Carshalton experiments, +the more convinced I am of their great value. No one, indeed, ought +to have doubted that plants were intelligent, but we all of us do +much that we ought not to do, and Mr. Tylor supplied a demonstration +which may be henceforth authoritatively appealed to. + +I will take the present opportunity of insisting upon a suggestion +which I made in "Alps and Sanctuaries" (New edition, pp. 152, 153), +with which Mr. Tylor was much pleased, and which, at his request, I +made the subject of a few words that I ventured to say at the +Linnean Society's rooms after his paper had been read. "Admitting," +I said, "the common protoplasmic origin of animals and plants, and +setting aside the notion that plants preceded animals, we are still +faced by the problem why protoplasm should have developed into the +organic life of the world, along two main lines, and only two--the +animal and the vegetable. Why, if there was an early schism--and +this there clearly was--should there not have been many subsequent +ones of equal importance? We see innumerable sub-divisions of +animals and plants, but we see no other such great subdivision of +organic life as that whereby it ranges itself, for the most part +readily, as either animal or vegetable. Why any subdivision?--but +if any, why not more than two great classes?" + +The two main stems of the tree of life ought, one would think, to +have been formed on the same principle as the boughs which represent +genera, and the twigs which stand for species and varieties. If +specific differences arise mainly from differences of action taken +in consequence of differences of opinion, then, so ultimately do +generic; so, therefore, again, do differences between families; so +therefore, by analogy, should that greatest of differences in virtue +of which the world of life is mainly animal, or vegetable. In this +last case as much as in that of specific difference, we ought to +find divergent form the embodiment and organic expression of +divergent opinion. Form is mind made manifest in flesh through +action: shades of mental difference being expressed in shades of +physical difference, while broad fundamental differences of opinion +are expressed in broad fundamental differences of bodily shape. + +Or to put it thus:- + +If form and habit be regarded as functionally interdependent, that +is to say, if neither form nor habit can vary without corresponding +variation in the other, and if habit and opinion concerning +advantage are also functionally interdependent, it follows self- +evidently that form and opinion concerning advantage (and hence form +and cunning) will be functionally interdependent also, and that +there can be no great modification of the one without corresponding +modification of the other. Let there, then, be a point in respect +of which opinion might be early and easily divided--a point in +respect of which two courses involving different lines of action +presented equally-balanced advantages--and there would be an early +subdivision of primordial life, according as the one view or the +other was taken. + +It is obvious that the pros and cons for either course must be +supposed very nearly equal, otherwise the course which presented the +fewest advantages would be attended with the probable gradual +extinction of the organised beings that adopted it, but there being +supposed two possible modes of action very evenly balanced as +regards advantage and disadvantages, then the ultimate appearance of +two corresponding forms of life is a sequitur from the admission +that form varies as function, and function as opinion concerning +advantage. If there are three, four, five, or six such opinions +tenable, we ought to have three, four, five, or six main +subdivisions of life. As things are, we have two only. Can we, +then, see a matter on which opinion was likely to be easily and +early divided into two, and only two, main divisions--no third +course being conceivable? If so, this should suggest itself as the +probable source from which the two main forms of organic life have +been derived. + +I submit that we can see such a matter in the question whether it +pays better to sit still and make the best of what comes in one's +way, or to go about in search of what one can find. Of course we, +as animals, naturally hold that it is better to go about in search +of what we can find than to sit still and make the best of what +comes; but there is still so much to be said on the other side, that +many classes of animals have settled down into sessile habits, while +a perhaps even larger number are, like spiders, habitual liers in +wait rather than travellers in search of food. I would ask my +reader, therefore, to see the opinion that it is better to go in +search of prey as formulated, and finding its organic expression, in +animals; and the other--that it is better to be ever on the look-out +to make the best of what chance brings up to them--in plants. Some +few intermediate forms still record to us the long struggle during +which the schism was not yet complete, and the halting between two +opinions which it might be expected that some organisms should +exhibit. + +"Neither class," I said in "Alps and Sanctuaries," "has been quite +consistent. Who ever is or can be? Every extreme--every opinion +carried to its logical end--will prove to be an absurdity. Plants +throw out roots and boughs and leaves; this is a kind of locomotion; +and, as Dr. Erasmus Darwin long since pointed out, they do +sometimes approach nearly to what may be called travelling; a man of +consistent character will never look at a bough, a root, or a +tendril without regarding it as a melancholy and unprincipled +compromise" (New edition, p. 153). + +Having called attention to this view, and commended it to the +consideration of my readers, I proceed to another which should not +have been left to be touched upon only in a final chapter, and +which, indeed, seems to require a book to itself--I refer to the +origin and nature of the feelings, which those who accept volition +as having had a large share in organic modification must admit to +have had a no less large share in the formation of volition. +Volition grows out of ideas, ideas from feelings. What, then, is +feeling, and the subsequent mental images or ideas? + +The image of a stone formed in our minds is no representation of the +object which has given rise to it. Not only, as has been often +remarked, is there no resemblance between the particular thought and +the particular thing, but thoughts and things generally are too +unlike to be compared. An idea of a stone may be like an idea of +another stone, or two stones may be like one another; but an idea of +a stone is not like a stone; it cannot be thrown at anything, it +occupies no room in space, has no specific gravity, and when we come +to know more about stones, we find our ideas concerning them to be +but rude, epitomised, and highly conventional renderings of the +actual facts, mere hieroglyphics, in fact, or, as it were, counters +or bank-notes, which serve to express and to convey commodities with +which they have no pretence of analogy. + +Indeed we daily find that, as the range of our perceptions becomes +enlarged either by invention of new appliances or after use of old +ones, we change our ideas though we have no reason to think that the +thing about which we are thinking has changed. In the case of a +stone, for instance, the rude, unassisted, uneducated senses see it +as above all things motionless, whereas assisted and trained ideas +concerning it represent motion as its most essential characteristic; +but the stone has not changed. So, again, the uneducated idea +represents it as above all things mindless, and is as little able to +see mind in connection with it as it lately was to see motion; it +will be no greater change of opinion than we have most of us +undergone already if we come presently to see it as no less full of +elementary mind than of elementary motion, but the stone will not +have changed. + +The fact that we modify our opinions suggests that our ideas are +formed not so much in involuntary self-adjusting mimetic +correspondence with the objects that we believe to give rise to +them, as by what was in the outset voluntary, conventional +arrangement in whatever way we found convenient, of sensation and +perception-symbols, which had nothing whatever to do with the +objects, and were simply caught hold of as the only things we could +grasp. It would seem as if, in the first instance, we must have +arbitrarily attached some one of the few and vague sensations which +we could alone at first command, to certain motions of outside +things as echoed by our brain, and used them to think and feel the +things with, so as to docket them, and recognise them with greater +force, certainty, and clearness--much as we use words to help us to +docket and grasp our feelings and thoughts, or written characters to +help us to docket and grasp our words. + +If this view be taken we stand in much the same attitude towards our +feelings as a dog may be supposed to do towards our own reading and +writing. The dog may be supposed to marvel at the wonderful +instinctive faculty by which we can tell the price of the different +railway stocks merely by looking at a sheet of paper; he supposes +this power to be a part of our nature, to have come of itself by +luck and not by cunning, but a little reflection will show that +feeling is not more likely to have "come by nature" than reading and +writing are. Feeling is in all probability the result of the same +kind of slow laborious development as that which has attended our +more recent arts and our bodily organs; its development must be +supposed to have followed the same lines as that of our other arts, +and indeed of the body itself, which is the ars artium--for growth +of mind is throughout coincident with growth of organic resources, +and organic resources grow with growing mind. + +Feeling is the art the possession of which differentiates the +civilised organic world from that of brute inorganic matter, but +still it is an art; it is the outcome of a mind that is common both +to organic and inorganic, and which the organic has alone +cultivated. It is not a part of mind itself; it is no more this +than language and writing are parts of thought. The organic world +can alone feel, just as man can alone speak; but as speech is only +the development of powers the germs of which are possessed by the +lower animals, so feeling is only a sign of the employment and +development of powers the germs of which exist in inorganic +substances. It has all the characteristics of an art, and though it +must probably rank as the oldest of those arts that are peculiar to +the organic world, it is one which is still in process of +development. None of us, indeed, can feel well on more than a very +few subjects, and many can hardly feel at all. + +But, however this may be, our sensations and perceptions of material +phenomena are attendant on the excitation of certain motions in the +anterior parts of the brain. Whenever certain motions are excited +in this substance, certain sensations and ideas of resistance, +extension, &c., are either concomitant, or ensue within a period too +brief for our cognisance. It is these sensations and ideas that we +directly cognise, and it is to them that we have attached the idea +of the particular kind of matter we happen to be thinking of. As +this idea is not like the thing itself, so neither is it like the +motions in our brain on which it is attendant. It is no more like +these than, say, a stone is like the individual characters, written +or spoken, that form the word "stone," or than these last are, in +sound, like the word "stone" itself, whereby the idea of a stone is +so immediately and vividly presented to us. True, this does not +involve that our idea shall not resemble the object that gave rise +to it, any more than the fact that a looking-glass bears no +resemblance to the things reflected in it involves that the +reflection shall not resemble the things reflected; the shifting +nature, however, of our ideas and conceptions is enough to show that +they must be symbolical, and conditioned by changes going on within +ourselves as much as by those outside us; and if, going behind the +ideas which suffice for daily use, we extend our inquiries in the +direction of the reality underlying our conception, we find reason +to think that the brain-motions which attend our conception +correspond with exciting motions in the object that occasions it, +and that these, rather than anything resembling our conception +itself, should be regarded as the reality. + +This leads to a third matter, on which I can only touch with extreme +brevity. + +Different modes of motion have long been known as the causes of our +different colour perceptions, or at any rate as associated +therewith, and of late years, more especially since the promulgation +of Newlands' {260a} law, it has been perceived that what we call the +kinds or properties of matter are not less conditioned by motion +than colour is. The substance or essence of unconditioned matter, +as apart from the relations between its various states (which we +believe to be its various conditions of motion) must remain for ever +unknown to us, for it is only the relations between the conditions +of the underlying substance that we cognise at all, and where there +are no conditions, there is nothing for us to seize, compare, and, +hence, cognise; unconditioned matter must, therefore, be as +inconceivable by us as unmattered condition; {261a} but though we +can know nothing about matter as apart from its conditions or +states, opinion has been for some time tending towards the belief +that what we call the different states, or kinds, of matter are only +our ways of mentally characterising and docketing our estimates of +the different kinds of motion going on in this otherwise +uncognisable substratum. + +Our conception, then, concerning the nature of any matter depends +solely upon its kind and degree of unrest, that is to say, on the +characteristics of the vibrations that are going on within it. The +exterior object vibrating in a certain way imparts some of its +vibrations to our brain--but if the state of the thing itself +depends upon its vibrations, it must be considered as to all intents +and purposes the vibrations themselves--plus, of course, the +underlying substance that is vibrating. If, for example, a pat of +butter is a portion of the unknowable underlying substance in such- +and-such a state of molecular disturbance, and it is only by +alteration of the disturbance that the substance can be altered--the +disturbance of the substance is practically equivalent to the +substance: a pat of butter is such-and-such a disturbance of the +unknowable underlying substance, and such-and-such a disturbance of +the underlying substance is a pat of butter. In communicating its +vibrations, therefore, to our brain a substance does actually +communicate what is, as far as we are concerned, a portion of +itself. Our perception of a thing and its attendant feeling are +symbols attaching to an introduction within our brain of a feeble +state of the thing itself. Our recollection of it is occasioned by +a feeble continuance of this feeble state in our brains, becoming +less feeble through the accession of fresh but similar vibrations +from without. The molecular vibrations which make the thing an idea +of which is conveyed to our minds, put within our brain a little +feeble emanation from the thing itself--if we come within their +reach. This being once put there, will remain as it were dust, till +dusted out, or till it decay, or till it receive accession of new +vibrations. + +The vibrations from a pat of butter do, then, actually put butter +into a man's head. This is one of the commonest of expressions, and +would hardly be so common if it were not felt to have some +foundation in fact. At first the man does not know what feeling or +complex of feelings to employ so as to docket the vibrations, any +more than he knows what word to employ so as to docket the feelings, +or with what written characters to docket his word; but he gets over +this, and henceforward the vibrations of the exterior object (that +is to say, the thing) never set up their characteristic +disturbances, or, in other words, never come into his head, without +the associated feeling presenting itself as readily as word and +characters present themselves, on the presence of the feeling. The +more butter a man sees and handles, the more he gets butter on the +brain--till, though he can never get anything like enough to be +strictly called butter, it only requires the slightest molecular +disturbance with characteristics like those of butter to bring up a +vivid and highly sympathetic idea of butter in the man's mind. + +If this view is adopted, our memory of a thing is our retention +within the brain of a small leaven of the actual thing itself, or of +what qua us is the thing that is remembered, and the ease with which +habitual actions come to be performed is due to the power of the +vibrations having been increased and modified by continual accession +from without till they modify the molecular disturbances of the +nervous system, and therefore its material substance, which we have +already settled to be only our way of docketing molecular +disturbances. The same vibrations, therefore, form the substance +remembered, introduce an infinitesimal dose of it within the brain, +modify the substance remembering, and, in the course of time, create +and further modify the mechanism of both the sensory and motor +nerves. Thought and thing are one. + +I commend these two last speculations to the reader's charitable +consideration, as feeling that I am here travelling beyond the +ground on which I can safely venture; nevertheless, as it may be +some time before I have another opportunity of coming before the +public, I have thought it, on the whole, better not to omit them, +but to give them thus provisionally. I believe they are both +substantially true, but am by no means sure that I have expressed +them either clearly or accurately; I cannot, however, further delay +the issue of my book. + +Returning to the point raised in my title, is luck, I would ask, or +cunning, the more fitting matter to be insisted upon in connection +with organic modification? Do animals and plants grow into +conformity with their surroundings because they and their fathers +and mothers take pains, or because their uncles and aunts go away? +For the survival of the fittest is only the non-survival or going +away of the unfittest--in whose direct line the race is not +continued, and who are therefore only uncles and aunts of the +survivors. I can quite understand its being a good thing for any +race that its uncles and aunts should go away, but I do not believe +the accumulation of lucky accidents could result in an eye, no +matter how many uncles and aunts may have gone away during how many +generations. + +I would ask the reader to bear in mind the views concerning life and +death expressed in an early chapter. They seem to me not, indeed, +to take away any very considerable part of the sting from death; +this should not be attempted or desired, for with the sting of death +the sweets of life are inseparably bound up so that neither can be +weakened without damaging the other. Weaken the fear of death, and +the love of life would be weakened. Strengthen it, and we should +cling to life even more tenaciously than we do. But though death +must always remain as a shock and change of habits from which we +must naturally shrink--still it is not the utter end of our being, +which, until lately, it must have seemed to those who have been +unable to accept the grosser view of the resurrection with which we +were familiarised in childhood. We too now know that though worms +destroy this body, yet in our flesh shall we so far see God as to be +still in Him and of Him--biding our time for a resurrection in a new +and more glorious body; and, moreover, that we shall be to the full +as conscious of this as we are at present of much that concerns us +as closely as anything can concern us. + +The thread of life cannot be shorn between successive generations, +except upon grounds which will in equity involve its being shorn +between consecutive seconds, and fractions of seconds. On the other +hand, it cannot be left unshorn between consecutive seconds without +necessitating that it should be left unshorn also beyond the grave, +as well as in successive generations. Death is as salient a feature +in what we call our life as birth was, but it is no more than this. +As a salient feature, it is a convenient epoch for the drawing of a +defining line, by the help of which we may better grasp the +conception of life, and think it more effectually, but it is a facon +de parler only; it is, as I said in "Life and Habit," {264a} "the +most inexorable of all conventions," but our idea of it has no +correspondence with eternal underlying realities. + +Finally, we must have evolution; consent is too spontaneous, +instinctive, and universal among those most able to form an opinion, +to admit of further doubt about this. We must also have mind and +design. The attempt to eliminate intelligence from among the main +agencies of the universe has broken down too signally to be again +ventured upon--not until the recent rout has been forgotten. +Nevertheless the old, far-foreseeing Deus ex machina design as from +a point outside the universe, which indeed it directs, but of which +it is no part, is negatived by the facts of organism. What, then, +remains, but the view that I have again in this book endeavoured to +uphold--I mean, the supposition that the mind or cunning of which we +see such abundant evidence all round us, is, like the kingdom of +heaven, within us, and within all things at all times everywhere? +There is design, or cunning, but it is a cunning not despotically +fashioning us from without as a potter fashions his clay, but +inhering democratically within the body which is its highest +outcome, as life inheres within an animal or plant. + +All animals and plants are corporations, or forms of democracy, and +may be studied by the light of these, as democracies, not +infrequently, by that of animals and plants. The solution of the +difficult problem of reflex action, for example, is thus +facilitated, by supposing it to be departmental in character; that +is to say, by supposing it to be action of which the department that +attends to it is alone cognisant, and which is not referred to the +central government so long as things go normally. As long, +therefore, as this is the case, the central government is +unconscious of what is going on, but its being thus unconscious is +no argument that the department is unconscious also. + +I know that contradiction in terms lurks within much that I have +said, but the texture of the world is a warp and woof of +contradiction in terms; of continuity in discontinuity, and +discontinuity in continuity; of unity in diversity, and of diversity +in unity. As in the development of a fugue, where, when the subject +and counter subject have been enounced, there must henceforth be +nothing new, and yet all must be new, so throughout organic life-- +which is as a fugue developed to great length from a very simple +subject--everything is linked on to and grows out of that which +comes next to it in order--errors and omissions excepted. It +crosses and thwarts what comes next to it with difference that +involves resemblance, and resemblance that involves difference, and +there is no juxtaposition of things that differ too widely by +omission of necessary links, or too sudden departure from recognised +methods of procedure. + +To conclude; bodily form may be almost regarded as idea and memory +in a solidified state--as an accumulation of things each one of them +so tenuous as to be practically without material substance. It is +as a million pounds formed by accumulated millionths of farthings; +more compendiously it arises normally from, and through, action. +Action arises normally from, and through, opinion. Opinion, from, +and through, hypothesis. "Hypothesis," as the derivation of the +word itself shows, is singularly near akin to "underlying, and only +in part knowable, substratum;" and what is this but "God" translated +from the language of Moses into that of Mr. Herbert Spencer? The +conception of God is like nature--it returns to us in another shape, +no matter how often we may expel it. Vulgarised as it has been by +Michael Angelo, Raffaelle, and others who shall be nameless, it has +been like every other corruptio optimi--pessimum: used as a +hieroglyph by the help of which we may better acknowledge the height +and depth of our own ignorance, and at the same time express our +sense that there is an unseen world with which we in some mysterious +way come into contact, though the writs of our thoughts do not run +within it--used in this way, the idea and the word have been found +enduringly convenient. The theory that luck is the main means of +organic modification is the most absolute denial of God which it is +possible for the human mind to conceive--while the view that God is +in all His creatures, He in them and they in Him, is only expressed +in other words by declaring that the main means of organic +modification is, not luck, but cunning. + + + +Footnotes: + +{17a} "Nature," Nov. 12, 1885. + +{20a} "Hist. Nat. Gen.," tom. ii. p. 411, 1859. + +{23a} "Selections, &c." Trubner & Co., 1884. [Out of print.] + +{29a} "Selections, &c., and Remarks on Romanes' 'Mental +Intelligence in Animals,'" Trubner & Co., 1884. pp. 228, 229. [Out +of print.] + +{35a} Quoted by M. Vianna De Lima in his "Expose Sommaire," &c., p. +6. Paris, Delagrave, 1886. + +{40a} I have given the passage in full on p. 254a of my +"Selections," &c. [Now out of print.] I observe that Canon +Kingsley felt exactly the same difficulty that I had felt myself, +and saw also how alone it could be met. He makes the wood-wren say, +"Something told him his mother had done it before him, and he was +flesh of her flesh, life of her life, and had inherited her instinct +(as we call hereditary memory, to avoid the trouble of finding out +what it is and how it comes)." --Fraser, June, 1867. Canon Kingsley +felt he must insist on the continued personality of the two +generations before he could talk about inherited memory. On the +other hand, though he does indeed speak of this as almost a synonym +for instinct, he seems not to have realised how right he was, and +implies that we should find some fuller and more satisfactory +explanation behind this, only that we are too lazy to look for it. + +{44a} 26 Sept., 1877. "Unconscious Memory." ch. ii. + +{52a} This chapter is taken almost entirely from my book, +"Selections, &c.. and Remarks on Romanes' 'Mental Evolution in +Animals.'" Trubner, 1884. [Now out of print.] + +{52b} "Mental Evolution in Animals," p. 113. Kegan Paul, Nov., +1883. + +{52c} Ibid. p. 115. + +{52d} Ibid. p. 116. + +{53a} "Mental Evolution in Animals." p. 131. Kegan Paul, Nov., +1883. + +{54a} Vol. I, 3rd ed., 1874, p. 141, and Problem I. 21. + +{54b} "Mental Evolution in Animals," pp. 177, 178. Nov., 1883. + +{55a} "Mental Evolution in Animals," p. 192. + +{55b} Ibid. p. 195. + +{55c} Ibid. p. 296. Nov., 1883. + +{56a} "Mental Evolution in Animals," p. 33. Nov., 1883. + +{56b} Ibid., p. 116. + +{56c} Ibid., p. 178. + +{59a} "Evolution Old and New," pp. 357, 358. + +{60a} "Mental Evolution in Animals," p. 159. Kegan Paul & Co., +1883. + +{61a} "Zoonomia," vol. i. p. 484. + +{61b} "Mental Evolution in Animals," p. 297. Kegan Paul & Co., +1883. + +{61c} Ibid., p. 201. Kegan Paul & Co., 1883. + +{62a} "Mental Evolution in Animals," p. 301. November, 1883. + +{62b} Origin of Species," ed. i. p. 209. + +{62c} Ibid., ed. vi., 1876. p. 206. + +{62d} "Formation of Vegetable Mould," etc., p. 98. + +{62e} Quoted by Mr. Romanes as written in the last year of Mr. +Darwin's life. + +{63a} Macmillan, 1883. + +{66a} "Nature," August 5, 1886. + +{67a} London, H. K. Lewis, 1886. + +{70a} "Charles Darwin." Longmans, 1885. + +{70b} Lectures at the London Institution, Feb., 1886. + +{70c} "Charles Darwin." Leipzig. 1885. + +{72a} See Professor Hering's "Zur Lehre von der Beziehung zwischen +Leib und Seele. Mittheilung uber Fechner's psychophysisches +Gesetz." + +{73a} Quoted by M. Vianna De Lima in his "Expose Sommaire des +Theories Transformistes de Lamarck, Darwin, et Haeckel." Paris, +1886, p. 23. + +{81a} "Origin of Species," ed. i., p. 6; see also p. 43. + +{83a} "I think it can be shown that there is such a power at work +in 'Natural Selection' (the title of my book)."--"Proceedings of the +Linnean Society for 1858," vol. iii., p. 51. + +{86a} "On Naval Timber and Arboriculture," 1831, pp. 384, 385. See +also "Evolution Old and New," pp. 320, 321. + +{87a} "Origin of Species," p. 49, ed. vi. + +{92a} "Origin of Species," ed. i., pp. 188, 189. + +{93a} Page 9. + +{94a} Page 226. + +{96a} "Journal of the Proceedings of the Linnean Society." +Williams and Norgate, 1858, p. 61. + +{102a} "Zoonomia," vol. i., p. 505. + +{104a} See "Evolution Old and New." p. 122. + +{105a} "Phil. Zool.," i., p. 80. + +{105b} Ibid., i. 82. + +{105c} Ibid. vol. i., p. 237. + +{107a} See concluding chapter. + +{122a} Report, 9, 26. + +{135a} Ps. cii. 25-27, Bible version. + +{136a} Ps. cxxxix., Prayer-book version. + +{140a} Contemporary Review, August, 1885, p. 84. + +{142a} London, David Bogue, 1881, p. 60. + +{144a} August 12, 1886. + +{150a} Paris, Delagrave, 1886. + +{150b} Page 60. + +{150c} "OEuvre completes," tom. ix. p. 422. Paris, Garnier freres, +1875. + +{150d} "Hist. Nat.," tom. i., p. 13, 1749, quoted "Evol. Old and +New," p. 108. + +{156a} "Origin of Species," ed. vi., p. 107. + +{156b} Ibid., ed. vi., p. 166. + +{157a} "Origin of Species," ed. vi., p. 233. + +{157b} Ibid. + +{157c} Ibid., ed. vi., p. 109. + +{157d} Ibid., ed. vi., p. 401. + +{158a} "Origin of Species," ed. i., p. 490. + +{161a} "Origin of Species," ed. vi., 1876, p. 171. + +{163a} "Charles Darwin," p. 113. + +{164a} "Animals and Plants under Domestication," vol. ii., p. 367, +ed. 1875. + +{168a} Page 3. + +{168b} Page 4. + +{169a} It should be remembered this was the year in which the +"Vestiges of Creation" appeared. + +{173a} "Charles Darwin," p. 67. + +{173b} H. S. King & Co., 1876. + +{174a} Page 17. + +{195a} "Phil. Zool.," tom. i., pp. 34, 35. + +{202a} "Origin of Species," p. 381, ed. i. + +{203a} Page 454, ed. i. + +{205a} "Principles of Geology," vol. ii., chap. xxxiv., ed. 1872. + +{206a} "Naturliche Schopfungsgeschichte," p. 3. Berlin, 1868. + +{209a} See "Evolution Old and New," pp. 8, 9. + +{216a} "Vestiges," &c., ed. 1860; Proofs, Illustrations, &c., p. +xiv. + +{216b} Examiner, May 17, 1879, review of "Evolution Old and New." + +{218a} Given in part in "Evolution Old and New." + +{219a} "Mind," p. 498, Oct., 1883. + +{224a} "Degeneration," 1880, p. 10. + +{227a} E.g. the Rev. George Henslow, in "Modern Thought," vol. ii., +No. 5, 1881. + +{232a} "Nature," Aug. 6, 1886. + +{234a} See Mr. Darwin's "Animals and Plants under Domestication," +vol. i., p. 466, &c., ed. 1875. + +{235a} Paris, 1873, Introd., p. vi. + +{235b} "Hist. Nat. Gen.," ii. 404, 1859. + +{239a} As these pages are on the point of going to press, I see +that the writer of an article on Liszt in the "Athenaeum" makes the +same emendation on Shakespeare's words that I have done. + +{240a} "Voyages of the Adventure and Beagle," vol. iii., p. 373. +London, 1839. + +{242a} See Professor Paley, "Fraser," Jan., 1882, "Science Gossip," +Nos. 162, 163, June and July, 1878, and "Nature," Jan. 3, Jan. 10, +Feb. 28, and March 27, 1884. + +{245a} "Formation of Vegetable Mould," etc., p. 217. Murray, 1882. + +{248a} "Fortnightly Review," Jan., 1886. + +{253a} "On the Growth of Trees and Protoplasmic Continuity." +London, Stanford, 1886. + +{260a} Sometimes called Mendelejeff's (see "Monthly Journal of +Science," April, 1884). + +{261a} I am aware that attempts have been made to say that we can +conceive a condition of matter, although there is no matter in +connection with it--as, for example, that we can have motion without +anything moving (see "Nature," March 5, March 12, and April 9, +1885)--but I think it little likely that this opinion will meet +general approbation. + +{264a} Page 53. + + + + + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, LUCK OR CUNNING? *** + +This file should be named lckc10.txt or lckc10.zip +Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks get a new NUMBER, lckc11.txt +VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, lckc10a.txt + +Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US +unless a copyright notice is included. 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A. Streatfeild. I thank Mr. G. W. +Webb, of the University Library, Cambridge, for the care and skill with +which he has made the necessary alterations; it was a troublesome job +because owing to the re-setting, the pagination was no longer the same.<br> +<br> +<i>Luck, or Cunning? </i>is the fourth of Butler’s evolution books; +it was followed in 1890 by three articles in <i>The Universal Review +</i>entitled “The Deadlock in Darwinism” (republished in +<i>The Humour of Homer), </i>after which he published no more upon that +subject.<br> +<br> +In this book, as he says in his Introduction, he insists upon two main +points: (1) the substantial identity between heredity and memory, and +(2) the reintroduction of design into organic development; and these +two points he treats as though they have something of that physical +life with which they are so closely associated. He was aware that +what he had to say was likely to prove more interesting to future generations +than to his immediate public, “but any book that desires to see +out a literary three-score years and ten must offer something to future +generations as well as to its own.” By next year one half +of the three-score years and ten will have passed, and the new generation +by their constant enquiries for the work have already begun to show +their appreciation of Butler’s method of treating the subject, +and their readiness to listen to what was addressed to them as well +as to their fathers.<br> +<br> +HENRY FESTING JONES.<br> +<i>March, </i>1920.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +AUTHOR’S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +This book, as I have said in my concluding chapter, has turned out very +different from the one I had it in my mind to write when I began it. +It arose out of a conversation with the late Mr. Alfred Tylor soon after +his paper on the growth of trees and protoplasmic continuity was read +before the Linnean Society - that is to say, in December, 1884 - and +I proposed to make the theory concerning the subdivision of organic +life into animal and vegetable, which I have broached in my concluding +chapter, the main feature of the book. One afternoon, on leaving +Mr. Tylor’s bedside, much touched at the deep disappointment he +evidently felt at being unable to complete the work he had begun so +ably, it occurred to me that it might be some pleasure to him if I promised +to dedicate my own book to him, and thus, however unworthy it might +be, connect it with his name. It occurred to me, of course, also +that the honour to my own book would be greater than any it could confer, +but the time was not one for balancing considerations nicely, and when +I made my suggestion to Mr. Tylor on the last occasion that I ever saw +him, the manner in which he received it settled the question. +If he had lived I should no doubt have kept more closely to my +plan, and should probably have been furnished by him with much that +would have enriched the book and made it more worthy of his acceptance; +but this was not to be.<br> +<br> +In the course of writing I became more and more convinced that no progress +could be made towards a sounder view of the theory of descent until +people came to understand what the late Mr. Charles Darwin’s theory +of natural selection amounted to, and how it was that it ever came to +be propounded. Until the mindless theory of Charles Darwinian +natural selection was finally discredited, and a mindful theory of evolution +was substituted in its place, neither Mr. Tylor’s experiments +nor my own theories could stand much chance of being attended to. +I therefore devoted myself mainly, as I had done in “Evolution +Old and New,” and in “Unconscious Memory,” to considering +whether the view taken by the late Mr. Darwin, or the one put forward +by his three most illustrious predecessors, should most command our +assent.<br> +<br> +The deflection from my original purpose was increased by the appearance, +about a year ago, of Mr. Grant Allen’s “Charles Darwin,” +which I imagine to have had a very large circulation. So important, +indeed, did I think it not to leave Mr. Allen’s statements unchallenged, +that in November last I recast my book completely, cutting out much +that I had written, and practically starting anew. How far Mr. +Tylor would have liked it, or even sanctioned its being dedicated to +him, if he were now living, I cannot, of course, say. I never +heard him speak of the late Mr. Darwin in any but terms of warm respect, +and am by no means sure that he would have been well pleased at an attempt +to connect him with a book so polemical as the present. On the +other hand, a promise made and received as mine was, cannot be set aside +lightly. The understanding was that my next book was to be dedicated +to Mr. Tylor; I have written the best I could, and indeed never took +so much pains with any other; to Mr. Tylor’s memory, therefore, +I have most respectfully, and regretfully, inscribed it.<br> +<br> +Desiring that the responsibility for what has been done should rest +with me, I have avoided saying anything about the book while it was +in progress to any of Mr Tylor’s family or representatives. +They know nothing, therefore, of its contents, and if they did, would +probably feel with myself very uncertain how far it is right to use +Mr. Tylor’s name in connection with it. I can only trust +that, on the whole, they may think I have done most rightly in adhering +to the letter of my promise.<br> +<br> +<i>October </i>15, 1886.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +I shall perhaps best promote the acceptance of the two main points on +which I have been insisting for some years past, I mean, the substantial +identity between heredity and memory, and the reintroduction of design +into organic development, by treating them as if they had something +of that physical life with which they are so closely connected. +Ideas are like plants and animals in this respect also, as in so many +others, that they are more fully understood when their relations to +other ideas of their time, and the history of their development are +known and borne in mind. By development I do not merely mean their +growth in the minds of those who first advanced them, but that larger +development which consists in their subsequent good or evil fortunes +- in their reception, favourable or otherwise, by those to whom they +were presented. This is to an idea what its surroundings are to +an organism, and throws much the same light upon it that knowledge of +the conditions under which an organism lives throws upon the organism +itself. I shall, therefore, begin this new work with a few remarks +about its predecessors.<br> +<br> +I am aware that what I may say on this head is likely to prove more +interesting to future students of the literature of descent than to +my immediate public, but any book that desires to see out a literary +three-score years and ten must offer something to future generations +as well as to its own. It is a condition of its survival that +it shall do this, and herein lies one of the author’s chief difficulties. +If books only lived as long as men and women, we should know better +how to grow them; as matters stand, however, the author lives for one +or two generations, whom he comes in the end to understand fairly well, +while the book, if reasonable pains have been taken with it, should +live more or less usefully for a dozen. About the greater number +of these generations the author is in the dark; but come what may, some +of them are sure to have arrived at conclusions diametrically opposed +to our own upon every subject connected with art, science, philosophy, +and religion; it is plain, therefore, that if posterity is to be pleased, +it can only be at the cost of repelling some present readers. +Unwilling as I am to do this, I still hold it the lesser of two evils; +I will be as brief, however, as the interests of the opinions I am supporting +will allow.<br> +<br> +In “Life and Habit” I contended that heredity was a mode +of memory. I endeavoured to show that all hereditary traits, whether +of mind or body, are inherited in virtue of, and as a manifestation +of, the same power whereby we are able to remember intelligently what +we did half an hour, yesterday, or a twelvemonth since, and this in +no figurative but in a perfectly real sense. If life be compared +to an equation of a hundred unknown quantities, I followed Professor +Hering of Prague in reducing it to one of ninety-nine only, by showing +two of the supposed unknown quantities to be so closely allied that +they should count as one. I maintained that instinct was inherited +memory, and this without admitting more exceptions and qualifying clauses +than arise, as it were, by way of harmonics from every proposition, +and must be neglected if thought and language are to be possible.<br> +<br> +I showed that if the view for which I was contending was taken, many +facts which, though familiar, were still without explanation or connection +with our other ideas, would remain no longer isolated, but be seen at +once as joined with the mainland of our most assured convictions. +Among the things thus brought more comfortably home to us was the principle +underlying longevity. It became apparent why some living beings +should live longer than others, and how any race must be treated whose +longevity it is desired to increase. Hitherto we had known that +an elephant was a long-lived animal and a fly short-lived, but we could +give no reason why the one should live longer than the other; that is +to say, it did not follow in immediate coherence with, or as intimately +associated with, any familiar principle that an animal which is late +in the full development of its reproductive system will tend to live +longer than one which reproduces early. If the theory of “Life +and Habit” be admitted, the fact of a slow-growing animal being +in general longer lived than a quick developer is seen to be connected +with, and to follow as a matter of course from, the fact of our being +able to remember anything at all, and all the well-known traits of memory, +as observed where we can best take note of them, are perceived to be +reproduced with singular fidelity in the development of an animal from +its embryonic stages to maturity.<br> +<br> +Take this view, and the very general sterility of hybrids from being +a <i>crux </i>of the theory of descent becomes a stronghold of defence. +It appears as part of the same story as the benefit derived from judicious, +and the mischief from injudicious, crossing; and this, in its turn, +is seen as part of the same story, as the good we get from change of +air and scene when we are overworked. I will not amplify; but +reversion to long-lost, or feral, characteristics, the phenomena of +old age, the fact of the reproductive system being generally the last +to arrive at maturity - few further developments occurring in any organism +after this has been attained - the sterility of many animals in confinement, +the development in both males and females under certain circumstances +of the characteristics of the opposite sex, the latency of memory, the +unconsciousness with which we grow, and indeed perform all familiar +actions, these points, though hitherto, most of them, so apparently +inexplicable that no one even attempted to explain them, became at once +intelligible, if the contentions of “Life and Habit” were +admitted.<br> +<br> +Before I had finished writing this book I fell in with Professor Mivart’s +“Genesis of Species,” and for the first time understood +the distinction between the Lamarckian and Charles-Darwinian systems +of evolution. This had not, so far as I then knew, been as yet +made clear to us by any of our more prominent writers upon the subject +of descent with modification; the distinction was unknown to the general +public, and indeed is only now beginning to be widely understood. +While reading Mr. Mivart’s book, however, I became aware that +I was being faced by two facts, each incontrovertible, but each, if +its leading exponents were to be trusted, incompatible with the other.<br> +<br> +On the one hand there was descent; we could not read Mr. Darwin’s +books and doubt that all, both animals and plants, were descended from +a common source. On the other, there was design; we could not +read Paley and refuse to admit that design, intelligence, adaptation +of means to ends, must have had a large share in the development of +the life we saw around us; it seemed indisputable that the minds and +bodies of all living beings must have come to be what they are through +a wise ordering and administering of their estates. We could not, +therefore, dispense either with descent or with design, and yet it seemed +impossible to keep both, for those who offered us descent stuck to it +that we could have no design, and those, again, who spoke so wisely +and so well about design would not for a moment hear of descent with +modification.<br> +<br> +Each, moreover, had a strong case. Who could reflect upon rudimentary +organs, and grant Paley the kind of design that alone would content +him? And yet who could examine the foot or the eye, and grant +Mr. Darwin his denial of forethought and plan?<br> +<br> +For that Mr. Darwin did deny skill and contrivance in connection with +the greatly preponderating part of organic developments cannot be and +is not now disputed. In the first chapter of “Evolution +Old and New” I brought forward passages to show how completely +he and his followers deny design, but will here quote one of the latest +of the many that have appeared to the same effect since “Evolution +Old and New” was published; it is by Mr. Romanes, and runs as +follows:-<br> +<br> +“It is the <i>very essence </i>of the Darwinian hypothesis that +it only seeks to explain the <i>apparently </i>purposive variations, +or variations of an adaptive kind.” <a name="citation17a"></a><a href="#footnote17a">{17a}</a><br> +<br> +The words “apparently purposive” show that those organs +in animals and plants which at first sight seem to have been designed +with a view to the work they have to do - that is to say, with a view +to future function - had not, according to Mr. Darwin, in reality any +connection with, or inception in, effort; effort involves purpose and +design; they had therefore no inception in design, however much they +might present the appearance of being designed; the appearance was delusive; +Mr. Romanes correctly declares it to be “the very essence” +of Mr. Darwin’s system to attempt an explanation of these seemingly +purposive variations which shall be compatible with their having arisen +without being in any way connected with intelligence or design.<br> +<br> +As it is indisputable that Mr. Darwin denied design, so neither can +it be doubted that Paley denied descent with modification. What, +then, were the wrong entries in these two sets of accounts, on the detection +and removal of which they would be found to balance as they ought?<br> +<br> +Paley’s weakest place, as already implied, is in the matter of +rudimentary organs; the almost universal presence in the higher organisms +of useless, and sometimes even troublesome, organs is fatal to the kind +of design he is trying to uphold; granted that there is design, still +it cannot be so final and far-foreseeing as he wishes to make it out. +Mr. Darwin’s weak place, on the other hand, lies, firstly, in +the supposition that because rudimentary organs imply no purpose now, +they could never in time past have done so - that because they had clearly +not been designed with an eye to all circumstances and all time, they +never, therefore, could have been designed with an eye to any time or +any circumstances; and, secondly, in maintaining that “accidental,” +“fortuitous,” “spontaneous” variations could +be accumulated at all except under conditions that have never been fulfilled +yet, and never will be; in other words, his weak place lay in the contention +(for it comes to this) that there can be sustained accumulation of bodily +wealth, more than of wealth of any other kind, unless sustained experience, +watchfulness, and good sense preside over the accumulation. In +“Life and Habit,” following Mr. Mivart, and, as I now find, +Mr. Herbert Spencer, I showed (pp. 279-281) how impossible it was for +variations to accumulate unless they were for the most part underlain +by a sustained general principle; but this subject will be touched upon +more fully later on.<br> +<br> +The accumulation of accidental variations which owed nothing to mind +either in their inception, or their accumulation, the pitchforking, +in fact, of mind out of the universe, or at any rate its exclusion from +all share worth talking about in the process of organic development, +this was the pill Mr. Darwin had given us to swallow; but so thickly +had he gilded it with descent with modification, that we did as we were +told, swallowed it without a murmur, were lavish in our expressions +of gratitude, and, for some twenty years or so, through the mouths of +our leading biologists, ordered design peremptorily out of court, if +she so much as dared to show herself. Indeed, we have even given +life pensions to some of the most notable of these biologists, I suppose +in order to reward them for having hoodwinked us so much to our satisfaction.<br> +<br> +Happily the old saying, <i>Naturam expellas furcâ, tamen usque +recurret, </i>still holds true, and the reaction that has been gaining +force for some time will doubtless ere long brush aside the cobwebs +with which those who have a vested interest in Mr. Darwin’s reputation +as a philosopher still try to fog our outlook. Professor Mivart +was, as I have said, among the first to awaken us to Mr. Darwin’s +denial of design, and to the absurdity involved therein. He well +showed how incredible Mr Darwin’s system was found to be, as soon +as it was fully realised, but there he rather left us. He seemed +to say that we must have our descent and our design too, but he did +not show how we were to manage this with rudimentary organs still staring +us in the face. His work rather led up to the clearer statement +of the difficulty than either put it before us in so many words, or +tried to remove it. Nevertheless there can be no doubt that the +“Genesis of Species” gave Natural Selection what will prove +sooner or later to be its death-blow, in spite of the persistence with +which many still declare that it has received no hurt, and the sixth +edition of the” Origin of Species,” published in the following +year, bore abundant traces of the fray. Moreover, though Mr. Mivart +gave us no overt aid, he pointed to the source from which help might +come, by expressly saying that his most important objection to Neo-Darwinism +had no force against Lamarck.<br> +<br> +To Lamarck, therefore, I naturally turned, and soon saw that the theory +on which I had been insisting in” Life and Habit” was in +reality an easy corollary on his system, though one which he does not +appear to have caught sight of. I saw also that his denial of +design was only, so to speak, skin deep, and that his system was in +reality teleological, inasmuch as, to use Isidore Geoffroy’s words, +it makes the organism design itself. In making variations depend +on changed actions, and these, again, on changed views of life, efforts, +and designs, in consequence of changed conditions of life, he in effect +makes effort, intention, will, all of which involve design (or at any +rate which taken together involve it), underlie progress in organic +development. True, he did not know he was a teleologist, but he +was none the less a teleologist for this. He was an unconscious +teleologist, and as such perhaps more absolutely an upholder of teleology +than Paley himself; but this is neither here nor there; our concern +is not with what people think about themselves, but with what their +reasoning makes it evident that they really hold.<br> +<br> +How strange the irony that hides us from ourselves! When Isidore +Geoffroy said that according to Lamarck organisms designed themselves, +<a name="citation20a"></a><a href="#footnote20a">{20a}</a> and endorsed +this, as to a great extent he did, he still does not appear to have +seen that either he or Lamarck were in reality reintroducing design +into organism; he does not appear to have seen this more than Lamarck +himself had seen it, but, on the contrary, like Lamarck, remained under +the impression that he was opposing teleology or purposiveness.<br> +<br> +Of course in one sense he did oppose it; so do we all, if the word design +be taken to intend a very far-foreseeing of minute details, a riding +out to meet trouble long before it comes, a provision on academic principles +for contingencies that are little likely to arise. We can see +no evidence of any such design as this in nature, and much everywhere +that makes against it. There is no such improvidence as over providence, +and whatever theories we may form about the origin and development of +the universe, we may be sure that it is not the work of one who is unable +to understand how anything can possibly go right unless he sees to it +himself. Nature works departmentally and by way of leaving details +to subordinates. But though those who see nature thus do indeed +deny design of the prescient-from-all-eternity order, they in no way +impugn a method which is far more in accord with all that we commonly +think of as design. A design which is as incredible as that a +ewe should give birth to a lion becomes of a piece with all that we +observe most frequently if it be regarded rather as an aggregation of +many small steps than as a single large one. This principle is +very simple, but it seems rather difficult to understand. It has +taken several generations before people would admit it as regards organism +even after it was pointed out to them, and those who saw it as regards +organism still failed to understand it as regards design; an inexorable +“Thus far shalt thou go and no farther” barred them from +fruition of the harvest they should have been the first to reap. +The very men who most insisted that specific difference was the accumulation +of differences so minute as to be often hardly, if at all, perceptible, +could not see that the striking and baffling phenomena of design in +connection with organism admitted of exactly the same solution as the +riddle of organic development, and should be seen not as a result reached +<i>per saltum, </i>but as an accumulation of small steps or leaps in +a given direction. It was as though those who had insisted on +the derivation of all forms of the steam-engine from the common kettle, +and who saw that this stands in much the same relations to the engines, +we will say, of the Great Eastern steamship as the amœba to man, +were to declare that the Great Eastern engines were not designed at +all, on the ground that no one in the early kettle days had foreseen +so great a future development, and were unable to understand that a +piecemeal <i>solvitur ambulando </i>design is more omnipresent, all-seeing, +and all-searching, and hence more truly in the strictest sense design, +than any speculative leap of fancy, however bold and even at times successful.<br> +<br> +From Lamarck I went on to Buffon and Erasmus Darwin - better men both +of them than Lamarck, and treated by him much as he has himself been +treated by those who have come after him - and found that the system +of these three writers, if considered rightly, and if the corollary +that heredity is only a mode of memory were added, would get us out +of our dilemma as regards descent and design, and enable us to keep +both. We could do this by making the design manifested in organism +more like the only design of which we know anything, and therefore the +only design of which we ought to speak - I mean our own.<br> +<br> +Our own design is tentative, and neither very far-foreseeing nor very +retrospective; it is a little of both, but much of neither; it is like +a comet with a little light in front of the nucleus and a good deal +more behind it, which ere long, however, fades away into the darkness; +it is of a kind that, though a little wise before the event, is apt +to be much wiser after it, and to profit even by mischance so long as +the disaster is not an overwhelming one; nevertheless, though it is +so interwoven with luck, there is no doubt about its being design; why, +then, should the design which must have attended organic development +be other than this? If the thing that has been is the thing that +also shall be, must not the thing which is be that which also has been? +Was there anything in the phenomena of organic life to militate against +such a view of design as this? Not only was there nothing, but +this view made things plain, as the connecting of heredity and memory +had already done, which till now had been without explanation. +Rudimentary organs were no longer a hindrance to our acceptance of design, +they became weighty arguments in its favour.<br> +<br> +I therefore wrote “Evolution Old and New,” with the object +partly of backing up “Life and Habit,” and showing the easy +rider it admitted, partly to show how superior the old view of descent +had been to Mr. Darwin’s, and partly to reintroduce design into +organism. I wrote “Life and Habit” to show that our +mental and bodily acquisitions were mainly stores of memory: I wrote +“Evolution Old and New” to add that the memory must be a +mindful and designing memory.<br> +<br> +I followed up these two books with “Unconscious Memory,” +the main object of which was to show how Professor Hering of Prague +had treated the connection between memory and heredity; to show, again, +how substantial was the difference between Von Hartmann and myself in +spite of some little superficial resemblance; to put forward a suggestion +as regards the physics of memory, and to meet the most plausible objection +which I have yet seen brought against “Life and Habit.”<br> +<br> +Since writing these three books I have published nothing on the connection +between heredity and memory, except a few pages of remarks on Mr. Romanes’ +“Mental Evolution in Animals” in my book, <a name="citation23a"></a><a href="#footnote23a">{23a}</a> +from which I will draw whatever seems to be more properly placed here. +I have collected many facts that make my case stronger, but am precluded +from publishing them by the reflection that it is strong enough already. +I have said enough in “Life and Habit” to satisfy any who +wish to be satisfied, and those who wish to be dissatisfied would probably +fail to see the force of what I said, no matter how long and seriously +I held forth to them; I believe, therefore, that I shall do well to +keep my facts for my own private reading and for that of my executors.<br> +<br> +I once saw a copy of “Life and Habit” on Mr. Bogue’s +counter, and was told by the very obliging shopman that a customer had +just written something in it which I might like to see. I said +of course I should like to see, and immediately taking the book read +the following - which it occurs to me that I am not justified in publishing. +What was written ran thus:-<br> +<br> +“As a reminder of our pleasant hours on the broad Atlantic, will +Mr. -- please accept this book (which I think contains more truth, and +less evidence of it, than any other I have met with) from his friend +-- ?”<br> +<br> +I presume the gentleman had met with the Bible - a work which lays itself +open to a somewhat similar comment. I was gratified, however, +at what I had read, and take this opportunity of thanking the writer, +an American, for having liked my book. It was so plain he had +been relieved at not finding the case smothered to death in the weight +of its own evidences, that I resolved not to forget the lesson his words +had taught me.<br> +<br> +The only writer in connection with “Life and Habit” to whom +I am anxious to reply is Mr. Herbert Spencer, but before doing this +I will conclude the present chapter with a consideration of some general +complaints that have been so often brought against me that it may be +worth while to notice them.<br> +<br> +These general criticisms have resolved themselves mainly into two.<br> +<br> +Firstly, it is said that I ought not to write about biology on the ground +of my past career, which my critics declare to have been purely literary. +I wish I might indulge a reasonable hope of one day becoming a literary +man; the expression is not a good one, but there is no other in such +common use, and this must excuse it; if a man can be properly called +literary, he must have acquired the habit of reading accurately, thinking +attentively, and expressing himself clearly. He must have endeavoured +in all sorts of ways to enlarge the range of his sympathies so as to +be able to put himself easily <i>en rapport </i>with those whom he is +studying, and those whom he is addressing. If he cannot speak +with tongues himself, he is the interpreter of those who can - without +whom they might as well be silent. I wish I could see more signs +of literary culture among my scientific opponents; I should find their +books much more easy and agreeable reading if I could; and then they +tell me to satirise the follies and abuses of the age, just as if it +was not this that I was doing in writing about themselves.<br> +<br> +What, I wonder, would they say if I were to declare that they ought +not to write books at all, on the ground that their past career has +been too purely scientific to entitle them to a hearing? They +would reply with justice that I should not bring vague general condemnations, +but should quote examples of their bad writing. I imagine that +I have done this more than once as regards a good many of them, and +I dare say I may do it again in the course of this book; but though +I must own to thinking that the greater number of our scientific men +write abominably, I should not bring this against them if I believed +them to be doing their best to help us; many such men we happily have, +and doubtless always shall have, but they are not those who push to +the fore, and it is these last who are most angry with me for writing +on the subjects I have chosen. They constantly tell me that I +am not a man of science; no one knows this better than I do, and I am +quite used to being told it, but I am not used to being confronted with +the mistakes that I have made in matters of fact, and trust that this +experience is one which I may continue to spare no pains in trying to +avoid.<br> +<br> +Nevertheless I again freely grant that I am not a man of science. +I have never said I was. I was educated for the Church. +I was once inside the Linnean Society’s rooms, but have no present +wish to go there again; though not a man of science, however, I have +never affected indifference to the facts and arguments which men of +science have made it their business to lay before us; on the contrary, +I have given the greater part of my time to their consideration for +several years past. I should not, however, say this unless led +to do so by regard to the interests of theories which I believe to be +as nearly important as any theories can be which do not directly involve +money or bodily convenience.<br> +<br> +The second complaint against me is to the effect that I have made no +original experiments, but have taken all my facts at second hand. +This is true, but I do not see what it has to do with the question. +If the facts are sound, how can it matter whether A or B collected them? +If Professor Huxley, for example, has made a series of valuable original +observations (not that I know of his having done so), why am I to make +them over again? What are fact-collectors worth if the fact co-ordinators +may not rely upon them? It seems to me that no one need do more +than go to the best sources for his facts, and tell his readers where +he got them. If I had had occasion for more facts I daresay I +should have taken the necessary steps to get hold of them, but there +was no difficulty on this score; every text-book supplied me with all, +and more than all, I wanted; my complaint was that the facts which Mr. +Darwin supplied would not bear the construction he tried to put upon +them; I tried, therefore, to make them bear another which seemed at +once more sound and more commodious; rightly or wrongly I set up as +a builder, not as a burner of bricks, and the complaint so often brought +against me of not having made experiments is about as reasonable as +complaint against an architect on the score of his not having quarried +with his own hands a single one of the stones which he has used in building. +Let my opponents show that the facts which they and I use in common +are unsound, or that I have misapplied them, and I will gladly learn +my mistake, but this has hardly, to my knowledge, been attempted. +To me it seems that the chief difference between myself and some of +my opponents lies in this, that I take my facts from them with acknowledgment, +and they take their theories from me - without.<br> +<br> +One word more and I have done. I should like to say that I do +not return to the connection between memory and heredity under the impression +that I shall do myself much good by doing so. My own share in +the matter was very small. The theory that heredity is only a +mode of memory is not mine, but Professor Hering’s. He wrote +in 1870, and I not till 1877. I should be only too glad if he +would take his theory and follow it up himself; assuredly he could do +so much better than I can; but with the exception of his one not lengthy +address published some fifteen or sixteen years ago he has said nothing +upon the subject, so far at least as I have been able to ascertain; +I tried hard to draw him in 1880, but could get nothing out of him. +If, again, any of our more influential writers, not a few of whom evidently +think on this matter much as I do, would eschew ambiguities and tell +us what they mean in plain language, I would let the matter rest in +their abler hands, but of this there does not seem much chance at present.<br> +<br> +I wish there was, for in spite of the interest I have felt in working +the theory out and the information I have been able to collect while +doing so, I must confess that I have found it somewhat of a white elephant. +It has got me into the hottest of hot water, made a literary Ishmael +of me, lost me friends whom I have been sorry to lose, cost me a good +deal of money, done everything to me, in fact, which a good theory ought +not to do. Still, as it seems to have taken up with me, and no +one else is inclined to treat it fairly, I shall continue to report +its developments from time to time as long as life and health are spared +me. Moreover, Ishmaels are not without their uses, and they are +not a drug in the market just now.<br> +<br> +I may now go on to Mr. Spencer.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER II - MR. HERBERT SPENCER<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +Mr. Herbert Spencer wrote to the <i>Athenæum </i>(April 5, 1884), +and quoted certain passages from the 1855 edition of his “Principles +of Psychology,” “the meanings and implications” from +which he contended were sufficiently clear. The passages he quoted +were as follows:-<br> +<br> +Though it is manifest that reflex and instinctive sequences are not +determined by the experiences of the <i>individual </i>organism manifesting +them, yet there still remains the hypothesis that they are determined +by the experiences of the <i>race </i>of organisms forming its ancestry, +which by infinite repetition in countless successive generations have +established these sequences as organic relations (p. 526).