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-Project Gutenberg's The Campaign of Königgrätz, by Arthur L. Wagner
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: The Campaign of Königgrätz
- A Study of the Austro-Prussian Conflict in the Light of
- the American Civil War
-
-Author: Arthur L. Wagner
-
-Release Date: November 26, 2015 [EBook #50554]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CAMPAIGN OF KONIGGRATZ ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Craig Kirkwood and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-produced from images generously made available by The
-Internet Archive.)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-Transcriber’s Notes:
-
-Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
-
-Additional Transcriber’s Notes are at the end.
-
- * * * * *
-
-[Illustration: MAP OF GERMANY PREVIOUS TO THE WAR OF 1866.]
-
-
-
-
-_THE_ Campaign of Königgrätz,
-
-
- _A Study of the Austro-Prussian Conflict in the Light
- of the American Civil War._
-
- --BY--
-
- ARTHUR L. WAGNER,
-
- First Lieut. 6th U. S. Infantry,
-
- _Assistant Instructor in the Art of War, at the U. S. Infantry and
- Cavalry School, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas._
-
- FORT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS,
- 1889.
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE.
-
-
-The greater part of the subject-matter of this volume was originally
-given as a lecture to the officers at the U. S. Infantry and Cavalry
-School. The kindly reception accorded to the lecture has encouraged me
-to revise and amplify it, and to publish it in its present form.
-
-As to the narrative portion of the book, no other claim is made than
-that it is based upon the story of the campaign as given in the
-Prussian Official History of the Campaign of 1866, Hozier’s “Seven
-Weeks’ War,” Derrécagaix’s “_La Guerre Moderne_,” and Adams’ “Great
-Campaigns in Europe.” I have not deemed it necessary to cumber the
-pages with notes of reference, but will here express my indebtedness
-to the works mentioned, giving precedence to them in the order
-named. Other works have been consulted, which are enumerated in the
-bibliographical note at the end of the volume. I have also personally
-visited the scene of the operations described, and, especially in
-regard to the topography of the battle field of Königgrätz, I am able
-to speak from my own observation.
-
-My object has been: 1. To give a brief, but accurate, historical sketch
-of a great campaign, to which but little attention has been given in
-this country. 2. To make a comparison of some of the military features
-of the War of Secession with corresponding features of the European war
-which occurred one year later.
-
-European critics have generally been loth to acknowledge the military
-excellence displayed during the War of Secession; and, even when giving
-full credit for the valor exhibited by our soldiers, have too often
-regarded our veteran armies as mere “armed mobs.” Chesney, Adams,
-Trench and Maude have recognized the value of the lessons taught
-by the American armies, and Lord Wolseley has recently developed an
-appreciation of such American generalship and soldierly worth as
-he can see through Confederate spectacles. But European military
-writers generally, and those of the Continent especially, still fail
-to recognize in the developments of our war the germ, if not the
-prototype, of military features which are regarded as new in Europe.
-The remarks of Colonel Chesney still hold true: “There is a disposition
-to regard the American generals, and the troops they led, as altogether
-inferior to regular soldiers. This prejudice was born out of the
-blunders and want of coherence exhibited by undisciplined volunteers at
-the outset--faults amply atoned for by the stubborn courage displayed
-by both sides throughout the rest of the struggle; while, if a man’s
-claims to be regarded as a veteran are to be measured by the amount
-of actual fighting he has gone through, the most seasoned soldiers
-of Europe are but as conscripts compared with the survivors of that
-conflict. The conditions of war on a grand scale were illustrated to
-the full as much in the contest in America, as in those more recently
-waged on the Continent.”
-
-But it is not only among European critics that the military excellence
-displayed by our armies has been depreciated. There is a small class
-among the professional soldiers in our own country, who are wont to
-bestow all possible admiration upon the military operations in recent
-European wars, not because they were excellent, but because they were
-European; and to belittle the operations in our own war, not because
-they were not excellent, but because they were American. To this small
-class, whose humility in regard to our national achievements is rarely
-combined with individual modesty, this book is not addressed. It is
-to the true American soldier that this little volume is offered, with
-the hope that the views expressed may meet with his approval and be
-sanctioned by his judgment.
-
- A. L. W.
-
-
-
-
-THE CAMPAIGN OF KÖNIGGRÄTZ.
-
-
-THE MILITARY STRENGTH OF THE OPPOSING NATIONS.
-
-The German war of 1866, generally known as “the Seven Weeks’ War,”
-presents many features of interest to the student, the statesman and
-the soldier. It closed a strife of centuries between opposing nations
-and antagonistic political ideas. It resulted in the formation of the
-North German Confederation, and thus planted the seeds of a nation,
-which germinated four years later, during the bloody war with France.
-It banished Austria from all participation in the affairs of Germany,
-expelled her from Italy, and deflected her policy thenceforth towards
-the east and south. It demonstrated that preparation for war is a more
-potent factor than mere numbers in computing the strength of a nation;
-and it gave an illustration on a grand scale of the new conditions
-of war resulting from the use of the telegraph, the railroad and
-breech-loading firearms.
-
-It is not the intention here to consider any but the military features
-of the great Germanic contest. Beginning the subject at the period when
-the quarrel between Austria and Prussia over the provinces that they
-had wrested from Denmark, passed from the tortuous paths of diplomacy
-to the direct road of war, we will consider the relative strength of
-the combatant nations.
-
-As the advocate of the admission of Schleswig-Holstein as a sovereign
-state in the Germanic Confederation, Austria gained first the
-sympathy, and then the active alliance, of Bavaria, Hanover, Saxony,
-Hesse-Cassel, Würtemberg, Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt and Nassau. Prussia
-aimed at the incorporation of the duchies within her own territory;
-and, though loudly championing the cause of German unity, her course
-was so manifestly inspired by designs for her own aggrandizement, that
-she could count on the support of only a few petty duchies, whose
-aggregate military strength did not exceed 28,000 men. As an offset to
-Austria’s formidable German allies, Prussia had concluded an offensive
-and defensive alliance with Italy, whose army, though new and inferior
-in organization, armament and equipment, to that of her antagonist,
-might be relied upon to “contain” at least three Austrian army corps
-in Venetia. The main struggle was certain to be between the two great
-Germanic nations.
-
-At a first glance Prussia would seem to be almost hopelessly
-overmatched in her contest with Austria. The latter nation possessed
-an area more than twice as great as the former, and in contrast
-with the Prussian population of less than 20,000,000, it could show
-an aggregate of 35,000,000 people. But a more careful examination
-discloses the great superiority of the Prussian kingdom. The population
-of Prussia was almost exclusively German; that of Austria was a
-heterogeneous aggregation of Germans, Czechs, Magyars, Poles, Croats
-and Italians, bound together in a purely artificial nationality.
-The Austrian national debt amounted to nearly $1,550,000,000; the
-annual expenditures so far exceeded the revenue as to cause a yearly
-deficit of more than $16,000,000, and the nation was threatened with
-bankruptcy. On the other hand, the Prussian national debt was only
-$210,000,000, the revenue exceeded the expenditures, and the finances
-were in a healthy condition. But the great superiority of the northern
-kingdom over its opponent lay in the organization, armament, equipment
-and _personnel_ of its army.
-
-The old adage, “Experience is a severe, but good, schoolmaster,” is
-true of nations as well as individuals. A crushing disaster, bringing
-with it humiliation, sorrow and disgrace, is often the birth of a
-stronger, better, life in the apparent victim of misfortune. The
-greatness of Prussia was not born in the brilliant victories of
-Rossbach, Leuthen and Zorndorf. It was in the bitter travail of Jena
-and the treaty of Tilsit that birth was given to the power of the
-kingdom. Forbidden by Napoleon to maintain an army of more than 42,000
-men, the great Prussian war minister, Scharnhorst, determined to create
-an army while obeying the commands of the conqueror. There was no
-stipulation in the treaty as to the length of service of the soldiers;
-and after a few months of careful instruction and almost incessant
-drill, they were quietly discharged, and their places were taken by
-recruits, who were soon replaced in the same manner. Thus the little
-army became, as it were, a lake of military training, into which flowed
-a continuous stream of recruits, and from which there came a steady
-current of efficient soldiers. When the army of Napoleon returned
-from its disastrous campaign in Russia, there arose, as by magic, a
-formidable Prussian army, of which nearly 100,000 men were trained
-warriors.
-
-The success of the Prussian arms in the final struggle with Napoleon
-was so manifestly due to the measures adopted by Scharnhorst, that his
-system was made the permanent basis of the national military policy.
-The “Reorganization of 1859” nearly doubled the standing army, and
-made some important changes in the length of service required with the
-colors and in the Landwehr; but the essential features of the Prussian
-system are the same now as in the days of Leipsic and Waterloo.
-
-Every Prussian twenty years of age is subject to military duty. The
-term of service is twelve years, of which three are with the colors,
-four with the reserve and five in the Landwehr. The number of soldiers
-in the active army is definitely fixed at a little more than one per
-cent of the population, and the number of recruits annually required
-is regulated by the number of men necessary to keep the regular force
-on its authorized peace footing. A list of the young men available for
-military service is annually made out, and the selection of recruits
-is made by lot. There are but few exceptions; such, for instance, as
-young men who are the sole support of indigent parents. Students who
-are preparing for the learned professions are permitted to serve as
-“one-year volunteers,” on condition of passing certain examinations
-satisfactorily, and furnishing their own clothing and equipments.
-The name of a man convicted of crime is never placed on the list of
-available recruits; and however humble the position of a private
-soldier may be, his uniform is the honorable badge of an honest man.
-Every young man may be called up for draft three years in succession.
-Those who are not drawn for service at the end of the third year are
-passed into the Ersatz reserve, in which are also men whose physical
-imperfections are not sufficient to exempt them entirely, where they
-are free from service in time of peace, but from which they may be
-called in time of war to replace drafts from the reserve. In time of
-peace the military demands upon the soldiers of the reserve or Landwehr
-are very light. A soldier participates in at least two field maneuvers,
-aggregating about sixteen weeks, during his four years of service in
-the reserve. He is also required to attend muster once every spring and
-autumn. During his five years in the Landwehr he is generally called
-out twice for drill, the drill period not exceeding fourteen days.
-
-The active army is the regular army, or permanent establishment. When
-the decree for the mobilization of the army is promulgated, this force
-is at once put upon its war footing by drafts from the reserve. The
-depots are immediately formed, and one-half of the troops stationed
-therein are drawn from the reserve; the other half being recruits from
-the Ersatz reserve. As these two classes become exhausted, the depot
-battalions are filled from the Landwehr, the youngest classes being
-taken first; or, if needs be, the entire Landwehr is called out in
-battalions, regiments, brigades, divisions, or even army corps, and
-sent into the field. After exhausting the Landwehr, there still remains
-the Landsturm, which embraces all able-bodied men between the ages of
-seventeen and forty-nine years who do not belong to the active army,
-the reserve, or the Landwehr. Though the calling out of the Landsturm
-would imply the exhaustion of the organized forces of the nation, it
-would be more than a mere levy _en masse_, as it would bring back into
-the army many soldiers whose twelve years of service would not have
-been completely forgotten in the midst of civil vocations.
-
-The machinery for the rapid mobilization of the army is kept in perfect
-order. Each army corps, except the Guards, is assigned to a particular
-province. The province is divided into divisional districts, which are
-again subdivided so that each brigade, regiment and battalion has its
-own district, from which it draws its recruits both in peace and war.
-A register is kept of every man available for military duty, and in
-time of peace every officer knows just what part he is to perform the
-minute mobilization is decreed, and each soldier knows where he is to
-report for duty. The secret of the efficiency of the German military
-system lies in the division of responsibility, and the thorough
-decentralization, by which every man, from the monarch to the private
-soldier, has his own especial part to perform.
-
-In 1866 the active army, on a war footing, comprised nine army corps,
-and aggregated 335,000 men. Each corps consisted of twenty-four
-battalions of infantry, sixteen batteries of artillery, twenty-four
-squadrons of cavalry, one battalion of rifles, one battalion of
-engineers, an engineer train, and a military train conveying ammunition
-and subsistence, quartermaster’s and hospital supplies. Each infantry
-battalion numbered 1,000 men. Three battalions formed a regiment,
-two regiments a brigade, and two brigades a division. Each battery
-contained six guns. Four batteries were assigned to each infantry
-division, two batteries of horse artillery were attached to the cavalry
-division, and four batteries of field and two of horse artillery
-constituted the reserve artillery of each corps. Each squadron of
-cavalry numbered about 140 sabres. Four squadrons composed a regiment,
-two regiments a brigade, two brigades a division. A regiment of cavalry
-was attached to each infantry division. Each corps numbered about
-31,000 combatants, except the Guards, which numbered 36,000--having
-four additional battalions and eight additional squadrons. During the
-campaign under consideration, the cavalry of an army corps consisted of
-only one regiment to each division of infantry; the cavalry division
-being taken from each corps, and merged into the corps of reserve
-cavalry.
-
-The depot troops consisted of a battalion for each regiment of
-infantry, a squadron for each regiment of cavalry, an _abtheilung_ [3
-or 4 batteries] for the artillery of each corps, and a company for each
-rifle battalion, engineer battalion and train battalion. The army in
-the field was constantly kept up to a full war strength by men drawn
-from the depots. The fortresses were garrisoned by Landwehr; and on
-troops of the same class devolved the duty of pushing forward to occupy
-invaded territory, and to relieve the active army from the necessity of
-leaving detachments to guard its communications.
-
-This is a brief outline of the organization that enabled a nation of
-less than 20,000,000 people eventually to bring 600,000 soldiers upon
-the theatre of war, and to place a quarter of a million of them upon
-the decisive field of Königgrätz.
-
-The Austrian regular army, when placed upon its war footing, numbered
-about 384,000 men; and by calling out all of the reserve, this force
-could be raised to a formidable total of 700,000. But in organization
-and system of recruitment the Austrian army was inferior to its
-antagonist, notwithstanding its war experience in 1849 and in the
-struggle with France and Italy ten years later. The superb system by
-which Prussia was enabled to send forth a steady stream of trained
-soldiers to replace the losses of battle was wanting in Austria;
-and the machinery of military administration seemed deranged by the
-effort required to place the first gigantic armies in the field. The
-difference between the two military systems is shown in a striking
-manner by the fact that the mobilization of the Prussian army of
-490,000 men, decreed early in May, was completed in fourteen days, and
-by the 5th of June 325,000 were massed on the hostile frontiers; while
-the mobilization of the Austrian army, begun ten weeks earlier than
-that of Prussia, was far from complete on that date.
-
-Nor was the superiority of the Prussian to the Austrian army, as
-a collective body, greater than the individual superiority of the
-Prussian soldier to his antagonist. As a result of the admirable
-Prussian school system, every Prussian soldier was an educated man.
-Baron Stoffel, the French military _attaché_ at Berlin from 1866 to
-1870, says: “‘When,’ said the Prussian officers, ‘our men came in
-contact with the Austrian prisoners, and on speaking to them found that
-they hardly knew their right hand from their left, there was not one
-who did not look upon himself as a god in comparison with such ignorant
-beings, and this conviction increased our strength tenfold.’”
-
-The Prussian army was the first that ever took the field armed entirely
-with breech-loading firearms. In the War of Secession a portion of
-the Federal troops were, towards the end of the struggle, armed with
-breech-loading rifles; but now the entire Prussian army marched forth
-with breech-loaders, to battle against an army which still retained
-the muzzle-loading rifle. Great as was the superiority of the needle
-gun over the Austrian musket, it would seem but a sorry weapon at
-the present day. The breech mechanism was clumsy, the cartridge case
-was made of paper, the accuracy of the rifle did not extend beyond
-300 yards, and its extreme range was scarcely more than twice that
-distance. Yet this rifle was the best infantry weapon of the time, and
-it contributed greatly to the success of the Prussians. The Prussian
-artillery was armed mainly with steel breech-loading rifled guns. These
-guns were classed as 6-pounders and 4-pounders, though the larger piece
-fired a shell weighing 15 lbs., and the smaller one used a similar
-projectile weighing 9 lbs.[1] Shell fire seems to have been exclusively
-used, and the shells to have been uniformly provided with percussion
-fuses.
-
-In the Austrian army the artillery was provided with bronze
-muzzle-loading rifled guns, classified as 8-pdrs. and 4-pdrs. The
-infantry was armed with the muzzle-loading Lorenz rifle.
-
-The German allies of Austria could place about 150,000 men in the
-field; Italy, about 200,000.
-
-
-THE GEOGRAPHICAL SITUATION.
-
-The geographical situation was unfavorable to Prussia. The map of
-Germany, as it existed before the Austro-Prussian war, shows Rhineland
-and Westphalia completely separated from the other provinces of Prussia
-by the hostile territory of Hanover and Hesse-Cassel, which, extending
-from the north, joined the South German States which were in arms
-against the northern kingdom. The Austrian province of Bohemia, with
-the adjacent kingdom of Saxony, formed a salient, pushing forward,
-as it were, into the Prussian dominions, and furnishing a base from
-which either Silesia or Lusatia might be invaded. In the language of
-the Prussian Staff History of the Campaign of 1866: “In one direction
-stood the Saxon army as a powerful advanced guard only six or seven
-marches distant from the Prussian capital, which is protected from the
-south by no considerable vantage ground; in the other Breslau could
-the more easily be reached in five marches, because, trusting to a
-former federal compact with Austria, Schweidnitz had been given up as
-a fortress.” The forces of Hanover and Hesse-Cassel, numbering 25,000
-men, could operate against the communications of the Prussian armies,
-or withdraw to the south and unite with the Austrians or Bavarians. The
-South German armies might form a junction in Saxony or Bohemia with the
-Austro-Saxon army.
-
-
-THE PLANS OF VON MOLTKE AND VON BENEDEK, AND THE DISPOSITIONS OF THE
-OPPOSING ARMIES.
-
-The Prussian army was commanded by the King. His chief-of-staff was
-Baron Hellmuth Von Moltke, a soldier of reputation in Prussia, but as
-yet almost unknown beyond the boundaries of his own country.
-
-The object of Von Moltke was to protect the Prussian rear by defeating
-the Hanoverian and Hessian troops; to prevent a junction of these
-troops with their South German allies; to “contain” the latter with
-as small a force as possible, and to hurl the crushing weight of the
-Prussian forces upon the Austro-Saxon army.
-
-On the 14th of June the Prussian armies were stationed as follows:
-
-The “Army of the Elbe,” consisting of three divisions, two cavalry
-brigades and 144 guns, in cantonments round Torgau, under command of
-General Herwarth Von Bittenfeld;
-
-The “First Army,” consisting of three army corps, a cavalry corps of
-six brigades, and 300 guns, near Görlitz, under command of Prince
-Frederick Charles;
-
-The “Second Army,” consisting of four army corps, a cavalry division of
-three brigades, and 336 guns, in the vicinity of Neisse, under command
-of the Crown Prince.
-
-Besides the three main armies, there were other forces stationed as
-follows:
-
-One division at Altona, in Holstein, under Von Manteuffel;
-
-One division at Minden, under Vogel Von Falckenstein;
-
-One division (made up principally of the Prussian garrisons withdrawn
-from the Federal fortresses of Mayence, Rastadt and Frankfort) at
-Wetzlar, under Von Beyer.
-
-The Austrian “Army of the North” was posted as follows:
-
-Ist Corps, at Prague, Teplitz, Theresienstadt and Josephstadt;
-
-IInd Corps, near Bömisch Trübau;
-
-IVth Corps, near Teschen;
-
-VIth Corps, at Olmütz;
-
-IIId Corps, at Brünn;
-
-Xth Corps at Brünn;
-
-VIIIth Corps, in the neighborhood of Austerlitz.
-
-To these corps were attached five divisions of cavalry and more than
-750 guns.
-
-This army was under command of Field Marshal Von Benedek, an officer of
-great experience and high reputation.
-
-The Saxon army, 25,000 strong, with fifty-eight guns, was at Dresden,
-under command of the Crown Prince of Saxony.
-
-The Bavarian army was concentrating on the line of the Main between
-Amberg and Würzburg. It numbered 52,000 men, and was under command of
-Prince Charles of Bavaria.
-
-The VIIIth Federal Corps was forming at Frankfort. It consisted of the
-contingents of Würtemberg, Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt and Nassau, and an
-Austrian division drawn from the Federal fortresses. It numbered about
-42,000 men, and was under the command of Prince Alexander of Hesse.
-
-The Vth, VIIth and IXth Austrian corps, under the Archduke Albrecht,
-were in Venetia, opposed to an Italian army of four corps.
-
-Von Benedek expected to assume the offensive and invade Prussia. He
-had announced this intention before the beginning of hostilities, even
-going so far as to prescribe rules for the behavior of his soldiers
-while in the enemy’s country. It is hard to understand (in the light of
-subsequent events) the slight esteem in which the Austrians held their
-opponents before the commencement of hostilities. In a general order
-issued to his army on June 17, 1866, the Austrian commander says: “We
-are now faced by inimical forces, composed partly of troops of the line
-and partly of Landwehr. The first comprises young men not accustomed
-to privations and fatigue, and who have never yet made an important
-campaign; the latter is composed of doubtful and dissatisfied elements,
-which, rather than fight against us, would prefer the downfall of their
-government. In consequence of a long course of years of peace, the
-enemy does not possess a single general who has had an opportunity of
-learning his duties on the field of battle.”
-
-Von Benedek’s unfavorable opinion of his adversaries was probably
-shared by many other prominent European soldiers; for the excellence of
-the military system of Prussia was, as yet, not appreciated by other
-nations. Absurd as Von Benedek’s order now appears, it seems to have
-excited no unfavorable comment at the time of its appearance; and, in
-fact, the expectation of Austrian success was quite general in Europe.
-
-On the 15th of June the Austrian outposts were notified of the
-intention of the Prussians to begin hostilities, and war was formally
-declared against Hanover, Hesse-Cassel and Saxony. Within twenty-four
-hours after the declaration of war, the invasion of each of these minor
-states was begun.
-
-
-OPERATIONS AGAINST THE HESSIANS AND HANOVERIANS.[2]
-
-Von Falckenstein from Minden, and Von Manteuffel from Altona, moved
-upon Hanover, and Von Beyer invaded Hesse-Cassel from Wetzlar. On
-the night of the 15th the Hanoverian army, accompanied by the blind
-monarch, King George, retreated, chiefly by rail, to Göttingen; the
-retreat being conducted in such haste that even the reserve ammunition
-and hospital supplies were left behind. On the 17th Von Falckenstein
-entered the Hanoverian capital; on the 19th Von Manteuffel marched into
-the city; and by the 22d all Hanover, except Göttingen, was in the
-possession of the Prussians.
-
-Von Beyer pushed into Hesse-Cassel, the Hessian army retiring before
-him, by way of Fulda, upon Hanau, where it formed a junction with the
-Federal forces. On the 19th the Prussians entered Cassel, and an army
-was thus placed across the path of the retreating Hanoverians.
-
-The Hanoverian army, which had been compelled to wait several days
-at Göttingen to complete its organization, resumed its march on the
-21st, intending to cross a portion of the Prussian territory _via_
-Heiligenstadt and Langensalza, and thence through Eisenach or Gotha, to
-form a junction with the Bavarians in the neighborhood of Fulda. Von
-Falckenstein pursued from Hanover, detachments were sent from Magdeburg
-and Erfurt to Bleicherode and Eisenach, and Von Beyer occupied the
-line of the Werra between Allendorf and Eisenach. Though the route
-through Eisenach was thus blocked, energetic measures on the part of
-the allies might easily have extricated the Hanoverian army from the
-constricting grasp of the Prussians. Gotha was occupied by a weak
-force of six battalions, two squadrons and three batteries, while
-the retreating army numbered 20,500 men. Had the Bavarian army been
-well prepared and ably led, a junction might have been formed with
-the Hanoverians, and the Prussian force at Gotha captured. But the
-Bavarian commander was inefficient, and the over-estimate placed by
-King George upon the number of his enemies at Gotha was strengthened
-by the receipt, from the commander of the petty force, of an audacious
-summons to surrender. Negotiations were entered upon by the Prussian
-and Hanoverian representatives; but the armistice (begun on the 24th
-and continued until the 26th) produced no other result than the
-reinforcement of the force at Gotha; General Von Flies, with five
-battalions, being detached from Von Falckenstein’s army, and sent by
-rail, _via_ Magdeburg and Halle, to Gotha.
-
-At Treffurt, Kreutzberg, Eisenach and Gotha, points on a semi-circle in
-front of the Hanoverians, and within a day’s march of them, were nearly
-30,000 Prussians.
-
-On the 27th General Von Flies, advancing through Warza upon
-Langensalza, with about 9,000 men, struck the army of King George,
-which was well posted on the left bank of the Unstrut river. A battle
-followed, in which the Hanoverians defeated Von Flies, and drove his
-army several miles towards Warza.
-
-But the Hanoverian victory was a barren one. Von Flies was reinforced
-at Warza by a strong detachment from Von Goeben’s division at Eisenach.
-Von Goeben and Von Beyer advanced from Eisenach upon Langensalza,
-and Von Manteuffel, moving _via_ Heiligenstadt, Worbis, Dingelstadt,
-Mühlhausen and Gross Gottern, closed upon the Hanoverians from the
-north. The army of King George was now surrounded by 40,000 Prussians,
-united under the command of Von Falckenstein. Further resistance was
-hopeless, and on the 29th of June the Hanoverians surrendered. The men
-were dismissed to their homes, the officers were paroled, and King
-George was banished from his kingdom.
-
-
-THE INVASION OF SAXONY, AND ITS RESULTS.
-
-In the meantime the main armies had not been idle. The invasion of
-Saxony was begun on the 16th of June by the Army of the Elbe and the
-First Army. On the night of the 15th of June the Saxon army began its
-retreat to Bohemia, detachments of pioneers tearing up the railroad
-track between Rieza and Dresden, and between the latter city and
-Bautzen. The work of destruction, except the burning of the bridge at
-Rieza, was hurriedly and imperfectly done, and did not appreciably
-delay the Prussian advance. The Army of the Elbe advanced from Torgau,
-_via_ Wurzen, Dahlen and Strehla; a division to each road, and a
-detachment from the right division moving _via_ Ostrau and Dobeln to
-cover the right flank. The First Army advanced from the neighborhood
-of Görlitz, through Löbau and Bautzen, a strong detachment being sent
-out on the Zittau road, beyond Ostritz, to observe the passes of
-Reichenberg and Gabel, for the army was making a flank march, and the
-Austrians might attack through these passes. A cavalry detachment was
-pushed out through Bischofswerda to feel the left of the Army of the
-Elbe.
-
-On the 18th of June the Army of the Elbe occupied Dresden, and pushed
-its outposts beyond the city as far as Lockwitz and Pillnitz. On
-the following day the junction of the two armies was perfected. The
-1st Reserve Division was sent from Berlin to reinforce Herwarth Von
-Bittenfeld, and the combined forces of the Army of the Elbe and the
-First Army were placed under the command of Prince Frederick Charles.
-To guard against a possible invasion of Saxony by the Bavarians,
-measures were at once taken to fortify Dresden, which was occupied
-by the 2nd Reserve Division from Berlin; Leipsic and Chemnitz were
-occupied by Landwehr; and the Leipsic-Plauen railway beyond Werdau was
-destroyed.