<br> +<br> +The modified nervous tendencies produced by such new habits of life +are also bequeathed (p. 526).<br> +<br> +That is to say, the tendencies to certain combinations of psychical +changes have become organic (p. 527).<br> +<br> +The doctrine that the connections among our ideas are determined by +experience must, in consistency, be extended not only to all the connections +established by the accumulated experiences of every individual, but +to all those established by the accumulated experiences of every race +(p. 529).<br> +<br> +Here, then, we have one of the simpler forms of instinct which, under +the requisite conditions, must necessarily be established by accumulated +experiences (p. 547).<br> +<br> +And manifestly, if the organisation of inner relations, in correspondence +with outer relations, results from a continual registration of experiences, +&c. (p. 551).<br> +<br> +On the one hand, Instinct may be regarded as a kind of organised memory; +on the other hand, Memory may be regarded as a kind of incipient instinct +(pp. 555-6).<br> +<br> +Memory, then, pertains to all that class of psychical states which are +in process of being organised. It continues so long as the organising +of them continues; and disappears when the organisation of them is complete. +In the advance of the correspondence, each more complex class of phenomena +which the organism acquires the power of recognising is responded to +at first irregularly and uncertainly; and there is then a weak remembrance +of the relations. By multiplication of experiences this remembrance +becomes stronger, and the response more certain. By further multiplication +of experiences the internal relations are at last automatically organised +in correspondence with the external ones; and so conscious memory passes +into unconscious or organic memory. At the same time, a new and +still more complex order of experiences is thus rendered appreciable; +the relations they present occupy the memory in place of the simpler +one; they become gradually organised; and, like the previous ones, are +succeeded by others more complex still (p. 563).<br> +<br> +Just as we saw that the establishment of those compound reflex actions +which we call instincts is comprehensible on the principle that inner +relations are, by perpetual repetition, organised into correspondence +with outer relations; so the establishment of those consolidated, those +indissoluble, those instinctive mental relations constituting our ideas +of Space and Time, is comprehensible on the same principle (p. 579).<br> +<br> +<br> +In a book published a few weeks before Mr. Spencer’s letter appeared +<a name="citation29a"></a><a href="#footnote29a">{29a}</a> I had said +that though Mr. Spencer at times closely approached Professor Hering +and “Life and Habit,” he had nevertheless nowhere shown +that he considered memory and heredity to be parts of the same story +and parcel of one another. In his letter to the <i>Athenæum, +</i>indeed, he does not profess to have upheld this view, except “by +implications;” nor yet, though in the course of the six or seven +years that had elapsed since “Life and Habit” was published +I had brought out more than one book to support my earlier one, had +he said anything during those years to lead me to suppose that I was +trespassing upon ground already taken by himself. Nor, again, +had he said anything which enabled me to appeal to his authority - which +I should have been only too glad to do; at last, however, he wrote, +as I have said, to the <i>Athenæum </i>a letter which, indeed, +made no express claim, and nowhere mentioned myself, but “the +meanings and implications” from which were this time as clear +as could be desired, and amount to an order to Professor Hering and +myself to stand aside.<br> +<br> +The question is, whether the passages quoted by Mr. Spencer, or any +others that can be found in his works, show that he regarded heredity +in all its manifestations as a mode of memory. I submit that this +conception is not derivable from Mr. Spencer’s writings, and that +even the passages in which he approaches it most closely are unintelligible +till read by the light of Professor Hering’s address and of “Life +and Habit.”<br> +<br> +True, Mr. Spencer made abundant use of such expressions as “the +experience of the race,” “accumulated experiences,” +and others like them, but he did not explain - and it was here the difficulty +lay - how a race could have any experience at all. We know what +we mean when we say that an individual has had experience; we mean that +he is the same person now (in the common use of the words), on the occasion +of some present action, as the one who performed a like action at some +past time or times, and that he remembers how he acted before, so as +to be able to turn his past action to account, gaining in proficiency +through practice. Continued personality and memory are the elements +that constitute experience; where these are present there may, and commonly +will, be experience; where they are absent the word “experience” +cannot properly be used.<br> +<br> +Formerly we used to see an individual as one, and a race as many. +We now see that though this is true as far as it goes, it is by no means +the whole truth, and that in certain important respects it is the race +that is one, and the individual many. We all admit and understand +this readily enough now, but it was not understood when Mr. Spencer +wrote the passages he adduced in the letter to the <i>Athenæum +</i>above referred to. In the then state of our ideas a race was +only a succession of individuals, each one of them new persons, and +as such incapable of profiting by the experience of its predecessors +except in the very limited number of cases where oral teaching, or, +as in recent times, writing, was possible. The thread of life +was, as I have elsewhere said, remorselessly shorn between each successive +generation, and the importance of the physical and psychical connection +between parents and offspring had been quite, or nearly quite, lost +sight of. It seems strange how this could ever have been allowed +to come about, but it should be remembered that the Church in the Middle +Ages would strongly discourage attempts to emphasize a connection that +would raise troublesome questions as to who in a future state was to +be responsible for what; and, after all, for nine purposes of life out +of ten the generally received opinion that each person is himself and +nobody else is on many grounds the most convenient. Every now +and then, however, there comes a tenth purpose, for which the continued +personality side of the connection between successive generations is +as convenient as the new personality side is for the remaining nine, +and these tenth purposes - some of which are not unimportant - are obscured +and fulfilled amiss owing to the completeness with which the more commonly +needed conception has overgrown the other.<br> +<br> +Neither view is more true than the other, but the one was wanted every +hour and minute of the day, and was therefore kept, so to speak, in +stock, and in one of the most accessible places of our mental storehouse, +while the other was so seldom asked for that it became not worth while +to keep it. By-and-by it was found so troublesome to send out +for it, and so hard to come by even then, that people left off selling +it at all, and if any one wanted it he must think it out at home as +best he could; this was troublesome, so by common consent the world +decided no longer to busy itself with the continued personality of successive +generations - which was all very well until it also decided to busy +itself with the theory of descent with modification. On the introduction +of a foe so inimical to many of our pre-existing ideas the balance of +power among them was upset, and a readjustment became necessary, which +is still far from having attained the next settlement that seems likely +to be reasonably permanent.<br> +<br> +To change the illustration, the ordinary view is true for seven places +of decimals, and this commonly is enough; occasions, however, have now +arisen when the error caused by neglect of the omitted places is appreciably +disturbing, and we must have three or four more. Mr. Spencer showed +no more signs of seeing that he must supply these, and make personal +identity continue between successive generations before talking about +inherited (as opposed to post-natal and educational) experience, than +others had done before him; the race with him, as with every one else +till recently, was not one long individual living indeed in pulsations, +so to speak, but no more losing continued personality by living in successive +generations, than an individual loses it by living in consecutive days; +a race was simply a succession of individuals, each one of which was +held to be an entirely new person, and was regarded exclusively, or +very nearly so, from this point of view.<br> +<br> +When I wrote “Life and Habit” I knew that the words “experience +of the race” sounded familiar, and were going about in magazines +and newspapers, but I did not know where they came from; if I had, I +should have given their source. To me they conveyed no meaning, +and vexed me as an attempt to make me take stones instead of bread, +and to palm off an illustration upon me as though it were an explanation. +When I had worked the matter out in my own way, I saw that the illustration, +with certain additions, would become an explanation, but I saw also +that neither he who had adduced it nor any one else could have seen +how right he was, till much had been said which had not, so far as 1 +knew, been said yet, and which undoubtedly would have been said if people +had seen their way to saying it.<br> +<br> +“What is this talk,” I wrote, “which is made about +the experience of the race, as though the experience of one man could +profit another who knows nothing about him? If a man eats his +dinner it nourishes him and not his neighbour; if he learns a difficult +art it is he that can do it and not his neighbour” (“Life +and Habit,” p. 49).<br> +<br> +When I wrote thus in 1877, it was not generally seen that though the +father is not nourished by the dinners that the son eats, yet the son +was fed when the father ate before he begot him.<br> +<br> +“Is there any way,” I continued, “of showing that +this experience of the race about which so much is said without the +least attempt to show in what way it may, or does, become the experience +of the individual, is in sober seriousness the experience of one single +being only, who repeats on a great many different occasions, and in +slightly different ways, certain performances with which he has already +become exceedingly familiar?”<br> +<br> +I felt, as every one else must have felt who reflected upon the expression +in question, that it was fallacious till this was done. When I +first began to write “Life and Habit” I did not believe +it could be done, but when I had gone right up to the end, as it were, +of my <i>cu de sac, </i>I saw the path which led straight to the point +I had despaired of reaching - I mean I saw that personality could not +be broken as between generations, without also breaking it between the +years, days, and moments of a man’s life. What differentiates +“Life and Habit” from the “Principles of Psychology” +is the prominence given to continued personal identity, and hence to +<i>bonâ fide </i>memory, as between successive generations; but +surely this makes the two books differ widely.<br> +<br> +Ideas can be changed to almost any extent in almost any direction, if +the change is brought about gradually and in accordance with the rules +of all development. As in music we may take almost any possible +discord with pleasing effect if we have prepared and resolved it rightly, +so our ideas will outlive and outgrow almost any modification which +is approached and quitted in such a way as to fuse the old and new harmoniously. +Words are to ideas what the fairy invisible cloak was to the prince +who wore it - only that the prince was seen till he put on the cloak, +whereas ideas are unseen until they don the robe of words which reveals +them to us; the words, however, and the ideas, should be such as fit +each other and stick to one another in our minds as soon as they are +brought together, or the ideas will fly off, and leave the words void +of that spirit by the aid of which alone they can become transmuted +into physical action and shape material things with their own impress. +Whether a discord is too violent or no, depends on what we have been +accustomed to, and on how widely the new differs from the old, but in +no case can we fuse and assimilate more than a very little new at a +time without exhausting our tempering power - and hence presently our +temper.<br> +<br> +Mr. Spencer appears to have forgotten that though <i>de minimis non +curat lex</i>, - though all the laws fail when applied to trifles, - +yet too sudden a change in the manner in which our ideas are associated +is as cataclysmic and subversive of healthy evolution as are material +convulsions, or too violent revolutions in politics. This must +always be the case, for change is essentially miraculous, and the only +lawful home of the miracle is in the microscopically small. Here, +indeed, miracles were in the beginning, are now, and ever shall be, +but we are deadened if they are required of us on a scale which is visible +to the naked eye. If we are told to work them our hands fall nerveless +down; if, come what may, we must do or die, we are more likely to die +than to succeed in doing. If we are required to believe them - +which only means to fuse them with our other ideas - we either take +the law into our own hands, and our minds being in the dark fuse something +easier of assimilation, and say we have fused the miracle; or if we +play more fairly and insist on our minds swallowing and assimilating +it, we weaken our judgments, and <i>pro tanto </i>kill our souls. +If we stick out beyond a certain point we go mad, as fanatics, or at +the best make Coleridges of ourselves; and yet upon a small scale these +same miracles are the breath and essence of life; to cease to work them +is to die. And by miracle I do not merely mean something new, +strange, and not very easy of comprehension - I mean something which +violates every canon of thought which in the palpable world we are accustomed +to respect; something as alien to, and inconceivable by, us as contradiction +in terms, the destructibility of force or matter, or the creation of +something out of nothing. This, which when writ large maddens +and kills, writ small is our meat and drink; it attends each minutest +and most impalpable detail of the ceaseless fusion and diffusion in +which change appears to us as consisting, and which we recognise as +growth and decay, or as life and death.<br> +<br> +Claude Bernard says, <i>Rien ne nait, rien ne se crée, tout se +continue. La nature ne nous offre le spectacle d’aucune +création, elle est d’une éternelle continuation</i>; +<a name="citation35a"></a><a href="#footnote35a">{35a}</a> but surely +he is insisting upon one side of the truth only, to the neglect of another +which is just as real, and just as important; he might have said, <i>Rien +ne se continue, tout nait, tout se crée. La nature ne nous +offre le spectacle d’aucune continuation. Elle est d’une +éternelle création</i>; for change is no less patent a +fact than continuity, and, indeed, the two stand or fall together. +True, discontinuity, where development is normal, is on a very small +scale, but this is only the difference between looking at distances +on a small instead of a large map; we cannot have even the smallest +change without a small partial corresponding discontinuity; on a small +scale - too small, indeed, for us to cognise - these breaks in continuity, +each one of which must, so far as our understanding goes, rank as a +creation, are as essential a factor of the phenomena we see around us, +as is the other factor that they shall normally be on too small a scale +for us to find it out. Creations, then, there must be, but they +must be so small that practically they are no creations. We must +have a continuity in discontinuity, and a discontinuity in continuity; +that is to say, we can only conceive the help of change at all by the +help of flat contradiction in terms. It comes, therefore, to this, +that if we are to think fluently and harmoniously upon any subject into +which change enters (and there is no conceivable subject into which +it does not), we must begin by flying in the face of every rule that +professors of the art of thinking have drawn up for our instruction. +These rules may be good enough as servants, but we have let them become +the worst of masters, forgetting that philosophy is made for man, not +man for philosophy. Logic has been the true Tower of Babel, which +we have thought to build so that we might climb up into the heavens, +and have no more miracle, but see God and live - nor has confusion of +tongues failed to follow on our presumption. Truly St. Paul said +well that the just shall live by faith; and the question “By what +faith?” is a detail of minor moment, for there are as many faiths +as species, whether of plants or animals, and each of them is in its +own way both living and saving.<br> +<br> +All, then, whether fusion or diffusion, whether of ideas or things, +is miraculous. It is the two in one, and at the same time one +in two, which is only two and two making five put before us in another +shape; yet this fusion - so easy to think so long as it is not thought +about, and so unthinkable if we try to think it - is, as it were, the +matrix from which our more thinkable thought is taken; it is the cloud +gathering in the unseen world from which the waters of life descend +in an impalpable dew. Granted that all, whether fusion or diffusion, +whether of ideas or things, is, if we dwell upon it and take it seriously, +an outrage upon our understandings which common sense alone enables +us to brook; granted that it carries with it a distinctly miraculous +element which should vitiate the whole process <i>ab initio, </i>still, +if we have faith we can so work these miracles as Orpheus-like to charm +denizens of the unseen world into the seen again - provided we do not +look back, and provided also we do not try to charm half a dozen Eurydices +at a time. To think is to fuse and diffuse ideas, and to fuse +and diffuse ideas is to feed. We can all feed, and by consequence +within reasonable limits we can fuse ideas; or we can fuse ideas, and +by consequence within reasonable limits we can feed; we know not which +comes first, the food or the ideas, but we must not overtax our strength; +the moment we do this we taste of death.<br> +<br> +It is in the closest connection with this that we must chew our food +fine before we can digest it, and that the same food given in large +lumps will choke and kill which in small pieces feeds us; or, again, +that that which is impotent as a pellet may be potent as a gas. +Food is very thoughtful: through thought it comes, and back through +thought it shall return; the process of its conversion and comprehension +within our own system is mental as well as physical, and here, as everywhere +else with mind and evolution, there must be a cross, but not too wide +a cross - that is to say, there must be a miracle, but not upon a large +scale. Granted that no one can draw a clear line and define the +limits within which a miracle is healthy working and beyond which it +is unwholesome, any more than he can prescribe the exact degree of fineness +to which we must comminute our food; granted, again, that some can do +more than others, and that at all times all men sport, so to speak, +and surpass themselves, still we know as a general rule near enough, +and find that the strongest can do but very little at a time, and, to +return to Mr. Spencer, the fusion of two such hitherto unassociated +ideas as race and experience was a miracle beyond our strength.<br> +<br> +Assuredly when Mr. Spencer wrote the passages he quoted in the letter +to the <i>Athenæum </i>above referred to, we were not in the habit +of thinking of any one as able to remember things that had happened +before he had been born or thought of. This notion will still +strike many of my non-readers as harsh and strained; no such discord, +therefore, should have been taken unprepared, and when taken it should +have been resolved with pomp and circumstance. Mr Spencer, however, +though he took it continually, never either prepared it or resolved +it at all, but by using the words “experience of the race” +sprang this seeming paradox upon us, with the result that his words +were barren. They were barren because they were incoherent; they +were incoherent because they were approached and quitted too suddenly. +While we were realising “experience” our minds excluded +“race,” inasmuch as experience was an idea we had been accustomed +hitherto to connect only with the individual; while realising the idea +“race,” for the same reason, we as a matter of course excluded +experience. We were required to fuse two ideas that were alien +to one another, without having had those other ideas presented to us +which would alone flux them. The absence of these - which indeed +were not immediately ready to hand, or Mr. Spencer would have doubtless +grasped them - made nonsense of the whole thing; we saw the ideas propped +up as two cards one against the other, on one of Mr. Spencer’s +pages, only to find that they had fallen asunder before we had turned +over to the next, so we put down his book resentfully, as written by +one who did not know what to do with his meaning even if he had one, +or bore it meekly while he chastised us with scorpions, as Mr. Darwin +had done with whips, according to our temperaments.<br> +<br> +I may say, in passing, that the barrenness of incoherent ideas, and +the sterility of widely distant species and genera of animals and plants, +are one in principle - the sterility of hybrids being just as much due +to inability to fuse widely unlike and unfamiliar ideas into a coherent +whole, as barrenness of ideas is, and, indeed, resolving itself ultimately +into neither more nor less than barrenness of ideas - that is to say, +into inability to think at all, or at any rate to think as their neighbours +do.<br> +<br> +If Mr. Spencer had made it clear that the generations of any race are +<i>bonâ fide </i>united by a common personality, and that in virtue +of being so united each generation remembers (within, of course, the +limits to which all memory is subject) what happened to it while still +in the persons of its progenitors - then his order to Professor Hering +and myself should be immediately obeyed; but this was just what was +at once most wanted, and least done by Mr. Spencer. Even in the +passages given above - passages collected by Mr. Spencer himself - this +point is altogether ignored; make it clear as Professor Hering made +it - put continued personality and memory in the foreground as Professor +Hering did, instead of leaving them to be discovered “by implications,” +and then such expressions as “accumulated experiences” and +“experience of the race” become luminous; till this had +been done they were <i>Vox et præterea nihil.<br> +<br> +</i>To sum up briefly. The passages quoted by Mr. Spencer from +his “Principles of Psychology” can hardly be called clear, +even now that Professor Hering and others have thrown light upon them. +If, indeed, they had been clear Mr. Spencer would probably have seen +what they necesitated, and found the way of meeting the difficulties +of the case which occurred to Professor Hering and myself. Till +we wrote, very few writers had even suggested this. The idea that +offspring was only “an elongation or branch proceeding from its +parents” had scintillated in the ingenious brain of Dr. Erasmus +Darwin, and in that of the designer of Jesse tree windows, but it had +kindled no fire; it now turns out that Canon Kingsley had once called +instinct inherited memory, <a name="citation40a"></a><a href="#footnote40a">{40a}</a> +but the idea, if born alive at all, died on the page on which it saw +light: Professor Ray Lankester, again called attention to Professor +Hering’s address <i>(Nature, </i>July 13, 1876), but no discussion +followed, and the matter dropped without having produced visible effect. +As for offspring remembering in any legitimate sense of the words what +it had done, and what had happened to it, before it was born, no such +notion was understood to have been gravely mooted till very recently. +I doubt whether Mr. Spencer and Mr. Romanes would accept this even now, +when it is put thus undisguisedly; but this is what Professor Hering +and I mean, and it is the only thing that should be meant, by those +who speak of instinct as inherited memory. Mr Spencer cannot maintain +that these two startling novelties went without saying “by implication” +from the use of such expressions as “accumulated experiences” +or “experience of the race.”<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER III - MR. HERBERT SPENCER <i>(continued)<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +</i>Whether they ought to have gone or not, they did not go.<br> +<br> +When “Life and Habit” was first published no one considered +Mr. Spencer to be maintaining the phenomena of heredity to be in reality +phenomena of memory. When, for example, Professor Ray Lankester +first called attention to Professor Hering’s address, he did not +understand Mr. Spencer to be intending this. “Professor +Hering,” he wrote <i>(Nature, </i>July 13, 1876), “helps +us to a comprehensive view of the nature of heredity and adaptation, +by giving us the word ‘memory,’ conscious or unconscious, +for the continuity of Mr. Spencer’s polar forces or polarities +of physiological units.” He evidently found the prominence +given to memory a help to him which he had not derived from reading +Mr. Spencer’s works.<br> +<br> +When, again, he attacked me in the <i>Athenæum </i>(March 29, +1884), he spoke of my “tardy recognition” of the fact that +Professor Hering had preceded me “in treating all manifestations +of heredity as a form of memory.” Professor Lankester’s +words could have no force if he held that any other writer, and much +less so well known a writer as Mr. Spencer, had preceded me in putting +forward the theory in question.<br> +<br> +When Mr. Romanes reviewed “Unconscious Memory” in <i>Nature +</i>(January 27, 1881) the notion of a “race-memory,” to +use his own words, was still so new to him that he declared it “simply +absurd” to suppose that it could “possibly be fraught with +any benefit to science,” and with him too it was Professor Hering +who had anticipated me in the matter, not Mr. Spencer.<br> +<br> +In his “Mental Evolution in Animals” (p. 296) he said that +Canon Kingsley, writing in 1867, was the first to advance the theory +that instinct is inherited memory; he could not have said this if Mr. +Spencer had been understood to have been upholding this view for the +last thirty years.<br> +<br> +Mr. A. R. Wallace reviewed “Life and Habit” in <i>Nature +</i>(March 27, 1879), but he did not find the line I had taken a familiar +one, as he surely must have done if it had followed easily by implication +from Mr. Spencer’s works. He called it “an ingenious +and paradoxical explanation” which was evidently new to him. +He concluded by saying that “it might yet afford a clue to some +of the deepest mysteries of the organic world.”<br> +<br> +Professor Mivart, when he reviewed my books on Evolution in the <i>American +Catholic Quarterly Review </i>(July 1881), said, “Mr Butler is +not only perfectly logical and consistent in the startling consequences +he deduces from his principles, but,” &c. Professor +Mivart could not have found my consequences startling if they had already +been insisted upon for many years by one of the best-known writers of +the day.<br> +<br> +The reviewer of “Evolution Old and New” in the <i>Saturday +Review </i>(March 31, 1879), of whom all I can venture to say is that +he or she is a person whose name carries weight in matters connected +with biology, though he (for brevity) was in the humour for seeing everything +objectionable in me that could be seen, still saw no Mr. Spencer in +me. He said - “Mr Butler’s own particular contribution +to the terminology of Evolution is the phrase two or three times repeated +with some emphasis” (I repeated it not two or three times only, +but whenever and wherever I could venture to do so without wearying +the reader beyond endurance) “oneness of personality between parents +and offspring.” The writer proceeded to reprobate this in +language upon which a Huxley could hardly improve, but as he declares +himself unable to discover what it means, it may be presumed that the +idea of continued personality between successive generations was new +to him.<br> +<br> +When Dr. Francis Darwin called on me a day or two before “Life +and Habit” went to the press, he said the theory which had pleased +him more than any he had seen for some time was one which referred all +life to memory; <a name="citation44a"></a><a href="#footnote44a">{44a}</a> +he doubtless intended “which referred all the phenomena of heredity +to memory.” He then mentioned Professor Ray Lankester’s +article in <i>Nature</i>, of which I had not heard, but he said nothing +about Mr. Spencer, and spoke of the idea as one which had been quite +new to him.<br> +<br> +The above names comprise (excluding Mr. Spencer himself) perhaps those +of the best-known writers on evolution that can be mentioned as now +before the public; it is curious that Mr Spencer should be the only +one of them to see any substantial resemblance between the “Principles +of Psychology” and Professor Hering’s address and “Life +and Habit.”<br> +<br> +I ought, perhaps, to say that Mr. Romanes, writing to the <i>Athenæum +</i>(March 8, 1884), took a different view of the value of the theory +of inherited memory to the one he took in 1881.<br> +<br> +In 1881 he said it was “simply absurd” to suppose it could +“possibly be fraught with any benefit to science” or “reveal +any truth of profound significance;” in 1884 he said of the same +theory, that “it formed the backbone of all the previous literature +upon instinct” by Darwin, Spencer, Lewes, Fiske, and Spalding, +“not to mention their numerous followers, and is by all of them +elaborately stated as clearly as any theory can be stated in words.”<br> +<br> +Few except Mr. Romanes will say this. I grant it ought to “have +formed the backbone,” &c., and ought “to have been elaborately +stated,” &c., but when I wrote “Life and Habit” +neither Mr Romanes nor any one else understood it to have been even +glanced at by more than a very few, and as for having been “elaborately +stated,” it had been stated by Professor Hering as elaborately +as it could be stated within the limits of an address of only twenty-two +pages, but with this exception it had never been stated at all. +It is not too much to say that “Life and Habit,” when it +first came out, was considered so startling a paradox that people would +not believe in my desire to be taken seriously, or at any rate were +able to pretend that they thought I was not writing seriously.<br> +<br> +Mr. Romanes knows this just as well as all must do who keep an eye on +evolution; he himself, indeed, had said <i>(Nature, </i>January 27, +1881) that so long as I “aimed only at entertaining” my +“readers by such works as ‘Erewhon’ and ‘Life +and Habit’” (as though these books were of kindred character) +I was in my proper sphere. It would be doing too little credit +to Mr. Romanes’ intelligence to suppose him not to have known +when he said this that “Life and Habit” was written as seriously +as my subsequent books on evolution, but it suited him at the moment +to join those who professed to consider it another book of paradoxes +such as, I suppose, “Erewhon” had been, so he classed the +two together. He could not have done this unless enough people +thought, or said they thought, the books akin, to give colour to his +doing so.<br> +<br> +One alone of all my reviewers has, to my knowledge, brought Mr. Spencer +against me. This was a writer in the <i>St. James’s Gazette +</i>(December 2, 1880). I challenged him in a letter which appeared +(December 8, 1880), and said, “I would ask your reviewer to be +kind enough to refer your readers to those passages of Mr. Spencer’s +“Principles of Psychology” which in any direct intelligible +way refer the phenomena of instinct and heredity generally, to memory +on the part of offspring of the action it <i>bonâ fide </i>took +in the persons of its forefathers.” The reviewer made no +reply, and I concluded, as I have since found correctly, that he could +not find the passages.<br> +<br> +True, in his “Principles of Psychology” (vol. ii. p. 195) +Mr. Spencer says that we have only to expand the doctrine that all intelligence +is acquired through experience “so as to make it include with +the experience of each individual the experiences of all ancestral individuals,” +&c. This is all very good, but it is much the same as saying, +“We have only got to stand on our heads and we shall be able to +do so and so.” We did not see our way to standing on our +heads, and Mr. Spencer did not help us; we had been accustomed, as I +am afraid I must have said <i>usque ad nauseam </i>already, to lose +sight of the physical connection existing between parents and offspring; +we understood from the marriage service that husband and wife were in +a sense one flesh, but not that parents and children were so also; and +without this conception of the matter, which in its way is just as true +as the more commonly received one, we could not extend the experience +of parents to offspring. It was not in the bond or <i>nexus </i>of +our ideas to consider experience as appertaining to more than a single +individual in the common acceptance of the term; these two ideas were +so closely bound together that wherever the one went the other went +perforce. Here, indeed, in the very passage of Mr. Spencer’s +just referred to, the race is throughout regarded as “a series +of individuals” - without an attempt to call attention to that +other view, in virtue of which we are able to extend to many an idea +we had been accustomed to confine to one.<br> +<br> +In his chapter on Memory, Mr. Spencer certainly approaches the Heringian +view. He says, “On the one hand, Instinct may be regarded +as a kind of organised memory; on the other, Memory may be regarded +as a kind of incipient instinct” (“Principles of Psychology,” +ed. 2, vol. i. p. 445). Here the ball has fallen into his hands, +but if he had got firm hold of it he could not have written, “Instinct +<i>may</i> <i>be </i>regarded as <i>a kind of, </i>&c.;” to +us there is neither “may be regarded as” nor “kind +of” about it; we require, “Instinct is inherited memory,” +with an explanation making it intelligible how memory can come to be +inherited at all. I do not like, again, calling memory “a +kind of incipient instinct;” as Mr. Spencer puts them the words +have a pleasant antithesis, but “instinct is inherited memory” +covers all the ground, and to say that memory is inherited instinct +is surplusage.<br> +<br> +Nor does he stick to it long when he says that “instinct is a +kind of organised memory,” for two pages later he says that memory, +to be memory at all, must be tolerably conscious or deliberate; he, +therefore (vol. i. p. 447), denies that there can be such a thing as +unconscious memory; but without this it is impossible for us to see +instinct as the “kind of organised memory” which he has +just been calling it, inasmuch as instinct is notably undeliberate and +unreflecting.<br> +<br> +A few pages farther on (vol. i. p. 452) he finds himself driven to unconscious +memory after all, and says that “conscious memory passes into +unconscious or organic memory.” Having admitted unconscious +memory, he declares (vol. i. p. 450) that “as fast as those connections +among psychical states, which we form in memory, grow by constant repetition +automatic - they <i>cease to be part of memory</i>,” or, in other +words, he again denies that there can be an unconscious memory.<br> +<br> +Mr. Spencer doubtless saw that he was involved in contradiction in terms, +and having always understood that contradictions in terms were very +dreadful things - which, of course, under some circumstances they are +- thought it well so to express himself that his readers should be more +likely to push on than dwell on what was before them at the moment. +I should be the last to complain of him merely on the ground that he +could not escape contradiction in terms: who can? When facts conflict, +contradict one another, melt into one another as the colours of the +spectrum so insensibly that none can say where one begins and the other +ends, contradictions in terms become first fruits of thought and speech. +They are the basis of intellectual consciousness, in the same way that +a physical obstacle is the basis of physical sensation. No opposition, +no sensation, applies as much to the psychical as to the physical kingdom, +as soon as these two have got well above the horizon of our thoughts +and can be seen as two. No contradiction, no consciousness; no +cross, no crown; contradictions are the very small deadlocks without +which there is no going; going is our sense of a succession of small +impediments or deadlocks; it is a succession of cutting Gordian knots, +which on a small scale please or pain as the case may be; on a larger, +give an ecstasy of pleasure, or shock to the extreme of endurance; and +on a still larger, kill whether they be on the right side or the wrong. +Nature, as I said in “Life and Habit,” hates that any principle +should breed hermaphroditically, but will give to each an helpmeet for +it which shall cross it and be the undoing of it; and in the undoing, +do; and in the doing, undo, and so <i>ad infinitum</i>. Cross-fertilisation +is just as necessary for continued fertility of ideas as for that of +organic life, and the attempt to frown this or that down merely on the +ground that it involves contradiction in terms, without at the same +time showing that the contradiction is on a larger scale than healthy +thought can stomach, argues either small sense or small sincerity on +the part of those who make it. The contradictions employed by +Mr. Spencer are objectionable, not on the ground of their being contradictions +at all, but on the ground of their being blinked, and used unintelligently.<br> +<br> +But<i> </i>though it is not possible for any one to get a clear conception +of Mr. Spencer’s meaning, we may say with more confidence what +it was that he did not mean. He did not mean to make memory the +keystone of his system; he has none of that sense of the unifying, binding +force of memory which Professor Hering has so well expressed, nor does +he show any signs of perceiving the far-reaching consequences that ensue +if the phenomena of heredity are considered as phenomena of memory. +Thus, when he is dealing with the phenomena of old age (vol. i. p. 538, +ed. 2) he does not ascribe them to lapse and failure of memory, nor +surmise the principle underlying longevity. He never mentions +memory in connection with heredity without presently saying something +which makes us involuntarily think of a man missing an easy catch at +cricket; it is only rarely, however, that he connects the two at all. +I have only been able to find the word “inherited” or any +derivative of the verb “to inherit” in connection with memory +once in all the 1300 long pages of the “Principles of Psychology.” +It occurs in vol ii. p. 200, 2d ed., where the words stand, “Memory, +inherited or acquired.” I submit that this was unintelligible +when Mr. Spencer wrote it, for want of an explanation which he never +gave; I submit, also, that he could not have left it unexplained, nor +yet as an unrepeated expression not introduced till late in his work, +if he had had any idea of its pregnancy.<br> +<br> +At any rate, whether he intended to imply what he now implies that he +intended to imply (for Mr. Spencer, like the late Mr. Darwin, is fond +of qualifying phrases), I have shown that those most able and willing +to understand him did not take him to mean what he now appears anxious +to have it supposed that he meant. Surely, moreover, if he had +meant it he would have spoken sooner, when he saw his meaning had been +missed. I can, however, have no hesitation in saying that if I +had known the “Principles of Psychology” earlier, as well +as I know the work now, I should have used it largely.<br> +<br> +It may be interesting, before we leave Mr. Spencer, to see whether he +even now assigns to continued personality and memory the place assigned +to it by Professor Hering and myself. I will therefore give the +concluding words of the letter to the <i>Athenæum </i>already +referred to, in which he tells us to stand aside. He writes “I +still hold that inheritance of functionally produced modifications is +the chief factor throughout the higher stages of organic evolution, +bodily as well as mental (see ‘Principles of Biology,’ i. +166), while I recognise the truth that throughout the lower stages survival +of the fittest is the chief factor, and in the lowest the almost exclusive +factor.”<br> +<br> +This is the same confused and confusing utterance which Mr. Spencer +has been giving us any time this thirty years. According to him +the fact that variations can be inherited and accumulated has less to +do with the first development of organic life, than the fact that if +a square organism happens to get into a square hole, it will live longer +and more happily than a square organism which happens to get into a +round one; he declares “the survival of the fittest” - and +this is nothing but the fact that those who “fit” best into +their surroundings will live longest and most comfortably - to have +more to do with the development of the amœba into, we will say, +a mollusc than heredity itself. True, “inheritance of functionally +produced modifications” is allowed to be the chief factor throughout +the “higher stages of organic evolution,” but it has very +little to do in the lower; in these “the almost exclusive factor” +is not heredity, or inheritance, but “survival of the fittest.”<br> +<br> +Of course we know that Mr. Spencer does not believe this; of course, +also, all who are fairly well up in the history of the development theory +will see why Mr. Spencer has attempted to draw this distinction between +the “factors” of the development of the higher and lower +forms of life; but no matter how or why Mr. Spencer has been led to +say what he has, he has no business to have said it. What can +we think of a writer who, after so many years of writing upon his subject, +in a passage in which he should make his meaning doubly clear, inasmuch +as he is claiming ground taken by other writers, declares that though +hereditary use and disuse, or, to use his own words, “the inheritance +of functionally produced modifications,” is indeed very important +in connection with the development of the higher forms of life, yet +heredity itself has little or nothing to do with that of the lower? +Variations, whether produced functionally or not, can only be perpetuated +and accumulated because they can be inherited; - and this applies just +as much to the lower as to the higher forms of life; the question which +Professor Hering and I have tried to answer is, “How comes it +that anything can be inherited at all? In virtue of what power +is it that offspring can repeat and improve upon the performances of +their parents?” Our answer was, “Because in a very +valid sense, though not perhaps in the most usually understood, there +is continued personality and an abiding memory between successive generations.” +How does Mr. Spencer’s confession of faith touch this? If +any meaning can be extracted from his words, he is no more supporting +this view now than he was when he wrote the passages he has adduced +to show that he was supporting it thirty years ago; but after all no +coherent meaning can be got out of Mr. Spencer’s letter - except, +of course, that Professor Hering and myself are to stand aside. +I have abundantly shown that I am very ready to do this in favour of +Professor Hering, but see no reason for admitting Mr. Spencer’s +claim to have been among the forestallers of “Life and Habit.”<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER IV <a name="citation52a"></a><a href="#footnote52a">{52a}</a> +- Mr. Romanes’ “Mental Evolution in Animals”<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +Without raising the unprofitable question how Mr. Romanes, in spite +of the indifference with which he treated the theory of Inherited Memory +in 1881, came, in 1883, to be sufficiently imbued with a sense of its +importance, I still cannot afford to dispense with the weight of his +authority, and in this chapter will show how closely he not infrequently +approaches the Heringian position.<br> +<br> +Thus, he says that the analogies between the memory with which we are +familiar in daily life and hereditary memory “are so numerous +and precise” as to justify us in considering them to be of essentially +the same kind. <a name="citation52b"></a><a href="#footnote52b">{52b}</a><br> +<br> +Again, he says that although the memory of milk shown by new-born infants +is “at all events in large part hereditary, it is none the less +memory” of a certain kind. <a name="citation52c"></a><a href="#footnote52c">{52c}</a><br> +<br> +Two lines lower down he writes of “hereditary memory or instinct,” +thereby implying that instinct is “hereditary memory.” +“It makes no essential difference,” he says, “whether +the past sensation was actually experienced by the individual itself, +or bequeathed it, so to speak, by its ancestors. <a name="citation52d"></a><a href="#footnote52d">{52d}</a> +For it makes no essential difference whether the nervous changes . . +. were occasioned during the life-time of the individual or during that +of the species, and afterwards impressed by heredity on the individual.”<br> +<br> +Lower down on the same page he writes:-<br> +<br> +“As showing how close is the connection between hereditary memory +and instinct,” &c.<br> +<br> +And on the following page:-<br> +<br> +“And this shows how closely the phenomena of hereditary memory +are related to those of individual memory: at this stage . . . it is +practically impossible to disentangle the effects of hereditary memory +from those of the individual.”<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Another point which we have here to consider is the part which +heredity has played in forming the perceptive faculty of the individual +prior to its own experience. We have already seen that heredity +plays an important part in forming memory of ancestral experiences, +and thus it is that many animals come into the world with their power +of perception already largely developed. The wealth of ready-formed +information, and therefore of ready-made powers of perception, with +which many newly-born or newly-hatched animals are provided, is so great +and so precise that it scarcely requires to be supplemented by the subsequent +experience of the individual.” <a name="citation53a"></a><a href="#footnote53a">{53a}</a><br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Instincts probably owe their origin and development to one or +other of the two principles.<br> +<br> +“I. The first mode of origin consists in natural selection +or survival of the fittest, continuously preserving actions, &c. +&c.<br> +<br> +“II. The second mode of origin is as follows:- By the effects +of habit in successive generations, actions which were originally intelligent +become as it were stereotyped into permanent instincts. Just as +in the lifetime of the individual adjustive actions which were originally +intelligent may by frequent repetition become automatic, so in the lifetime +of species actions originally intelligent may by frequent repetition +and heredity so write their effects on the nervous system that the latter +is prepared, even before individual experience, to perform adjustive +actions mechanically which in previous generations were performed intelligently. +This mode of origin of instincts has been appropriately called (by Lewes +- see “Problems of Life and Mind” <a name="citation54a"></a><a href="#footnote54a">{54a}</a>) +the ‘lapsing of intelligence.’” <a name="citation54b"></a><a href="#footnote54b">{54b}</a><br> +<br> +I may say in passing that in spite of the great stress laid by Mr. Romanes +both in his “Mental Evolution in Animals” and in his letters +to the <i>Athenæum </i>in March 1884, on Natural Selection as +an originator and developer of instinct, he very soon afterwards let +the Natural Selection part of the story go as completely without saying +as I do myself, or as Mr. Darwin did during the later years of his life. +Writing to <i>Nature, </i>April 10, 1884, he said: “To deny <i>that +experience in the course of successive generations is the source of +instinct, </i>is not to meet by way of argument the enormous mass of +evidence which goes to prove <i>that this is the case</i>.” +Here, then, instinct is referred, without reservation, to “experience +in successive generations,” and this is nonsense unless explained +as Professor Hering and I explain it. Mr. Romanes’ words, +in fact, amount to an unqualified acceptance of the chapter “Instinct +as Inherited Memory” given in “Life and Habit,” of +which Mr. Romanes in March 1884 wrote in terms which it is not necessary +to repeat.<br> +<br> +Later on:-<br> +<br> +“That ‘practice makes perfect’ is a matter, as I have +previously said, of daily observation. Whether we regard a juggler, +a pianist, or a billiard-player, a child learning his lesson or an actor +his part by frequently repeating it, or a thousand other illustrations +of the same process, we see at once that there is truth in the cynical +definition of a man as a ‘bundle of habits.’ And the +same, of course, is true of animals.” <a name="citation55a"></a><a href="#footnote55a">{55a}</a><br> +<br> +From this Mr. Romanes goes on to show “that automatic actions +and conscious habits may be inherited,” <a name="citation55b"></a><a href="#footnote55b">{55b}</a> +and in the course of doing this contends that “instincts may be +lost by disuse, and conversely that they may be acquired as instincts +by the hereditary transmission of ancestral experience.”<br> +<br> +On another page Mr. Romanes says:-<br> +<br> +“Let us now turn to the second of these two assumptions, viz., +that some at least among migratory birds must possess, by inheritance +alone, a very precise knowledge of the particular direction to be pursued. +It is without question an astonishing fact that a young cuckoo should +be prompted to leave its foster parents at a particular season of the +year, and without any guide to show the course previously taken by its +own parents, but this is a fact which must be met by any theory of instinct +which aims at being complete. Now upon our own theory it can only +be met by taking it to be due to inherited memory.”<br> +<br> +A little lower Mr. Romanes says: “Of what kind, then, is the inherited +memory on which the young cuckoo (if not also other migratory birds) +depends? We can only answer, of the same kind, whatever this may +be, as that upon which the old bird depends.” <a name="citation55c"></a><a href="#footnote55c">{55c}</a><br> +<br> +I have given above most of the more marked passages which I have been +able to find in Mr. Romanes’ book which attribute instinct to +memory, and which admit that there is no fundamental difference between +the kind of memory with which we are all familiar and hereditary memory +as transmitted from one generation to another.<br> +<br> +But throughout his work there are passages which suggest, though less +obviously, the same inference.<br> +<br> +The passages I have quoted show that Mr. Romanes is upholding the same +opinions as Professor Hering’s and my own, but their effect and +tendency is more plain here than in Mr Romanes’ own book, where +they are overlaid by nearly 400 long pages of matter which is not always +easy of comprehension.<br> +<br> +Moreover, at the same time that I claim the weight of Mr. Romanes’ +authority, I am bound to admit that I do not find his support satisfactory. +The late Mr. Darwin himself - whose mantle seems to have fallen more +especially and particularly on Mr. Romanes - could not contradict himself +more hopelessly than Mr. Romanes often does. Indeed in one of +the very passages I have quoted in order to show that Mr. Romanes accepts +the phenomena of heredity as phenomena of memory, he speaks of “heredity +as playing an important part <i>in forming memory </i>of ancestral experiences;” +so that, whereas I want him to say that the phenomena of heredity are +due to memory, he will have it that the memory is due to the heredity, +which seems to me absurd.<br> +<br> +Over and over again Mr. Romanes insists that it is heredity which does +this or that. Thus it is “<i>heredity with natural selection +which adapt </i>the anatomical plan of the ganglia.” <a name="citation56a"></a><a href="#footnote56a">{56a}</a> +It is heredity which impresses nervous changes on the individual. <a name="citation56b"></a><a href="#footnote56b">{56b}</a> +“In the lifetime of species actions originally intelligent may +by frequent repetition and heredity,” &c.; <a name="citation56c"></a><a href="#footnote56c">{56c}</a> +but he nowhere tells us what heredity is any more than Messrs. Herbert +Spencer, Darwin, and Lewes have done. This, however, is exactly +what Professor Hering, whom I have unwittingly followed, does. +He resolves all phenomena of heredity, whether in respect of body or +mind, into phenomena of memory. He says in effect, “A man +grows his body as he does, and a bird makes her nest as she does, because +both man and bird remember having grown body and made nest as they now +do, or very nearly so, on innumerable past occasions.” He +thus, as I have said on an earlier page, reduces life from an equation +of say 100 unknown quantities to one of 99 only by showing that heredity +and memory, two of the original 100 unknown quantities, are in reality +part of one and the same thing.<br> +<br> +That he is right Mr. Romanes seems to me to admit, though in a very +unsatisfactory way.<br> +<br> +What, for example, can be more unsatisfactory than the following? - +Mr. Romanes says that the most fundamental principle of mental operation +is that of memory, and that this “is the <i>conditio sine quâ +non </i>of all mental life” (page 35).<br> +<br> +I do not understand Mr. Romanes to hold that there is any living being +which has no mind at all, and I do understand him to admit that development +of body and mind are closely interdependent.<br> +<br> +If, then, “the most fundamental principle” of mind is memory, +it follows that memory enters also as a fundamental principle into development +of body. For mind and body are so closely connected that nothing +can enter largely into the one without correspondingly affecting the +other.<br> +<br> +On a later page Mr. Romanes speaks point-blank of the new-born child +as “<i>embodying </i>the results of a great mass of <i>hereditary +experience</i>” (p. 77), so that what he is driving at can be +collected by those who take trouble, but is not seen until we call up +from our own knowledge matter whose relevancy does not appear on the +face of it, and until we connect passages many pages asunder, the first +of which may easily be forgotten before we reach the second. There +can be no doubt, however, that Mr. Romanes does in reality, like Professor +Hering and myself, regard development, whether of mind or body, as due +to memory, for it is now pretty generally seen to be nonsense to talk +about “hereditary experience” or “hereditary memory” +if anything else is intended.<br> +<br> +I have said above that on page 113 of his recent work Mr. Romanes declares +the analogies between the memory with which we are familiar in daily +life, and hereditary memory, to be “so numerous and precise” +as to justify us in considering them as of one and the same kind.<br> +<br> +This is certainly his meaning, but, with the exception of the words +within inverted commas, it is not his language. His own words +are these:-<br> +<br> +“Profound, however, as our ignorance unquestionably is concerning +the physical substratum of memory, I think we are at least justified +in regarding this substratum as the same both in ganglionic or organic, +and in the conscious or psychological memory, seeing that the analogies +between them are so numerous and precise. Consciousness is but +an adjunct which arises when the physical processes, owing to infrequency +of repetition, complexity of operation, or other causes, involve what +I have before called ganglionic friction.”<br> +<br> +I submit that I have correctly translated Mr. Romanes’ meaning, +and also that we have a right to complain of his not saying what he +has to say in words which will involve less “ganglionic friction” +on the part of the reader.<br> +<br> +Another example may be found on p. 43 of Mr. Romanes’ book. +“Lastly,” he writes, “just as innumerable special +mechanisms of muscular co-ordinations are found to be inherited, innumerable +special associations of ideas are found to be the same, and in one case +as in the other the strength of the organically imposed connection is +found to bear a direct proportion to the frequency with which in the +history of the species it has occurred.”<br> +<br> +Mr. Romanes is here intending what the reader will find insisted on +on p. 51 of “Life and Habit;” but how difficult he has made +what could have been said intelligibly enough, if there had been nothing +but the reader’s comfort to be considered. Unfortunately +that seems to have been by no means the only thing of which Mr. Romanes +was thinking, or why, after implying and even saying over and over again +that instinct is inherited habit due to inherited memory, should he +turn sharply round on p. 297 and praise Mr. Darwin for trying to snuff +out “the well-known doctrine of inherited habit as advanced by +Lamarck”? The answer is not far to seek. It is because +Mr. Romanes did not merely want to tell us all about instinct, but wanted +also, if I may use a homely metaphor, to hunt with the hounds and run +with the hare at one and the same time.<br> +<br> +I remember saying that if the late Mr. Darwin “had told us what +the earlier evolutionists said, why they said it, wherein he differed +from them, and in what way he proposed to set them straight, he would +have taken a course at once more agreeable with usual practice, and +more likely to remove misconception from his own mind and from those +of his readers.” <a name="citation59a"></a><a href="#footnote59a">{59a}</a> +This I have no doubt was one of the passages which made Mr. Romanes +so angry with me. I can find no better words to apply to Mr. Romanes +himself. He knows perfectly well what others have written about +the connection between heredity and memory, and he knows no less well +that so far as he is intelligible at all he is taking the same view +that they have taken. If he had begun by saying what they had +said, and had then improved on it, I for one should have been only too +glad to be improved upon.<br> +<br> +Mr. Romanes has spoiled his book just because this plain old-fashioned +method of procedure was not good enough for him. One-half the +obscurity which makes his meaning so hard to apprehend is due to exactly +the same cause as that which has ruined so much of the late Mr. Darwin’s +work - I mean to a desire to appear to be differing altogether from +others with whom he knew himself after all to be in substantial agreement. +He adopts, but (probably quite unconsciously) in his anxiety to avoid +appearing to adopt, he obscures what he is adopting.<br> +<br> +Here, for example, is Mr. Romanes’ definition of instinct:-<br> +<br> +“Instinct is reflex action into which there is imported the element +of consciousness. The term is therefore a generic one, comprising +all those faculties of mind which are concerned in conscious and adaptive +action, antecedent to individual experience, without necessary knowledge +of the relation between means employed and ends attained, but similarly +performed under similar and frequently recurring circumstances by all +the individuals of the same species.” <a name="citation60a"></a><a href="#footnote60a">{60a}</a><br> +<br> +If Mr. Romanes would have been content to build frankly upon Professor +Hering’s foundation, the soundness of which he has elsewhere abundantly +admitted, he might have said -<br> +<br> +“Instinct is knowledge or habit acquired in past generations - +the new generation remembering what happened to it before it parted +company with the old. More briefly, Instinct is inherited memory.” +Then he might have added a rider -<br> +<br> +“If a habit is acquired as a new one, during any given lifetime, +it is not an instinct. If having been acquired in one lifetime +it is transmitted to offspring, it is an instinct in the offspring, +though it was not an instinct in the parent. If the habit is transmitted +partially, it must be considered as partly instinctive and partly acquired.”<br> +<br> +This is easy; it tells people how they may test any action so as to +know what they ought to call it; it leaves well alone by avoiding all +such debatable matters as reflex action, consciousness, intelligence, +purpose, knowledge of purpose. &c.; it both introduces the feature +of inheritance which is the one mainly distinguishing instinctive from +so-called intelligent actions, and shows the manner in which these last +pass into the first, that is to say, by way of memory and habitual repetition; +finally it points the fact that the new generation is not to be looked +upon as a new thing, but (as Dr. Erasmus Darwin long since said <a name="citation61a"></a><a href="#footnote61a">{61a}</a>) +as “a branch or elongation” of the one immediately preceding +it.<br> +<br> +In Mr. Darwin’s case it is hardly possible to exaggerate the waste +of time, money and trouble that has been caused, by his not having been +content to appear as descending with modification like other people +from those who went before him. It will take years to get the +evolution theory out of the mess in which Mr. Darwin has left it. +He was heir to a discredited truth; he left behind him an accredited +fallacy. Mr. Romanes, if he is not stopped in time, will get the +theory connecting heredity and memory into just such another muddle +as Mr. Darwin has got evolution, for surely the writer who can talk +about <i>“heredity being able to work up </i>the faculty of homing +into the instinct of migration,” <a name="citation61b"></a><a href="#footnote61b">{61b}</a> +or of “the principle of (natural) selection combining with that +of lapsing intelligence to the formation of a joint result,” <a name="citation61c"></a><a href="#footnote61c">{61c}</a> +is little likely to depart from the usual methods of scientific procedure +with advantage either to himself or any one else. Fortunately +Mr. Romanes is not Mr. Darwin, and though he has certainly got Mr. Darwin’s +mantle, and got it very much too, it will not on Mr. Romanes’ +shoulders hide a good deal that people were not going to observe too +closely while Mr. Darwin wore it.<br> +<br> +I ought to say that the late Mr. Darwin appears himself eventually to +have admitted the soundness of the theory connecting heredity and memory. +Mr. Romanes quotes a letter written by Mr. Darwin in the last year of +his life, in which he speaks of an intelligent action gradually becoming +<i>“instinctive, i.e., memory transmitted from one generation +to another</i>.” <a name="citation62a"></a><a href="#footnote62a">{62a}</a><br> +<br> +Briefly, the stages of Mr. Darwin’s opinion upon the subject of +hereditary memory are as follows:-<br> +<br> +1859. “It would be <i>the most serious error </i>to suppose +that the greater number of instincts have been acquired by habit in +one generation and transmitted by inheritance to succeeding generations.” +<a name="citation62b"></a><a href="#footnote62b">{62b}</a> And +this more especially applies to the instincts of many ants.<br> +<br> +1876. “It would be a <i>serious error </i>to suppose,” +&c., as before. <a name="citation62c"></a><a href="#footnote62c">{62c}</a><br> +<br> +1881. “We should remember <i>what a mass of inherited knowledge +</i>is crowded into the minute brain of a worker ant.” <a name="citation62d"></a><a href="#footnote62d">{62d}</a><br> +<br> +1881 or 1882. Speaking of a given habitual action Mr. Darwin writes: +“It does not seem to me at all incredible that this action [and +why this more than any other habitual action?] should then become instinctive:” +i.e., <i>memory transmitted from one generation to another</i>. <a name="citation62e"></a><a href="#footnote62e">{62e}</a><br> +<br> +And yet in 1839, or thereabouts, Mr. Darwin had pretty nearly grasped +the conception from which until the last year or two of his life he +so fatally strayed; for in his contribution to the volumes giving an +account of the voyages of the <i>Adventure </i>and <i>Beagle, </i>he +wrote: “Nature by making habit omnipotent and its effects hereditary, +has fitted the Fuegian for the climate and productions of his country” +(p. 237).<br> +<br> +What is the secret of the long departure from the simple common-sense +view of the matter which he took when he was a young man? I imagine +simply what I have referred to in the preceding chapter, over-anxiety +to appear to be differing from his grandfather, Dr. Erasmus Darwin, +and Lamarck.<br> +<br> +I believe I may say that Mr. Darwin before he died not only admitted +the connection between memory and heredity, but came also to see that +he must readmit that design in organism which he had so many years opposed. +For in the preface to Hermann Muller’s “Fertilisation of +Flowers,” <a name="citation63a"></a><a href="#footnote63a">{63a}</a> +which bears a date only a very few weeks prior to Mr. Darwin’s +death, I find him saying:- “Design in nature has for a long time +deeply interested many men, and though the subject must now be looked +at from a somewhat different point of view from what was formerly the +case, it is not on that account rendered less interesting.” +This is mused forth as a general gnome, and may mean anything or nothing: +the writer of the letterpress under the hieroglyph in Old Moore’s +Almanac could not be more guarded; but I think I know what it does mean.<br> +<br> +I cannot, of course, be sure; Mr. Darwin did not probably intend that +I should; but I assume with confidence that whether there is design +in organism or no, there is at any rate design in this passage of Mr. +Darwin’s. This, we may be sure, is not a fortuitous variation; +and, moreover, it is introduced for some reason which made Mr. Darwin +think it worth while to go out of his way to introduce it. It +has no fitness in its connection with Hermann Muller’s book, for +what little Hermann Müller says about teleology at all is to condemn +it; why, then, should Mr. Darwin muse here of all places in the world +about the interest attaching to design in organism? Neither has +the passage any connection with the rest of the preface. There +is not another word about design, and even here Mr. Darwin seems mainly +anxious to face both ways, and pat design as it were on the head while +not committing himself to any proposition which could be disputed.<br> +<br> +The explanation is sufficiently obvious. Mr Darwin wanted to hedge. +He saw that the design which his works had been mainly instrumental +in pitchforking out of organisms no less manifestly designed than a +burglar’s jemmy is designed, had nevertheless found its way back +again, and that though, as I insisted in “Evolution Old and New,” +and “Unconscious Memory,” it must now be placed within the +organism instead of outside it, as “was formerly the case,” +it was not on that account any the less - design, as well as interesting.<br> +<br> +I should like to have seen Mr. Darwin say this more explicitly. +Indeed I should have liked to have seen Mr. Darwin say anything at all +about the meaning of which there could be no mistake, and without contradicting +himself elsewhere; but this was not Mr. Darwin’s manner.<br> +<br> +In passing I will give another example of Mr Darwin’s manner when +he did not quite dare even to hedge. It is to be found in the +preface which he wrote to Professor Weismann’s “Studies +in the Theory of Descent,” published in 1881.<br> +<br> +“Several distinguished naturalists,” says Mr. Darwin, “maintain +with much confidence that organic beings tend to vary and to rise in +the scale, independently of the conditions to which they and their progenitors +have been exposed; whilst others maintain that all variation is due +to such exposure, though the manner in which the environment acts is +as yet quite unknown. At the present time there is hardly any +question in biology of more importance than this of the nature and causes +of variability; and the reader will find in the present work an able +discussion on the whole subject, which will probably lead him to pause +before he admits the existence of an innate tendency to perfectibility” +- or towards <i>being able to be perfected.<br> +<br> +</i>I could find no able discussion upon the whole subject in Professor +Weismann’s book. There was a little something here and there, +but not much.<br> +<br> +It may be expected that I should say something here about Mr. Romanes’ +latest contribution to biology - I mean his theory of physiological +selection, of which the two first instalments have appeared in <i>Nature +</i>just as these pages are leaving my hands, and many months since +the foregoing, and most of the following chapters were written. +I admit to feeling a certain sense of thankfulness that they did not +appear earlier; as it is, my book is too far advanced to be capable +of further embryonic change, and this must be my excuse for saying less +about Mr. Romanes’ theory than I might perhaps otherwise do. +I cordially, however, agree with the <i>Times, </i>which says that “Mr. +George Romanes appears to be the biological investigator on whom the +mantle of Mr. Darwin has most conspicuously descended” (August +16, 1886). Mr. Romanes is just the person whom the late Mr. Darwin +would select to carry on his work, and Mr. Darwin was just the kind +of person towards whom Mr. Romanes would find himself instinctively +attracted.<br> +<br> +The <i>Times </i>continues - “The position which Mr. Romanes takes +up is the result of his perception shared by many evolutionists, that +the theory of natural selection is not really a theory of the origin +of species. . . .” What, then, becomes of Mr. Darwin’s +most famous work, which was written expressly to establish natural selection +as the main means of organic modification? “The new factor +which Mr. Romanes suggests,” continues the <i>Times, </i>“is +that at a certain stage of development of varieties in a state of nature +a change takes place in their reproductive systems, rendering those +which differ in some particulars mutually infertile, and thus the formation +of new permanent species takes place without the swamping effect of +free intercrossing. . . . How his theory can be properly termed +one of selection he fails to make clear. If correct, it is a law +or principle of operation rather than a process of selection. +It has been objected to Mr. Romanes’ theory that it is the re-statement +of a fact. This objection is less important than the lack of facts +in support of the theory.” The <i>Times, </i>however, implies +it as its opinion that the required facts will be forthcoming by and +by, and that when they have been found Mr. Romanes’ suggestion +will constitute “the most important addition to the theory of +evolution since the publication of the ‘Origin of Species.’” +Considering that the <i>Times </i>has just implied the main thesis of +the “Origin of Species” to be one which does not stand examination, +this is rather a doubtful compliment.<br> +<br> +Neither Mr. Romanes nor the writer in the <i>Times </i>appears to perceive +that the results which may or may not be supposed to ensue on choice +depend upon what it is that is supposed to be chosen from; they do not +appear to see that though the expression natural selection must be always +more or less objectionable, as too highly charged with metaphor for +purposes of science, there is nevertheless a natural selection which +is open to no other objection than this, and which, when its metaphorical +character is borne well in mind, may be used without serious risk of +error, whereas natural selection from variations that are mainly fortuitous +is chimerical as well as metaphorical. Both writers speak of natural +selection as though there could not possibly be any selection in the +course of nature, or natural survival, of any but accidental variations. +Thus Mr. Romanes says: <a name="citation66a"></a><a href="#footnote66a">{66a}</a> +“The swamping effect of free inter-crossing upon an individual +variation constitutes perhaps the most formidable difficulty with which +<i>the theory of natural selection </i>is beset.” And the +writer of the article in the <i>Times </i>above referred to says: “In +truth <i>the theory of natural selection </i>presents many facts and +results which increase rather than diminish the difficulty of accounting +for the existence of species.” The assertion made in each +case is true if the Charles-Darwinian selection from fortuitous variations +is intended, but it does not hold good if the selection is supposed +to be made from variations under which there lies a general principle +of wide and abiding application. It is not likely that a man of +Mr. Romanes’ antecedents should not be perfectly awake to considerations +so obvious as the foregoing, and I am afraid I am inclined to consider +his whole suggestion as only an attempt upon the part of the wearer +of Mr. Darwin’s mantle to carry on Mr. Darwin’s work in +Mr. Darwin’s spirit.<br> +<br> +I have seen Professor Hering’s theory adopted recently more unreservedly +by Dr. Creighton in his “Illustrations of Unconscious Memory in +Disease.” <a name="citation67a"></a><a href="#footnote67a">{67a}</a> +Dr. Creighton avowedly bases his system on Professor Hering’s +address, and endorses it; it is with much pleasure that I have seen +him lend the weight of his authority to the theory that each cell and +organ has an individual memory. In “Life and Habit” +I expressed a hope that the opinions it upheld would be found useful +by medical men, and am therefore the more glad to see that this has +proved to be the case. I may perhaps be pardoned if I quote the +passage in” Life and Habit” to which I am referring. +It runs:-<br> +<br> +<i>“Mutatis mutandis, </i>the above would seem to hold as truly +about medicine as about politics. We cannot reason with our cells, +for they know so much more” (of course I mean “about their +own business”) “than we do, that they cannot understand +us; - but though we cannot reason with them, we can find out what they +have been most accustomed to, and what, therefore, they are most likely +to expect; we can see that they get this as far as it is in our power +to give it them, and may then generally leave the rest to them, only +bearing in mind that they will rebel equally against too sudden a change +of treatment and no change at all” (p. 305).<br> +<br> +Dr. Creighton insists chiefly on the importance of change, which - though +I did not notice his saying so - he would doubtless see as a mode of +cross-fertilisation, fraught in all respects with the same advantages +as this, and requiring the same precautions against abuse; he would +not, however, I am sure, deny that there could be no fertility of good +results if too wide a cross were attempted, so that I may claim the +weight of his authority as supporting both the theory of an unconscious +memory in general, and the particular application of it to medicine +which I had ventured to suggest.<br> +<br> +“Has the word ‘memory,’” he asks, “a real +application to unconscious organic phenomena, or do we use it outside +its ancient limits only in a figure of speech?”<br> +<br> +“If I had thought,” he continues later, “that unconscious +memory was no more than a metaphor, and the detailed application of +it to these various forms of disease merely allegorical, I should still +have judged it not unprofitable to represent a somewhat hackneyed class +of maladies in the light of a parable. None of our faculties is +more familiar to us in its workings than the memory, and there is hardly +any force or power in nature which every one knows so well as the force +of habit. To say that a neurotic subject is like a person with +a retentive memory, or that a diathesis gradually acquired is like an +over-mastering habit, is at all events to make comparisons with things +that we all understand.<br> +<br> +“For reasons given chiefly in the first chapter, I conclude that +retentiveness, with reproduction, is a single undivided faculty throughout +the whole of our life, whether mental or bodily, conscious or unconscious; +and I claim the description of a certain class of maladies according +to the phraseology of memory and habit as a real description and not +a figurative.” (p. 2.)<br> +<br> +As a natural consequence of the foregoing he regards “alterative +action” as “habit-breaking action.”<br> +<br> +As regards the organism’s being guided throughout its development +to maturity by an unconscious memory, Dr. Creighton says that “Professor +Bain calls reproduction the acme of organic complication.” +“I should prefer to say,” he adds, “the acme of organic +implication; for the reason that the sperm and germ elements are perfectly +simple, having nothing in their form or structure to show for the marvellous +potentialities within them.<br> +<br> +“I now come to the application of these considerations to the +doctrine of unconscious memory. If generation is the acme of organic +implicitness, what is its correlative in nature, what is the acme of +organic explicitness? Obviously the fine flower of consciousness. +Generation is implicit memory, consciousness is explicit memory; generation +is potential memory, consciousness is actual memory.”<br> +<br> +I am not sure that I understand the preceding paragraph as clearly as +I should wish, but having quoted enough to perhaps induce the reader +to turn to Dr. Creighton’s book, I will proceed to the subject +indicated in my title.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER V - Statement of the Question at Issue<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +Of the two points referred to in the opening sentence of this book - +I mean the connection between heredity and memory, and the reintroduction +of design into organic modification - the second is both the more important +and the one which stands most in need of support. The substantial +identity between heredity and memory is becoming generally admitted; +as regards my second point, however, I cannot flatter myself that I +have made much way against the formidable array of writers on the neo-Darwinian +side; I shall therefore devote the rest of my book as far as possible +to this subject only. Natural selection (meaning by these words +the preservation in the ordinary course of nature of favourable variations +that are supposed to be mainly matters of pure good luck and in no way +arising out of function) has been, to use an Americanism than which +I can find nothing apter, the biggest biological boom of the last quarter +of a century; it is not, therefore, to be wondered at that Professor +Ray Lankester, Mr. Romanes, Mr. Grant Allen, and others, should show +some impatience at seeing its value as prime means of modification called +in question. Within the last few months, indeed, Mr. Grant Allen +<a name="citation70a"></a><a href="#footnote70a">{70a}</a> and Professor +Ray Lankester <a name="citation70b"></a><a href="#footnote70b">{70b}</a> +in England, and Dr. Ernst Krause <a name="citation70c"></a><a href="#footnote70c">{70c}</a> +in Germany, have spoken and written warmly in support of the theory +of natural selection, and in opposition to the views taken by myself; +if they are not to be left in possession of the field the sooner they +are met the better.<br> +<br> +Stripped of detail the point at issue is this; - whether luck or cunning +is the fitter to be insisted on as the main means of organic development. +Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck answered this question in favour of cunning. +They settled it in favour of intelligent perception of the situation +- within, of course, ever narrower and narrower limits as organism retreats +farther backwards from ourselves - and persistent effort to turn it +to account. They made this the soul of all development whether +of mind or body.<br> +<br> +And they made it, like all other souls, liable to aberration both for +better and worse. They held that some organisms show more ready +wit and <i>savoir faire </i>than others; that some give more proofs +of genius and have more frequent happy thoughts than others, and that +some have even gone through waters of misery which they have used as +wells.<br> +<br> +The sheet anchor both of Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck is in good sense +and thrift; still they are aware that money has been sometimes made +by “striking oil,” and ere now been transmitted to descendants +in spite of the haphazard way in which it was originally acquired. +No speculation, no commerce; “nothing venture, nothing have,” +is as true for the development of organic wealth as for that of any +other kind, and neither Erasmus Darwin nor Lamarck hesitated about admitting +that highly picturesque and romantic incidents of developmental venture +do from time to time occur in the race histories even of the dullest +and most dead-level organisms under the name of “sports;” +but they would hold that even these occur most often and most happily +to those that have persevered in well-doing for some generations. +Unto the organism that hath is given, and from the organism that hath +not is taken away; so that even “sports” prove to be only +a little off thrift, which still remains the sheet anchor of the early +evolutionists. They believe, in fact, that more organic wealth +has been made by saving than in any other way. The race is not +in the long run to the phenomenally swift nor the battle to the phenomenally +strong, but to the good average all-round organism that is alike shy +of Radical crotchets and old world obstructiveness. <i>Festina, +</i>but <i>festina lente </i>- perhaps as involving so completely the +contradiction in terms which must underlie all modification - is the +motto they would assign to organism, and <i>Chi va piano va lontano, +</i>they hold to be a maxim as old, if not as the hills (and they have +a hankering even after these), at any rate as the amœba.<br> +<br> +To repeat in other words. All enduring forms establish a <i>modus +vivendi </i>with their surroundings. They can do this because +both they and the surroundings are plastic within certain undefined +but somewhat narrow limits. They are plastic because they can +to some extent change their habits, and changed habit, if persisted +in, involves corresponding change, however slight, in the organs employed; +but their plasticity depends in great measure upon their failure to +perceive that they are moulding themselves. If a change is so +great that they are seriously incommoded by its novelty, they are not +likely to acquiesce in it kindly enough to grow to it, but they will +make no difficulty about the miracle involved in accommodating themselves +to a difference of only two or three per cent. <a name="citation72a"></a><a href="#footnote72a">{72a}</a><br> +<br> +As long as no change exceeds this percentage, and as long, also, as +fresh change does not supervene till the preceding one is well established, +there seems no limit to the amount of modification which may be accumulated +in the course of generations - provided, of course, always, that the +modification continues to be in conformity with the instinctive habits +and physical development of the organism in their collective capacity. +Where the change is too great, or where an organ has been modified cumulatively +in some one direction, until it has reached a development too seriously +out of harmony with the habits of the organism taken collectively, then +the organism holds itself excused from further effort, throws up the +whole concern, and takes refuge in the liquidation and reconstruction +of death. It is only on the relinquishing of further effort that +this death ensues; as long as effort endures, organisms go on from change +to change, altering and being altered - that is to say, either killing +themselves piecemeal in deference to the surroundings or killing the +surroundings piecemeal to suit themselves. There is a ceaseless +higgling and haggling, or rather a life-and-death struggle between these +two things as long as life lasts, and one or other or both have in no +small part to re-enter into the womb from whence they came and be born +again in some form which shall give greater satisfaction.<br> +<br> +All change is <i>pro tanto </i>death or <i>pro tanto </i>birth. +Change is the common substratum which underlies both life and death; +life and death are not two distinct things absolutely antagonistic to +one another; in the highest life there is still much death, and in the +most complete death there is still not a little life. <i>La vie, +</i>says Claud Bernard, <a name="citation73a"></a><a href="#footnote73a">{73a}</a> +<i>c’est la mort: </i>he might have added, and perhaps did, <i>et +la mort ce n’est que la vie transformée</i>. Life +and death are the extreme modes of something which is partly both and +wholly neither; this something is common, ordinary change; solve any +change and the mystery of life and death will be revealed; show why +and how anything becomes ever anything other in any respect than what +it is at any given moment, and there will be little secret left in any +other change. One is not in its ultimate essence more miraculous +that another; it may be more striking - a greater <i>congeries </i>of +shocks, it may be more credible or more incredible, but not more miraculous; +all change is <i>quâ </i>us absolutely incomprehensible and miraculous; +the smallest change baffles the greatest intellect if its essence, as +apart from its phenomena, be inquired into.<br> +<br> +But however this may be, all organic change is either a growth or a +dissolution, or a combination of the two. Growth is the coming +together of elements with <i>quasi </i>similar characteristics. +I understand it is believed to be the coming together of matter in certain +states of motion with other matter in states so nearly similar that +the rhythms of the one coalesce with and hence reinforce the rhythms +pre-existing in the other - making, rather than marring and undoing +them. Life and growth are an attuning, death and decay are an +untuning; both involve a succession of greater or smaller attunings +and untunings; organic life is “the diapason closing full in man”; +it is the fulness of a tone that varies in pitch, quality, and in the +harmonics to which it gives rise; it ranges through every degree of +complexity from the endless combinations of life-and-death within life-and-death +which we find in the mammalia, to the comparative simplicity of the +amœba. Death, again, like life, ranges through every degree +of complexity. All pleasant changes are recreative; they are <i>pro +tanto </i>births; all unpleasant changes are wearing, and, as such, +<i>pro tanto </i>deaths, but we can no more exhaust either wholly of +the other, than we can exhaust all the air out of a receiver; pleasure +and pain lurk within one another, as life in death, and death in life, +or as rest and unrest in one another.<br> +<br> +There is no greater mystery in life than in death. We talk as +though the riddle of life only need engage us; this is not so; death +is just as great a miracle as life; the one is two and two making five, +the other is five splitting into two and two. Solve either, and +we have solved the other; they should be studied not apart, for they +are never parted, but together, and they will tell more tales of one +another than either will tell about itself. If there is one thing +which advancing knowledge makes clearer than another, it is that death +is swallowed up in life, and life in death; so that if the last enemy +that shall be subdued is death, then indeed is our salvation nearer +than what we thought, for in strictness there is neither life nor death, +nor thought nor thing, except as figures of speech, and as the approximations +which strike us for the time as most convenient. There is neither +perfect life nor perfect death, but a being ever with the Lord only, +in the eternal φορα<i>, </i>or going to and fro +and heat and fray of the universe. When we were young we thought +the one certain thing was that we should one day come to die; now we +know the one certain thing to be that we shall never wholly do so. +<i>Non omnis moriar, </i>says Horace, and “I die daily,” +says St. Paul, as though a life beyond the grave, and a death on this +side of it, were each some strange thing which happened to them alone +of all men; but who dies absolutely once for all, and for ever at the +hour that is commonly called that of death, and who does not die daily +and hourly? Does any man in continuing to live from day to day +or moment to moment, do more than continue in a changed body, with changed +feelings, ideas, and aims, so that he lives from moment to moment only +in virtue of a simultaneous dying from moment to moment also? +Does any man in dying do more than, on a larger and more complete scale, +what he has been doing on a small one, as the most essential factor +of his life, from the day that he became “he” at all? +When the note of life is struck the harmonics of death are sounded, +and so, again, to strike death is to arouse the infinite harmonics of +life that rise forthwith as incense curling upwards from a censer. +If in the midst of life we are in death, so also in the midst of death +we are in life, and whether we live or whether we die, whether we like +it and know anything about it or no, still we do it to the Lord - living +always, dying always, and in the Lord always, the unjust and the just +alike, for God is no respecter of persons.<br> +<br> +Consciousness and change, so far as we can watch them, are as functionally +interdependent as mind and matter, or condition and substance, are - +for the condition of every substance may be considered as the expression +and outcome of its mind. Where there is consciousness there is +change; where there is no change there is no consciousness; may we not +suspect that there is no change without a <i>pro tanto </i>consciousness +however simple and unspecialised? Change and motion are one, so +that we have substance, feeling, change (or motion), as the ultimate +three-in-one of our thoughts, and may suspect all change, and all feeling, +attendant or consequent, however limited, to be the interaction of those +states which for want of better terms we call mind and matter. +Action may be regarded as a kind of middle term between mind and matter; +it is the throe of thought and thing, the quivering clash and union +of body and soul; commonplace enough in practice; miraculous, as violating +every canon on which thought and reason are founded, if we theorise +about it, put it under the microscope, and vivisect it. It is +here, if anywhere, that body or substance is guilty of the contradiction +in terms of combining with that which is without material substance +and cannot, therefore, be conceived by us as passing in and out with +matter, till the two become a body ensouled and a soul embodied.<br> +<br> +All body is more or less ensouled. As it gets farther and farther +from ourselves, indeed, we sympathise less with it; nothing, we say +to ourselves, can have intelligence unless we understand all about it +- as though intelligence in all except ourselves meant the power of +being understood rather than of understanding. We are intelligent, +and no intelligence, so different from our own as to baffle our powers +of comprehension deserves to be called intelligence at all. The +more a thing resembles ourselves, the more it thinks as we do - and +thus by implication tells us that we are right, the more intelligent +we think it; and the less it thinks as we do, the greater fool it must +be; if a substance does not succeed in making it clear that it understands +our business, we conclude that it cannot have any business of its own, +much less understand it, or indeed understand anything at all. +But letting this pass, so far as we are concerned, χρηματων +παντων μετρον +ανθρωπος; we are body ensouled, +and soul embodied, ourselves, nor is it possible for us to think seriously +of anything so unlike ourselves as to consist either of soul without +body, or body without soul. Unmattered condition, therefore, is +as inconceivable by us as unconditioned matter; and we must hold that +all body with which we can be conceivably concerned is more or less +ensouled, and all soul, in like manner, more or less embodied. +Strike either body or soul - that is to say, effect either a physical +or a mental change, and the harmonics of the other sound. So long +as body is minded in a certain way - so long, that is to say, as it +feels, knows, remembers, concludes, and forecasts one set of things +- it will be in one form; if it assumes a new one, otherwise than by +external violence, no matter how slight the change may be, it is only +through having changed its mind, through having forgotten and died to +some trains of thought, and having been correspondingly born anew by +the adoption of new ones. What it will adopt depends upon which +of the various courses open to it it considers most to its advantage.<br> +<br> +What it will think to its advantage depends mainly on the past habits +of its race. Its past and now invisible lives will influence its +desires more powerfully than anything it may itself be able to add to +the sum of its likes and dislikes; nevertheless, over and above preconceived +opinion and the habits to which all are slaves, there is a small salary, +or, as it were, agency commission, which each may have for himself, +and spend according to his fancy; from this, indeed, income-tax must +be deducted; still there remains a little margin of individual taste, +and here, high up on this narrow, inaccessible ledge of our souls, from +year to year a breed of not unprolific variations build where reason +cannot reach them to despoil them; for <i>de gustibus non est disputandum.<br> +<br> +</i>Here we are as far as we can go. Fancy, which sometimes sways +so much and is swayed by so little, and which sometimes, again, is so +hard to sway, and moves so little when it is swayed; whose ways have +a method of their own, but are not as our ways - fancy, lies on the +extreme borderland of the realm within which the writs of our thoughts +run, and extends into that unseen world wherein they have no jurisdiction. +Fancy is as the mist upon the horizon which blends earth and sky; where, +however, it approaches nearest to the earth and can be reckoned with, +it is seen as melting into desire, and this as giving birth to design +and effort. As the net result and outcome of these last, living +forms grow gradually but persistently into physical conformity with +their own intentions, and become outward and visible signs of the inward +and spiritual faiths, or wants of faith, that have been most within +them. They thus very gradually, but none the less effectually, +design themselves.<br> +<br> +In effect, therefore, Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck introduce uniformity +into the moral and spiritual worlds as it was already beginning to be +introduced into the physical. According to both these writers +development has ever been a matter of the same energy, effort, good +sense, and perseverance, as tend to advancement of life now among ourselves. +In essence it is neither more nor less than this, as the rain-drop which +denuded an ancient formation is of the same kind as that which is denuding +a modern one, though its effect may vary in geometrical ratio with the +effect it has produced already. As we are extending reason to +the lower animals, so we must extend a system of moral government by +rewards and punishments no less surely; and if we admit that to some +considerable extent man is man, and master of his fate, we should admit +also that all organic forms which are saved at all have been in proportionate +degree masters of their fate too, and have worked out, not only their +own salvation, but their salvation according, in no small measure, to +their own goodwill and pleasure, at times with a light heart, and at +times in fear and trembling. I do not say that Erasmus Darwin +and Lamarck saw all the foregoing as clearly as it is easy to see it +now; what I have said, however, is only the natural development of their +system.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER VI - Statement of the Question at Issue <i>(continued)<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +</i>So much for the older view; and now for the more modern opinion. +According to Messrs. Darwin and Wallace, and ostensibly, I am afraid +I should add, a great majority of our most prominent biologists, the +view taken by Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck is not a sound one. Some +organisms, indeed, are so admirably adapted to their surroundings, and +some organs discharge their functions with so much appearance of provision, +that we are apt to think they must owe their development to sense of +need and consequent contrivance, but this opinion is fantastic; the +appearance of design is delusive; what we are tempted to see as an accumulated +outcome of desire and cunning, we should regard as mainly an accumulated +outcome of good luck.<br> +<br> +Let us take the eye as a somewhat crucial example. It is a seeing-machine, +or thing to see with. So is a telescope; the telescope in its +highest development is a secular accumulation of cunning, sometimes +small, sometimes great; sometimes applied to this detail of the instrument, +and sometimes to that. It is an admirable example of design; nevertheless, +as I said in “Evolution Old and New,” he who made the first +rude telescope had probably no idea of any more perfect form of the +instrument than the one he had himself invented. Indeed, if he +had, he would have carried his idea out in practice. He would +have been unable to conceive such an instrument as Lord Rosse’s; +the design, therefore, at present evidenced by the telescope was not +design all on the part of one and the same person. Nor yet was +it unmixed with chance; many a detail has been doubtless due to an accident +or coincidence which was forthwith seized and made the best of. +Luck there always has been and always will be, until all brains are +opened, and all connections made known, but luck turned to account becomes +design; there is, indeed, if things are driven home, little other design +than this. The telescope, therefore, is an instrument designed +in all its parts for the purpose of seeing, and, take it all round, +designed with singular skill.<br> +<br> +Looking at the eye, we are at first tempted to think that it must be +the telescope over again, only more so; we are tempted to see it as +something which has grown up little by little from small beginnings, +as the result of effort well applied and handed down from generation +to generation, till, in the vastly greater time during which the eye +has been developing as compared with the telescope, a vastly more astonishing +result has been arrived at. We may indeed be tempted to think +this, but, according to Mr. Darwin, we should be wrong. Design +had a great deal to do with the telescope, but it had nothing or hardly +anything whatever to do with the eye. The telescope owes its development +to cunning, the eye to luck, which, it would seem, is so far more cunning +than cunning that one does not quite understand why there should be +any cunning at all. The main means of developing the eye was, +according to Mr. Darwin, not use as varying circumstances might direct +with consequent slow increase of power and an occasional happy flight +of genius, but natural selection. Natural selection, according +to him, though not the sole, is still the most important means of its +development and modification. <a name="citation81a"></a><a href="#footnote81a">{81a}</a> +What, then, is natural selection?<br> +<br> +Mr. Darwin has told us this on the title-page of the “Origin of +Species.” He there defines it as “The Preservation +of Favoured Races;” “Favoured” is “Fortunate,” +and “Fortunate” “Lucky;” it is plain, therefore, +that with Mr. Darwin natural selection comes to “The Preservation +of Lucky Races,” and that he regarded luck as the most important +feature in connection with the development even of so apparently purposive +an organ as the eye, and as the one, therefore, on which it was most +proper to insist. And what is luck but absence of intention or +design? What, then, can Mr. Darwin’s title-page amount to +when written out plainly, but to an assertion that the main means of +modification has been the preservation of races whose variations have +been unintentional, that is to say, not connected with effort or intention, +devoid of mind or meaning, fortuitous, spontaneous, accidental, or whatever +kindred word is least disagreeable to the reader? It is impossible +to conceive any more complete denial of mind as having had anything +to do with organic development, than is involved in the title-page of +the “Origin of Species” when its doubtless carefully considered +words are studied - nor, let me add, is it possible to conceive a title-page +more likely to make the reader’s attention rest much on the main +doctrine of evolution, and little, to use the words now most in vogue +concerning it, on Mr. Darwin’s own “distinctive feature.”<br> +<br> +It should be remembered that the full title of the “Origin of +Species” is, “On the origin of species by means of natural +selection, or the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for +life.” The significance of the expansion of the title escaped +the greater number of Mr. Darwin’s readers. Perhaps it ought +not to have done so, but we certainly failed to catch it. The +very words themselves escaped us - and yet there they were all the time +if we had only chosen to look. We thought the book was called +“On the Origin of Species,” and so it was on the outside; +so it was also on the inside fly-leaf; so it was on the title-page itself +as long as the most prominent type was used; the expanded title was +only given once, and then in smaller type; so the three big “Origins +of Species” carried us with them to the exclusion of the rest.<br> +<br> +The short and working title, “On the Origin of Species,” +in effect claims descent with modification generally; the expanded and +technically true title only claims the discovery that luck is the main +means of organic modification, and this is a very different matter. +The book ought to have been entitled, “On Natural Selection, or +the preservation of favoured races in the struggle for life, as the +main means of the origin of species;” this should have been the +expanded title, and the short title should have been “On Natural +Selection.” The title would not then have involved an important +difference between its working and its technical forms, and it would +have better fulfilled the object of a title, which is, of course, to +give, as far as may be, the essence of a book in a nutshell. We +learn on the authority of Mr. Darwin himself <a name="citation83a"></a><a href="#footnote83a">{83a}</a> +that the “Origin of Species” was originally intended to +bear the title “Natural Selection;” nor is it easy to see +why the change should have been made if an accurate expression of the +contents of the book was the only thing which Mr. Darwin was considering. +It is curious that, writing the later chapters of “Life and Habit” +in great haste, I should have accidentally referred to the “Origin +of Species” as “Natural Selection;” it seems hard +to believe that there was no intention in my thus unconsciously reverting +to Mr. Darwin’s own original title, but there certainly was none, +and I did not then know what the original title had been.<br> +<br> +If we had scrutinised Mr. Darwin’s title-page as closely as we +should certainly scrutinise anything written by Mr. Darwin now, we should +have seen that the title did not technically claim the theory of descent; +practically, however, it so turned out that we unhesitatingly gave that +theory to the author, being, as I have said, carried away by the three +large “Origins of Species” (which we understood as much +the same thing as descent with modification), and finding, as I shall +show in a later chapter, that descent was ubiquitously claimed throughout +the work, either expressly or by implication, as Mr. Darwin’s +theory. It is not easy to see how any one with ordinary instincts +could hesitate to believe that Mr. Darwin was entitled to claim what +he claimed with so much insistance. If <i>ars est celare artem +</i>Mr. Darwin must be allowed to have been a consummate artist, for +it took us years to understand the ins and outs of what had been done.<br> +<br> +I may say in passing that we never see the “Origin of Species” +spoken of as “On the Origin of Species, &c.,” or as +“The Origin of Species, &c.” (the word “on” +being dropped in the latest editions). The distinctive feature +of the book lies, according to its admirers, in the “&c.,” +but they never give it. To avoid pedantry I shall continue to +speak of the “Origin of Species.”<br> +<br> +At any rate it will be admitted that Mr. Darwin did not make his title-page +express his meaning so clearly that his readers could readily catch +the point of difference between himself and his grandfather and Lamarck; +nevertheless the point just touched upon involves the only essential +difference between the systems of Mr. Charles Darwin and those of his +three most important predecessors. All four writers agree that +animals and plants descend with modification; all agree that the fittest +alone survive; all agree about the important consequences of the geometrical +ratio of increase; Mr. Charles Darwin has said more about these last +two points than his predecessors did, but all three were alike cognisant +of the facts and attached the same importance to them, and would have +been astonished at its being supposed possible that they disputed them. +The fittest alone survive; yes - but the fittest from among what? +Here comes the point of divergence; the fittest from among organisms +whose variations arise mainly through use and disuse? In other +words, from variations that are mainly functional? Or from among +organisms whose variations are in the main matters of luck? From +variations into which a moral and intellectual system of payment according +to results has largely entered? Or from variations which have +been thrown for with dice? From variations among which, though +cards tell, yet play tells as much or more? Or from those in which +cards are everything and play goes for so little as to be not worth +taking into account? Is “the survival of the fittest” +to be taken as meaning “the survival of the luckiest” or +“the survival of those who know best how to turn fortune to account”? +Is luck the only element of fitness, or is not cunning even more indispensable?<br> +<br> +Mr. Darwin has a habit, borrowed, perhaps, <i>mutatis mutandis, </i>from +the framers of our collects, of every now and then adding the words +“through natural selection,” as though this squared everything, +and descent with modification thus became his theory at once. +This is not the case. Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck believed +in natural selection to the full as much as any follower of Mr. Charles +Darwin can do. They did not use the actual words, but the idea +underlying them is the essence of their system. Mr. Patrick Matthew +epitomised their doctrine more tersely, perhaps, than was done by any +other of the pre-Charles-Darwinian evolutionists, in the following passage +which appeared in 1831, and which I have already quoted in “Evolution +Old and New” (pp. 320, 323). The passage runs:-<br> +<br> +“The self-regulating adaptive disposition of organised life may, +in part, be traced to the extreme fecundity of nature, who, as before +stated, has in all the varieties of her offspring a prolific power much +beyond (in many cases a thousandfold) what is necessary to fill up the +vacancies caused by senile decay. As the field of existence is +limited and preoccupied, it is only the hardier, more robust, better +suited to circumstance individuals, who are able to struggle forward +to maturity, these inhabiting only the situations to which they have +superior adaptation and greater power of occupancy than any other kind; +the weaker and less circumstance-suited being prematurely destroyed. +This principle is in constant action; it regulates the colour, the figure, +the capacities, and instincts; those individuals in each species whose +colour and covering are best suited to concealment or protection from +enemies, or defence from inclemencies or vicissitudes of climate, whose +figure is best accommodated to health, strength, defence, and support; +whose capacities and instincts can best regulate the physical energies +to self-advantage according to circumstances - in such immense waste +of primary and youthful life those only come forward to maturity from +<i>the strict ordeal by which nature tests their adaptation to her standard +of perfection </i>and fitness to continue their kind by reproduction.” +<a name="citation86a"></a><a href="#footnote86a">{86a}</a> A little +lower down Mr. Matthew speaks of animals under domestication <i>“not +having undergone selection by the law of nature, of which we have spoken, +</i>and hence being unable to maintain their ground without culture +and protection.”<br> +<br> +The distinction between Darwinism and Neo-Darwinism is generally believed +to lie in the adoption of a theory of natural selection by the younger +Darwin and its non-adoption by the elder. This is true in so far +as that the elder Darwin does not use the words “natural selection,” +while the younger does, but it is not true otherwise. Both writers +agree that offspring tends to inherit modifications that have been effected, +from whatever cause, in parents; both hold that the best adapted to +their surroundings live longest and leave most offspring; both, therefore, +hold that favourable modifications will tend to be preserved and intensified +in the course of many generations, and that this leads to divergence +of type; but these opinions involve a theory of natural selection or +quasi-selection, whether the words “natural selection” are +used or not; indeed it is impossible to include wild species in any +theory of descent with modification without implying a quasi-selective +power on the part of nature; but even with Mr. Charles Darwin the power +is only quasi-selective; there is no conscious choice, and hence there +is nothing that can in strictness be called selection.<br> +<br> +It is indeed true that the younger Darwin gave the words “natural +selection” the importance which of late years they have assumed; +he probably adopted them unconsciously from the passage of Mr. Matthew’s +quoted above, but he ultimately said, <a name="citation87a"></a><a href="#footnote87a">{87a}</a> +“In the literal sense of the word <i>(sic) </i>no doubt natural +selection is a false term,” as personifying a fact, making it +exercise the conscious choice without which there can be no selection, +and generally crediting it with the discharge of functions which can +only be ascribed legitimately to living and reasoning beings. +Granted, however, that while Mr. Charles Darwin adopted the expression +natural selection and admitted it to be a bad one, his grandfather did +not use it at all; still Mr. Darwin did not mean the natural selection +which Mr. Matthew and those whose opinions he was epitomising meant. +Mr. Darwin meant the selection to be made from variations into which +purpose enters to only a small extent comparatively. The difference, +therefore, between the older evolutionists and their successor does +not lie in the acceptance by the more recent writer of a quasi-selective +power in nature which his predecessors denied, but in the background +- hidden behind the words natural selection, which have served to cloak +it - in the views which the old and the new writers severally took of +the variations from among which they are alike agreed that a selection +or quasi-selection is made.<br> +<br> +It now appears that there is not one natural selection, and one survival +of the fittest only, but two natural selections, and two survivals of +the fittest, the one of which may be objected to as an expression more +fit for religious and general literature than for science, but may still +be admitted as sound in intention, while the other, inasmuch as it supposes +accident to be the main purveyor of variations, has no correspondence +with the actual course of things; for if the variations are matters +of chance or hazard unconnected with any principle of constant application, +they will not occur steadily enough, throughout a sufficient number +of successive generations, nor to a sufficient number of individuals +for many generations together at the same time and place, to admit of +the fixing and permanency of modification at all. The one theory +of natural selection, therefore, may, and indeed will, explain the facts +that surround us, whereas the other will not. Mr. Charles Darwin’s +contribution to the theory of evolution was not, as is commonly supposed, +“natural selection,” but the hypothesis that natural selection +from variations that are in the main fortuitous could accumulate and +result in specific and generic differences.<br> +<br> +In the foregoing paragraph I have given the point of difference between +Mr. Charles Darwin and his predecessors. Why, I wonder, have neither +he nor any of his exponents put this difference before us in such plain +words that we should readily apprehend it? Erasmus Darwin and +Lamarck were understood by all who wished to understand them; why is +it that the misunderstanding of Mr. Darwin’s “distinctive +feature” should have been so long and obstinate? Why is +it that, no matter how much writers like Mr. Grant Allen and Professor +Ray Lankester may say about “Mr. Darwin’s master-key,” +nor how many more like hyperboles they brandish, they never put a succinct +<i>résumé </i>of Mr. Darwin’s theory side by side +with a similar <i>résumé </i>of his grandfather’s +and Lamarck’s? Neither Mr. Darwin himself, not any of those +to whose advocacy his reputation is mainly due, have done this. +Professor Huxley is the man of all others who foisted Mr. Darwin most +upon us, but in his famous lecture on the coming of age of the “Origin +of Species” he did not explain to his hearers wherein the Neo-Darwinian +theory of evolution differed from the old; and why not? Surely, +because no sooner is this made clear than we perceive that the idea +underlying the old evolutionists is more in accord with instinctive +feelings that we have cherished too long to be able now to disregard +them than the central idea which underlies the “Origin of Species.”<br> +<br> +What should we think of one who maintained that the steam-engine and +telescope were not developed mainly through design and effort (letting +the indisputably existing element of luck go without saying), but to +the fact that if any telescope or steam-engine “happened to be +made ever such a little more conveniently for man’s purposes than +another,” &c., &c.?<br> +<br> +Let us suppose a notorious burglar found in possession of a jemmy; it +is admitted on all hands that he will use it as soon as he gets a chance; +there is no doubt about this; how perverted should we not consider the +ingenuity of one who tried to persuade us we were wrong in thinking +that the burglar compassed the possession of the jemmy by means involving +ideas, however vague in the first instance, of applying it to its subsequent +function.<br> +<br> +If any one could be found so blind to obvious inferences as to accept +natural selection, “or the preservation of favoured machines,” +as the main means of mechanical modification, we might suppose him to +argue much as follows:- “I can quite understand,” he would +exclaim, “how any one who reflects upon the originally simple +form of the earliest jemmies, and observes the developments they have +since attained in the hands of our most accomplished housebreakers, +might at first be tempted to believe that the present form of the instrument +has been arrived at by long-continued improvement in the hands of an +almost infinite succession of thieves; but may not this inference be +somewhat too hastily drawn? Have we any right to assume that burglars +work by means analogous to those employed by other people? If +any thief happened to pick up any crowbar which happened to be ever +such a little better suited to his purpose than the one he had been +in the habit of using hitherto, he would at once seize and carefully +preserve it. If it got worn out or broken he would begin searching +for a crowbar as like as possible to the one that he had lost; and when, +with advancing skill, and in default of being able to find the exact +thing he wanted, he took at length to making a jemmy for himself, he +would imitate the latest and most perfect adaptation, which would thus +be most likely to be preserved in the struggle of competitive forms. +Let this process go on for countless generations, among countless burglars +of all nations, and may we not suppose that a jemmy would be in time +arrived at, as superior to any that could have been designed as the +effect of the Niagara Falls is superior to the puny efforts of the landscape +gardener?”<br> +<br> +For the moment I will pass over the obvious retort that there is no +sufficient parallelism between bodily organs and mechanical inventions +to make a denial of design in the one involve in equity a denial of +it in the other also, and that therefore the preceding paragraph has +no force. A man is not bound to deny design in machines wherein +it can be clearly seen because he denies it in living organs where at +best it is a matter of inference. This retort is plausible, but +in the course of the two next following chapters but one it will be +shown to be without force; for the moment, however, beyond thus calling +attention to it, I must pass it by.<br> +<br> +I do not mean to say that Mr. Darwin ever wrote anything which made +the utility of his contention as apparent as it is made by what I have +above put into the mouth of his supposed follower. Mr. Darwin +was the Gladstone of biology, and so old a scientific hand was not going +to make things unnecessarily clear unless it suited his convenience. +Then, indeed, he was like the man in “The Hunting of the Snark,” +who said, “I told you once, I told you twice, what I tell you +three times is true.” That what I have supposed said, however, +above about the jemmy is no exaggeration of Mr. Darwin’s attitude +as regards design in organism will appear from the passage about the +eye already referred to, which it may perhaps be as well to quote in +full. Mr. Darwin says:-<br> +<br> +“It is scarcely possible to avoid comparing the eye to a telescope. +We know that this instrument has been perfected by the long-continued +efforts of the highest human intellects, and we naturally infer that +the eye has been formed by a somewhat analogous process. But may +not this inference be presumptuous? Have we any right to assume +that the Creator works by intellectual powers like those of men? +If we must compare the eye to an optical instrument, we ought in imagination +to take a thick layer of transparent tissue, with a nerve sensitive +to light beneath, and then suppose every part of this layer to be continually +changing slowly in density, so as to separate into layers of different +densities and thicknesses, placed at different distances from each other, +and with the surfaces of each layer slowly changing in form. Further, +we must suppose that there is a power always intently watching each +slight accidental alteration in the transparent layers, and carefully +selecting each alteration which, under varied circumstances, may in +any way, or in any degree, tend to produce a distincter image. +We must suppose each new state of the instrument to be multiplied by +the million, and each to be preserved till a better be produced, and +then the old ones to be destroyed. In living bodies variation +will cause the slight alterations, generation will multiply them almost +infinitely, and natural selection will pick out with unerring skill +each improvement. Let this process go on for millions on millions +of years, and during each year on millions of individuals of many kinds; +and may we not believe that a living optical instrument might thus be +formed as superior to one of glass as the works of the Creator are to +those of man?” <a name="citation92a"></a><a href="#footnote92a">{92a}</a><br> +<br> +Mr. Darwin does not in this passage deny design, or cunning, point blank; +he was not given to denying things point blank, nor is it immediately +apparent that he is denying design at all, for he does not emphasize +and call attention to the fact that the <i>variations </i>on whose accumulation +he relies for his ultimate specific difference are accidental, and, +to use his own words, in the passage last quoted, caused by <i>variation</i>. +He does, indeed, in his earlier editions, call the variations “accidental,” +and accidental they remained for ten years, but in 1869 the word “accidental” +was taken out. Mr. Darwin probably felt that the variations had +been accidental as long as was desirable; and though they would, of +course, in reality remain as accidental as ever, still, there could +be no use in crying “accidental variations” further. +If the reader wants to know whether they were accidental or no, he had +better find out for himself. Mr. Darwin was a master of what may +be called scientific chiaroscuro, and owes his reputation in no small +measure to the judgment with which he kept his meaning dark when a less +practised hand would have thrown light upon it. There can, however, +be no question that Mr. Darwin, though not denying purposiveness point +blank, was trying to refer the development of the eye to the accumulation +of small accidental improvements, which were not as a rule due to effort +and design in any way analogous to those attendant on the development +of the telescope.<br> +<br> +Though Mr. Darwin, if he was to have any point of difference from his +grandfather, was bound to make his variations accidental, yet, to do +him justice, he did not like it. Even in the earlier editions +of the “Origin of Species,” where the “alterations” +in the passage last quoted are called “accidental” in express +terms, the word does not fall, so to speak, on a strong beat of the +bar, and is apt to pass unnoticed. Besides, Mr. Darwin does not +say point blank “we may believe,” or “we ought to +believe;” he only says “may we not believe?” +The reader should always be on his guard when Mr. Darwin asks one of +these bland and child-like questions, and he is fond of asking them; +but, however this may be, it is plain, as I pointed out in “Evolution +Old and New” <a name="citation93a"></a><a href="#footnote93a">{93a}</a> +that the only “skill,” that is to say the only thing that +can possibly involve design, is “the unerring skill” of +natural selection.<br> +<br> +In the same paragraph Mr. Darwin has already said: “Further, we +must suppose that there is a power represented by natural selection +or the survival of the fittest always intently watching each slight +alteration, &c.” Mr. Darwin probably said “a power +represented by natural selection” instead of “natural selection” +only, because he saw that to talk too frequently about the fact that +the most lucky live longest as “intently watching” something +was greater nonsense than it would be prudent even for him to write, +so he fogged it by making the intent watching done by “a power +represented by” a fact, instead of by the fact itself. As +the sentence stands it is just as great nonsense as it would have been +if “the survival of the fittest” had been allowed to do +the watching instead of “the power represented by” the survival +of the fittest, but the nonsense is harder to dig up, and the reader +is more likely to pass it over.<br> +<br> +This passage gave Mr. Darwin no less trouble than it must have given +to many of his readers. In the original edition of the “Origin +of Species” it stood, “Further, we must suppose that there +is a power always intently watching each slight accidental variation.” +I suppose it was felt that if this was allowed to stand, it might be +fairly asked what natural selection was doing all this time? If +the power was able to do everything that was necessary now, why not +always? and why any natural selection at all? This clearly would +not do, so in 1861 the power was allowed, by the help of brackets, actually +to become natural selection, and remained so till 1869, when Mr. Darwin +could stand it no longer, and, doubtless for the reason given above, +altered the passage to “a power represented by natural selection,” +at the same time cutting out the word “accidental.”<br> +<br> +It may perhaps make the workings of Mr. Darwin’s mind clearer +to the reader if I give the various readings of this passage as taken +from the three most important editions of the “Origin of Species.”<br> +<br> +In 1859 it stood, “Further, we must suppose that there is a power +always intently watching each slight accidental alteration,” &c.<br> +<br> +In 1861 it stood, “Further, we must suppose that there is a power +(natural selection) always intently watching each slight accidental +alteration,” &c.<br> +<br> +And in 1869, “Further, we must suppose that there is a power represented +by natural selection or the survival of the fittest always intently +watching each slight alteration,” &c. <a name="citation94a"></a><a href="#footnote94a">{94a}</a><br> +<br> +The hesitating feeble gait of one who fears a pitfall at every step, +so easily recognisable in the “numerous, successive, slight alterations” +in the foregoing passage, may be traced in many another page of the +“Origin of Species” by those who will be at the trouble +of comparing the several editions. It is only when this is done, +and the working of Mr. Darwin’s mind can be seen as though it +were the twitchings of a dog’s nose, that any idea can be formed +of the difficulty in which he found himself involved by his initial +blunder of thinking he had got a distinctive feature which entitled +him to claim the theory of evolution as an original idea of his own. +He found his natural selection hang round his neck like a millstone. +There is hardly a page in the “Origin of Species” in which +traces of the struggle going on in Mr. Darwin’s mind are not discernible, +with a result alike exasperating and pitiable. I can only repeat +what I said in “Evolution Old and New,” namely, that I find +the task of extracting a well-defined meaning out of Mr. Darwin’s +words comparable only to that of trying to act on the advice of a lawyer +who has obscured the main issue as much as he can, and whose chief aim +has been to leave as many loopholes as possible for himself to escape +by, if things should go wrong hereafter. Or, again, to that of +one who has to construe an Act of Parliament which was originally drawn +with a view to throwing as much dust as possible in the eyes of those +who would oppose the measure, and which, having been found utterly unworkable +in practice, has had clauses repealed up and down it till it is now +in an inextricable tangle of confusion and contradiction.<br> +<br> +The more Mr. Darwin’s work is studied, and more especially the +more his different editions are compared, the more impossible is it +to avoid a suspicion of <i>arrière pensée </i>as pervading +it whenever the “distinctive feature” is on the <i>tapis</i>. +It is right to say, however, that no such suspicion attaches to Mr. +A. R. Wallace, Mr. Darwin’s fellow discoverer of natural selection. +It is impossible to doubt that Mr. Wallace believed he had made a real +and important improvement upon the Lamarckian system, and, as a natural +consequence, unlike Mr. Darwin, he began by telling us what Lamarck +had said. He did not, I admit, say quite all that I should have +been glad to have seen him say, nor use exactly the words I should myself +have chosen, but he said enough to make it impossible to doubt his good +faith, and his desire that we should understand that with him, as with +Mr. Darwin, variations are mainly accidental, not functional. +Thus, in his memorable paper communicated to the Linnean Society in +1858 he said, in a passage which I have quoted in “Unconscious +Memory”:<br> +<br> +“The hypothesis of Lamarck - that progressive changes in species +have been produced by the attempts of the animals to increase the development +of their own organs, and thus modify their structures and habits - has +been repeatedly and easily refuted by all writers on the subject of +varieties and species; . . . but the view here developed renders such +an hypothesis quite unnecessary. . . . The powerful retractile +talons of the falcon and cat tribes have not been produced or increased +by the volition of those animals; . . . neither did the giraffe acquire +its long neck by desiring to reach the foliage of the more lofty shrubs, +and constantly stretching its neck for this purpose, but because any +varieties which occurred among its antitypes with a longer neck than +usual <i>at once secured a fresh range of pasture over the same ground +as their shorter-necked companions, and on the first scarcity of food +were thus enabled to outlive them” </i>(italics in original). +<a name="citation96a"></a><a href="#footnote96a">{96a}</a><br> +<br> +“Which occurred” is obviously “which happened to occur, +by some chance or accident entirely unconnected with use and disuse;” +and though the word “accidental” is never used, there can +be no doubt about Mr. Wallace’s desire to make the reader catch +the fact that with him accident, and not, as with Erasmus Darwin and +Lamarck, sustained effort, is the main purveyor of the variations whose +accumulation amounts ultimately to specific difference. It is +a pity, however, that instead of contenting himself like a theologian +with saying that his opponent had been refuted over and over again, +he did not refer to any particular and tolerably successful attempt +to refute the theory that modifications in organic structure are mainly +functional. I am fairly well acquainted with the literature of +evolution, and have never met with any such attempt. But let this +pass; as with Mr. Darwin, so with Mr. Wallace, and so indeed with all +who accept Mr. Charles Darwin’s natural selection as the main +means of modification, the central idea is luck, while the central idea +of the Erasmus-Darwinian system is cunning.<br> +<br> +I have given the opinions of these contending parties in their extreme +development; but they both admit abatements which bring them somewhat +nearer to one another. Design, as even its most strenuous upholders +will admit, is a difficult word to deal with; it is, like all our ideas, +substantial enough until we try to grasp it - and then, like all our +ideas, it mockingly eludes us; it is like life or death - a rope of +many strands; there is design within design, and design within undesign; +there is undesign within design (as when a man shuffles cards designing +that there shall be no design in their arrangement), and undesign within +undesign; when we speak of cunning or design in connection with organism +we do not mean cunning, all cunning, and nothing but cunning, so that +there shall be no place for luck; we do not mean that conscious attention +and forethought shall have been bestowed upon the minutest details of +action, and nothing been left to work itself out departmentally according +to precedent, or as it otherwise best may according to the chapter of +accidents.<br> +<br> +So, again, when Mr. Darwin and his followers deny design and effort +to have been the main purveyors of the variations whose accumulation +results in specific difference, they do not entirely exclude the action +of use and disuse - and this at once opens the door for cunning; nevertheless, +according to Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck, the human eye and the long +neck of the giraffe are alike due to the accumulation of variations +that are mainly functional, and hence practical; according to Charles +Darwin they are alike due to the accumulation of variations that are +accidental, fortuitous, spontaneous, that is to say, mainly cannot be +reduced to any known general principle. According to Charles Darwin +“the preservation of favoured,” or lucky, “races” +is by far the most important means of modification; according to Erasmus +Darwin effort <i>non sibi res sed se rebus subjungere </i>is unquestionably +the most potent means; roughly, therefore, there is no better or fairer +way of putting the matter, than to say that Charles Darwin is the apostle +of luck, and his grandfather, and Lamarck, of cunning.<br> +<br> +It should be observed also that the distinction between the organism +and its surroundings - on which both systems are founded - is one that +cannot be so universally drawn as we find it convenient to allege. +There is a debatable ground of considerable extent on which <i>res </i>and +<i>me, </i>ego and non ego, luck and cunning, necessity and freewill, +meet and pass into one another as night and day, or life and death. +No one can draw a sharp line between ego and non ego, nor indeed any +sharp line between any classes of phenomena. Every part of the +ego is non ego <i>quâ </i>organ or tool in use, and much of the +non ego runs up into the ego and is inseparably united with it; still +there is enough that it is obviously most convenient to call ego, and +enough that it is no less obviously most convenient to call non ego, +as there is enough obvious day and obvious night, or obvious luck and +obvious cunning, to make us think it advisable to keep separate accounts +for each.<br> +<br> +I will say more on this head in a following chapter; in this present +one my business should be confined to pointing out as clearly and succinctly +as I can the issue between the two great main contending opinions concerning +organic development that obtain among those who accept the theory of +descent at all; nor do I believe that this can be done more effectually +and accurately than by saying, as above, that Mr. Charles Darwin (whose +name, by the way, was “Charles Robert,” and not, as would +appear from the title-pages of his books, “Charles” only), +Mr. A. R. Wallace, and their supporters are the apostles of luck, while +Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck, followed, more or less timidly, by the Geoffroys +and by Mr. Herbert Spencer, and very timidly indeed by the Duke of Argyll, +preach cunning as the most important means of organic modification.