-
-On the 17th of June the Emperor of Austria issued a manifesto, in which
-he formally announced to his subjects the state of war existing between
-Austria and Prussia. Italy declared war against Austria three days
-later.
-
-We can now see the immense results following from the thorough military
-preparation of Prussia. Launching, as it were, a thunderbolt of
-military force upon her enemies at the first moment of war, less than
-two weeks sufficed for the complete conquest of Hanover, Hesse-Cassel
-and Saxony. Indeed, four days had sufficed for the seizure of the
-last two. The King of Hanover had been dethroned; the Elector of
-Hesse-Cassel was a prisoner, and the King of Saxony was a fugitive with
-his army in Bohemia. The military results were even greater than the
-political consequences. The severed portions of the Prussian kingdom
-were united. The Hanoverian army had been eliminated from the military
-problem, and there was no longer any menace to Prussia from the rear.
-Von Falckenstein was now free to turn his undivided attention to the
-Bavarians and the Federal Corps, and the occupation of Saxony prevented
-all possibility of a junction of the Bavarian and Saxon armies. But the
-strategical advantages gained in regard to operations in Bohemia were
-the grandest result of the occupation of Saxony.
-
-We have seen that on the 14th of June the Army of the Elbe was
-around Torgau, the First Army near Görlitz; and the Second Army in
-the vicinity of Neisse; being thus separated from each other by from
-100 to 125 miles. The Second Army covered Breslau, the Army of the
-Elbe covered Berlin, and the First Army was in a position to support
-either of the others. Geographical circumstances thus compelled the
-separation of the Prussian armies, and only two of them were available
-for the invasion of Bohemia. The occupation of Saxony changed matters
-for the better. The distance between the Army of the Elbe and the First
-Army was reduced to the extent of actual junction, and these combined
-armies were only about 120 miles from Landshut, where the right of the
-Second Army now rested, and with which there was communication by means
-of the hill road of Schreiberschau. The entire force was now available
-for the invasion of Bohemia; the northern passes of the Bohemian
-frontier were secured; and if compelled to act upon the defensive,
-Frederick Charles could find in the mountains of Southern Saxony many
-advantageous positions for defensive battle.
-
-The Prussian plan of operations required an advance of Frederick
-Charles’ armies from Saxony into Bohemia, and an invasion of that
-province by the Second Army, advancing from Silesia; both armies
-to unite at Gitschin, or in its vicinity. It is clear that in thus
-advancing from divergent bases, the Prussians gave to their adversary
-the advantage of operating by interior lines; generally a serious
-military error, as the general operating by interior lines, holding
-one of the opponent’s armies by a containing force, and falling with
-superior numbers upon the other, may defeat both in succession. Von
-Moltke’s plan was, however, sound and proper, for the following reasons:
-
-1. The geographical configuration of the Prussian frontier compelled
-the separation of the Prussian armies, in order that Lusatia and
-Silesia might both be protected from Austrian invasion; and the
-only possible concentration that would not yield to the enemy the
-advantage of the initiative, and permit him to invade Prussia, was a
-concentration to the front, in the hostile territory.
-
-2. The entire army “could not have advanced in effective order by one
-set of mountain roads, but would have extended in columns so lengthened
-that it would have been impossible to form to a front commensurate
-with its numbers.”
-
-3. The re-entering base of the Prussians would enable each of their
-armies to cover its communications with its base, while one of these
-armies would surely menace the communications of the Austrians, if Von
-Benedek should advance against either.
-
-4. The certainty that the Prussian armies could act with celerity, and
-the probability that the Austrian army was not yet fully prepared for
-prompt offensive maneuvers, justified the hope that the concentration
-might be effected at a point some distance in front of the enemy’s
-line. The distance from Görlitz and Neisse to Gitschin was less than
-the distance from Olmütz, Brünn and Bömisch Trübau to the same point,
-and there was an excellent prospect of being able to concentrate before
-Von Benedek could get his army well in hand to strike the Prussian
-armies separately.
-
-5. By keeping up telegraphic communication between the two separated
-armies, their co-operation and simultaneous action could be assured.
-
-6. If the Prussians could reach the Iser and the Elbe without serious
-check, the contracted theatre of operations would render Von Benedek’s
-interior position one of danger, rather than one of advantage. Von
-Moltke himself, in commenting upon his strategical combination, says:
-“If it is advantageous for a general to place his army on an interior
-line of operation, it is necessary, in order that he may profit by
-it, to have sufficient space to enable him to move against one of
-his adversaries at a distance of several days’ march, and to have
-time enough then to return against the other. If this space is very
-contracted, he will run the risk of having both adversaries on his
-hands at once. When an army, on the field of battle, is attacked in
-front and on the flank, it avails nothing that it is on an interior
-line of operations. That which was a strategical advantage becomes a
-tactical disadvantage. If the Prussians were allowed to advance to the
-Iser and to the Elbe, if the several defiles which it was necessary to
-pass fell into their power, it is evident that it would be extremely
-perilous to advance between their two armies. In attacking one, the
-risk would be incurred of being attacked in rear by the other.” The
-combination, on the field of battle, of the two armies operating from
-divergent bases, would admit of just such a front and flank attack
-as would convert Von Benedek’s strategical advantage into a serious
-tactical disadvantage. It would be a repetition of Waterloo.
-
-7. A failure to unite before encountering the main force of the enemy,
-though unfortunate, would not necessarily have been disastrous.
-According to Jomini, the advantages of an interior position diminish as
-the armies operating increase in size; for the following reasons:
-
-(a). “Considering the difficulty of finding ground and time necessary
-to bring a very large force into action on the day of the battle, an
-army of 130,000 or 140,000 men may easily resist a much larger force.
-
-(b). “If driven from the field, there will be at least 100,000 men to
-protect and insure an orderly retreat and effect a junction with one of
-the other armies.
-
-(c). “The central army ... requires such a quantity of provisions,
-munitions, horses and _materiel_ of every kind, that it will possess
-less mobility and facility in shifting its efforts from one part of
-the zone to another; to say nothing of the impossibility of obtaining
-provisions from a region too restricted to support such numbers.
-
-(d). “The bodies of observation detached from the central mass to hold
-in check two armies of 135,000 men each must be very strong (from
-80,000 to 90,000 each); and, being of such magnitude, if they are drawn
-into a serious engagement, they will probably suffer reverses, the
-effect of which might outweigh the advantages gained by the principal
-army.”
-
-Finally, the increased defensive power given to infantry by the
-introduction of breech-loading rifles might be counted upon to increase
-greatly the probability of either of the Prussian armies being able to
-fight successfully a _purely defensive_ battle against the entire army
-of Von Benedek, armed, as it was, with muzzle-loaders.
-
-In view of these reasons, Von Moltke’s strategy was not only
-justifiable, but perfect. The Prussian objective was the Austrian army,
-wherever it might be.
-
-Before the commencement of hostilities Von Benedek had, as we have
-seen, announced his intention of invading Prussia. Two routes offered
-themselves to his choice: one by way of Görlitz and Bautzen to Berlin;
-the other by way of the valley of the Oder into Silesia. The latter
-route was obstructed by the fortresses of Glatz, Neisse and Kosel;
-the former would have led to the unobstructed occupation of Saxony,
-and would have enabled the Bavarian army to concentrate, _via_ the
-passes of the Saale and Wittenberg, with the Austrians and Saxons.
-But, at a time when minutes were worth millions, Von Benedek was slow;
-and the preparation and energy of the Prussians enabled them to take
-the initiative and throw the Austrians upon the defensive in Bohemia.
-Von Benedek then decided to concentrate his army in the vicinity of
-Josephstadt and Königinhof; to hold the strong defiles of the Iser or
-the Elbe with comparatively weak detachments, and throw his main army
-upon the Crown Prince or Frederick Charles, as circumstances might
-decide.
-
-Von Benedek’s concentration began on the 18th of June; and on the 25th
-his army stood as follows:
-
-The Ist Corps, with one brigade of the IIIrd Corps and a cavalry
-division, on the left bank of the Iser, from Turnau, through
-Müchengrätz to Jung Buntzlau, where the retreating Saxons formed on the
-left.
-
-The Xth Corps, with one cavalry division, at Jaromir.
-
-The IVth Corps at Opocno.
-
-The VIth Corps at Solnitz.
-
-The IIIrd Corps on the left of the VIth, at Tynist.
-
-The VIIIth Corps at Wamberg.
-
-The IId Corps at Geyersberg.
-
-Four cavalry divisions were at Gabel, Leitomischel, Abtsdorf and
-Policzka, respectively.
-
-The force on the Iser, under Count Clam-Gallas, was thus opposed to
-the entire army of Frederick Charles; while Von Benedek confronted
-the Crown Prince with six corps. The Austrian line extended beyond
-Gitschin, the point at which the Prussian armies were to concentrate.
-
-
-THE INVASION OF BOHEMIA.
-
-It was now certain that Bohemia was to be the theater of war. This
-province of the Austrian Empire may be described as a huge basin,
-whose rim is composed of mountains. It is separated from Silesia by
-the Riesengebirge (Giant Mountains), from Saxony by the Erzgebirge
-(Iron Mountains), from Moravia by the Moravian Hills, and from Bavaria
-by the Fichtelgebirge and the Böhmerwald; the Moravian Hills and the
-Böhmerwald separating it from the valley of the Danube. This great
-basin is drained by the Elbe river, which, rising in the Riesengebirge,
-makes a huge loop, flowing first south, then west, and finally north,
-and receives the waters of the Iser, Adler, Moldau and Eger rivers
-before it issues forth from the Bohemian frontier into Saxony. This
-theater is well suited to defensive operations, as the mountain
-frontiers are penetrated by few passes, and the forests and rivers
-constitute additional obstacles. On the Silesian frontier the only
-issues by which an invader can enter Bohemia are the passes of
-Trautenau, Eypel, Kosteletz, Nachod and Neustadt. These passes could
-all be easily defended, while on the Saxon frontier the passes of
-Reichenberg, Gabel and Königstein-Tetschen could be used by retarding
-forces, which could afterwards find a strong defensive line on the Iser.
-
-[Illustration: No. 2. 1st. ARMY ON 22ND., 23RD. & 24TH. JUNE.]
-
-Two railway lines lay in the theater of war, and were of great
-importance to the contending armies. One line ran from Vienna, _via_
-Kosel, Breslau and Görlitz, to Dresden. The other connected the
-Austrian capital with Prague, _via_ Olmütz (or Brünn) and Bömisch
-Trübau. The two lines were joined by a railway from Dresden to Prague,
-and by one which, running from Löbau to Turnau, branched from the
-latter point to Prague and Pardubitz. These railways connected with
-others leading to all the important cities of Prussia. The two Prussian
-armies could cover their railway communications while advancing; but
-the Prague-Olmütz line, which was of vital importance to the Austrian
-army, ran parallel to, and dangerously near, the Silesian frontier, and
-was not covered by the Austrian front during the operations in Bohemia.
-
-The Prussian advance began on the 20th of June. The Army of the
-Elbe marched from the vicinity of Dresden, _via_ Stolpen, Neustadt,
-Schluckenau and Rumburg, to Gabel. As the greater part of this march
-had to be made by one road, it required six days, though the distance
-was only 65 miles. The First Army had concentrated at Zittau, Herrnhut,
-Hirschfelde, Seidenberg and Marklissa. From these points it began its
-march on the 22d of June, each division marching by a separate road;
-and on the 25th it was closely concentrated around Reichenberg. The
-entire Prussian front was now reduced to about 100 miles, and Herwarth
-Von Bittenfeld was only twelve miles from Frederick Charles.
-
-It would have been dangerous in the extreme for the Crown Prince to
-begin his march while Von Benedek held six corps in hand to hurl
-upon him. The passage of the Second Army through the defiles depended
-on surprise; and in the face of a superior and concentrated army, it
-would have been a desperate undertaking. It was necessary, therefore,
-to distract the plans of the enemy by false maneuvers, and to wait for
-Frederick Charles to menace the Austrian left, on the Iser, before
-beginning the forward movement with the Second Army. With these objects
-in view, the VIth Corps was ordered to push forward towards Olmütz,
-and Frederick Charles received the following instructions from Von
-Moltke: “Since the difficult task of debouching from the mountains
-falls upon the Second, weaker, Army, so, as soon as the junction
-with Herwarth’s corps is effected, the First Army must, by its rapid
-advance, shorten the crisis.” The VIth Corps moved from Neisse into
-the Austrian dominions as far as Freiwaldau, where its advanced-guard
-had a successful skirmish with a party of Austrian cavalry. This corps
-was supposed by the Austrians to be the advanced-guard of the Crown
-Prince’s army marching upon Olmütz; and the demonstration had the
-effect of holding a large force of Austrians between Hohenmauth and
-Bömisch Trübau, where it could not be used to oppose the real advance
-of the Second Army.
-
-The Crown Prince’s army was to move as follows:
-
-The Ist Corps[3] _via_ Liebau and Trautenau, to Arnau;
-
-The Guards, _via_ Neurode, Braunau, Eypel, to Königinhof;
-
-The Vth Corps, _via_ Glatz, Reinerz, Nachod, to Gradlitz;
-
-The cavalry, from Waldenburg, _via_ Trautenau, to Königinhof.
-
-[Illustration: No. 1. PROPOSED ADVANCE OF 2ND. ARMY FROM 25TH. TO 28TH.
- JUNE.]
-
-[Illustration: No. 3. POSITION OF BOTH ARMIES ON THE EVENING OF THE
- 25TH. JUNE.]
-
-The VIth Corps, having made the diversion to Freiwaldau, was withdrawn
-to Glatz and Patschkau, from which points it was to follow the Vth.
-A corps of observation, consisting of two regiments of infantry, one
-of cavalry, and a light battery, was detached at Ratibor to make
-demonstrations against Austrian Silesia. In case this detachment
-should encounter a large force of the enemy, it was to fall back upon
-the fortress of Kosel. During the campaign an unimportant war of
-detachments was carried on in this region, generally to the advantage
-of the Prussians.
-
-
-JUNE 26TH.
-
-On the 26th of June the Army of the Elbe marched upon Niemes and
-Oschitz. The advanced-guard encountered an Austrian outpost near
-Hühnerwasser, and drove it back after a sharp skirmish. The main body
-of the Army of the Elbe bivouacked at Hühnerwasser, with outposts
-towards Weisswasser, Münchengrätz and Gablonz. In the evening there was
-another brisk outpost fight in the direction of Münchengrätz, in which
-the Austrians were again worsted.
-
-In the First Army the advance on this day was begun by General Von
-Horn, whose division had held the outposts the night before. At
-Liebenau Von Horn struck the Austrians, whose force consisted of a
-small body of infantry, four regiments of cavalry and two batteries of
-horse artillery. Driven out of the village, and from the field where
-they next made a stand, the Austrians retreated across the Iser, _via_
-Turnau, to Podol. The First Army now occupied a position extending
-through Reichenberg, Gablonz, Liebenau and Turnau; Von Horn’s division
-extending down the Iser from Turnau, with outposts near Podol. Free
-communication--in fact a junction--was now established with the Army of
-the Elbe, one division of which occupied Bömisch Aicha.
-
-An attempt made by a company of Prussian riflemen to seize the bridges
-at Podol, about dusk in the evening, brought on a sharp fight. The
-forces on each side were reinforced until parts of two Prussian and two
-Austrian brigades were engaged. A stubborn infantry battle was carried
-on by moonlight until 1 o’clock in the morning, when the Austrians
-retreated towards Münchengrätz. By this victory the Prussians secured
-the passage of the Iser at Podol; the shortest line to Gitschin was
-opened to them; the communications of Count Clam-Gallas with the main
-army were threatened; and a plan which he had formed to _riposte_ upon
-the Prussians at Turnau was thwarted.
-
-We will now turn to the Second Army. On this day the Ist Corps
-concentrated at Liebau and Schomberg, ready to cross the frontier.
-The Vth Corps was at Reinerz, about twenty miles from the Ist.
-The Guard Corps, which had just crossed the frontier, in front of
-Neurode, midway between the two corps, was in a position to support
-either. The VIth Corps was at Landeck and Glatz, part of its cavalry
-being sent forward to cover the left of the Vth Corps and maintain
-communication between the two. After passing the mountains, the entire
-army, pivoted on Nachod and Skalitz, was to wheel to the left, seize
-the Josephstadt-Turnau railway, and form a junction along that line
-with the armies of Frederick Charles. On the evening of the 26th, the
-advanced-guard of the Vth Corps occupied Nachod. The distance between
-the Crown Prince and Frederick Charles had now been reduced to about
-fifty miles, while the distance between the extreme corps of the
-Austrian army was about the same. Von Benedek’s strategical advantages
-were already beginning to disappear. The Prussian demonstrations
-towards Olmütz had caused the Austrian IId Corps to be retained
-dangerously far to the right; Count Clam-Gallas was struggling against
-superior numbers on the Iser, and Von Benedek had only four corps with
-which he could immediately oppose the four corps of the Crown Prince.
-
-[Illustration: No. 4. POSITION OF BOTH ARMIES ON THE EVENING OF THE
- 26TH. JUNE.]
-
-The Austrian commander ordered the following movements for the next
-day:
-
-The Xth Corps, from Josephstadt and Schurz, upon Trautenau;
-
-The VIth Corps, from Opocno to Skalitz;
-
-The IVth Corps, from Lanzow to Jaromir;
-
-The VIIIth Corps, from Tynist to beyond Jaromir, to support the VIth;
-
-The IIId Corps, from Königgrätz to Miletin;
-
-The IId Corps, from Senftenberg to Solnitz;
-
-The Reserve Cavalry, from Hohenmauth and Wildenschwerdt to Hohenbrück;
-
-The Light Cavalry to accompany the IId Corps.
-
-
-JUNE 27TH.
-
-On the 27th of June the Crown Prince pushed forward the Ist Corps
-against Trautenau, and the main body of the Vth Corps upon Nachod. One
-division of the Guard supported each corps.
-
-The Ist Corps, under Von Bonin, marched in two columns from Liebau and
-Schomberg, and was to concentrate at Parschnitz, about two miles east
-of Trautenau, where it was to rest two hours before moving upon the
-latter place.
-
-Contrary to expectation, the left column arrived first at Parschnitz,
-the right (with the advanced-guard) being delayed by bad roads.
-Trautenau was as yet unoccupied by the Austrians; but instead of
-seizing the town and the heights which overlooked it, on the farther
-bank of the Aupa river, Von Clausewitz (commanding the left column)
-obeyed the strict letter of his orders, and waited at Parschnitz two
-hours, from 8 to 10 A. M., until the advanced guard of the right column
-arrived.
-
-While Von Clausewitz was thus idly waiting, Mondl’s brigade of the
-Xth Austrian Corps arrived, and took up a strong position in the town
-and on the heights which commanded it. A stubborn fight took place
-before the Austrians could be dislodged; and Mondl fell back in good
-order upon the main body of the Xth Corps, which was hurrying towards
-Trautenau. Believing himself in complete possession of the field, Von
-Bonin, at 1 o’clock, declined the assistance of the 1st Division of
-Guards, which had hurried up to Parschnitz, and the division, after a
-halt of two hours, marched off to the left, towards Eypel. About half
-past 3 o’clock the entire Xth Corps, under Von Gablentz, arrived on
-the field, and made a vigorous attack upon the Prussians. Von Bonin’s
-left wing was turned; and, after fighting six hours, the Prussians were
-driven from the field, and retreated to the positions from which they
-had begun their march in the morning.
-
-The Prussian defeat was due to two causes:
-
-1. The delay of Von Clausewitz at Parschnitz, when common sense should
-have prompted him to exceed his orders, and seize the unoccupied town
-and heights of Trautenau. For two hours these positions were completely
-undefended by the Austrians, and could have been occupied by Von
-Clausewitz without firing a shot.[4]
-
-2. The fatuity of Von Bonin in declining the assistance of the Guards.
-Von Bonin knew that Mondl had not been routed, that he had fallen
-back “slowly and fighting,” and he did not know what other force
-might be in his immediate front. He had no reason to expect that he
-would be allowed to pass through the defile without the most stubborn
-opposition. He knew that he had been opposed by a single brigade,
-and the plucky resistance of that small force should have made him
-suspicious that it had stronger forces at its back. His orders were
-to push on to Arnau, some twelve miles from Trautenau, and to carry
-out these orders it was necessary to sweep aside the opposition in
-his front. His declension of assistance when the firing had scarcely
-ceased, and when the aid of the Guards would have enabled him to
-clinch his success, was inexcusable. Like Beauregard at Shiloh, Von
-Bonin seems to have labored under the delusion that a victory could
-be sufficiently complete while the enemy’s army still remained in his
-front.[5]
-
-The Austrians had certainly gained a brilliant victory. With a force
-of 33,600 men, they had defeated 35,000 Prussians, armed, too, with
-breech-loaders, while the victors had only muzzle-loading rifles.
-The loss of the Prussians was 56 officers and 1,282 men, while the
-Austrians lost 196 officers and more than 5,000 men. This disparity of
-loss illustrates the difference in the power of the old and the new
-rifles; it also speaks volumes for the pluck of the Austrian soldiers.
-
-But the Austrian victory was doomed to be as fruitless as it was
-costly; for Prussian skill and valor on other fields obliterated all
-that was gained by Von Gablentz in the bloody combat of Trautenau.
-
-The march of the Vth Corps, under Von Steinmetz, lay through the defile
-of Nachod, five miles in length, in which the entire corps was obliged
-to march in a single column. The advanced-guard, which had seized
-Nachod the night before, pushed forward rapidly, beyond the outlet
-of the defile, to the junction of the roads leading to Skalitz and
-Neustadt, where it received orders to halt, and thus cover the issue of
-the main body through the defile. While the advanced-guard was making
-preparations for bivouacking, its commander, General Von Loewenfeldt,
-received news of the approach of the Austrian VIth Corps, which, as we
-have seen, had been ordered upon Nachod. Hastily forming for action,
-the Prussian advanced guard received the attack of a brigade, which was
-reinforced until nearly the whole Austrian corps was engaged. It was a
-desperate struggle of six and one-half battalions, five squadrons and
-twelve guns, against twenty-one battalions, eighty guns and a greatly
-superior force of cavalry. For three hours the advanced-guard sustained
-the unequal conflict, with no other reinforcement than Wnuck’s cavalry
-brigade. The Prussian force, in one line 3,000 paces long, without
-reserves, was sorely pressed, until the main body began to issue from
-the defile and deploy upon the field. The entire Austrian corps was now
-engaged. Finally, after a successful charge of Wnuck’s cavalry brigade
-upon the Austrian cuirassiers, and the repulse of a heavy infantry
-attack, Von Steinmetz assumed the offensive, and the Austrians,
-defeated with great loss, retreated to Skalitz. In the latter part of
-this action the Prussians were under the immediate command of the Crown
-Prince. The Prussian loss was 1,122, killed and wounded; the Austrians
-lost 7,510, of which number about 2,500 were prisoners.
-
-[Illustration: No. 5. POSITION OF BOTH ARMIES ON THE EVENING OF THE
- 27TH. JUNE.]
-
-The 1st Division of the Guards halted this night at Eypel; the 2d
-Division at Kosteletz.
-
-This day, which had seen two bloody actions fought by the Second Army,
-was one of inaction on the part of the armies of Frederick Charles. The
-day was consumed in constructing bridges across the Iser, at Turnau and
-Podol, and in concentrating the main body of the army on the plateau
-of Sichrow, preparatory to an attack upon the Austrian position at
-Münchengrätz.
-
-
-JUNE 28TH.
-
-The First Army and the Army of the Elbe made a combined attack upon
-Count Clam-Gallas at Münchengrätz, the Austrians being assailed in
-front and on both flanks. The Austrian commander had begun his retreat
-before the Prussian attack commenced; and after a brief resistance,
-he fell back upon Gitschin, with a loss of about 2,000 men, killed,
-wounded and prisoners. The Prussian loss was only 341. The armies of
-Frederick Charles were now completely united. One division was pushed
-forward to Rowensko, and the remaining eight, numbering, with the
-cavalry, upwards of 100,000 men, were concentrated upon an area of
-about twenty square miles. Some distress began to be felt because of
-the short supply of food and the difficulty of getting water; for only
-part of the provision trains had come up, and the Austrian inhabitants,
-when they abandoned their homes, had filled up the wells. Two roads led
-east from the Prussian position; one _via_ Podkost, and the other _via_
-Fürstenbrück, but both united at Sobotka. The Austrian rear guard was
-driven from Podkost during the night, and both roads were open for the
-Prussian advance on the following morning.
-
-Frederick Charles has been severely (and it would seem justly)
-criticised for his inaction on the 27th of June. His explicit
-instructions from Von Moltke should have been enough to cause him to
-hasten forward, and so threaten the Austrian left as to relieve the
-pressure on the Crown Prince. And there was another reason for prompt
-action. As already mentioned, the victory of Podol had opened to
-Frederick Charles the shortest line to Gitschin, from which place he
-was now distant only fifteen miles, while Clam-Gallas, at Münchengrätz,
-was twenty miles away from the same point. The town of Gitschin, like
-Ivrea in 1800, or Sombref and Quatre-Bras in 1815, had accidentally
-become a strategic point of the first importance by reason of the
-relative positions of the opposing armies and the direction of the
-roads necessary for the concentration of each. All the roads leading
-from the Iser, from Turnau to Jung Bunzlau, center at Gitschin,
-whence other roads branch out to Neu Bidsow, Königgrätz, Josephstadt,
-Königinhof, and other important points. The possession of Gitschin by
-either army would seriously delay, and perhaps eventually prevent, the
-concentration of the other. A prompt movement to Gitschin by Frederick
-Charles would have cut off Clam-Gallas, who could then have effected
-a junction with Von Benedek only by a circuitous march of such length
-as to make it probable that his two corps would have been eliminated
-altogether from the problem solved on the field of Königgrätz. As the
-Austro-Saxons at Münchengrätz, covering the roads to Prague, could
-have protected their communications with that city, while menacing the
-communications of the Prussians with their base, it was, doubtless,
-necessary to dislodge them from that position; but Frederick Charles
-might have promptly pushed to Gitschin a force sufficient to seize and
-hold the place, and still have kept in hand enough troops to defeat
-Clam-Gallas so heavily as to drive him back in complete rout; for
-Frederick Charles’ force numbered, at this time, nearly 140,000 men,
-while Clam-Gallas had not more than 60,000.
-
-This movement would not have really divided Frederick Charles’ army,
-for the force at Gitschin and the one attacking at Münchengrätz would
-have been practically within supporting distance, and in direct and
-unimpeded communication with each other. Moreover, the nearest troops
-available to oppose such a force thrust forward to Gitschin would have
-been the single Austrian Corps (the IIId) which was at Miletin, quite
-as far from Gitschin as the main body of Frederick Charles’ army would
-have been. Frederick Charles’ entire army could have been at Gitschin
-quite as soon as Von Benedek could have sent thither any force large
-enough to offer respectable opposition; and the necessity of hurrying
-troops to that point would have caused the Austrian commander to
-relax materially the pressure upon the Crown Prince; a pressure which
-Frederick Charles had every reason to believe greater than it really
-was. Hozier states that the Prussian commander had formed a plan to
-capture the entire army of Clam-Gallas; but Adams truly remarks that
-the destruction of the Austro-Saxons at Münchengrätz would not have
-compensated for a severe defeat of the Crown Prince. Moreover, as we
-have seen, Clam-Gallas was not captured but fell back upon Gitschin,
-whence he was able to form a junction with the main army. Had Frederick
-Charles pushed a force to Gitschin, and with the rest of his army dealt
-Clam-Gallas such a blow as to send him reeling back towards Prague, the
-Prussian general would have reaped the double advantage of interposing
-between the divided forces of the enemy, and facilitating his own
-junction with the Crown Prince. Adams correctly says of Frederick
-Charles: “The fault attributable to the Prince is, that with a
-superiority of force at his command, which gave him unbounded advantage
-over his enemy, he refused to incur risks which that fact reduced to a
-minimum, in the general interests of the campaign.”[6]
-
-To return to the Second Army:
-
-The Crown Prince received information, at 1 o’clock in the morning, of
-the defeat of the Ist Corps at Trautenau.
-
-The 1st Division of the Guards was at once ordered to move against
-Von Gablentz from Eypel, and the 2d Division (which had been intended
-to support the Vth Corps) was ordered from Kosteletz to support the
-1st Division. The movement was begun at 4 A. M. Anticipating the
-attack, Von Gablentz took up a position facing east, with his left in
-Trautenau and his right at Prausnitz, about five miles south of the
-former village. A brigade of the Austrian IVth Corps, ordered to his
-assistance from Jaromir, mistook the route, and did not arrive in time
-to participate in the action.
-
-The Prussian attack was begun by the 1st Division of the Guards at
-9:30 A. M. The Austrian center and right were forced back upon Soor
-and Altenbach. The brigade on the Austrian left was contained by two
-Prussian battalions until the arrival of the 2d Division, at 12:30 P.
-M., when it was driven back upon Trautenau, and the greater part of it
-captured. The main body of the Austrians was driven from the field,
-and retreated upon Neustadt and Neuschloss. The Prussian loss was
-713, killed and wounded; the Austrian loss 3,674, killed, wounded and
-prisoners.
-
-[Illustration: No. 6. POSITION OF BOTH ARMIES ON THE EVENING OF THE
- 28TH. JUNE.]
-
-While the Guards were thus engaged in repairing the defeat of the
-Ist Corps, the Vth Corps was battling with the Austrians at Skalitz.
-Baron Ramming, commanding the Austrian VIth Corps, having called for
-reinforcements, Von Benedek ordered the VIIIth Corps to Dolan, about
-four miles wrest of Skalitz, and gave the command of both corps to the
-Archduke Leopold. Early on the morning of the 28th the VIIIth Corps
-relieved the VIth in its position on the east bank of the Aupa, in
-front of Skalitz, and the latter took up a position as a reserve in
-rear of the right wing. The IVth Corps was stationed at Dolan. On the
-Prussian side, Von Steinmetz had been reinforced by a brigade of the
-VIth Corps. The Austrians had begun a retrograde movement before the
-Prussian attack commenced; and the corps of Baron Ramming was already
-too far to the rear to give efficient support to the VIIIth Corps.
-After a severe action, the Austrians were driven from their position,
-and retreated upon Lanzow and Salney; the IVth Corps, as a rear guard,
-holding Dolan. The Prussian loss in the battle of Skalitz was 1,365
-killed, wounded and missing; the Austrians lost nearly 6,000 men, of
-whom 2,500 were prisoners.
-
-The battles of Soor and Skalitz opened the passes of Trautenau and
-Nachod to the unimpeded advance of the Ist and VIth Corps. During these
-battles the Crown Prince was stationed at Kosteletz, from which point
-he might easily reach either battle field, if his presence should
-become necessary. In the night he went to Trautenau.
-
-The distance between the advanced guard of Frederick Charles, at Ztowa,
-and that of the Crown Prince, at Burkersdorf (near Soor), was only
-twenty-seven miles.
-
-
-JUNE 29TH.
-
-Intelligence received at the Prussian headquarters of the battles in
-which the armies had been engaged, rendered it certain that of the
-seven Austrian army corps, the IVth, VIth, VIIIth and Xth were opposed
-to the Crown Prince, and that only the Ist Corps and the Saxons were
-arrayed against Frederick Charles. The position of the IIId Corps was
-unknown; but it was clear that it was the only one that could come to
-the assistance of Count Clam-Gallas, as the IId Corps was known to be
-far to the rear. The necessity of relieving the Crown Prince from the
-overwhelming numbers of Von Benedek,[7] and the prospect of being able
-to deliver a crushing blow upon the inferior force in his front, alike
-rendered it of the utmost importance that Frederick Charles should move
-promptly upon Gitschin. Apparently impatient at the Prince’s delay,
-Von Moltke reiterated the instructions already given him, saying,
-in a telegram from Berlin on June 29th: “His Majesty expects that a
-speedy advance of the First Army will disengage the Second Army, which,
-notwithstanding a series of successful actions, is still momentarily in
-a precarious situation.”
-
-Frederick Charles, who had already decided to advance without further
-delay, at once moved as follows:
-
-The Left, from Turnau, _via_ Rowensko;
-
-The Center, from Podol, _via_ Sabotka;
-
-The Right, from Münchengrätz, _via_ Ober Bautzen and Sabotka;
-
-The Army of the Elbe, from Münchengrätz, _via_ Unter Bautzen and Libau.
-
-The advance of the army was rendered difficult by the small number
-of roads available. The leading divisions were started as early as
-possible, to make a long march, in order that the other divisions might
-march in the evening on the same roads. It was, even then, necessary
-for the Army of the Elbe to make a long detour.
-
-Count Clam-Gallas, having been promised the assistance of the IIId
-Corps, resolved to make a stand near Gitschin. His position was on a
-range of hills west and north of that village, his right resting upon
-the village of Eisenstadt, his left on the Anna Berg, near Lochow. In
-front of the center were the rocky heights of Prywicin, which, being
-almost impassable for ordinary pedestrians, would isolate the attacks
-of the enemy, while, terminating in front of the Austrian position,
-they could not interfere with the free movements of the troops on the
-defensive. In front of the hills were ravines, gullies and broken
-ground. The position was thus very strong for an army whose _rôle_ was
-a purely defensive one.
-
-Von Tümpling’s division, (5th) leaving Rowensko at 1:30 P. M., came in
-contact with the enemy shortly after 3 o’clock. Von Werder’s division
-(3d) left Zehrow at noon; but, having a greater distance to march, did
-not strike the enemy until 5:30. Von Tümpling immediately attacked
-the Austrian right, with a view to cutting off Count Clam-Gallas from
-the main army of Von Benedek. The action continued, with varying
-fortune, until 7:30, when, Von Tümpling having carried the village of
-Dielitz, in the center of the Austrian right wing, Von Werder having
-gained ground on the left, and Von Benedek having sent word that the
-assistance of the IIId Corps could not be given, Count Clam-Gallas
-ordered a retreat. The Austrians retired in good order upon Gitschin;
-the retreat of the right wing being covered by an attack of a brigade
-upon the Prussians at Dielitz; that of the left by an attack of a
-regiment of infantry and a battalion of rifles. Both attacks were
-repulsed with heavy loss. Following the enemy, the Prussians, after
-a sharp fight with the Austrian rear guard in the streets, occupied
-Gitschin after midnight. The Prussian loss was 2,612 killed, wounded
-and missing; the Austrians lost about 7,000 men, of whom 4,000 were
-prisoners. Count Clam-Gallas reported to Von Benedek that he had been
-defeated, that he was no longer able to oppose Frederick Charles, and
-that he was retreating upon Königgrätz.
-
-Von Benedek now determined to throw his main force on Frederick
-Charles, leaving a containing force to oppose the Crown Prince. But
-with this object in view, his dispositions were faulty. Strangely
-ignoring the results of the battles of Nachod, Soor and Skalitz, he
-seems to have thought that one corps would suffice to hold the Crown
-Prince in check; and on the morning of the 29th he issued orders for
-the advance of the IIId Corps to Gitschin and the Reserve Cavalry to
-Horzitz. The IId, VIth, VIIIth and Xth were to follow on the next day
-in the direction of Lomnitz and Turnau. But during the day events
-occurred which necessitated a complete change of plan.
-
-In the Second Army the Ist Corps marched _via_ Trautenau to Pilnikau,
-and the cavalry division following it halted at Kaile, where the Crown
-Prince established his headquarters.
-
-The Guards advanced upon Königinhof, from which place they drove out a
-brigade of the Austrian IVth Corps, capturing about 400 prisoners.
-
-The Vth Corps (with one brigade of the VIth) marching upon Gradlitz,
-encountered the other brigades of the Austrian IVth Corps at
-Schweinschädel, and after an action of three hours, drove them from the
-field with a loss of nearly 5,000 men, killed, wounded and prisoners.
-The Austrians retreated to Salney. The Crown Prince had now reached the
-Elbe.
-
-During the day Von Benedek, becoming alarmed at the progress of the
-Second Army, countermanded the order for the IIId Corps to move upon
-Gitschin, and directed it to remain at Miletin. The Ist Corps and the
-Saxons were ordered to join the main army _via_ Horzitz and Miletin;
-but the orders, as we have seen, came too late to save them from their
-defeat at Gitschin. The rest of the army was concentrated before night
-upon the plateau of Dubenetz, against the army of the Crown Prince, as
-follows:
-
-[Illustration: No. 7. POSITION OF BOTH ARMIES ON THE EVENING OF THE
- 29TH. JUNE]
-
-The IVth Corps at Salney, with the 1st Reserve Cavalry Division, and
-the 2d Light Cavalry Division on its right and rear;
-
-The IId Corps at Kukus, on left of IVth;
-
-The VIIIth Corps near Kasow (one brigade in line on left of IId Corps,
-the other brigades as reserve);
-
-The VIth Corps on the left of the VIIIth;
-
-The 3d Reserve Cavalry Division on the left of the VIth Corps;
-
-The 2d Reserve Cavalry Division on the extreme left wing;
-
-The Xth Corps, in reserve, between Stern and Liebthal.
-
-Five army corps and four cavalry divisions were thus concentrated on
-a line five and one-half miles long. The nature of the ground was
-unfavorable to the interior communications of the line, but it was,
-in the main, a strong position, with the Elbe on its front, and the
-fortress of Josephstadt protecting its right flank.
-
-The junction of the Prussian armies now seemed assured, and the
-strategical situation was decidedly against Von Benedek. His great
-fault was his failure to decide promptly in regard to the army which
-he should contain while throwing his weight upon the other. Placing
-an exaggerated value upon his interior position, he does not seem to
-have considered that every hour of Prussian advance diminished his
-advantages; and he was, apparently, unable to make his choice of the
-two plans of operations which presented themselves. His best move,
-if made in time, would have been against Frederick Charles. True,
-his communications could have been quickly cut, in this case, by a
-successful advance of the Second Army across the Elbe; while in moving
-against the Crown Prince, his communications could not so readily have
-been seized by Frederick Charles. But, on the other hand, topographical
-features made it an easier matter to contain the Second Army than the
-First Army and the Army of the Elbe. If the Austrian field marshal had
-learned the lesson taught at Atlanta, Franklin and Petersburg, he would
-have made use of hasty entrenchments. The Xth Corps and VIth Corps,
-strongly entrenched, could certainly have held the passes against
-the assaults of the Crown Prince. The ground was admirably adapted
-to defense, and the entrenchments would have more than neutralized
-the superiority of the needle gun over the Lorenz rifle. To have
-invested and reduced the entrenched camps, if possible at all, would
-have required much more time than Von Benedek would have needed for
-disposing of Frederick Charles. To have advanced by the road leading to
-Olmütz or Bömisch Trübau, the Crown Prince would have been compelled to
-mask the passes with at least as many troops as garrisoned the camps
-at their outlets, or his own communications would have been at the
-mercy of the Austrians. This would have left him only two corps; and an
-invasion of Moravia with this small force, every step of the advance
-carrying him farther away from Frederick Charles, would have been an
-act of suicidal madness, which he would not have seriously contemplated
-for a moment. When Osman Pasha, eleven years later, paralyzed the
-advance of 110,000 Russians, by placing 40,000 Turks in a hastily
-entrenched position on their right, at Plevna, he showed plainly
-how Von Benedek might have baulked the Second Army with entrenched
-positions at the Silesian passes.
-
-Leaving, then, two corps to take care of the Crown Prince, the Austrian
-commander would have had (including the Saxons) six corps, and nearly
-all of the reserve cavalry and artillery, to use against Frederick
-Charles. Count Clam-Gallas, instead of undertaking the task of holding
-the line of the Iser, should have destroyed the bridges; and opposing
-the Prussians with a strong rear-guard at the different crossings,
-obstructing the roads, offering just enough resistance to compel his
-adversary to deploy and thus lose time, but avoiding anything like a
-serious action, he should have fallen back _via_ Gitschin to form a
-junction with Von Benedek. He could thus have gained sufficient time
-for his chief to arrive at Gitschin as soon as Frederick Charles; and
-the army of the latter, numbering not more than 130,000 men,[8] would
-have been opposed by an army of fully 200,000 Austrians. What the
-result would have been we can best judge from the course of the battle
-of Königgrätz before the Crown Prince arrived upon the field.
-
-Hozier, Adams, Derrécagaix and (above all) the Prussian Official
-History of the Campaign of 1866, claim that the best move of Von
-Benedek would have been against the Crown Prince. If we consider the
-successful passage of the defiles by the Second Army as a thing to be
-taken for granted in Von Benedek’s plan of campaign, there can be no
-doubt that the Austrian commander should have turned his attention to
-the Crown Prince, and that he should have attacked him with six corps,
-as soon as the Prussians debouched from the defiles of Trautenau and
-Nachod. The line of action here suggested as one that would probably
-have resulted in Austrian success, is based entirely on the condition
-that the Second Army should be contained at the defiles, by a force
-strongly entrenched after the American manner of 1864-5; a condition
-not considered by the eminent authorities mentioned above. After the
-Crown Prince had safely passed the defiles, Von Benedek had either
-to attack him or fall back. The time for a successful move against
-Frederick Charles had passed.
-
-Von Benedek had carefully planned an invasion of Prussia. Had he been
-able to carry the war into that country, his operations might, perhaps,
-have been admirable; but when the superior preparation of the Prussians
-enabled them to take the initiative, he seems to have been incapable of
-throwing aside his old plans and promptly adopting new ones suited to
-the altered condition of affairs. Von Benedek was a good tactician and
-a stubborn fighter; but when he told the Emperor “Your Majesty, I am no
-strategist,” and wished to decline the command of the army, he showed a
-power of correct self-analysis equal to that displayed by Burnside when
-he expressed an opinion of his own unfitness for the command of the
-Army of the Potomac. The brave old soldier did not seem to appreciate
-the strategical situation, and was apparently losing his head.[9] With
-all the advantages of interior lines, he had everywhere opposed the
-Prussians with inferior numbers; he had allowed the Crown Prince to
-pass through the defiles of the mountains before he opposed him at
-all; six of his eight corps had suffered defeat; he had lost more than
-30,000 men; and now he was in a purely defensive position, and one
-which left open the road from Arnau to Gitschin for the junction of the
-Prussian armies.
-
-It would have been better than this had the Austrians everywhere
-fallen back without firing a shot, even at the expense of opposing no
-obstacles to the Prussian concentration; for they could then, at least,
-have concentrated their own army for a decisive battle without the
-demoralization attendant upon repeated defeats.
-
-
-JUNE 30TH.
-
-A detachment of cavalry, sent by Frederick Charles towards Arnau, met
-the advanced-guard of the 1st Corps at that place. Communication was
-thus opened between the two armies.
-
-It was evident that the advance of Frederick Charles would, by
-threatening the left and rear of the Austrians, cause them to abandon
-their position on the Elbe, and thus loosening Von Benedek’s hold on
-the passages of the river, permit the Crown Prince to cross without
-opposition.
-
-The following orders were therefore sent by Von Moltke:
-
-“The Second Army will hold its ground on the Upper Elbe; its right wing
-will be prepared to effect a junction with the left wing of the First
-Army, by way of Königinhof, as the latter advances. The First Army will
-press on towards Königgrätz without delay.
-
-“Any forces of the enemy that may be on the right flank of this advance
-will be attacked by General Von Herwarth, and separated from the
-enemy’s main force.”
-
-On this day the armies of Frederick Charles marched as follows:
-
-The IIId Corps, to Aulibitz and Chotec;
-
-The IVth Corps, to Konetzchlum and Milicowes;
-
-The IId Corps, to Gitschin and Podhrad;
-
-The Cavalry Corps, to Dworetz and Robaus;
-
-The Army of the Elbe, to the vicinity of Libau;
-
-The Landwehr Guard Division, which had been pushed forward from Saxony,
-arrived at Jung Buntzlau.[10]
-
-The Second Army remained in the position of the preceding day.
-
-Von Benedek’s army remained in its position on the plateau of Dubenetz.
-
-
-JULY 1ST.
-
-At 1 o’clock in the morning Von Benedek began his retreat towards
-Königgrätz.
-
-The IIId Corps moved to Sadowa;
-
-The Xth Corps, to Lipa;
-
-The 3d Reserve Cavalry Division, to Dohalica;
-
-The VIth Corps, to Wsestar;
-
-The 2d Reserve Cavalry Division, to a position between Wsestar and
-Königgrätz;
-
-The VIIIth Corps, to Nedelist, on left of the village;
-
-The IVth Corps, to Nedelist, on right of the village;
-
-The IId Corps, to Trotina;
-
-The 2d Light Cavalry Division, to the right of the IId Corps;
-
-The 1st Reserve Cavalry Division, behind Trotina;
-
-The 1st Corps took up a position in front of Königgrätz;
-
-The 1st Light Cavalry Division, on the left of the 1st Corps;
-
-The Saxons were stationed at Neu Prim.
-
-[Illustration: POSITION OF BOTH ARMIES On the evening of the 2nd. July,
- 1866.]
-
-The Prussian armies, though at liberty to concentrate, remained
-separated for tactical considerations. The armies were to make their
-junction, if possible, upon the field of battle, in a combined front
-and flank attack upon the enemy. In the meantime, as they were only a
-short day’s march from each other, the danger to be apprehended from
-separation was reduced to a minimum.
-
-Frederick Charles’ armies moved as follows:
-
-The IIId Corps, to Miletin and Dobes;
-
-The IVth Corps, to Horzitz and Gutwasser;
-
-The IId Corps, to Aujezd and Wostromer;
-
-The 1st Cavalry Division, to Baschnitz;
-
-The 2d Cavalry Division, to Liskowitz;
-
-The Army of the Elbe, to a position between Libau and Hochwesely.
-
-In the Second Army, the Ist Corps was thrown across the Elbe to
-Prausnitz, and the VIth Corps arrived at Gradlitz.
-
-
-JULY 2ND.
-
-The Army of the Elbe moved forward to Chotetitz, Lhota and Hochweseley,
-with an advanced-guard at Smidar.
-
-The Guard Landwehr Division advanced to Kopidlno, a few miles west of
-Hochweseley.
-
-The Austrians remained in the positions of the preceding day, but sent
-their train to the left bank of the Elbe.
-
-Incredible as it seems, the Prussians were ignorant of the withdrawal
-of the Austrians from the plateau of Dubenetz, and did not, in
-fact, even know that Von Benedek had occupied that position. The
-Austrians were supposed to be behind the Elbe, between Josephstadt
-and Königgrätz. On the other hand, Von Benedek seems to have been
-completely in the dark in regard to the movements of the Prussians. The
-Prussian Staff History acknowledges that “the outposts of both armies
-faced each other on this day within a distance of four and one-half
-miles, without either army suspecting the near and concentrated
-presence of the other one.” Each commander ignorant of the presence,
-almost within cannon shot, of an enormous hostile army! Such a blunder
-during our Civil War would, probably, have furnished European military
-critics with a text for a sermon on the mob-like character of American
-armies.
-
-Supposing the Austrians to be between Josephstadt and Königgrätz, two
-plans were open to Von Moltke’s choice. First: To attack the Austrian
-position in front with the First Army and the Army of the Elbe, and on
-its right with the Second Army. This would have necessitated forcing
-the passage of a river in the face of a formidable enemy; but this
-passage would have been facilitated by the flank attack of the Crown
-Prince, whose entire army (except the Ist Corps) was across the river.
-It would have been a repetition of Magenta on a gigantic scale, with
-the Crown Prince playing the part of McMahon, and Frederick Charles
-enacting the _rôle_ of the French Emperor. Second: To maneuver the
-enemy out of his position by moving upon Pardubitz; the occupation
-of which place would be a serious menace to his communications. The
-latter movement would necessitate the transfer of the Second Army to
-the right bank of the Elbe, and then the execution of a flank march in
-dangerous proximity to the enemy; but its successful execution might
-have produced decisive results. This movement by the right would have
-been strikingly similar to Von Moltke’s movement by the left, across
-the Moselle, four years later. The resulting battle might have been
-an antedated Gravelotte, and Von Benedek might have found a Metz in
-Königgrätz or Josephstadt. At the very least, the Austrians would,
-probably, have been maneuvered out of their position behind the Elbe.
-
-Before determining upon a plan of operations, it was decided to
-reconnoiter the Elbe and the Aupa. The Army of the Elbe was directed
-to watch the country towards Prague, and to seize the passages of the
-river at Pardubitz. The First Army was ordered to take up the line Neu
-Bidsow-Horzitz and to send a detachment from its left wing to Sadowa,
-to reconnoiter the line of the Elbe between Königgrätz and Josephstadt.
-The Ist Corps was to observe the latter fortress, and to cover the
-flank march of the Second Army, if the movement in question should be
-decided upon. The remaining corps of the Second Army were, for the
-present, to remain in their positions, merely reconnoitering towards
-the Aupa and the Metau.
-
-These orders were destined to be speedily countermanded.
-
-Colonel Von Zychlinsky, who commanded an outpost at the castle of
-Cerakwitz, reported an Austrian encampment near Lipa, and scouting
-parties, which were then sent out, returned, after a vigorous pursuit
-by the Austrian cavalry, and reported the presence of the Austrian army
-in force, behind the Bistritz, extending from Problus to the village
-of Benatek. These reports, received after 6 o’clock P. M., entirely
-changed the aspect of matters.
-
-Under the influence of his war experience, Frederick Charles
-was rapidly developing the qualities of a great commander; his
-self-confidence was increasing; and his actions now displayed the vigor
-and military perspicacity of Mars-la-Tour, rather than the hesitation
-of Münchengrätz.[11] He believed that Von Benedek, with at least four
-corps, was about to attack him; but he unhesitatingly decided to
-preserve the advantages of the initiative, by himself attacking the
-Austrians in front, in the early morning, while the Army of the Elbe
-should attack their left. The co-operation of the Crown Prince was
-counted upon to turn the Austrian right, and thus secure victory.
-
-With these objects in view, the following movements were promptly
-ordered:
-
-The 8th Division to be in position at Milowitz at 2 A. M.;
-
-The 7th Division to take post at Cerakwitz by 2 A. M.;
-
-The 5th and 6th Divisions to start at 1:30 A. M., and take post as
-reserves south of Horzitz, the 5th west, and the 6th east, of the
-Königgrätz road;
-
-The 3d Division to Psanek, and the 4th to Bristan; both to be in
-position by 2 A. M.;
-
-The Cavalry Corps to be saddled by daybreak, and await orders;
-
-The reserve Artillery to Horzitz;
-
-General Herwarth Von Bittenfeld, with all available troops of the Army
-of the Elbe, to Nechanitz, as soon as possible.
-
-Lieutenant Von Normand was sent to the Crown Prince with a request that
-he take post with one or two corps in front of Josephstadt, and march
-with another to Gross Burglitz.
-
-The chief-of-staff of the First Army, General Von Voigts-Rhetz,
-hastened to report the situation of matters to the King, who
-had assumed command of the armies on June 30th, and now had his
-headquarters at Gitschin. The measures taken by Frederick Charles were
-approved, and Von Moltke at once issued orders for the advance of the
-entire Second Army, as requested by that commander. These orders were
-sent at midnight, one copy being sent through Frederick Charles at
-Kamenitz; the other being carried by Count Finkenstein direct to the
-Crown Prince at Königinhof. The officer who had been sent by Frederick
-Charles to the Crown Prince was returning, with an answer that the
-orders from army headquarters made it impossible to support the First
-Army with more than the Ist Corps and the Reserve Cavalry. Fortunately,
-he met Finkenstein a short distance from Königinhof. Comparing notes,
-the two officers returned together to the Crown Prince, who at once
-issued orders for the movement of his entire army to the assistance of
-Frederick Charles.
-
-In order to deliver his dispatches to the Crown Prince, Finkenstein had
-ridden twenty-two and one-half miles, over a strange road, on a dark,
-rainy night. Had he lost his way; had his horse suffered injury; had he
-encountered an Austrian patrol, the history of Germany might have been
-different. It is almost incredible that the Prussian general should
-have diverged so widely from the characteristic German prudence as to
-make success contingent upon the life of an aide-de-camp, or possibly
-the life of a horse. Even had the other courier, riding _via_ Kamenitz,
-reached his destination safely, the time that must have elapsed between
-the Crown Prince’s declension of co-operation and his later promise to
-co-operate, would have been sufficient to derange, and perhaps destroy,
-the combinations of Von Moltke.
-
-Let us now examine the Austrian position. Derrécagaix describes it as
-follows:
-
-“In front of the position, on the west, ran the Bistritz, a little
-river difficult to cross in ordinary weather, and then very much
-swollen by the recent rains.
-
-“On the north, between the Bistritz and the Trotina, was a space of
-about five kilometers, by which the columns of the assailant might
-advance. Between these two rivers and the Elbe the ground is broken
-with low hills, covered with villages and woods, which gave the defense
-advantageous points of support. In the center the hill of Chlum
-formed the key of the position, and commanded the road from Sadowa to
-Königgrätz. The heights of Horenowes covered the right on the north.
-The heights of Problus and Hradek constituted a solid support for the
-left. At the south the position of Liebau afforded protection on this
-side to the communications of the army.[12]
-
-“The position selected had, then, considerable defensive value; but it
-had the defect of having at its back the Elbe and the defiles formed by
-the bridges.”
-
-On this subject, however, Hozier says: “The Austrian commander took the
-precaution to throw bridges over the river. With plenty of bridges, a
-river in rear of a position became an advantage. After the retreating
-army had withdrawn across the stream, the bridges were broken, and the
-river became an obstacle to the pursuit. Special, as well as general,
-conditions also came into play.... The heavy guns of the fortress
-scoured the banks of the river, both up and down stream, and, with
-superior weight of metal and length of range, were able to cover the
-passage of the Austrians.”
-
-In considering the Austrian retreat, we shall find that neither of
-these distinguished authorities is entirely right, or wholly wrong, in
-regard to the defects and advantages of the position described.