<br> +<br> +NOTE. - It appears from “Samuel Butler: A Memoir” (II, 29) +that Butler wrote to his father (Dec. 1885) about a passage in Horace +(near the beginning of the First Epistle of the First Book) -<br> +<br> +Nunc in Aristippi furtim praecepta relabor,<br> +Et mihi res, non me rebus subjungere conor.<br> +<br> +On the preceding page he is adapting the second of these two verses +to his own purposes. - H. F. J.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER VII - <i>(Intercalated) </i>Mr. Spencer’s “The +Factors of Organic Evolution”<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +Since the foregoing and several of the succeeding chapters were written, +Mr. Herbert Spencer has made his position at once more clear and more +widely understood by his articles “The Factors of Organic Evolution” +which appeared in the <i>Nineteenth Century </i>for April and May, 1886. +The present appears the fittest place in which to intercalate remarks +concerning them.<br> +<br> +Mr. Spencer asks whether those are right who regard Mr. Charles Darwin’s +theory of natural selection as by itself sufficient to account for organic +evolution.<br> +<br> +“On critically examining the evidence” (modern writers never +examine evidence, they always “critically,” or “carefully,” +or “patiently,” examine it), he writes, we shall find reason +to think that it by no means explains all that has to be explained. +Omitting for the present any consideration of a factor which may be +considered primordial, it may be contended that one of the factors alleged +by Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck must be recognised as a co-operator. +Unless that increase of a part resulting from extra activity, and that +decrease of it resulting from inactivity, are transmissible to descendants, +we are without a key to many phenomena of organic evolution. <i>Utterly +inadequate to explain the major part of the facts as is the hypothesis +of the inheritance of functionally produced modifications, </i>yet there +is a minor part of the facts very extensive though less, which must +be ascribed to this cause.” (Italics mine.)<br> +<br> +Mr. Spencer does not here say expressly that Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck +considered inheritance of functionally produced modifications to be +the sole explanation of the facts of organic life; modern writers on +evolution for the most part avoid saying anything expressly; this nevertheless +is the conclusion which the reader naturally draws - and was doubtless +intended to draw - from Mr. Spencer’s words. He gathers +that these writers put forward an “utterly inadequate” theory, +which cannot for a moment be entertained in the form in which they left +it, but which, nevertheless, contains contributions to the formation +of a just opinion which of late years have been too much neglected.<br> +<br> +This inference would be, as Mr. Spencer ought to know, a mistaken one. +Erasmus Darwin, who was the first to depend mainly on functionally produced +modifications, attributes, if not as much importance to variations induced +either by what we must call chance, or by causes having no connection +with use and disuse, as Mr. Spencer does, still so nearly as much that +there is little to choose between them. Mr. Spencer’s words +show that he attributes, if not half, still not far off half the modification +that has actually been produced, to use and disuse. Erasmus Darwin +does not say whether he considers use and disuse to have brought about +more than half or less than half; he only says that animal and vegetable +modification is “in part produced” by the exertions of the +animals and vegetables themselves; the impression I have derived is, +that just as Mr. Spencer considers rather less than half to be due to +use and disuse, so Erasmus Darwin considers decidedly more than half +- so much more, in fact, than half as to make function unquestionably +the factor most proper to be insisted on if only one can be given. +Further than this he did not go. I will quote enough of Dr. Erasmus +Darwin’s own words to put his position beyond doubt. He +writes:-<br> +<br> +“Thirdly, when we enumerate the great changes produced in the +species of animals before their nativity, as, for example, when the +offspring reproduces the effects produced upon the parent by accident +or culture, or the changes produced by the mixture of species, as in +mules; or the changes produced probably by exuberance of nourishment +supplied to the foetus, as in monstrous births with additional limbs; +many of these enormities are propagated and continued as a variety at +least, if not as a new species of animal. I have seen a breed +of cats with an additional claw on every foot; of poultry also with +an additional claw and with wings to their feet; and of others without +rumps. Mr. Buffon” (who, by the way, surely, was no more +“Mr. Buffon” than Lord Salisbury is “Mr. Salisbury”) +“mentions a breed of dogs without tails which are common at Rome +and Naples - which he supposes to have been produced by a custom long +established of cutting their tails close off.” <a name="citation102a"></a><a href="#footnote102a">{102a}</a><br> +<br> +Here not one of the causes of variation adduced is connected with use +and disuse, or effort, volition, and purpose; the manner, moreover, +in which they are brought forward is not that of one who shows signs +of recalcitrancy about admitting other causes of modification as well +as use and disuse; indeed, a little lower down he almost appears to +assign the subordinate place to functionally produced modifications, +for he says - “Fifthly, from their first rudiments or primordium +to the termination of their lives, all animals undergo perpetual transformations; +<i>which are in part produced </i>by their own exertions in consequence +of their desires and aversions, of their pleasures and their pains, +or of irritations or of associations; and many of these acquired forms +or propensities are transmitted to their posterity.”<br> +<br> +I have quoted enough to show that Dr. Erasmus Darwin would have protested +against the supposition that functionally produced modifications were +an adequate explanation of all the phenomena of organic modification. +He declares accident and the chances and changes of this mortal life +to be potent and frequent causes of variations, which, being not infrequently +inherited, result in the formation of varieties and even species, but +considers these causes if taken alone as no less insufficient to account +for observable facts than the theory of functionally produced modifications +would be if not supplemented by inheritance of so-called fortuitous, +or spontaneous variations. The difference between Dr. Erasmus +Darwin and Mr. Spencer does not consist in the denial by the first, +that a variety which happens, no matter how accidentally, to have varied +in a way that enables it to comply more fully and readily with the conditions +of its existence, is likely to live longer and leave more offspring +than one less favoured; nor in the denial by the second of the inheritance +and accumulation of functionally produced modifications; but in the +amount of stress which they respectively lay on the relative importance +of the two great factors of organic evolution, the existence of which +they are alike ready to admit.<br> +<br> +With Erasmus Darwin there is indeed luck, and luck has had a great deal +to do with organic modification, but no amount of luck would have done +unless cunning had known how to take advantage of it; whereas if cunning +be given, a very little luck at a time will accumulate in the course +of ages and become a mighty heap. Cunning, therefore, is the factor +on which, having regard to the usage of language and the necessity for +simplifying facts, he thinks it most proper to insist. Surely +this is as near as may be the opinion which common consent ascribes +to Mr. Spencer himself. It is certainly the one which, in supporting +Erasmus Darwin’s system as against his grandson’s, I have +always intended to support. With Charles Darwin, on the other +hand, there is indeed cunning, effort, and consequent use and disuse; +nor does he deny that these have produced some, and sometimes even an +important, effect in modifying species, but he assigns by far the most +important <i>rôle </i>in the whole scheme to natural selection, +which, as I have already shown, must, with him, be regarded as a synonym +for luck pure and simple. This, for reasons well shown by Mr. +Spencer in the articles under consideration, is so untenable that it +seems only possible to account for its having been advanced at all by +supposing Mr. Darwin’s judgment to have been perverted by some +one or more of the many causes that might tend to warp them. What +the chief of those causes may have been I shall presently point out.<br> +<br> +Buffon erred rather on the side of ignoring functionally produced modifications +than of insisting on them. The main agency with him is the direct +action of the environment upon the organism. This, no doubt, is +a flaw in Buffon’s immortal work, but it is one which Erasmus +Darwin and Lamarck easily corrected; nor can we doubt that Buffon would +have readily accepted their amendment if it had been suggested to him. +Buffon did infinitely more in the way of discovering and establishing +the theory of descent with modification than any one has ever done either +before or since. He was too much occupied with proving the fact +of evolution at all, to dwell as fully as might have been wished upon +the details of the process whereby the amœba had become man, but +we have already seen that he regarded inherited mutilation as the cause +of establishing a new breed of dogs, and this is at any rate not laying +much stress on functionally produced modifications. Again, when +writing of the dog, he speaks of variations arising <i>“by some +chance </i>common enough with nature,” <a name="citation104a"></a><a href="#footnote104a">{104a}</a> +and clearly does not contemplate function as the sole cause of modification. +Practically, though I grant I should be less able to quote passages +in support of my opinion than I quite like, I do not doubt that his +position was much the same as that of his successors, Erasmus Darwin +and Lamarck.<br> +<br> +Lamarck is more vulnerable than either Erasmus Darwin or Buffon on the +score of unwillingness to assign its full share to mere chance, but +I do not for a moment believe his comparative reticence to have been +caused by failure to see that the chapter of accidents is a fateful +one. He saw that the cunning or functional side had been too much +lost sight of, and therefore insisted on it, but he did not mean to +say that there is no such thing as luck. “Let us suppose,” +he says, “that a grass growing in a low-lying meadow, gets carried +<i>by some accident </i>to the brow of a neighbouring hill, where the +soil is still damp enough for the plant to be able to exist.” +<a name="citation105a"></a><a href="#footnote105a">{105a}</a> +Or again - “With sufficient time, favourable conditions of life, +successive changes in the condition of the globe, and the power of new +surroundings and habits to modify the organs of living bodies, all animal +and vegetable forms have been imperceptibly rendered such as we now +see them.” <a name="citation105b"></a><a href="#footnote105b">{105b}</a> +Who can doubt that accident is here regarded as a potent factor of evolution, +as well as the design that is involved in the supposition that modification +is, in the main, functionally induced? Again he writes, “As +regards the circumstances that give rise to variation, the principal +are climatic changes, different temperatures of any of a creature’s +environments, differences of abode, of habit, of the most frequent actions, +and lastly of the means of obtaining food, self-defence, reproduction,” +&c. <a name="citation105c"></a><a href="#footnote105c">{105c}</a> +I will not dwell on the small inconsistencies which may be found in +the passages quoted above; the reader will doubtless see them, and will +also doubtless see that in spite of them there can be no doubt that +Lamarck, while believing modification to be effected mainly by the survival +in the struggle for existence of modifications which had been induced +functionally, would not have hesitated to admit the survival of favourable +variations due to mere accident as also a potent factor in inducing +the results we see around us.<br> +<br> +For the rest, Mr. Spencer’s articles have relieved me from the +necessity of going into the evidence which proves that such structures +as a giraffe’s neck, for example, cannot possibly have been produced +by the accumulation of variations which had their origin mainly in accident. +There is no occasion to add anything to what Mr. Spencer has said on +this score, and I am satisfied that those who do not find his argument +convince them would not be convinced by anything I might say; I shall, +therefore, omit what I had written on this subject, and confine myself +to giving the substance of Mr. Spencer’s most telling argument +against Mr. Darwin’s theory that accidental variations, if favourable, +would accumulate and result in seemingly adaptive structures. +Mr. Spencer well shows that luck or chance is insufficient as a motive-power, +or helm, of evolution; but luck is only absence of design; if, then, +absence of design is found to fail, it follows that there must have +been design somewhere, nor can the design be more conveniently placed +than in association with function.<br> +<br> +Mr. Spencer contends that where life is so simple as to consist practically +in the discharge of only one function, or where circumstances are such +that some one function is supremely important (a state of things, by +the way, more easily found in hypothesis than in nature - at least as +continuing without modification for many successive seasons), then accidental +variations, if favourable, would indeed accumulate and result in modification, +without the aid of the transmission of functionally produced modification. +This is true; it is also true, however, that only a very small number +of species in comparison with those we see around us could thus arise, +and that we should never have got plants and animals as embodiments +of the two great fundamental principles on which it is alone possible +that life can be conducted, <a name="citation107a"></a><a href="#footnote107a">{107a}</a> +and species of plants and animals as embodiments of the details involved +in carrying out these two main principles.<br> +<br> +If the earliest organism could have only varied favourably in one direction, +the one possible favourable accidental variation would have accumulated +so long as the organism continued to exist at all, inasmuch as this +would be preserved whenever it happened to occur, while every other +would be lost in the struggle of competitive forms; but even in the +lowest forms of life there is more than one condition in respect of +which the organism must be supposed sensitive, and there are as many +directions in which variations may be favourable as there are conditions +of the environment that affect the organism. We cannot conceive +of a living form as having a power of adaptation limited to one direction +only; the elasticity which admits of a not being “extreme to mark +that which is done amiss” in one direction will commonly admit +of it in as many directions as there are possible favourable modes of +variation; the number of these, as has been just said, depends upon +the number of the conditions of the environment that affect the organism, +and these last, though in the long run and over considerable intervals +of time tolerably constant, are over shorter intervals liable to frequent +and great changes; so that there is nothing in Mr. Charles Darwin’s +system of modification through the natural survival of the lucky, to +prevent gain in one direction one year from being lost irretrievably +in the next, through the greater success of some in no way correlated +variation, the fortunate possessors of which alone survive. This, +in its turn, is as likely as not to disappear shortly through the arising +of some difficulty in some entirely new direction, and so on; nor, if +function be regarded as of small effect in determining organism, is +there anything to ensure either that, even if ground be lost for a season +or two in any one direction, it shall be recovered presently on resumption +by the organism of the habits that called it into existence, or that +it shall appear synchronously in a sufficient number of individuals +to ensure its not being soon lost through gamogenesis.<br> +<br> +How is progress ever to be made if races keep reversing, Penelope-like, +in one generation all that they have been achieving in the preceding? +And how, on Mr. Darwin’s system, of which the accumulation of +strokes of luck is the greatly preponderating feature, is a hoard ever +to be got together and conserved, no matter how often luck may have +thrown good things in an organism’s way? Luck, or absence +of design, may be sometimes almost said to throw good things in our +way, or at any rate we may occasionally get more through having made +no design than any design we should have been likely to have formed +would have given us; but luck does not hoard these good things for our +use and make our wills for us, nor does it keep providing us with the +same good gifts again and again, and no matter how often we reject them.<br> +<br> +I had better, perhaps, give Mr. Spencer’s own words as quoted +by himself in his article in the <i>Nineteenth Century </i>for April, +1886. He there wrote as follows, quoting from § 166 of his +“Principles of Biology,” which appeared in 1864:-<br> +<br> +“Where the life is comparatively simple, or where surrounding +circumstances render some one function supremely important, the survival +of the fittest” (which means here the survival of the luckiest) +“may readily bring about the appropriate structural change, without +any aid from the transmission of functionally-acquired modifications” +(into which effort and design have entered). “But in proportion +as the life grows complex - in proportion as a healthy existence cannot +be secured by a large endowment of some one power, but demands many +powers; in the same proportion do there arise obstacles to the increase +of any particular power, by ‘the preservation of favoured races +in the struggle for life’” (that is to say, through mere +survival of the luckiest). “As fast as the faculties are +multiplied, so fast does it become possible for the several members +of a species to have various kinds of superiority over one another. +While one saves its life by higher speed, another does the like by clearer +vision, another by keener scent, another by quicker hearing, another +by greater strength, another by unusual power of enduring cold or hunger, +another by special sagacity, another by special timidity, another by +special courage; and others by other bodily and mental attributes. +Now it is unquestionably true that, other things equal, each of these +attributes, giving its possessor an equal extra chance of life, is likely +to be transmitted to posterity. But there seems no reason to believe +it will be increased in subsequent generations by natural selection. +That it may be thus increased, the animals not possessing more than +average endowments of it must be more frequently killed off than individuals +highly endowed with it; and this can only happen when the attribute +is one of greater importance, for the time being, than most of the other +attributes.<br> +<br> +If those members of the species which have but ordinary shares of it, +nevertheless survive by virtue of other superiorities which they severally +possess, then it is not easy to see how this particular attribute can +be developed by natural selection in subsequent generations.” +(For if some other superiority is a greater source of luck, then natural +selection, or survival of the luckiest, will ensure that this other +superiority be preserved at the expense of the one acquired in the earlier +generation.) “The probability seems rather to be, that by +gamogenesis, this extra endowment will, on the average, be diminished +in posterity - just serving in the long run to compensate the deficient +endowments of other individuals, whose special powers lie in other directions; +and so to keep up the normal structure of the species. The working +out of the process is here somewhat difficult to follow” (there +is no difficulty as soon as it is perceived that Mr. Darwin’s +natural selection invariably means, or ought to mean, the survival of +the luckiest, and that seasons and what they bring with them, though +fairly constant on an average, yet individually vary so greatly that +what is luck in one season is disaster in another); “but it appears +to me that as fast as the number of bodily and mental faculties increases, +and as fast as the maintenance of life comes to depend less on the amount +of any one, and more on the combined action of all, so fast does the +production of specialities of character by natural selection alone become +difficult. Particularly does this seem to be so with a species +so multitudinous in powers as mankind; and above all does it seem to +be so with such of the human powers as have but minor shares in aiding +the struggle for life - the aesthetic faculties, for example.<br> +<br> +“Dwelling for a moment on this last illustration of the class +of difficulties described, let us ask how we are to interpret the development +of the musical faculty; how came there that endowment of musical faculty +which characterises modern Europeans at large, as compared with their +remote ancestors? The monotonous chants of low savages cannot +be said to show any melodic inspiration; and it is not evident that +an individual savage who had a little more musical perception than the +rest would derive any such advantage in the maintenance of life as would +secure the spread of his superiority by inheritance of the variation,” +&c.<br> +<br> +It should be observed that the passage given in the last paragraph but +one appeared in 1864, only five years after the first edition of the +“Origin of Species,” but, crushing as it is, Mr. Darwin +never answered it. He treated it as nonexistent - and this, doubtless +from a business standpoint, was the best thing he could do. How +far such a course was consistent with that single-hearted devotion to +the interests of science for which Mr. Darwin developed such an abnormal +reputation, is a point which I must leave to his many admirers to determine.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER VIII - Property, Common Sense, and Protoplasm<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +One would think the issue stated in the three preceding chapters was +decided in the stating. This, as I have already implied, is probably +the reason why those who have a vested interest in Mr. Darwin’s +philosophical reputation have avoided stating it.<br> +<br> +It may be said that, seeing the result is a joint one, inasmuch as both +“res” and “me,” or both luck and cunning, enter +so largely into development, neither factor can claim pre-eminence to +the exclusion of the other. But life is short and business long, +and if we are to get the one into the other we must suppress details, +and leave our words pregnant, as painters leave their touches when painting +from nature. If one factor concerns us greatly more than the other, +we should emphasize it, and let the other go without saying, by force +of association. There is no fear of its being lost sight of; association +is one of the few really liberal things in nature; by liberal, I mean +precipitate and inaccurate; the power of words, as of pictures, and +indeed the power to carry on life at all, vests in the fact that association +does not stick to the letter of its bond, but will take the half for +the whole without even looking closely at the coin given to make sure +that it is not counterfeit. Through the haste and high pressure +of business, errors arise continually, and these errors give us the +shocks of which our consciousness is compounded. Our whole conscious +life, therefore, grows out of memory and out of the power of association, +in virtue of which not only does the right half pass for the whole, +but the wrong half not infrequently passes current for it also, without +being challenged and found out till, as it were, the accounts come to +be balanced, and it is found that they will not do so.<br> +<br> +Variations are an organism’s way of getting over an unexpected +discrepancy between its resources as shown by the fly-leaves of its +own cheques and the universe’s passbook; the universe is generally +right, or would be upheld as right if the matter were to come before +the not too incorruptible courts of nature, and in nine cases out of +ten the organism has made the error in its own favour, so that it must +now pay or die. It can only pay by altering its mode of life, +and how long is it likely to be before a new departure in its mode of +life comes out in its own person and in those of its family? Granted +it will at first come out in their appearance only, but there can be +no change in appearance without some slight corresponding organic modification. +In practice there is usually compromise in these matters. The +universe, if it does not give an organism short shrift and eat it at +once, will commonly abate something of its claim; it gets tricked out +of an additional moiety by the organism; the organism really does pay +something by way of changed habits; this results in variation, in virtue +of which the accounts are cooked, cobbled, and passed by a series of +those miracles of inconsistency which was call compromises, and after +this they cannot be reopened - not till next time.<br> +<br> +Surely of the two factors which go to the making up of development, +cunning is the one more proper to be insisted on as determining the +physical and psychical well or ill being, and hence, ere long, the future +form of the organism. We can hardly open a newspaper without seeing +some sign of this; take, for example, the following extract from a letter +in the <i>Times </i>of the day on which I am writing (February 8, 1886) +- “You may pass along a road which divides a settlement +of Irish Celts from one of Germans. They all came to the country +equally without money, and have had to fight their way in the forest, +but the difference in their condition is very remarkable; on the German +side there is comfort, thrift, peace, but on the other side the spectacle +is very different.” Few will deny that slight organic differences, +corresponding to these differences of habit, are already perceptible; +no Darwinian will deny that these differences are likely to be inherited, +and, in the absence of intermarriage between the two colonies, to result +in still more typical difference than that which exists at present. +According to Mr. Darwin, the improved type of the more successful race +would not be due mainly to transmitted perseverance in well-doing, but +to the fact that if any member of the German colony “happened” +to be born “ever so slightly,” &c. Of course this +last is true to a certain extent also; if any member of the German colony +does “happen to be born,” &c., then he will stand a +better chance of surviving, and, if he marries a wife like himself, +of transmitting his good qualities; but how about the happening? +How is it that this is of such frequent occurrence in the one colony, +and is so rare in the other? <i>Fortes creantur fortibus et bonis</i>. +True, but how and why? Through the race being favoured? +In one sense, doubtless, it is true that no man can have anything except +it be given him from above, but it must be from an above into the composition +of which he himself largely enters. God gives us all things; but +we are a part of God, and that part of Him, moreover, whose department +it more especially is to look after ourselves. It cannot be through +luck, for luck is blind, and does not pick out the same people year +after year and generation after generation; shall we not rather say, +then, that it is because mind, or cunning, is a great factor in the +achievement of physical results, and because there is an abiding memory +between successive generations, in virtue of which the cunning of an +earlier one enures to the benefit of its successors?<br> +<br> +It is one of the commonplaces of biology that the nature of the organism +(which is mainly determined by ancestral antecedents) is greatly more +important in determining its future than the conditions of its environment, +provided, of course, that these are not too cruelly abnormal, so that +good seed will do better on rather poor soil, than bad seed on rather +good soil; this alone should be enough to show that cunning, or individual +effort, is more important in determining organic results than luck is, +and therefore that if either is to be insisted on to the exclusion of +the other, it should be cunning, not luck. Which is more correctly +said to be the main means of the development of capital - Luck? or Cunning? +Of course there must be something to be developed - and luck, that is +to say, the unknowable and unforeseeable, enters everywhere; but is +it more convenient with our oldest and best-established ideas to say +that luck is the main means of the development of capital, or that cunning +is so? Can there be a moment’s hesitation in admitting that +if capital is found to have been developed largely, continuously, by +many people, in many ways, over a long period of time, it can only have +been by means of continued application, energy, effort, industry, and +good sense? Granted there has been luck too; of course there has, +but we let it go without saying, whereas we cannot let the skill or +cunning go without saying, inasmuch as we feel the cunning to have been +the essence of the whole matter.<br> +<br> +Granted, again, that there is no test more fallacious on a small scale +than that of immediate success. As applied to any particular individual, +it breaks down completely. It is unfortunately no rare thing to +see the good man striving against fate, and the fool born with a silver +spoon in his mouth. Still on a large scale no test can be conceivably +more reliable; a blockhead may succeed for a time, but a succession +of many generations of blockheads does not go on steadily gaining ground, +adding field to field and farm to farm, and becoming year by year more +capable and prosperous. Given time - of which there is no scant +in the matter of organic development - and cunning will do more with +ill luck than folly with good. People do not hold six trumps every +hand for a dozen games of whist running, if they do not keep a card +or two up their sleeves. Cunning, if it can keep its head above +water at all, will beat mere luck unaided by cunning, no matter what +start luck may have had, if the race be a fairly long one. Growth +is a kind of success which does indeed come to some organisms with less +effort than to others, but it cannot be maintained and improved upon +without pains and effort. A foolish organism and its fortuitous +variation will be soon parted, for, as a general rule, unless the variation +has so much connection with the organism’s past habits and ways +of thought as to be in no proper sense of the word “fortuitous,” +the organism will not know what to do with it when it has got it, no +matter how favourable it may be, and it is little likely to be handed +down to descendants. Indeed the kind of people who get on best +in the world - and what test to a Darwinian can be comparable to this? +- commonly do insist on cunning rather than on luck, sometimes perhaps +even unduly; speaking, at least, from experience, I have generally found +myself more or less of a failure with those Darwinians to whom I have +endeavoured to excuse my shortcomings on the score of luck.<br> +<br> +It may be said that the contention that the nature of the organism does +more towards determining its future than the conditions of its immediate +environment do, is only another way of saying that the accidents which +have happened to an organism in the persons of its ancestors throughout +all time are more irresistible by it for good or ill than any of the +more ordinary chances and changes of its own immediate life. I +do not deny this; but these ancestral accidents were either turned to +account, or neglected where they might have been taken advantage of; +they thus passed either into skill, or want of skill; so that whichever +way the fact is stated the result is the same; and if simplicity of +statement be regarded, there is no more convenient way of putting the +matter than to say that though luck is mighty, cunning is mightier still. +Organism commonly shows its cunning by practising what Horace preached, +and treating itself as more plastic than its surroundings; those indeed +who have had the greatest the first to admit that they had gained their +ends more by reputation as moulders of circumstances have ever been +shaping their actions and themselves to suit events, than by trying +to shape events to suit themselves and their actions. Modification, +like charity, begins at home.<br> +<br> +But however this may be, there can be no doubt that cunning is in the +long run mightier than luck as regards the acquisition of property, +and what applies to property applies to organism also. Property, +as I have lately seen was said by Rosmini, is a kind of extension of +the personality into the outside world. He might have said as +truly that it is a kind of penetration of the outside world within the +limits of the personality, or that it is at any rate a prophesying of, +and essay after, the more living phase of matter in the direction of +which it is tending. If approached from the dynamical or living +side of the underlying substratum, it is the beginning of the comparatively +stable equilibrium which we call brute matter; if from the statical +side, that is to say, from that of brute matter, it is the beginning +of that dynamical state which we associate with life; it is the last +of ego and first of non ego, or <i>vice versâ, </i>as the case +may be; it is the ground whereon the two meet and are neither wholly +one nor wholly the other, but a whirling mass of contradictions such +as attends all fusion.<br> +<br> +What property is to a man’s mind or soul that his body is also, +only more so. The body is property carried to the bitter end, +or property is the body carried to the bitter end, whichever the reader +chooses; the expression “organic wealth” is not figurative; +none other is so apt and accurate; so universally, indeed, is this recognised +that the fact has found expression in our liturgy, which bids us pray +for all those who are any wise afflicted “in mind, body, or estate;” +no inference, therefore, can be more simple and legitimate than the +one in accordance with which the laws that govern the development of +wealth generally are supposed also to govern the particular form of +health and wealth which comes most closely home to us - I mean that +of our bodily implements or organs. What is the stomach but a +living sack, or purse of untanned leather, wherein we keep our means +of subsistence? Food is money made easy; it is petty cash in its +handiest and most reduced form; it is our way of assimilating our possessions +and making them indeed our own. What is the purse but a kind of +abridged extra corporeal stomach wherein we keep the money which we +convert by purchase into food, as we presently convert the food by digestion +into flesh and blood? And what living form is there which is without +a purse or stomach, even though it have to job it by the meal as the +amœba does, and exchange it for some other article as soon as +it has done eating? How marvellously does the analogy hold between +the purse and the stomach alike as regards form and function; and I +may say in passing that, as usual, the organ which is the more remote +from protoplasm is at once more special, more an object of our consciousness, +and less an object of its own.<br> +<br> +Talk of ego and non ego meeting, and of the hopelessness of avoiding +contradiction in terms - talk of this, and look, in passing, at the +amœba. It is itself <i>quâ </i>maker of the stomach +and being fed; it is not itself <i>quâ </i>stomach and <i>quâ +</i>its using itself as a mere tool or implement to feed itself with. +It is active and passive, object and subject, <i>ego </i>and <i>non +ego </i>- every kind of Irish bull, in fact, which a sound logician +abhors - and it is only because it has persevered, as I said in “Life +and Habit,” in thus defying logic and arguing most virtuously +in a most vicious circle, that it has come in the persons of some of +its descendants to reason with sufficient soundness. And what +the amœba is man is also; man is only a great many amœbas, +most of them dreadfully narrow-minded, going up and down the country +with their goods and chattels like gipsies in a caravan; he is only +a great many amœbas that have had much time and money spent on +their education, and received large bequests of organised intelligence +from those that have gone before them.<br> +<br> +The most incorporate tool - we will say an eye, or a tooth, or the closed +fist when used to strike - has still something of the <i>non ego </i>about +it in so far as it is used; those organs, again, that are the most completely +separate from the body, as the locomotive engine, must still from time +to time kiss the soil of the human body, and be handled and thus crossed +with man again if they would remain in working order. They cannot +be cut adrift from the most living form of matter (I mean most living +from our point of view), and remain absolutely without connection with +it for any length of time, any more than a seal can live without coming +up sometimes to breathe; and in so far as they become linked on to living +beings they live. Everything is living which is in close communion +with, and interpermeated by, that something which we call mind or thought. +Giordano Bruno saw this long ago when he made an interlocutor in one +of his dialogues say that a man’s hat and cloak are alive when +he is wearing them. “Thy boots and spurs live,” he +exclaims, “when thy feet carry them; thy hat lives when thy head +is within it; and so the stable lives when it contains the horse or +mule, or even yourself;” nor is it easy to see how this is to +be refuted except at a cost which no one in his senses will offer.<br> +<br> +It may be said that the life of clothes in wear and implements in use +is no true life, inasmuch as it differs from flesh and blood life in +too many and important respects; that we have made up our minds about +not letting life outside the body too decisively to allow the question +to be reopened; that if this be tolerated we shall have societies for +the prevention of cruelty to chairs and tables, or cutting clothes amiss, +or wearing them to tatters, or whatever other absurdity may occur to +idle and unkind people; the whole discussion, therefore, should be ordered +out of court at once.<br> +<br> +I admit that this is much the most sensible position to take, but it +can only be taken by those who turn the deafest of deaf ears to the +teachings of science, and tolerate no going even for a moment below +the surface of things. People who take this line must know how +to put their foot down firmly in the matter of closing a discussion. +Some one may perhaps innocently say that some parts of the body are +more living and vital than others, and those who stick to common sense +may allow this, but if they do they must close the discussion on the +spot; if they listen to another syllable they are lost; if they let +the innocent interlocutor say so much as that a piece of well-nourished +healthy brain is more living than the end of a finger-nail that wants +cutting, or than the calcareous parts of a bone, the solvent will have +been applied which will soon make an end of common sense ways of looking +at the matter. Once even admit the use of the participle “dying,” +which involves degrees of death, and hence an entry of death in part +into a living body, and common sense must either close the discussion +at once, or ere long surrender at discretion.<br> +<br> +Common sense can only carry weight in respect of matters with which +every one is familiar, as forming part of the daily and hourly conduct +of affairs; if we would keep our comfortable hard and fast lines, our +rough and ready unspecialised ways of dealing with difficult questions, +our impatience of what St. Paul calls “doubtful disputations,” +we must refuse to quit the ground on which the judgments of mankind +have been so long and often given that they are not likely to be questioned. +Common sense is not yet formulated in manners of science or philosophy, +for only few consider them; few decisions, therefore, have been arrived +at which all hold final. Science is, like love, “too young +to know what conscience,” or common sense, is. As soon as +the world began to busy itself with evolution it said good-bye to common +sense, and must get on with uncommon sense as best it can. The +first lesson that uncommon sense will teach it is that contradiction +in terms is the foundation of all sound reasoning - and, as an obvious +consequence, compromise, the foundation of all sound practice. +This, it follows easily, involves the corollary that as faith, to be +of any value, must be based on reason, so reason, to be of any value, +must be based on faith, and that neither can stand alone or dispense +with the other, any more than culture or vulgarity can stand unalloyed +with one another without much danger of mischance.<br> +<br> +It may not perhaps be immediately apparent why the admission that a +piece of healthy living brain is more living than the end of a finger-nail, +is so dangerous to common sense ways of looking at life and death; I +had better, therefore, be more explicit. By this admission degrees +of livingness are admitted within the body; this involves approaches +to non-livingness. On this the question arises, “Which are +the most living parts?” The answer to this was given a few +years ago with a flourish of trumpets, and our biologists shouted with +one voice, “Great is protoplasm. There is no life but protoplasm, +and Huxley is its prophet.” Read Huxley’s “Physical +Basis of Mind.” Read Professor Mivart’s article, “What +are Living Beings?” in the <i>Contemporary Review, </i>July, 1879. +Read Dr. Andrew Wilson’s article in the <i>Gentleman’s Magazine, +</i>October, 1879. Remember Professor Allman’s address to +the British Association, 1879; ask, again, any medical man what is the +most approved scientific attitude as regards the protoplasmic and non-protoplasmic +parts of the body, and he will say that the thinly veiled conclusion +arrived at by all of them is, that the protoplasmic parts are alone +truly living, and that the non-protoplasmic are non-living.<br> +<br> +It may suffice if I confine myself to Professor Allman’s address +to the British Association in 1879, as a representative utterance. +Professor Allman said:-<br> +<br> +“Protoplasm lies at the base of every vital phenomenon. +It is, as Huxley has well expressed it, ‘the physical basis of +life;’ wherever there is life from its lowest to its highest manifestation +there is protoplasm; wherever there is protoplasm there is life.” +<a name="citation122a"></a><a href="#footnote122a">{122a}</a><br> +<br> +To say wherever there is life there is protoplasm, is to say that there +can be no life without protoplasm, and this is saying that where there +is no protoplasm there is no life. But large parts of the body +are non-protoplasmic; a bone is, indeed, permeated by protoplasm, but +it is not protoplasm; it follows, therefore, that according to Professor +Allman bone is not in any proper sense of words a living substance. +From this it should follow, and doubtless does follow in Professor Allman’s +mind, that large tracts of the human body, if not the greater part by +weight (as bones, skin, muscular tissues, &c.), are no more alive +than a coat or pair of boots in wear is alive, except in so far as the +bones, &c., are more closely and nakedly permeated by protoplasm +than the coat or boots, and are thus brought into closer, directer, +and more permanent communication with that which, if not life itself, +still has more of the ear of life, and comes nearer to its royal person +than anything else does. Indeed that this is Professor Allman’s +opinion appears from the passage on page 26 of the report, in which +he says that in “protoplasm we find the only form of matter in +which life can manifest itself.”<br> +<br> +According to this view the skin and other tissues are supposed to be +made from dead protoplasm which living protoplasm turns to account as +the British Museum authorities are believed to stuff their new specimens +with the skins of old ones; the matter used by the living protoplasm +for this purpose is held to be entirely foreign to protoplasm itself, +and no more capable of acting in concert with it than bricks can understand +and act in concert with the bricklayer. As the bricklayer is held +to be living and the bricks non-living, so the bones and skin which +protoplasm is supposed to construct are held non-living and the protoplasm +alone living. Protoplasm, it is said, goes about masked behind +the clothes or habits which it has fashioned. It has habited itself +as animals and plants, and we have mistaken the garment for the wearer +- as our dogs and cats doubtless think with Giordano Bruno that our +boots live when we are wearing them, and that we keep spare paws in +our bedrooms which lie by the wall and go to sleep when we have not +got them on.<br> +<br> +If, in answer to the assertion that the osseous parts of bone are non-living, +it is said that they must be living, for they heal if broken, which +no dead matter can do, it is answered that the broken pieces of bone +do not grow together; they are mended by the protoplasm which permeates +the Haversian canals; the bones themselves are no more living merely +because they are tenanted by something which really does live, than +a house lives because men and women inhabit it; and if a bone is repaired, +it no more repairs itself than a house can be said to have repaired +itself because its owner has sent for the bricklayer and seen that what +was wanted was done.<br> +<br> +We do not know, it is said, by what means the structureless viscid substance +which we call protoplasm can build for itself a solid bone; we do not +understand how an amœba makes its test; no one understands how +anything is done unless he can do it himself; and even then he probably +does not know how he has done it. Set a man who has never painted, +to watch Rembrandt paint the Burgomaster Six, and he will no more understand +how Rembrandt can have done it, than we can understand how the amœba +makes its test, or the protoplasm cements two broken ends of a piece +of bone. <i>Ces choses se font mais ne s’expliquent pas. +</i>So some denizen of another planet looking at our earth through a +telescope which showed him much, but still not quite enough, and seeing +the St. Gothard tunnel plumb on end so that he could not see the holes +of entry and exit, would think the trains there a kind of caterpillar +which went through the mountain by a pure effort of the will - that +enabled them in some mysterious way to disregard material obstacles +and dispense with material means. We know, of course, that it +is not so, and that exemption from the toil attendant on material obstacles +has been compounded for, in the ordinary way, by the single payment +of a tunnel; and so with the cementing of a bone, our biologists say +that the protoplasm, which is alone living, cements it much as a man +might mend a piece of broken china, but that it works by methods and +processes which elude us, even as the holes of the St. Gothard tunnel +may be supposed to elude a denizen of another world.<br> +<br> +The reader will already have seen that the toils are beginning to close +round those who, while professing to be guided by common sense, still +parley with even the most superficial probers beneath the surface; this, +however, will appear more clearly in the following chapter. It +will also appear how far-reaching were the consequences of the denial +of design that was involved in Mr. Darwin’s theory that luck is +the main element in survival, and how largely this theory is responsible +for the fatuous developments in connection alike with protoplasm and +automatism which a few years ago seemed about to carry everything before +them.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER IX - Property, Common Sense, and Protoplasm <i>(continued)<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +</i>The position, then, stands thus. Common sense gave the inch +of admitting some parts of the body to be less living than others, and +philosophy took the ell of declaring the body to be almost all of it +stone dead. This is serious; still if it were all, for a quiet +life, we might put up with it. Unfortunately we know only too +well that it will not be all. Our bodies, which seemed so living +and now prove so dead, have served us such a trick that we can have +no confidence in anything connected with them. As with skin and +bones to-day, so with protoplasm to-morrow. Protoplasm is mainly +oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, and carbon; if we do not keep a sharp look +out, we shall have it going the way of the rest of the body, and being +declared dead in respect, at any rate, of these inorganic components. +Science has not, I believe, settled all the components of protoplasm, +but this is neither here nor there; she has settled what it is in great +part, and there is no trusting her not to settle the rest at any moment, +even if she has not already done so. As soon as this has been +done we shall be told that nine-tenths of the protoplasm of which we +are composed must go the way of our non-protoplasmic parts, and that +the only really living part of us is the something with a new name that +runs the protoplasm that runs the flesh and bones that run the organs +-<br> +<br> +Why stop here? Why not add “which run the tools and properties +which are as essential to our life and health as much that is actually +incorporate with us?” The same breach which has let the +non-living effect a lodgment within the body must, in all equity, let +the organic character - bodiliness, so to speak - pass out beyond its +limits and effect a lodgment in our temporary and extra-corporeal limbs. +What, on the protoplasmic theory, the skin and bones are, that the hammer +and spade are also; they differ in the degree of closeness and permanence +with which they are associated with protoplasm, but both bones and hammers +are alike non-living things which protoplasm uses for its own purposes +and keeps closer or less close at hand as custom and convenience may +determine.<br> +<br> +According to this view, the non-protoplasmic parts of the body are tools +of the first degree; they are not living, but they are in such close +and constant contact with that which really lives, that an aroma of +life attaches to them. Some of these, however, such as horns, +hooves, and tusks, are so little permeated by protoplasm that they cannot +rank much higher than the tools of the second degree, which come next +to them in order.<br> +<br> +These tools of the second degree are either picked up ready-made, or +are manufactured directly by the body, as being torn or bitten into +shape, or as stones picked up to throw at prey or at an enemy.<br> +<br> +Tools of the third degree are made by the instrumentality of tools of +the second and first degrees; as, for example, chipped flint, arrow-heads, +&c.<br> +<br> +Tools of the fourth degree are made by those of the third, second, and +first. They consist of the simpler compound instruments that yet +require to be worked by hand, as hammers, spades, and even hand flour-mills.<br> +<br> +Tools of the fifth degree are made by the help of those of the fourth, +third, second, and first. They are compounded of many tools, worked, +it may be, by steam or water and requiring no constant contact with +the body.<br> +<br> +But each one of these tools of the fifth degree was made in the first +instance by the sole instrumentality of the four preceding kinds of +tool. They must all be linked on to protoplasm, which is the one +original tool-maker, but which can only make the tools that are more +remote from itself by the help of those that are nearer, that is to +say, it can only work when it has suitable tools to work with, and when +it is allowed to use them in its own way. There can be no direct +communication between protoplasm and a steam-engine; there may be and +often is direct communication between machines of even the fifth order +and those of the first, as when an engine-man turns a cock, or repairs +something with his own hands if he has nothing better to work with. +But put a hammer, for example, to a piece of protoplasm, and the protoplasm +will no more know what to do with it than we should be able to saw a +piece of wood in two without a saw. Even protoplasm from the hand +of a carpenter who has been handling hammers all his life would be hopelessly +put off its stroke if not allowed to work in its usual way but put bare +up against a hammer; it would make a slimy mess and then dry up; still +there can be no doubt (so at least those who uphold protoplasm as the +one living substance would say) that the closer a machine can be got +to protoplasm and the more permanent the connection, the more living +it appears to be, or at any rate the more does it appear to be endowed +with spontaneous and reasoning energy, so long, of course, as the closeness +is of a kind which protoplasm understands and is familiar with. +This, they say, is why we do not like using any implement or tool with +gloves on, for these impose a barrier between the tool and its true +connection with protoplasm by means of the nervous system. For +the same reason we put gloves on when we box so as to bar the connection.<br> +<br> +That which we handle most unglovedly is our food, which we handle with +our stomachs rather than with our hands. Our hands are so thickly +encased with skin that protoplasm can hold but small conversation with +what they contain, unless it be held for a long time in the closed fist, +and even so the converse is impeded as in a strange language; the inside +of our mouths is more naked, and our stomachs are more naked still; +it is here that protoplasm brings its fullest powers of suasion to bear +on those whom it would proselytise and receive as it were into its own +communion - whom it would convert and bring into a condition of mind +in which they shall see things as it sees them itself, and, as we commonly +say, “agree with”<i> </i>it, instead of standing out stiffly +for their own opinion. We call this digesting our food; more properly +we should call it being digested by our food, which reads, marks, learns, +and inwardly digests us, till it comes to understand us and encourage +us by assuring us that we were perfectly right all the time, no matter +what any one might have said, or say, to the contrary. Having +thus recanted all its own past heresies, it sets to work to convert +everything that comes near it and seems in the least likely to be converted. +Eating is a mode of love; it is an effort after a closer union; so we +say we love roast beef. A French lady told me once that she adored +veal; and a nurse tells her child that she would like to eat it. +Even he who caresses a dog or horse <i>pro tanto </i>both weds and eats +it. Strange how close the analogy between love and hunger; in +each case the effort is after closer union and possession; in each case +the outcome is reproduction (for nutrition is the most complete of reproductions), +and in each case there are <i>residua. </i>But to return.<br> +<br> +I have shown above that one consequence of the attempt so vigorously +made a few years ago to establish protoplasm as the one living substance, +is the making it clear that the non-protoplasmic parts of the body and +the simpler extra-corporeal tools or organs must run on all fours in +the matter of livingness and non-livingness. If the protoplasmic +parts of the body are held living in virtue of their being used by something +that really lives, then so, though in a less degree, must tools and +machines. If, on the other hand, tools and machines are held non-living +inasmuch as they only owe what little appearance of life they may present +when in actual use to something else that lives, and have no life of +their own - so, though in a less degree, must the non-protoplasmic parts +of the body. Allow an overflowing aroma of life to vivify the +horny skin under the heel, and from this there will be a spilling which +will vivify the boot in wear. Deny an aroma of life to the boot +in wear, and it must ere long be denied to ninety-nine per cent. of +the body; and if the body is not alive while it can walk and talk, what +in the name of all that is unreasonable can be held to be so?<br> +<br> +That the essential identity of bodily organs and tools is no ingenious +paradoxical way of putting things is evident from the fact that we speak +of bodily organs at all. Organ means tool. There is nothing +which reveals our most genuine opinions to us so unerringly as our habitual +and unguarded expressions, and in the case under consideration so completely +do we instinctively recognise the underlying identity of tools and limbs, +that scientific men use the word “organ” for any part of +the body that discharges a function, practically to the exclusion of +any other term. Of course, however, the above contention as to +the essential identity of tools and organs does not involve a denial +of their obvious superficial differences - differences so many and so +great as to justify our classing them in distinct categories so long +as we have regard to the daily purposes of life without looking at remoter +ones.<br> +<br> +If the above be admitted, we can reply to those who in an earlier chapter +objected to our saying that if Mr. Darwin denied design in the eye he +should deny it in the burglar’s jemmy also. For if bodily +and non-bodily organs are essentially one in kind, being each of them +both living and non-living, and each of them only a higher development +of principles already admitted and largely acted on in the other, then +the method of procedure observable in the evolution of the organs whose +history is within our ken should throw light upon the evolution of that +whose history goes back into so dim a past that we can only know it +by way of inference. In the absence of any show of reason to the +contrary we should argue from the known to the unknown, and presume +that even as our non-bodily organs originated and were developed through +gradual accumulation of design, effort, and contrivance guided by experience, +so also must our bodily organs have been, in spite of the fact that +the contrivance has been, as it were, denuded of external evidences +in the course of long time. This at least is the most obvious +inference to draw; the burden of proof should rest not with those who +uphold function as the most important means of organic modification, +but with those who impugn it; it is hardly necessary, however, to say +that Mr. Darwin never attempted to impugn by way of argument the conclusions +either of his grandfather or of Lamarck. He waved them both aside +in one or two short semi-contemptuous sentences, and said no more about +them - not, at least, until late in life he wrote his “Erasmus +Darwin,” and even then his remarks were purely biographical; he +did not say one syllable by way of refutation, or even of explanation.<br> +<br> +I am free to confess that, overwhelming as is the evidence brought forward +by Mr. Spencer in the articles already referred to, as showing that +accidental variations, unguided by the helm of any main general principle +which should as it were keep their heads straight, could never accumulate +with the results supposed by Mr. Darwin; and overwhelming, again, as +is the consideration that Mr. Spencer’s most crushing argument +was allowed by Mr. Darwin to go without reply, still the considerations +arising from the discoveries of the last forty years or so in connection +with protoplasm, seem to me almost more overwhelming still. This +evidence proceeds on different lines from that adduced by Mr. Spencer, +but it points to the same conclusion, namely, that though luck will +avail much if backed by cunning and experience, it is unavailing for +any permanent result without them. There is an irony which seems +almost always to attend on those who maintain that protoplasm is the +only living substance which ere long points their conclusions the opposite +way to that which they desire - in the very last direction, indeed, +in which they of all people in the world would willingly see them pointed.<br> +<br> +It may be asked why I should have so strong an objection to seeing protoplasm +as the only living substance, when I find this view so useful to me +as tending to substantiate design - which I admit that I have as much +and as seriously at heart as I can allow myself to have any matter which, +after all, can so little affect daily conduct; I reply that it is no +part of my business to inquire whether this or that makes for my pet +theories or against them; my concern is to inquire whether or no it +is borne out by facts, and I find the opinion that protoplasm is the +one living substance unstable, inasmuch as it is an attempt to make +a halt where no halt can be made. This is enough; but, furthermore, +the fact that the protoplasmic parts of the body are <i>more </i>living +than the non-protoplasmic - which I cannot deny, without denying that +it is any longer convenient to think of life and death at all - will +answer my purpose to the full as well or better.<br> +<br> +I pointed out another consequence, which, again, was cruelly the reverse +of what the promoters of the protoplasm movement might be supposed anxious +to arrive at - in a series of articles which appeared in the <i>Examiner +</i>during the summer of 1879, and showed that if protoplasm were held +to be the sole seat of life, then this unity in the substance vivifying +all, both animals and plants, must be held as uniting them into a single +corporation or body - especially when their community of descent is +borne in mind - more effectually than any merely superficial separation +into individuals can be held to disunite them, and that thus protoplasm +must be seen as the life of the world - as a vast body corporate, never +dying till the earth itself shall pass away. This came practically +to saying that protoplasm was God Almighty, who, of all the forms open +to Him, had chosen this singularly unattractive one as the channel through +which to make Himself manifest in the flesh by taking our nature upon +Him, and animating us with His own Spirit. Our biologists, in +fact, were fast nearing the conception of a God who was both personal +and material, but who could not be made to square with pantheistic notions +inasmuch as no provision was made for the inorganic world; and, indeed, +they seem to have become alarmed at the grotesqueness of the position +in which they must ere long have found themselves, for in the autumn +of 1879 the boom collapsed, and thenceforth the leading reviews and +magazines have known protoplasm no more. About the same time bathybius, +which at one time bade fair to supplant it upon the throne of popularity, +died suddenly, as I am told, at Norwich, under circumstances which did +not transpire, nor has its name, so far as I am aware, been ever again +mentioned.<br> +<br> +So much for the conclusions in regard to the larger aspect of life taken +as a whole which must follow from confining life to protoplasm; but +there is another aspect - that, namely, which regards the individual. +The inevitable consequences of confining life to the protoplasmic parts +of the body were just as unexpected and unwelcome here as they had been +with regard to life at large; for, as I have already pointed out, there +is no drawing the line at protoplasm and resting at this point; nor +yet at the next halting-point beyond; nor at the one beyond that. +How often is this process to be repeated? and in what can it end but +in the rehabilitation of the soul as an ethereal, spiritual, vital principle, +apart from matter, which, nevertheless, it animates, vivifying the clay +of our bodies? No one who has followed the course either of biology +or psychology during this century, and more especially during the last +five-and-twenty years, will tolerate the reintroduction of the soul +as something apart from the substratum in which both feeling and action +must be held to inhere. The notion of matter being ever changed +except by other matter in another state is so shocking to the intellectual +conscience that it may be dismissed without discussion; yet if bathybius +had not been promptly dealt with, it must have become apparent even +to the British public that there were indeed but few steps from protoplasm, +as the only living substance, to vital principle. Our biologists +therefore stifled bathybius, perhaps with justice, certainly with prudence, +and left protoplasm to its fate.<br> +<br> +Any one who reads Professor Allman’s address above referred to +with due care will see that he was uneasy about protoplasm, even at +the time of its greatest popularity. Professor Allman never says +outright that the non-protoplasmic parts of the body are no more alive +than chairs and tables are. He said what involved this as an inevitable +consequence, and there can be no doubt that this is what he wanted to +convey, but he never insisted on it with the outspokenness and emphasis +with which so startling a paradox should alone be offered us for acceptance; +nor is it easy to believe that his reluctance to express his conclusion +<i>totidem verbis </i>was not due to a sense that it might ere long +prove more convenient not to have done so. When I advocated the +theory of the livingness, or quasi-livingness of machines, in the chapters +of “Erewhon” of which all else that I have written on biological +subjects is a development, I took care that people should see the position +in its extreme form; the non-livingness of bodily organs is to the full +as startling a paradox as the livingness of non-bodily ones, and we +have a right to expect the fullest explicitness from those who advance +it. Of course it must be borne in mind that a machine can only +claim any appreciable even aroma of livingness so long as it is in actual +use. In “Erewhon” I did not think it necessary to +insist on this, and did not, indeed, yet fully know what I was driving +at.<br> +<br> +The same disposition to avoid committing themselves to the assertion +that any part of the body is non-living may be observed in the writings +of the other authorities upon protoplasm above referred to; I have searched +all they said, and cannot find a single passage in which they declare +even the osseous parts of a bone to be non-living, though this conclusion +was the <i>raison d’être </i>of all they were saying and +followed as an obvious inference. The reader will probably agree +with me in thinking that such reticence can only have been due to a +feeling that the ground was one on which it behoved them to walk circumspectly; +they probably felt, after a vague, ill-defined fashion, that the more +they reduced the body to mechanism the more they laid it open to an +opponent to raise mechanism to the body, but, however this may be, they +dropped protoplasm, as I have said, in some haste with the autumn of +1879.