-
-The following dispositions were ordered by Von Benedek:
-
-The Saxons to occupy the heights of Popowitz, the left wing slightly
-refused, and covered by the Saxon Cavalry;
-
-The 1st Light Cavalry Division, to the rear and left, at Problus and
-Prim;
-
-The Xth Corps on the right of the Saxons;
-
-The IIId Corps to occupy the heights of Lipa and Chlum, on the right of
-the Xth Corps;
-
-The VIIIth Corps in reserve, in rear of the Saxons.
-
-In case the attack should be confined to the left wing, the other corps
-were merely to hold themselves in readiness. If, however, the attack
-should extend to the center and right, the following dispositions were
-to be made:
-
-The IVth Corps to move up on the right of the IIId to the heights of
-Chlum and Nedelist;
-
-The IId Corps, on the right of the IVth, constituting the extreme right
-flank;
-
-The 2d Light Cavalry Division, to the rear of Nedelist;
-
-The VIth Corps to be massed on the heights of Wsestar;
-
-The Ist Corps to be massed at Rosnitz;
-
-The 1st and 3d Cavalry Divisions to take position at Sweti;
-
-The 2d Reserve Cavalry Division, at Briza;
-
-The Reserve Artillery behind the Ist and VIth Corps.
-
-The Ist and VIth Corps, the five cavalry divisions and the Reserve
-Artillery were to constitute the general reserve.
-
-A slight attempt was made to strengthen the position by throwing up
-entrenchments. Six batteries were constructed on the right, as well
-as breastworks for about eight companies of supporting infantry. The
-infantry breastworks, as well as the batteries, were constructed by
-engineer soldiers, and were of strong profile, with traverses, and had
-a command of eight feet. There was not the slightest attempt to have
-the infantry shelter themselves with hasty entrenchments. Even the
-earthworks that were constructed were of no use; for a misunderstanding
-of orders caused the line of battle to be established far in advance of
-them. On the left but little was done to strengthen the position before
-the Prussian attack began.
-
-
-THE BATTLE OF KÖNIGGRÄTZ, JULY 3D.
-
-Notwithstanding the heavy rain, the muddy roads, and the late hour at
-which the orders had been received, the divisions of the First Army
-were all at their appointed places soon after dawn. The Army of the
-Elbe pushed forward energetically, and at 5:45 o’clock its commander
-notified Frederick Charles that he would be at Nechanitz between 7
-and 9 o’clock, with thirty-six battalions. The First Army was at once
-ordered forward.
-
-The 8th Division marched on the left of the high road, as the
-advanced-guard of the troops moving upon Sadowa.
-
-The 4th and 3d Divisions marched on the right of the road, abreast of
-the 8th.
-
-The 5th and 6th Divisions followed the 8th on the right and left of the
-road respectively, while the Reserve Artillery followed on the road
-itself.
-
-The Cavalry Corps had started from Gutwasser at 5 o’clock, and it now
-marched behind the right wing to maintain communication with the Army
-of the Elbe.
-
-The 7th Division was to leave Cerekwitz as soon as the noise of the
-opening battle was heard, and was to join in the action according to
-circumstances.
-
-The divisional cavalry of the 5th and 6th Divisions was formed into a
-brigade, and a brigade of the Cavalry Division was attached to the IId
-Corps.
-
-[Illustration: BATTLEFIELD OF KÖNIGGRÄTZ.]
-
-About 7:30 the advanced-guard of the Army of the Elbe reached
-Nechanitz, where it encountered a Saxon outpost, which retired after
-destroying the bridges.
-
-About the same time the 8th Division advanced in line of battle upon
-Sadowa. The Austrian artillery opened fire as soon as the Prussians
-came in sight. The latter took up a position near the Sadowa
-brickfield, and skirmishing began.
-
-The 4th Division took up a position at Mzan, on the right of the 8th,
-and its batteries engaged in combat with the Austrian artillery.
-
-The 3d Division formed on the right of the 4th, near Zawadilka.
-
-The 5th and 6th Divisions formed line at Klenitz; one on each side of
-the road.
-
-The Reserve Cavalry was stationed at Sucha.
-
-At the first sound of the cannon Von Fransecky opened fire upon the
-village of Benatek, which was soon set on fire by the Prussian shells.
-The village was then carried by assault by the advanced-guard of the
-7th Division.
-
-There was now a heavy cannonade all along the line. The heavy downpour
-of the last night had given place to a dense fog and a drizzling rain;
-and the obscurity was heightened by the clouds of smoke which rose from
-the guns. Frederick Charles rode along the right wing, giving orders to
-respond to the Austrian batteries by firing slowly, and forbidding the
-crossing of the Bistritz. His object was merely to contain Von Benedek,
-while waiting for the weather to clear up, and for the turning armies
-to gain time.
-
-At 8 o’clock loud cheering announced the arrival of the King of Prussia
-upon the battle field. As soon as Frederick Charles reported to him
-the condition of affairs, the King ordered an advance upon the line
-of the Bistritz. The object of this movement was to gain good points
-of support for the divisions upon the left bank of the Bistritz, from
-which they might launch forth, at the proper time, upon the main
-position of the enemy. The divisions were cautioned not to advance too
-far beyond the stream, nor up to the opposite heights.
-
-The Austrian position differed slightly from the one ordered on the
-eve of the battle. The Saxons, instead of holding the heights eastward
-of Popowitz and Tresowitz, found a more advantageous position on the
-heights between Problus and Prim, with a brigade holding the hills
-behind Lubno, Popowitz and Tresowitz. Nechanitz was held merely as an
-outpost. The remaining dispositions of the center and left were, on
-the whole, as ordered the night before; on the right they differed
-materially from the positions designated.
-
-Instead of the line Chlum-Nedelist, the IVth Corps took up its position
-on the line Cistowes-Maslowed-Horenowes, 2,000 paces in advance of the
-batteries that had been thrown up.
-
-The IId Corps formed on the right of the IVth, on the heights of
-Maslowed-Horenowes.
-
-The Ist and VIth Corps and the Cavalry took their appointed positions,
-and the Reserve Artillery was stationed on the heights of Wsestar and
-Sweti.
-
-In the language of the Prussian Staff History: “Instead of the
-semi-circle originally intended, the Austrian line of battle now
-formed only a very gentle curve, the length of which, from Ober-Prim
-to Horenowes, was about six and three-fourths miles, on which four and
-three-fourths corps d’armee were drawn up. The left wing had a reserve
-of three weak brigades behind it, and on the right wing only one
-brigade covered the ground between the right flank and the Elbe. On the
-other hand, a main reserve of two corps of infantry and five cavalry
-divisions stood ready for action fully two miles behind the center of
-the whole line of battle.”
-
-The strength of the Austrian army was 206,100 men and 770 guns. At this
-period of the battle it was opposed by a Prussian army of 123,918 men,
-with 444 guns. The arrival of the Second Army would, however, increase
-this force to 220,984 men and 792 guns.
-
-The 7th Division, which had already occupied the village of Benatek,
-was the first to come into serious conflict with the Austrians. The
-attack, beginning thus on the left, was successively taken up by the
-8th, 4th and 3d Divisions; and the advanced-guard of the Army of the
-Elbe being engaged at the same time, the roar of battle extended along
-the entire line.
-
-In front of the 7th Division were the wooded heights of Maslowed, known
-also as the Swiep Wald. This forest, extending about 2,000 paces from
-east to west, and about 1,200 from north to south, covered a steep
-ridge intersected on its northern slope by ravines, but falling off
-more gradually towards the Bistritz. Against this formidable position
-Von Fransecky sent four battalions, which encountered two Austrian
-battalions, and, after a severe struggle, drove them from the wood. Now
-was the time to break the Austrian line between Maslowed and Cistowes,
-and, turning upon either point, or both, roll up the flanks of the
-broken line. The advanced battalions were quickly reinforced by the
-rest of the division; but all attempts to _débouche_ from the wood were
-baffled. Heavy reinforcements were drawn from the Austrian IVth and
-IId Corps, and a furious counter-attack was made upon the Prussians.
-Calling for assistance, Von Fransecky was reinforced by two battalions
-of the 8th Division; but he was still struggling against appalling
-odds. With fourteen battalions and twenty-four guns, he was contending
-against an Austrian force of forty battalions and 128 guns. Falling
-back slowly, contesting the ground inch by inch, the Prussian division,
-after a fierce struggle of three hours, still clung stubbornly to the
-northern portion of the wood. Still the Austrians had here a reserve of
-eleven battalions and twenty-four guns, which might have been hurled
-with decisive effect upon the exhausted Prussians, had not other events
-interfered.
-
-As soon as the 7th Division had advanced beyond Benatek, the 8th
-Division advanced against the woods of Skalka and Sadowa. Two bridges
-were thrown across the Bistritz, west of the Skalka wood, by the side
-of two permanent bridges, which the Austrians had neglected to destroy.
-The reserve divisions (5th and 6th) advanced, at the same time, to
-Sowetitz, and the Reserve Artillery to the Roskosberg. As soon as the
-8th Division crossed the Bistritz, it was to establish communication
-with the 7th Division, and turn towards the Königgrätz highroad. The
-woods of Skalka and Sadowa were occupied without much difficulty; the
-Austrian brigade which occupied them falling back in good order to the
-heights of Lipa, where the other brigades of the IIId Austrian Corps
-were stationed. On these heights, between Lipa and Langenhof, 160 guns
-were concentrated in a great battery, which sent such a “hailstorm
-of shells” upon the advancing Prussians as to check effectually all
-attempts to _débouche_ from the forests.
-
-The 4th Division advanced from Mzan, and the 3d from Zawadilka, soon
-after the 8th Division moved forward. The retreat of the Austrian
-brigade from Sadowa had uncovered the flank of the outposts, and
-compelled the withdrawal of the troops successively from Dohalitz,
-Dohalica and Mokrowous to the main position westward of Langenhof
-and Stresetitz, and these outposts were consequently gained by the
-Prussians with slight loss. Further advance of the 4th and 3d
-Divisions was, however, prevented by the rapid and accurate fire of the
-Austrian batteries.
-
-The advanced-guard of the Army of the Elbe had gained the left bank of
-the Bistritz, part of the left wing crossing by the bridge of Nechanitz
-(which had been repaired with gates and barn doors) and part by wading
-breast-deep across the stream. The right wing of the advanced-guard
-was obliged to march down stream to Kuncitz, where it crossed, after
-dislodging a small force of Saxons and repairing the bridge. The Saxon
-outposts were all driven back to the main position, and the Prussian
-advanced-guard occupied the line Hradek-Lubno, thus covering the
-crossing of the main body. The Prussians succeeded in throwing only
-one bridge at this part of the field; and as the entire Army of the
-Elbe was obliged to cross upon it and defile through Nechanitz, the
-deployment was necessarily slow.
-
-At 11 o’clock the Prussian advance had been checked. The Army of the
-Elbe was slowly forming in rear of the line Hradek-Lubno. The First
-Army, advancing, as we have seen, by echelon of divisions from the
-left, had gained the position Maslowed-Sadowa Wood-Mokrowous, thus
-executing a wheel of about an eighth of a circle to the right. The
-immediate object of the advance had been practically gained, it is
-true, by the occupation of the line of the Bistritz, and the conversion
-of the strong advanced posts of the Austrians into good points of
-support for the Prussians. Yet Fransecky was sorely pushed on the left,
-and the 8th Division was suffering so severely from the fire of the
-Austrian guns, that Frederick Charles deemed it necessary to order
-the 5th and 6th Divisions to move up to the Sadowa wood. All attempts
-of these fresh troops to gain ground towards the heights of Lipa were
-repulsed, and the Prussian advance again came to a standstill. A
-counter-attack by a single Austrian brigade against the Sadowa wood
-(made without Von Benedek’s permission) was repulsed.
-
-The position of the First Army was now critical. The last battalion
-of the infantry reserves had been brought into action. Von Fransecky
-was on a desperate defensive. The other divisions were all subjected
-to a furious, crushing fire from nearly 250 pieces of artillery,
-which the Austrians had brought into action on the heights from Lipa
-to Problus; while, owing partly to the wooded ground, partly to the
-difficulty of crossing the stream, and partly to the inefficiency of
-the Prussian artillery officers, only 42 guns were on the left bank
-of the Bistritz to reply to this formidable cannonade. Only a portion
-of Frederick Charles’ guns were brought into action at all; and their
-long range fire from the positions west of the Bistritz was ignored by
-the Austrian batteries, whose entire energy was devoted to a merciless
-pelting of the Prussian infantry.
-
-The statement of the Prussian Staff History that the center was in no
-danger, seems, therefore, to savor more of patriotism than of candor.
-To advance was impossible. The infantry was suffering terribly from the
-Austrian fire; the artillery was feebly handled; and the cavalry could
-render no assistance. There was danger that the army would be shaken
-to pieces by Von Benedek’s artillery, and that the demoralized troops
-would then be swept from the field by the comparatively fresh infantry
-and cavalry of the Austrians. The King and his generals eagerly scanned
-the northern horizon with their glasses; and, with the intense anxiety
-of Wellington at Waterloo, waited for tidings from the army on the
-left, and strained their vision for a sight of the advancing columns.
-The question of retreat was discussed. The Reserve Cavalry was ordered
-up to Sadowa, apparently with a view to covering the withdrawal of the
-army to the right bank of the stream. It was now past 1 o’clock. It was
-resolved to hold the line of the Bistritz at all hazards, and a heavy
-artillery fire was kept up. In the meantime, events on other parts of
-the field were already beginning to extricate the First Army from its
-perilous situation.
-
-At 11:30, the 14th and 15th Divisions of the Army of the Elbe having
-come upon the field, an attack was ordered upon both flanks of the
-Saxons. The 15th Division, followed by a brigade of cavalry, moved,
-through Hradek, against Ober-Prim. The 14th Division moved on the
-heights east of Popowitz, through the forest, against Problus. The
-advanced-guard, between the two divisions, moved to the attack, pushing
-its flanks forward, for the double purpose of avoiding the heavy
-fire from the enemy’s front and masking the movements of the turning
-divisions. The Prince of Saxony, believing it a favorable opportunity
-to assume the offensive, attacked the Prussian advanced-guard with
-a Saxon brigade. The attack, though made with great spirit, was
-repulsed. Again the Prince attacked, this time with two brigades;
-but the advancing Saxons being struck on the left flank by the 15th
-Division, were driven back with heavy loss, and Ober-Prim was carried
-by the Prussians. General Herwarth Von Bittenfeld had succeeded in
-bringing 66 guns to the left bank of the Bistritz, and he now pushed
-them forward to within 2,000 paces of Nieder Prim, upon which they
-concentrated a heavy fire, under cover of which the place was carried
-by a regiment of the 15th Division. The 14th Division, having gained
-possession of Popowitz and the wood east of that village, now joined
-the 15th Division in a concentric attack upon Problus. The Prince of
-Saxony had not only observed the preparations for this attack, but he
-had also observed the arrival of the Prussian Second Army at Chlum;
-and he now, at 3 o’clock, ordered a retreat to the heights southwest
-of Rosnitz. The troops at Problus, acting as a rear-guard, offered a
-stubborn resistance to the advancing Prussians; but they were driven
-from the village, and the advance of the 14th and 15th Divisions was
-checked only by the artillery fire of the Saxons and the VIIIth Corps,
-stationed on the hills north-east of Problus.
-
-During this time the Second Army had been working great results. At 8
-o’clock Von Alvensleben, commanding the advanced-guard of the Guard
-Corps, at Daubrowitz, heard the cannonade in the direction of Benatek.
-Without waiting for orders, he at once put his command in march for the
-scene of conflict, notifying his corps commander of his departure, and
-sending word to Von Fransecky that he would be at Jericek by 11:30. The
-rest of the corps quickly followed, marching straight across country,
-up hill and down hill, pushing through the heavy mud with such restless
-energy that several of the artillery horses dropped dead from fatigue.
-The advanced-guard arrived at Jericek at 11 o’clock, and at the same
-hour the heads of the columns of the main body arrived at Choteborek,
-to which point the Crown Prince had hurried in advance of the troops.
-
-The VIth Corps advanced from its position, near Gradlitz, in two
-columns. The 12th Division marched, _via_ Kukus and Ertina, to the
-heights east of Rosnow, detaching a battalion and a squadron to
-mask the fortress of Josephstadt. The 11th Division marched, _via_
-Schurz, to Welchow. As soon as it neared the latter place Von Mutius,
-commanding the corps, ordered both divisions to keep connection and
-march to the sound of the cannonade. The troops pushed on “over hills,
-meadows and ditches, through copses and hedgerows,” across the swampy
-valley of the Trotina, part of the troops crossing the stream by the
-single bridge, and part wading breast-deep through the water. At 11
-o’clock the 11th Division arrived at the heights north of Racitz, and
-came under the fire of the enemy’s batteries.
-
-At 8 o’clock the Vth Corps began its march, _via_ Schurz and Dubenitz,
-to Choteborek; and at 11 o’clock its advanced-guard was approaching
-that village.
-
-The Ist Corps did not start until 9:30. It marched _via_ Zabres,
-Gross-Trotin and Weiss Polikau; and at 11 o’clock it had not yet
-reached Gross-Burglitz.
-
-Thus, at 11 o’clock, the only troops that had reached the Trotina were
-the Guards and the VIth Corps; and they were still two and one-half
-miles from the left wing of the First Army. In three hours the Second
-Army had been so concentrated as to reduce its front from twenty-two
-and one-half miles to nine miles; and it now occupied the line
-Burglitz-Jericek-Choteborek-Welchow.
-
-The Crown Prince, from his station on the heights of Choteborek, about
-four and one-half miles from Maslowed, had an extended view towards the
-valley of the Bistritz; and notwithstanding the rain and fog, he could
-trace the direction of the contending lines by the smoke of the burning
-villages and flashes of the guns. It was evident that his columns
-were marching in such a direction as to bring them directly upon the
-flank and rear of the Austrian troops already engaged; but, though the
-formidable heights of Horenowes appeared to be occupied by only one
-battery, it seemed probable that the passage of the Elbe by the Crown
-Prince was known by Von Benedek, and that the troops on the Austrian
-right were waiting behind the crest of the hills, to spring forward
-into action when the Prussians should undertake to cross the swampy
-valley between the Trotina and the heights of Horenowes. The different
-divisions were ordered to direct their march upon a prominent group of
-trees on the Horenowes hill.
-
-The Austrians were now in a position of extreme danger. The heights
-of Horenowes, which seemed to offer such a formidable obstacle to the
-advance of the Crown Prince, had been left almost defenseless. As
-we have seen, the Austrian IVth and IId Corps had taken up the line
-Cistowes-Maslowed-Horenowes, and the space between the right flank
-and the Elbe was guarded by only one brigade and two battalions. To
-make matters worse, the IVth and IId Corps had been drawn into the
-fight with Von Fransecky in the Swiep Wald, and, facing west, they now
-presented a flank to the advancing columns of the Crown Prince. The
-advance of these two corps beyond the line Chlum-Nedelist had carried
-them far beyond support; and now, with the Prussian Second Army within
-two and one-half miles of them, their reserves were fully three miles
-away.
-
-Von Benedek discovering that these two corps had not taken up their
-designated positions, sent orders, before 11 o’clock, to their
-commanders, to fall back to the positions originally assigned to
-them. Unfortunately, the commander of the IVth Corps, ignorant of the
-approach of the Crown Prince, and flushed with his success against
-Von Fransecky, thought it an opportune moment to assume a vigorous
-offensive against the Prussian left, and would not make the movement
-ordered until he had sent a report to that effect to his chief. The
-projected offensive was disapproved, and the former order was repeated.
-The two corps now retired to the positions originally designated, the
-movement being covered by the fire of 64 pieces of artillery posted
-on the plateau of Nedelist. The withdrawal had been delayed too long;
-for the Crown Prince already had 48 guns in position between Racitz
-and Horenowes, the Prussian infantry was advancing, and the Austrian
-movement partook, consequently, of the nature of a retreat. Yet it is
-greatly to the credit of the Austrian troops that they were able to
-execute a flank movement--and a retrograde movement, too--under the
-fire of the enemy; though they had been in action fully three hours.
-
-At noon Von Benedek received a telegram from Salney, _via_ Josephstadt,
-announcing the approach of the Second Army. At this very moment the
-guns of the Crown Prince were playing upon the Austrian right flank.
-
-The advanced-guard of the 1st Division of Guards had debouched from
-Zizilowes at 11:15 A. M.; its right flank being covered by the
-cavalry brigade which had covered the left of the 7th Division. The
-advanced-guard of the 2d Guard Division, (which had been separated from
-the main body by the Reserve Artillery of the 1st Division cutting
-into the column on the road) without waiting for the arrival of its
-comrades, joined the 1st Division in its attack upon Horenowes. At noon
-the 12th Division had captured the Horicka Berg, the 11th Division had
-driven the Austrians from Racitz, and the Guards were advancing upon
-Horenowes. The withdrawal of the Austrian IId Corps had been covered by
-40 guns posted east of Horenowes, which kept up a heavy fire upon the
-Prussians. But the Guards easily carried Horenowes, the position of the
-great battery was turned, the hostile infantry was advancing upon its
-flank, and the artillery was forced to retire. The 12th Division, in
-the meantime, had captured Sendrasitz, cutting off the Austrian brigade
-which had been covering the right flank. The 11th Division then moved
-up to a position north of Sendrasitz, on the left of the Guards, and
-the latter advanced to Maslowed. The Prussians now had 90 guns on the
-heights of Horenowes; and most of these pieces were hurried forward
-beyond Maslowed, within 1,300 paces of the Austrian position, where
-they prepared the way for the infantry assault by a vigorous cannonade.
-
-When the Guards advanced, the Austrian IVth Corps was still engaged in
-taking up its new position. Unchecked by the fire of more than 100 guns
-in position west of Nedelist, the Guards crushed the two battalions
-on the left of the IVth Corps, and penetrated into the gap; the left
-wing rolling up the flank of an Austrian brigade, and pushing on in
-the direction of Sweti; while the right wing, changing front to the
-right, stormed the village of Chlum, which, though the key of the
-Austrian position, was occupied by only a single battalion. As the
-Guards advanced, the force under Von Alvensleben, which had constituted
-the advanced-guard in the morning, moved forward in echelon on their
-right. A brigade of the Austrian IVth Corps, which, by some mistake,
-had been left at Cistowes, and was now marching to the new position of
-its corps, was struck by Von Alvensleben, and driven to the westward of
-Chlum with heavy loss. Simultaneously with the Guards, the VIth Corps
-advanced upon the enemy, the 11th Division capturing Nedelist, and the
-12th driving the cut-off Austrian brigade into Lochenitz. The Austrians
-made several determined attacks from Langenhof and the Lipa wood upon
-the Prussians in Chlum; but though they fought with great bravery and
-penetrated into the village, they were repulsed by the Guards, who
-then seized Rosberitz and the forest of Lipa. The 1st Austrian Reserve
-Cavalry Division, consisting of five regiments, charged the Prussians
-south of Chlum. The brigade on the left consisted of two regiments of
-cuirassiers, and was formed in double column: the one on the right was
-composed of two regiments (one of cuirassiers and one of lancers),
-formed in double column, with a regiment of cuirassiers following as a
-second line. The charge was repulsed by four companies of the infantry
-of the Guard. It is remarkable that in this case, the cavalry came
-within 200 yards of the infantry before the latter opened fire.
-
-At 3 o’clock matters had, consequently, changed very much for the worse
-with the Austrians. On the left, the Saxons had been driven from their
-position; on the right, the Prussian Guards and VIth Corps occupied the
-line Rosberitz-Nedelist-Lochenitz. The Austrian IVth and IId Corps had
-been defeated, and were retreating upon Wsestar, Sweti, Predmeritz and
-Lochenitz. The 1st Division of the Guards had captured 55 guns, and had
-seized the key of the Austrian position. The Austrian IIId Corps was
-sandwiched between the Guards and the First Army. Yet the position of
-the Guards was full of danger. In the valley of Sweti-Wsestar-Rosnitz
-were the two intact corps of Austrian reserves, with more than 70
-squadrons of cavalry; and between Wsestar and Langenhof were massed
-the powerful batteries of the reserve artillery, which kept Rosberitz
-and Chlum under a heavy fire. The main body of the 2d Division of the
-Guards was just ascending the heights of Maslowed. There were no other
-troops within a mile and a quarter upon whom they could depend for
-assistance.
-
-Von Benedek, who had taken his position between Lipa and Chlum,
-hearing of the occupation of the latter village by the Prussians,
-could scarcely believe the surprising news. As he rode hurriedly
-toward Chlum, the information was rudely corroborated by a volley from
-the Prussians, which mortally wounded an aide-de-camp, and seriously
-injured several other members of his escort. There was no longer any
-doubt. Victory was now out of the question, and it was necessary to
-take prompt measures to save the right wing from annihilation, and to
-prevent the retreat of the rest of the army from being cut off.
-
-A brigade of the Austrian Ist Corps was sent to reinforce the Saxons
-near Problus, and another brigade of the same corps was sent against
-the Lipa wood and the heights west of Chlum. The latter brigade,
-reinforced by a brigade of the IIId Corps and fragments of the IVth
-Corps, made three desperate attacks upon the advanced-guard of the 2d
-Division and part of the 1st Division of the Prussian Guards at these
-points, only to recoil, completely baffled, before the deadly fire of
-the needle gun. The IIId Corps no longer had any intact troops; it was
-between two fires; it began its retreat, and abandoned the village of
-Lipa to the Prussians. On the left, the main body of the 1st Division
-of the Guards was engaged at Rosberitz with the Austrian VIth Corps.
-Advancing resolutely to the attack, the Austrians dislodged the Guards
-from the village after a bloody struggle; but as they halted at the
-outskirts of the town to re-form for another assault, the Guards were
-reinforced by the advanced-guard of the Ist Corps. At the same time,
-the commander of the Prussian VIth Corps, leaving the 12th Division
-engaged with the Austrians at Lochenitz, half-wheeled the 11th Division
-to the right, and advanced from Nedelist upon Rosberitz. The Austrian
-IId Corps was already in retreat. A counter-attack of the Guards and
-the Ist Corps drove the Austrians out of Rosberitz; and the 11th
-Division striking them on the flank routed them with heavy loss. The
-11th Division then attacked a brigade of the Austrian IVth Corps, which
-had taken up a position near Sweti to protect the reserve artillery.
-The brigade and the artillery were driven back to the village, which
-was carried by assault, many cannon being captured. The Vth Corps
-reached Horenowes at 4 o’clock, and was designated as the general
-reserve of the army.
-
-The full tide of Prussian success had now set in. The 16th Division
-had not yet crossed at Nechanitz, but the 14th and 15th Divisions had
-defeated the Saxons and the Austrian VIIIth Corps, and the allies were
-in retreat. Both of the Austrian flanks had been crushed, and the First
-Army was now actively engaged in an attack upon Von Benedek’s front.
-
-The aide-de-camp sent by the Crown Prince to announce his approach
-had been delayed by the condition of the roads and the necessity of
-making a long detour, and did not arrive at the royal headquarters
-until late in the afternoon. The Crown Prince’s advance was first made
-known to the commander of the First Army by the flashes of the Prussian
-guns on the heights of Horenowes. Soon after, the Prussian columns
-were seen ascending the heights of Maslowed. The fire of the Austrian
-guns in front perceptibly diminished, and it was evident that some of
-the batteries had changed front to the right. It was clear that the
-Second Army had struck the Austrian flank; and at 3:30 o’clock the
-King ordered “an advance all along the line” of the First Army. The
-retreat of the Austrian Xth Corps had begun, but it was concealed by
-the nature of the ground, and covered by the line of artillery, which
-devotedly maintained its position, and kept up a heavy fire, until its
-own existence was imperiled by the advance of the foe. The Xth Corps
-had passed well beyond the danger of infantry pursuit when the advance
-of the First Army was ordered. The Austrian artillerists held to their
-position until the enemy was almost at the muzzle of the cannon, and
-then withdrawing to Rosnitz and Briza, with all the guns that their
-stubborn defense had not compelled them to sacrifice, again opened
-fire upon the Prussians. The cavalry, too, devoted itself to the task
-of covering the retreat. The Prussian cavalry, which had been delayed
-by the blocking of the bridges by the artillery, and the crowding of
-the roads by the infantry, now appeared in the front of the pursuers,
-and fierce cavalry combats took place near Langenhof, Stresetitz and
-Problus. Though eventually overmatched, the Austrian cavalry made
-a noble fight, and, at the sacrifice of its best blood, materially
-assisted in covering the retreat of the army.
-
-Frederick Charles, bringing up 54 guns to the heights of Wsestar
-and Sweti, opened fire upon the new line of Austrian artillery. The
-Austrian batteries replied with spirit, until the advance of the 11th
-Division upon Rosnitz and Briza compelled them to withdraw, with
-the loss of 36 guns. Still undaunted, the artillery took up a new
-position on the line Stösser-Freihofen-Zeigelshag. Here all available
-guns were brought into action, and under their fire the Prussian
-pursuit virtually ended. Withdrawing in excellent order to the line
-Placitz-Kuklena, the Austrian artillery kept up a duel with the
-Prussian guns on the line Klacow-Stezerek until long after darkness had
-set in.
-
-The Prussian Staff History says: “The behavior of the cavalry and the
-well-sustained fire of the powerful line of artillery at Placitz and
-Kuklena, proved that part, at least of the hostile army still retained
-its full power of resistance.
-
-“It is true that affairs behind this line of artillery bore a very
-different aspect. At first the corps had, for the most part, taken the
-direction of the bridges northward of Königgrätz, but were prevented
-from using them by the advance of the Prussian extreme left wing. This
-caused the different bodies of troops to become promiscuously and
-confusedly mingled together. The flying cavalry, shells bursting on all
-sides, still further increased the confusion, which reached its climax
-when the commandant of Königgrätz closed the gates of the fortress.
-
-“Hundreds of wagons, either overturned or thrust off from the highroad,
-riderless horses and confused crowds of men trying to escape across the
-inundated environs of the fortress and the river, many of them up to
-their necks in water--this spectacle of wildest flight and utter rout,
-immediately before the gates of Königgrätz, was naturally hidden from
-the view of the pursuing enemy.”
-
-A prompt pursuit would, however, have been impracticable, even if
-the Prussians had fully appreciated the extent of the Austrian
-demoralization. The concentric attacks, so magnificently decisive on
-the field, had produced an almost chaotic confusion on the part of
-the victors themselves. Owing to the direction of their attacks, the
-Second Army and the Army of the Elbe were “telescoped” together; and
-the advance of the First Army had jammed it into the right flank of
-the former and the left flank of the latter. At noon the front of
-the combined Prussian armies had been more than sixteen miles long.
-The front of this great host was now but little more than two miles;
-and men of different regiments, brigades, divisions, corps, and even
-armies, were now indiscriminately mingled together. Aside from this
-confusion, the exhaustion of the Prussian soldiers precluded pursuit.
-Most of them had left their bivouacs long before dawn, and it had
-been a day of hard marching and hard fighting for all. Many had been
-entirely without food, all were suffering from extreme fatigue, and
-several officers had fallen dead on the field from sheer exhaustion.
-
-As a result of the exhaustion of the Prussians and the excellent
-conduct of the Austrian cavalry and artillery, Von Benedek slipped
-across the Elbe, and gained such a start on his adversaries that for
-three days the Prussians lost all touch with him, and were in complete
-ignorance of the direction of his retreat.
-
-Thus ended the great battle of Königgrätz. The Prussian losses were
-9,153, killed, wounded and missing. The Austrians lost 44,200, killed,
-wounded and missing, including in the last classification 19,800
-prisoners. They also lost 161 guns, five stands of colors, several
-thousand muskets, several hundred wagons and a ponton train. The sum
-total of the killed, wounded and missing (exclusive of prisoners) in
-this battle was 27,656.
-
-It is not necessary, for the present, even to sketch the retreat of the
-Austrian army upon Olmütz and Vienna; the masterly march of Von Moltke
-to the Danube; the Italian disasters of Custozza and Lissa; and the
-campaign in which the Army of the Maine defeated the Bavarians and the
-VIIIth Federal Corps.[13] Königgrätz was the decisive battle of the
-war. Austria could not rally from her disaster, and twenty-three days
-after the battle the truce of Nikolsburg virtually ended the contest.
-
-
-COMMENTS.
-
-It is not only on account of its great and far-reaching results that
-Königgrätz must be rated as one of the greatest battles of the world.
-In point of numbers engaged, it was the greatest battle of modern
-times; for the two contending armies aggregated nearly half a million
-men. In this respect it exceeded Gravelotte, dwarfed Solferino and
-even surpassed the “Battle of Nations” fought on the plains of Leipsic,
-fifty-two years before.
-
-Yet, considering the numbers engaged, the loss of life was not great.
-The sum total of the killed and wounded was nearly 6,000 less than at
-Gettysburg, though in that sanguinary struggle the combined strength
-of the Union and Confederate armies was less than that of the Austrian
-army alone at Königgrätz.[14] In fact, of all the battles of the War of
-Secession, Fredericksburg, Chattanooga and Cold Harbor were the only
-ones in which the losses of the _victors_, in killed and wounded, did
-not exceed, in proportion to the numbers engaged, the losses of the
-_defeated_ army at Königgrätz. A bit of reflection upon these facts
-might convince certain European critics that the failure of victorious
-American armies to pursue their opponents vigorously was due to other
-causes than inefficient organization or a lack of military skill. In
-the words of Colonel Chesney: “In order to pursue, there must be some
-one to run away; and, to the credit of the Americans, the ordinary
-conditions of European warfare in this respect were usually absent
-from the great battles fought across the Atlantic. Hence, partly, the
-frequent repetition of the struggle, almost on the same ground, of
-which the last campaign of Grant and Lee is the crowning example.” It
-is, perhaps, not too much to say, that had Von Benedek been a Lee,
-and had his army been of the nature of Lee’s army, even if defeated
-at Königgrätz, the next day would have found him on the left bank
-of the Elbe, under the shelter of hasty entrenchments, presenting
-a bold front to the Prussians; for there was no reason, aside from
-demoralization, for the retreat of the Austrians far from the scene
-of their defeat. Their communications were neither intercepted nor
-seriously endangered; their losses had not been excessive; and, but for
-their discouragement and loss of _morale_, there is no reason why their
-defeat at Königgrätz should have been decisive.
-
- * * * * *
-
-Not the least of the causes of the Austrian defeat was the autocratic
-policy of Von Benedek, which caused the entire management of the
-army to be centralized in his own person, and the plan of battle to
-be locked up in his own mind. However brave, willing and obedient a
-subordinate officer may be, there can be no doubt that his duties will
-be better done, because more intelligently done, if he has a clear
-knowledge of the part that he is called upon to perform. The higher the
-rank, and the more important the command, of the subordinate officer,
-the more certainly is this the case. Yet Von Benedek seems to have
-desired from his corps commanders nothing more than the blind obedience
-of the private soldier. On the day before the battle of Königgrätz all
-the corps commanders were summoned to headquarters; but Von Benedek,
-after alluding merely to unimportant matters of routine, dismissed them
-without a word of instruction as to the part to be performed by them in
-the battle which he must have known to be imminent. On the day of the
-battle the commanders of the corps and divisions on the right were not
-informed of the construction of the batteries, and were not notified
-that these entrenchments were intended to mark their line. Instead
-of being thrown up by the divisions themselves, these works were
-constructed by the chief engineer, without one word of consultation or
-explanation with the corps commanders. Had the commanders of the IIId,
-IVth and IId Corps been informed that their principal duty would be
-to guard against a possible, if not probable, advance of the Crown
-Prince, it is not likely that the line Cistowes-Maslowed-Horenowes
-would have been occupied by the right wing; but these generals seem to
-have taken up their positions with no more idea of their object or of
-their influence upon the result of the battle than had the men in the
-ranks.
-
- * * * * *
-
-The selection made by Von Benedek of a field for the coming battle
-cannot be condemned. On the whole, the position was a strong one, and
-the fault lay in the dispositions purposely made, or accidentally
-assumed, rather than in any inherent weakness in the position.
-
-According to some writers, Von Benedek committed an error in holding
-his advanced posts in the villages on the Bistritz with small forces
-(which in some cases did not exceed a battalion), while the Prussian
-advanced-guards generally consisted of a brigade at least. Derrécagaix
-says: “It was of importance to the Imperial Army to compel the Prussian
-forces to deploy at the earliest moment; to tire them before their
-arrival at the Bistritz; to dispute the passage of that river, which
-constituted an obstacle, in order that they might approach the main
-position only after having exhausted their efforts and lost their
-_élan_ through heavy casualties.” To this end, he suggests that the
-Austrians should have established west of the Bistritz, on the two
-roads by which the Prussians must necessarily have advanced, two strong
-advanced posts, composed of troops of all three arms, and sufficiently
-strong to resist the enemy’s advanced-guards. He continues: “The
-Bistritz formed a first line of defense, on which it would have been
-possible to check the assailant’s efforts. It possessed the peculiarity
-of having all along its course villages distant from 1,000 to 1,500
-meters, and separated by marshy meadows with difficult approaches. With
-some batteries in rear of the intervals which separated the villages,
-it would have been possible to hold them a certain time, and compel
-the enemy to execute a complete deployment. The Imperial Army had,
-it is true, on the Bistritz and beyond, detachments of considerable
-strength. But they played an insignificant part, by reason of the
-orders given, or modified their positions in the morning. As a result,
-the line of the Bistritz, its banks, the villages and the woods beyond,
-were occupied by the Prussians without great efforts, and they had from
-that moment defensive _points d’appui_ on which it was possible to
-await events and sustain the fight.”
-
-It is impossible to agree fully with Derrécagaix on this point.
-Speaking of defensible points in front of a position, Hamley says:
-“A feature of this kind will be especially valuable in front of what
-would otherwise be a weak part of the position. Strong in itself, and
-its garrison constantly reinforced from the line; while the ground
-in front is swept by batteries, such a point is difficult to attack
-directly; the enemy cannot attempt to surround it without exposing the
-flank and rear of the attacking troops; and to pass by it in order
-to reach the position, the assailants must expose their flank to its
-fire. If several such points exist, they support each other, isolate
-the parts of the enemy’s attack, and force him to expend his strength
-in costly attacks on them: in fact, they play the part of bastions
-in a line of fortification. But it is important that they should be
-within supporting distance and easy of covered access from the rear;
-failing these conditions, they had better be destroyed, if possible, as
-defenses, and abandoned to the enemy.”
-
-Now, none of the advanced posts in question were in front of a
-weak part of the position (for the line adopted by Von Benedek was
-incomparably stronger than anything on the line of the Bistritz), and
-it would have been impossible to use artillery in them with anything
-like the murderous effect produced by the batteries on the line
-Lipa-Problus. They were more than a mile and a quarter in front of
-the position, and were not “easy of covered access from the rear.”
-They were, it is true, within supporting distance of each other;
-but, while attacking them, the Prussians would have been beyond the
-best effect of the powerful artillery in the main Austrian line. The
-preliminary combats would have largely fallen on the infantry; and,
-owing to the inferior arms and impaired _morale_ of his infantry, it
-was, doubtless, the first aim of the Austrian commander to use his
-artillery to the fullest extent; for in that arm he knew that he was
-superior to the Prussians. Von Benedek’s plan was, apparently, to lure
-Frederick Charles into a position where he should have the Bistritz at
-his back; where he should be at the mercy of the Austrian artillery;
-and where he could be overwhelmed by the attack of superior numbers of
-infantry and cavalry, after he had been demoralized and shattered by
-a crushing cannonade. The Bistritz (above Lubno) is an insignificant
-obstacle; but it might have been a troublesome obstruction in the rear
-of a defeated army. Had the Crown Prince been delayed five or six
-hours, it is probable that Von Benedek’s plan would have succeeded. The
-terrible battering which Frederick Charles received, as it actually
-was, is shown by the fact that his losses exceeded those of the Second
-Army and the Army of the Elbe combined. In fact, the event proved that,
-so far as the repulse of a front attack was concerned, Von Benedek’s
-position fulfilled every condition that could be desired; and it does
-not seem that anything could have been gained by the occupation in
-force of the villages on the Bistritz above Lubno. They should rather
-have been abandoned and destroyed, and everything left to depend on the
-magnificent position in rear--a position scarcely inferior in strength
-to Marye’s Heights or St. Privat.
-
-The only village on the Bistritz that had any real value was Nechanitz.
-Von Benedek’s weak points were his flanks. Had Nechanitz been occupied
-in strong force, the turning of the Austrian left by the Army of the
-Elbe would have been a matter of extreme difficulty, if not a downright
-impossibility. We have seen that the retreat of the Austrian brigade
-from Sadowa uncovered the flanks of the advanced posts, and compelled
-the withdrawal of the troops successively from Dohalitz, Dohalica
-and Mokrowous; and it might seem, at first, that the abandonment of
-Nechanitz might have been caused in a similar manner: but such is
-not the case. The heights in rear of that village, and between it
-and Hradek, should have been held by two corps, from which a strong
-detachment should have been placed in Nechanitz. This detachment could
-easily have been reinforced as occasion demanded. Any attempt to make
-a flank attack upon the village, from the direction of Popowitz, would
-have been made over unfavorable ground, and the attacking force could
-have been assailed in flank by Austrian troops from the heights.
-Attempts to cross at Kuncitz or Boharna could have been promptly met
-and repulsed; and attempts to cross further down would have extended
-the Prussian front to such a degree as to expose it to a dangerous
-counter-attack through Nechanitz. This occupation of Nechanitz would,
-it is true, have thrust Von Benedek’s left flank forward, towards the
-enemy; but that flank would have been strong in numbers and position;
-it would have been covered by the Bistritz (where that stream is
-swollen into a true obstacle); and it would have occupied a position
-commanding Nechanitz and Kuncitz, and within easy reinforcing distance
-of each. Nechanitz would have been to Von Benedek’s left what Hougomont
-was to Wellington’s right; and in the event of Austrian success, it
-would have given the same enveloping front that the British had at
-Waterloo. The neglect of Von Benedek to hold Nechanitz in force is
-surprising; for the position of his reserves indicates that he expected
-an attack upon his left--a not unsound calculation, as his main line of
-retreat lay in rear of his left wing.
-
-On the right there were three positions, any one of which might have
-been so occupied as to check the attack of the Crown Prince; namely: 1.
-The line Trotina-Horenowes; 2. The line Trotina-Sendrasitz-Maslowed;
-3. The line Lochenitz-Nedelist-Chlum. The first is regarded as the
-best by the Austrian Staff. The third is the one actually chosen by
-Von Benedek, but not taken up, owing to a misunderstanding of orders.
-Without undertaking to discuss in detail the dispositions that should
-have been made by the Austrian commander, or the relative merits of the
-three defensive positions available on the right, the assertion may
-be ventured that, in order to make them well suited to the ground and
-the circumstances of the battle, the Austrian dispositions actually
-made needed only to be modified so as to make the left strong in the
-vicinity of Nechanitz and the heights of Hradek, and to occupy any one
-of the three defensive positions on the right with two corps, with
-another corps in reserve within easy supporting distance. If then,
-profiting by American experience, Von Benedek had covered his position
-with hasty entrenchments (for the construction of which the battle
-field afforded every facility), he should have been able to repulse
-the combined Prussian armies; for the numerical odds against him were
-not great at any time; his reserves would have been in a position
-to push forward promptly to any point seriously endangered; and his
-entrenchments would have fully counterbalanced the superior firearms
-of the Prussian infantry. Though he could not, in all probability,
-have gained a decisive victory, he could have inflicted greater losses
-than he received, he could have given his adversaries a bloody check,
-and the mere possession of a hard-fought field would have raised the
-_morale_ of his depressed army.
-
-For a defensive battle, the formation on a salient angle would, in
-this case, have been deprived of its usual objections. Considering the
-nature of the country, and the enormous armies engaged, it is plain
-that the whole force of the assailant could not be brought to bear on
-one face of the angle; and the heights of Chlum would have served as a
-huge traverse to protect the lines from enfilade fire by the enemy’s
-artillery.
-
-A serious defect of the Austrian position was its want of proper
-extent. As we have seen, the entire army occupied a position only six
-and three-quarters miles long. Including the reserves, there were,
-then, more than 30,000 men to a mile. The entire army was crowded, and
-the cavalry had no room for action. The latter should have operated
-across the Bistritz against the Prussian right; or (sacrificing itself
-if necessary) it should have operated against the Prussian left,
-opposing the advance of the Crown Prince, and gaining time for the
-infantry to take up the new position.
-
- * * * * *
-
-The “spectacle of wildest flight and utter rout” in the passage of the
-defeated army over the Elbe[15] would surely seem to support the views
-of Derrécagaix, rather than those of Hozier, in regard to a position
-with a river at its back, even though the river be spanned by many
-bridges. Yet Von Benedek undoubtedly derived considerable advantage
-from having the Elbe at his back; for the Prussian Staff History says:
-“The Elbe formed a considerable barrier to any further immediate
-pursuit. As soon as the bridges over the river were once reached by the
-enemy--to whom moreover the fortress of Königgrätz, which commands so
-large a tract of the surrounding country, afforded a perfectly secure
-place of crossing--the pursuers were obliged to make the detour by way
-of Pardubitz.” If Von Benedek had encountered only a front attack, and
-had been defeated, it is probable that the Elbe at his back would have
-been advantageous to him in the highest degree; for the superb behavior
-of his artillery and cavalry would have effectually covered the
-retreat of his infantry over the numerous bridges, and the Elbe would
-have played the same part in favor of the Austrians that the Mincio
-did after Solferino. But the direction of the Crown Prince’s attack
-destroyed the value of the bridges north of Königgrätz; and, but for
-the protection afforded by the fortress, the Elbe, instead of being of
-the slightest advantage, would have completely barred the retreat of a
-great part of the Austrian army.
-
- * * * * *
-
-Von Benedek’s selection of his individual station for watching the
-progress of the battle was unfortunate. From his station on the slope
-between Lipa and Chlum, his view of the field was limited by the Swiep
-Wald on the north, and Problus on the south; and his view of the
-entire northeastern portion of the field was cut off by the hill and
-village of Chlum. The hill of Chlum was his proper station, and the
-church tower in that hamlet should have been used as a lookout by some
-officer of his staff. From that point the Horica Berg, the heights
-of Horenowes, the Swiep Wald, the village and wood of Sadowa, the
-villages on the Bistritz (almost as far as Nechanitz), the villages
-of Langenhof and Problus--in brief, every important part of the
-field--can be plainly seen. Had this important lookout been utilized,
-Von Benedek could not have been taken by surprise by the advance of the
-Crown Prince. Even the rain, mist and low-hanging smoke could not have
-wholly obscured the advance of the Second Army from view; for the Crown
-Prince was able to trace the direction of the contending lines from the
-heights of Choteborek, a point much farther from the scene of action
-than Maslowed and Horenowes are from Chlum. Von Benedek’s neglect to
-make use of the church tower of Chlum probably had not a little to do
-with the extent of his defeat.[16]
-
- * * * * *
-
-Among the causes of Prussian success in this campaign, the needle gun
-has been given a high place by all writers; and Colonel Home, in his
-admirable “_Précis_ of Modern Tactics,” says: “It is not a little
-remarkable that rapidity of fire has twice placed Prussia at the head
-of the military nations of Europe--in 1749 and 1866.” Nevertheless,
-the importance of the breech-loader in this campaign has probably been
-over-estimated. The moral and physical effects of the needle gun upon
-the Austrian soldiers were tremendous, and were felt from the very
-beginning of the campaign. All other things equal, the needle gun
-would have given the victory to the Prussians; but all other things
-were _not_ equal. The strategy and tactics of the Prussians were as
-much superior to those of their opponents as the needle gun was to the
-Austrian muzzle-loader. In every case, the Prussian victory was due to
-greater numbers or better tactics, rather than to superior rapidity of
-fire; and when we consider the tactical features of each engagement, it
-is hard to see how the result could have been different, even if the
-Prussians had been no better armed than their adversaries. The needle
-gun, undoubtedly, enabled the Prussian Guards to repulse the attacks
-of the Austrian reserves at Chlum; but the battle had already gone
-irretrievably against the Austrians, and if they had driven back the
-Guards, the Ist and Vth Corps would have quickly recovered the lost
-ground, and the result would have been the same. Derrécagaix, too,
-overestimates the influence of the needle gun when he points, for proof
-of its value, to the great disparity of loss between the Prussians
-and Austrians at Königgrätz. The same enormous disproportion of loss
-existed in favor of the Germans at Sedan, though the needle gun was
-notoriously inferior to the Chassepot. This inequality of loss is to be
-attributed mainly to the superior strategical and tactical movements
-of the Prussians, by which, in both these battles, they crowded their
-opponents into a limited space, and crushed them with a concentric fire.
-
-It is a remarkable fact, moreover, that the superiority of the needle
-gun over the muzzle-loader did not arise so much from the greater
-rapidity of fire, as from the greater rapidity and security of loading.
-Baron Stoffel says: “On the 29th of June, 1866, at Königinhof, the
-Prussians had a sharp action with the enemy. After the action, which
-took place in fields covered with high corn, Colonel Kessel went over
-the ground, and to his astonishment, found five or six Austrian bodies
-for every dead Prussian. The Austrians killed had been mostly hit in
-the head. His [Kessel’s] men, far from firing fast, had hardly fired as
-many rounds as the enemy. The Austrian officers who were made prisoners
-said to the Prussians: ‘Our men are demoralized, not by the rapidity
-of your fire, for we could find some means, perhaps, to counterbalance
-that, but because you are always ready to fire. This morning your men,
-like ours, were concealed in the corn; but, in this position, yours
-could, without being seen, load their rifles easily and rapidly: ours,
-on the other hand, were compelled to stand up and show themselves when
-they loaded, and you then took the opportunity of firing at them.
-Thus we had the greatest difficulty in getting our men to stand up at
-all; and such was their terror when they did stand up to load that
-their hands trembled, and they could hardly put the cartridge into the
-barrel. Our men fear the advantage the quick and easy loading of the
-needle gun gives you; it is this that demoralizes them. In action they
-feel themselves disarmed the greater part of the time, whereas you are
-always ready to fire.’”
-
-As to rapidity of fire, it only remains to add that in the battle of
-Königgrätz the number of cartridges fired by the infantry averaged
-scarcely more than one round per man. This, however, is largely
-accounted for by the fact that during a great part of the battle
-the Austrian artillery kept most of Frederick Charles’ army beyond
-effective infantry fire, as well as by the circumstance that a large
-part of the Crown Prince’s army did not fire a shot--the Vth Corps not
-coming into action at all.
-
-The needle gun was of inestimable value to the Prussians, but it
-was by no means the principal cause of their triumph. The great
-cause of the success of Prussia was, without doubt, the thorough
-military preparation which enabled her to take the field while her
-adversaries were yet unprepared, and to begin operations the minute
-war was declared. This, combined with the able strategy of Von Moltke,
-enabled the Prussians to seize the initiative; to throw the Austrians
-everywhere upon the defensive; and to strike them with superior numbers
-at every move, so that Von Benedek’s troops were demoralized before the
-decisive battle was fought.
-
- * * * * *
-
-The tactics of the Prussians can be best described in the words of
-Derrécagaix:
-
-“In advancing to the attack, the Prussian divisions generally adopted,
-in this battle, a formation in three groups; the advanced-guard,
-the center and the reserve. In the 7th Division, for instance, the
-advanced-guard consisted of four battalions, four squadrons, one
-battery and one-half company of pioneers. The center, or main body, was
-composed of six battalions and one battery. In the reserve there were
-one and three-fourths battalions, two batteries and one and one-half
-companies of pioneers.
-
-“These dispositions enabled them to launch against the first points
-assailed a succession of attacks, which soon gave a great numerical
-superiority to the assailants. This accounts for the rapidity with
-which the points of support fell into the hands of the Prussians. Their
-groups gained the first shelter by defiling behind the rising ground,
-and when a point was stubbornly defended, the artillery opened fire
-upon it, while the infantry sought to turn it by pushing forward on the
-flanks.”
-
-On this point Hamley says: “When it is said that the Prussians are
-specially alive to the necessity of flank attacks, it is not to be
-supposed that the turning of the enemy’s line alone is meant; for
-that is a matter for the direction of the commanding general, and
-concerns only a fraction of the troops engaged. The common application
-lies in the attack of all occupied ground which is wholly or in
-part disconnected from the general line, such as advanced posts,
-hamlets, farm buildings, woods, or parts of a position which project
-bastion-like, and are weakly defended in flank.”
-
-The Prussians seem, in almost every case, to have advanced to the
-attack in company columns, supported by half-battalion columns, or even
-by battalions formed in double column on the center. Though the columns
-were preceded by skirmishers, the latter seem to have played only the
-comparatively unimportant part of feeling and developing the enemy; and
-the present system by which a battle is begun, continued and ended,
-by a constantly reinforced skirmish line, was not yet dreamed of. It
-is remarkable that, after witnessing the destructive effects of the
-needle gun upon their adversaries, the Prussians should have retained
-their old attack formation, until, four years later, the thickly strewn
-corpses of the Prussian Guards at St. Privat gave a ghastly warning
-that the time had come for a change.