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER X - The Attempt to Eliminate Mind<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +What, it may be asked, were our biologists really aiming at? - for men +like Professor Huxley do not serve protoplasm for nought. They +wanted a good many things, some of them more righteous than others, +but all intelligible. Among the more lawful of their desires was +a craving after a monistic conception of the universe. We all +desire this; who can turn his thoughts to these matters at all and not +instinctively lean towards the old conception of one supreme and ultimate +essence as the source from which all things proceed and have proceeded, +both now and ever? The most striking and apparently most stable +theory of the last quarter of a century had been Sir William Grove’s +theory of the conservation of energy; and yet wherein is there any substantial +difference between this recent outcome of modern amateur, and hence +most sincere, science - pointing as it does to an imperishable, and +as such unchangeable, and as such, again, for ever unknowable underlying +substance the modes of which alone change - wherein, except in mere +verbal costume, does this differ from the conclusions arrived at by +the psalmist?<br> +<br> +“Of old,” he exclaims, “hast Thou laid the foundation +of the earth; and the heavens are the work of Thy hands. They +shall perish, but Thou shalt endure; yea, all of them shall wax old +like a garment; as a vesture shalt Thou change them and they shall be +changed; but Thou art the same, and Thy years shall have no end.” +<a name="citation135a"></a><a href="#footnote135a">{135a}</a><br> +<br> +I know not what theologians may think of this passage, but from a scientific +point of view it is unassailable. So again, “O Lord,” +he exclaims, “Thou hast searched me out, and known me: Thou knowest +my down-sitting and mine up-rising; Thou understandest my thoughts long +before. Thou art about my path, and about my bed: and spiest out +all my ways. For lo, there is not a word in my tongue but Thou, +O Lord, knowest it altogether . . . Whither shall I go, then, from Thy +Spirit? Or whither shall I go, then, from Thy presence? +If I climb up into heaven Thou art there: if I go down to hell, Thou +art there also. If I take the wings of the morning, and remain +in the uttermost parts of the sea, even there also shall Thy hand lead +me and Thy right hand shall hold me. If I say, Peradventure the +darkness shall cover me, then shall my night be turned to day. +Yea, the darkness is no darkness with Thee, but . . . the darkness and +light to Thee are both alike.” <a name="citation136a"></a><a href="#footnote136a">{136a}</a><br> +<br> +What convention or short cut can symbolise for us the results of laboured +and complicated chains of reasoning or bring them more aptly and concisely +home to us than the one supplied long since by the word God? What +can approach more nearly to a rendering of that which cannot be rendered +- the idea of an essence omnipresent in all things at all times everywhere +in sky and earth and sea; ever changing, yet the same yesterday, to-day, +and for ever; the ineffable contradiction in terms whose presence none +can either ever enter, or ever escape? Or rather, what convention +would have been more apt if it had not been lost sight of as a convention +and come to be regarded as an idea in actual correspondence with a more +or less knowable reality? A convention was converted into a fetish, +and now that its worthlessness as a fetish is being generally felt, +its great value as a hieroglyph or convention is in danger of being +lost sight of. No doubt the psalmist was seeking for Sir William +Grove’s conception, if haply he might feel after it and find it, +and assuredly it is not far from every one of us. But the course +of true philosophy never did run smooth; no sooner have we fairly grasped +the conception of a single eternal and for ever unknowable underlying +substance, then we are faced by mind and matter. Long-standing +ideas and current language alike lead us to see these as distinct things +- mind being still commonly regarded as something that acts on body +from without as the wind blows upon a leaf, and as no less an actual +entity than the body. Neither body nor mind seems less essential +to our existence than the other; not only do we feel this as regards +our own existence, but we feel it also as pervading the whole world +of life; everywhere we see body and mind working together towards results +that must be ascribed equally to both; but they are two, not one; if, +then, we are to have our monistic conception, it would seem as though +one of these must yield to the other; which, therefore, is it to be?<br> +<br> +This is a very old question. Some, from time immemorial, have +tried to get rid of matter by reducing it to a mere concept of the mind, +and their followers have arrived at conclusions that may be logically +irrefragable, but are as far removed from common sense as they are in +accord with logic; at any rate they have failed to satisfy, and matter +is no nearer being got rid of now than it was when the discussion first +began. Others, again, have tried materialism, have declared the +causative action of both thought and feeling to be deceptive, and posit +matter obeying fixed laws of which thought and feeling must be admitted +as concomitants, but with which they have no causal connection. +The same thing has happened to these men as to their opponents; they +made out an excellent case on paper, but thought and feeling still remain +the mainsprings of action that they have been always held to be. +We still say, “I gave him £5 because I felt pleased with +him, and thought he would like it;”<i> </i>or, “I knocked +him down because I felt angry, and thought I would teach him better +manners.” Omnipresent life and mind with appearances of +brute non-livingness - which appearances are deceptive; this is one +view. Omnipresent non-livingness or mechanism with appearances +as though the mechanism were guided and controlled by thought - which +appearances are deceptive; this is the other. Between these two +views the slaves of logic have oscillated for centuries, and to all +appearance will continue to oscillate for centuries more.<br> +<br> +People who think - as against those who feel and act - want hard and +fast lines - without which, indeed, they cannot think at all; these +lines are as it were steps cut on a slope of ice without which there +would be no descending it. When we have begun to travel the downward +path of thought, we ask ourselves questions about life and death, ego +and non ego, object and subject, necessity and free will, and other +kindred subjects. We want to know where we are, and in the hope +of simplifying matters, strip, as it were, each subject to the skin, +and finding that even this has not freed it from all extraneous matter, +flay it alive in the hope that if we grub down deep enough we shall +come upon it in its pure unalloyed state free from all inconvenient +complication through intermixture with anything alien to itself. +Then, indeed, we can docket it, and pigeon-hole it for what it is; but +what can we do with it till we have got it pure? We want to account +for things, which means that we want to know to which of the various +accounts opened in our mental ledger we ought to carry them - and how +can we do this if we admit a phenomenon to be neither one thing nor +the other, but to belong to half-a-dozen different accounts in proportions +which often cannot even approximately be determined? If we are +to keep accounts we must keep them in reasonable compass; and if keeping +them within reasonable compass involves something of a Procrustean arrangement, +we may regret it, but cannot help it; having set up as thinkers we have +got to think, and must adhere to the only conditions under which thought +is possible; life, therefore, must be life, all life, and nothing but +life, and so with death, free will, necessity, design, and everything +else. This, at least, is how philosophers must think concerning +them in theory; in practice, however, not even John Stuart Mill himself +could eliminate all taint of its opposite from any one of these things, +any more than Lady Macbeth could clear her hand of blood; indeed, the +more nearly we think we have succeeded the more certain are we to find +ourselves ere long mocked and baffled; and this, I take it, is what +our biologists began in the autumn of 1879 to discover had happened +to themselves.<br> +<br> +For some years they had been trying to get rid of feeling, consciousness, +and mind generally, from active participation in the evolution of the +universe. They admitted, indeed, that feeling and consciousness +attend the working of the world’s gear, as noise attends the working +of a steam-engine, but they would not allow that consciousness produced +more effect in the working of the world than noise on that of the steam-engine. +Feeling and noise were alike accidental unessential adjuncts and nothing +more. Incredible as it may seem to those who are happy enough +not to know that this attempt is an old one, they were trying to reduce +the world to the level of a piece of unerring though sentient mechanism. +Men and animals must be allowed to feel and even to reflect; this much +must be conceded, but granted that they do, still (so, at least, it +was contended) it has no effect upon the result; it does not matter +as far as this is concerned whether they feel and think or not; everything +would go on exactly as it does and always has done, though neither man +nor beast knew nor felt anything at all. It is only by maintaining +things like this that people will get pensions out of the British public.<br> +<br> +Some such position as this is a <i>sine quâ non </i>for the Neo-Darwinistic +doctrine of natural selection, which, as Von Hartmann justly observes, +involves an essentially mechanical mindless conception of the universe; +to natural selection’s door, therefore, the blame of the whole +movement in favour of mechanism must be justly laid. It was natural +that those who had been foremost in preaching mindless designless luck +as the main means of organic modification, should lend themselves with +alacrity to the task of getting rid of thought and feeling from all +share in the direction and governance of the world. Professor +Huxley, as usual, was among the foremost in this good work, and whether +influenced by Hobbes, or Descartes, or Mr. Spalding, or even by the +machine chapters in “Erewhon” which were still recent, I +do not know, led off with his article “On the hypothesis that +animals are automata” (which it may be observed is the exact converse +of the hypothesis that automata are animated) in the <i>Fortnightly +Review </i>for November 1874. Professor Huxley did not say outright +that men and women were just as living and just as dead as their own +watches, but this was what his article came to in substance. The +conclusion arrived at was that animals were automata; true, they were +probably sentient, still they were automata pure and simple, mere sentient +pieces of exceedingly elaborate clockwork, and nothing more.<br> +<br> +“Professor Huxley,” says Mr. Romanes, in his Rede Lecture +for 1885, <a name="citation140a"></a><a href="#footnote140a">{140a}</a> +“argues by way of perfectly logical deduction from this statement, +that thought and feeling have nothing to do with determining action; +they are merely the bye-products of cerebration, or, as he expresses +it, the indices of changes which are going on in the brain. Under +this view we are all what he terms conscious automata, or machines which +happen, as it were by chance, to be conscious of some of their own movements. +But the consciousness is altogether adventitious, and bears the same +ineffectual relation to the activity of the brain as a steam whistle +bears to the activity of a locomotive, or the striking of a clock to +the time-keeping adjustments of the clockwork. Here, again, we +meet with an echo of Hobbes, who opens his work on the commonwealth +with these words:-<br> +<br> +“‘Nature, the art whereby God hath made and governs the +world, is by the <i>art </i>of man, as in many other things, in this +also imitated, that it can make an artificial animal. For seeing +life is but a motion of limbs, the beginning whereof is in the principal +part within; why may we not say that all automata (engines that move +themselves by springs and wheels as doth a watch) have an artificial +life? For what is the <i>heart </i>but a spring, and the <i>nerves +</i>but so many <i>strings; </i>and the <i>joints </i>but so many <i>wheels +</i>giving motion to the whole body, such as was intended by the artificer?’<br> +<br> +“Now this theory of conscious automatism is not merely a legitimate +outcome of the theory that nervous changes are the causes of mental +changes, but it is logically the only possible outcome. Nor do +I see any way in which this theory can be fought on grounds of physiology.”<br> +<br> +In passing, I may say the theory that living beings are conscious machines, +can be fought just as much and just as little as the theory that machines +are unconscious living beings; everything that goes to prove either +of these propositions goes just as well to prove the other also. +But I have perhaps already said as much as is necessary on this head; +the main point with which I am concerned is the fact that Professor +Huxley was trying to expel consciousness and sentience from any causative +action in the working of the universe. In the following month +appeared the late Professor Clifford’s hardly less outspoken article, +“Body and Mind,” to the same effect, also in the <i>Fortnightly +Review, </i>then edited by Mr. John Morley. Perhaps this view +attained its frankest expression in an article by the late Mr. Spalding, +which appeared in <i>Nature, </i>August 2, 1877; the following extracts +will show that Mr. Spalding must be credited with not playing fast and +loose with his own conclusions, and knew both how to think a thing out +to its extreme consequences, and how to put those consequences clearly +before his readers. Mr. Spalding said:-<br> +<br> +“Against Mr. Lewes’s proposition that the movements of living +beings are prompted and guided by feeling, I urged that the amount and +direction of every nervous discharge must depend solely on physical +conditions. And I contended that to see this clearly is to see +that when we speak of movement being guided by feeling, we use the language +of a less advanced stage of enlightenment. This view has since +occupied a good deal of attention. Under the name of automatism +it has been advocated by Professor Huxley, and with firmer logic by +Professor Clifford. In the minds of our savage ancestors feeling +was the source of all movement . . . Using the word feeling in its ordinary +sense . . . <i>we assert not only that no evidence can be given that +feeling ever does guide or prompt action, but that the process of its +doing so is inconceivable. </i>(Italics mine.) How can we +picture to ourselves a state of consciousness putting in motion any +particle of matter, large or small? Puss, while dozing before +the fire, hears a light rustle in the corner, and darts towards the +spot. What has happened? Certain sound-waves have reached +the ear, a series of physical changes have taken place within the organism, +special groups of muscles have been called into play, and the body of +the cat has changed its position on the floor. Is it asserted +that this chain of physical changes is not at all points complete and +sufficient in itself?”<br> +<br> +I have been led to turn to this article of Mr. Spalding’s by Mr. +Stewart Duncan, who, in his “Conscious Matter,” <a name="citation142a"></a><a href="#footnote142a">{142a}</a> +quotes the latter part of the foregoing extract. Mr. Duncan goes +on to quote passages from Professor Tyndall’s utterances of about +the same date which show that he too took much the same line - namely, +that there is no causative connection between mental and physical processes; +from this it is obvious he must have supposed that physical processes +would go on just as well if there were no accompaniment of feeling and +consciousness at all.<br> +<br> +I have said enough to show that in the decade, roughly, between 1870 +and 1880 the set of opinion among our leading biologists was strongly +against mind, as having in any way influenced the development of animal +and vegetable life, and it is not likely to be denied that the prominence +which the mindless theory of natural selection had assumed in men’s +thoughts since 1860 was one of the chief reasons, if not the chief, +for the turn opinion was taking. Our leading biologists had staked +so heavily upon natural selection from among fortuitous variations that +they would have been more than human if they had not caught at everything +that seemed to give it colour and support. It was while this mechanical +fit was upon them, and in the closest connection with it, that the protoplasm +boom developed. It was doubtless felt that if the public could +be got to dislodge life, consciousness, and mind from any considerable +part of the body, it would be no hard matter to dislodge it, presently, +from the remainder; on this the deceptiveness of mind as a causative +agent, and the sufficiency of a purely automatic conception of the universe, +as of something that will work if a penny be dropped into the box, would +be proved to demonstration. It would be proved from the side of +mind by considerations derivable from automatic and unconscious action +where mind <i>ex hypothesi </i>was not, but where action went on as +well or better without it than with it; it would be proved from the +side of body by what they would doubtless call the “most careful +and exhaustive” examination of the body itself by the aid of appliances +more ample than had ever before been within the reach of man.<br> +<br> +This was all very well, but for its success one thing was a <i>sine +quâ non </i>- I mean the dislodgment must be thorough; the key +must be got clean of even the smallest trace of blood, for unless this +could be done all the argument went to the profit not of the mechanism, +with which, for some reason or other, they were so much enamoured, but +of the soul and design, the ideas which of all others were most distasteful +to them. They shut their eyes to this for a long time, but in +the end appear to have seen that if they were in search of an absolute +living and absolute non-living, the path along which they were travelling +would never lead them to it. They were driving life up into a +corner, but they were not eliminating it, and, moreover, at the very +moment of their thinking they had hedged it in and could throw their +salt upon it, it flew mockingly over their heads and perched upon the +place of all others where they were most scandalised to see it - I mean +upon machines in use. So they retired sulkily to their tents baffled +but not ashamed.<br> +<br> +<br> +Some months subsequent to the completion of the foregoing chapter, and +indeed just as this book is on the point of leaving my hands, there +appears in <i>Nature </i><a name="citation144a"></a><a href="#footnote144a">{144a}</a> +a letter from the Duke of Argyll, which shows that he too is impressed +with the conviction expressed above - I mean that the real object our +men of science have lately had in view has been the getting rid of mind +from among the causes of evolution. The Duke says:-<br> +<br> +“The violence with which false interpretations were put upon this +theory (natural selection) and a function was assigned to it which it +could never fulfil, will some day be recognised as one of the least +creditable episodes in the history of science. With a curious +perversity it was the weakest elements in the theory which were seized +upon as the most valuable, particularly the part assigned to blind chance +in the occurrence of variations. This was valued not for its scientific +truth, - for it could pretend to none, - but because of its assumed +bearing upon another field of thought and the weapon it afforded for +expelling mind from the causes of evolution.”<br> +<br> +The Duke, speaking of Mr. Herbert Spencer’s two articles in the +<i>Nineteenth Century </i>for April and May, 1886, to which I have already +called attention, continues:-<br> +<br> +“In these two articles we have for the first time an avowed and +definite declaration against some of the leading ideas on which the +mechanical philosophy depends; and yet the caution, and almost timidity, +with which a man so eminent approaches the announcement of conclusions +of the most self-evident truth is a most curious proof of the reign +of terror which has come to be established.”<br> +<br> +Against this I must protest; the Duke cannot seriously maintain that +the main scope and purpose of Mr. Herbert Spencer’s articles is +new. Their substance has been before us in Mr. Spencer’s +own writings for some two-and-twenty years, in the course of which Mr. +Spencer has been followed by Professor Mivart, the Rev. J. J. Murphy, +the Duke of Argyll himself, and many other writers of less note. +When the Duke talks about the establishment of a scientific reign of +terror, I confess I regard such an exaggeration with something like +impatience. Any one who has known his own mind and has had the +courage of his opinions has been able to say whatever he wanted to say +with as little let or hindrance during the last twenty years, as during +any other period in the history of literature. Of course, if a +man will keep blurting out unpopular truths without considering whose +toes he may or may not be treading on, he will make enemies some of +whom will doubtless be able to give effect to their displeasure; but +that is part of the game. It is hardly possible for any one to +oppose the fallacy involved in the Charles-Darwinian theory of natural +selection more persistently and unsparingly than I have done myself +from the year 1877 onwards; naturally I have at times been very angrily +attacked in consequence, and as a matter of business have made myself +as unpleasant as I could in my rejoinders, but I cannot remember anything +having been ever attempted against me which could cause fear in any +ordinarily constituted person. If, then, the Duke of Argyll is +right in saying that Mr. Spencer has shown a caution almost amounting +to timidity in attacking Mr. Darwin’s theory, either Mr. Spencer +must be a singularly timid person, or there must be some cause for his +timidity which is not immediately obvious. If terror reigns anywhere +among scientific men, I should say it reigned among those who have staked +imprudently on Mr. Darwin’s reputation as a philosopher. +I may add that the discovery of the Duke’s impression that there +exists a scientific reign of terror, explains a good deal in his writings +which it has not been easy to understand hitherto.<br> +<br> +As regards the theory of natural selection, the Duke says:-<br> +<br> +“From the first discussions which arose on this subject, I have +ventured to maintain that . . . the phrase ‘natural-selection’ +represented no true physical cause, still less the complete set of causes +requisite to account for the orderly procession of organic forms in +Nature; that in so far as it assumed variations to arise by accident +it was not only essentially faulty and incomplete, but fundamentally +erroneous; in short, that its only value lay in the convenience with +which it groups under one form of words, highly charged with metaphor, +an immense variety of causes, some purely mental, some purely vital, +and others purely physical or mechanical.”<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER XI - The Way of Escape<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +To sum up the conclusions hitherto arrived at. Our philosophers +have made the mistake of forgetting that they cannot carry the rough-and-ready +language of common sense into precincts within which politeness and +philosophy are supreme. Common sense sees life and death as distinct +states having nothing in common, and hence in all respects the antitheses +of one another; so that with common sense there should be no degrees +of livingness, but if a thing is alive at all it is as much alive as +the most living of us, and if dead at all it is stone dead in every +part of it. Our philosophers have exercised too little consideration +in retaining this view of the matter. They say that an amœba +is as much a living being as a man is, and do not allow that a well-grown, +highly educated man in robust health is more living than an idiot cripple. +They say he differs from the cripple in many important respects, but +not in degree of livingness. Yet, as we have seen already, even +common sense by using the word “dying” admits degrees of +life; that is to say, it admits a more and a less; those, then, for +whom the superficial aspects of things are insufficient should surely +find no difficulty in admitting that the degrees are more numerous than +is dreamed of in the somewhat limited philosophy which common sense +alone knows. Livingness depends on range of power, versatility, +wealth of body and mind - how often, indeed, do we not see people taking +a new lease of life when they have come into money even at an advanced +age; it varies as these vary, beginning with things that, though they +have mind enough for an outsider to swear by, can hardly be said to +have yet found it out themselves, and advancing to those that know their +own minds as fully as anything in this world does so. The more +a thing knows its own mind the more living it becomes, for life viewed +both in the individual and in the general as the outcome of accumulated +developments, is one long process of specialising consciousness and +sensation; that is to say, of getting to know one’s own mind more +and more fully upon a greater and greater variety of subjects. +On this I hope to touch more fully in another book; in the meantime +I would repeat that the error of our philosophers consists in not having +borne in mind that when they quitted the ground on which common sense +can claim authority, they should have reconsidered everything that common +sense had taught them.<br> +<br> +The votaries of common sense make the same mistake as philosophers do, +but they make it in another way. Philosophers try to make the +language of common sense serve for purposes of philosophy, forgetting +that they are in another world, in which another tongue is current; +common sense people, on the other hand, every now and then attempt to +deal with matters alien to the routine of daily life. The boundaries +between the two kingdoms being very badly defined, it is only by giving +them a wide berth and being so philosophical as almost to deny that +there is any either life or death at all, or else so full of common +sense as to refuse to see one part of the body as less living than another, +that we can hope to steer clear of doubt, inconsistency, and contradiction +in terms in almost every other word we utter. We cannot serve +the God of philosophy and the Mammon of common sense at one and the +same time, and yet it would almost seem as though the making the best +that can be made of both these worlds were the whole duty of organism.<br> +<br> +It is easy to understand how the error of philosophers arose, for, slaves +of habit as we all are, we are more especially slaves when the habit +is one that has not been found troublesome. There is no denying +that it saves trouble to have things either one thing or the other, +and indeed for all the common purposes of life if a thing is either +alive or dead the small supplementary residue of the opposite state +should be neglected as too small to be observable. If it is good +to eat we have no difficulty in knowing when it is dead enough to be +eaten; if not good to eat, but valuable for its skin, we know when it +is dead enough to be skinned with impunity; if it is a man, we know +when he has presented enough of the phenomena of death to allow of our +burying him and administering his estate; in fact, I cannot call to +mind any case in which the decision of the question whether man or beast +is alive or dead is frequently found to be perplexing; hence we have +become so accustomed to think there can be no admixture of the two states, +that we have found it almost impossible to avoid carrying this crude +view of life and death into domains of thought in which it has no application. +There can be no doubt that when accuracy is required we should see life +and death not as fundamentally opposed, but as supplementary to one +another, without either’s being ever able to exclude the other +altogether; thus we should indeed see some things as more living than +others, but we should see nothing as either unalloyedly living or unalloyedly +non-living. If a thing is living, it is so living that it has +one foot in the grave already; if dead, it is dead as a thing that has +already re-entered into the womb of Nature. And within the residue +of life that is in the dead there is an element of death; and within +this there is an element of life, and so <i>ad infinitum - </i>again, +as reflections in two mirrors that face one another.<br> +<br> +In brief, there is nothing in life of which there are not germs, and, +so to speak, harmonics in death, and nothing in death of which germs +and harmonics may not be found in life. Each emphasizes what the +other passes over most lightly - each carries to its extreme conceivable +development that which in the other is only sketched in by a faint suggestion +- but neither has any feature rigorously special to itself. Granted +that death is a greater new departure in an organism’s life, than +any since that <i>congeries </i>of births and deaths to which the name +embryonic stages is commonly given, still it is a new departure of the +same essential character as any other - that is to say, though there +be much new there is much, not to say more, old along with it. +We shrink from it as from any other change to the unknown, and also +perhaps from an instinctive sense that the fear of death is a <i>sine +quâ non </i>for physical and moral progress, but the fear is like +all else in life, a substantial thing which, if its foundations be dug +about, is found to rest on a superstitious basis.<br> +<br> +Where, and on what principle, are the dividing lines between living +and non-living to be drawn? All attempts to draw them hitherto +have ended in deadlock and disaster; of this M. Vianna De Lima, in his +“Exposé Sommaire des Théories transformistes de +Lamarck, Darwin, et Haeckel,” <a name="citation150a"></a><a href="#footnote150a">{150a}</a> +says that all attempts to trace <i>une ligne de démarcation nette +et profonde entre la matière vivante et la matière inerte +</i>have broken down. <a name="citation150b"></a><a href="#footnote150b">{150b}</a> +<i>Il y a un reste de vie dans le cadavre, </i>says Diderot, <a name="citation150c"></a><a href="#footnote150c">{150c}</a> +speaking of the more gradual decay of the body after an easy natural +death, than after a sudden and violent one; and so Buffon begins his +first volume by saying that “we can descend, by almost imperceptible +degrees, from the most perfect creature to the most formless matter +- from the most highly organised matter to the most entirely inorganic +substance.” <a name="citation150d"></a><a href="#footnote150d">{150d}</a><br> +<br> +Is the line to be so drawn as to admit any of the non-living within +the body? If we answer “yes,” then, as we have seen, +moiety after moiety is filched from us, till we find ourselves left +face to face with a tenuous quasi immaterial vital principle or soul +as animating an alien body, with which it not only has no essential +underlying community of substance, but with which it has no conceivable +point in common to render a union between the two possible, or give +the one a grip of any kind over the other; in fact, the doctrine of +disembodied spirits, so instinctively rejected by all who need be listened +to, comes back as it would seem, with a scientific <i>imprimatur; </i>if, +on the other hand, we exclude the non-living from the body, then what +are we to do with nails that want cutting, dying skin, or hair that +is ready to fall off? Are they less living than brain? Answer +“yes,” and degrees are admitted, which we have already seen +prove fatal; answer “no,” and we must deny that one part +of the body is more vital than another - and this is refusing to go +as far even as common sense does; answer that these things are not very +important, and we quit the ground of equity and high philosophy on which +we have given ourselves such airs, and go back to common sense as unjust +judges that will hear those widows only who importune us.<br> +<br> +As with the non-living so also with the living. Are we to let +it pass beyond the limits of the body, and allow a certain temporary +overflow of livingness to ordain as it were machines in use? Then +death will fare, if we once let life without the body, as life fares +if we once let death within it. It becomes swallowed up in life, +just as in the other case life was swallowed up in death. Are +we to confine it to the body? If so, to the whole body, or to +parts? And if to parts, to what parts, and why? The only +way out of the difficulty is to rehabilitate contradiction in terms, +and say that everything is both alive and dead at one and the same time +- some things being much living and little dead, and others, again, +much dead and little living. Having done this we have only got +to settle what a thing is - when a thing is a thing pure and simple, +and when it is only a <i>congeries </i>of things - and we shall doubtless +then live very happily and very philosophically ever afterwards.<br> +<br> +But here another difficulty faces us. Common sense does indeed +know what is meant by a “thing” or “an individual,” +but philosophy cannot settle either of these two points. Professor +Mivart made the question “What are Living Beings?”<i> </i>the +subject of an article in one of our leading magazines only a very few +years ago. He asked, but he did not answer. And so Professor +Moseley was reported <i>(Times, </i>January 16, 1885) as having said +that it was “almost impossible” to say what an individual +was. Surely if it is only “almost” impossible for +philosophy to determine this, Professor Moseley should have at any rate +tried to do it; if, however, he had tried and failed, which from my +own experience I should think most likely, he might have spared his +“almost.” “Almost” is a very dangerous +word. I once heard a man say that an escape he had had from drowning +was “almost” providential. The difficulty about defining +an individual arises from the fact that we may look at “almost” +everything from two different points of view. If we are in a common-sense +humour for simplifying things, treating them broadly, and emphasizing +resemblances rather than differences, we can find excellent reasons +for ignoring recognised lines of demarcation, calling everything by +a new name, and unifying up till we have united the two most distant +stars in heaven as meeting and being linked together in the eyes and +souls of men; if we are in this humour individuality after individuality +disappears, and ere long, if we are consistent, nothing will remain +but one universal whole, one true and only atom from which alone nothing +can be cut off and thrown away on to something else; if, on the other +hand, we are in a subtle philosophically accurate humour for straining +at gnats and emphasizing differences rather than resemblances, we can +draw distinctions, and give reasons for subdividing and subdividing, +till, unless we violate what we choose to call our consistency somewhere, +we shall find ourselves with as many names as atoms and possible combinations +and permutations of atoms. The lines we draw, the moments we choose +for cutting this or that off at this or that place, and thenceforth +the dubbing it by another name, are as arbitrary as the moments chosen +by a South-Eastern Railway porter for leaving off beating doormats; +in each case doubtless there is an approximate equity, but it is of +a very rough and ready kind.<br> +<br> +What else, however, can we do? We can only escape the Scylla of +calling everything by one name, and recognising no individual existences +of any kind, by falling into the Charybdis of having a name for everything, +or by some piece of intellectual sharp practice like that of the shrewd +but unprincipled Ulysses. If we were consistent honourable gentlemen, +into Charybdis or on to Scylla we should go like lambs; every subterfuge +by the help of which we escape our difficulty is but an arbitrary high-handed +act of classification that turns a deaf ear to everything not robust +enough to hold its own; nevertheless even the most scrupulous of philosophers +pockets his consistency at a pinch, and refuses to let the native hue +of resolution be sicklied o’er with the pale cast of thought, +nor yet fobbed by the rusty curb of logic. He is right, for assuredly +the poor intellectual abuses of the time want countenancing now as much +as ever, but so far as he countenances them, he should bear in mind +that he is returning to the ground of common sense, and should not therefore +hold himself too stiffly in the matter of logic.<br> +<br> +As with life and death so with design and absence of design or luck. +So also with union and disunion. There is never either absolute +design rigorously pervading every detail, nor yet absolute absence of +design pervading any detail rigorously, so, as between substances, there +is neither absolute union and homogeneity, not absolute disunion and +heterogeneity; there is always a little place left for repentance; that +is to say, in theory we should admit that both design and chance, however +well defined, each have an aroma, as it were, of the other. Who +can think of a case in which his own design - about which he should +know more than any other, and from which, indeed, all his ideas of design +are derived - was so complete that there was no chance in any part of +it? Who, again, can bring forward a case even of the purest chance +or good luck into which no element of design had entered directly or +indirectly at any juncture? This, nevertheless, does not involve +our being unable ever to ascribe a result baldly either to luck or cunning. +In some cases a decided preponderance of the action, whether seen as +a whole or looked at in detail, is recognised at once as due to design, +purpose, forethought, skill, and effort, and then we properly disregard +the undesigned element; in others the details cannot without violence +be connected with design, however much the position which rendered the +main action possible may involve design - as, for example, there is +no design in the way in which individual pieces of coal may hit one +another when shot out of a sack, but there may be design in the sack’s +being brought to the particular place where it is emptied; in others +design may be so hard to find that we rightly deny its existence, nevertheless +in each case there will be an element of the opposite, and the residuary +element would, if seen through a mental microscope, be found to contain +a residuary element of <i>its </i>opposite, and this again of <i>its +</i>opposite, and so on <i>ad infinitum, </i>as with mirrors standing +face to face. This having been explained, and it being understood +that when we speak of design in organism we do so with a mental reserve +of <i>exceptis excipiendis, </i>there should be no hesitation in holding +the various modifications of plants and animals to be in such preponderating +measure due to function, that design, which underlies function, is the +fittest idea with which to connect them in our minds.<br> +<br> +We will now proceed to inquire how Mr. Darwin came to substitute, or +try to substitute, the survival of the luckiest fittest, for the survival +of the most cunning fittest, as held by Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck; +or more briefly how he came to substitute luck for cunning.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER XII - Why Darwin’s Variations were Accidental<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +Some may perhaps deny that Mr. Darwin did this, and say he laid so much +stress on use and disuse as virtually to make function his main factor +of evolution.<br> +<br> +If, indeed, we confine ourselves to isolated passages, we shall find +little difficulty in making out a strong case to this effect. +Certainly most people believe this to be Mr. Darwin’s doctrine, +and considering how long and fully he had the ear of the public, it +is not likely they would think thus if Mr. Darwin had willed otherwise, +nor could he have induced them to think as they do if he had not said +a good deal that was capable of the construction so commonly put upon +it; but it is hardly necessary, when addressing biologists, to insist +on the fact that Mr. Darwin’s distinctive doctrine is the denial +of the comparative importance of function, or use and disuse, as a purveyor +of variations, - with some, but not very considerable, exceptions, chiefly +in the cases of domesticated animals.<br> +<br> +He did not, however, make his distinctive feature as distinct as he +should have done. Sometimes he said one thing, and sometimes the +directly opposite. Sometimes, for example, the conditions of existence +“included natural selection”<i> </i>or the fact that the +best adapted to their surroundings live longest and leave most offspring; +<a name="citation156a"></a><a href="#footnote156a">{156a}</a> sometimes +“the principle of natural selection”<i> </i>“fully +embraced” “the expression of conditions of existence.” +<a name="citation156b"></a><a href="#footnote156b">{156b}</a> +It would not be easy to find more unsatisfactory writing than this is, +nor any more clearly indicating a mind ill at ease with itself. +Sometimes “ants work <i>by inherited instincts </i>and inherited +tools;”<i> </i><a name="citation157a"></a><a href="#footnote157a">{157a}</a> +sometimes, again, it is surprising that the case of ants working by +inherited instincts has not been brought as a demonstrative argument +“against the well-known doctrine of <i>inherited habit, </i>as +advanced by Lamarck.” <a name="citation157b"></a><a href="#footnote157b">{157b}</a> +Sometimes the winglessness of beetles inhabiting ocean islands is “mainly +due to natural selection,” <a name="citation157c"></a><a href="#footnote157c">{157c}</a> +and though we might be tempted to ascribe the rudimentary condition +of the wing to disuse, we are on no account to do so - though disuse +was probably to some extent “combined with”<i> </i>natural +selection; at other times “it is probable that disuse has been +the main means of rendering the wings of beetles living on small exposed +islands” rudimentary. <a name="citation157d"></a><a href="#footnote157d">{157d}</a> +We may remark in passing that if disuse, as Mr. Darwin admits on this +occasion, is the main agent in rendering an organ rudimentary, use should +have been the main agent in rendering it the opposite of rudimentary +- that is to say, in bringing about its development. The ostensible +<i>raison d’être, </i>however, of the “Origin of Species”<i> +</i>is to maintain that this is not the case.<br> +<br> +There is hardly an opinion on the subject of descent with modification +which does not find support in some one passage or another of the “Origin +of Species.” If it were desired to show that there is no +substantial difference between the doctrine of Erasmus Darwin and that +of his grandson, it would be easy to make out a good case for this, +in spite of Mr. Darwin’s calling his grandfather’s views +“erroneous,” in the historical sketch prefixed to the later +editions of the “Origin of Species.” Passing over +the passage already quoted on p. 62 of this book, in which Mr. Darwin +declares “habit omnipotent and its effects hereditary” - +a sentence, by the way, than which none can be either more unfalteringly +Lamarckian or less tainted with the vices of Mr. Darwin’s later +style - passing this over as having been written some twenty years before +the “Origin of Species” - the last paragraph of the “Origin +of Species” itself is purely Lamarckian and Erasmus-Darwinian. +It declares the laws in accordance with which organic forms assumed +their present shape to be - “Growth with reproduction; Variability +from the indirect and direct action of the external conditions of life +and from use and disuse, &c.” <a name="citation158a"></a><a href="#footnote158a">{158a}</a> +Wherein does this differ from the confession of faith made by Erasmus +Darwin and Lamarck? Where are the accidental fortuitous, spontaneous +variations now? And if they are not found important enough to +demand mention in this peroration and <i>stretto, </i>as it were, of +the whole matter, in which special prominence should be given to the +special feature of the work, where ought they to be made important?<br> +<br> +Mr. Darwin immediately goes on: “A ratio of existence so high +as to lead to a struggle for life, and as a consequence to natural selection, +entailing divergence of character and the extinction of less improved +forms;” so that natural selection turns up after all. Yes +- in the letters that compose it, but not in the spirit; not in the +special sense up to this time attached to it in the “Origin of +Species.” The expression as used here is one with which +Erasmus Darwin would have found little fault, for it means not as elsewhere +in Mr. Darwin’s book and on his title-page the preservation of +“favoured” or lucky varieties, but the preservation of varieties +that have come to be varieties through the causes assigned in the preceding +two or three lines of Mr. Darwin’s sentence; and these are mainly +functional or Erasmus-Darwinian; for the indirect action of the conditions +of life is mainly functional, and the direct action is admitted on all +hands to be but small.<br> +<br> +It now appears more plainly, as insisted upon on an earlier page, that +there is not one natural selection and one survival of the fittest, +but two, inasmuch as there are two classes of variations from which +nature (supposing no exception taken to her personification) can select. +The bottles have the same labels, and they are of the same colour, but +the one holds brandy, and the other toast and water. Nature can, +by a figure of speech, be said to select from variations that are mainly +functional or from variations that are mainly accidental; in the first +case she will eventually get an accumulation of variation, and widely +different types will come into existence; in the second, the variations +will not occur with sufficient steadiness for accumulation to be possible. +In the body of Mr. Darwin’s book the variations are supposed to +be mainly due to accident, and function, though not denied all efficacy, +is declared to be the greatly subordinate factor; natural selection, +therefore, has been hitherto throughout tantamount to luck; in the peroration +the position is reversed <i>in toto; </i>the selection is now made from +variations into which luck has entered so little that it may be neglected, +the greatly preponderating factor being function; here, then, natural +selection is tantamount to cunning. We are such slaves of words +that, seeing the words “natural selection” employed - and +forgetting that the results ensuing on natural selection will depend +entirely on what it is that is selected from, so that the gist of the +matter lies in this and not in the words “natural selection” +- it escaped us that a change of front had been made, and a conclusion +entirely alien to the tenor of the whole book smuggled into the last +paragraph as the one which it had been written to support; the book +preached luck, the peroration cunning.<br> +<br> +And there can be no doubt Mr. Darwin intended that the change of front +should escape us; for it cannot be believed that he did not perfectly +well know what he had done. Mr. Darwin edited and re-edited with +such minuteness of revision that it may be said no detail escaped him +provided it was small enough; it is incredible that he should have allowed +this paragraph to remain from first to last unchanged (except for the +introduction of the words “by the Creator,” which are wanting +in the first edition) if they did not convey the conception he most +wished his readers to retain. Even if in his first edition he +had failed to see that he was abandoning in his last paragraph all that +it had been his ostensible object most especially to support in the +body of his book, he must have become aware of it long before he revised +the “Origin of Species” for the last time; still he never +altered it, and never put us on our guard.<br> +<br> +It was not Mr. Darwin’s manner to put his reader on his guard; +we might as well expect Mr. Gladstone to put us on our guard about the +Irish land bills. Caveat<i> lector </i>seems to have been his +motto. Mr. Spencer, in the articles already referred to, is at +pains to show that Mr. Darwin’s opinions in later life underwent +a change in the direction of laying greater stress on functionally produced +modifications, and points out that in the sixth edition of the “Origin +of Species” Mr. Darwin says, “I think there can be no doubt +that use in our domestic animals has strengthened and enlarged certain +parts, and disuse diminished them;” whereas in his first edition +he said, “I think there can be <i>little </i>doubt” of this. +Mr. Spencer also quotes a passage from “The Descent of Man,” +in which Mr. Darwin said that <i>even in the first edition </i>of the +“Origin of Species” he had attributed great effect to function, +as though in the later ones he had attributed still more; but if there +was any considerable change of position, it should not have been left +to be toilsomely collected by collation of editions, and comparison +of passages far removed from one another in other books. If his +mind had undergone the modification supposed by Mr. Spencer, Mr. Darwin +should have said so in a prominent passage of some later edition of +the “Origin of Species.” He should have said - “In +my earlier editions I underrated, as now seems probable, the effects +of use and disuse as purveyors of the slight successive modifications +whose accumulation in the ordinary course of things results in specific +difference, and I laid too much stress on the accumulation of merely +accidental variations;” having said this, he should have summarised +the reasons that had made him change his mind, and given a list of the +most important cases in which he has seen fit to alter what he had originally +written. If Mr. Darwin had dealt thus with us we should have readily +condoned all the mistakes he would have been at all likely to have made, +for we should have known him as one who was trying to help us, tidy +us up, keep us straight, and enable us to use our judgments to the best +advantage. The public will forgive many errors alike of taste +and judgment, where it feels that a writer persistently desires this.<br> +<br> +I can only remember a couple of sentences in the later editions of the +“Origin of Species” in which Mr. Darwin directly admits +a change of opinion as regards the main causes of organic modification. +How shuffling the first of these is I have already shown in “Life +and Habit,” p. 260, and in “Evolution, Old and New,” +p. 359; I need not, therefore, say more here, especially as there has +been no rejoinder to what I then said. Curiously enough the sentence +does not bear out Mr. Spencer’s contention that Mr. Darwin in +his later years leaned more decidedly towards functionally produced +modifications, for it runs: <a name="citation161a"></a><a href="#footnote161a">{161a}</a> +- “In the earlier editions of this work I underrated, as now seems +probable, the frequency and importance of modifications due,” +not, as Mr. Spencer would have us believe, to use and disuse, but “to +spontaneous variability,” by which can only be intended, “to +variations in no way connected with use and disuse,” as not being +assignable to any known cause of general application, and referable +as far as we are concerned to accident only; so that he gives the natural +survival of the luckiest, which is indeed his distinctive feature, if +it deserve to be called a feature at all, greater prominence than ever. +Nevertheless there is no change in his concluding paragraph, which still +remains an embodiment of the views of Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck.<br> +<br> +The other passage is on p. 421 of the edition of 1876. It stands:<i>- +</i>“I have now recapitulated the facts and considerations which +have thoroughly” (why “thoroughly”?) “convinced +me that species have been modified during a long course of descent. +This has been effected chiefly through the natural selection of numerous, +successive, slight, favourable variations; aided in an important manner +by the inherited effects of the use and disuse of parts; and in an unimportant +manner, that is, in relation to adaptive structures, whether past or +present, by the direct action of external conditions, and by variations +which seem to us in our ignorance to arise spontaneously. It appears +that I formerly underrated the frequency and value of these latter forms +of variation as leading to permanent modifications of structure independently +of natural selection.”<br> +<br> +Here, again, it is not use and disuse which Mr. Darwin declares himself +to have undervalued, but spontaneous variations. The sentence +just given is one of the most confusing I ever read even in the works +of Mr Darwin. It is the essence of his theory that the “numerous +successive, slight, favourable variations,” above referred to, +should be fortuitous, accidental, spontaneous; it is evident, moreover, +that they are intended in this passage to be accidental or spontaneous, +although neither of these words is employed, inasmuch as use and disuse +and the action of the conditions of existence, whether direct or indirect, +are mentioned specially as separate causes which purvey only the minor +part of the variations from among which nature selects. The words +“that is, in relation to adaptive forms” should be omitted, +as surplusage that draws the reader’s attention from the point +at issue; the sentence really amounts to this - that modification has +been effected <i>chiefly through selection </i>in the ordinary course +of nature <i>from among spontaneous variations, aided in an unimportant +manner by variations which quâ us are spontaneous</i>. Nevertheless, +though these spontaneous variations are still so trifling in effect +that they only aid spontaneous variations in an unimportant manner, +in his earlier editions Mr. Darwin thought them still less important +than he does now.<br> +<br> +This comes of tinkering. We do not know whether we are on our +heads or our heels. We catch ourselves repeating “important,” +“unimportant,” “unimportant,” “important,” +like the King when addressing the jury in “Alice in Wonderland;” +and yet this is the book of which Mr. Grant Allen <a name="citation163a"></a><a href="#footnote163a">{163a}</a> +says that it is “one of the greatest, and most learned, the most +lucid, the most logical, the most crushing, the most conclusive, that +the world has ever seen. Step by step, and principle by principle, +it proved every point in its progress triumphantly before it went on +to the next. So vast an array of facts so thoroughly in hand had +never before been mustered and marshalled in favour of any biological +theory.” The book and the eulogy are well mated.<br> +<br> +I see that in the paragraph following on the one just quoted, Mr. Allen +says, that “to the world at large Darwinism and evolution became +at once synonymous terms.” Certainly it was no fault of +Mr. Darwin’s if they did not, but I will add more on this head +presently; for the moment, returning to Mr. Darwin, it is hardly credible, +but it is nevertheless true, that Mr Darwin begins the paragraph next +following on the one on which I have just reflected so severely, with +the words, “It can hardly be supposed that a false theory would +explain in so satisfactory a manner as does the theory of natural selection, +the several large classes of facts above specified.” If +Mr. Darwin found the large classes of facts “satisfactorily” +explained by the survival of the luckiest irrespectively of the cunning +which enabled them to turn their luck to account, he must have been +easily satisfied. Perhaps he was in the same frame of mind as +when he said <a name="citation164a"></a><a href="#footnote164a">{164a}</a> +that “even an imperfect answer would be satisfactory,” but +surely this is being thankful for small mercies.<br> +<br> +On the following page Mr. Darwin says:<i>- </i>“Although I am +fully” (why “fully”?) “convinced of the truth +of the views given in this volume under the form of an abstract, I by +no means expect to convince experienced naturalists,” &c. +I have not quoted the whole of Mr. Darwin’s sentence, but it implies +that any experienced naturalist who remained unconvinced was an old-fashioned, +prejudiced person. I confess that this is what I rather feel about +the experienced naturalists who differ in only too great numbers from +myself, but I did not expect to find so much of the old Adam remaining +in Mr. Darwin; I did not expect to find him support me in the belief +that naturalists are made of much the same stuff as other people, and, +if they are wise, will look upon new theories with distrust until they +find them becoming generally accepted. I am not sure that Mr. +Darwin is not just a little bit flippant here.<br> +<br> +Sometimes I ask myself whether it is possible that, not being convinced, +I may be an experienced naturalist after all; at other times, when I +read Mr. Darwin’s works and those of his eulogists, I wonder whether +there is not some other Mr. Darwin, some other “Origin of Species,” +some other Professors Huxley, Tyndal, and Ray Lankester, and whether +in each case some malicious fiend has not palmed off a counterfeit upon +me that differs <i>toto cælo </i>from the original. I felt +exactly the same when I read Goethe’s “Wilhelm Meister”; +I could not believe my eyes, which nevertheless told me that the dull +diseased trash I was so toilsomely reading was a work which was commonly +held to be one of the great literary masterpieces of the world. +It seemed to me that there must be some other Goethe and some other +Wilhelm Meister. Indeed I find myself so depressingly out of harmony +with the prevailing not opinion only, but spirit - if, indeed, the Huxleys, +Tyndals, Miss Buckleys, Ray Lankesters, and Romaneses express the prevailing +spirit as accurately as they appear to do - that at times I find it +difficult to believe I am not the victim of hallucination; nevertheless +I know that either every canon, whether of criticism or honourable conduct, +which I have learned to respect is an impudent swindle, suitable for +the cloister only, and having no force or application in the outside +world; or else that Mr. Darwin and his supporters are misleading the +public to the full as much as the theologians of whom they speak at +times so disapprovingly. They sin, moreover, with incomparably +less excuse. Right as they doubtless are in much, and much as +we doubtless owe them (so we owe much also to the theologians, and they +also are right in much), they are giving way to a temper which cannot +be indulged with impunity. I know the great power of academicism; +I know how instinctively academicism everywhere must range itself on +Mr. Darwin’s side, and how askance it must look on those who write +as I do; but I know also that there is a power before which even academicism +must bow, and to this power I look not unhopefully for support.<br> +<br> +As regards Mr. Spencer’s contention that Mr. Darwin leaned more +towards function as he grew older, I do not doubt that at the end of +his life Mr. Darwin believed modification to be mainly due to function, +but the passage quoted on page 62 written in 1839, coupled with the +concluding paragraph of the “Origin of Species” written +in 1859, and allowed to stand during seventeen years of revision, though +so much else was altered - these passages, when their dates and surroundings +are considered, suggest strongly that Mr. Darwin thought during all +the forty years or so thus covered exactly as his grandfather and Lamarck +had done, and indeed as all sensible people since Buffon wrote have +done if they have accepted evolution at all.<br> +<br> +Then why should he not have said so? What object could he have +in writing an elaborate work to support a theory which he knew all the +time to be untenable? The impropriety of such a course, unless +the work was, like Buffon’s, transparently ironical, could only +be matched by its fatuousness, or indeed by the folly of one who should +assign action so motiveless to any one out of a lunatic asylum.<br> +<br> +This sounds well, but unfortunately we cannot forget that when Mr. Darwin +wrote the “Origin of Species” he claimed to be the originator +of the theory of descent with modification generally; that he did this +without one word of reference either to Buffon or Erasmus Darwin until +the first six thousand copies of his book had been sold, and then with +as meagre, inadequate notice as can be well conceived. Lamarck +was just named in the first editions of the “Origin of Species,” +but only to be told that Mr. Darwin had not got anything to give him, +and he must go away; the author of the “Vestiges of Creation” +was also just mentioned, but only in a sentence full of such gross misrepresentation +that Mr. Darwin did not venture to stand by it, and expunged it in later +editions, as usual, without calling attention to what he had done. +It would have been in the highest degree imprudent, not to say impossible, +for one so conscientious as Mr. Darwin to have taken the line he took +in respect of descent with modification generally, if he were not provided +with some ostensibly distinctive feature, in virtue of which, if people +said anything, he might claim to have advanced something different, +and widely different, from the theory of evolution propounded by his +illustrious predecessors; a distinctive theory of some sort, therefore, +had got to be looked for - and if people look in this spirit they can +generally find.<br> +<br> +I imagine that Mr. Darwin, casting about for a substantial difference, +and being unable to find one, committed the Gladstonian blunder of mistaking +an unsubstantial for a substantial one. It was doubtless because +he suspected it that he never took us fully into his confidence, nor +in all probability allowed even to himself how deeply he distrusted +it. Much, however, as he disliked the accumulation of accidental +variations, he disliked not claiming the theory of descent with modification +still more; and if he was to claim this, accidental his variations had +got to be. Accidental they accordingly were, but in as obscure +and perfunctory a fashion as Mr. Darwin could make them consistently +with their being to hand as accidental variations should later developments +make this convenient. Under these circumstances it was hardly +to be expected that Mr. Darwin should help the reader to follow the +workings of his mind - nor, again, that a book the writer of which was +hampered as I have supposed should prove clear and easy reading.<br> +<br> +The attitude of Mr. Darwin’s mind, whatever it may have been in +regard to the theory of descent with modification generally, goes so +far to explain his attitude in respect to the theory of natural selection +(which, it cannot be too often repeated, is only one of the conditions +of existence advanced as the main means of modification by the earlier +evolutionists), that it is worth while to settle the question once for +all whether Mr. Darwin did or did not believe himself justified in claiming +the theory of descent as an original discovery of his own. This +will be a task of some little length, and may perhaps try the reader’s +patience, as it assuredly tried mine; if, however, he will read the +two following chapters, he will probably be able to make up his mind +upon much that will otherwise, if he thinks about it at all, continue +to puzzle him.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER XIII - Darwin’s Claim to Descent with Modification<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +Mr. Allen, in his “Charles Darwin,” <a name="citation168a"></a><a href="#footnote168a">{168a}</a> +says that “in the public mind Mr. Darwin is commonly regarded +as the discoverer and founder of the evolution hypothesis,” and +on p. 177 he says that to most men Darwinism and evolution mean one +and the same thing. Mr. Allen declares misconception on this matter +to be “so extremely general” as to be “almost universal;”<i> +</i>this is more true than creditable to Mr. Darwin.<br> +<br> +Mr. Allen says <a name="citation168b"></a><a href="#footnote168b">{168b}</a> +that though Mr. Darwin gained “far wider general acceptance”<i> +</i>for both the doctrine of descent in general, and for that of the +descent of man from a simious or semi-simious ancestor in particular, +“he laid no sort of claim to originality or proprietorship in +either theory.” This is not the case. No one can claim +a theory more frequently and more effectually than Mr. Darwin claimed +descent with modification, nor, as I have already said, is it likely +that the misconception of which Mr. Allen complains would be general, +if he had not so claimed it. The “Origin of Species” +begins:-<br> +<br> +“When on board H.M.S. <i>Beagle, </i>as naturalist, I was much +struck with certain facts in the distribution of the inhabitants of +South America, and in the geological relation of the present to the +past inhabitants of that continent. These facts seemed to me to +throw some light on the origin of species - that mystery of mysteries, +as it has been called by one of our greatest philosophers. On +my return home it occurred to me, in 1837, that something might perhaps +be made out on this question by patiently accumulating and reflecting +upon all sorts of facts which could possibly have any bearing on it. +After five years’ work I allowed myself to speculate upon the +subject, and drew up some short notes; these I enlarged in 1844 <a name="citation169a"></a><a href="#footnote169a">{169a}</a> +into a sketch of the conclusions which then seemed to me probable. +From that period to the present day I have steadily pursued the same +object. I hope I may be excused these personal details, as I give +them to show that I have not been hasty in coming to a decision.”<br> +<br> +This is bland, but peremptory. Mr. Darwin implies that the mere +asking of the question how species has come about opened up a field +into which speculation itself had hardly yet ventured to intrude. +It was the mystery of mysteries; one of our greatest philosophers had +said so; not one little feeble ray of light had ever yet been thrown +upon it. Mr. Darwin knew all this, and was appalled at the greatness +of the task that lay before him; still, after he had pondered on what +he had seen in South America, it really did occur to him, that if he +was very very patient, and went on reflecting for years and years longer, +upon all sorts of facts, good, bad, and indifferent, which could possibly +have any bearing on the subject - and what fact might not possibly have +some bearing? - well, something, as against the nothing that had been +made out hitherto, might by some faint far-away possibility be one day +dimly seem. It was only what he had seen in South America that +made all this occur to him. He had never seen anything about descent +with modification in any book, nor heard any one talk about it as having +been put forward by other people; if he had, he would, of course, have +been the first to say so; he was not as other philosophers are; so the +mountain went on for years and years gestating, but still there was +no labour.