-
-It is interesting to compare the tactical features of the campaign of
-1866 with those of our own war. The necessity of launching upon the
-points assailed a succession of attacks was recognized in the tactical
-disposition frequently made, during the War of Secession, in which
-the assaulting divisions were drawn up in three lines of brigades,
-at distances of about 150 yards, the leading brigade being preceded
-by one, or sometimes two, lines of skirmishers.[17] The skirmishers
-being reinforced by, and absorbed in, the first line, the latter, if
-checked, being reinforced and pushed forward by the second, and the
-third line being similarly absorbed, the assaulting force, at the
-moment of collision, generally consisted of all the successive lines
-merged into one dense line. This formation was the outgrowth of bitter
-experience in attacking in column, though the attack with battalions
-ployed in close column had not altogether disappeared in 1864.[18] In
-comparison with the beautiful tactics by which the Germans now attack,
-with a firing line constantly reinforced from supports and reserves
-kept in small columns for the double purpose of obtaining the greatest
-possible combination of mobility and shelter, the attack formation
-used in the Civil War seems far from perfect; but it was certainly
-superior to the Prussian attack formation of 1866, for it recognized
-the hopelessness of attacks in column, and provided for the successive
-reinforcement of an attacking line. General Sherman, in describing the
-tactics in use in his campaigns, says: “The men generally fought in
-strong skirmish lines, taking advantage of the shape of the ground, and
-of every cover.” Dispositions being, of course, made for the constant
-reinforcement of these lines, we find Sherman’s army habitually using
-tactics embracing the essential features of the German tactics of the
-present day.[19]
-
-The Austrian infantry tactics possessed the double attribute of
-antiquity and imbecility. Major Adams, of the Royal Military and Staff
-Colleges, says: “Since the Italian war, when Napoleon III. declared
-that ‘arms of precision were dangerous only at a distance,’ it had
-been the endeavor of Austria to imitate the tactics to which she
-attributed her own defeat. If the uniform success of the French in
-1859 had established the trustworthiness of the Emperor’s theory, how
-much more necessary must it now be to arrive at close quarters, where
-precision was accompanied by unusual rapidity of fire? The more recent
-experiences of the American war would seem indeed to have excited but
-little interest in Austria. Could it really be reasonably expected
-that Austrian soldiers should effect what American generals had long
-discarded as no longer to be attained? The advocacy of the bayonet, so
-loudly proclaimed in Austrian circles, would surely have elicited a
-contemptuous smile from the veterans of the Army of the Potomac. During
-three years of war, but 143 cases of bayonet wounds were treated in the
-northern hospitals; of these, but two-thirds were received in action,
-and six only proved eventually fatal. How, then, could it be imagined
-that tactics, which had already failed against the common rifle, ...
-should now prevail against the Prussian breech-loaders? The manner in
-which these naked Austrian battalions were ignorantly flung against the
-murderous fire of the enemy soon produced results which every novice
-in the art of war will readily appreciate. Even under cover the dread
-of the Prussian weapon became such that, as the enemy approached, the
-Austrian infantry either broke or surrendered.”
-
- * * * * *
-
-The important aid that the Austrians might have derived from hasty
-entrenchments has already been pointed out.[20] In not one single
-instance did they make use of such shelter-trenches or breastworks
-as were habitually used by the American armies, though the theater
-of war offered the best of opportunities for the quick construction
-and valuable use of such works. Such attempts at the construction of
-entrenchments as were made, savor more of the days of Napoleon than
-of the era of arms of precision. But the Austrians were not alone in
-their neglect to profit by American experience in this respect. It
-was not until Osman Pasha showed on European soil the value of hasty
-entrenchments, that European military men generally took note of a
-lesson of war that they might have learned thirteen years earlier.[21]
-
- * * * * *
-
-The great value of hasty entrenchments, and the immeasurable
-superiority of fire action over “cold steel,” were not the only lessons
-taught by our war which were unheeded by Austrian soldiers steeped
-in conservatism and basking serenely in the sunshine of their own
-military traditions. Their use of cavalry showed either an ignorance
-of, or contempt for, the experience of the American armies; but, in
-this respect, the Austrians were not less perspicacious than their
-adversaries. The campaign produced some fine examples of combats
-between opposing forces of cavalry; but it also produced many instances
-in which the Austrians hurled their cavalry against intact infantry
-armed with breech-loaders, only to learn from their own defeat and an
-appalling list of killed and wounded, that they had applied the tactics
-of a past age to the conditions of a new era. Both armies seem to have
-been afraid to let their cavalry get out of sight, and to have reserved
-their mounted troops solely for use on the field of battle. If they had
-studied the great raids of the American cavalry leaders, they would
-have learned a lesson which there were excellent opportunities to apply.
-
-It would, probably, have been impossible for the Austrian cavalry to
-cut the Prussian communications before the junction of the invading
-armies was effected. A cavalry column attempting to move around the
-left of Frederick Charles would almost certainly have been caught
-between the First Army and the impassable Isergebirge, and captured
-before doing any damage. A column moving around the Prussian right,
-into Saxony, would have encountered the cavalry division of Von Mülbe’s
-reserve corps, to say nothing of the infantry and artillery; and the
-movement would, doubtless, have come to naught. A movement against the
-communications of the Crown Prince could have been made only _via_ the
-valley of the Oder, where it could have been effectually opposed. But
-it is certain that after the battle of Königgrätz the Austrians had
-it in their power to balk the advance of Von Moltke by operating with
-cavalry against his communications. In this case the raiders would have
-been operating in their own country, and among a friendly population;
-the railways could have been cut without difficulty, and the cavalry
-could have retreated without serious danger of being intercepted. The
-effect upon the invading army does not admit of doubt. We have seen
-that, with unobstructed communications, the Prussian army was subjected
-to no slight distress, after the battle of Münchengrätz, for want of
-rations. Even two days after peace had been agreed upon, the Austrian
-garrison of Theresienstadt, ignorant of the termination of the war,
-by a successful sally destroyed the railway bridge near Kralup. The
-line of communication of the Prussians with the secondary base of
-supplies at Turnau was thus broken; and, though hostilities were at
-an end, the invaders were subjected to much inconvenience. It is easy
-to imagine what would have been the effect upon the Prussians during
-their advance to the Danube, if a Stuart, a Forrest or a Grierson had
-operated against the railways upon which the supply of the invading
-army necessarily depended.
-
-Nor were the raiding opportunities altogether on the side of the
-Austrians. The Prague-Olmütz line of railway, of the most vital
-importance to Von Benedek, ran parallel to the Silesian frontier,
-and in close proximity to it. This line of railway should have been
-a tempting object to a raiding column of cavalry. If it had been cut
-at any point near Böhmisch-Trübau, the Austrian army would have been
-in sore straits for supplies. Vigorous and determined cavalry raids
-against the railroad between Böhmisch-Trübau and Olmütz would surely
-have been productive of good results, even if the road had not been
-cut; for Von Benedek was extremely solicitous about his communications
-in this part of the theater (as is shown by his long detention of the
-IId Corps in this region), and an alert and enterprising raider might
-have found means of detaining from the main Austrian army a force much
-larger than his own.
-
-But neither the Austrian nor the Prussian cavalry was so armed as to
-be able to make raiding movements with much hope of success. Cavalry
-without the power of using effective fire-action can never accomplish
-anything of importance on a raid; for a small force of hostile infantry
-can easily thwart its objects. The dragoon regiments were armed with
-the carbine, it is true, but they seem to have been studiously taught
-to feel a contempt for its use. At Tischnowitz (on the advance from
-Königgrätz to Brünn) a Prussian advanced-guard, consisting of dragoons,
-kept off a large force of Austrian cavalry by means of carbine fire,
-until the arrival of reinforcements enabled the dragoons to charge
-with the saber. According to Hozier, the Austrian cavalry pulled up
-sharply, “half surprised, half frightened, to find that a carbine could
-be of any use, except to make noise or smoke, in the hands of a mounted
-man.” Yet nothing seems to have been learned from this incident, and
-it was not until a brigade of German cavalry, consisting of three
-regiments, was stopped at the village of Vibray, in December, 1870,
-by a bare dozen of riflemen, and the Uhlans were everywhere forced to
-retire before the undisciplined _Francs-tireurs_, that the necessity of
-fire-action on the part of all cavalry was forced home to the Germans.
-Even yet the strategical value of the American cavalry raids seems
-to be under-estimated by European military critics, who seem also to
-regard anything like extensive fire-action on the part of cavalry as
-scarcely short of military heresy. Von der Goltz says: “Much has been
-spoken in modern times of far-reaching excursions of great masses of
-cavalry in the flank and rear of the enemy, which go beyond the object
-of intelligence, and have for their aim the destruction of railways,
-telegraph wires, bridges, magazines and depots. The American War of
-Secession made us familiar with many such ‘raids,’ on which the names
-of a Stuart, an Ashby, a Morgan and others, attained great renown.
-But, in attempting to transfer them to our theaters of war, we must
-primarily take into consideration the different nature, civilization
-and extent of the most European countries, but more especially those
-of the west. Then, regard must be paid to the different constitution
-of the forces. If a squadron of horse, improvised by a partisan, was
-defeated in such an enterprise, or if, when surrounded by the enemy, it
-broke itself up, that was of little consequence. It was only necessary
-that it was first paid for by some successes. Quite a different
-impression would be caused by the annihilation of one of our cavalry
-regiments, that by history and tradition is closely bound up with the
-whole army, and which, when once destroyed, cannot so easily rise again
-as can a volunteer association of adventurous farmers’ sons.
-
-“The thorough organization of the defensive power of civilized nations
-is also a preventive to raids. Even when the armies have already
-marched away, squadrons of horse can, in thickly populated districts,
-with a little preparation, be successfully repulsed by levies. The
-French _Francs-tireurs_ in the western departments attacked our
-cavalry, as soon as they saw it isolated.”
-
-With all deference to the great military writer here quoted, it is
-impossible to concede that he has grasped the true idea of cavalry
-raids. The slight esteem in which he holds “a volunteer association
-of adventurous farmers’ sons” is not surprising, for Europeans have
-rarely formed a just idea of American volunteers, and the effective
-fire-action of the American cavalry seems to be taken by foreign
-critics as proof positive that those troops were not _cavalry_, but
-merely mounted infantry--a view not shared by those who participated in
-the saber charges of Merritt, Custer and Devin. As to the annihilation
-of a Prussian cavalry regiment, there should be no objection to the
-annihilation of any regiment, however rich it may be in glorious
-history and tradition, provided that the emergency demands it, and the
-results obtained be of sufficient value to justify the sacrifice. Von
-Bredow’s charge at Mars-la-Tour was deemed well worth the sacrifice of
-two superb cavalry regiments; yet the results obtained by that famous
-charge certainly were not greater than those achieved by Van Dorn in
-the capture of Holly Springs. The former is supposed to have stopped
-a dangerous French attack; the latter is known to have checked a
-Federal campaign at its outset. Even had Van Dorn’s entire force been
-captured or slain (instead of escaping without loss) the result would
-have justified the sacrifice. Nor is the danger of annihilation great,
-if the cavalry be properly armed and trained. That cavalry untrained
-in fire-action can be successfully repulsed by levies, in thickly
-populated districts, is undoubtedly true; but such cavalry as that
-which, under Wilson, dismounted and carried entrenchments by a charge
-on foot, would hardly be stopped by such troops as _Francs-tireurs_ or
-any other hasty levies that could be raised in a country covered with
-villages. Superior mobility should enable cavalry to avoid large forces
-of infantry, and it should be able to hold its own against any equal
-force of opposing cavalry or infantry. The objections of Von der Goltz
-and Prince Hohenlohe to raids by large bodies of cavalry, lose their
-force if we consider the cavalry so armed and trained as to be capable
-of effective fire-action. When cavalry is so armed and organized as to
-make it possible for Prince Hohenlohe to state that a cavalry division
-of six regiments “could put only 1,400 carbines into the firing line,”
-and that “in a difficult country it could have no chance against even a
-battalion of infantry decently well posted,” we must acknowledge that a
-respectable raid is out of the question.
-
-We do not find, in 1866, the cavalry pushed forward as a strategic
-veil covering the operations of the army. On the contrary we find the
-cavalry divisions kept well to the rear, and the divisional cavalry
-alone entrusted with reconnoissance duty, which it performed in
-anything but an efficient manner. At Trautenau, Von Bonin’s cavalry
-does not seem to have followed the retreat of Mondl, or to have
-discovered the approach of Von Gablentz. If it was of any use whatever,
-the fact is not made apparent in history. At Nachod, Steinmetz’s
-cavalry did better, and gave timely warning of the approach of the
-enemy; but generally, throughout the campaign, the Prussian cavalry
-did not play a part of much importance either in screening or
-reconnoitering. It profited greatly by its experience, however, and
-in the Franco-German war we find it active, alert, ubiquitous, and
-never repeating the drowsy blunder committed when it allowed Frederick
-Charles unwittingly to bivouac within four miles and a half of Von
-Benedek’s entire army, or the inertness shown when it permitted the
-Austrian army to escape from all touch, sight or hearing, for three
-days, after the battle of Königgrätz.
-
-On the part of the Austrians, the cavalry was even more negligent
-and inefficient. Outpost and reconnoissance duties were carelessly
-performed; and Von Benedek was greatly hampered by a want of timely
-and correct information of the enemy’s movements. In only one instance
-does the Austrian cavalry seem to have been used profitably; namely, in
-covering the retreat of the defeated army at Königgrätz. In the words
-of Hozier: “Although operations had been conducted in its own country,
-where every information concerning the Prussian movements could have
-been readily obtained from the inhabitants, the Austrian cavalry had
-made no raids against the flank or rear of the advancing army, had
-cut off no ammunition or provision trains, had broken up no railway
-communications behind the marching columns, had destroyed no telegraph
-lines between the front and the base of supplies, had made no sudden
-or night attacks against the outposts so as to make the weary infantry
-stand to their arms and lose their night’s rest, and, instead of
-hovering around the front and flanks to irritate and annoy the pickets,
-had been rarely seen or fallen in with, except when it had been marched
-down upon and beaten up by the Prussian advanced-guards.” Surely it
-needed all the energy and valor shown in the last hours of Königgrätz
-to atone, in even a small degree, for such inefficiency.
-
- * * * * *
-
-The full offensive value of artillery was not yet understood in any
-army; and it is not surprising to notice in this campaign the utter
-absence of the tactics which, in the war with France, brought the
-German guns almost up to the skirmish line, and kept them actively
-engaged at close range until the end of the battle. It is, however,
-amazing to observe the slowness and general inefficiency of the
-Prussian artillery in every action. At Trautenau, though there were 96
-guns belonging to Von Bonin’s corps, only 32 were brought into action,
-while 42 remained in the immediate vicinity without firing a shot. The
-remaining 22 guns do not seem to have reached the field at all. At
-Soor the Austrians brought 64 guns into action; but of the 72 guns of
-the Prussians, only 18 were brought into action from first to last. At
-Nachod, Skalitz and Gitschin it is the same story--plenty of Prussian
-artillery, but only a small portion of the guns brought into action,
-and those without appreciable effect.
-
-Prince Hohenlohe says that in the entire campaign “the Prussian
-artillery, which numbered as many pieces as its adversary, had only
-once been able to obtain the numerical superiority. It had, on all
-occasions, fought against forces two, three, or even four times
-superior in number.” At Königgrätz the Prussian artillery was handled
-with surprising feebleness. The Crown Prince finally succeeded in
-bringing to bear on the Austrian right a force of artillery superior
-in numbers to that opposed to him; but, even in this case, his guns
-accomplished but little. As to the artillery of Frederick Charles,
-it practically accomplished nothing at all; and it was scarcely of
-more use on the Bistritz than it would have been in Berlin. From the
-beginning to the end of the battle, the Austrians had everywhere a
-decided superiority of artillery fire, except only in the one case on
-their right.
-
-The Prussian Staff History says, in regard to the engagement south of
-the Sadowa wood: “A want of unity in the direction of the artillery
-was painfully evident on this part of the field. Two commandants of
-regiments were on the spot, but the eleven batteries then present
-belonged to five different artillery divisions, some of them to the
-divisional artillery and some to the reserve. This accounts for the
-want of unity of action at this spot; some batteries advanced perfectly
-isolated, whilst others retired behind the Bistritz at the same time.”
-To this Colonel Home adds: “A great deal of this was due to the fact
-that the guns came into action on one side of a small, muddy, stream,
-over which there were very few bridges, and across which bridges might
-have been thrown with ease, while the wagons remained on the other.” It
-may be further added, that the Prussian artillery seems to have been
-unduly afraid of encountering infantry fire, and to have had a bad
-habit of withdrawing to refit and to renew its ammunition. It is said
-of the Prussian artillery, that “they planted themselves here and there
-among the reserves, and never found places anywhere to engage.”[22]
-On the march the artillery was kept too far to the rear, and, owing
-to its inefficient action, the infantry, long before the close of the
-campaign, generally showed a disposition to despise its help, and to
-hurry into action without it, crowding the roads, and refusing to
-let the guns pass. Much had been expected of their artillery by the
-Prussians, and its feeble action was a severe disappointment to them.
-It is to the glory of the Prussians that they were quick to fathom
-the causes of the inefficiency of their artillery, and that they were
-able, in four years, to replace the impotence of Königgrätz with the
-annihilating “circle of fire” of Sedan.
-
-The Austrians far surpassed their adversaries in the skill and
-effectiveness with which they used their artillery. The superiority of
-the French artillery had largely contributed to the Austrian disasters
-in Italy seven years before, and the lesson had not been forgotten.
-From the beginning of the Campaign of 1866, the Austrian artillery was
-an important factor in every engagement, and at Königgrätz it was
-handled superbly. But, in every case, it was used defensively, and the
-Austrian artillerists originated no new tactical features, and taught
-no lessons that could not have been learned from Gettysburg, Malvern
-Hill, Solferino, or even Wagram.
-
- * * * * *
-
-The concentration of the Prussian armies preparatory to hostilities
-was made partly by marching, and partly by railroad transportation.
-The work accomplished by the railroads may, perhaps, be best expressed
-in the words of the Prussian Staff History: “The whole of the marches
-and of the railway movements were so arranged by the General Staff,
-in harmony with the railway department, that in their execution, in
-which both the military and civil powers were concerned, no impediments
-or delays could occur. The result of these arrangements was, that in
-the twenty-one days allowed, 197,000 men, 55,000 horses, and 5,300
-wagons were transported for distances varying between 120 and 300
-miles, without any failure, and in such a manner that they attained the
-required spots at the very hour requisite.” Prussia was thus enabled,
-in the short space of three weeks, to place 325,000 men on the hostile
-frontiers, of which number 267,000 were ready for operations against
-Austria. Yet, great as this achievement was, it shows that the Prussian
-military system had not yet reached the perfection shown in 1870, when
-nineteen days sufficed for the mobilization of an army of 440,000
-Germans, and its concentration on the frontier of France.
-
-Further than in the matter of mobilization and concentration, the use
-of railways in the Austro-Prussian war presented no new features. In
-the matter of supplying armies in the field, the small area of the
-theater of war, and the inertness of the cavalry, were such that it
-is almost impossible to make a comparison of the use of railways in
-this campaign with the use of the same means of transport in the War
-of Secession. If we imagine a Prussian army pushing entirely through
-the Austrian Empire, to the vicinity of Belgrade, and dependent for its
-supplies on a single line of railway, back to a base on the Prussian
-frontier; and if we imagine, moreover, that the Austrian cavalry
-possessed vigilance, enterprise, good firearms and modern ideas,
-instead of being a mere military anachronism, we can picture a parallel
-to Sherman’s Atlanta campaign.
-
- * * * * *
-
-In regard to the use of the electric telegraph by the Prussians,
-Hamley says: “The telegraphic communication between the two Prussian
-armies invading Bohemia in 1866 was not maintained up to the battle
-of Königgrätz: had it been, and had the situation on both sides been
-fully appreciated, their joint attack might have been so timed as
-to obviate the risk of separate defeat which the premature onset of
-Prince Frederick Charles’ army entailed.” Yet Hozier describes in
-glowing terms the equipment of Frederick Charles’ telegraph train,
-and speaks with somewhat amusing admiration of the feat of placing
-the Prince’s headquarters, at the castle of Grafenstein, in direct
-telegraphic communication with Berlin, though the castle was five
-miles from the nearest permanent telegraph station. With each of the
-Prussian armies was a telegraph train, provided with the wire and other
-material requisite for the construction of forty miles of line. Yet,
-though communication was opened between the Crown Prince and Frederick
-Charles early on June 30th; though there were three days in which
-to construct a telegraph line; though the headquarters at Gitschin,
-Kamenitz and Königinhof could have been put in direct communication
-without exhausting much more than half the capacity of a single
-telegraph train, the Prussians neglected even to preserve telegraphic
-communications to the rear of their armies (and thus with each other
-_via_ Berlin), and, as we have seen, staked their success upon the safe
-delivery of a message carried by a courier, over an unknown road, on a
-night of pitchy darkness. Here again a valuable lesson might have been
-learned from the Americans.[23]
-
- * * * * *
-
-Though the War of Secession was begun without military preparation on
-either side; though its earlier operations sometimes presented features
-that would have been ludicrous but for the earnestness and valor
-displayed, and the mournful loss of life which resulted; our armies
-and generals grew in excellence as the war continued; and before the
-close of the conflict, the art of war had reached a higher development
-in America than it attained in Europe in 1866, and, in some respects,
-higher than it reached in 1870.
-
-Notwithstanding the excellent organization, the superior arms and
-thorough preparation of the Prussian armies; notwithstanding the genius
-of Von Moltke and the intelligence and energy of his subordinates,
-the prime cause of Austrian failure is found in the neglect of the
-Austrian generals to watch the development of the art of war on our
-side of the Atlantic. Had they profited by our experience, their
-infantry, on one side of the theater of operations, would have been
-able, behind entrenchments, to contain many more than their own numbers
-of the Prussians; and Von Benedek, profiting by his interior lines,
-could then have thrown superior numbers against the other armies of
-his adversary. Opposing the Prussian columns with heavy skirmish
-lines constantly reinforced from the rear, the men of the firing line
-availing themselves of the cover afforded by the ground, he would have
-neutralized, by superior tactics, the superior arms of his opponent.
-His cavalry, instead of using the tactics of a by-gone age, would have
-been used, in part, in cutting the Prussian communications, bringing
-their advance to a halt, gaining time for him, when time was of
-priceless value, and enabling him to seize the initiative.
-
-Possibly the war might, nevertheless, have resulted in Prussian
-success; for Von Moltke has always shown a power to solve quickly,
-and in the most perfect manner, any problem of war with which he has
-been confronted, while Von Benedek had only the half-development of
-a general possessing tactical skill without strategical ability.
-But the great Prussian strategist would have failed in his first
-plan of campaign, and he could have been successful only when, like
-his opponent, he availed himself of the new developments in warfare
-illustrated by the American campaigns. The Seven Weeks’ War would have
-been at least a matter of months; Austria would not have been struck
-down at a single blow; other nations might have been drawn into the
-prolonged conflict, and the entire history of Europe might have been
-different.
-
-[Illustration: KÖNIGGRÄTZ TO THE DANUBE]
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[1] These guns were classed, not according to the weight of the
-projectile, but according to the diameter of the bore. Thus the gun
-firing a 15-lb. shell was rated as a 6-pdr., because the diameter of
-its bore was the same as that of a 6-pdr. smooth-bore gun.
-
-[2] See frontispiece map.
-
-[3] It may be of assistance to the reader, in the following pages, to
-note that the divisions in the Prussian army are numbered consecutively
-throughout the several army corps. Thus, the Ist Corps consists of the
-1st and 2d Divisions; the IId Corps, of the 3d and 4th Divisions; the
-VIth Corps, of the 11th and 12th Divisions, and so on.
-
-[4] Derrécagaix and the Prussian Official History both condemn Von
-Clausewitz’s delay. Adams, however, finds an excuse for it. He says:
-“The first question that arises is, should Clausewitz have occupied
-Trautenau? Mondl was up, in all probability, and he would have been
-deeply engaged before Grossmann [commanding the right column] came
-up, against orders. He could not have been acquainted with the
-situation, for Bonin himself was not, and it is difficult, therefore,
-to attach blame to him. The cause of Grossmann’s delay is said to
-have been the hilly character of the road. Mondl, on the other hand,
-reaching Hohenbrück about 7:30, seems to have halted there to form.
-The Austrian official account states that he had occupied the heights
-since 9:15, and before this he had reached Hohenbrück at 7:45. When
-he had formed--that is to say, waited to mass his brigade before
-deploying--the position must have been taken up by him between 8:30 and
-9:15. Had Clausewitz advanced, it would have taken three-quarters of
-an hour to debouch in force south of Trautenau, so that he would have
-had to continue his march without halting to cross the Aupa, and push
-forward from Trautenau, contrary to orders, in order to engage Mondl on
-the very strong ground he by that time had fully occupied.
-
-“Probably the latter was informed ... that no immediate danger was
-impending, or he would not have waited leisurely to form. The first
-duty of the advance, on coming into collision with the enemy, is to
-occupy rapidly such localities as may prove of use in the impending
-action.”
-
-Nevertheless, the fact remains that the heights were unoccupied when
-Von Clausewitz arrived at Parschnitz; and it was _his_ duty, as well
-as that of Mondl, on coming into collision with the enemy, to occupy
-rapidly such localities as might have proved of use in the impending
-action. As to engaging Mondl “on the very strong ground he by that
-time had fully occupied,” it is sufficient to state that he had only a
-brigade, while Von Clausewitz had a division. A subordinate commander
-assumes a grave responsibility when he violates or exceeds his orders;
-but it is hardly to be expected that an able division commander will
-fetter himself by observing the strict letter of an order, when he
-knows, and his superior does not know, that the condition of affairs
-in his front is such as to offer an opportunity for a successful and
-valuable stroke, even though that stroke be not contemplated in the
-orders of his chief. Von Alvensleben understood matters better when
-he marched without orders to assist Von Fransecky at Königgrätz.
-If a division commander were never expected to act upon his own
-responsibility when a movement is urged by his own common sense, it is
-evident that the position of general of division could be filled by a
-man of very limited abilities.
-
-[5] “While this was going on a staff-officer ... of General
-Beauregard’s headquarters ... came up to General Bragg and said,
-‘The General directs that the pursuit be stopped; the victory is
-sufficiently complete; it is needless to expose our men to the fire
-of the gun-boats.’ General Bragg said, ‘My God! was a victory ever
-sufficiently complete?’”--_Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol.
-I., p. 605._
-
-[6] The above criticism on the delay of Frederick Charles is based
-mainly on the comments of Major Adams, in his “Great Campaigns in
-Europe.” Hozier, who, in the main, follows the Prussian Staff History
-of the war, has nothing but praise for the Prince. The absence of
-adverse criticism on the action of Frederick Charles in the Prussian
-Official History is, perhaps, explained by the high military and
-social position of that general. Adams seems to think that a forward
-movement by Frederick Charles would have caused Clam-Gallas to abandon
-Münchengrätz at once, and does not seem to consider that if the
-Austro-Saxons had not been dislodged, Clam-Gallas would have had the
-Prussian communications by the throat, while covering his own, and
-that this advantage might have compensated him for his separation from
-Von Benedek. It may be urged in objection to these comments, that
-Frederick Charles did not know the exact condition of affairs in his
-front at the time. To this it may be replied that ability to appreciate
-a strategical advantage, and power to form a correct estimate of the
-enemy’s dispositions, are a test of a general’s merits as a strategist.
-McClellan is not excused for believing that, when Lee was attacking
-his right at Gaines’ Mill, the enemy was in strong force between the
-Federal army and Richmond; and Hamley is not gentle in his comments on
-Napoleon’s failure to estimate correctly the force and dispositions
-of the Prussians at Jena; though, being an Englishman, he does not
-hesitate to adopt another standard of criticism when he finds it
-necessary to defend Wellington for his error in leaving at Hal 17,000
-men so sorely needed at Waterloo.--[See Hamley’s “Operations of War,”
-p. 94 _et seq._, and p. 198].
-
-[7] It should be remembered that, in addition to the four corps
-immediately opposed to the Crown Prince, the IIId and IId Austrian
-Corps were at Von Benedek’s disposal; the latter being scarcely more
-than two marches distant from Josephstadt.
-
-[8] At the battle of Königgrätz, Frederick Charles had 123,918 men.
-His losses at Gitschin aggregated 2,612 men. It seems, therefore, that
-130,000 men is a high estimate of the maximum force which he would have
-been able to oppose to Von Benedek at Gitschin, had the latter made a
-junction with Clam-Gallas at that point.
-
-[9] Col. C. B. Brackenbury, R. A., who accompanied the Austrian
-headquarters during the campaign, says that on one occasion he heard
-Von Benedek say, hotly, to his disputing staff, “For God’s sake do
-something!” and mentions the following incident: “After the battles of
-Nachod and Trautenau the second officer of the Intelligence Department
-examined all the prisoners, and obtained clear information of the
-whereabouts of all the columns of the Crown Prince, then struggling
-through the mountain passes. He wrote his report and took it to the
-officer who had been sent to Benedek to decide the strategy of the
-campaign. At that time several Austrian corps were close by. The
-General looked at the paper and had all the facts explained to him. He
-then dismissed the Captain, who, however, remained and said, probably
-in that tone of distrust which prevailed, ‘Now, Herr General, I have
-shown you that the Crown Prince can be beaten in detail if attacked by
-our great force within half a day’s march; may I ask what you propose
-to do with the Austrian army?’ The General replied, ‘I shall send it
-against Prince Frederick Charles.’ The Captain put his hands together
-in an attitude of supplication and said, ‘For God’s sake, sir, do
-not,’ but was ordered out of the room. I did not know this fact when
-Benedek said, the day after the defeat of Königgrätz, ‘Did you ever
-see such a fine army so thrown away?’”--“_Field Works_,” by Col. C. B.
-Brackenbury, R. A., p. 205 and note.
-
-[10] Gitschin, Jung Buntzlau, and Libau are shown on Map No. 6. The
-positions of the other places here mentioned are, in reference to
-Gitschin, as follows: Aulibitz, nearly 4 miles east; Chotec, about
-7-1/2 miles east; Konetzchlum, about 6-1/2 miles east-south-east;
-Milicowes, about 4-1/2 miles south-south-east; Podhrad, about 2 miles
-south-west; Robaus, about 2 miles east; Dworetz, near, and north of,
-Robaus.
-
-[11] It is interesting to note the growth of great generals under the
-influence of their actual experience in war. The Frederick of Rossbach
-and Leuthen was very different from the Frederick of Mollwitz. In 1796
-we find Napoleon calling a council of war before hazarding a second
-attempt upon Colli’s position at St. Michel, and showing, even in
-that vigorous and brilliant campaign, a hesitation never shown by the
-Napoleon of Ulm and Austerlitz. The Grant of Vicksburg was not the
-Grant of Shiloh; and Lee at Chancellorsville and Petersburg does not
-seem like the same commander who conducted the impotent campaign of
-1861 in West Virginia. The old saying, “Great generals are born, not
-made,” is not altogether true. It would be more correct to say, “Great
-generals are born, and then made.”
-
-[12] The author’s own observations of the topography of the field
-correspond, in the main, with the description given above. The
-Bistritz, however, is not such a formidable obstacle as one might
-infer from the description quoted. At the village of Sadowa it is a
-mere ditch, not much larger than some of the _acequias_ in Colorado or
-Utah. It is perhaps eight feet wide and three feet in depth. It could
-hardly have been an obstacle to infantry. Its muddy bottom and marshy
-banks doubtless rendered it a considerable obstacle for artillery, but
-the eight villages through which it flows, within the limits of the
-battle field, certainly could have furnished abundant material for
-any number of small bridges required for crossing it. In the vicinity
-of Nechanitz, the Bistritz, having received the waters of a tributary
-creek, becomes a true obstacle, as it spreads out to a width of about
-thirty yards, and the banks are swampy. It should be remarked that at
-the time of the author’s visit to Königgrätz, there had been very heavy
-rains, and the condition of the stream was probably the same as on the
-day of the battle.
-
-[13] A sketch of these operations is given in the appendices.
-
-[14] The strength of the Union army at Gettysburg was 78,043. The
-Confederate army numbered about 70,000. The Union army lost 3,072
-killed, and 14,497 wounded. The Confederates lost 2,592 killed, and
-12,709 wounded. In comparing the losses of Gettysburg with those of
-Königgrätz, no account is here taken of the “missing” in either the
-Union or the Confederate losses; though the missing (exclusive of
-prisoners) are figured in with the killed and wounded of the Prussian
-and Austrian armies. The figures in regard to Gettysburg are taken from
-the tables (compiled from official records) in “Battles and Leaders of
-the Civil War.” The figures in regard to Königgrätz are taken from the
-Prussian Official History.
-
-[15] See page 70.
-
-[16] Although the above comment coincides in its main features with the
-criticism of Hozier on the same subject, it is based upon the author’s
-own observation of the views of the field afforded from the church
-tower of Chlum, and from Von Benedek’s position near Lipa.
-
-[17] For example, the formation of Sedgwick’s division at Antietam,
-Meade’s at Fredericksburg, Pickett’s at Gettysburg, and Sheridan’s at
-Chattanooga.
-
-[18] See the interesting comments of General J. D. Cox on the assaults
-in column at Kenesaw Mountain, p. 129, Vol. IX., (“Atlanta”),
-Scribner’s “Army and Navy in the Civil War.”
-
-[19] The following remarks of Captain F. N. Maude, R. E., on “The
-Tactics of the American War” sustain the views expressed above, and are
-interesting as showing an able English military critic’s appreciation
-of the advanced tactical development of the American armies:
-
-“It is curious to note how little attention has been devoted to the
-study of the fighting of this most bloody of modern wars; and yet it
-would seem that the records of these campaigns fought out to the bitter
-end by men of our own Anglo-Saxon races, would be a far more likely
-source of information, from which to deduce the theory of an attack
-formation specially designed to meet our needs, than the histories
-of struggles between French and Germans, or Russians and Turks. Von
-Moltke is reported to have said that ‘nothing was to be learnt from
-the struggle of two armed mobs.’ If that is really the case, which we
-venture to doubt exceedingly, the great strategist must ere this have
-been sorry he ever spoke, for, armed mobs or not, both Southern and
-Northern troops bore, and bore victoriously, a per centage of loss
-before which even the best disciplined troops in Germany, the Prussian
-Guard Corps, failed to make headway. It is of no relevance to the
-argument to say that the breech-loader was not then in use. When a man
-is hard hit himself, or sees his comrade rolled over, it never enters
-his head to consider whether the hit was scored by muzzle-loader or
-breech-loader; the fact itself, that he or the other man is down, is
-the only one he concerns himself with, and when the percentage of hits
-in a given time rises high enough, the attack collapses equally, no
-matter against what weapon it may be delivered.
-
-“Actually, though the armament was inferior, the per centage of hits
-was frequently far higher than in breech-loading campaigns. There is no
-action on record during recent years in which the losses rose so high,
-and in so short a time, as in the American fights.”
-
-After a brief description of Meagher’s attack at Fredericksburg, and
-Pickett’s charge at Gettysburg, Captain Maude continues:
-
-“Surely, Moltke never spoke of such gallant soldiers as an armed mob,
-seeing that they succeeded in driving an attack home against four
-times the per centage of loss that stopped the Prussian guard at St.
-Privat.... And assuming, for the moment, that the saying attributed to
-him is really true, we cannot help fancying that he must have often
-bitterly regretted it when watching his own men in the manœuvers of
-late years, attacking in what is really, practically the same formation
-which the armed mobs worked out for themselves.
-
-“The points of contrast between ourselves and the Americans are far
-too numerous to be dismissed without comment. They began the war with
-a drill book and system modeled on our own, and they carried it out to
-its conclusion, with only a few modifications of detail, but none of
-principle. The normal prescribed idea of an attack appears to have been
-as follows: A line of scouts, thickened to skirmishers according to the
-requirements of the ground; from 2 to 300 paces in rear, the 1st line,
-two deep, precisely like our own, then in rear a 2d line and reserve.
-Of course, their lines did not advance with the steady precision of our
-old peninsula battalions. Their level of instruction was altogether
-too low, and besides, the extent of fire-swept ground had greatly
-increased. Eye witnesses say that after the first few yards, the line
-practically dissolved itself into a dense line of skirmishers, who
-threw themselves forward generally at a run as far as their momentum
-would carry them; sometimes, if the distance was short, carrying the
-position at the first rush, but more generally the heavy losses brought
-them to a halt and a standing fire fight ensued. They knew nothing of
-Scherff’s great principle, on which the ‘Treffen Abstande’ or distances
-between the lines are based, but they generally worked it out in
-practice pretty successfully. The second line came up in the best order
-they could and carried the wreck of the first on with them; if they
-were stopped, the reserve did the same for them, and either broke too,
-or succeeded.
-
- * * * * *
-
-“It will be seen that except in its being more scientifically put
-together, this German attack is, practically, precisely similar to
-that employed by the Americans, with the sole difference that the
-breech-loader has conferred on the assailants the advantage of being
-able to make a more extended use of their weapons, and has reduced to a
-certain extent the disadvantage of having to halt.
-
- * * * * *
-
-“Had we, in 1871, been thoroughly well informed as to the methods
-employed across the Atlantic, we should have seen at once that the new
-weapons did not necessarily entail any alteration in principle in our
-drill book, and with a little alteration in detail, have attained at
-one bound to a point of efficiency not reached even in Germany till
-several years after the war.”--“_Tactics and Organization_,” by Capt.
-F. N. Maude, R. E., p. 299, _et seq._
-
-[20] See pp. 42 and 78.
-
-[21] In Clery’s “Minor Tactics” occurs the following astonishing
-passage: “The use made of entrenchments by the Turks was not the least
-remarkable feature of the war of 1877. Field works, as aids in defense,
-had been used with advantage in previous wars, but no similar instance
-exists of an impregnable system of earthworks being improvised under
-the very noses of the enemy.” Col. Clery’s book is an evidence of his
-intelligent study and thorough knowledge of European military history;
-yet, as late as 1885, this professor of tactics at the Royal Military
-College at Sandhurst seems not to have heard of Johnston’s works at
-Kenesaw Mountain, or the fortifications constructed at Spottsylvania
-and Petersburg.
-
-[22] May’s “Tactical Retrospect.”
-
-[23] For a description of the American military telegraph, see Grant’s
-Memoirs, Vol. II., p. 205, _et seq._ See also the comments on the
-military telegraph, in Sherman’s Memoirs, Vol. II., p. 398.
-
-
-
-
-APPENDIX I.
-
-THE PRUSSIAN ADVANCE FROM KÖNIGGRÄTZ TO THE DANUBE.
-
-
-The day after the battle of Königgrätz was occupied by the Prussians in
-resting their fatigued troops, and in separating the mingled corps and
-detachments of the different armies. Late in the afternoon the first
-movements in advance began.
-
-The fortresses of Josephstadt and Königgrätz were still in the hands
-of the Austrians. They were well garrisoned, and could only be taken
-by siege. Both were summoned to surrender, and both refused. These
-fortresses were of the greatest importance, as they commanded the line
-of railway on which the Prussians depended for supplies, and controlled
-the passage of the Elbe in the vicinity of the battle field. Strong
-detachments were, therefore, left to mask the fortresses, and on the
-5th of July the Prussian armies marched to Pardubitz and Przelautsch,
-at which points they crossed the Elbe. A division of Landwehr was sent
-to Prague, which city surrendered, without resistance, on the 8th of
-July. The Prussians were thus able to open communications with the rear
-by rail, _via_ Pardubitz, Prague, Turnau and Reichenberg, in spite of
-the fortresses of Theresienstadt, Königgrätz and Josephstadt.
-
-After the battle of Königgrätz all touch with the Austrians had been
-lost, and for three days the Prussians were completely in the dark
-as to the direction taken by the retreating army. On July 6th it was
-learned that Von Benedek, with the greater portion of his army, had
-retreated upon Olmütz.
-
-After the battle two lines of retreat were open to Von Benedek. It was
-desirable to retreat upon Vienna, for the double purpose of protecting
-the city, and effecting a junction with the victorious troops,
-withdrawn from Italy for the defense of the capital.[24] But Vienna
-was 135 miles distant; the army had been heavily defeated; and there
-was danger that a retreat of such a distance would degenerate into a
-demoralized rout. Olmütz was only half as far away; its fortress would
-afford the necessary protection for reorganizing and resting the army;
-and its position on the flank of the Prussians would be a serious
-menace to their communications, in case of their advance on Vienna. Von
-Benedek, therefore, retreated upon Olmütz, sending the Xth Corps by
-rail to Vienna, and the greater part of his cavalry by ordinary roads
-to the same point.
-
-The situation was now favorable to Von Moltke. He had the advantage
-of interior lines, and he did not hesitate to make use of them. Yet
-the problem was by no means devoid of difficulties. The Austrian
-army at Olmütz was still formidable in numbers; the extent of its
-demoralization was not known; the Austrian troops had a high reputation
-for efficiency, and for a capacity to present an undaunted front after
-a defeat; and it was thought possible that Von Benedek might assume
-the offensive. To leave such a formidable army unopposed on his flank
-was not to be thought of; yet it was desirable to reach Vienna before
-the arrival at that city of the troops recalled from Italy, or, at any
-rate, before a considerable army could be concentrated for the defense
-of the capital. A division of the Prussian forces was, therefore,
-necessary. The Army of the Elbe and the First Army were directed upon
-Vienna: the former to move _via_ Iglau and Znaym; the latter, _via_
-Brünn. The Crown Prince was directed upon Olmütz to watch Von Benedek.
-There were three courses open to the Austrian commander: 1. To attack
-the flank of the First Army, between Olmütz and Vienna; 2. To withdraw
-rapidly to the capital; 3. To attack the Crown Prince. In the first
-case, the First Army would be supported by the Army of the Elbe, and
-the combined forces would be able to take care of themselves. In the
-second case, the Crown Prince was to attack the retiring army and
-harass its march. In the third case, the Crown Prince, who, though
-inferior in numbers, was superior in _morale_, might be more than
-a match for the Austrians. In case of defeat, however, he was to
-retreat into Silesia, where he would have the support of the Prussian
-fortresses; while Von Moltke, freed from Von Benedek, could seize the
-Austrian capital and command peace.
-
-On July 7th the cavalry of the Second Army recovered touch with the
-Austrians, and there was some skirmishing with their rear guards.
-
-On July 8th the Austrian government made overtures for an armistice
-of not less than eight weeks, nor more than three months; as a
-condition to which the fortresses of Königgrätz and Josephstadt were
-to be surrendered. The proposition was rejected by the Prussians, who
-continued to advance.
-
-Von Benedek was relieved from the chief command of the Austrian army,
-being superseded by Archduke Albrecht, who had won the victory of
-Custozza over the Italians. Von Benedek retained command, however,
-until the arrival of his army on the Danube. The Austrians were now
-straining every nerve to assemble an army at Vienna. Leaving only one
-corps and one division in Italy, the Archduke’s army had been recalled
-from Venetia, and was proceeding, by rail and by forced marches, to the
-Danube.
-
-On the 11th of July Von Benedek’s army was ordered to Vienna. This
-army, after a continuous retreat of eight days duration, had just
-completed its concentration at Olmütz; but the movement to Vienna
-was begun without delay, the IIId Corps being sent on the day the
-order was received. The withdrawal of the army from Olmütz to Vienna
-was not an easy operation. The railway was, as yet, beyond the reach
-of the Prussians; but the aid that it could lend was not great. It
-was estimated that the withdrawal of the entire army by the single
-line of railway would require a full month. Part of the troops were,
-accordingly, hurried on by rail, and the bulk of the army was ordered
-to march by the valley of the March to Pressburg. This was the most
-direct route, and the one which offered the best roads for marching,
-though by taking this line the Austrian army would expose a flank to
-the attack of the Prussians. Above all things, celerity was necessary,
-in order that the march might be completed without fatal interruption.
-Von Benedek’s army marched in three echelons. The first, composed of
-the IId and IVth Corps, with the greater part of the Saxon cavalry,
-started on the 14th of July. The second, consisting of the VIIIth and
-Ist Corps, left the next day; and the third, made up of the VIth Corps
-and the Saxons, followed on the 16th.
-
-The Austrian cavalry presented a bold front to the Prussian armies
-moving on Vienna, and a sharp action was fought at Tischnowitz, on the
-11th of July, between the cavalry of Frederick Charles’ advanced-guard
-and a division of Austrian lancers, resulting in the defeat of the
-latter. On the 12th Frederick Charles took possession of Brünn without
-resistance. The next day, after some skirmishing with the Austrian
-cavalry, the Army of the Elbe occupied Znaym.
-
-After a rest of two days, the Army of the Elbe and the First Army
-continued their march towards the Danube; the former being directed
-towards Krems, the latter moving _via_ Nikolsburg.
-
-The Austrian troops from Italy began to arrive at Vienna on the 14th
-of July. In the meantime, the Crown Prince, hearing of Von Benedek’s
-withdrawal from Olmütz, directed his march on Prerau, and, on the
-14th, reached Prosnitz, about twelve miles south of Olmütz. The first
-Austrian echelon, marching by the right bank of the March, just escaped
-serious collision with the Crown Prince, the cavalry of the Second
-Army skirmishing with the Saxon cavalry, and becoming engaged with a
-battalion of infantry on the flank of the Austrian IId Corps.
-
-On the following day Von Bonin, with the Ist Corps and Von Hartmann’s
-cavalry division, attacked the second echelon of Von Benedek’s army,
-and defeated it in the actions of Tobitschau and Rokienitz. As a result
-of these actions, the right bank of the March was no longer available
-for the Austrian retreat. Von Benedek had, however, succeeded in
-slipping away from the Crown Prince, though at the expense of losing
-his best and most direct road to Vienna.
-
-Learning that large bodies of Austrians had been seen moving south
-from Olmütz for some days, Von Moltke saw at once that it would
-be impossible to bar Von Benedek’s path with the Second Army, and
-immediately ordered the First Army to Lundenburg. The railway and
-telegraph at Göding were cut by a detachment of Prussian cavalry, on
-the 15th, and Frederick Charles occupied Lundenburg the next day.
-
-This was a severe blow to Von Benedek, for he thus lost his railway
-communication with Vienna, his march by the valley of the March was
-headed by the Prussians, and he was compelled to make a detour by
-crossing the Carpathian mountains and following the valley of the
-Waag. To compensate, as far as possible, for the loss of the shorter
-road, Von Benedek hastened his troops by forced marches. Von Moltke
-did not deem it prudent to send the Second Army after Von Benedek
-into the valley of the Waag, as communication between the Crown Prince
-and Frederick Charles would thus be lost, and it was now desirable to
-concentrate rather than separate. It was accordingly determined to
-push forward with all available troops to the Danube. The Crown Prince
-had already seen the impossibility of thwarting Von Benedek’s retreat,
-and, as early as the 15th, had left the Ist Corps to mask Olmütz, had
-directed the Vth Corps and a cavalry division to follow on the flank
-of Von Benedek, and had pushed forward with the rest of his army upon
-Brünn, where he arrived on the 17th. On the same day the Army of the
-Elbe and the First Army were in the neighborhood of Nikolsburg.
-
-On the 19th the heads of the Prussian armies were within less than two
-days’ march of the Austrian capital, but part of the Prussian forces
-were as far back as Brünn. Von Moltke did not know, to a certainty, how
-much of Von Benedek’s army had been brought back from Olmütz before the
-obstruction of the railway. A large part of it might already be in his
-front; he knew that large bodies of troops had come in from Italy; the
-fortifications of Florisdorf were extensive; and it seemed possible
-that the Austrians might, by a last great effort, have assembled an
-army large enough to enable them to push forward from Florisdorf, to
-deliver battle on the Marchfeld for the defense of their capital.
-With the double object of preparing to attack and being in readiness
-to receive an attack, Von Moltke ordered the Army of the Elbe to
-Wolkersdorf, the First Army to Wagram, and the Second Army in reserve
-at Schönkirchen. The Prussian army was thus concentrated behind the
-Russbach, in position to meet an attack of 150,000 Austrians from
-Florisdorf; to reconnoiter and attack the Florisdorf entrenchments; or
-to leave a corps of observation in front of them and push to the left
-and seize Pressburg. The Second Army, with the exception of the Vth
-Corps, was to be in position to support the other two by the 21st. The
-Vth Corps was to be hurried up as rapidly as possible, in order that
-the entire army might be concentrated for a decisive battle.
-
-The only troops of Von Benedek’s army which had reached Vienna by
-the 20th were the Xth and IIId Corps, part of the Saxons, and four
-cavalry divisions, numbering altogether from 55,000 to 60,000 men. The
-reinforcements from Italy which had arrived at the capital numbered
-about 50,000 men.
-
-Although the occupation of Pressburg was absolutely necessary to secure
-the prompt junction of the divided Austrian armies, that important
-point was held by only a single brigade. As soon as the Austrian IId
-Corps had reached Tyrnau, its leading brigade was pushed forward
-rapidly, in country carts, to reinforce the brigade at Pressburg,
-and the rest of the corps hastened towards the same place by forced
-marches. If Pressburg fell into the hands of the Prussians, the force
-still with Von Benedek, constituting the bulk of his army, would not be
-able to reach Vienna, and form a junction with the Archduke Albrecht,
-except by making a long detour _via_ Komorn, and would probably be
-delayed so long as to be helpless to prevent the capture of the capital.
-
-On the 21st of July the Army of the Elbe and the First Army were in
-position behind the Russbach, and the Second Army was drawing near, its
-two advanced corps being not more than one day’s march distant. The
-situation of the Austrians was critical. Their IId Corps had not yet
-reached Pressburg, and that all-important point was still held by only
-two brigades. The Ist, VIth and VIIIth Corps, and a division of Saxons,
-had gotten no farther than Neustadtl and Trentschin, nearly sixty
-miles from Pressburg. On the same day Von Fransecky, with the Prussian
-IVth Corps and a cavalry division, crossed the March, in the vicinity
-of Marchegg, advancing upon Pressburg. Everything portended to the
-Austrians the loss of that valuable strategic point, and the consequent
-cutting off of Von Benedek from Vienna. The Prussian army, numbering,
-at least, 184,000 men, was concentrated and opposed to an army of not
-more than 110,000 men, at most, at Vienna. The capture of the capital
-seemed certain; and Von Moltke, with his forces augmented to 200,000
-men, by the reinforcements that were pushing on to join him, could then
-turn upon Von Benedek, and give a _coup de grace_ to the last remnant
-of Austria’s military power.
-
-At this junction, however, diplomacy stepped in, and, through the
-mediation of France, a five days’ armistice, as a preliminary to peace,
-was agreed upon; the armistice to go into effect at noon on the 22d of
-July.
-
-[Illustration: VALLEY OF THE MAINE.]
-
-On the 22d Von Fransecky struck the two Austrian brigades at Blumenau,
-just in front of Pressburg. While everything was going in favor
-of the Prussians, and they seemed to be not only on the point of
-defeating the Austrians, but of capturing their entire force, the
-hour of noon arrived; the armistice went into effect, the action was,
-with difficulty, broken off, and, after the sudden termination of the
-battle, both armies bivouacked on the field.
-
-The preliminary terms of peace were signed at Nikolsburg on the 26th
-of July, and definitely ratified at Prague on the 30th of August. The
-orders for the withdrawal of the Prussian armies were issued on the
-25th of August, and the Austrian territory was entirely evacuated by
-them by the 20th of September.
-
-By the terms of the treaty of peace, Venetia was ceded to Italy; the
-old Germanic confederation was dissolved; Schleswig-Holstein became
-the property of Prussia; Austria consented to the formation of a North
-German Confederation, and a union of the South German States, from both
-of which confederations she was to be excluded; and the defeated power
-agreed to pay 40,000,000 Prussian thalers to the victor. From this sum,
-however, 15,000,000 thalers were deducted as the price of the Austrian
-claims to Schleswig-Holstein, and 5,000,000 thalers for the free
-maintenance of the Prussian army in the Austrian provinces from the
-preliminary truce to the final establishment of peace. Peace with the
-German allies of Austria was made at about the same time. As a result
-of the war, Prussia annexed the territories of Hanover, Hesse-Cassel,
-Nassau and the free city of Frankfort. The population of the victorious
-kingdom was increased by 4,285,700 people; and its area, by nearly
-25,000 square miles of land.
-
-FOOTNOTE:
-
-[24] A brief sketch of the operations in Italy is given in Appendix III.
-
-
-
-
-APPENDIX II.
-
-THE CAMPAIGN IN WESTERN GERMANY.
-
-
-The surrender of the Hanoverian army at Langensalza, on June 29, 1866,
-left Von Falckenstein free to operate against the armies of the South
-German States. His army, now designated “The Army of the Maine,”
-numbered 45,000 men and 97 guns.
-
-Opposed to him were the Bavarian Corps, numbering 40,000 men and 136
-guns, and the VIIIth Federal Corps, numbering 46,000 men and 134 guns.
-The former, under the command of Prince Charles of Bavaria, had
-concentrated at Schweinfurt; the latter, under the command of Prince
-Alexander of Hesse, at Frankfort.
-
-Having been informed that the Hanoverians were marching on Fulda,
-Prince Charles began a forward movement, to effect a junction with
-them at that point; but receiving later news to the effect that the
-occupation of Hesse-Cassel had caused the Hanoverians to turn off
-towards Mühlhausen, and that Prussian forces were concentrating at
-Eisenach, he decided to direct his march more to the right, so as to
-be able to operate either by way of Fulda or the Thuringian Forest
-[_Thüringer Wald_], as circumstances might decide. The march of the
-Bavarians was begun on June 22d; but much was wanting to complete their
-organization and equipment, and their progress was so slow that on the
-26th their most advanced division had only reached Neustadt, on the
-Saale, scarcely twenty miles from Schweinfurt.
-
-A prompt union of the separated forces of the allies was of the utmost
-importance. Yet the most precious time was aimlessly wasted, and it
-was not until June 26th that any definite steps were taken towards
-effecting a junction of the Bavarians and the VIIIth Corps. On that day
-Prince Charles and Prince Alexander held a conference, at which it was
-decided to move forward and effect the junction of the two corps at
-Hersfeld, about twenty-one miles north of Fulda. They overlooked the
-important fact that they were twice as far away from the designated
-point as the Prussians were.
-
-Nothing but the most energetic action on the part of the allies could
-overcome the disadvantages of their strategical situation. Yet Prince
-Charles, learning that negotiations were being conducted between
-the Hanoverians and the Prussians, delayed his march, evidently
-losing confidence in the sincerity of his allies, and fearing that a
-surrender of the Hanoverians might leave him to contend alone with
-Von Falckenstein. For three days the Bavarians remained inactive;
-then, hearing of the battle of Langensalza, Prince Charles advanced
-towards Gotha. On June 30th the Bavarians had advanced to Meiningen,
-Schleusingen and Hildburghausen, where they received news of the
-surrender of the Hanoverian army. The VIIIth Corps, in the meantime,
-had continued its march towards Hersfeld.
-
-The march of Prince Charles towards Gotha had been utterly fruitless.