<br> +<br> +“My work,” continues Mr. Darwin, “is now nearly finished; +but as it will take me two or three years to complete it, and as my +health is far from strong, I have been urged to publish this abstract. +I have been more especially induced to do this, as Mr. Wallace, who +is now studying the natural history of the Malay Archipelago, has arrived +at almost exactly the same general conclusions that I have on the origin +of species.” Mr. Darwin was naturally anxious to forestall +Mr. Wallace, and hurried up with his book. What reader, on finding +descent with modification to be its most prominent feature, could doubt +- especially if new to the subject, as the greater number of Mr. Darwin’s +readers in 1859 were - that this same descent with modification was +the theory which Mr. Darwin and Mr. Wallace had jointly hit upon, and +which Mr. Darwin was so anxious to show that he had not been hasty in +adopting? When Mr. Darwin went on to say that his abstract would +be very imperfect, and that he could not give references and authorities +for his several statements, we did not suppose that such an apology +could be meant to cover silence concerning writers who during their +whole lives, or nearly so, had borne the burden and heat of the day +in respect of descent with modification in its most extended application. +“I much regret,” says Mr. Darwin, “that want of space +prevents my having the satisfaction of acknowledging the generous assistance +I have received from very many naturalists, some of them personally +unknown to me.” This is like what the Royal Academicians +say when they do not intend to hang our pictures; they can, however, +generally find space for a picture if they want to hang it, and we assume +with safety that there are no master-works by painters of the very highest +rank for which no space has been available. Want of space will, +indeed, prevent my quoting from more than one other paragraph of Mr. +Darwin’s introduction; this paragraph, however, should alone suffice +to show how inaccurate Mr. Allen is in saying that Mr. Darwin “laid +no sort of claim to originality or proprietorship” in the theory +of descent with modification, and this is the point with which we are +immediately concerned. Mr. Darwin says:-<br> +<br> +“In considering the origin of species, it is quite conceivable +that a naturalist, reflecting on the mutual affinities of organic beings, +on their embryological relations, their geographical distribution, geological +succession, and other such facts, might come to the conclusion that +each species had not been independently created, but had descended like +varieties from other species.”<br> +<br> +It will be observed that not only is no hint given here that descent +with modification was a theory which, though unknown to the general +public, had been occupying the attention of biologists for a hundred +years and more, but it is distinctly implied that this was not the case. +When Mr. Darwin said it was “conceivable that a naturalist might” +arrive at the theory of descent, straightforward readers took him to +mean that though this was conceivable, it had never, to Mr. Darwin’s +knowledge, been done. If we had a notion that we had already vaguely +heard of the theory that men and the lower animals were descended from +common ancestors, we must have been wrong; it was not this that we had +heard of, but something else, which, though doubtless a little like +it, was all wrong, whereas this was obviously going to be all right.<br> +<br> +To follow the rest of the paragraph with the closeness that it merits +would be a task at once so long and so unpleasant that I will omit further +reference to any part of it except the last sentence. That sentence +runs:-<br> +<br> +“In the case of the mistletoe, which draws its nourishment from +certain trees, which has seeds that must be transported by certain birds, +and which has flowers with separate sexes absolutely requiring the agency +of certain insects to bring pollen from one flower to the other, it +is equally preposterous to account for the structure of this parasite, +with its relations to several distinct organic beings, by the effects +of the external conditions, or of habit, or of the volition of the plant +itself.”<br> +<br> +Doubtless it would be preposterous to refer the structure of either +woodpecker or mistletoe to the single agency of any one of these three +causes; but neither Lamarck nor any other writer on evolution has, so +far as I know, even contemplated this; the early evolutionists supposed +organic modification to depend on the action and interaction of all +three, and I venture to think that this will ere long be considered +as, to say the least of it, not more preposterous than the assigning +of the largely preponderating share in the production of such highly +and variously correlated organisms as the mistletoe and woodpecker mainly +to luck pure and simple, as is done by Mr. Charles Darwin’s theory.<br> +<br> +It will be observed that in the paragraph last quoted from, Mr. Darwin, +<i>more suo, </i>is careful not to commit himself. All he has +said is, that it would be preposterous to do something the preposterousness +of which cannot be reasonably disputed; the impression, however, is +none the less effectually conveyed, that some one of the three assigned +agencies, taken singly, was the only cause of modification ever yet +proposed, if, indeed, any writer had even gone so far as this. +We knew we did not know much about the matter ourselves, and that Mr. +Darwin was a naturalist of long and high standing; we naturally, therefore, +credited him with the same good faith as a writer that we knew in ourselves +as readers; it never so much as crossed our minds to suppose that the +head which he was holding up all dripping before our eyes as that of +a fool, was not that of a fool who had actually lived and written, but +only of a figure of straw which had been dipped in a bucket of red paint. +Naturally enough we concluded, since Mr. Darwin seemed to say so, that +if his predecessors had nothing better to say for themselves than this, +it would not be worth while to trouble about them further; especially +as we did not know who they were, nor what they had written, and Mr. +Darwin did not tell us. It would be better and less trouble to +take the goods with which it was plain Mr. Darwin was going to provide +us, and ask no questions. We have seen that even tolerably obvious +conclusions were rather slow in occurring to poor simple-minded Mr. +Darwin, and may be sure that it never once occurred to him that the +British public would be likely to argue thus; he had no intention of +playing the scientific confidence trick upon us. I dare say not, +but unfortunately the result has closely resembled the one that would +have ensued if Mr. Darwin had had such an intention.<br> +<br> +The claim to originality made so distinctly in the opening sentences +of the” Origin of Species”<i> </i>is repeated in a letter +to Professor Haeckel, written October 8, 1864, and giving an account +of the development of his belief in descent with modification. +This letter, part of which is quoted by Mr. Allen, <a name="citation173a"></a><a href="#footnote173a">{173a}</a> +is given on p. 134 of the English translation of Professor Haeckel’s +“History of Creation,” <a name="citation173b"></a><a href="#footnote173b">{173b}</a> +and runs as follows:-<br> +<br> +“In South America three classes of facts were brought strongly +before my mind. Firstly, the manner in which closely allied species +replace species in going southward. Secondly, the close affinity +of the species inhabiting the islands near South America to those proper +to the continent. This struck me profoundly, especially the difference +of the species in the adjoining islets in the Galapagos Archipelago. +Thirdly, the relation of the living Edentata and Rodentia to the extinct +species. I shall never forget my astonishment when I dug out a +gigantic piece of armour like that of the living armadillo.<br> +<br> +“Reflecting on these facts, and collecting analogous ones, it +seemed to me probable that allied species were descended from a common +ancestor. But during several years I could not conceive how each +form could have been modified so as to become admirably adapted to its +place in nature. I began, therefore, to study domesticated animals +and cultivated plants, and after a time perceived that man’s power +of selecting and breeding from certain individuals was the most powerful +of all means in the production of new races. Having attended to +the habits of animals and their relations to the surrounding conditions, +I was able to realise the severe struggle for existence to which all +organisms are subjected, and my geological observations had allowed +me to appreciate to a certain extent the duration of past geological +periods. Therefore, when I happened to read Malthus on population, +the idea of natural selection flashed on me. Of all minor points, +the last which I appreciated was the importance and cause of the principle +of divergence.”<br> +<br> +This is all very naïve, and accords perfectly with the introductory +paragraphs of the “Origin of Species;” it gives us the same +picture of a solitary thinker, a poor, lonely, friendless student of +nature, who had never so much as heard of Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, or +Lamarck. Unfortunately, however, we cannot forget the description +of the influences which, according to Mr. Grant Allen, did in reality +surround Mr. Darwin’s youth, and certainly they are more what +we should have expected than those suggested rather than expressly stated +by Mr. Darwin. “Everywhere around him,” says Mr. Allen, +<a name="citation174a"></a><a href="#footnote174a">{174a}</a> “in +his childhood and youth these great but formless” (why “formless”?) +“evolutionary ideas were brewing and fermenting. The scientific +society of his elders and of the contemporaries among whom he grew up +was permeated with the leaven of Laplace and Lamarck, of Hutton and +of Herschel. Inquiry was especially everywhere rife as to the +origin and nature of specific distinctions among plants and animals. +Those who believed in the doctrine of Buffon and of the ‘Zoonomia,’ +and those who disbelieved in it, alike, were profoundly interested and +agitated in soul by the far-reaching implications of that fundamental +problem. On every side evolutionism, in its crude form.” +(I suppose Mr. Allen could not help saying “in its crude form,” +but descent with modification in 1809 meant, to all intents and purposes, +and was understood to mean, what it means now, or ought to mean, to +most people.) “The universal stir,” says Mr. Allen +on the following page, “and deep prying into evolutionary questions +which everywhere existed among scientific men in his early days was +naturally communicated to a lad born of a scientific family and inheriting +directly in blood and bone the biological tastes and tendencies of Erasmus +Darwin.”<br> +<br> +I confess to thinking that Mr. Allen’s account of the influences +which surrounded Mr. Darwin’s youth, if tainted with picturesqueness, +is still substantially correct. On an earlier page he had written:<i>- +</i>“It is impossible to take up any scientific memoirs or treatises +of the first half of our own century without seeing at a glance how +every mind of high original scientific importance was permeated and +disturbed by the fundamental questions aroused, but not fully answered, +by Buffon, Lamarck, and Erasmus Darwin. In Lyell’s letters, +and in Agassiz’s lectures, in the ‘Botanic Journal’ +and in the ‘Philosophical Transactions,’ in treatises on +Madeira beetles and the Australian flora, we find everywhere the thoughts +of men profoundly influenced in a thousand directions by this universal +evolutionary solvent and leaven.<br> +<br> +“And while the world of thought was thus seething and moving restlessly +before the wave of ideas set in motion by these various independent +philosophers, another group of causes in another field was rendering +smooth the path beforehand for the future champion of the amended evolutionism. +Geology on the one hand and astronomy on the other were making men’s +minds gradually familiar with the conception of slow natural development, +as opposed to immediate and miraculous creation.<br> +<br> +. . .<br> +<br> +“The influence of these novel conceptions upon the growth and +spread of evolutionary ideas was far-reaching and twofold. In +the first place, the discovery of a definite succession of nearly related +organic forms following one another with evident closeness through the +various ages, inevitably suggested to every inquiring observer the possibility +of their direct descent one from the other. In the second place, +the discovery that geological formations were not really separated each +from its predecessor by violent revolutions, but were the result of +gradual and ordinary changes, discredited the old idea of frequent fresh +creations after each catastrophe, and familiarised the minds of men +of science with the alternative notion of slow and natural evolutionary +processes. The past was seen in effect to be the parent of the +present; the present was recognised as the child of the past.”<br> +<br> +This is certainly not Mr. Darwin’s own account of the matter. +Probably the truth will lie somewhere between the two extreme views: +and on the one hand, the world of thought was not seething quite so +badly as Mr. Allen represents it, while on the other, though “three +classes of fact,” &c., were undoubtedly “brought strongly +before” Mr. Darwin’s “mind in South America,” +yet some of them had perhaps already been brought before it at an earlier +time, which he did not happen to remember at the moment of writing his +letter to Professor Haeckel and the opening paragraph of the “Origin +of Species.”<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER XIV - Darwin and Descent with Modification <i>(continued)<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +</i>I have said enough to show that Mr. Darwin claimed I to have been +the originator of the theory of descent with modification as distinctly +as any writer usually claims any theory; but it will probably save the +reader trouble in the end if I bring together a good many, though not, +probably, all (for I much disliked the task, and discharged it perfunctorily), +of the passages in the “Origin of Species” in which the +theory of descent with modification in its widest sense is claimed expressly +or by implication. I shall quote from the original edition, which, +it should be remembered, consisted of the very unusually large number +of four thousand copies, and from which no important deviation was made +either by addition or otherwise until a second edition of two thousand +further copies had been sold; the “Historical Sketch,” &c., +being first given with the third edition. The italics, which I +have employed so as to catch the reader’s eye, are mine, not Mr. +Darwin’s. Mr. Darwin writes:-<br> +<br> +“Although much remains obscure, and will long remain obscure, +<i>I can entertain no doubt, after the most deliberate study and dispassionate +judgment of which I am capable, that the view which most naturalists +entertain, and which I formerly entertained - namely that each species +has been independently created - is erroneous</i>. I am fully +convinced that species are not immutable, but that those belonging to +what are called the same genera are lineal descendants of some other +and generally extinct species, in the same manner as the acknowledged +varieties of any one species are the descendants of that species. +Furthermore, I am convinced that natural selection” (or the preservation +of fortunate races) “has been the main but not exclusive means +of modification” (p. 6).<br> +<br> +It is not here expressly stated that the theory of the mutability of +species is Mr. Darwin’s own; this, nevertheless, is the inference +which the great majority of his readers were likely to draw, and did +draw, from Mr. Darwin’s words.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“It is not that all large genera are now varying much, and are +thus increasing in the number of their species, or that no small genera +are now multiplying and increasing; for if this had been so it would +have been fatal to <i>my</i> <i>theory; </i>inasmuch as geology,” +&c. (p. 56).<br> +<br> +The words “my theory” stand in all the editions. Again:<i>-<br> +<br> +</i>“This relation has a clear meaning <i>on my view </i>of the +subject; I look upon all the species of any genus as having as certainly +descended from the same progenitor, as have the two sexes of any one +of the species” (p. 157).<br> +<br> +“My view” here, especially in the absence of reference to +any other writer as having held the same opinion, implies as its most +natural interpretation that descent pure and simple is Mr. Darwin’s +view. Substitute “the theory of descent” for “my +view,” and we do not feel that we are misinterpreting the author’s +meaning. The words “my view” remain in all editions.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Long before having arrived at this part of my work, a crowd of +difficulties will have occurred to the reader. Some of them are +so grave that to this day I can never reflect on them without being +staggered; but to the best of my belief the greater number are only +apparent, and those that are real are not, I think, <i>fatal to my theory.<br> +<br> +</i>“These difficulties and objections may be classed under the +following heads:- Firstly, if species have descended from other species +by insensibly fine gradations, why do we not everywhere see?” +&c. (p. 171).<br> +<br> +We infer from this that “my theory” is the theory “that +species have descended from other species by insensibly fine gradations” +- that is to say, that it is the theory of descent with modification; +for the theory that is being objected to is obviously the theory of +descent <i>in toto, </i>and not a mere detail in connection with that +theory.<br> +<br> +The words “my theory” were altered in 1872, with the sixth +edition of the “Origin of species,” into “the theory;” +but I am chiefly concerned with the first edition of the work, my object +being to show that Mr. Darwin was led into his false position as regards +natural selection by a desire to claim the theory of descent with modification; +if he claimed it in the first edition, this is enough to give colour +to the view which I take; but it must be remembered that descent with +modification remained, by the passage just quoted “my theory,” +for thirteen years, and even when in 1869 and 1872, for a reason that +I can only guess at, “my theory” became generally “the +theory,” this did not make it become any one else’s theory. +It is hard to say whose or what it became, if the words are to be construed +technically; practically, however, with all ingenuous readers, “the +theory” remained as much Mr. Darwin’s theory as though the +words “my theory” had been retained, and Mr. Darwin cannot +be supposed so simple-minded as not to have known this would be the +case. Moreover, it appears, from the next page but one to the +one last quoted, that Mr. Darwin claimed the theory of descent with +modification generally, even to the last, for we there read, “<i>By +my theory </i>these allied species have descended from a common parent,” +and the “my” has been allowed, for some reason not quite +obvious, to survive the general massacre of Mr. Darwin’s “my’s”<i> +</i>which occurred in 1869 and 1872.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“He who believes that each being has been created as we now see +it, must occasionally have felt surprise when he has met,” &c. +(p. 185).<br> +<br> +Here the argument evidently lies between descent and independent acts +of creation. This appears from the paragraph immediately following, +which begins, “He who believes in separate and innumerable acts +of creation,” &c. We therefore understand descent to +be the theory so frequently spoken of by Mr. Darwin as “my.”<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“He who will go thus far, if he find on finishing this treatise +that large bodies of facts, otherwise inexplicable, can be explained +<i>by the theory of descent, </i>ought not to hesitate to go farther, +and to admit that a structure even as perfect as an eagle’s eye +might be formed <i>by natural selection, </i>although in this case he +does not know any of the transitional grades” (p. 188).<br> +<br> +The natural inference from this is that descent and natural selection +are one and the same thing.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“If it could be demonstrated that any complex organ existed which +could not possibly have been formed by numerous, successive, slight +modifications, <i>my theory </i>would absolutely break down. But +I can find out no such case. No doubt many organs exist of which +we do not know the transitional grades, more especially if we look to +much-isolated species, round which, according to my <i>theory, </i>there +has been much extinction” (p. 189).<br> +<br> +This makes “my theory” to be “the theory that complex +organs have arisen by numerous, successive, slight modifications;” +that is to say, to be the theory of descent with modification. +The first of the two “my theory’s” in the passage +last quoted has been allowed to stand. The second became “the +theory” in 1872. It is obvious, therefore, that “the +theory” means “my theory;” it is not so obvious why +the change should have been made at all, nor why the one “my theory” +should have been taken and the other left, but I will return to this +question.<br> +<br> +Again, Mr. Darwin writes:-<br> +<br> +“Although we must be extremely cautious in concluding that any +organ could not possibly have been produced by small successive transitional +gradations, yet, undoubtedly grave cases of difficulty occur, some of +which will be discussed in my future work”<i> </i>(p. 192).<br> +<br> +This, as usual, implies descent with modification to be the theory that +Mr. Darwin is trying to make good.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“I have been astonished how rarely an organ can be named towards +which no transitional variety is known to lead . . . Why, <i>on the +theory of creation, </i>should this be so? Why should not nature +have taken a leap from structure to structure? <i>On the theory +of natural selection </i>we can clearly understand why she should not; +for natural selection can act only by taking advantage of slight successive +variations; she can never take a leap, but must advance by the slowest +and shortest steps” (p. 194).<br> +<br> +Here “the theory of natural selection” is opposed to “the +theory of creation;” we took it, therefore, to be another way +of saying “the theory of descent with modification.”<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“We have in this chapter discussed some of the difficulties and +objections which may be urged against <i>my theory. </i>Many of +them are very grave, but I think that in the discussion light has been +thrown on several facts which, <i>on the theory of independent acts +of creation, </i>are utterly obscure” (p. 203).<br> +<br> +Here we have, on the one hand, “my theory,” on the other, +“independent acts of creation.” The natural antithesis +to independent acts of creation is descent, and we assumed with reason +that Mr. Darwin was claiming this when he spoke of “my theory.” +“My theory” became “the theory” in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“On the theory of natural selection we can clearly understand +the full meaning of that old canon in natural history, ‘<i>Natura +non facit saltum</i>.’ This canon, if we look only to the +present inhabitants of the world is not strictly correct, but if we +include all those of past times, it must <i>by my theory </i>be strictly +true” (p. 206).<br> +<br> +Here the natural interpretation of “by my theory” is “by +the theory of descent with modification;” the words “on +the theory of natural selection,” with which the sentence opens, +lead us to suppose that Mr. Darwin regarded natural selection and descent +as convertible terms. “My theory” was altered to “this +theory” in 1872. Six lines lower down we read, “<i>On +my theory </i>unity of type is explained by unity of descent.” +The “my” here has been allowed to stand.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Again, as in the case of corporeal structure, and conformably +with <i>my theory, </i>the instinct of each species is good for itself, +but has never,” &c. (p. 210).<br> +<br> +Who was to see that “my theory” did not include descent +with modification? The “my” here has been allowed +to stand.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“The fact that instincts . . . are liable to make mistakes; - +that no instinct has been produced for the exclusive good of other animals, +but that each animal takes advantage of the instincts of others; - that +the canon of natural history, <i>‘Natura non facit saltum</i>,’ +is applicable to instincts as well as to corporeal structure, and is +plainly explicable on the foregoing views, but is otherwise inexplicable, +- <i>all tend to corroborate the theory of natural selection</i>” +(p. 243).<br> +<br> +We feel that it is the theory of evolution, or descent with modification, +that is here corroborated, and that it is this which Mr. Darwin is mainly +trying to establish; the sentence should have ended “all tend +to corroborate the theory of descent with modification;”<i> </i>the +substitution of “natural selection” for descent tends to +make us think that these conceptions are identical. That they +are so regarded, or at any rate that it is the theory of descent in +full which Mr. Darwin has in his mind, appears from the immediately +succeeding paragraph, which begins “<i>This theory,</i>”<i> +</i>and continues six lines lower, “For instance, we can understand, +on the <i>principle of inheritance, </i>how it is that,” &c.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“In the first place, it should always be borne in mind what sort +of intermediate forms must, <i>on my theory, </i>formerly have existed” +(p. 280).<br> +<br> +“My theory” became “the theory” in 1869. +No reader who read in good faith could doubt that the theory of descent +with modification was being here intended.<br> +<br> +“It is just possible <i>by my theory, </i>that one of two living +forms might have descended from the other; for instance, a horse from +a tapir; but in this case <i>direct </i>intermediate links will have +existed between them” (p. 281).<br> +<br> +“My theory” became “the theory” in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>By the theory of natural selection </i>all living species +have been connected with the parent species of each genus,” &c. +We took this to mean, “By the theory of descent with modification +all living species,” &c. (p. 281).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Some experienced conchologists are now sinking many of the very +fine species of D’Orbigny and others into the rank of varieties; +and on this view we do find the kind of evidence of change which <i>on +my theory </i>we ought to find” (p. 297).<br> +<br> +“My theory” became “the theory” in 1869.<br> +<br> +In the fourth edition (1866), in a passage which is not in either of +the two first editions, we read (p. 359), “So that here again +we have undoubted evidence of change in the direction required by <i>my +theory</i>.” “My theory” became “the theory” +in 1869; the theory of descent with modification is unquestionably intended.<br> +<br> +Again<i>:-<br> +<br> +</i>“Geological research has done scarcely anything in breaking +down the distinction between species, by connecting them together by +numerous, fine, intermediate varieties; and this not having been effected, +is probably the gravest and most obvious of all the many objections +which may be urged against <i>my views</i>”<i> </i>(p. 299).<br> +<br> +We naturally took “my views” to mean descent with modification. +The “my” has been allowed to stand.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“If, then, there be some degree of truth in these remarks, we +have no right to expect to find in our geological formations an infinite +number of those transitional forms which <i>on my theory </i>assuredly +have connected all the past and present species of the same group in +one long and branching chain of life . . . But I do not pretend that +I should ever have suspected how poor was the record in the best preserved +geological sections, had not the absence of innumerable transitional +links between the species which lived at the commencement and at the +close of each formation pressed so hardly <i>on my theory</i>”<i> +</i>(pp. 301, 302).<br> +<br> +Substitute “descent with modification” for “my theory” +and the meaning does not suffer. The first of the two “my +theories” in the passage last quoted was altered in 1869 into +“our theory;” the second has been allowed to stand.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“The abrupt manner in which whole groups of species suddenly appear +in some formations, has been urged by several palæontologists +. . . as a fatal objection <i>to the belief in the transmutation of +species</i>. If numerous species, belonging to the same genera +or families, have really started into life all at once, the fact would +be fatal <i>to the theory of descent with slow modification through +natural selection</i>”<i> </i>(p. 302).<br> +<br> +Here “the belief in the transmutation of species,” or descent +with modification, is treated as synonymous with “the theory of +descent with slow modification through natural selection; “but +it has nowhere been explained that there are two widely different “theories +of descent with slow modification through natural selection,” +the one of which may be true enough for all practical purposes, while +the other is seen to be absurd as soon as it is examined closely. +The theory of descent with modification is not properly convertible +with either of these two views, for descent with modification deals +with the question whether species are transmutable or no, and dispute +as to the respective merits of the two natural selections deals with +the question how it comes to be transmuted; nevertheless, the words +“the theory of descent with slow modification through the ordinary +course of things” (which is what “descent with modification +through natural selection” comes to) may be considered as expressing +the facts with practical accuracy, if the ordinary course of nature +is supposed to be that modification is mainly consequent on the discharge +of some correlated function, and that modification, if favourable, will +tend to accumulate so long as the given function continues important +to the wellbeing of the organism; the words, however, have no correspondence +with reality if they are supposed to imply that variations which are +mainly matters of pure chance and unconnected in any way with function +will accumulate and result in specific difference, no matter how much +each one of them may be preserved in the generation in which it appears. +In the one case, therefore, the expression natural selection may be +loosely used as a synonym for descent with modification, and in the +other it may not. Unfortunately with Mr. Charles Darwin the variations +are mainly accidental. The words “through natural selection,” +therefore, in the passage last quoted carry no weight, for it is the +wrong natural selection that is, or ought to be, intended; practically, +however, they derived a weight from Mr. Darwin’s name to which +they had no title of their own, and we understood that “the theory +of descent with slow modification” through the kind of natural +selection ostensibly intended by Mr. Darwin was a quasi-synonymous expression +for the transmutation of species. We understood - so far as we +understood anything beyond that we were to believe in descent with modification +- that natural selection was Mr. Darwin’s theory; we therefore +concluded, since Mr. Darwin seemed to say so, that the theory of the +transmutation of species generally was so also. At any rate we +felt as regards the passage last quoted that the theory of descent with +modification was the point of attack and defence, and we supposed it +to be the theory so often referred to by Mr. Darwin as “my.”<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Some of the most ancient Silurian animals, as the Nautilus, Lingula, +&c., do not differ much from the living species; and it cannot <i>on +my theory </i>be supposed that these old species were the progenitors,” +&c. (p. 306) . . . “Consequently <i>if my theory be true, +</i>it is indisputable,” &c. (p. 307).<br> +<br> +Here the two “my theories” have been altered, the first +into “our theory,” and the second into “the theory,” +both in 1869; but, as usual, the thing that remains with the reader +is the theory of descent, and it remains morally and practically as +much claimed when called “the theory” - as during the many +years throughout which the more open “my”<i> </i>distinctly +claimed it.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“All the most eminent palæontologists, namely, Cuvier, Owen, +Agassiz, Barrande, E. Forbes, &c., and all our greatest geologists, +as Lyell, Murchison, Sedgwick, &c., have unanimously, often vehemently, +maintained <i>the immutability of species. </i>. . . I feel how rash +it is to differ from these great authorities . . . Those who think the +natural geological record in any degree perfect, and who do not attach +much weight to the facts and arguments of other kinds brought forward +in this volume, will undoubtedly at once <i>reject my theory</i>”<i> +</i>(p. 310).<br> +<br> +What is “my theory”<i> </i>here, if not that of the mutability +of species, or the theory of descent with modification? “My +theory” became “the theory” in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Let us now see whether the several facts and rules relating to +the geological succession of organic beings, better accord with the +common view of the immutability of species, or with that of their <i>slow +and gradual modification, through descent and natural selection</i>”<i> +</i>(p. 312).<br> +<br> +The words “natural selection” are indeed here, but they +might as well be omitted for all the effect they produce. The +argument is felt to be about the two opposed theories of descent, and +independent creative efforts.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“These several facts accord well with <i>my theory</i>”<i> +</i>(p. 314). That “my theory” is the theory of descent +is the conclusion most naturally drawn from the context. “My +theory”<i> </i>became “our theory”<i> </i>in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“This gradual increase in the number of the species of a group +is strictly conformable <i>with my theory; </i>for the process of modification +and the production of a number of allied forms must be slow and gradual, +. . . like the branching of a great tree from a single stem, till the +group becomes large” (p. 314).<br> +<br> +“My theory” became “the theory” in 1869. +We took “my theory” to be the theory of descent; that Mr. +Darwin treats this as synonymous with the theory of natural selection +appears from the next paragraph, on the third line of which we read, +“On <i>the theory of natural selection </i>the extinction of old +forms,” &c.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>The theory of natural selection </i>is grounded on the belief +that each new variety and ultimately each new species, is produced and +maintained by having some advantage over those with which it comes into +competition; and the consequent extinction of less favoured forms almost +inevitably follows” (p. 320). Sense and consistency cannot +be made of this passage. Substitute “The theory of the preservation +of favoured races in the struggle for life” for “The theory +of natural selection” (to do this is only taking Mr. Darwin’s +own synonym for natural selection) and see what the passage comes to. +“The preservation of favoured races”<i> </i>is not a theory, +it is a commonly observed fact; it is not “grounded on the belief +that each new variety,” &c., it is one of the ultimate and +most elementary principles in the world of life. When we try to +take the passage seriously and think it out, we soon give it up, and +pass on, substituting “the theory of descent”<i> </i>for +“the theory of natural selection,” and concluding that in +some way these two things must be identical.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“The manner in which single species and whole groups of species +become extinct accords well with <i>the theory of natural selection</i>”<i> +</i>(p. 322).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“This great fact of the parallel succession of the forms of life +throughout the world, is explicable <i>on the theory of natural selection</i>”<i> +</i>(p. 325).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Let us now look to the mutual affinities of extinct and living +species. They all fall into one grand natural system; and this +is at once explained <i>on the principle of descent</i>” (p. 329).<br> +<br> +Putting the three preceding passages together, we naturally inferred +that “the theory of natural selection” and “the principle +of descent” were the same things. We knew Mr. Darwin claimed +the first, and therefore unhesitatingly gave him the second at the same +time.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Let us see how far these several facts and inferences accord +with <i>the theory of descent with modification</i>”<i> </i>(p. +331)<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Thus, <i>on the theory of descent with modification, </i>the +main facts with regard to the mutual affinities of the extinct forms +of life to each other and to living forms, seem to me explained in a +satisfactory manner. And they are wholly inexplicable <i>on any +other view</i>”<i> </i>(p. 333).<br> +<br> +The words “seem to me” involve a claim in the absence of +so much as a hint in any part of the book concerning indebtedness to +earlier writers.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>On the theory of descent, </i>the full meaning of the fossil +remains,” &c. (p. 336).<br> +<br> +In the following paragraph we read:-<br> +<br> +“But in one particular sense the more recent forms must, <i>on +my theory, </i>be higher than the more ancient.”<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Agassiz insists that ancient animals resemble to a certain extent +the embryos of recent animals of the same classes; or that the geological +succession of extinct forms is in some degree parallel to the embryological +development of recent forms. . . . This doctrine of Agassiz accords +well with <i>the theory of natural selection</i>”<i> </i>(p. 338).<br> +<br> +“The theory of natural selection” became “our theory” +in 1869. The opinion of Agassiz accords excellently with the theory +of descent with modification, but it is not easy to see how it bears +upon the fact that lucky races are preserved in the struggle for life +- which, according to Mr. Darwin’s title-page, is what is meant +by natural selection.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>On the theory of descent with modification, </i>the great +law of the long-enduring but not immutable succession of the same types +within the same areas, is at once explained” (p. 340).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“It must not be forgotten that, <i>on my theory, </i>all the species +of the same genus have descended from some one species” (p. 341).<br> +<br> +“My theory” became “our theory” in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“He who rejects these views on the nature of the geological record, +will rightly reject <i>my whole theory</i>” (p. 342).<br> +<br> +“My” became “our” in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Passing from these difficulties, the other great leading facts +in palæontology agree admirably with <i>the theory of descent +with modification through variation and natural selection</i>”<i> +</i>(p. 343).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +The succession of the same types of structure within the same areas +during the later geological periods <i>ceases to be mysterious, </i>and +<i>is simply explained by inheritance </i>(p. 345).<br> +<br> +I suppose inheritance was not when Mr. Darwin wrote considered mysterious. +The last few words have been altered to “and is intelligible on +the principle of inheritance.” It seems as though Mr. Darwin +did not like saying that inheritance was not mysterious, but had no +objection to implying that it was intelligible.<br> +<br> +The next paragraph begins - “If, then, the geological record be +as imperfect as I believe it to be, . . . the main objections <i>to +the theory of natural selection </i>are greatly diminished or disappear. +On the other hand, all the chief laws of palæontology plainly +proclaim, <i>as it seems to me, that species have been produced by ordinary +generation.</i>”<br> +<br> +Here again the claim to the theory of descent with modification is unmistakable; +it cannot, moreover, but occur to us that if species “have been +produced by ordinary generation,” then ordinary generation has +as good a claim to be the main means of originating species as natural +selection has. It is hardly necessary to point out that ordinary +generation involves descent with modification, for all known offspring +differ from their parents, so far, at any rate, as that practised judges +can generally tell them apart.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“We see in these facts some deep organic bond, prevailing throughout +space and time, over the same areas of land and water, and independent +of their physical condition. The naturalist must feel little curiosity +who is not led to inquire what this bond is.<br> +<br> +“This bond, <i>on my theory, is simply inheritance, </i>that cause +which alone,” &c. (p. 350).<br> +<br> +This passage was altered in 1869 to “The bond is simply inheritance.” +The paragraph concludes, “<i>On this principle of inheritance +with modification, </i>we can understand how it is that sections of +genera . . . are confined to the same areas,” &c.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“He who rejects it rejects the <i>vera causa of ordinary </i>generation,” +&c. (p. 352).<br> +<br> +We naturally ask, Why call natural selection the “main means of +modification,” if “ordinary generation” is a <i>vera +causa</i>?<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“In discussing this subject, we shall be enabled at the same time +to consider a point equally important for us, namely, whether the several +distinct species of a genus, <i>which on my theory have all descended +from a common ancestor, </i>can have migrated (undergoing modification +during some part of their migration) from the area inhabited by their +progenitor” (p. 354).<br> +<br> +The words “on my theory” became “on our theory” +in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“With those organic beings which never intercross (if such exist) +<i>the species, on my theory, must have descended from a succession +of improved varieties,</i>”<i> </i>&c. (p. 355).<br> +<br> +The words “on my theory” were cut out in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“A slow southern migration of a marine fauna will account, <i>on +the theory of modification, </i>for many closely allied forms,” +&c. (p. 372).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“But the existence of several quite distinct species, belonging +to genera exclusively confined to the southern hemisphere, is, <i>on +my theory of descent with modification, </i>a far more remarkable case +of difficulty” (p. 381).<br> +<br> +“My” became “the” in 1866 with the fourth edition. +This was the most categorical claim to the theory of descent with modification +in the “Origin of Species.” The “my” here +is the only one that was taken out before 1869. I suppose Mr. +Darwin thought that with the removal of this “my” he had +ceased to claim the theory of descent with modification. Nothing, +however, could be gained by calling the reader’s attention to +what had been done, so nothing was said about it.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Some species of fresh-water shells have a very wide range, <i>and +allied species, which, on my theory, are descended from a single source, +</i>prevail throughout the world” (p. 385).<br> +<br> +“My theory” became “our theory” in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“In the following remarks I shall not confine myself to the mere +question of dispersal, but shall consider some other facts which bear +upon the truth of <i>the two theories of independent creation and of +descent with modification</i>”<i> </i>(p. 389). What can +be plainer than that the theory which Mr. Darwin espouses, and has so +frequently called “my,” is descent with modification?<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“But as these animals and their spawn are known to be immediately +killed by sea-water, <i>on my view, </i>we can see that there would +be great difficulty in their transportal across the sea, and therefore +why they do not exist on any oceanic island. But why, <i>on the +theory of creation, </i>they should not have been created there, it +would be very difficult to explain” (p. 393).<br> +<br> +“On my view” was cut out in 1869.<br> +<br> +On the following page we read - “On my view this question can +easily be answered.” “On my view” is retained +in the latest edition.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Yet there must be, <i>on my view, </i>some unknown but highly +efficient means for their transportation” (p. 397).<br> +<br> +“On my view” became “according to our view” +in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“I believe this grand fact can receive no sort of explanation +<i>on the ordinary view of independent creation; </i>whereas, <i>on +the view here maintained, </i>it is obvious that the Galapagos Islands +would be likely to receive colonists . . . from America, and the Cape +de Verde Islands from Africa; and that such colonists would be liable +to modification; the principle of inheritance still betraying their +original birth-place” (p. 399).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“With respect to the distinct species of the same genus which, +<i>on my theory, </i>must have spread from one parent source, if we +make the same allowances as before,” &c.<br> +<br> +“On my theory” became “on our theory” in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>On my theory </i>these several relations throughout time and +space are intelligible; . . . the forms within each class have been +connected by the same bond of ordinary generation; . . . in both cases +the laws of variation have been the same, and modifications have been +accumulated by the same power of natural selection” (p. 410).<br> +<br> +“On my theory” became “according to our theory” +in 1869, and natural selection is no longer a power, but has become +a means.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>I believe that something more is included, </i>and that propinquity +of descent - the only known cause of the similarity of organic beings +- is the bond, hidden as it is by various degrees of modification, which +is partially revealed to us by our classification” (p. 418).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>Thus, on the view which I hold, </i>the natural system is +genealogical in its arrangement, like a pedigree” (p. 422).<br> +<br> +“On the view which I hold” was cut out in 1872.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“We may feel almost sure, <i>on the theory of descent, </i>that +these characters have been inherited from a common ancestor” (p. +426).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>On my view of characters being of real importance for classification +only in so far as they reveal descent, </i>we can clearly understand,” +&c. (p. 427).<br> +<br> +“On my view”<i> </i>became “on the view”<i> +</i>in 1872.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“The more aberrant any form is, the greater must be the number +of connecting forms which, <i>on my theory, </i>have been exterminated +and utterly lost” (p. 429).<br> +<br> +The words “on my theory” were excised in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Finally, we have seen that <i>natural selection. </i>. . <i>explains +</i>that great and universal feature in the affinities of all organic +beings, namely, their subordination in group under group. <i>We +use the element of descent </i>in classing the individuals of both sexes, +&c.; . . . <i>we use descent </i>in classing acknowledged varieties; +. . . and I believe this element of descent is the hidden bond of connection +which naturalists have sought under the term of the natural system” +(p. 433).<br> +<br> +Lamarck was of much the same opinion, as I showed in “Evolution +Old and New.” He wrote:<i>- </i>“An arrangement should +be considered systematic, or arbitrary, when it does not conform to +the genealogical order taken by nature in the development of the things +arranged, and when, by consequence, it is not founded on well-considered +analogies. There is a natural order in every department of nature; +it is the order in which its several component items have been successively +developed.” <a name="citation195a"></a><a href="#footnote195a">{195a}</a> +The point, however, which should more particularly engage our attention +is that Mr. Darwin in the passage last quoted uses “natural selection”<i> +</i>and “descent” as though they were convertible terms.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Nothing can be more hopeless than to attempt to explain this +similarity of pattern in members of the same class by utility or the +doctrine of final causes . . . <i>On the ordinary view of the +independent creation of each being, </i>we can only say that so it is +. . . <i>The explanation is manifest on the theory of the natural selection +of successive slight </i>modifications,” &c. (p. 435).<br> +<br> +This now stands - “The explanation is to a large extent simple, +on the theory of the selection of successive, slight modifications.” +I do not like “a large extent” of simplicity; but, waiving +this, the point at issue is not whether the ordinary course of things +ensures a quasi-selection of the types that are best adapted to their +surroundings, with accumulation of modification in various directions, +and hence wide eventual difference between species descended from common +progenitors - no evolutionist since 1750 has doubted this - but whether +a general principle underlies the modifications from among which the +quasi-selection is made, or whether they are destitute of such principle +and referable, as far as we are concerned, to chance only. Waiving +this again, we note that the theories of independent creation and of +natural selection are contrasted, as though they were the only two alternatives; +knowing the two alternatives to be independent creation and descent +with modification, we naturally took natural selection to mean descent +with modification.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>On the theory of natural selection </i>we can satisfactorily +answer these questions” (p. 437).<br> +<br> +“Satisfactorily” now stands “to a certain extent.”<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>On my view </i>these terms may be used literally”<i> +</i>(pp. 438, 439).<br> +<br> +“On my view” became “according to the views here maintained +such language may be,” &c., in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“I believe all these facts can be explained as follows, <i>on +the view of descent with modification</i>”<i> </i>(p. 443).<br> +<br> +This sentence now ends at “follows.”<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Let us take a genus of birds, <i>descended, on my theory, from +some one parent species, </i>and of which the several new species <i>have +become modified through natural selection </i>in accordance with their +divers habits” (p. 446).<br> +<br> +The words “on my theory” were cut out in 1869, and the passage +now stands, “Let us take a group of birds, descended from some +ancient form and modified through natural selection for different habits.”<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>On my view of descent with modification, </i>the origin of +rudimentary organs is simple” (p. 454).<br> +<br> +“On my view” became “<i>on the view</i>”<i> +</i>in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>On the view of descent with modification,</i>”<i> </i>&c. +(p. 455).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>On this same view of descent with modification </i>all the +great facts of morphology become intelligible” (p. 456).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“That many and grave objections may be advanced against <i>the +theory of descent with modification through natural selection, </i>I +do not deny” (p. 459).<br> +<br> +This now stands, “That many and serious objections may be advanced +against <i>the theory of descent with modification through variation +and natural selection, </i>I do not deny.”<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“There are, it must be admitted, cases of special difficulty <i>on +the theory of natural selection</i>”<i> </i>(p. 460).<br> +<br> +“On” has become “opposed to;” it is not easy +to see why this alteration was made, unless because “opposed to” +is longer.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Turning to geographical distribution, the difficulties encountered +<i>on the theory of descent with modification </i>are grave enough.”<br> +<br> +“Grave” has become “serious,” but there is no +other change (p. 461).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“As <i>on the theory of natural selection </i>an interminable +number of intermediate forms must have existed,” &c.<br> +<br> +“On” has become “according to” - which is certainly +longer, but does not appear to possess any other advantage over “on.” +It is not easy to understand why Mr. Darwin should have strained at +such a gnat as “on,” though feeling no discomfort in such +an expression as “an interminable number.”<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“This is the most forcible of the many objections which may be +urged <i>against my theory </i>. . . For certainly, <i>on my theory,</i>”<i> +</i>&c. (p. 463).<br> +<br> +The “my” in each case became “the” in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Such is the sum of the several chief objections and difficulties +which may be justly urged <i>against my theory</i>”<i> </i>(p. +465).<br> +<br> +“My” became “the”<i> </i>in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Grave as these several difficulties are, <i>in my judgment </i>they +do not overthrow <i>the theory of descent with modifications</i>”<i> +</i>(p. 466).<br> +<br> +This now stands, “Serious as these several objections are, in +my judgment they are by no means sufficient to overthrow <i>the theory +of descent with subsequent modification;</i>”<i> </i>which, again, +is longer, and shows at what little, little gnats Mr. Darwin could strain, +but is no material amendment on the original passage.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>The theory of natural selection, </i>even if we looked no +further than this, <i>seems to me to be in itself probable</i>”<i> +</i>(p. 469).<br> +<br> +This now stands, “The theory of natural selection, even if we +look no further than this, <i>seems to be in the highest degree probable</i>.” +It is not only probable, but was very sufficiently proved long before +Mr. Darwin was born, only it must be the right natural selection and +not Mr. Charles Darwin’s.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“It is inexplicable, <i>on the theory of creation, </i>why a part +developed, &c., . . . <i>but, on my view, </i>this part has undergone,” +&c. (p. 474).<br> +<br> +“On my view” became “on our view” in 1869.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Glancing at instincts, marvellous as some are, they offer no +greater difficulty than does corporeal structure <i>on the theory of +the natural selection of successive, slight, but profitable modifications</i>”<i> +</i>(p. 474).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +<i>“On the view of all the species of the same genus having descended +from a common parent, </i>and having inherited much in common, we can +understand how it is,” &c. (p. 474).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“If we admit that the geological record is imperfect in an extreme +degree, then such facts as the record gives, support <i>the theory of +descent with modification.<br> +<br> +</i>“ . . . The extinction of species . . . almost inevitably +follows on <i>the principle of natural selection</i>”<i> </i>(p. +475).<br> +<br> +The word “almost” has got a great deal to answer for.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“We can understand, <i>on the theory of descent with modification, +</i>most of the great leading facts in Distribution” (p. 476).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“The existence of closely allied or representative species in +any two areas, implies, <i>on the theory of descent with modification, +</i>that the same parents formerly inhabited both areas . . . It must +be admitted that these facts receive no explanation <i>on the theory +of creation </i>. . . The fact . . . is intelligible <i>on the theory +of natural selection, </i>with its contingencies of extinction and divergence +of character” (p. 478).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Innumerable other such facts at once explain themselves <i>on +the theory of descent with slow and slight successive modifications</i>”<i> +</i>(p. 479).<br> +<br> +“Any one whose disposition leads him to attach more weight to +unexplained difficulties than to the explanation of a certain number +of facts, <i>will certainly reject my theory</i>”<i> </i>(p. 482).<br> +<br> +“My theory” became “the theory” in 1869.<br> +<br> +<br> +From this point to the end of the book the claim is so ubiquitous, either +expressly or by implication, that it is difficult to know what not to +quote. I must, however, content myself with only a few more extracts. +Mr. Darwin says:-<br> +<br> +“It may be asked <i>how far I extend the doctrine of the modification +of species</i>” (p. 482).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“Analogy would lead me one step further, namely, to the belief +that all animals and plants have descended from some one prototype . +. . Therefore I should infer from analogy that probably all the organic +beings which have ever lived on this earth have descended from some +one primordial form, into which life was first breathed.”<br> +<br> +From an amœba - Adam, in fact, though not in name. This +last sentence is now completely altered, as well it might be.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“When <i>the views entertained in this volume on the origin of +species, or when analogous views are generally admitted, </i>we can +dimly foresee that there will be a considerable revolution in natural +history” (p. 434).<br> +<br> +Possibly. This now stands, “When the views advanced by me +in this volume, and by Mr. Wallace, or when analogous views on the origin +of species are generally admitted, we can dimly foresee,” &c. +When the “Origin of Species” came out we knew nothing of +any analogous views, and Mr. Darwin’s words passed unnoticed. +I do not say that he knew they would, but he certainly ought to have +known.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“<i>A grand and almost untrodden field of inquiry will be opened, +</i>on the causes and laws of variation, on correlation of growth, on +the effects of use and disuse, on the direct action of external conditions, +and so forth” (p. 486).<br> +<br> +Buffon and Lamarck had trodden this field to some purpose, but not a +hint to this effect is vouchsafed to us. Again; -<br> +<br> +“<i>When I view all beings not as special creations, but as the +lineal descendants of some few beings which lived long before </i>the +first bed of the Silurian system was deposited, they seem to me to become +ennobled . . . We can so far take a prophetic glance into futurity as +to foretell that it will be the common and widely spread species, belonging +to the larger and dominant groups, which will ultimately prevail and +procreate new and dominant species.”<br> +<br> +There is no alteration in this except that “Silurian” has +become “Cambrian.”<br> +<br> +The idyllic paragraph with which Mr. Darwin concludes his book contains +no more special claim to the theory of descent <i>en bloc </i>than many +another which I have allowed to pass unnoticed; it has been, moreover, +dealt with in an earlier chapter (Chapter XII.)<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER XV - The Excised “My’s”<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +I have quoted in all ninety-seven passages, as near as I can make them, +in which Mr. Darwin claimed the theory of descent, either expressly +by speaking of “my theory” in such connection that the theory +of descent ought to be, and, as the event has shown, was, understood +as being intended, or by implication, as in the opening passages of +the “Origin of Species,” in which he tells us how he had +thought the matter out without acknowledging obligation of any kind +to earlier writers. The original edition of the “Origin +of Species” contained 490 pp., exclusive of index; a claim, therefore, +more or less explicit, to the theory of descent was made on the average +about once in every five pages throughout the book from end to end; +the claims were most prominent in the most important parts, that is +to say, at the beginning and end of the work, and this made them more +effective than they are made even by their frequency. A more ubiquitous +claim than this it would be hard to find in the case of any writer advancing +a new theory; it is difficult, therefore, to understand how Mr. Grant +Allen could have allowed himself to say that Mr. Darwin “laid +no sort of claim to originality or proprietorship” in the theory +of descent with modification.<br> +<br> +Nevertheless I have only found one place where Mr. Darwin pinned himself +down beyond possibility of retreat, however ignominious, by using the +words “my theory of descent with modification.” <a name="citation202a"></a><a href="#footnote202a">{202a}</a> +He often, as I have said, speaks of “my theory,” and then +shortly afterwards of “descent with modification,” under +such circumstances that no one who had not been brought up in the school +of Mr. Gladstone could doubt that the two expressions referred to the +same thing. He seems to have felt that he must be a poor wriggler +if he could not wriggle out of this; give him any loophole, however +small, and Mr. Darwin could trust himself to get out through it; but +he did not like saying what left no loophole at all, and “my theory +of descent with modification” closed all exits so firmly that +it is surprising he should ever have allowed himself to use these words. +As I have said, Mr. Darwin only used this direct categorical form of +claim in one place; and even here, after it had stood through three +editions, two of which had been largely altered, he could stand it no +longer, and altered the “my” into “the” in 1866, +with the fourth edition of the “Origin of Species.”<br> +<br> +This was the only one of the original forty-five my’s that was +cut out before the appearance of the fifth edition in 1869, and its +excision throws curious light upon the working of Mr. Darwin’s +mind. The selection of the most categorical my out of the whole +forty-five, shows that Mr. Darwin knew all about his my’s, and, +while seeing reason to remove this, held that the others might very +well stand. He even left “On my <i>view </i>of descent with +modification,” <a name="citation203a"></a><a href="#footnote203a">{203a}</a> +which, though more capable of explanation than “my theory,” +&c., still runs it close; nevertheless the excision of even a single +my that had been allowed to stand through such close revision as those +to which the “Origin of Species” had been subjected betrays +uneasiness of mind, for it is impossible that even Mr. Darwin should +not have known that though the my excised in 1866 was the most technically +categorical, the others were in reality just as guilty, though no tower +of Siloam in the shape of excision fell upon them. If, then, Mr. +Darwin was so uncomfortable about this one as to cut it out, it is probable +he was far from comfortable about the others.<br> +<br> +This view derives confirmation from the fact that in 1869, with the +fifth edition of the “Origin of Species,” there was a stampede +of my’s throughout the whole work, no less than thirty out of +the original forty-five being changed into “the,” “our,” +“this,” or some other word, which, though having all the +effect of my, still did not say “my” outright. These +my’s were, if I may say so, sneaked out; nothing was said to explain +their removal to the reader or call attention to it. Why, it may +be asked, having been considered during the revisions of 1861 and 1866, +and with only one exception allowed to stand, why should they be smitten +with a homing instinct in such large numbers with the fifth edition? +It cannot be maintained that Mr. Darwin had had his attention called +now for the first time to the fact that he had used my perhaps a little +too freely, and had better be more sparing of it for the future. +The my excised in 1866 shows that Mr. Darwin had already considered +this question, and saw no reason to remove any but the one that left +him no loophole. Why, then, should that which was considered and +approved in 1859, 1861, and 1866 (not to mention the second edition +of 1859 or 1860) be retreated from with every appearance of panic in +1869? Mr. Darwin could not well have cut out more than he did +- not at any rate without saying something about it, and it would not +be easy to know exactly what say. Of the fourteen my’s that +were left in 1869, five more were cut out in 1872, and nine only were +allowed eventually to remain. We naturally ask, Why leave any +if thirty-six ought to be cut out, or why cut out thirty-six if nine +ought to be left - especially when the claim remains practically just +the same after the excision as before it?<br> +<br> +I imagine complaint had early reached Mr. Darwin that the difference +between himself and his predecessors was unsubstantial and hard to grasp; +traces of some such feeling appear even in the late Sir Charles Lyell’s +“Principles of Geology,” in which he writes that he had +reprinted his abstract of Lamarck’s doctrine word for word, “in +justice to Lamarck, in order to show how nearly the opinions taught +by him at the beginning of this century resembled those now in vogue +among a large body of naturalists respecting the infinite variability +of species, and the progressive development in past time of the organic +world.” <a name="citation205a"></a><a href="#footnote205a">{205a}</a> +Sir Charles Lyell could not have written thus if he had thought that +Mr. Darwin had already done “justice to Lamarck,” nor is +it likely that he stood alone in thinking as he did. It is probable +that more reached Mr. Darwin than reached the public, and that the historical +sketch prefixed to all editions after the first six thousand copies +had been sold - meagre and slovenly as it is - was due to earlier manifestation +on the part of some of Mr. Darwin’s friends of the feeling that +was afterwards expressed by Sir Charles Lyell in the passage quoted +above. I suppose the removal of the my that was cut out in 1866 +to be due partly to the Gladstonian tendencies of Mr. Darwin’s +mind, which would naturally make that particular my at all times more +or less offensive to him, and partly to the increase of objection to +it that must have ensued on the addition of the “brief but imperfect” +historical sketch in 1861; it is doubtless only by an oversight that +this particular my was not cut out in 1861. The stampede of 1869 +was probably occasioned by the appearance in Germany of Professor Haeckel’s +“History of Creation.” This was published in 1868, +and Mr. Darwin no doubt foresaw that it would be translated into English, +as indeed it subsequently was. In this book some account is given +- very badly, but still much more fully than by Mr. Darwin - of Lamarck’s +work; and even Erasmus Darwin is mentioned - inaccurately - but still +he is mentioned. Professor Haeckel says:-<br> +<br> +“Although the theory of development had been already maintained +at the beginning of this century by several great naturalists, especially +by Lamarck and Goethe, it only received complete demonstration and causal +foundation nine years ago through Darwin’s work, and it is on +this account that it is now generally (though not altogether rightly) +regarded as exclusively Mr. Darwin’s theory.” <a name="citation206a"></a><a href="#footnote206a">{206a}</a><br> +<br> +Later on, after giving nearly a hundred pages to the works of the early +evolutionists - pages that would certainly disquiet the sensitive writer +who had cut out the “my” which disappeared in 1866 - he +continued:-<br> +<br> +“We must distinguish clearly (though this is not usually done) +between, firstly, the theory of descent as advanced by Lamarck, which +deals only with the fact of all animals and plants being descended from +a common source, and secondly, Darwin’s theory of natural selection, +which shows us <i>why </i>this progressive modification of organic forms +took place” (p. 93).<br> +<br> +This passage is as inaccurate as most of those by Professor Haeckel +that I have had occasion to examine have proved to be. Letting +alone that Buffon, not Lamarck, is the foremost name in connection with +descent, I have already shown in “Evolution Old and New” +that Lamarck goes exhaustively into the how and why of modification. +He alleges the conservation, or preservation, in the ordinary course +of nature, of the most favourable among variations that have been induced +mainly by function; this, I have sufficiently explained, is natural +selection, though the words “natural selection” are not +employed; but it is the true natural selection which (if so metaphorical +an expression is allowed to pass) actually does take place with the +results ascribed to it by Lamarck, and not the false Charles-Darwinian +natural selection that does not correspond with facts, and cannot result +in specific differences such as we now observe. But, waiving this, +the “my’s,” within which a little rift had begun to +show itself in 1866, might well become as mute in 1869 as they could +become without attracting attention, when Mr. Darwin saw the passages +just quoted, and the hundred pages or so that lie between them.<br> +<br> +I suppose Mr. Darwin cut out the five more my’s that disappeared +in 1872 because he had not yet fully recovered from his scare, and allowed +nine to remain in order to cover his retreat, and tacitly say that he +had not done anything and knew nothing whatever about it. Practically, +indeed, he had not retreated, and must have been well aware that he +was only retreating technically; for he must have known that the absence +of acknowledgment to any earlier writers in the body of his work, and +the presence of the many passages in which every word conveyed the impression +that the writer claimed descent with modification, amounted to a claim +as much when the actual word “my” had been taken out as +while it was allowed to stand. We took Mr. Darwin at his own estimate +because we could not for a moment suppose that a man of means, position, +and education, - one, moreover, who was nothing if he was not unself-seeking +- could play such a trick upon us while pretending to take us into his +confidence; hence the almost universal belief on the part of the public, +of which Professors Haeckel and Ray Lankester and Mr. Grant Allen alike +complain - namely, that Mr. Darwin is the originator of the theory of +descent, and that his variations are mainly functional. Men of +science must not be surprised if the readiness with which we responded +to Mr. Darwin’s appeal to our confidence is succeeded by a proportionate +resentment when the peculiar shabbiness of his action becomes more generally +understood. For myself, I know not which most to wonder at - the +meanness of the writer himself, or the greatness of the service that, +in spite of that meanness, he unquestionably rendered.<br> +<br> +If Mr. Darwin had been dealing fairly by us, when he saw that we had +failed to catch the difference between the Erasmus-Darwinian theory +of descent through natural selection from among variations that are +mainly functional, and his own alternative theory of descent through +natural selection from among variations that are mainly accidental, +and, above all, when he saw we were crediting him with other men’s +work, he would have hastened to set us right. “It is with +great regret,” he might have written, “and with no small +surprise, that I find how generally I have been misunderstood as claiming +to be the originator of the theory of descent with modification; nothing +can be further from my intention; the theory of descent has been familiar +to all biologists from the year 1749, when Buffon advanced it in its +most comprehensive form, to the present day.” If Mr. Darwin +had said something to the above effect, no one would have questioned +his good faith, but it is hardly necessary to say that nothing of the +kind is to be found in any one of Mr. Darwin’s many books or many +editions; nor is the reason why the requisite correction was never made +far to seek. For if Mr. Darwin had said as much as I have put +into his mouth above, he should have said more, and would ere long have +been compelled to have explained to us wherein the difference between +himself and his predecessors precisely lay, and this would not have +been easy. Indeed, if Mr. Darwin had been quite open with us he +would have had to say much as follows:-<br> +<br> +“I should point out that, according to the evolutionists of the +last century, improvement in the eye, as in any other organ, is mainly +due to persistent, rational, employment of the organ in question, in +such slightly modified manner as experience and changed surroundings +may suggest. You will have observed that, according to my system, +this goes for very little, and that the accumulation of fortunate accidents, +irrespectively of the use that may be made of them, is by far the most +important means of modification. Put more briefly still, the distinction +between me and my predecessors lies in this; - my predecessors thought +they knew the main normal cause or principle that underlies variation, +whereas I think that there is no general principle underlying it at +all, or that even if there is, we know hardly anything about it. +This is my distinctive feature; there is no deception; I shall not consider +the arguments of my predecessors, nor show in what respect they are +insufficient; in fact, I shall say nothing whatever about them. +Please to understand that I alone am in possession of the master key +that can unlock the bars of the future progress of evolutionary science; +so great an improvement, in fact, is my discovery that it justifies +me in claiming the theory of descent generally, and I accordingly claim +it. If you ask me in what my discovery consists, I reply in this; +- that the variations which we are all agreed accumulate are caused +- by variation. <a name="citation209a"></a><a href="#footnote209a">{209a}</a> +I admit that this is not telling you much about them, but it is as much +as I think proper to say at present; above all things, let me caution +you against thinking that there is any principle of general application +underlying variation.”<br> +<br> +This would have been right. This is what Mr. Darwin would have +had to have said if he had been frank with us; it is not surprising, +therefore, that he should have been less frank than might have been +wished. I have no doubt that many a time between 1859 and 1882, +the year of his death, Mr. Darwin bitterly regretted his initial error, +and would have been only too thankful to repair it, but he could only +put the difference between himself and the early evolutionists clearly +before his readers at the cost of seeing his own system come tumbling +down like a pack of cards; this was more than he could stand, so he +buried his face, ostrich-like, in the sand. I know no more pitiable +figure in either literature or science.<br> +<br> +As I write these lines (July 1886) I see a paragraph in <i>Nature </i>which +I take it is intended to convey the impression that Mr. Francis Darwin’s +life and letters of his father will appear shortly. I can form +no idea whether Mr. F. Darwin’s forthcoming work is likely to +appear before this present volume; still less can I conjecture what +it may or may not contain; but I can give the reader a criterion by +which to test the good faith with which it is written. If Mr. +F. Darwin puts the distinctive feature that differentiates Mr. C. Darwin +from his predecessors clearly before his readers, enabling them to seize +and carry it away with them once for all - if he shows no desire to +shirk this question, but, on the contrary, faces it and throws light +upon it, then we shall know that his work is sincere, whatever its shortcomings +may be in other respects; and when people are doing their best to help +us and make us understand all that they understand themselves, a great +deal may be forgiven them. If, on the other hand, we find much +talk about the wonderful light which Mr. Charles Darwin threw on evolution +by his theory of natural selection, without any adequate attempt to +make us understand the difference between the natural selection, say, +of Mr. Patrick Matthew, and that of his more famous successor, then +we may know that we are being trifled with; and that an attempt is being +again made to throw dust in our eyes.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER XVI - Mr. Grant Allen’s “Charles Darwin”<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +It is here that Mr. Grant Allen’s book fails. It is impossible +to believe it written in good faith, with no end in view, save to make +something easy which might otherwise be found difficult; on the contrary, +it leaves the impression of having been written with a desire to hinder +us, as far as possible, from understanding things that Mr. Allen himself +understood perfectly well.<br> +<br> +After saying that “in the public mind Mr. Darwin is perhaps most +commonly regarded as the discoverer and founder of the evolution hypothesis,” +he continues that “the grand idea which he did really originate +was not the idea of ‘descent with modification,’ but the +idea of ‘natural selection,’” and adds that it was +Mr. Darwin’s “peculiar glory” to have shown the “nature +of the machinery” by which all the variety of animal and vegetable +life might have been produced by slow modifications in one or more original +types. “The theory of evolution,” says Mr. Allen, +“already existed in a more or less shadowy and undeveloped shape;” +it was Mr. Darwin’s “task in life to raise this theory from +the rank of a mere plausible and happy guess to the rank of a highly +elaborate and almost universally accepted biological system” (pp. +3-5).<br> +<br> +We all admit the value of Mr. Darwin’s work as having led to the +general acceptance of evolution. No one who remembers average +middle-class opinion on this subject before 1860 will deny that it was +Mr. Darwin who brought us all round to descent with modification; but +Mr. Allen cannot rightly say that evolution had only existed before +Mr. Darwin’s time in “a shadowy, undeveloped state,” +or as “a mere plausible and happy guess.” It existed +in the same form as that in which most people accept it now, and had +been carried to its extreme development, before Mr. Darwin’s father +had been born. It is idle to talk of Buffon’s work as “a +mere plausible and happy guess,” or to imply that the first volume +of the “Philosophie Zoologique” of Lamarck was a less full +and sufficient demonstration of descent with modification than the “Origin +of Species” is. It has its defects, shortcomings, and mistakes, +but it is an incomparably sounder work than the “Origin of Species;” +and though it contains the deplorable omission of any reference to Buffon, +Lamarck does not first grossly misrepresent Buffon, and then tell him +to go away, as Mr. Darwin did to the author of the “Vestiges” +and to Lamarck. If Mr. Darwin was believed and honoured for saying +much the same as Lamarck had said, it was because Lamarck had borne +the brunt of the laughing. The “Origin of Species” +was possible because the “Vestiges” had prepared the way +for it. The “Vestiges” were made possible by Lamarck +and Erasmus Darwin, and these two were made possible by Buffon. +Here a somewhat sharper line can be drawn than is usually found possible +when defining the ground covered by philosophers. No one broke +the ground for Buffon to anything like the extent that he broke it for +those who followed him, and these broke it for one another.<br> +<br> +Mr. Allen says (p. 11) that, “in Charles Darwin’s own words, +Lamarck ‘first did the eminent service of arousing attention to +the probability of all change in the organic as well as in the inorganic +world being the result of law, and not of miraculous interposition.’” +Mr. Darwin did indeed use these words, but Mr. Allen omits the pertinent +fact that he did not use them till six thousand copies of his work had +been issued, and an impression been made as to its scope and claims +which the event has shown to be not easily effaced; nor does he say +that Mr. Darwin only pays these few words of tribute in a quasi-preface, +which, though prefixed to his later editions of the “Origin of +Species,” is amply neutralised by the spirit which I have shown +to be omnipresent in the body of the work itself. Moreover, Mr. +Darwin’s statement is inaccurate to an unpardonable extent; his +words would be fairly accurate if applied to Buffon, but they do not +apply to Lamarck.<br> +<br> +Mr. Darwin continues that Lamarck “seems to attribute all the +beautiful adaptations in nature, such as the long neck of the giraffe +for browsing on the branches of trees,” to the effects of habit. +Mr. Darwin should not say that Lamarck “seems” to do this. +It was his business to tell us what led Lamarck to his conclusions, +not what “seemed” to do so. Any one who knows the +first volume of the “Philosophie Zoologique” will be aware +that there is no “seems” in the matter. Mr. Darwin’s +words “seem” to say that it really could not be worth any +practical naturalist’s while to devote attention to Lamarck’s +argument; the inquiry might be of interest to antiquaries, but Mr. Darwin +had more important work in hand than following the vagaries of one who +had been so completely exploded as Lamarck had been. “Seem” +is to men what “feel” is to women; women who feel, and men +who grease every other sentence with a “seem,” are alike +to be looked on with distrust.<br> +<br> +“Still,” continues Mr. Allen, “Darwin gave no sign. +A flaccid, cartilaginous, unphilosophic evolutionism had full possession +of the field for the moment, and claimed, as it were, to be the genuine +representative of the young and vigorous biological creed, while he +himself was in truth the real heir to all the honours of the situation. +He was in possession of the master-key which alone could unlock the +bars that opposed the progress of evolution, and still he waited. +He could afford to wait. He was diligently collecting, amassing, +investigating; eagerly reading every new systematic work, every book +of travels, every scientific journal, every record of sport, or exploration, +or discovery, to extract from the dead mass of undigested fact whatever +item of implicit value might swell the definite co-ordinated series +of notes in his own commonplace books for the now distinctly contemplated +‘Origin of Species.’ His way was to make all sure +behind him, to summon up all his facts in irresistible array, and never +to set out upon a public progress until he was secure against all possible +attacks of the ever-watchful and alert enemy in the rear,” &c. +(p. 73).<br> +<br> +It would not be easy to beat this. Mr. Darwin’s worst enemy +could wish him no more damaging eulogist.<br> +<br> +Of the “Vestiges” Mr. Allen says that Mr. Darwin “felt +sadly” the inaccuracy and want of profound technical knowledge +everywhere displayed by the anonymous author. Nevertheless, long +after, in the “Origin of Species,” the great naturalist +wrote with generous appreciation of the “Vestiges of Creation” +- “In my opinion it has done excellent service in this country +in calling attention to the subject, in removing prejudice, and in thus +preparing the ground for the reception of analogous views.”<br> +<br> +I have already referred to the way in which Mr. Darwin treated the author +of the “Vestiges,” and have stated the facts at greater +length in “Evolution Old and New,” but it may be as well +to give Mr. Darwin’s words in full; he wrote as follows on the +third page of the original edition of the “Origin of Species”:-<br> +<br> +“The author of the ‘Vestiges of Creation’ would, I +presume, say that, after a certain unknown number of generations, some +bird had given birth to a woodpecker, and some plant to the mistletoe, +and that these had been produced perfect as we now see them; but this +assumption seems to me to be no explanation, for it leaves the case +of the coadaptation of organic beings to each other and to their physical +conditions of life untouched and unexplained.”<br> +<br> +The author of the “Vestiges” did, doubtless, suppose that +<i>“some </i>bird” had given birth to a woodpecker, or more +strictly, that a couple of birds had done so - and this is all that +Mr. Darwin has committed himself to - but no one better knew that these +two birds would, according to the author of the “Vestiges,” +be just as much woodpeckers, and just as little woodpeckers, as they +would be with Mr. Darwin himself. Mr. Chambers did not suppose +that a woodpecker became a woodpecker <i>per saltum </i>though born +of some widely different bird, but Mr. Darwin’s words have no +application unless they convey this impression. The reader will +note that though the impression is conveyed, Mr. Darwin avoids conveying +it categorically. I suppose this is what Mr. Allen means by saying +that he “made all things sure behind him.” Mr. Chambers +did indeed believe in occasional sports; so did Mr. Darwin, and we have +seen that in the later editions of the “Origin of Species” +he found himself constrained to lay greater stress on these than he +had originally done. Substantially, Mr. Chambers held much the +same opinion as to the suddenness or slowness of modification as Mr. +Darwin did, nor can it be doubted that Mr. Darwin knew this perfectly +well.<br> +<br> +What I have said about the woodpecker applies also to the mistletoe. +Besides, it was Mr. Darwin’s business not to presume anything +about the matter; his business was to tell us what the author of the +“Vestiges” had said, or to refer us to the page of the “Vestiges” +on which we should find this. I suppose he was too busy “collecting, +amassing, investigating,” &c., to be at much pains not to +misrepresent those who had been in the field before him. There +is no other reference to the “Vestiges” in the “Origin +of Species” than this suave but singularly fraudulent passage.<br> +<br> +In his edition of 1860 the author of the “Vestiges” showed +that he was nettled, and said it was to be regretted Mr. Darwin had +read the “Vestiges” “almost as much amiss as if, like +its declared opponents, he had an interest in misunderstanding it;” +and a little lower he adds that Mr. Darwin’s book “in no +essential respect contradicts the ‘Vestiges,’” but +that, on the contrary, “while adding to its explanations of nature, +it expressed the same general ideas.” <a name="citation216a"></a><a href="#footnote216a">{216a}</a> +This is substantially true; neither Mr. Darwin’s nor Mr. Chambers’s +are good books, but the main object of both is to substantiate the theory +of descent with modification, and, bad as the “Vestiges” +is, it is ingenuous as compared with the “Origin of Species.” +Subsequently to Mr. Chambers’ protest, and not till, as I have +said, six thousand copies of the “Origin of Species” had +been issued, the sentence complained of by Mr. Chambers was expunged, +but without a word of retractation, and the passage which Mr. Allen +thinks so generous was inserted into the “brief but imperfect” +sketch which Mr. Darwin prefixed - after Mr. Chambers had been effectually +snuffed out - to all subsequent editions of his “Origin of Species.” +There is no excuse for Mr. Darwin’s not having said at least this +much about the author of the “Vestiges” in his first edition; +and on finding that he had misrepresented him in a passage which he +did not venture to retain, he should not have expunged it quietly, but +should have called attention to his mistake in the body of his book, +and given every prominence in his power to the correction.<br> +<br> +Let us now examine Mr. Allen’s record in the matter of natural +selection. For years he was one of the foremost apostles of Neo-Darwinism, +and any who said a good word for Lamarck were told that this was the +“kind of mystical nonsense” from which Mr. Allen “had +hoped Mr. Darwin had for ever saved us.” <a name="citation216b"></a><a href="#footnote216b">{216b}</a> +Then in October 1883 came an article in “Mind,” from which +it appeared as though Mr. Allen had abjured Mr. Darwin and all his works.<br> +<br> +“There are only two conceivable ways,” he then wrote, “in +which any increment of brain power can ever have arisen in any individual. +The one is the Darwinian way, by spontaneous variation, that is to say, +by variation due to minute physical circumstances affecting the individual +in the germ. The other is the Spencerian way, by functional increment, +that is to say, by the effect of increased use and constant exposure +to varying circumstances during conscious life.”<br> +<br> +Mr. Allen calls this the Spencerian view, and so it is in so far as +that Mr. Spencer has adopted it. Most people will call it Lamarckian. +This, however, is a detail. Mr. Allen continues:-<br> +<br> +“I venture to think that the first way, if we look it clearly +in the face, will be seen to be practically unthinkable; and that we +have no alternative, therefore, but to accept the second.”<br> +<br> +I like our looking a “way” which is “practically unthinkable” +“clearly in the face.” I particularly like “practically +unthinkable.” I suppose we can think it in theory, but not +in practice. I like almost everything Mr. Allen says or does; +it is not necessary to go far in search of his good things; dredge up +any bit of mud from him at random and we are pretty sure to find an +oyster with a pearl in it, if we look it clearly in the face; I mean, +there is sure to be something which will be at any rate “almost” +practically unthinkable. But however this may be, when Mr. Allen +wrote his article in “Mind” two years ago, he was in substantial +agreement with myself about the value of natural selection as a means +of modification - by natural selection I mean, of course, the commonly +known Charles-Darwinian natural selection from fortuitous variations; +now, however, in 1885, he is all for this same natural selection again, +and in the preface to his “Charles Darwin” writes (after +a handsome acknowledgment of “Evolution Old and New”) that +he “differs from” me “fundamentally in” my “estimate +of the worth of Charles Darwin’s distinctive discovery of natural +selection.”<br> +<br> +This he certainly does, for on page 81 of the work itself he speaks +of “the distinctive notion of natural selection” as having, +“like all true and fruitful ideas, more than once flashed,” +&c. I have explained <i>usque ad nauseam, </i>and will henceforth +explain no longer, that natural selection is no “distinctive notion” +of Mr. Darwin’s. Mr. Darwin’s “distinctive notion” +is natural selection from among fortuitous variations.<br> +<br> +Writing again (p. 89) of Mr. Spencer’s essay in the “Leader,” +<a name="citation218a"></a><a href="#footnote218a">{218a}</a> Mr. Allen +says:-<br> +<br> +“It contains, in a very philosophical and abstract form, the theory +of ‘descent with modification’ without the distinctive Darwinian +adjunct of ‘natural selection’ or survival of the fittest. +Yet it was just that lever dexterously applied, and carefully weighted +with the whole weight of his endlessly accumulated inductive instances, +that finally enabled our modern Archimedes to move the world.”<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“To account for adaptation, for the almost perfect fitness of +every plant and every animal to its position in life, for the existence +(in other words) of definitely correlated parts and organs, we must +call in the aid of survival of the fittest. Without that potent +selective agent, our conception of the becoming of life is a mere chaos; +order and organisation are utterly inexplicable save by the brilliant +illuminating ray of the Darwinian principle” (p. 93).<br> +<br> +And yet two years previously this same principle, after having been +thinkable for many years, had become “unthinkable.”<br> +<br> +Two years previously, writing of the Charles-Darwinian scheme of evolution, +Mr. Allen had implied it as his opinion “that all brains are what +they are in virtue of antecedent function.” “The one +creed,” he wrote - referring to Mr Darwin’s - “makes +the man depend mainly upon the accidents of molecular physics in a colliding +germ cell and sperm cell; the other makes him depend mainly on the doings +and gains of his ancestors as modified and altered by himself.”<br> +<br> +This second creed is pure Erasmus-Darwinism and Lamarck.<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“It seems to me easy to understand how survival of the fittest +may result in progress <i>starting from such functionally produced gains +</i>(italics mine), but impossible to understand how it could result +in progress, if it had to start in mere accidental structural increments +due to spontaneous variation alone.” <a name="citation219a"></a><a href="#footnote219a">{219a}</a><br> +<br> +Which comes to saying that it is easy to understand the Lamarckian system +of evolution, but not the Charles-Darwinian. Mr. Allen concluded +his article a few pages later on by saying<br> +<br> +“The first hypothesis” (Mr. Darwin’s) “is one +that throws no light upon any of the facts. The second hypothesis” +(which is unalloyed Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck) “is one that explains +them all with transparent lucidity.” Yet in his “Charles +Darwin” Mr. Allen tells us that though Mr. Darwin “did not +invent the development theory, he made it believable and comprehensible” +(p. 4).<br> +<br> +In his “Charles Darwin” Mr. Allen does not tell us how recently +he had, in another place, expressed an opinion about the value of Mr. +Darwin’s “distinctive contribution” to the theory +of evolution, so widely different from the one he is now expressing +with characteristic appearance of ardour. He does not explain +how he is able to execute such rapid changes of front without forfeiting +his claim on our attention; explanations on matters of this sort seem +out of date with modern scientists. I can only suppose that Mr. +Allen regards himself as having taken a brief, as it were, for the production +of a popular work, and feels more bound to consider the interests of +the gentleman who pays him than to say what he really thinks; for surely +Mr. Allen would not have written as he did in such a distinctly philosophical +and scientific journal as “Mind” without weighing his words, +and nothing has transpired lately, <i>apropos </i>of evolution, which +will account for his present recantation. I said in my book “Selections,” +&c., that when Mr. Allen made stepping-stones of his dead selves, +he jumped upon them to some tune. I was a little scandalised then +at the completeness and suddenness of the movement he executed, and +spoke severely; I have sometimes feared I may have spoken too severely, +but his recent performance goes far to warrant my remarks.<br> +<br> +If, however, there is no dead self about it, and Mr. Allen has only +taken a brief, I confess to being not greatly edified. I grant +that a good case can be made out for an author’s doing as I suppose +Mr. Allen to have done; indeed I am not sure that both science and religion +would not gain if every one rode his neighbour’s theory, as at +a donkey-race, and the least plausible were held to win; but surely, +as things stand, a writer by the mere fact of publishing a book professes +to be giving a <i>bonâ fide </i>opinion. The analogy of +the bar does not hold, for not only is it perfectly understood that +a barrister does not necessarily state his own opinions, but there exists +a strict though unwritten code to protect the public against the abuses +to which such a system must be liable. In religion and science +no such code exists - the supposition being that these two holy callings +are above the necessity for anything of the kind. Science and +religion are not as business is; still, if the public do not wish to +be taken in, they must be at some pains to find out whether they are +in the hands of one who, while pretending to be a judge, is in reality +a paid advocate, with no one’s interests at heart except his client’s, +or in those of one who, however warmly he may plead, will say nothing +but what springs from mature and genuine conviction.<br> +<br> +The present unsettled and unsatisfactory state of the moral code in +this respect is at the bottom of the supposed antagonism between religion +and science. These two are not, or never ought to be, antagonistic. +They should never want what is spoken of as reconciliation, for in reality +they are one. Religion is the quintessence of science, and science +the raw material of religion; when people talk about reconciling religion +and science they do not mean what they say; they mean reconciling the +statements made by one set of professional men with those made by another +set whose interests lie in the opposite direction - and with no recognised +president of the court to keep them within due bounds this is not always +easy.<br> +<br> +Mr. Allen says:-<br> +<br> +“At the same time it must be steadily remembered that there are +many naturalists at the present day, especially among those of the lower +order of intelligence, who, while accepting evolutionism in a general +way, and therefore always describing themselves as Darwinians, do not +believe, and often cannot even understand, the distinctive Darwinian +addition to the evolutionary doctrine - namely, the principle of natural +selection. Such hazy and indistinct thinkers as these are still +really at the prior stage of Lamarckian evolution” (p. 199).<br> +<br> +Considering that Mr. Allen was at that stage himself so recently, he +might deal more tenderly with others who still find “the distinctive +Darwinian adjunct” “unthinkable.” It is perhaps, +however, because he remembers his difficulties that Mr. Allen goes on +as follows:-<br> +<br> +“It is probable that in the future, while a formal acceptance +of Darwinism becomes general, the special theory of natural selection +will be thoroughly understood and assimilated only by the more abstract +and philosophical minds.”<br> +<br> +By the kind of people, in fact, who read the <i>Spectator </i>and are +called thoughtful; and in point of fact less than a twelvemonth after +this passage was written, natural selection was publicly abjured as +“a theory of the origin of species” by Mr. Romanes himself, +with the implied approval of the <i>Times.<br> +<br> +</i>“Thus,” continues Mr. Allen, “the name of Darwin +will often no doubt be tacked on to what are in reality the principles +of Lamarck.”<br> +<br> +It requires no great power of prophecy to foretell this, considering +that it is done daily by nine out of ten who call themselves Darwinians. +Ask ten people of ordinary intelligence how Mr. Darwin explains the +fact that giraffes have long necks, and nine of them will answer “through +continually stretching them to reach higher and higher boughs.” +They do not understand that this is the Lamarckian view of evolution, +not the Darwinian; nor will Mr. Allen’s book greatly help the +ordinary reader to catch the difference between the two theories, in +spite of his frequent reference to Mr. Darwin’s “distinctive +feature,” and to his “master-key.” No doubt +the British public will get to understand all about it some day, but +it can hardly be expected to do so all at once, considering the way +in which Mr. Allen and so many more throw dust in its eyes, and will +doubtless continue to throw it as long as an honest penny is to be turned +by doing so. Mr. Allen, then, is probably right in saying that +“the name of Darwin will no doubt be often tacked on to what are +in reality the principles of Lamarck,” nor can it be denied that +Mr. Darwin, by his practice of using “the theory of natural selection” +as though it were a synonym for “the theory of descent with modification,” +contributed to this result.<br> +<br> +I do not myself doubt that he intended to do this, but Mr. Allen would +say no less confidently he did not. He writes of Mr. Darwin as +follows:-<br> +<br> +“Of Darwin’s pure and exalted moral nature no Englishman +of the present generation can trust himself to speak with becoming moderation.”<br> +<br> +He proceeds to trust himself thus:-<br> +<br> +“His love of truth, his singleness of heart, his sincerity, his +earnestness, his modesty, his candour, his absolute sinking of self +and selfishness - these, indeed are all conspicuous to every reader +on the very face of every word he ever printed.”<br> +<br> +This “conspicuous sinking of self” is of a piece with the +“delightful unostentatiousness <i>which every one must have noticed</i>” +about which Mr. Allen writes on page 65. Does he mean that Mr. +Darwin was “ostentatiously unostentatious,” or that he was +“unostentatiously ostentatious”? I think we may guess +from this passage who it was that in the old days of the <i>Pall Mall +Gazelle </i>called Mr. Darwin “a master of a certain happy simplicity.”<br> +<br> +Mr. Allen continues:-<br> +<br> +“Like his works themselves, they must long outlive him. +But his sympathetic kindliness, his ready generosity, the staunchness +of his friendship, the width and depth and breadth of his affections, +the manner in which ‘he bore with those who blamed him unjustly +without blaming them again’ - these things can never be so well +known to any other generation of men as to the three generations that +walked the world with him” (pp. 174, 175).<br> +<br> +Again:-<br> +<br> +“He began early in life to collect and arrange a vast encyclopædia +of facts, all finally focussed with supreme skill upon the great principle +he so clearly perceived and so lucidly expounded. He brought to +bear upon the question an amount of personal observation, of minute +experiment, of world-wide book knowledge, of universal scientific ability, +such as never, perhaps, was lavished by any other man upon any other +department of study. His conspicuous and beautiful love of truth, +his unflinching candour, his transparent fearlessness and honesty of +purpose, his childlike simplicity, his modesty of demeanour, his charming +manner, his affectionate disposition, his kindliness to friends, his +courtesy to opponents, his gentleness to harsh and often bitter assailants, +kindled in the minds of men of science everywhere throughout the world +a contagious enthusiasm only equalled perhaps among the disciples of +Socrates and the great teachers of the revival of learning. His +name became a rallying-point for the children of light in every country” +(pp. 196, 197).<br> +<br> +I need not quote more; the sentence goes on to talk about “firmly +grounding” something which philosophers and speculators might +have taken a century or two more “to establish in embryo;” +but those who wish to see it must turn to Mr. Allen’s book.<br> +<br> +If I have formed too severe an estimate of Mr. Darwin’s work and +character - and this is more than likely - the fulsomeness of the adulation +lavished on him by his admirers for many years past must be in some +measure my excuse. We grow tired even of hearing Aristides called +just, but what is so freely said about Mr. Darwin puts us in mind more +of what the people said about Herod - that he spoke with the voice of +a God, not of a man. So we saw Professor Ray Lankester hail him +not many years ago as the “greatest of living men.” <a name="citation224a"></a><a href="#footnote224a">{224a}</a><br> +<br> +It is ill for any man’s fame that he should be praised so extravagantly. +Nobody ever was as good as Mr. Darwin looked, and a counterblast to +such a hurricane of praise as has been lately blowing will do no harm +to his ultimate reputation, even though it too blow somewhat fiercely. +Art, character, literature, religion, science (I have named them in +alphabetical order), thrive best in a breezy, bracing air; I heartily +hope I may never be what is commonly called successful in my own lifetime +- and if I go on as I am doing now, I have a fair chance of succeeding +in not succeeding.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER XVII - Professor Ray Lankester and Lamarck<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +Being anxious to give the reader a sample of the arguments against the +theory of natural selection from among variations that are mainly either +directly or indirectly functional in their inception, or more briefly +against the Erasmus-Darwinian and Lamarckian systems, I can find nothing +more to the point, or more recent, than Professor Ray Lankester’s +letter to the <i>Athenæum </i>of March 29, 1884, to the latter +part of which, however, I need alone call attention. Professor +Ray Lankester says:-<br> +<br> +“And then we are introduced to the discredited speculations of +Lamarck, which have found a worthy advocate in Mr. Butler, as really +solid contributions to the discovery of the <i>veræ causæ +</i>of variation! A much more important attempt to do something +for Lamarck’s hypothesis, of the transmission to offspring of +structural peculiarities acquired by the parents, was recently made +by an able and experienced naturalist, Professor Semper of Wurzburg. +His book on ‘Animal Life,’ &c., is published in the +‘International Scientific Series.’ Professor Semper +adduces an immense number and variety of cases of structural change +in animals and plants brought about in the individual by adaptation +(during its individual life-history) to new conditions. Some of +these are very marked changes, such as the loss of its horny coat in +the gizzard of a pigeon fed on meat; <i>but in no single instance could +Professor Semper show</i> - although it was his object and desire to +do so if possible - that such change was transmitted from parent to +offspring. Lamarckism looks all very well on paper, but, as Professor +Semper’s book shows, when put to the test of observation and experiment +it collapses absolutely.”<br> +<br> +I should have thought it would have been enough if it had collapsed +without the “absolutely,” but Professor Ray Lankester does +not like doing things by halves. Few will be taken in by the foregoing +quotation, except those who do not greatly care whether they are taken +in or not; but to save trouble to readers who may have neither Lamarck +nor Professor Semper at hand, I will put the case as follows:-<br> +<br> +Professor Semper writes a book to show, we will say, that the hour-hand +of the clock moves gradually forward, in spite of its appearing stationary. +He makes his case sufficiently clear, and then might have been content +to leave it; nevertheless, in the innocence of his heart, he adds the +admission that though he had often looked at the clock for a long time +together, he had never been able actually to see the hour-hand moving. +“There now,” exclaims Professor Ray Lankester on this, “I +told you so; the theory collapses absolutely; his whole object and desire +is to show that the hour-hand moves, and yet when it comes to the point, +he is obliged to confess that he cannot see it do so.” It +is not worth while to meet what Professor Ray Lankester has been above +quoted as saying about Lamarckism beyond quoting the following passage +from a review of “The Neanderthal Skull on Evolution” in +the “Monthly Journal of Science” for June, 1885 (p. 362):-<br> +<br> +“On the very next page the author reproduces the threadbare objection +that the ‘supporters of the theory have never yet succeeded in +observing a single instance in all the millions of years invented (!) +in its support of one species of animal turning into another.’ +Now, <i>ex hypothesi, </i>one species turns into another not rapidly, +as in a transformation scene, but in successive generations, each being +born a shade different from its progenitors. Hence to observe +such a change is excluded by the very terms of the question. Does +Mr. Saville forget Mr. Herbert Spencer’s apologue of the ephemeron +which had never witnessed the change of a child into a man?”<br> +<br> +The apologue, I may say in passing, is not Mr. Spencer’s; it is +by the author of the “Vestiges,” and will be found on page +161 of the 1853 edition of that book; but let this pass. How impatient +Professor Ray Lankester is of any attempt to call attention to the older +view of evolution appears perhaps even more plainly in a review of this +same book of Professor Semper’s that appeared in “Nature,” +March 3, 1881. The tenor of the remarks last quoted shows that +though what I am about to quote is now more than five years old, it +may be taken as still giving us the position which Professor Ray Lankester +takes on these matters. He wrote:-<br> +<br> +“It is necessary,” he exclaims, “to plainly and emphatically +state” (Why so much emphasis? Why not “it should be +stated”?) “that Professor Semper and a few other writers +of similar views” <a name="citation227a"></a><a href="#footnote227a">{227a}</a> +(I have sent for the number of “Modern Thought” referred +to by Professor Ray Lankester but find no article by Mr. Henslow, and +do not, therefore, know what he had said) “are not adding to or +building on Mr. Darwin’s theory, but are actually opposing all +that is essential and distinctive in that theory, by the revival of +the exploded notion of ‘directly transforming agents’ advocated +by Lamarck and others.”<br> +<br> +It may be presumed that these writers know they are not “adding +to or building on” Mr. Darwin’s theory, and do not wish +to build on it, as not thinking it a sound foundation. Professor +Ray Lankester says they are “actually opposing,” as though +there were something intolerably audacious in this; but it is not easy +to see why he should be more angry with them for “actually opposing” +Mr. Darwin than they may be with him, if they think it worth while, +for “actually defending” the exploded notion of natural +selection - for assuredly the Charles-Darwinian system is now more exploded +than Lamarck’s is.<br> +<br> +What Professor Ray Lankester says about Lamarck and “directly +transforming agents” will mislead those who take his statement +without examination. Lamarck does not say that modification is +effected by means of “directly transforming agents;” nothing +can be more alien to the spirit of his teaching. With him the +action of the external conditions of existence (and these are the only +transforming agents intended by Professor Ray Lankester) is not direct, +but indirect. Change in surroundings changes the organism’s +outlook, and thus changes its desires; desires changing, there is corresponding +change in the actions performed; actions changing, a corresponding change +is by-and-by induced in the organs that perform them; this, if long +continued, will be transmitted; becoming augmented by accumulation in +many successive generations, and further modifications perhaps arising +through further changes in surroundings, the change will amount ultimately +to specific and generic difference. Lamarck knows no drug, nor +operation, that will medicine one organism into another, and expects +the results of adaptive effort to be so gradual as to be only perceptible +when accumulated in the course of many generations. When, therefore, +Professor Ray Lankester speaks of Lamarck as having “advocated +directly transforming agents,” he either does not know what he +is talking about, or he is trifling with his readers. Professor +Ray Lankester continues:-<br> +<br> +“They do not seem to be aware of this, for they make no attempt +to examine Mr. Darwin’s accumulated facts and arguments.” +Professor Ray Lankester need not shake Mr. Darwin’s “accumulated +facts and arguments” at us. We have taken more pains to +understand them than Professor Ray Lankester has taken to understand +Lamarck, and by this time know them sufficiently. We thankfully +accept by far the greater number, and rely on them as our sheet-anchors +to save us from drifting on to the quicksands of Neo-Darwinian natural +selection; few of them, indeed, are Mr. Darwin’s, except in so +far as he has endorsed them and given them publicity, but I do not know +that this detracts from their value. We have paid great attention +to Mr. Darwin’s facts, and if we do not understand all his arguments +- for it is not always given to mortal man to understand these - yet +we think we know what he was driving at. We believe we understand +this to the full as well as Mr. Darwin intended us to do, and perhaps +better. Where the arguments tend to show that all animals and +plants are descended from a common source we find them much the same +as Buffon’s, or as those of Erasmus Darwin or Lamarck, and have +nothing to say against them; where, on the other hand, they aim at proving +that the main means of modification has been the fact that if an animal +has been “favoured” it will be “preserved” - +then we think that the animal’s own exertions will, in the long +run, have had more to do with its preservation than any real or fancied +“favour.” Professor Ray Lankester continues:-<br> +<br> +“The doctrine of evolution has become an accepted truth” +(Professor Ray Lankester writes as though the making of truth and falsehood +lay in the hollow of Mr. Darwin’s hand. Surely “has +become accepted” should be enough; Mr. Darwin did not make the +doctrine true) “entirely in consequence of Mr. Darwin’s +having demonstrated the mechanism.” (There is no mechanism +in the matter, and if there is, Mr. Darwin did not show it. He +made some words which confused us and prevented us from seeing that +“the preservation of favoured races” was a cloak for “luck,” +and that this was all the explanation he was giving) “by which +the evolution is possible; it was almost universally rejected, while +such undemonstrable agencies as those arbitrarily asserted to exist +by Professor Semper and Mr. George Henslow were the only means suggested +by its advocates.”<br> +<br> +Undoubtedly the theory of descent with modification, which received +its first sufficiently ample and undisguised exposition in 1809 with +the “Philosophie Zoologique” of Lamarck, shared the common +fate of all theories that revolutionise opinion on important matters, +and was fiercely opposed by the Huxleys, Romaneses, Grant Allens, and +Ray Lankesters of its time. It had to face the reaction in favour +of the Church which began in the days of the First Empire, as a natural +consequence of the horrors of the Revolution; it had to face the social +influence and then almost Darwinian reputation of Cuvier, whom Lamarck +could not, or would not, square; it was put forward by one who was old, +poor, and ere long blind. What theory could do more than just +keep itself alive under conditions so unfavourable? Even under +the most favourable conditions descent with modification would have +been a hard plant to rear, but, as things were, the wonder is that it +was not killed outright at once. We all know how large a share +social influences have in deciding what kind of reception a book or +theory is to meet with; true, these influences are not permanent, but +at first they are almost irresistible; in reality it was not the theory +of descent that was matched against that of fixity, but Lamarck against +Cuvier; who can be surprised that Cuvier for a time should have had +the best of it?<br> +<br> +And yet it is pleasant to reflect that his triumph was not, as triumphs +go, long lived. How is Cuvier best known now? As one who +missed a great opportunity; as one who was great in small things, and +stubbornly small in great ones. Lamarck died in 1831; in 1861 +descent with modification was almost universally accepted by those most +competent to form an opinion. This result was by no means so exclusively +due to Mr. Darwin’s “Origin of Species” as is commonly +believed. During the thirty years that followed 1831 Lamarck’s +opinions made more way than Darwinians are willing to allow. Granted +that in 1861 the theory was generally accepted under the name of Darwin, +not under that of Lamarck, still it was Lamarck and not Darwin that +was being accepted; it was descent, not descent with modification by +means of natural selection from among fortuitous variations, that we +carried away with us from the “Origin of Species.” +The thing triumphed whether the name was lost or not. I need not +waste the reader’s time by showing further how little weight he +need attach to the fact that Lamarckism was not immediately received +with open arms by an admiring public. The theory of descent has +become accepted as rapidly, if I am not mistaken, as the Copernican +theory, or as Newton’s theory of gravitation.<br> +<br> +When Professor Ray Lankester goes on to speak of the “undemonstrable +agencies” “arbitrarily asserted” to exist by Professor +Semper, he is again presuming on the ignorance of his readers. +Professor Semper’s agencies are in no way more undemonstrable +than Mr. Darwin’s are. Mr. Darwin was perfectly cogent as +long as he stuck to Lamarck’s demonstration; his arguments were +sound as long as they were Lamarck’s, or developments of, and +riders upon, Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck, and almost incredibly +silly when they were his own. Fortunately the greater part of +the “Origin of Species” is devoted to proving the theory +of descent with modification, by arguments against which no exception +would have been taken by Mr. Darwin’s three great precursors, +except in so far as the variations whose accumulation results in specific +difference are supposed to be fortuitous - and, to do Mr. Darwin justice, +the fortuitousness, though always within hail, is kept as far as possible +in the background.<br> +<br> +“Mr. Darwin’s arguments,” says Professor Ray Lankester, +“rest on the <i>proved </i>existence of minute, many-sided, irrelative +variations <i>not </i>produced by directly transforming agents.” +Mr. Darwin throughout the body of the “Origin of Species” +is not supposed to know what his variations are or are not produced +by; if they come, they come, and if they do not come, they do not come. +True, we have seen that in the last paragraph of the book all this was +changed, and the variations were ascribed to the conditions of existence, +and to use and disuse, but a concluding paragraph cannot be allowed +to override a whole book throughout which the variations have been kept +to hand as accidental. Mr. Romanes is perfectly correct when he +says <a name="citation232a"></a><a href="#footnote232a">{232a}</a> that +“natural selection” (meaning the Charles-Darwinian natural +selection) “trusts to the chapter of accidents in the matter of +variation” this is all that Mr. Darwin can tell us; whether they +come from directly transforming agents or no he neither knows nor says. +Those who accept Lamarck will know that the agencies are not, as a rule, +directly transforming, but the followers of Mr. Darwin cannot.<br> +<br> +“But showing themselves,” continues Professor Ray Lankester, +“at each new act of reproduction, as part of the phenomena of +heredity such minute ‘sports’ or ‘variations’ +are due to constitutional disturbance” (No doubt. The difference, +however, between Mr. Darwin and Lamarck consists in the fact that Lamarck +believes he knows what it is that so disturbs the constitution as generally +to induce variation, whereas Mr. Darwin says he does not know), “and +appear not in individuals subjected to new conditions” (What organism +can pass through life without being subjected to more or less new conditions? +What life is ever the exact fac-simile of another? And in a matter +of such extreme delicacy as the adjustment of psychical and physical +relations, who can say how small a disturbance of established equilibrium +may not involve how great a rearrangement?), “but in the offspring +of all, though more freely in the offspring of those subjected to special +causes of constitutional disturbance. Mr. Darwin has further proved +that these slight variations can be transmitted and intensified by selective +breeding.”<br> +<br> +Mr. Darwin did, indeed, follow Buffon and Lamarck in at once turning +to animals and plants under domestication in order to bring the plasticity +of organic forms more easily home to his readers, but the fact that +variations can be transmitted and intensified by selective breeding +had been so well established and was so widely known long before Mr. +Darwin was born, that he can no more be said to have proved it than +Newton can be said to have proved the revolution of the earth on its +own axis. Every breeder throughout the world had known it for +centuries. I believe even Virgil knew it.<br> +<br> +“They have,” continues Professor Ray Lankester, “in +reference to breeding, a remarkably tenacious, persistent character, +as might be expected from their origin in connection with the reproductive +process.”<br> +<br> +The variations do not normally “originate in connection with the +reproductive process,” though it is during this process that they +receive organic expression. They originate mainly, so far as anything +originates anywhere, in the life of the parent or parents. Without +going so far as to say that no variation can arise in connection with +the reproductive system - for, doubtless, striking and successful sports +do occasionally so arise - it is more probable that the majority originate +earlier. Professor Ray Lankester proceeds:-<br> +<br> +“On the other hand, mutilations and other effects of directly +transforming agents are rarely, if ever, transmitted.” Professor +Ray Lankester ought to know the facts better than to say that the effects +of mutilation are rarely, if ever, transmitted. The rule is, that +they will not be transmitted unless they have been followed by disease, +but that where disease has supervened they not uncommonly descend to +offspring. <a name="citation234a"></a><a href="#footnote234a">{234a}</a> +I know Brown-Séquard considered it to be the morbid state of +the nervous system consequent upon the mutilation that is transmitted, +rather than the immediate effects of the mutilation, but this distinction +is somewhat finely drawn.<br> +<br> +When Professor Ray Lankester talks about the “other effects of +directly transforming agents” being rarely transmitted, he should +first show us the directly transforming agents. Lamarck, as I +have said, knows them not. “It is little short of an absurdity,” +he continues, “for people to come forward at this epoch, when +evolution is at length accepted solely because of Mr. Darwin’s +doctrine, and coolly to propose to replace that doctrine by the old +notion so often tried and rejected.”<br> +<br> +Whether this is an absurdity or no, Professor Lankester will do well +to learn to bear it without showing so much warmth, for it is one that +is becoming common. Evolution has been accepted not “because +of” Mr. Darwin’s doctrine, but because Mr. Darwin so fogged +us about his doctrine that we did not understand it. We thought +we were backing his bill for descent with modification, whereas we were +in reality backing it for descent with modification by means of natural +selection from among fortuitous variations. This last really is +Mr. Darwin’s theory, except in so far as it is also Mr. A. R. +Wallace’s; descent, alone, is just as much and just as little +Mr. Darwin’s doctrine as it is Professor Ray Lankester’s +or mine. I grant it is in great measure through Mr. Darwin’s +books that descent has become so widely accepted; it has become so through +his books, but in spite of, rather than by reason of, his doctrine. +Indeed his doctrine was no doctrine, but only a back-door for himself +to escape by in the event of flood or fire; the flood and fire have +come; it remains to be seen how far the door will work satisfactorily.<br> +<br> +Professor Ray Lankester, again, should not say that Lamarck’s +doctrine has been “so often tried and rejected.” M. +Martins, in his edition of the “Philosophie Zoologique,” +<a name="citation235a"></a><a href="#footnote235a">{235a}</a> said truly +that Lamarck’s theory had never yet had the honour of being seriously +discussed. It never has - not at least in connection with the +name of its propounder. To mention Lamarck’s name in the +presence of the conventional English society naturalist has always been +like shaking a red rag at a cow; he is at once infuriated; “as +if it were possible,” to quote from Isidore Geoffroy St. Hilaire, +whose defence of Lamarck is one of the best things in his book, <a name="citation235b"></a><a href="#footnote235b">{235b}</a> +“that so great labour on the part of so great a naturalist should +have led him to ‘a fantastic conclusion’ only - to ‘a +flighty error,’ and, as has been often said, though not written, +to ‘one absurdity the more.’ Such was the language +which Lamarck heard during his protracted old age, saddened alike by +the weight of years and blindness; this was what people did not hesitate +to utter over his grave, yet barely closed, and what, indeed, they are +still saying - commonly too, without any knowledge of what Lamarck maintained, +but merely repeating at second hand bad caricatures of his teaching.<br> +<br> +“When will the time come when we may see Lamarck’s theory +discussed, and I may as well at once say refuted, in some important +points, with at any rate the respect due to one of the most illustrious +masters of our science? And when will this theory, the hardihood +of which has been greatly exaggerated, become freed from the interpretations +and commentaries by the false light of which so many naturalists have +formed their opinion concerning it? If its author is to be condemned, +let it, at any rate, not be before he has been heard.”<br> +<br> +Lamarck was the Lazarus of biology. I wish his more fortunate +brethren, instead of intoning the old Church argument that he has “been +refuted over and over again,” would refer us to some of the best +chapters in the writers who have refuted him. My own reading has +led me to become moderately well acquainted with the literature of evolution, +but I have never come across a single attempt fairly to grapple with +Lamarck, and it is plain that neither Isidore Geoffroy nor M. Martins +knows of such an attempt any more than I do. When Professor Ray +Lankester puts his finger on Lamarck’s weak places, then, but +not till then, may he complain of those who try to replace Mr. Darwin’s +doctrine by Lamarck’s.<br> +<br> +Professor Ray Lankester concludes his note thus:-<br> +<br> +“That such an attempt should be made is an illustration of a curious +weakness of humanity. Not infrequently, after a long contested +cause has triumphed, and all have yielded allegiance thereto, you will +find, when few generations have passed, that men have clean forgotten +what and who it was that made that cause triumphant, and ignorantly +will set up for honour the name of a traitor or an impostor, or attribute +to a great man as a merit deeds and thoughts which he spent a long life +in opposing.”<br> +<br> +Exactly so; that is what one rather feels, but surely Professor Ray +Lankester should say “in trying to filch while pretending to oppose +and to amend.” He is complaining here that people persistently +ascribe Lamarck’s doctrine to Mr. Darwin. Of course they +do; but, as I have already perhaps too abundantly asked, whose fault +is this? If a man knows his own mind, and wants others to understand +it, it is not often that he is misunderstood for any length of time. +If he finds he is being misapprehended in a way he does not like, he +will write another book and make his meaning plainer. He will +go on doing this for as long time as he thinks necessary. I do +not suppose, for example, that people will say I originated the theory +of descent by means of natural selection from among fortunate accidents, +or even that I was one of its supporters as a means of modification; +but if this impression were to prevail, I cannot think I should have +much difficulty in removing it. At any rate no such misapprehension +could endure for more than twenty years, during which I continued to +address a public who welcomed all I wrote, unless I myself aided and +abetted the mistake. Mr. Darwin wrote many books, but the impression +that Darwinism and evolution, or descent with modification, are identical +is still nearly as prevalent as it was soon after the appearance of +the “Origin of Species;” the reason of this is, that Mr. +Darwin was at no pains to correct us. Where, in any one of his +many later books, is there a passage which sets the matter in its true +light, and enters a protest against the misconception of which Professor +Ray Lankester complains so bitterly? The only inference from this +is, that Mr. Darwin was not displeased at our thinking him to be the +originator of the theory of descent with modification, and did not want +us to know more about Lamarck than he could help. If we wanted +to know about him, we must find out what he had said for ourselves, +it was no part of Mr. Darwin’s business to tell us; he had no +interest in our catching the distinctive difference between himself +and that writer; perhaps not; but this approaches closely to wishing +us to misunderstand it. When Mr. Darwin wished us to understand +this or that, no one knew better how to show it to us.<br> +<br> +We were aware, on reading the “Origin of Species,” that +there was a something about it of which we had not full hold; nevertheless +we gave Mr. Darwin our confidence at once, partly because he led off +by telling us that we must trust him to a great extent, and explained +that the present book was only an instalment of a larger work which, +when it came out, would make everything perfectly clear; partly, again, +because the case for descent with modification, which was the leading +idea throughout the book, was so obviously strong, but perhaps mainly +because every one said Mr. Darwin was so good, and so much less self-heeding +than other people; besides, he had so “patiently” and “carefully” +accumulated “such a vast store of facts” as no other naturalist, +living or dead, had ever yet even tried to get together; he was so kind +to us with his, “May we not believe?” and his “Have +we any right to infer that the Creator?” &c. “Of +course we have not,” we exclaimed, almost with tears in our eyes +- “not if you ask us in that way.” Now that we understand +what it was that puzzled us in Mr. Darwin’s work we do not think +highly either of the chief offender, or of the accessories after the +fact, many of whom are trying to brazen the matter out, and on a smaller +scale to follow his example.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER XVIII - Per Contra<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +“‘The evil that men do lives after them” <a name="citation239a"></a><a href="#footnote239a">{239a}</a> +is happily not so true as that the good lives after them, while the +ill is buried with their bones, and to no one does this correction of +Shakespeare’s unwonted spleen apply more fully than to Mr. Darwin. +Indeed it was somewhat thus that we treated his books even while he +was alive; the good, descent, remained with us, while the ill, the deification +of luck, was forgotten as soon as we put down his work. Let me +now, therefore, as far as possible, quit the ungrateful task of dwelling +on the defects of Mr. Darwin’s work and character, for the more +pleasant one of insisting upon their better side, and of explaining +how he came to be betrayed into publishing the “Origin of Species” +without reference to the works of his predecessors.<br> +<br> +In the outset I would urge that it is not by any single book that Mr. +Darwin should be judged. I do not believe that any one of the +three principal works on which his reputation is founded will maintain +with the next generation the place it has acquired with ourselves; nevertheless, +if asked to say who was the man of our own times whose work had produced +the most important, and, on the whole, beneficial effect, I should perhaps +wrongly, but still both instinctively and on reflection, name him to +whom I have, unfortunately, found myself in more bitter opposition than +to any other in the whole course of my life. I refer, of course, +to Mr. Darwin.<br> +<br> +His claim upon us lies not so much in what is actually found within +the four corners of any one of his books, as in the fact of his having +written them at all - in the fact of his having brought out one after +another, with descent always for its keynote, until the lesson was learned +too thoroughly to make it at all likely that it will be forgotten. +Mr. Darwin wanted to move his generation, and had the penetration to +see that this is not done by saying a thing once for all and leaving +it. It almost seems as though it matters less what a man says +than the number of times he repeats it, in a more or less varied form. +It was here the author of the “Vestiges of Creation” made +his most serious mistake. He relied on new editions, and no one +pays much attention to new editions - the mark a book makes is almost +always made by its first edition. If, instead of bringing out +a series of amended editions during the fifteen years’ law which +Mr. Darwin gave him, Mr. Chambers had followed up the “Vestiges” +with new book upon new book, he would have learned much more, and, by +consequence, not have been snuffed out so easily once for all as he +was in 1859 when the “Origin of Species” appeared.<br> +<br> +The tenacity of purpose which appears to have been one of Mr. Darwin’s +most remarkable characteristics was visible even in his outward appearance. +He always reminded me of Raffaelle’s portrait of Pope Julius the +Second, which, indeed, would almost do for a portrait of Mr. Darwin +himself. I imagine that these two men, widely as the sphere of +their action differed, must have been like each other in more respects +than looks alone. Each, certainly, had a hand of iron; whether +Pope Julius wore a velvet glove or no, I do not know; I rather think +not, for, if I remember rightly, he boxed Michael Angelo’s ears +for giving him a saucy answer. We cannot fancy Mr. Darwin boxing +any one’s ears; indeed there can be no doubt he wore a very thick +velvet glove, but the hand underneath it was none the less of iron. +It was to his tenacity of purpose, doubtless, that his success was mainly +due; but for this he must inevitably have fallen before the many inducements +to desist from the pursuit of his main object, which beset him in the +shape of ill health, advancing years, ample private means, large demands +upon his time, and a reputation already great enough to satisfy the +ambition of any ordinary man.