-He had not only failed to assist the Hanoverians, but time had been
-lost, and the direction of his march had carried him away from, instead
-of towards, the VIIIth Corps. The latter corps was now at Friedburg,
-more than 80 miles from Meiningen, and the problem of effecting a
-junction now presented many difficulties. The union of the two corps
-could have been easily and safely effected by falling back to the line
-of the Maine; and this should have been done, though it was feared
-that a retreat, at the beginning of the campaign, and before the enemy
-had been seen, might have an injurious effect on the _morale_ of the
-troops. To effect a junction without falling back would necessitate a
-flank march of more than 80 miles, over difficult mountain roads, in
-the immediate front of the enemy. Such a hazardous movement should not
-have been undertaken except as a last resort.
-
-Nevertheless, Prince Charles decided to form line at Meiningen,
-facing Eisenach, hoping to join the VIIIth Corps _via_ Hilders-Fulda
-and Geisa-Hünfeld, and requesting Prince Alexander to draw towards
-him with all available forces, partly _via_ Hanau-Fulda-Hünfeld, and
-partly by rail from Frankfort to Gemünden, and thence _via_ Hammelburg
-to Kissingen. The commander of the VIIIth Corps consented to move on
-Fulda, but did not see fit to send a force _via_ Kissingen to the
-neighborhood of Schweinfurt, evidently for the military reason that he
-did not wish to divide his force while executing a dangerous movement,
-and for the political reason that the movement urged by Prince Charles,
-while it would cover Bavaria, would expose the territories of the
-contingents which composed the VIIIth Corps. Prince Charles showed a
-disposition to ignore the interests of his allies; Prince Alexander
-exhibited decided insubordination; both commanders displayed a lack of
-military ability; and the want of hearty coöperation between the two
-generals already portended disaster to the allied cause.
-
-On July 1st the Bavarians concentrated at Meiningen, and began their
-march to Fulda. Prince Alexander, marching east, occupied Lauterbach
-and Alsfeld on July 3d. His force had been diminished by detachments
-left on the Lahn, both to cover Frankfort from a possible attack from
-the direction of Cassel, and to protect the flank and rear of the army
-marching towards Fulda.
-
-On July 3d a Bavarian advanced-guard found Dermbach in possession of
-the Prussians, and was driven back with some loss. On the other hand,
-a Prussian detachment was driven out of Wiesenthal. Von Falckenstein
-had advanced from Eisenach on July 1st, and he was now in the immediate
-front of the Bavarians; Von Beyer’s division in and around Geisa; Von
-Goeben’s division at Dermbach, and Von Manteuffel’s division following
-in reserve.
-
-On July 4th one of Von Goeben’s brigades struck a Bavarian division
-at Zella [about 3 miles south of Dermbach], and an indecisive action
-followed. With his other brigade, Von Goeben attacked another Bavarian
-division at Wiesenthal. Encountering considerable resistance, and
-having no immediate supports at hand, Von Goeben gave orders for the
-withdrawal of his troops, after an action of some hours’ duration. At
-the same time the Bavarians retreated, and the field was abandoned by
-both armies.
-
-During this time the other Prussian divisions continued their march on
-Fulda, Von Beyer reaching Hünfeld, near which place his advanced-guard
-had a remarkable combat with the Bavarian reserve cavalry, which had
-been sent from Schweinfurt towards Vacha, to open communications
-with the VIIIth Corps. The Bavarian advanced-guard consisted of two
-regiments of cuirassiers and a detachment of horse artillery. On
-meeting the Prussians the Bavarians opened on them with grape. The
-artillery with Von Beyer’s advanced-guard quickly came into action,
-and opened fire with astonishing results; for the first shot from the
-Prussian guns sent the Bavarians back in a wild panic, the confusion
-being rapidly conveyed from the advanced-guard to the main body,
-until the entire force (consisting of three brigades) broke into a
-headlong stampede. Several regiments retreated as far as Brückenau and
-Hammelburg, and many troopers did not draw rein until they arrived at
-the Maine, many miles from the scene of action. Several days elapsed
-before the cavalry could be rallied at Brückenau. In this case the
-Bavarians could neither plead surprise nor heavy loss. They saw their
-enemy in time to open fire on him first; and their total loss was only
-28 men. Only a few shots, from two guns, were fired by the Prussians
-before the Bavarian cavalry had scampered beyond reach of harm.
-
-The simultaneous retreat of both armies from Wiesenthal reminds one of
-the _fiasco_ at Big Bethel in 1861; and had the Bavarians remained on
-the field at Hünfeld long enough to dot the ground thickly with dead
-and wounded, their action there might be worthy of comparison with that
-of our undisciplined levies at Bull Run.
-
-After the combat at Wiesenthal, Von Falckenstein seems to have felt
-considerable anxiety; for the next day he withdrew Von Goeben through
-Dermbach, recalled Von Beyer to Geisa, and brought up Von Manteuffel
-in close support. This concentration was evidently made with a view to
-fighting a defensive battle; but, on the 6th of July, the Prussians
-discovered that they had won a victory on the 4th, the Bavarians being
-in retreat. Von Falckenstein at once pushed forward towards Fulda.
-
-After the actions of Zella and Wiesenthal Prince Charles saw that
-the intended junction of the separated corps at Fulda could not be
-made, unless he could open the road by defeating the Prussians. This
-now seemed out of the question; and he, consequently, fell back on
-Neustadt, and requested Prince Alexander to open communications with
-him _via_ Brückenau and Kissingen. Prince Alexander, however, does
-not seem to have been over-anxious either to comply with requests or
-to obey orders. On July 5th he had advanced to within seven miles of
-Fulda. Hearing of the Bavarian reverses, he fell back to Schlüchtern,
-where he occupied an exceptionally favorable position at the entrance
-of the Kinzig valley. The ground offered every facility for defense; he
-could offer a stubborn resistance to the advance of Von Falckenstein;
-his line of retreat to Frankfort was secure; and he might either wait
-for the Bavarians to join him, or effect a junction with them on the
-line Hammelburg-Gemünden.
-
-While at Schlüchtern, Prince Alexander learned of the Austrian defeat
-at Königgrätz; and, without considering his allies, his only thought
-seems to have been to gain the line of the Maine, between Hanau and
-Mayence, where he might protect the territories of Southwest Germany.
-How far he was influenced by his own judgment, and how far by the Diet
-at Frankfort, is not known; but he abandoned his strong position at
-Schlüchtern, and fell back to Frankfort, where he was joined by the
-detachments which had been left on the Lahn. Instead of concentrating
-to oppose the Prussians, the allies thus voluntarily widened the gap
-between their forces, and willfully invited destruction.
-
-The Prussians entered Fulda on the 7th of July, and rested there one
-day. From Fulda, Von Falckenstein directed Von Goeben on Brückenau, and
-sent Von Beyer out on the Frankfort road to Schlüchtern, Von Manteuffel
-occupying Fulda. The movement to Schlüchtern was for the double purpose
-of making a feint towards Frankfort, and gaining a separate road
-for the advance of the division. From Schlüchtern Von Beyer marched
-direct to the suburbs of Brückenau. Von Goeben marched through and
-beyond Brückenau, and Von Manteuffel, following, occupied the town.
-The Army of the Maine was now closely concentrated within nine miles
-of the Bavarians, who were extended along the Saale, from Neustadt to
-Hammelburg, occupying a line 22-1/2 miles long.
-
-On July 10th Von Falckenstein directed Von Beyer on Hammelburg and Von
-Goeben on Kissingen. Von Manteuffel was ordered to move on Waldaschach,
-and then to follow Von Goeben. The Bavarians were encountered at
-Hammelburg and Kissingen, and defeated with some loss. Minor actions,
-with similar results, were fought on the same day at Friedrichshall,
-Hausen and Waldaschach, up the river from Kissingen. The Bavarians
-retreated to Schweinfurt and Würzburg, and the passes of the Saale
-remained in the hands of the Prussians.
-
-All military principles now dictated an advance against Schweinfurt,
-for the purpose of giving the Bavarians a crushing defeat, and
-disposing of them altogether. Such a move would, doubtless, have been
-made by Von Falckenstein, had not political considerations been at
-this time paramount. The Prussian victories in Austria rendered it
-probable that peace conferences would soon be held; and, at the request
-of Bismarck, Von Falckenstein was notified that it was of political
-importance to be in actual possession of the country north of the
-Maine, as negotiations would probably soon take place on the _statu
-quo_ basis. Von Falckenstein, therefore, decided to move against the
-VIIIth Corps, for the purpose of clearing the right bank of the Maine
-entirely of the hostile forces.
-
-Prince Alexander, thoroughly alarmed at the condition of affairs,
-now sought to form a junction with the Bavarians at Würzburg, _via_
-Aschaffenburg and Gemünden. As a preliminary to this movement, a
-Hessian brigade was sent to Aschaffenburg, to secure the passage of the
-Maine at that point, and to reconnoiter the Prussians. The contemplated
-movement was hopeless from the start, unless the Bavarians could
-render assistance by advancing to Gemünden; and, after the actions on
-the Saale, they were not in a condition to do so. As it was, Prince
-Alexander was endeavoring to cross the difficult mountain region
-between Aschaffenburg and Gemünden, in the face of a victorious army,
-superior to his own in numbers and _morale_, to effect a junction with
-an ally who was unable to lend him a helping hand. It was the height of
-folly; for the junction could have been easily and safely made south
-of the Maine. True, this would have necessitated the sacrifice of
-Frankfort; but defeat north of the Maine would compel the evacuation of
-the city, and defeat was now practically invited.
-
-Turning away from the Bavarians, Von Falckenstein moved down the
-Maine; Von Goeben in advance, followed by Von Manteuffel, while Von
-Beyer moved, by way of the Kinzig valley, on Hanau. On July 13th the
-Hessian brigade was defeated by Von Goeben at Laufach, and fell back
-on Aschaffenburg, to which place reinforcements were hurried by Prince
-Alexander. On the following day the VIIIth Corps was defeated by Von
-Goeben at Aschaffenburg. The brunt of the battle was borne by an
-Austrian brigade attached to the Federal Corps; but few troops of the
-Hessian contingents being engaged, and the Würtemberg and Baden troops
-arriving too late. Had Prince Alexander concentrated his entire force
-at Aschaffenburg, the result might have been bad for the Prussians, for
-their march was so unskillfully conducted that Von Goeben was without
-support; the other detachments of Von Falckenstein’s army being more
-than thirty miles in rear. The Prussians did not pursue the enemy, but
-contented themselves with remaining in possession of the field.
-
-Prince Alexander was now convinced of the impossibility of effecting
-a junction at Würzburg _via_ Aschaffenburg. He accordingly abandoned
-the line of the Lower Maine and concentrated his force at Dieburg.
-Frankfort was thus left defenseless, and the remnants of the German
-Diet fled to Augsburg. Prince Charles now proposed a junction of the
-allies in the vicinity of Würzburg, the VIIIth Corps to move _via_
-Miltenberg and Tauberbischofsheim, and the concentration to be effected
-on the 20th of July. This movement necessitated a march of some ninety
-miles for the VIIIth Corps, and the uncovering of Southwest Germany,
-while the Bavarians had to march only a few miles, and continued
-to cover their own territories; but the imminent danger which now
-threatened the VIIIth Corps caused Prince Alexander to forget local
-and personal jealousies, and strive to effect the junction which the
-military situation imperatively demanded.
-
-On the 16th of July the Prussians entered Frankfort, where they
-remained until the 21st: Von Goeben’s division occupying the city,
-Von Beyer’s division being stationed at Hanau, and Von Manteuffel’s
-division holding Aschaffenburg. The entire region north of the Maine
-was in the possession of the Prussians. Frankfort had been especially
-antagonistic to Prussia, and it now felt the full force of the severity
-of the conquerors. Von Falckenstein levied a contribution of $3,000,000
-on the city, and soon followed this heavy exaction by a demand for
-a second enormous contribution of $10,000,000. The King of Prussia,
-however, remitted the second contribution after hearing the appeal and
-protest of the citizens.
-
-On the 16th of July Von Falckenstein was relieved from the command of
-the Army of the Maine, and appointed military governor of Bohemia.
-He was succeeded by Von Manteuffel, whose division was placed under
-command of Von Flies. Reinforcements now raised the Army of the Maine
-to a strength of 50,000 men and 121 guns.
-
-The capture of Frankfort and the possession of the country north of
-the Maine had been obtained at the sacrifice of the great strategic
-advantage enjoyed by the Prussians. It was no longer possible to
-prevent the concentration of the VIIIth Corps and the Bavarians, and on
-the 22d of July this junction was completed; the former corps holding
-the line of the Tauber, and the latter occupying a position between
-that river and Würzburg.
-
-Although the allied forces now numbered 80,000 men and 286 guns, Von
-Manteuffel decided to move against them from Frankfort. The advantage
-of the allies was in numbers alone; in _morale_, and in the strategic
-situation, the advantage was with the Prussians. Von Manteuffel now
-had a line of communication through Frankfort and Cassel. Though he
-could no longer keep the allies asunder, he could, by marching to the
-Tauber, compel them to “form front to a flank,” while his own front
-securely covered his communications. His communications could be
-intercepted only by a movement of the allies north of the Maine, which
-would reciprocally expose their own.
-
-The allies had hardly effected their junction, when a want of harmony
-in the views of their commanders again became evident. An offensive
-movement against the Prussians was agreed upon; but Prince Charles
-wished to move by the left bank of the Maine on Frankfort, while Prince
-Alexander preferred a movement by the right bank on Aschaffenburg. The
-former was, doubtless, the better move--at all events it was the safer;
-for the allies would have covered their communications better, and a
-junction might, perhaps, have been effected with the large garrison
-of Mayence--but, after two days of discussion and deliberation, the
-latter movement was agreed upon. In the meantime, while the allies were
-deliberating, Von Manteuffel was acting; and he was now moving rapidly
-towards the Tauber.
-
-On July 23d the Prussians touched the enemy. A slight and indecisive
-action was fought by a Prussian advanced-guard with the Baden division
-at Hundheim, and the advanced troops of the VIIIth Corps were pressed
-back along their whole line. While the Prussians were thus closing
-upon the Federal Corps, the Bavarians began the contemplated movement
-by the right bank of the Maine; one division being sent by rail to
-Gemünden, another to Lohr (on the right bank, farther down), and part
-of a third to Wertheim. Thus the junction of the allies, which had
-been effected with such difficulty, was voluntarily broken at the very
-moment of contact with the enemy. The line of the allied forces, on the
-evening of July 23d, was 36 miles in extent; while Von Manteuffel’s
-army was closely concentrated in their immediate front. Prince
-Alexander, finding himself beyond the immediate assistance of the
-Bavarians, withdrew all his detachments behind the Tauber, where his
-corps was spread over a space seven miles in breadth and nine in depth,
-in a country full of deep ravines, which rendered prompt movements,
-especially of cavalry and artillery, quite out of the question.
-
-On the 24th Von Goeben defeated the Würtembergers at
-Tauberbischofsheim, and the Baden division at Werbach. The retreat
-of the Baden troops uncovered Prince Alexander’s right flank, and
-there was now imminent danger of the Prussians again pushing in and
-separating the VIIIth Corps from the Bavarians. Prince Alexander,
-therefore, fell back to Gerchsheim, and the Bavarians withdrew to
-Helmstadt. Prince Charles ordered the VIIIth Corps back to the line of
-the Tauber, though the Bavarians could render no immediate assistance.
-Prince Alexander, doubtless appreciating the folly of attempting,
-without reinforcements, to dislodge the victorious Prussians from a
-position which he had been unable to hold against them, seems to have
-paid no attention to the order, for he proceeded at once to concentrate
-his scattered divisions at Gerchsheim.
-
-On July 25th Von Goeben formed the right of the Prussian line, Von
-Beyer the center and Von Flies the left. Von Goeben was to attack the
-VIIIth Corps in front, while Von Beyer turned its right and cut it off
-from Würzburg. Von Flies was to keep his division concentrated on the
-left; for nothing was known of the whereabouts of the Bavarians, and it
-was surmised that they might be somewhere in that direction.
-
-Von Beyer, moving against the VIIIth Corps, unexpectedly encountered a
-Bavarian division at Helmstadt, and defeated it, after an engagement
-which lasted some hours. While the Prussians were resting on the field,
-after the action, a second Bavarian division suddenly appeared on the
-crest of a hill in the rear of Von Beyer’s left wing. So completely
-was Von Beyer without information as to the position of the Bavarians,
-that he was in doubt whether these troops were friend or foe. The
-Bavarians were in a similar quandary. In fact, they had accidentally
-stumbled upon the Prussians, and the surprise was mutual. As soon as
-he discovered that he was in the presence of a hostile force, Von
-Beyer executed a change of front to the left, and succeeded in gaining
-another victory.
-
-While Von Beyer was engaged with the Bavarians, Von Goeben was battling
-with the VIIIth Corps at Gerchsheim. Prince Alexander was again
-defeated, and driven in rout on Würzburg.
-
-The night after these actions Prince Charles held a council of war, and
-finally decided to attack Von Flies, who, having advanced, was now
-on the Prussian left. Learning, however, that his own left had been
-uncovered by the defeat of the VIIIth Corps, the Bavarian commander
-resolved to stand on the defensive on the plateau of Waldbüttelbrünn
-(in rear of Rossbrünn[25]), and ordered Prince Alexander to take up a
-position immediately in front of Würzburg, to cover the retreat of the
-army across the Maine, should such a movement be necessary.
-
-About 3 o’clock on the morning of July 26th, a simultaneous attempt
-of the Bavarians and Von Flies to occupy some commanding ground which
-lay between the outposts, brought on an action at Rossbrünn. While Von
-Flies was engaged with the Bavarians, Von Beyer struck them heavily on
-the flank, and by 10 o’clock the Bavarians were in full retreat. The
-Prussians did not attempt a pursuit, and by 1 o’clock, P. M., Prince
-Charles had rallied and concentrated his corps on the plateau of
-Waldbüttelbrünn. In the meantime the VIIIth Corps had crossed the Maine.
-
-The position of the Bavarians was now full of peril. Their allies
-had been defeated, and were glad to place a river between themselves
-and the Prussians. The Bavarians were, consequently, alone on the
-left bank of the Maine; their losses had been considerable; their
-_morale_ was shattered; their retreat across the defiles of the Maine
-was insecure; and a defeat in their present position meant absolute
-ruin. The Prussian Official History says: “A renewed attack on the
-part of the Prussian main forces would necessarily have forced it
-[the Bavarian Corps] to a struggle for life or death. The political
-situation of affairs showed no reason for bringing on so desperate a
-combat. The only object henceforth was to occupy as much territory of
-the allies as possible, in order to facilitate peace negotiations with
-them, and maneuvering against the enemy’s left flank would oblige him
-to retreat without any hard struggle.” This apology for a failure to
-complete the defeat of a shattered and unsupported hostile force seems
-somewhat disingenuous. A complete defeat and surrender of the Bavarians
-would have been quickly followed by the capture or dispersion of the
-VIIIth Corps, and the entire South-German territory would have been
-at the mercy of the Prussians. Certainly such a condition of affairs
-would have “facilitated peace negotiations” by rendering further
-resistance hopeless. Moreover, the same history states that the retreat
-of the VIIIth Corps behind the Maine was not known at the Prussian
-headquarters; and it seems probable that inefficient performance of
-outpost and reconnoissance duties on the part of the Prussians, rather
-than any considerations of politics or magnanimity, saved the Bavarians
-from destruction. Late in the day, Prince Charles withdrew across the
-Maine.
-
-On July 27th the Prussians moved on Würzburg. Their artillery exchanged
-shots with the citadel of Marienberg (on the left bank of the Maine,
-opposite Würzburg), and succeeded in setting fire to the arsenal, but
-withdrew without effecting anything of moment.
-
-The contending armies now faced each other, each in an almost
-impregnable position. The situation was, however, altogether in
-favor of the Prussians. Their communications were secure, while
-the communications of the allies with Hesse, Baden and Würtemburg
-were intercepted, and those with Bavaria were endangered, by the
-position of the Army of the Maine. Moreover, the Prussian IId Reserve
-Corps had moved from Saxony _via_ Leipsic, Plauen and Hof, and was
-now approaching Baireuth. In the language of the Prussian Official
-History: “The position of the Bavarian army at Würzburg had now become
-untenable. It could only extricate itself from its present position
-either by assuming the offensive against the Prussian army--which was
-scarcely possible at this point--or by a retrograde movement up the
-Maine, so as to face the army to the north and re-establish its base on
-the Bavarian territory in its rear.”
-
-But the bitterness of extreme defeat was not pushed home to the allies;
-for on July 28th news of the peace preliminaries between Prussia
-and Austria, and of an armistice with Bavaria, was received. Though
-the truce with Bavaria was not to go into effect until August 2d,
-hostilities were suspended, the only movement of importance being the
-occupation of Nuremberg by the Prussian IId Reserve Corps.
-
-Peace was concluded on August 13th with Würtemberg, on the 17th with
-Baden, and on the 22d with Bavaria.
-
-It is hardly possible to contemplate the operations of the armies
-in Western Germany, in 1866, with any feeling of admiration. In the
-strategical operations of Von Falckenstein and Von Manteuffel are
-found the only redeeming features of the campaign. Von Falckenstein
-especially, in pushing in between the two armies of the allies, and
-defeating them in succession, displayed generalship of no mean order;
-but the want of harmony between the allied leaders removed every
-obstacle from the path of Prussian success. The Prussians seem to
-have been often completely in the dark as to the designs, and even
-in regard to the positions, of the allies. We find the Army of the
-Maine waiting, in a defensive position, nearly two days, in ignorance
-of its own victory at Wiesenthal. We find the Prussians winning a
-victory at Aschaffenburg, when their own unskillful march invited a
-defeat, and their success was due solely to the greater blunders of
-their opponents. Before, and even during, the battle of Helmstadt the
-Prussians seem to have been in complete ignorance of the position and
-movements of Prince Charles, and Von Beyer’s escape from disaster
-when surprised by the Bavarians, was due solely to the fact that
-the surprise was accidental and mutual. Advanced-guard, outpost and
-reconnoissance duties seem to have been performed with the grossest
-inefficiency. In almost every action the Prussians seem to have been
-unaware of the extent of their victory, or to have shown an incapacity
-to organize a pursuit. Gneisenau and his famous order to “pursue to
-the last breath of horse and man” seem to have been forgotten in the
-Army of the Maine; and we find Prince Charles, after the battle of
-Rossbrünn, quietly slipping back, without molestation, to an almost
-impregnable position, when a simple frontal attack by the Prussians
-would have completed the discomfiture and insured the destruction of
-the Bavarian army.
-
-As to the allies, every adverse criticism that can be made on their
-opponents, applies to them in a still higher degree. Their leaders
-rarely rose to the level of respectable mediocrity. The junction of
-the allied corps, which was imperative from the first, was made only
-when they were practically herded together by the movements of the
-Prussians. As soon as they had been forced into the long-desired
-junction, they voluntarily undertook an ill-advised movement which
-separated them again, at the very moment of their contact with the
-enemy. Incapacity and jealousy were characteristics of both the
-allied commanders; and to these defects Prince Alexander added the
-greater fault of insubordination. It would be hard to find among the
-improvised “political generals” who appeared on the stage of war in the
-earlier part of the American conflict, a single one who possessed in
-a greater degree than Prince Charles or Prince Alexander a genius for
-blundering--an eminent capacity for invariably doing the wrong thing.
-It may be said of the two generals of the allied armies, that their
-operations afford a fine demonstration of the principles of war by the
-method of _reductio ad absurdum_.
-
-FOOTNOTE:
-
-[25] Rossbrünn is not marked on the map. It is about 7 miles due west
-of Würzburg.
-
-
-
-
-APPENDIX III.
-
-THE OPERATIONS IN ITALY.
-
-
-Only a brief mention of the operations in Italy is here necessary.
-On the night of the 23d of June, 1866, the Italian army crossed the
-Mincio, and encountered the Austrians at Custozza on the next day.
-The Italian army, numbering about 120,000 men, was under the nominal
-command of King Victor Emmanuel, the real commander being General La
-Marmora. The Austrians, numbering about 72,000, were commanded by
-Archduke Albrecht. The battle resulted in the defeat of the Italians,
-who withdrew across the Mincio. The Austrian commander remained on the
-defensive.
-
-Garibaldi, with about 6,000 volunteers, invaded the Tyrol, but was
-defeated in two small actions. Though he finally succeeded in gaining a
-foothold on Austrian soil, his operations were of no importance.
-
-On the 20th of July the Austrian fleet, under Tegethoff, defeated the
-Italian fleet in the great naval battle of Lissa, in which the Italians
-lost three iron clads.
-
-Immediately after the battle of Königgrätz, Venetia was offered by
-Austria to the French Emperor, and the Vth and IXth Corps were recalled
-to the Danube. The Italians, under the command of Cialdini, again
-advanced, and the Austrians (now numbering scarcely 30,000) fell
-back to the neighborhood of Venice. On the 25th of July all military
-operations were stopped by the conclusion of an armistice.
-
-The Italians had everywhere suffered defeat. Yet their alliance was of
-the utmost advantage to Prussia; for they neutralized three army corps,
-which would have been of priceless value to the Austrians in Bohemia.
-
-
-
-
-BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE.
-
-
-In the preparation of this work the following books have been consulted:
-
-“The Campaign of 1866 in Germany,” by the Prussian Staff.
-
-Hozier’s “Seven Weeks’ War.”
-
-Derrécagaix’s “_La Guerre Moderne_.”
-
-Adams’ “Great Campaigns in Europe.”
-
-Lewis’ “History of Germany.”
-
-Jomini’s “Art of War.”
-
-Hamley’s “Operations of War.”
-
-Von der Goltz’s “The Nation in Arms.”
-
-Chesney’s “Essays in Military Biography.”
-
-Brackenbury’s “Field Works.”
-
-Home’s “_Précis_ of Modern Tactics.”
-
-Clery’s “Minor Tactics.”
-
-Maude’s “Tactics and Organization.”
-
-Prince Hohenlohe’s “Letters on Cavalry.”
-
-Prince Hohenlohe’s “Letters on Artillery.”
-
-Trench’s “Cavalry in Modern War.”
-
-Scribner’s “Army and Navy in the Civil War.”
-
-“Battles and Leaders of the Civil War.”
-
-Swinton’s “Army of the Potomac.”
-
-Memoirs of Gen. U. S. Grant.
-
-Memoirs of Gen. W. T. Sherman.
-
-Capt. F. V. Greene’s Essay on “The Important Improvements in the Art of
-War, etc.”
-
-Capt. J. R. Lumly’s Essay on “Mounted Riflemen.”
-
-The quotations from Baron Stoffel and Capt. May are taken from Home’s
-“_Précis_ of Modern Tactics.”
-
- * * * * *
-
-Transcriber’s Notes:
-
-Footnotes have been moved to the end of each chapter or appendix and
-relabeled consecutively through the document.
-
-Illustrations have been moved to paragraph breaks near where they are
-mentioned.
-
-Figure No. 2 comes before figure No. 1 in the text.
-
-Punctuation has been made consistent.
-
-Variations in spelling and hyphenation were retained as they appear in
-the original publication, except that obvious typos have been corrected.
-
-Changes have been made as follows:
-
-p. 45: Aulubitz changed to Aulibitz (to Aulibitz and)
-
-p. 105: Shönkirchen changed to Schönkirchen (at Schönkirchen. The)
-
-
-
-
-
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