<br> +<br> +I do not gather from those who remember Mr. Darwin as a boy, and as +a young man, that he gave early signs of being likely to achieve greatness; +nor, as it seems to me, is there any sign of unusual intellectual power +to be detected in his earliest book. Opening this “almost” +at random I read - “Earthquakes alone are sufficient to destroy +the prosperity of any country. If, for instance, beneath England +the now inert subterraneous forces should exert those powers which most +assuredly in former geological ages they have exerted, how completely +would the entire condition of the country be changed! What would +become of the lofty houses, thickly-packed cities, great manufacturies +<i>(sic), </i>the beautiful public and private edifices? If the +new period of disturbance were to commence by some great earthquake +in the dead of night, how terrific would be the carnage! England +would be at once bankrupt; all papers, records, and accounts would from +that moment be lost. Government being unable to collect the taxes, +and failing to maintain its authority, the hand of violence and rapine +would go uncontrolled. In every large town famine would be proclaimed, +pestilence and death following in its train.” <a name="citation240a"></a><a href="#footnote240a">{240a}</a> +Great allowance should be made for a first work, and I admit that much +interesting matter is found in Mr. Darwin’s journal; still, it +was hardly to be expected that the writer who at the age of thirty-three +could publish the foregoing passage should twenty years later achieve +the reputation of being the profoundest philosopher of his time.<br> +<br> +I have not sufficient technical knowledge to enable me to speak certainly, +but I question his having been the great observer and master of experiment +which he is generally believed to have been. His accuracy was, +I imagine, generally to be relied upon as long as accuracy did not come +into conflict with his interests as a leader in the scientific world; +when these were at stake he was not to be trusted for a moment. +Unfortunately they were directly or indirectly at stake more often than +one could wish. His book on the action of worms, however, was +shown by Professor Paley and other writers <a name="citation242a"></a><a href="#footnote242a">{242a}</a> +to contain many serious errors and omissions, though it involved no +personal question; but I imagine him to have been more or less <i>hébété +</i>when he wrote this book. On the whole I should doubt his having +been a better observer of nature than nine country gentlemen out of +ten who have a taste for natural history.<br> +<br> +Presumptuous as I am aware it must appear to say so, I am unable to +see more than average intellectual power even in Mr. Darwin’s +later books. His great contribution to science is supposed to +have been the theory of natural selection, but enough has been said +to show that this, if understood as he ought to have meant it to be +understood, cannot be rated highly as an intellectual achievement. +His other most important contribution was his provisional theory of +pan-genesis, which is admitted on all hands to have been a failure. +Though, however, it is not likely that posterity will consider him as +a man of transcendent intellectual power, he must be admitted to have +been richly endowed with a much more valuable quality than either originality +or literary power - I mean with <i>savoir faire</i>. The cards +he held - and, on the whole, his hand was a good one - he played with +judgment; and though not one of those who would have achieved greatness +under any circumstances, he nevertheless did achieve greatness of no +mean order. Greatness, indeed, of the highest kind - that of one +who is without fear and without reproach - will not ultimately be allowed +him, but greatness of a rare kind can only be denied him by those whose +judgment is perverted by temper or personal ill-will. He found +the world believing in fixity of species, and left it believing - in +spite of his own doctrine - in descent with modification.<br> +<br> +I have said on an earlier page that Mr. Darwin was heir to a discredited +truth, and left behind him an accredited fallacy. This is true +as regards men of science and cultured classes who understood his distinctive +feature, or thought they did, and so long as Mr. Darwin lived accepted +it with very rare exceptions; but it is not true as regards the unreading, +unreflecting public, who seized the salient point of descent with modification +only, and troubled themselves little about the distinctive feature. +It would almost seem as if Mr. Darwin had reversed the usual practice +of philosophers and given his esoteric doctrine to the world, while +reserving the exoteric for his most intimate and faithful adherents. +This, however, is a detail; the main fact is, that Mr. Darwin brought +us all round to evolution. True, it was Mr. Darwin backed by the +<i>Times </i>and the other most influential organs of science and culture, +but it was one of Mr. Darwin’s great merits to have developed +and organised this backing, as part of the work which he knew was essential +if so great a revolution was to be effected.<br> +<br> +This is an exceedingly difficult and delicate thing to do. If +people think they need only write striking and well-considered books, +and that then the <i>Times </i>will immediately set to work to call +attention to them, I should advise them not to be too hasty in basing +action upon this hypothesis. I should advise them to be even less +hasty in basing it upon the assumption that to secure a powerful literary +backing is a matter within the compass of any one who chooses to undertake +it. No one who has not a strong social position should ever advance +a new theory, unless a life of hard fighting is part of what he lays +himself out for. It was one of Mr. Darwin’s great merits +that he had a strong social position, and had the good sense to know +how to profit by it. The magnificent feat which he eventually +achieved was unhappily tarnished by much that detracts from the splendour +that ought to have attended it, but a magnificent feat it must remain.<br> +<br> +Whose work in this imperfect world is not tarred and tarnished by something +that detracts from its ideal character? It is enough that a man +should be the right man in the right place, and this Mr. Darwin pre-eminently +was. If he had been more like the ideal character which Mr. Allen +endeavours to represent him, it is not likely that he would have been +able to do as much, or nearly as much, as he actually did; he would +have been too wide a cross with his generation to produce much effect +upon it. Original thought is much more common than is generally +believed. Most people, if they only knew it, could write a good +book or play, paint a good picture, compose a fine oratorio; but it +takes an unusually able person to get the book well reviewed, persuade +a manager to bring the play out, sell the picture, or compass the performance +of the oratorio; indeed, the more vigorous and original any one of these +things may be, the more difficult will it prove to even bring it before +the notice of the public. The error of most original people is +in being just a trifle too original. It was in his business qualities +- and these, after all, are the most essential to success, that Mr. +Darwin showed himself so superlative. These are not only the most +essential to success, but it is only by blaspheming the world in a way +which no good citizen of the world will do, that we can deny them to +be the ones which should most command our admiration. We are in +the world; surely so long as we are in it we should be of it, and not +give ourselves airs as though we were too good for our generation, and +would lay ourselves out to please any other by preference. Mr. +Darwin played for his own generation, and he got in the very amplest +measure the recognition which he endeavoured, as we all do, to obtain.<br> +<br> +His success was, no doubt, in great measure due to the fact that he +knew our little ways, and humoured them; but if he had not had little +ways of his own, he never could have been so much <i>au fait </i>with +ours. He knew, for example, we should be pleased to hear that +he had taken his boots off so as not to disturb his worms when watching +them by night, so he told us of this, and we were delighted. He +knew we should like his using the word “sag,” so he used +it, <a name="citation245a"></a><a href="#footnote245a">{245a}</a> and +we said it was beautiful. True, he used it wrongly, for he was +writing about tesselated pavement, and builders assure me that “sag” +is a word which applies to timber only, but this is not to the point; +the point was, that Mr. Darwin should have used a word that we did not +understand; this showed that he had a vast fund of knowledge at his +command about all sorts of practical details with which he might have +well been unacquainted. We do not deal the same measure to man +and to the lower animals in the matter of intelligence; the less we +understand these last, the less, we say, not we, but they can understand; +whereas the less we can understand a man, the more intelligent we are +apt to think him. No one should neglect by-play of this description; +if I live to be strong enough to carry it through, I mean to play “cambre,” +and I shall spell it “camber.” I wonder Mr. Darwin +never abused this word. Laugh at him, however, as we may for having +said “sag,” if he had not been the kind of man to know the +value of these little hits, neither would he have been the kind of man +to persuade us into first tolerating, and then cordially accepting, +descent with modification. There is a correlation of mental as +well as of physical growth, and we could not probably have had one set +of Mr. Darwin’s qualities without the other. If he had been +more faultless, he might have written better books, but we should have +listened worse. A book’s prosperity is like a jest’s +- in the ear of him that hears it.<br> +<br> +Mr. Spencer would not - at least one cannot think he would - have been +able to effect the revolution which will henceforth doubtless be connected +with Mr. Darwin’s name. He had been insisting on evolution +for some years before the “Origin of Species” came out, +but he might as well have preached to the winds, for all the visible +effect that had been produced. On the appearance of Mr. Darwin’s +book the effect was instantaneous; it was like the change in the condition +of a patient when the right medicine has been hit on after all sorts +of things have been tried and failed. Granted that it was comparatively +easy for Mr. Darwin, as having been born into the household of one of +the prophets of evolution, to arrive at conclusions about the fixity +of species which, if not so born, he might never have reached at all; +this does not make it any easier for him to have got others to agree +with him. Any one, again, may have money left him, or run up against +it, or have it run up against him, as it does against some people, but +it is only a very sensible person who does not lose it. Moreover, +once begin to go behind achievement and there is an end of everything. +Did the world give much heed to or believe in evolution before Mr. Darwin’s +time? Certainly not. Did we begin to attend and be persuaded +soon after Mr. Darwin began to write? Certainly yes. Did +we ere long go over <i>en masse</i>? Assuredly. If, as I +said in “Life and Habit,” any one asks who taught the world +to believe in evolution, the answer to the end of time must be that +it was Mr. Darwin. And yet the more his work is looked at, the +more marvellous does its success become. It seems as if some organisms +can do anything with anything. Beethoven picked his teeth with +the snuffers, and seems to have picked them sufficiently to his satisfaction. +So Mr. Darwin with one of the worst styles imaginable did all that the +clearest, tersest writer could have done. Strange, that such a +master of cunning (in the sense of my title) should have been the apostle +of luck, and one so terribly unlucky as Lamarck, of cunning, but such +is the irony of nature. Buffon planted, Erasmus Darwin and Lamarck +watered, but it was Mr. Darwin who said, “That fruit is ripe,” +and shook it into his lap.<br> +<br> +With this Mr. Darwin’s best friends ought to be content; his admirers +are not well advised in representing him as endowed with all sorts of +qualities which he was very far from possessing. Thus it is pretended +that he was one of those men who were ever on the watch for new ideas, +ever ready to give a helping hand to those who were trying to advance +our knowledge, ever willing to own to a mistake and give up even his +most cherished ideas if truth required them at his hands. No conception +can be more wantonly inexact. I grant that if a writer was sufficiently +at once incompetent and obsequious Mr. Darwin was “ever ready,” +&c. So the Emperors of Austria wash a few poor people’s +feet on some one of the festivals of the Church, but it would not be +safe to generalise from this yearly ceremony, and conclude that the +Emperors of Austria are in the habit of washing poor people’s +feet. I can understand Mr. Darwin’s not having taken any +public notice, for example, of “Life and Habit,” for though +I did not attack him in force in that book, it was abundantly clear +that an attack could not be long delayed, and a man may be pardoned +for not doing anything to advertise the works of his opponents; but +there is no excuse for his never having referred to Professor Hering’s +work either in “Nature,” when Professor Ray Lankester first +called attention to it (July 13, 1876), or in some one of his subsequent +books. If his attitude towards those who worked in the same field +as himself had been the generous one which his admirers pretend, he +would have certainly come forward, not necessarily as adopting Professor +Hering’s theory, but still as helping it to obtain a hearing.<br> +<br> +His not having done so is of a piece with his silence about Buffon, +Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck in the early editions of the “Origin +of Species,” and with the meagre reference to them which is alone +found in the later ones. It is of a piece also with the silence +which Mr. Darwin invariably maintained when he saw his position irretrievably +damaged, as, for example, by Mr. Spencer’s objection already referred +to, and by the late Professor Fleeming Jenkin in the <i>North British +Review </i>(June 1867). Science, after all, should form a kingdom +which is more or less not of this world. The ideal scientist should +know neither self nor friend nor foe - he should be able to hob-nob +with those whom he most vehemently attacks, and to fly at the scientific +throat of those to whom he is personally most attached; he should be +neither grateful for a favourable review nor displeased at a hostile +one; his literary and scientific life should be something as far apart +as possible from his social; it is thus, at least, alone that any one +will be able to keep his eye single for facts, and their legitimate +inferences. We have seen Professor Mivart lately taken to task +by Mr. Romanes for having said <a name="citation248a"></a><a href="#footnote248a">{248a}</a> +that Mr. Darwin was singularly sensitive to criticism, and made it impossible +for Professor Mivart to continue friendly personal relations with him +after he had ventured to maintain his own opinion. I see no reason +to question Professor Mivart’s accuracy, and find what he has +said to agree alike with my own personal experience of Mr. Darwin, and +with all the light that his works throw upon his character.<br> +<br> +The most substantial apology that can be made for his attempt to claim +the theory of descent with modification is to be found in the practice +of Lamarck, Mr. Patrick Matthew, the author of the “Vestiges of +Creation,” and Mr. Herbert Spencer, and, again, in the total absence +of complaint which this practice met with. If Lamarck might write +the “Philosophie Zoologique” without, so far as I remember, +one word of reference to Buffon, and without being complained of, why +might not Mr. Darwin write the “Origin of Species” without +more than a passing allusion to Lamarck? Mr. Patrick Matthew, +again, though writing what is obviously a <i>résumé </i>of +the evolutionary theories of his time, makes no mention of Lamarck, +Erasmus Darwin, or Buffon. I have not the original edition of +the “Vestiges of Creation” before me, but feel sure I am +justified in saying that it claimed to be a more or less Minerva-like +work, that sprang full armed from the brain of Mr. Chambers himself. +This at least is how it was received by the public; and, however violent +the opposition it met with, I cannot find that its author was blamed +for not having made adequate mention of Lamarck. When Mr. Spencer +wrote his first essay on evolution in the <i>Leader </i>(March 20, 1852) +he did indeed begin his argument, “Those who cavalierly reject +the doctrine of Lamarck,” &c., so that his essay purports +to be written in support of Lamarck; but when he republished his article +in 1858, the reference to Lamarck was cut out.<br> +<br> +I make no doubt that it was the bad example set him by the writers named +in the preceding paragraph which betrayed Mr. Darwin into doing as they +did, but being more conscientious than they, he could not bring himself +to do it without having satisfied himself that he had got hold of a +more or less distinctive feature, and this, of course, made matters +worse. The distinctive feature was not due to any deep-laid plan +for pitchforking mind out of the universe, or as part of a scheme of +materialistic philosophy, though it has since been made to play an important +part in the attempt to further this; Mr. Darwin was perfectly innocent +of any intention of getting rid of mind, and did not, probably, care +the toss of sixpence whether the universe was instinct with mind or +no - what he did care about was carrying off the palm in the matter +of descent with modification, and the distinctive feature was an adjunct +with which his nervous, sensitive, Gladstonian nature would not allow +him to dispense.<br> +<br> +And why, it may be asked, should not the palm be given to Mr. Darwin +if he wanted it, and was at so much pains to get it? Why, if science +is a kingdom not of this world, make so much fuss about settling who +is entitled to what? At best such questions are of a sorry personal +nature, that can have little bearing upon facts, and it is these that +alone should concern us. The answer is, that if the question is +so merely personal and unimportant, Mr. Darwin may as well yield as +Buffon, Erasmus Darwin, and Lamarck; Mr. Darwin’s admirers find +no difficulty in appreciating the importance of a personal element as +far as he is concerned; let them not wonder, then, if others, while +anxious to give him the laurels to which he is entitled, are somewhat +indignant at the attempt to crown him with leaves that have been filched +from the brows of the great dead who went before him. <i>Palmam +qui meruit ferat</i>. The instinct which tells us that no man +in the scientific or literary world should claim more than his due is +an old and, I imagine, a wholesome one, and if a scientific self-denying +ordinance is demanded, we may reply with justice, <i>Que messieurs les +Charles</i>-<i>Darwinies commencent</i>. Mr. Darwin will have +a crown sufficient for any ordinary brow remaining in the achievement +of having done more than any other writer, living or dead, to popularise +evolution. This much may be ungrudgingly conceded to him, but +more than this those who have his scientific position most at heart +will be well advised if they cease henceforth to demand.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +CHAPTER XIX - Conclusion<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +And now I bring this book to a conclusion. So many things requiring +attention have happened since it was begun that I leave it in a very +different shape to the one which it was originally intended to bear. +I have omitted much that I had meant to deal with, and have been tempted +sometimes to introduce matter the connection of which with my subject +is not immediately apparent. Such however, as the book is, it +must now go in the form into which it has grown almost more in spite +of me than from <i>malice prepense </i>on my part. I was afraid +that it might thus set me at defiance, and in an early chapter expressed +a doubt whether I should find it redound greatly to my advantage with +men of science; in this concluding chapter I may say that doubt has +deepened into something like certainty. I regret this, but cannot +help it.<br> +<br> +Among the points with which it was most incumbent upon me to deal was +that of vegetable intelligence. A reader may well say that unless +I give plants much the same sense of pleasure and pain, memory, power +of will, and intelligent perception of the best way in which to employ +their opportunities that I give to low animals, my argument falls to +the ground. If I declare organic modification to be mainly due +to function, and hence in the closest correlation with mental change, +I must give plants, as well as animals, a mind, and endow them with +power to reflect and reason upon all that most concerns them. +Many who will feel little difficulty about admitting that animal modification +is upon the whole mainly due to the secular cunning of the animals themselves +will yet hesitate before they admit that plants also can have a reason +and cunning of their own.<br> +<br> +Unwillingness to concede this is based principally upon the error concerning +intelligence to which I have already referred - I mean to our regarding +intelligence not so much as the power of understanding as that of being +understood by ourselves. Once admit that the evidence in favour +of a plant’s knowing its own business depends more on the efficiency +with which that business is conducted than either on our power of understanding +how it can be conducted, or on any signs on the plant’s part of +a capacity for understanding things that do not concern it, and there +will be no further difficulty about supposing that in its own sphere +a plant is just as intelligent as an animal, and keeps a sharp look-out +upon its own interests, however indifferent it may seem to be to ours. +So strong has been the set of recent opinion in this direction that +with botanists the foregoing now almost goes without saying, though +few five years ago would have accepted it.<br> +<br> +To no one of the several workers in this field are we more indebted +for the change which has been brought about in this respect than to +my late valued and lamented friend Mr. Alfred Tylor. Mr. Tylor +was not the discoverer of the protoplasmic continuity that exists in +plants, but he was among the very first to welcome this discovery, and +his experiments at Carshalton in the years 1883 and 1884 demonstrated +that, whether there was protoplasmic continuity in plants or no, they +were at any rate endowed with some measure of reason, forethought, and +power of self-adaptation to varying surroundings. It is not for +me to give the details of these experiments. I had the good fortune +to see them more than once while they were in progress, and was present +when they were made the subject of a paper read by Mr. Sydney B. J. +Skertchly before the Linnean Society, Mr. Tylor being then too ill to +read it himself. The paper has since been edited by Mr. Skertchly, +and published. <a name="citation253a"></a><a href="#footnote253a">{253a}</a> +Anything that should be said further about it will come best from Mr. +Skertchly; it will be enough here if I give the <i>résumé +</i>of it prepared by Mr. Tylor himself.<br> +<br> +In this Mr. Tylor said:- “The principles which underlie this paper +are the individuality of plants, the necessity for some co-ordinating +system to enable the parts to act in concert, and the probability that +this also necessitates the admission that plants have a dim sort of +intelligence.<br> +<br> +“It is shown that a tree, for example, is something more than +an aggregation of tissues, but is a complex being performing acts as +a whole, and not merely responsive to the direct influence of light, +&c. The tree knows more than its branches, as the species +know more than the individual, the community than the unit.<br> +<br> +“Moreover, inasmuch as my experiments show that many plants and +trees possess the power of adapting themselves to unfamiliar circumstances, +such as, for instance, avoiding obstacles by bending aside before touching, +or by altering the leaf arrangement, it seems probable that at least +as much voluntary power must be accorded to such plants as to certain +lowly organised animals.<br> +<br> +“Finally, a connecting system by means of which combined movements +take place is found in the threads of protoplasm which unite the various +cells, and which I have now shown to exist even in the wood of trees.<br> +<br> +“One of the important facts seems to be the universality of the +upward curvature of the tips of growing branches of trees, and the power +possessed by the tree to straighten its branches afterwards, so that +new growth shall by similar means be able to obtain the necessary light +and air.<br> +<br> +“A house, to use a sanitary analogy, is functionally useless without +it obtains a good supply of light and air. The architect strives +so to produce the house as to attain this end, and still leave the house +comfortable. But the house, though dependent upon, is not produced +by, the light and air. So a tree is functionally useless, and +cannot even exist without a proper supply of light and air; but, whereas +it has been the custom to ascribe the heliotropic and other motions +to the direct influence of those agents, I would rather suggest that +the movements are to some extent due to the desire of the plant to acquire +its necessaries of life.”<br> +<br> +The more I have reflected upon Mr. Tylor’s Carshalton experiments, +the more convinced I am of their great value. No one, indeed, +ought to have doubted that plants were intelligent, but we all of us +do much that we ought not to do, and Mr. Tylor supplied a demonstration +which may be henceforth authoritatively appealed to.<br> +<br> +I will take the present opportunity of insisting upon a suggestion which +I made in “Alps and Sanctuaries” (New edition, pp. 152, +153), with which Mr. Tylor was much pleased, and which, at his request, +I made the subject of a few words that I ventured to say at the Linnean +Society’s rooms after his paper had been read. “Admitting,” +I said, “the common protoplasmic origin of animals and plants, +and setting aside the notion that plants preceded animals, we are still +faced by the problem why protoplasm should have developed into the organic +life of the world, along two main lines, and only two - the animal and +the vegetable. Why, if there was an early schism - and this there +clearly was - should there not have been many subsequent ones of equal +importance? We see innumerable sub-divisions of animals and plants, +but we see no other such great subdivision of organic life as that whereby +it ranges itself, for the most part readily, as either animal or vegetable. +Why any subdivision? - but if any, why not more than two great classes?”<br> +<br> +The two main stems of the tree of life ought, one would think, to have +been formed on the same principle as the boughs which represent genera, +and the twigs which stand for species and varieties. If specific +differences arise mainly from differences of action taken in consequence +of differences of opinion, then, so ultimately do generic; so, therefore, +again, do differences between families; so therefore, by analogy, should +that greatest of differences in virtue of which the world of life is +mainly animal, or vegetable. In this last case as much as in that +of specific difference, we ought to find divergent form the embodiment +and organic expression of divergent opinion. Form is mind made +manifest in flesh through action: shades of mental difference being +expressed in shades of physical difference, while broad fundamental +differences of opinion are expressed in broad fundamental differences +of bodily shape.<br> +<br> +Or to put it thus:-<br> +<br> +If form and habit be regarded as functionally interdependent, that is +to say, if neither form nor habit can vary without corresponding variation +in the other, and if habit and opinion concerning advantage are also +functionally interdependent, it follows self-evidently that form and +opinion concerning advantage (and hence form and cunning) will be functionally +interdependent also, and that there can be no great modification of +the one without corresponding modification of the other. Let there, +then, be a point in respect of which opinion might be early and easily +divided - a point in respect of which two courses involving different +lines of action presented equally-balanced advantages - and there would +be an early subdivision of primordial life, according as the one view +or the other was taken.<br> +<br> +It is obvious that the pros and cons for either course must be supposed +very nearly equal, otherwise the course which presented the fewest advantages +would be attended with the probable gradual extinction of the organised +beings that adopted it, but there being supposed two possible modes +of action very evenly balanced as regards advantage and disadvantages, +then the ultimate appearance of two corresponding forms of life is a +<i>sequitur </i>from the admission that form varies as function, and +function as opinion concerning advantage. If there are three, +four, five, or six such opinions tenable, we ought to have three, four, +five, or six main subdivisions of life. As things are, we have +two only. Can we, then, see a matter on which opinion was likely +to be easily and early divided into two, and only two, main divisions +- no third course being conceivable? If so, this should suggest +itself as the probable source from which the two main forms of organic +life have been derived.<br> +<br> +I submit that we can see such a matter in the question whether it pays +better to sit still and make the best of what comes in one’s way, +or to go about in search of what one can find. Of course we, as +animals, naturally hold that it is better to go about in search of what +we can find than to sit still and make the best of what comes; but there +is still so much to be said on the other side, that many classes of +animals have settled down into sessile habits, while a perhaps even +larger number are, like spiders, habitual liers in wait rather than +travellers in search of food. I would ask my reader, therefore, +to see the opinion that it is better to go in search of prey as formulated, +and finding its organic expression, in animals; and the other - that +it is better to be ever on the look-out to make the best of what chance +brings up to them - in plants. Some few intermediate forms still +record to us the long struggle during which the schism was not yet complete, +and the halting between two opinions which it might be expected that +some organisms should exhibit.<br> +<br> +“Neither class,” I said in “Alps and Sanctuaries,” +“has been quite consistent. Who ever is or can be? +Every extreme - every opinion carried to its logical end - will prove +to be an absurdity. Plants throw out roots and boughs and leaves; +this is a kind of locomotion; and, as Dr. Erasmus Darwin long +since pointed out, they do sometimes approach nearly to what may be +called travelling; a man of consistent character will never look at +a bough, a root, or a tendril without regarding it as a melancholy and +unprincipled compromise” (New edition, p. 153).<br> +<br> +Having called attention to this view, and commended it to the consideration +of my readers, I proceed to another which should not have been left +to be touched upon only in a final chapter, and which, indeed, seems +to require a book to itself - I refer to the origin and nature of the +feelings, which those who accept volition as having had a large share +in organic modification must admit to have had a no less large share +in the formation of volition. Volition grows out of ideas, ideas +from feelings. What, then, is feeling, and the subsequent mental +images or ideas?<br> +<br> +The image of a stone formed in our minds is no representation of the +object which has given rise to it. Not only, as has been often +remarked, is there no resemblance between the particular thought and +the particular thing, but thoughts and things generally are too unlike +to be compared. An idea of a stone may be like an idea of another +stone, or two stones may be like one another; but an idea of a stone +is not like a stone; it cannot be thrown at anything, it occupies no +room in space, has no specific gravity, and when we come to know more +about stones, we find our ideas concerning them to be but rude, epitomised, +and highly conventional renderings of the actual facts, mere hieroglyphics, +in fact, or, as it were, counters or bank-notes, which serve to express +and to convey commodities with which they have no pretence of analogy.<br> +<br> +Indeed we daily find that, as the range of our perceptions becomes enlarged +either by invention of new appliances or after use of old ones, we change +our ideas though we have no reason to think that the thing about which +we are thinking has changed. In the case of a stone, for instance, +the rude, unassisted, uneducated senses see it as above all things motionless, +whereas assisted and trained ideas concerning it represent motion as +its most essential characteristic; but the stone has not changed. +So, again, the uneducated idea represents it as above all things mindless, +and is as little able to see mind in connection with it as it lately +was to see motion; it will be no greater change of opinion than we have +most of us undergone already if we come presently to see it as no less +full of elementary mind than of elementary motion, but the stone will +not have changed.<br> +<br> +The fact that we modify our opinions suggests that our ideas are formed +not so much in involuntary self-adjusting mimetic correspondence with +the objects that we believe to give rise to them, as by what was in +the outset voluntary, conventional arrangement in whatever way we found +convenient, of sensation and perception-symbols, which had nothing whatever +to do with the objects, and were simply caught hold of as the only things +we could grasp. It would seem as if, in the first instance, we +must have arbitrarily attached some one of the few and vague sensations +which we could alone at first command, to certain motions of outside +things as echoed by our brain, and used them to think and feel the things +with, so as to docket them, and recognise them with greater force, certainty, +and clearness - much as we use words to help us to docket and grasp +our feelings and thoughts, or written characters to help us to docket +and grasp our words.<br> +<br> +If this view be taken we stand in much the same attitude towards our +feelings as a dog may be supposed to do towards our own reading and +writing. The dog may be supposed to marvel at the wonderful instinctive +faculty by which we can tell the price of the different railway stocks +merely by looking at a sheet of paper; he supposes this power to be +a part of our nature, to have come of itself by luck and not by cunning, +but a little reflection will show that feeling is not more likely to +have “come by nature” than reading and writing are. +Feeling is in all probability the result of the same kind of slow laborious +development as that which has attended our more recent arts and our +bodily organs; its development must be supposed to have followed the +same lines as that of our other arts, and indeed of the body itself, +which is the <i>ars artium</i> - for growth of mind is throughout coincident +with growth of organic resources, and organic resources grow with growing +mind.<br> +<br> +Feeling is the art the possession of which differentiates the civilised +organic world from that of brute inorganic matter, but still it is an +art; it is the outcome of a mind that is common both to organic and +inorganic, and which the organic has alone cultivated. It is not +a part of mind itself; it is no more this than language and writing +are parts of thought. The organic world can alone feel, just as +man can alone speak; but as speech is only the development of powers +the germs of which are possessed by the lower animals, so feeling is +only a sign of the employment and development of powers the germs of +which exist in inorganic substances. It has all the characteristics +of an art, and though it must probably rank as the oldest of those arts +that are peculiar to the organic world, it is one which is still in +process of development. None of us, indeed, can feel well on more +than a very few subjects, and many can hardly feel at all.<br> +<br> +But, however this may be, our sensations and perceptions of material +phenomena are attendant on the excitation of certain motions in the +anterior parts of the brain. Whenever certain motions are excited +in this substance, certain sensations and ideas of resistance, extension, +&c., are either concomitant, or ensue within a period too brief +for our cognisance. It is these sensations and ideas that we directly +cognise, and it is to them that we have attached the idea of the particular +kind of matter we happen to be thinking of. As this idea is not +like the thing itself, so neither is it like the motions in our brain +on which it is attendant. It is no more like these than, say, +a stone is like the individual characters, written or spoken, that form +the word “stone,” or than these last are, in sound, like +the word “stone” itself, whereby the idea of a stone is +so immediately and vividly presented to us. True, this does not +involve that our idea shall not resemble the object that gave rise to +it, any more than the fact that a looking-glass bears no resemblance +to the things reflected in it involves that the reflection shall not +resemble the things reflected; the shifting nature, however, of our +ideas and conceptions is enough to show that they must be symbolical, +and conditioned by changes going on within ourselves as much as by those +outside us; and if, going behind the ideas which suffice for daily use, +we extend our inquiries in the direction of the reality underlying our +conception, we find reason to think that the brain-motions which attend +our conception correspond with exciting motions in the object that occasions +it, and that these, rather than anything resembling our conception itself, +should be regarded as the reality.<br> +<br> +This leads to a third matter, on which I can only touch with extreme +brevity.<br> +<br> +Different modes of motion have long been known as the causes of our +different colour perceptions, or at any rate as associated therewith, +and of late years, more especially since the promulgation of Newlands’ +<a name="citation260a"></a><a href="#footnote260a">{260a}</a> law, it +has been perceived that what we call the kinds or properties of matter +are not less conditioned by motion than colour is. The substance +or essence of unconditioned matter, as apart from the relations between +its various states (which we believe to be its various conditions of +motion) must remain for ever unknown to us, for it is only the relations +between the conditions of the underlying substance that we cognise at +all, and where there are no conditions, there is nothing for us to seize, +compare, and, hence, cognise; unconditioned matter must, therefore, +be as inconceivable by us as unmattered condition; <a name="citation261a"></a><a href="#footnote261a">{261a}</a><i> +</i>but though we can know nothing about matter as apart from its conditions +or states, opinion has been for some time tending towards the belief +that what we call the different states, or kinds, of matter are only +our ways of mentally characterising and docketing our estimates of the +different kinds of motion going on in this otherwise uncognisable substratum.<br> +<br> +Our conception, then, concerning the nature of any matter depends solely +upon its kind and degree of unrest, that is to say, on the characteristics +of the vibrations that are going on within it. The exterior object +vibrating in a certain way imparts some of its vibrations to our brain +- but if the state of the thing itself depends upon its vibrations, +it must be considered as to all intents and purposes the vibrations +themselves - plus, of course, the underlying substance that is vibrating. +If, for example, a pat of butter is a portion of the unknowable underlying +substance in such-and-such a state of molecular disturbance, and it +is only by alteration of the disturbance that the substance can be altered +- the disturbance of the substance is practically equivalent to the +substance: a pat of butter is such-and-such a disturbance of the unknowable +underlying substance, and such-and-such a disturbance of the underlying +substance is a pat of butter. In communicating its vibrations, +therefore, to our brain a substance does actually communicate what is, +as far as we are concerned, a portion of itself. Our perception +of a thing and its attendant feeling are symbols attaching to an introduction +within our brain of a feeble state of the thing itself. Our recollection +of it is occasioned by a feeble continuance of this feeble state in +our brains, becoming less feeble through the accession of fresh but +similar vibrations from without. The molecular vibrations which +make the thing an idea of which is conveyed to our minds, put within +our brain a little feeble emanation from the thing itself - if we come +within their reach. This being once put there, will remain as +it were dust, till dusted out, or till it decay, or till it receive +accession of new vibrations.<br> +<br> +The vibrations from a pat of butter do, then, actually put butter into +a man’s head. This is one of the commonest of expressions, +and would hardly be so common if it were not felt to have some foundation +in fact. At first the man does not know what feeling or complex +of feelings to employ so as to docket the vibrations, any more than +he knows what word to employ so as to docket the feelings, or with what +written characters to docket his word; but he gets over this, and henceforward +the vibrations of the exterior object (that is to say, the thing) never +set up their characteristic disturbances, or, in other words, never +come into his head, without the associated feeling presenting itself +as readily as word and characters present themselves, on the presence +of the feeling. The more butter a man sees and handles, the more +he gets butter on the brain - till, though he can never get anything +like enough to be strictly called butter, it only requires the slightest +molecular disturbance with characteristics like those of butter to bring +up a vivid and highly sympathetic idea of butter in the man’s +mind.<br> +<br> +If this view is adopted, our memory of a thing is our retention within +the brain of a small leaven of the actual thing itself, or of what <i>quâ +</i>us is the thing that is remembered, and the ease with which habitual +actions come to be performed is due to the power of the vibrations having +been increased and modified by continual accession from without till +they modify the molecular disturbances of the nervous system, and therefore +its material substance, which we have already settled to be only our +way of docketing molecular disturbances. The same vibrations, +therefore, form the substance remembered, introduce an infinitesimal +dose of it within the brain, modify the substance remembering, and, +in the course of time, create and further modify the mechanism of both +the sensory and motor nerves. Thought and thing are one.<br> +<br> +I commend these two last speculations to the reader’s charitable +consideration, as feeling that I am here travelling beyond the ground +on which I can safely venture; nevertheless, as it may be some time +before I have another opportunity of coming before the public, I have +thought it, on the whole, better not to omit them, but to give them +thus provisionally. I believe they are both substantially true, +but am by no means sure that I have expressed them either clearly or +accurately; I cannot, however, further delay the issue of my book.<br> +<br> +Returning to the point raised in my title, is luck, I would ask, or +cunning, the more fitting matter to be insisted upon in connection with +organic modification? Do animals and plants grow into conformity +with their surroundings because they and their fathers and mothers take +pains, or because their uncles and aunts go away? For the survival +of the fittest is only the non-survival or going away of the unfittest +- in whose direct line the race is not continued, and who are therefore +only uncles and aunts of the survivors. I can quite understand +its being a good thing for any race that its uncles and aunts should +go away, but I do not believe the accumulation of lucky accidents could +result in an eye, no matter how many uncles and aunts may have gone +away during how many generations.<br> +<br> +I would ask the reader to bear in mind the views concerning life and +death expressed in an early chapter. They seem to me not, indeed, +to take away any very considerable part of the sting from death; this +should not be attempted or desired, for with the sting of death the +sweets of life are inseparably bound up so that neither can be weakened +without damaging the other. Weaken the fear of death, and the +love of life would be weakened. Strengthen it, and we should cling +to life even more tenaciously than we do. But though death must +always remain as a shock and change of habits from which we must naturally +shrink - still it is not the utter end of our being, which, until lately, +it must have seemed to those who have been unable to accept the grosser +view of the resurrection with which we were familiarised in childhood. +We too now know that though worms destroy this body, yet in our flesh +shall we so far see God as to be still in Him and of Him - biding our +time for a resurrection in a new and more glorious body; and, moreover, +that we shall be to the full as conscious of this as we are at present +of much that concerns us as closely as anything can concern us.<br> +<br> +The thread of life cannot be shorn between successive generations, except +upon grounds which will in equity involve its being shorn between consecutive +seconds, and fractions of seconds. On the other hand, it cannot +be left unshorn between consecutive seconds without necessitating that +it should be left unshorn also beyond the grave, as well as in successive +generations. Death is as salient a feature in what we call our +life as birth was, but it is no more than this. As a salient feature, +it is a convenient epoch for the drawing of a defining line, by the +help of which we may better grasp the conception of life, and think +it more effectually, but it is a <i>façon de parler </i>only; +it is, as I said in “Life and Habit,” <a name="citation264a"></a><a href="#footnote264a">{264a}</a> +“the most inexorable of all conventions,” but our idea of +it has no correspondence with eternal underlying realities.<br> +<br> +Finally, we must have evolution; consent is too spontaneous, instinctive, +and universal among those most able to form an opinion, to admit of +further doubt about this. We must also have mind and design. +The attempt to eliminate intelligence from among the main agencies of +the universe has broken down too signally to be again ventured upon +- not until the recent rout has been forgotten. Nevertheless the +old, far-foreseeing <i>Deus ex machinâ </i>design as from a point +outside the universe, which indeed it directs, but of which it is no +part, is negatived by the facts of organism. What, then, remains, +but the view that I have again in this book endeavoured to uphold - +I mean, the supposition that the mind or cunning of which we see such +abundant evidence all round us, is, like the kingdom of heaven, within +us, and within all things at all times everywhere? There is design, +or cunning, but it is a cunning not despotically fashioning us from +without as a potter fashions his clay, but inhering democratically within +the body which is its highest outcome, as life inheres within an animal +or plant.<br> +<br> +All animals and plants are corporations, or forms of democracy, and +may be studied by the light of these, as democracies, not infrequently, +by that of animals and plants. The solution of the difficult problem +of reflex action, for example, is thus facilitated, by supposing it +to be departmental in character; that is to say, by supposing it to +be action of which the department that attends to it is alone cognisant, +and which is not referred to the central government so long as things +go normally. As long, therefore, as this is the case, the central +government is unconscious of what is going on, but its being thus unconscious +is no argument that the department is unconscious also.<br> +<br> +I know that contradiction in terms lurks within much that I have said, +but the texture of the world is a warp and woof of contradiction in +terms; of continuity in discontinuity, and discontinuity in continuity; +of unity in diversity, and of diversity in unity. As in the development +of a fugue, where, when the subject and counter subject have been enounced, +there must henceforth be nothing new, and yet all must be new, so throughout +organic life - which is as a fugue developed to great length from a +very simple subject - everything is linked on to and grows out of that +which comes next to it in order - errors and omissions excepted. +It crosses and thwarts what comes next to it with difference that involves +resemblance, and resemblance that involves difference, and there is +no juxtaposition of things that differ too widely by omission of necessary +links, or too sudden departure from recognised methods of procedure.<br> +<br> +To conclude; bodily form may be almost regarded as idea and memory in +a solidified state - as an accumulation of things each one of them so +tenuous as to be practically without material substance. It is +as a million pounds formed by accumulated millionths of farthings; more +compendiously it arises normally from, and through, action. Action +arises normally from, and through, opinion. Opinion, from, and +through, hypothesis. “Hypothesis,” as the derivation +of the word itself shows, is singularly near akin to “underlying, +and only in part knowable, substratum;” and what is this but “God” +translated from the language of Moses into that of Mr. Herbert Spencer? +The conception of God is like nature - it returns to us in another shape, +no matter how often we may expel it. Vulgarised as it has been +by Michael Angelo, Raffaelle, and others who shall be nameless, it has +been like every other <i>corruptio optimi - pessimum: </i>used as a +hieroglyph by the help of which we may better acknowledge the height +and depth of our own ignorance, and at the same time express our sense +that there is an unseen world with which we in some mysterious way come +into contact, though the writs of our thoughts do not run within it +- used in this way, the idea and the word have been found enduringly +convenient. The theory that luck is the main means of organic +modification is the most absolute denial of God which it is possible +for the human mind to conceive - while the view that God is in all His +creatures, He in them and they in Him, is only expressed in other words +by declaring that the main means of organic modification is, not luck, +but cunning.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +Footnotes:<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote17a"></a><a href="#citation17a">{17a}</a> “<i>Nature</i>,” +Nov. 12, 1885.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote20a"></a><a href="#citation20a">{20a}</a> “Hist. +Nat. Gén.,” tom. ii. p. 411, 1859.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote23a"></a><a href="#citation23a">{23a}</a> “Selections, +&c.” Trübner & Co., 1884. [Out of print.]<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote29a"></a><a href="#citation29a">{29a}</a> “Selections, +&c., and Remarks on Romanes’ ‘Mental Intelligence in +Animals,’” Trübner & Co., 1884. pp. 228, 229. +[Out of print.]<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote35a"></a><a href="#citation35a">{35a}</a> Quoted +by M. Vianna De Lima in his “Exposé Sommaire,” &c., +p. 6. Paris, Delagrave, 1886.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote40a"></a><a href="#citation40a">{40a}</a> I have +given the passage in full on p. 254a of my “Selections,” +&c. [Now out of print.] I observe that Canon Kingsley +felt exactly the same difficulty that I had felt myself, and saw also +how alone it could be met. He makes the wood-wren say, “Something +told him his mother had done it before him, and he was flesh of her +flesh, life of her life, and had inherited her instinct (as we call +hereditary memory, to avoid the trouble of finding out what it is and +how it comes).” - <i>Fraser, </i>June, 1867. Canon +Kingsley felt he must insist on the continued personality of the two +generations before he could talk about inherited memory. On the +other hand, though he does indeed speak of this as almost a synonym +for instinct, he seems not to have realised how right he was, and implies +that we should find some fuller and more satisfactory explanation behind +this, only that we are too lazy to look for it.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote44a"></a><a href="#citation44a">{44a}</a> 26 +Sept., 1877. “Unconscious Memory.” ch. ii.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote52a"></a><a href="#citation52a">{52a}</a> This +chapter is taken almost entirely from my book, “Selections, &c.. +and Remarks on Romanes’ ‘Mental Evolution in Animals.’” +Trübner, 1884. [Now out of print.]<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote52b"></a><a href="#citation52b">{52b}</a> “Mental +Evolution in Animals,” p. 113. Kegan Paul, Nov., 1883.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote52c"></a><a href="#citation52c">{52c}</a> Ibid. +p. 115.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote52d"></a><a href="#citation52d">{52d}</a> Ibid. +p. 116.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote53a"></a><a href="#citation53a">{53a}</a> “Mental +Evolution in Animals.” p. 131. Kegan Paul, Nov., 1883.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote54a"></a><a href="#citation54a">{54a}</a> Vol. +I, 3rd ed., 1874, p. 141, and Problem I. 21.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote54b"></a><a href="#citation54b">{54b}</a> “Mental +Evolution in Animals,” pp. 177, 178. Nov., 1883.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote55a"></a><a href="#citation55a">{55a}</a> “Mental +Evolution in Animals,” p. 192.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote55b"></a><a href="#citation55b">{55b}</a> <i>Ibid. +</i>p. 195.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote55c"></a><a href="#citation55c">{55c}</a> <i>Ibid. +</i>p. 296. Nov., 1883.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote56a"></a><a href="#citation56a">{56a}</a> “Mental +Evolution in Animals,” p. 33. Nov., 1883.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote56b"></a><a href="#citation56b">{56b}</a> <i>Ibid</i>., +p. 116.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote56c"></a><a href="#citation56c">{56c}</a> <i>Ibid., +</i>p. 178.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote59a"></a><a href="#citation59a">{59a}</a> “Evolution +Old and New,” pp. 357, 358.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote60a"></a><a href="#citation60a">{60a}</a> “Mental +Evolution in Animals,” p. 159. Kegan Paul & Co., 1883.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote61a"></a><a href="#citation61a">{61a}</a> “Zoonomia,” +vol. i. p. 484.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote61b"></a><a href="#citation61b">{61b}</a> “Mental +Evolution in Animals,” p. 297. Kegan Paul & Co., 1883.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote61c"></a><a href="#citation61c">{61c}</a> <i>Ibid</i>., +p. 201. Kegan Paul & Co., 1883.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote62a"></a><a href="#citation62a">{62a}</a> “Mental +Evolution in Animals,” p. 301. November, 1883.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote62b"></a><a href="#citation62b">{62b}</a> Origin +of Species,” ed. i. p. 209.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote62c"></a><a href="#citation62c">{62c}</a> <i>Ibid</i>., +ed. vi., 1876. p. 206.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote62d"></a><a href="#citation62d">{62d}</a> “Formation +of Vegetable Mould,” etc., p. 98.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote62e"></a><a href="#citation62e">{62e}</a> Quoted +by Mr. Romanes as written in the last year of Mr. Darwin’s life.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote63a"></a><a href="#citation63a">{63a}</a> Macmillan, +1883.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote66a"></a><a href="#citation66a">{66a}</a> “Nature,” +August 5, 1886.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote67a"></a><a href="#citation67a">{67a}</a> London, +H. K. Lewis, 1886.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote70a"></a><a href="#citation70a">{70a}</a> “Charles +Darwin.” Longmans, 1885.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote70b"></a><a href="#citation70b">{70b}</a> Lectures +at the London Institution, Feb., 1886.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote70c"></a><a href="#citation70c">{70c}</a> “Charles +Darwin.” Leipzig. 1885.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote72a"></a><a href="#citation72a">{72a}</a> See +Professor Hering’s “Zur Lehre von der Beziehung zwischen +Leib und Seele. Mittheilung über Fechner’s psychophysisches +Gesetz.”<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote73a"></a><a href="#citation73a">{73a}</a> Quoted +by M. Vianna De Lima in his “Exposé Sommaire des Théories +Transformistes de Lamarck, Darwin, et Hæckel.” Paris, +1886, p. 23.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote81a"></a><a href="#citation81a">{81a}</a> “Origin +of Species,” ed. i., p. 6; see also p. 43.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote83a"></a><a href="#citation83a">{83a}</a> “I +think it can be shown that there is such a power at work in ‘Natural +Selection’ (the title of my book).” - “Proceedings +of the Linnean Society for 1858,” vol. iii., p. 51.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote86a"></a><a href="#citation86a">{86a}</a> “On +Naval Timber and Arboriculture,” 1831, pp. 384, 385. See +also “Evolution Old and New,” pp. 320, 321.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote87a"></a><a href="#citation87a">{87a}</a> “Origin +of Species,” p. 49, ed. vi.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote92a"></a><a href="#citation92a">{92a}</a> “Origin +of Species,” ed. i., pp. 188, 189.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote93a"></a><a href="#citation93a">{93a}</a> Page +9.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote94a"></a><a href="#citation94a">{94a}</a> Page +226.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote96a"></a><a href="#citation96a">{96a}</a> “Journal +of the Proceedings of the Linnean Society.” Williams and +Norgate, 1858, p. 61.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote102a"></a><a href="#citation102a">{102a}</a> +“Zoonomia,” vol. i., p. 505.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote104a"></a><a href="#citation104a">{104a}</a> +See “Evolution Old and New.” p. 122.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote105a"></a><a href="#citation105a">{105a}</a> +“Phil. Zool.,” i., p. 80.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote105b"></a><a href="#citation105b">{105b}</a> +<i>Ibid., </i>i. 82.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote105c"></a><a href="#citation105c">{105c}</a> +<i>Ibid. </i>vol. i., p. 237.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote107a"></a><a href="#citation107a">{107a}</a> +See concluding chapter.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote122a"></a><a href="#citation122a">{122a}</a> +Report, 9, 26.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote135a"></a><a href="#citation135a">{135a}</a> +Ps. cii. 25-27, Bible version.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote136a"></a><a href="#citation136a">{136a}</a> +Ps. cxxxix., Prayer-book version.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote140a"></a><a href="#citation140a">{140a}</a> +<i>Contemporary Review, </i>August, 1885, p. 84.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote142a"></a><a href="#citation142a">{142a}</a> +London, David Bogue, 1881, p. 60.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote144a"></a><a href="#citation144a">{144a}</a> +August 12, 1886.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote150a"></a><a href="#citation150a">{150a}</a> +Paris, Delagrave, 1886.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote150b"></a><a href="#citation150b">{150b}</a> +Page 60.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote150c"></a><a href="#citation150c">{150c}</a> +“Œuvre complètes,” tom. ix. p. 422. Paris, +Garnier frères, 1875.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote150d"></a><a href="#citation150d">{150d}</a> +“Hist. Nat.,” tom. i., p. 13, 1749, quoted “Evol. +Old and New<i>,</i>”<i> </i>p. 108.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote156a"></a><a href="#citation156a">{156a}</a> +“Origin of Species,” ed. vi., p. 107.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote156b"></a><a href="#citation156b">{156b}</a> +<i>Ibid., </i>ed. vi., p. 166.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote157a"></a><a href="#citation157a">{157a}</a> +“Origin of Species,” ed. vi., p. 233.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote157b"></a><a href="#citation157b">{157b}</a> +<i>Ibid.<br> +<br> +</i><a name="footnote157c"></a><a href="#citation157c">{157c}</a> +<i>Ibid., </i>ed. vi., p. 109.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote157d"></a><a href="#citation157d">{157d}</a> +<i>Ibid., </i>ed. vi., p. 401.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote158a"></a><a href="#citation158a">{158a}</a> +“Origin of Species,” ed. i., p. 490.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote161a"></a><a href="#citation161a">{161a}</a> +<i> </i>“Origin of Species,” ed. vi., 1876, p. 171.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote163a"></a><a href="#citation163a">{163a}</a> +“Charles Darwin,” p. 113.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote164a"></a><a href="#citation164a">{164a}</a> +“Animals and Plants under Domestication,” vol. ii., p. 367, +ed. 1875.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote168a"></a><a href="#citation168a">{168a}</a> +Page 3.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote168b"></a><a href="#citation168b">{168b}</a> +Page 4.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote169a"></a><a href="#citation169a">{169a}</a> +It should be remembered this was the year in which the “Vestiges +of Creation” appeared.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote173a"></a><a href="#citation173a">{173a}</a> +“Charles Darwin,” p. 67.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote173b"></a><a href="#citation173b">{173b}</a> +H. S. King & Co., 1876.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote174a"></a><a href="#citation174a">{174a}</a> +Page 17.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote195a"></a><a href="#citation195a">{195a}</a> +“Phil. Zool.,” tom. i., pp. 34, 35.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote202a"></a><a href="#citation202a">{202a}</a> +“Origin of Species,” p. 381, ed. i.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote203a"></a><a href="#citation203a">{203a}</a> +Page 454, ed. i.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote205a"></a><a href="#citation205a">{205a}</a> +“Principles of Geology,” vol. ii., chap. xxxiv., ed. 1872.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote206a"></a><a href="#citation206a">{206a}</a> +“Natürliche Schöpfungsgeschichte,” p. 3. +Berlin, 1868.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote209a"></a><a href="#citation209a">{209a}</a> +See “Evolution Old and New,” pp. 8, 9.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote216a"></a><a href="#citation216a">{216a}</a> +“Vestiges,” &c., ed. 1860; Proofs, Illustrations, &c., +p. xiv.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote216b"></a><a href="#citation216b">{216b}</a> +<i>Examiner, </i>May 17, 1879, review of “Evolution Old and New.”<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote218a"></a><a href="#citation218a">{218a}</a> +Given in part in “Evolution Old and New.”<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote219a"></a><a href="#citation219a">{219a}</a> +“Mind,” p. 498, Oct., 1883.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote224a"></a><a href="#citation224a">{224a}</a> +“Degeneration,” 1880, p. 10.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote227a"></a><a href="#citation227a">{227a}</a> +E.g. the Rev. George Henslow, in “Modern Thought,” vol. +ii., No. 5, 1881.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote232a"></a><a href="#citation232a">{232a}</a> +“Nature,” Aug. 6, 1886.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote234a"></a><a href="#citation234a">{234a}</a> +See Mr. Darwin’s “Animals and Plants under Domestication,” +vol. i., p. 466, &c., ed. 1875.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote235a"></a><a href="#citation235a">{235a}</a> +Paris, 1873, Introd., p. vi.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote235b"></a><a href="#citation235b">{235b}</a> +“Hist. Nat. Gen.,” ii. 404, 1859.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote239a"></a><a href="#citation239a">{239a}</a> +As these pages are on the point of going to press, I see that the writer +of an article on Liszt in the “Athenæum” makes the +same emendation on Shakespeare’s words that I have done.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote240a"></a><a href="#citation240a">{240a}</a> +“Voyages of the <i>Adventure </i>and <i>Beagle</i>,” vol. +iii., p. 373. London, 1839.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote242a"></a><a href="#citation242a">{242a}</a> +See Professor Paley, “Fraser,” Jan., 1882, “Science +Gossip,” Nos. 162, 163, June and July, 1878, and “Nature,” +Jan. 3, Jan. 10, Feb. 28, and March 27, 1884.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote245a"></a><a href="#citation245a">{245a}</a> +“Formation of Vegetable Mould,” etc., p. 217. Murray, +1882.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote248a"></a><a href="#citation248a">{248a}</a> +“Fortnightly Review,” Jan., 1886.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote253a"></a><a href="#citation253a">{253a}</a> +“On the Growth of Trees and Protoplasmic Continuity.” +London, Stanford, 1886.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote260a"></a><a href="#citation260a">{260a}</a> +Sometimes called Mendelejeff’s (see “Monthly Journal of +Science,” April, 1884).<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote261a"></a><a href="#citation261a">{261a}</a> +I am aware that attempts have been made to say that we can conceive +a condition of matter, although there is no matter in connection with +it - as, for example, that we can have motion without anything moving +(see “Nature,” March 5, March 12, and April 9, 1885) - but +I think it little likely that this opinion will meet general approbation.<br> +<br> +<a name="footnote264a"></a><a href="#citation264a">{264a}</a> +Page 53.<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, LUCK OR CUNNING? ***<br> +<pre> + +******This file should be named lckc10h.htm or lckc10h.zip****** +Corrected EDITIONS of our EBooks get a new NUMBER, lckc11h.htm +VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, lckc10ah.htm + +Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US +unless a copyright notice is included. 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